The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 9781472548733, 9781441127884

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For my wife Rekha Sarker Bennett, BA (Dhaka), MSc (Oxford Brooks), Dip.Ed. (Birmingham), Grad. Dip. Psychol. (Wolverhampton), PQSW, MBPsS.

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Contributors Mashhad Al-Allaf is currently an Associate Professor of Philosophy, Islamic Studies, and Engineering Ethics at the Petroleum Institute, United Arab Emirates, and a Research Fellow at Cambridge University, United Kingdom. He received his PhD in Philosophy of Science and Metaphysics (1995) from the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. His Master’s degree in Philosophy of Science (1985) and Bachelor’s degree in Philosophy (1981) were awarded by Baghdad University. Between 1999 and 2008, Dr Al-Allaf taught at Universities in the United States of America, including Washington, St. Louis, and Webster Universities in St. Louis, MO and Toledo University, OH where he was chair of Islamic Studies (2006–8). He is the author of several books, including The Basic Ideas and Institutions of Islam (2008), Locke’s Philosophy of Science and Metaphysics (2007), and The Essential Ideas of Islamic Philosophy (2006) all published by Edwin Mellen (Lewiston, NY). He is coauthor of Islamic Philosophy of Science and Logic (Dear Park, NY: Linus, 2010) with Nicholas Rescher, and The Beginning of Guidance (Santa Barbara, CA: White Thread Press, 2010) with Abdur-Rahman Ibn Yusuf. His research focuses on Integrative Studies and Multiculturalism, Ethical Theories and Applications, Islamic Theory of Science, and Medieval Islamic Sciences and the West. Elliott Bazzano is currently undertaking field work in Morrocco. He taught Religious Studies at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville (2011–12). He received his BA in Religious Studies from Humboldt State University, CA in 2005 and his MA in Religion and Islamic Studies from Duke, NC in 2006. He has spent time studying Arabic in Morocco, Yemen, Egypt, and Syria. Interests range from Qurʾānic exegesis and Sufism to Islam in America, issues surrounding identity and pluralism to methodology and pedagogy in Religious Studies. He has contributted articles to the Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History and the Encyclopedia of Global Religion. Papers presented at academic proceedings include The Shadhdhuliyyah Sufi Order in America: Liminality, Innovation and Tradition (AAR Western Region meeting, 2008), Spiritual Healing, Sufism and America: A Case Study (Yale’s Criticial Islamic Reflections Conference, 2008), and Moses and Khidr in the Imagination of Ibn al-‘Arabi: The Fusus al-Hikam as Qur’anic Exegesis (AAR annual meeting, 2011) His doctoral research at University of California, Santa Barbara, explores Ibn Taymiyya’s theory of Qurʾānic exegesis through his Treatise on the Principles of Qur’anic Interpretation in addition to exegetical material found in his other works and his critiques of such intellectual

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opponents as Ibn al-‘Arabi. Clinton Bennett divides his teaching between SUNY New Paltz, Marist College, Poughkeepsie, NY, and Cambridge, United Kingdom. He completed his Birmingham University MA in 1985, his PhD in 1989, both in Islamic Studies. A Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society and the Royal Anthropological Institute, he also received the MEd from Oxford and a BA in Theology from Manchester, where he trained for ordination. A Baptist missionary in Bangladesh from 1979 to 1982, he maintains close personal and professional ties with South Asia. Director of interfaith relations for the British Council of Churches (1986–92), he has served on not-for-profit management committees, local, national, and international ecumenical agencies, chaired a school governing body, and represented an NGO at the UN. Previous teaching posts include subject leader for Religious Studies, Westminster College, Oxford (1992–8) and associate professor, Islam and South Asian Studies, Baylor University, TX (1998–2001). Special interests include postcolonial theory and literature, use of film and literature in teaching, issues surrounding objectivity and subjectivity in religious studies, religion’s role in conflict resolution, contemporary Muslim thought, identity, and belonging in multicultural contexts. He has written ten books, numerous articles, reviews, chapters, editorials, and encyclopedia and dictionary entries. He is editor of the Continuum Studying World Religions series. His home page is www.clintonbennett.net and his email is [email protected]. Arthur F. Buehler spent five years studying in the Arab world, including teaching for the British Council in Yemen for three years, before doing graduate work under the tutelage of Annemarie Schimmel. His Harvard University PhD thesis was Charisma and Exemplar: Naqshbandi Spiritual Authority in the Panjab, 1857– 1947 (1993). He wrote Sufi Heirs of the Prophet (1998) after three years of fieldwork in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. His third book, a selected translation of the collected Persian letters of Ahmad Sirhindi will be published in 2012 (Paulist Press). He is presently a senior lecturer at Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand and an editor of the Journal of the History of Sufism (Paris/Istanbul). His current project is to write an introduction to Sufism that speaks directly to a general twenty-first-century audience including Sufi practitioners, to be published by I. B. Tauris. Maria Curtis is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology and Cross-Cultural Studies at the University of Houston, Clear Lake. She is interested broadly speaking in the topics of gender and Islam, and Muslim imaginaries and examines identity building in the public sphere through festivals, music, media, and food. She has written on women’s spirituality, performance, and globalization in Morocco, as well as Turkish and Turkish-American women’s experiences in interfaith based community projects. She has also focused on issues of

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discrimination in the American Muslim context and how they have responded in creative ways, and she has worked on interfaith initiatives since the late 1990s. Maria Curtis has a strong interest in pedagogical and epistemological questions regarding teaching on the Muslim world and Islam since 9/11, and has organized interfaith-based trips to Turkey for undergraduate and graduate students that employ alternative concepts of experiential learning. Jaclynne J. Kerner is assistant professor of art history at the State University of New York at New Paltz, where she teaches courses on the art and architecture of the Islamic world and medieval Europe. Her doctoral research at New York University was directed by Priscilla Soucek. She also received her BA and MA from NYU. She has held fellowships at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. She is interested in text-image relationships in illustrated Arabic manuscripts, the Classical heritage in Islamic art, and crosscultural contact and artistic exchange between Europe and the Islamic sphere during the Middle Ages. Her publications include “Art in the Name of Science: The Kitāb al-Diryāq in Text and Image” in Arab Painting: Text and Image in Illustrated Arabic Manuscripts, edited by Anna Contadina (Leiden: E. J Brill, 2007, 25–40) originally a School of Oriental and African Studies’ conference paper, and an article on a tirāz (inscribed textile) from the reign of the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Muqtadir (r. 908–32) in Artibus Asiae 67:1 (2007), 13–24. She was assistant editor of a Festschrift for Priscilla Soucek (Artibus Asiae 66). She also collated maps and illustrations and compiled the glossary and bibliography for Islamic art and architecture 650–1250 by Richard Ettinghausen, et al. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001). Her ongoing research focuses on an Arabic herbal manuscript in the collection of the Osler Library of the History of Medicine at McGill University. Dr Kerner and Dr Clinton Bennett both serve on the committee of SUNY New Paltz’s Center for Middle Eastern Dialogue (www.newpaltz. edu/collegelas/middle_east_dialogue.html). Aisha Musa is currently assistant professor of Islamic Studies in the Department of Religion at Colgate University. She is the author of Hadith as Scripture: Discussions on the Authority of Prophetic Traditions in Islam (Palgrave, 2008), which explores the development of the doctrine of duality of revelation and issues surrounding the relative authority of the Qurʾān and the Prophetic Traditions. This work includes the first English translation of al-Shafi’i’s Kitab Jima’ al ‘ilm, one of the most important early texts dealing with the authority of Prophetic Traditions. Previously on the Faculty of Florida International University, she has authored encyclopedia entries, book chapters, and journal articles. Harvard University awarded Dr Musa’s PhD for research on early and contemporary Muslim attitudes toward Hadith in 2004. She also graduated BA (1990) and MA (1992) from Portland State University, Oregon.

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Andrew Rippin is Professor of History and former (2000–10) Dean of the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Victoria. He received his BA from Toronto in 1974, his MA (1977) and PhD (1981) from McGill. His dissertation was on the Qurʾānic “occasions of revelation” material. From 1980 to 2000 he taught at Calgary, Alberta. His research into the formative period of Islamic civilization in the Arab world, as well as the history of the Qurʾān and its interpretation, has resulted in numerous publications, a selection of which are collected in his book The Qur’an and its Interpretative Tradition published in 2001. His Muslims, their Religious Beliefs and Practices, first published in two volumes in 1990 and 1993, is now combined into a single volume in its fourth edition, published in August of 2011 by Routledge. He also edits the Routledge Studies in the Qurʾān Series. Edited volumes include the 2004 edition of John Wansbrough’s Quranic Studies (Prometheus), the Blackwell Companion to the Qur’an (2006), Defining Islam (2007), The Islamic World (2008), and Islam in the Eyes of the West (2010). He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada in 2006. William Shepard received his PhD degree in the Comparative Study of Religion from Harvard in 1973. His thesis dealt with Ahmad Amin (1886– 1954), the Egyptian scholar and thinker. He taught at Cornell College in Iowa from 1971 to 1978 and at the University of Canterbury in Christchurch, New Zealand from 1978 until his retirement in 1999. His research focused on the ideological dimensions of modern Islam, with particular attention to the writings of Sayyid Qutb, and also on concepts such as “fundamentalism” and “Islamism.” He has written about Muslims in New Zealand. Books Published by him are The Faith of a Modern Muslim Intellectual: The Religious Aspects and Implications of the Writings of Ahmad Amin (Indian Institute of Islamic Studies, l982), Sayyid Qutb and Islamic Activism: A Translation and Critical Analysis of “Social Justice in Islam” (Brill, 1996), A translation with John Calvert of Sayyid Qutb, A Child from the Village (Syracuse University Press, 2004). Dr Shepard’s most recent book is a textbook on Islam, Introducing Islam (Routledge, 2009; and in e-book form, “Islam—The eBook,” JBE Online Books, 2010). He has published articles and book reviews in academic journals and also in more popular media. Syed Rizwan Zamir is assistant professor of religion at Davidson College, NC where he teaches courses in Islamic studies. Born and raised in Pakistan, he received BA in philosophy and economics from the University of Punjab (1999), another BA in philosophy and religion from James Madison University (2003), and a PhD in religious studies from the University of Virginia (2011). His dissertation focused on South Asian Shī‘ism and the religious thought of

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a major contemporary Indian Shī‘ite religious scholar and leader, Ayatullah ‘Ali Naqi Naqvi (d. 1988). Actively engaged in inter-religious dialogue through inter-faith groups such as Society of Scriptural Reasoning he is the author of “Descartes and Al-Ghazali: Doubt, Certitude and Light” in Islamic Studies 49:2 (2011), 219–51 and peer-reviewed journal article “Tafsir al-Qur’an bi’l Qur’an: The Hermeneutics of Imitation and Adab in ‘Ibn ‘Arabi’s Qur’anic Exegesis” (Islamic Studies, forthcoming) and numerous book reviews.

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Acknowledgments First, I am grateful to Kirsty Schaper, formerly of Continuum, for commisisoning this book and to my current editor, Lalle Pursglove for enthusiastically continuing to supervise the project. Other colleagues at Continuum, now a Bloomsbury imprint, merit appreciation, especially Rachel Eisenhauer. This is my tenth Continuum title; as this idea becomes a book, the company once again deserves thanks for publishing another text associated with myself! No few colleagues deserve acknowledment for offering advice and information during this project. I used the listserv of the American Academy of Religion’s Islam section to seek advice on many issues, and cannot credit everyone who responded. However, these include, current co-chair Kecia Ali, first chair Frederick M Denny, former co-chair Omid Safi, Juliane Hammer, Imtiyaz Yusuf, and former steering committee member Marcia Hermansen. At proposal stage, Ron Geaves made several suggestions that were incorporated into the project’s design, for which I am grateful. I am indebted to Akbar Ahmed, Tugrul Keskin, Gerald van Gelder, Sigvard von Sicard, William Graham, and Louis W. Goodman for responding to specific queries or requests for information. I also benefited from conversations about this project at the AAR 2009 annual meeting in Montreal, Canada, with Kecia Ali, Carl Ernst, and others. Kecia suggested that instead of discussing gender in a separate chapter, gendered aspects of Islam should be explored in every section. I adopted this strategy. If gender is dealt with as a discreet field, gendered aspects can be swept aside or ignored elsewhere. I also used the listserv to invite expressions of interest in contributing to this book. Contributors, all of whom brought specialist skills and impressive curricula vitæ to the project, were recruited by a variety of methods; some through the AAR, some by personal contact, others because I was aware of their reputations in their fields. What resulted was a cosmopolitan, multi-disciplinary team representing the leading edge of the field as diverse, collaborative, and international. The team includes women and men, Muslim and non-Muslim scholars from several continents; all members made invaluable contributions toward turning what originated as a proposal into a finished work. Arthur F. Buehler and I collaborated on an earlier project. Mashhad Al-Allaf and I both currently have affiliations with Cambridge University; we found ourselves in the same room there during Summer 2011, having aleady signed up for this project. Jaclynne J. Kerner and I work together at SUNY New Paltz through the Center for Middle Eastern Dialogue.

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Every effort was made during production to standardize diacritics, transliteration, and spelling. However, technology presents challenges that are not easy to solve; different versions of Word scramble diacritics when files are transferred, especially when sent electronically across cyberspace, inevitable in a volume of this type. When “Manchester” or “Marburg,” for example, appears in the text, unless obviously referring to a city, these are universities (that is, the University of Manchester, not any other school located in that city). Contributors were given a large degree of freedom in how they tackled their areas; some chose to write overviews of the field; some focused more on issues that postgraduate students will need to address. Some use footnotes, others only use in-text citation. Some make their presence known within their chapter; some do not. Internet addresses were correct at the time of writing. Some internet sources are cited only in footnotes; those from published material are also listed in the Bibliogrpahy. On the one hand, very specific ideas for research in this book might date. Once taken up and explored, they may become less leading-edge than they were. On the other hand, much content in what follows is likely to remain relevant for quite a long time. One strength of this book is that it takes a broad approach to Islamic Studies, which it resists restricting to “religious aspects” or to Religious Studies. However, it similarly refuses to reduce Islam to nonreligious aspects. Sections that trace the origin, development, agendas, and methodologies of what we now call “Islamic Studies” are perhaps the most comprehensive yet attempted. Finally, I want to acknowledge the moral support of my family. Clinton Bennett Department of Philosophy SUNY New Paltz, NY March 19, 2012.

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I

Introduction Clinton Bennett

Section One: How to Use this Book Guidance on the book’s structure and suggested thematic pathways Though intended as a companion to graduate level work on Islam, readers are likely to approach Islam or an Islam-related topic from a variety of backgrounds. Some will be interested in research for which Arabic or another language spoken by a large Muslim community is necessary; they will either speak the language or be interested in acquiring it. Several sections below discuss issues surrounding language acquisition and Islamic Studies; for example, Research Methods and Chapter One. The New Directions section shares ideas about research for which a high degree of competency in Arabic is not a prerequisite. Most students, though, will want to acquire some proficiency in Islam’s sacred language which at least 20% of Muslims also speak. Obviously, important primary sources are written in Arabic; Indonesian, Farsi, Urdu, and Bengali are also useful. Students with a clear focus, topic, or even an approved thesis title might proceed directly to a relevant chapter, such as those on the Qurʾān ḥadīth, fiqh, or Sufi Islam. The A–Z index of terms should be consulted for more explanations of technical terms used in the book. Since a book of this size cannot cover everything, Resources lists encyclopedias and specialist compendia for further reference. The Encyclopedia of Islam is widely used to standardize diacritics and transliterations. Key texts in each area covered, as well as journals and internet sites, are also listed. While gender is not discussed in a discreet chapter, relevant texts are included; the idea was for gender issues to be considered when appropriate throughout the book. The Introduction and Chronology trace Islamic Studies’ development within the Western academy; this is distinct from Islam’s own tradition of scholarship, which aims to strengthen faith in Muslim hearts. However, as Bazzano points out, the presence of Muslim scholars in the Western academy, who write for Muslims as well as for their peers, blurs the distinction between so-called objective and religiously neutral Islamic Studies that do not assume or require faith and Muslim study of Islam, which 1

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assumes that students and teachers profess Islamic faith. This raises the question of whether “a Muslim Study of Islam” and academic “Islamic Studies” will “develop separately in a kind of basic dichotomy or whether there will be some kind of mutual recognition” (Waardenburg 2007, 130–1). Muslims run a number of academic institutions that operate within European and North American systems of accreditation and validation, too. This book sees Islamic Studies as multidisciplinary and poly-methodological, although individual scholars may primarily operate within a single discipline. Islamic Studies includes all those for whom an aspect of Islam is a major focus. Many—for example, anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, and Religious Studies specialists—maintain neutrality vis-à-vis God’s existence or Islam’s “truthfulness” as a religion. However, Christian theologians continue to study Islam, sometimes from within prestigious schools such as Oxford and Harvard, as well as from faith-based seminaries and theological institutions. Some of these scholars make important contributions to Islamic Studies, again blurring distinctions between faith-related and neutral scholarship. At least one seminary, Hartford, CT, has Muslim faculty and students, as did the former Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham. Islamic Studies scholars are almost always interested in what Muslims are writing; it is increasingly a collaborative venture between Muslims and non-Muslims. Like all “studies,” Islamic Studies aims to be systematic in acquiring, cataloguing, and transmitting knowledge. Certain topics are taken as central, beginning with the Qurʾān, followed closely by and interlinked with ḥadīth. This mirrors Muslim scholarship of Islam; in Muslim academies, ‘ulum al-din (religious sciences) starts with Qurʾān and sunnah, reflecting in the fact that when asked “what is Islam,” many Muslims reply “Qurʾān and Sunnah.” Muslims also use the expression Ahl as-Sunnah wa’l-Jamā’ah (people of tradition and community) to describe what they perceive as the true form of Islam. Defining Islam, like defining religion, is widely debated (see Rippin 2007). Islamic Studies tends to regard as Muslim those who say that they are. It also generally views “Islam” as what Smith called a “cumulative tradition” (1962, 154–69). For some Muslims, Islam is a political system (Niẓām Islāmī) and a religion (din); some argue that Muslims can choose whether to combine politics and religion. As an “interpretive system,” Islam continually reinterprets itself (Waardenburg 2007, 34). Islamic Studies explores how diverse interpretations are predicated on Islam, how dissent and diversity is dealt with, what scholars mean when they use terms like “traditional Islam,” “normative,” and “mainstream.” While non-Muslims in Europe can be said to have “studied” Islam since the twelfth century, “Islamic Studies” dates from the 1970s. However, it builds on, reacts against, and, in some respects, continues the longer tradition surveyed below. Research Methods is especially intended for readers with questions about approaches, practical and theoretical, on researching an Islam-related topic. One important issue discussed is the so-called “insider”–“outsider” polarity, which 2

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also relates to debate about “objectivity” and “subjectivity.” New Directions has ideas for exploring Islam’s subjective, experiential aspects; texts can be read but how might scholars “study” what Muslims experience and “feel”? Some scholars study Islam’s religious aspects; some focus on social and political issues. The Current Research and Issues section begins with Rippin on Qurʾānic Studies. His introduction to a field that attracts more than its share of controversy is open about challenges and problems. Rippin argues that recent progress in making tools available for advanced work, together with a climate of “lively discussion and provocative debate,” makes this a promising field for new scholars. Musa’s chapter on Ḥadīth and Curtis’ on fiqh point out how technology is opening up debate and discussion. This provides more people with access to materials that were previously relatively difficult to access. “Meticulous rigor and a solid foundation of knowledge” has become “more important than ever” (Chapter 8, page 92 this volume); some Muslims challenge received ideas and practices when scrutiny shows that they are based on unreliable traditions or dubious, gendered, or biased interpretations. Buehler explores the study of Sufism in the present century. Outsiders routinely dismiss Sufism as “non-Muslim” alleging that it was borrowed from outside as compensation for Islam’s supposed lack of spiritual depth. Muslims stress its rootedness in the Qurʾān. Buehler’s chapter takes us to the intersection between neurology and Islamic Studies; he suggests that the “materialistic science and humanities” have “yet to catch up with an entire range of phenomena” such as “morphic resonance” and “energy healing” vis-à-vis studying or understanding contemplative experiences/altered states of consciousness. This is relevant to investigating aspects of Sufi experience without dismissing these as absurd, irrational, fabricated, or worse. Anthropology is central to Buehler’s chapter, which calls for “thick description” and a new type of participant observation that “demands the involvement” of a researcher’s “total being” so that the “subjective approach” and analytical, critical enquiry coalesce (citing Turner, 1982, 33). Al-Allaf’s chapter shows that theology is not a marginal concern in Islam. It focuses on classical contributors, identifying important debates and issues. Islamic theology has been more neglected than philosophy by Western scholars, hence the focus on theology. Discussion of Shīʿah Islam is often added to the end of covering Sunni Islam, barely dealing with the largest Shīʿah schools, let alone doing justice to smaller ones. Shīʿah Studies is emerging as a distinct field. Some might argue that Sunni studies should also be seen as discreet: perhaps it should, although presently Islamic Studies per se tends to focus almost exclusively on Sunni Islam; perhaps the study of both Sunni and Shīʿah should be discreet. Zamir’s chapter says that despite progress (much of this is credited to Corbin, see below), many keys texts, figures, and sub-traditions are underexplored. Given the increased political significance of Shī‘ite regions, this represents a promising 3

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field. Salafist Islam is discussed in detail as a major strand in contemporary Islam, especially political Islam, which often receives media attention. Islamic Studies is interested in how Muslims perceive the West, which Shepard’s second chapter explores. Shepard examines non-Muslim perceptions of Muslims and vice versa. These are valid concerns for Islamic Studies as perceptions impact how scholars see Islam. Curtis’ chapter on fiqh (law) shows that this is a very dynamic field, not static or moribund. Indeed, developments in technology, she argues, are opening up discussion and participation to more people as texts once monopolized by scholars become widely available; thus many today have “new and unexpected forms with more individual choice in finding religious-legal advice that meets their individual needs and expectations.” The democratization of knowledge is impacting many aspects of Islam, from understanding the Qurʾān to critiquing Ḥadīth to legal theory and interpretation. Art is another neglected area, which Kerner’s chapter explores. Non-Muslims have often characterized Islam as unimaginative; Muslims were incapable of achieving very much artistically or aesthetically. Kerner traces the history and parameters of the field; she also discusses the appropriateness of the term “Islamic Art” as an “art-historical classification.” She points out that while earlier scholars worked against the background of European fascination with aspects of the Islamic cultural legacy, they now operate in the context of increasing hostility and negativity toward Islam. Some argue that the category “Islamic Art” is a Western creation, a “meaningless concept.” While the field has matured and broadened in scope with more specialists and publications, it is currently in a “state of flux.” Some hope that art might help bridge the “cultural divide” between Muslims and non-Muslims. Those who see art in the Muslim world as cosmetic or decorative minimize any relationship with Islam; those who see Islamic art as rooted in and informed by Islamic principles stress its “Islamic” aspects.

Section Two: Islamic Studies—Overview and Survey Politics and the study of Islam The last 20 years has seen chairs, programs, and centers established in Islamic Studies, quite a few with funding from Muslim rulers and organizations. This funding has raised the question, in Britain, Germany, the United States of America, and Australia—are strings attached that might compromise academic integrity? Britain’s Centre for Social Cohesion published a report in 2009 called A Degree of Influence on the funding of “strategically important subjects in British universities,” which focuses on Islamic Studies. Government interest in the subject or field of Islamic Studies, alongside A Degree of Influence, suggests 4

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that Islamic Studies cannot be pursued in isolation from politics, actual or perceived national interests, culture war, even from how the media covers Islam. The report concluded that the large amount of money from Arab and Islamic sources “currently being donated” results in both “influence” and even a “degree of oversight of UK universities” (Simcox 2009, 163). See Chronology for Muslim funding of posts; for example, under 1980, 1981, 1982, 1989, 1990, 1993, 1996, 2005, and 2008. Temple turned down funding (2007); Harvard returned a large donation due to suspicion about donor motives and political views (2005). Other schools have also declined funding. A Degree of Influence was concerned about “transparency” (see also Glees 2010, writing from Australia). In the United States, Charles Kurzman and Carl Ernst produced a report on Islamic Studies in US Universities for the Social Sciences Research Council (2009) in which they discussed “how Islamic Studies” relates to “the contemporary political and cultural situation” (1). The 2007 British report followed the London bombing of July 7, 2005. Another Higher Education Funding Council (HEFC) report, published in 2008, surveys Islamic Studies in eight counties. It comments that: The events and aftermath of 11 September 2001 galvanised reassessment of Islamic Studies at a variety of levels, with scrutiny emerging from government and media. The role of Islamic Studies, as represented across disciplines, became a heated topic. In the United States of America, about half a dozen new Chairs in Islamic Studies “have been founded since 9/11” including Duke (2007) and George Mason (funded 2008 by International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), cofounded by Al-Faruqi, see below). Bard lists 34 grants from Arab sources, which he describes as a “sample” of universities that have “received large donations from the Saudis and others interested in politicizing the academy” with the alleged goal of undermining American interests in the Middle East (Mitchell Geoffrey Bard 2010, 308–9). The British government, after publishing the Siddiqui report, declared “Islamic Studies” to be of significance within the context of counterterrorism strategy (HEFC 2008, 5). Funded initiatives followed, including the “digital resources for Islamic Studies” project based at Exeter to make Islamic manuscripts and other material available electronically. The degree to which issues of strategic and national interest should concern the academy and how they impact academic integrity and freedom could be debated at length. This book takes the view that popular ideas, political and cultural trends, to a lesser or greater degree, unconsciously but sometimes consciously, shaped and shape Islamic Studies. The expansion of Islamic Studies in Germany since the 2010 report, Recommendations, according to Crossland, citing a Government advisor, aims to promote integration and counter Islamic extremism. Recommendations regarded expansion as “a pressing priority,” so that more 5

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Imāms and Religious Education teachers train in state institutions, not overseas or in private schools (72). Current trends in Islamic Studies are closely linked with recent and contemporary events, including the “war on terror” and the clash of civilizations thesis. The former seems to target Muslims, the latter fears a conflict between the Western and Muslim worlds, although this polarization may itself be a self-serving construct by those who champion an irreconcilable “us”–“them” divide. Kurzman and Ernst comment on how the politicization of Islamic Studies has led to the expectation that “specialists in Islamic Studies” should predict the next terrorist attack (33). Regrettably or otherwise, scholars do not have a good track record in predicting events; Iran’s Islamic Revolution in 1979 and the Arab Spring of 2011 took them by surprise (Keddie 2000, 375f and Jung 2011). In the United Kingdom and Germany, a series of official reports have impacted the academic study of Islam: in Britain, in 1909, 1947, 1961, and 1986 and, most recently, the Siddiqui Report (2007); in Germany, the 1960, 1972, and Recommendations (2010).

Identifying phases in the intellectual development of the field The first phase, beginning with the oldest chair in Arabic, dates from the sixteenth century. The concept of a professorial chair may actually have entered Europe from the Muslim world, “where the professor sits on a chair and the students sit around him.” Citing George Makdisi (1920–2002), Goddard suggests that “inaugural lecturers, wearing academic robes, obtaining doctorates by thesis” as well as “fellows” and “reading a subject” have Islamic origins (Goddard 2000, 100; see Makdisi 1981, 287–8). Serious interest in Islam can be traced from as early as the twelfth century when Robert of Ketton (d. 1160) paraphrased the Qurʾān into Latin. Arguably, Ketton “began” Islamic Studies in the West, since almost everything written about Islam in Europe up until then was pure calumny. At the very least, he pioneered use of primary sources. He also consulted Muslim scholars and traditional works of tafsīr (commentary), which did not become common practice among most subsequent translators. The second phase started in the eighteenth century, peaking in the nineteenth and early twentieth. The current phase (from the 1970s) started as “Islamic Studies” attempted to separate itself from assumptions that dominated Oriental Studies, as that field had jettisoned aspects of the first phase, which was intimately related to a specifically Christian agenda. It is difficult to date the birth of Oriental Studies with precision. Vienna created a chair for Oriental Languages in 1674. Said includes France’s Society Asiatique (1822), Britain’s Royal Asiatic Society (founded 1823), and the American Oriental Society (1842) within what he calls Orientalism’s “official intellectual genealogy” (1978, 99). Oriental Studies had an early beginning in the United States: Arabic was first taught at Harvard in 1754; New York 6

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University traces teaching Arabic from 1837, Yale from 1841, Johns Hopkins from 1876, Chicago from 1892, and Columbia from 1887, with a cluster of other schools around this time. By 1896, Arabic “as a sub-topic of Semitic philology” was “taught at about 15 American Universities” (Hirsch 2007, 81). One interesting aspect of reconstructing the history of Islamic Studies is that significant contributions, beginning with Ketton, took place outside the academy. The motivations and attitudes of contributors to Islamic Studies, past and present, attract critical scrutiny. Remarkably, at almost every stage in the development of Islamic Studies, some contributors have broken ranks with commonly held notions, challenging almost all their contemporaries to rethink preconceived ideas about Islam.

The First Phase: Christian Apology Most attempts to survey the study of Islam within the Western academy start with the founding of permanent chairs of Arabic; at Paris in 1587, followed by Leiden (1599), Cambridge (1632), and Oxford (1636). Oxford and Cambridge each created a second chair in 1724 (both Lord Almoner chairs of Arabic; royal posts). The Council of Vienne (1311) recommended that leading universities set up chairs in Arabic, Hebrew, and Chaldaic so that capable men could better defend the church’s interests (Müller 1881, 118). This was a response to earlier pleas, by Ramon Lull (1232–1315) and others, who argued that Christians and Muslims should reason together, not fight. Only a tenuous cause-and-effect relationship exists between Vienne and the much later actual founding of any chairs. In fact, while some who occupied these chairs were interested in Islam, many had little or no interest. The first Paris professors were physicians who studied Arabic to access medical texts (Dew, 26). Some admired Arab culture but detested Islam (Daniel 1993, 319). Some did develop interest in Islam. Simon Ockley (1678–1720), Cambridge’s fifth Adam’s professor, was originally interested in Eastern Christianity. However “as he wrote and researched” his The History of the Saracens (1708–18; see 1870) Islam became more appealing; Muhammad was an “impostor” but Arabs were “remarkable … for their arms and learning” (Irwin 2008, 119). Light shed on the Bible via knowledge of another Semitic language and access to Christian writing in Arabic would support missionary outreach to Muslims. This was clearly intended by the founders of Oxford’s and Cambridge’s Chairs. At best, apology was involved. Often, anti-Islamic polemic resulted. Pococke Oxford’s first Laudian professor was interested in discrediting “Western folklore and crude polemical lies about the prophet and Muslim doctrine” but did so to expose “Islam’s real errors” (Irwin 2008, 94). He made some factual corrections to Hugo Grotius’ De Veritate Religionis Christianae when he rendered it into 7

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Arabic. He queried assigning a tame pigeon to Muhammad that whispered in his ear; this was meant to be Gabriel. Gibbon comments that Pococke enquired from Grotius about his sources; Grotius replied that Muslims themselves did not know (Gibbon, Vol. 9, 321). Pococke’s chaplaincy at Aleppo (1630–6) and subsequent time in Turkey (1637–41) supplied him with many manuscripts, which later became part of the Bodleian’s collection. His main work, the Specimen historie Arabum (1650), translated Syrian bishop Bar Hebraeus’ history into Latin. He added material drawn from his “general knowledge of Middle Eastern history and culture” (Irwin 2008, 95). On Muhammad, he only had access to late Muslim sources. One source, the section of Abu al-Fida’s The Concise History of Man covering Muhammad’s life was the first sira (biography) to attract a Latin translation in 1723 by Oxford’s first Lord Almoner’s professor of Arabic, John Gagnier (1670–1740). It was a romantic and stylized account. Al-Fida (d. 1331) used earlier sources but omitted “chains of authorities,” “arbitrarily” harmonizing “varying accounts” (91). His main source, al-Ṭabarī (d. 923) “cites or abridges several earlier authors”; one also relied on a predecessor (Lewis 1993a, 91). Gagnier wrote his own biography of Muhammad in 1732. Some of the Oxford and Cambridge professors discouraged students from learning Arabic, which they said was “difficult” and “not particularly useful” (Irwin 2008, 98). Edward Gibbon (1737–94) and Richard Burton (1821–90), who in different ways went on to contribute to Islamic Studies, could not find anyone at Oxford (despite the presence of a professor) prepared to teach them Arabic.

Qurʾān translators: The name they dare not speak The Qurʾān was increasingly regarded as an essential tool; the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge commissioned George Sale (1697–1736) to produce an English translation. Sale was a London attorney. Translators apologized for embarking on the project, the only reason for which was the fact that it would aid the missionary enterprise. Recent work on translations of the Qurʾān, however, suggests anti-Muslim sentiments were perhaps added to “foil censors” (Elmarsafy, 9). Some writers protested too loudly that they dared not speak Muhammad’s name! Marracci (1612–1700), a Catholic priest and professor at Sapienza (founded 1303), tended to juxtapose Christian light, truth, and goodness with Islam’s darkness, falsehood, and evil, producing what Elmarsafy describes as a “thick description” of a Qurʾānic verse. He then disproved this with a “thinning agent,” consisting of a multipage refutation (41). This begs the question as to why he bothered with the former? He even stated that Islam was the religion that a “rational person would choose.” The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) considered Sale’s translation too sympathetic toward Islam, and dismissed him. He tried to reconcile Bible and 8

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Qurʾān, regarding the latter as culturally conditioned but not as “ridiculous” or “frivolous” (Elmarsafy, 47; 75). By the end of phase one, more Arabic sources were available, some translated into English and other European languages. Two stimuli contributed to phase two’s dawn: the first was the Enlightenment and the second Europe’s colonial expansion.

Phase Two: Islamic Studies and Orientalism: Assumptions and Agendas Enlightenment in Europe The Enlightenment allowed some to champion Islam as an example of what could be achieved through skill, exploitation of opportunities, and raw genius, without help from an imaginary God. Edward Gibbon (1737–94) depicted Muhammad achieving what he did—unifying Arabia—because he was a gifted leader, preached a straightforward, rational message, had great moral courage, and left behind a system that continued to motivate men and women (1804, Vol. 6: 307). Gibbon did write about Muhammad permitting men to indulge their appetites, which might have aided his success. Perhaps his admiration for Muhammad was expressed too strongly, he asked? Yet compared with Christianity, which elaborates and obscures Jesus’ teaching, so that if Peter and Paul visited the Vatican today, they would ask, “Who is worshipped with such mysterious rites,” Muslims maintain the purity and simplicity of Muhammad’s creed (308). Gibbon saw Islam as freer of “dogmas” and “priests” than was the Church, therefore it merited praise (Lewis 1993a, 96). He “exaggerated” Islam’s lack of “schism and strife,” although Lewis agrees that this never matched the “degree … which became normal for Christianity.” He drew especially on Gagnier, Pockocke, and Sale, as well as on Humphrey Prideaux (1648) and Henri de Boulainvillier (1658–97). Prideaux’s The True Nature of Imposture (1697) was actually an attack on Deism, Quakerism, and Unitarianism. Nonetheless, it was the first English life of the prophet. His did not directly consult any Arabic sources (Toomer 1996, 292). An Anglican priest, Prideaux interpreted Islam’s rise as a warning to Western Christians that unless they returned to true Christianity, God would punish them as he had “raised up the Saracens to be the instruments of his wrath” against Eastern Christians (Lewis 1993a, 89). This was not a new notion. Grotius (230) and Martin Luther (1483–1546) had expressed similar ideas (1959 3: 1557), as had Bar Hebraeus (1226–86). Boulainvillier’s Vie de Mohamet (1730; see 2002) “used the Prophet as a weapon against Christian dogma and the Catholic clergy” representing Islam as “true and reasonable” and Muhammad as “a wise, tolerant, un-mystical, and un-dogmatic ruler,” an image that “became widespread” during “the Enlightenment” (Lewis 1993a, 9

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89–90). Boulanivillier was a French nobleman, a former military officer, and a Collège de Juilly (founded 1638) graduate. Gibbon’s account, “limited by the defective state of European scholarship” still referenced “myths” yet rendered an account “of the Prophet and rise of Islam that was clear, elegant, and above all convincing” (Lewis 1993a, 95; 98). His work, from outside the academy (he was a Member of Parliament), had enormous influence on “Western perceptions of the Prophet, Islam and their place in history” (98). Gibbon said that he learned nothing while at Oxford; he disclaimed her “as a mother” (1900, 50), and famously speculated that had Charles Martel lost the Battle of Tours in 732 (which halted the Muslim advance north) the Qurʾān might now be taught there “and her pupils might demonstrate to a circumcised people the truth and sanctity of the revelation of Mahomet” (1880, Vol. 5: 423). His explanation of Islam’s origin and existence parted company from those for whom Islam was satanically inspired and from those for whom Muhammad was a charlatan, a womanizer, a moral reprobate with no redeeming qualities at all. On the other hand, Gibbon’s secular historiography differs radically from Islam’s, which is “God-centred” (Robinson 2004, 130). However, Gibbon shows that a scholar untrained in Arabic could contribute to a more open-minded approach to Islam using sources, still meager, available at the time. So does Henry Stubbe’s Vindication that, although written in 1671 (manuscripts survived in the British Library), was not published until 1911. Stubbe (1632–76), a physician, became Second Keeper at Oxford’s Bodleian librarian. Reacting to what he saw as unjustified calumny against Islam, Stubbe called his book a “Vindication” of Muhammad, whose name “is rightly pronounced Muhammad or Mohammed” (142). He dated Muhammad’s birth in 570 (72), and ridiculed the commonly cited myth that his tomb is suspended by magnets or by any other contrivance” (138). No less “vain” was “the story of Mahomet’s pigeon, which used to eat peas out of his ear” (148). Daniel refers to these medieval legends (1993, 52, 247). It was “folly” to spell his name incorrectly, then to imagine such “mysteries in it” as the number “666.” Chapter ten repudiated the notion that Muhammad used the sword to propagate Islam. He did not think that Muhammad’s marriages deserved the censure they attract, pointing out how Old Testament personalities had many wives (171). Muhammad, too, had taught what all the prophets teach, to honor God (96). He may have had some type of predisposition toward ecstasy or experienced the “falling sickness”; however, Stubbe was unconvinced, and was prepared to accept that he really did receive revelation from God (80). He did not think that defending Islam from lies and misrepresentation harmed Christian integrity; attracted by Unitarian ideas, he lost his job for writing a “pestilent book” (Cooper 1989, 116). Other sympathetic accounts of Muhammad and of Islam explained Islam in ways that Muslims could not accept. With Gibbon, the motives were 10

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anti-religious, anti-clerical, and pro-humanist. Thomas Carlyle (1795–1881) in “The Hero as Prophet” (1841) shocked and provoked many by depicting Muhammad as completely sincere (50), Islam as a “kind of Christianity” (47), and the Qurʾān as a “genuine, bone fide book” (48). In translation, it sounds prosaic, a “bewildered rhapsody” but Arabs revere and love the Qurʾān (49). Carlyle, a humanist, believed in the inspiration of genius, of the “muse.” For him, the Qurʾān is not God’s revealed word but that of a “fervent, earnest” human soul, of a man “that cannot even read” (49). Yet through it all shines the truth to which Muhammad’s own heart was open, that “an unspeakable power” is universally present; “the true force, essence and reality, in all things whatsoever,” and that this “splendour” is “not to be named” (52). Islam represented, for Arabia, “a birth from darkness into light” (59). In France, Voltaire (1694–1778) chose to represent Muhammad and Islam as examples of what humans can achieve. Voltaire’s ideas on Muhammad fluctuated. However, he qualified as a great man who changed history. Unlike Moses, who passively waited for God, Muhammad acted (Elmarsafy 2009, 119). His deeds were almost superhuman.

Ernest Renan: Champion of philology Ernest Renan (1823–92), who properly belongs to the genealogy of Islamic Studies, represents a different development. He gave new impetus to the philological bias of Islamic Studies, helping pioneer a French tradition that also overlapped with and informed German scholarship. Laicism dominated France after the Revolution (1788–99), where anti-clerical sentiment was also widespread. Renan started training for the priesthood but became disillusioned with what philosophy and theology offered, finding mathematics more satisfying. It was languages, though, that most attracted him. He studied Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac at Saint-Sulprice seminary (1843–5) under Arthur-Marie Le Hir (1811–68), then at the School of Oriental Languages (founded 1795) and at Collège de France (44–9), winning prizes. Abandoning his priestly vocation and Christianity in 1845, Renan “determined to be as Christian as he once was, only without ‘Christianity,’ which he replaced with what he called ‘la science laïque’ (lay science)” (Said 1978, 134). He later wrote that he was the only man of his time who properly understood “Jesus and Francis of Assisi”; the “materialistic spirit of the age was the reverse of his own” (Mott 1921, 263). During this period, he worked out his ideas about philology in The Future of Science (not published until 1890; English 1891). For Renan, philology would substitute for religion; it represented the “spirit of the age.” The modern world would “not be what it is without philology” (1891, 128), an ally of reason and progress. If philology perished, “criticism 11

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would perish with it … all supernaturalism will receive its deathblow by philology” (135). Philology can teach us “about the origins of humanity, civilization and language” (Said 1978, 134). Language launched civilization. Before language, humanity was silent. Language results in creativity, innovation, science; “language in the whole of its construction dates from the first days of man” (253). Renan gained his doctorate in 1852, submitting a thesis derived from his Syriac studies and another on Ibn Rushd (d. 1198). He became professor of Hebrew at the Collège de France in 1861. Dismissed after publishing his Life of Jesus (1863), he was reappointed in 1870, becoming Director in 1879. He spent 1864–5 in Asia Minor, described in Mélanges d’histoire et de voyages (1878). This included his first visit to Egypt (1864), where his ideas about the “mediocrity” of Arab culture were confirmed (Espinasse 1895, 120). According to Renan, Arabs lack “imagination and curiosity,” so neglect philosophy and the creative arts (Semah 1974, 77). This impacted how scholars understood Islam. It also impacted Arabs’ self-image, stimulating reformist thought. Arabs also reacted by repudiating their heritage in favor of European modes. For Renan, Arab inferiority was scientific, “grounded in the same order of things that was responsible for, and assured the continuance of, Aryan superiority and progressiveness” (Gershon & Jankowski 1986, 102). In his essay on Ibn Rushd, he concluded that after the philosopher’s death rational thought disappeared in Islam, assuring the “triumph of the Qurʾān over free thought” (1866, 2, author’s translation). This resulted from Al-Ghazālī’s critique of Islamic falsafa (32).

Napoléon’s Egyptian expedition Unlike the politician Gibbon, Voltaire (an independently wealthy writer, in fact a millionaire), and Carlyle (a much less affluent essayist), Renan was rooted in the academy. In addition to the Enlightenment heritage, colonial and imperial realities impacted his thought. One of the most significant events was Napoléon’s expedition to Egypt (1798–1801), followed by the invasion and colonization of Algeria (1830). Napoléon saw himself as a liberator and lawmaker. His intention, he told Egyptians, was not to destroy their religion but to “restore” their rights and punish their oppressors, the Mamluk sultans under Ottoman rule (Elmarsafy 2009, 144). A scientific team accompanied the army, tasked with cataloguing “the antiquarian and ethnological details of the land” (Irwin 2008, 9) and resulting in Description de l’Egypte (1809–9). “Chiefly concerned with Egypt’s Pharaonic legacy,” Irwin minimizes its impact on “Arabic and Islamic Studies” (140) but Said argues that it was hugely influential, informing a view of the Orient—where many Muslims live—as a type of laboratory for European science. It was a passive “scene or setting,” waiting to be explored, cataloged, described, subdued, and understood (Said 1973, 42). 12

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This space needed European intervention, from which it could only benefit (47). This space was alluring and exotic but retarded, waiting for Europeans to bring order, morality, and progress. Europe’s colonial expansion produced an unequal relationship, between subjects and objects, a “relationship of power, of domination, of varying degrees of a complex hegemony” (Said 1978, 6). Objectified, the Orient could be studied, explored, displayed in a museum, its languages, sociology, national or religious characteristics could be delineated and represented (7–8). The Orient was “inert,” the West dynamic (13). It was there yet it did not really exist until Europeans intervened, surveying, mapping, cataloging, and portraying it according to what they saw or thought they saw. Said argues that the product that followed, although not just an “idea, or creation with no corresponding reality” (5) distorted reality. There was a symbiotic relationship between “knowledge” and “power,” so that “to be a European in the Orient, and to be one knowledgeably, one must see and know the orient as a domain ruled over by Europe” (197). Also see the Chronology for additional reference to the expedition’s consequences for studying Islam. Napoléon was well read. He knew Voltaire’s views on Muhammad but was especially influenced by Claude Savary (1750–88), a translator of the Qurʾān (1783, who drew heavily on Marracci). In Egypt 1776–9, Savary depicted an exotic, seductive east full of “palm trees, attractive women, [and] despots and so on” and Muhammad as half-demagogue, half-legislator (145). Napoléon identified himself with Muhammad as the “rare genius who managed to conquer the world in a very short period of time” (147). His “identification with Muhammad,” says Elmarsafy, “is a matter of record” (148). He would be “for the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries what Muhammad had been to the seventh” (148). Renan’s thought was shaped by ideas about Europe’s civilizing mission in the world, generally with France at the helm. Renan and others believed that Europe was not only intellectually and technologically more advanced but also morally so. For some, this was due to Europe’s superior religion. For humanists and agnostics, racial difference offered an explanation. NonEuropeans might advance but only under European tutorship. Renan’s conviction that philology was the key led him to conclude that Semitic languages were inferior to Indo-European. William “Oriental” Jones (1746–94) pioneered the idea that Latin, Greek, Celtic, Gothic, and Sanskrit and their modern derivatives were related, forming a linguistic family. He saw Sanskrit as the more “perfect” and “exquisite” (Dalby 2004, 270). Later, theories about migrant Aryan people settling or invading Iran, India, and Europe, originating somewhere closer to Europe, resulted in racist assumptions that somehow, over time, Aryans in Europe had developmentally surpassed nonAyans and Aryans elsewhere. During the rest of phase two, almost all scholars saw Islam as “moving toward a dead end,” Muslim societies “doomed to stagnancy,” their “beliefs and practices” as “survivals from the past” and “hindered development” (Wardenburg, 2007, 146). 13

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Text alone: Islam as an unchanging essence Contemporary Islam, certainly not Islam as a spiritually rich faith or as offering worthwhile ideas in economics or urban design, held no interest. Philological training and enquiry alone would analyze classical texts, reconstructing Islamic civilization to fit a preconceived image (Mahdi 1997, 154). Silveste de Sacy (1758–1838), a professor at the School of Oriental Languages, Paris, in 1795 is credited with giving philology impetus and status. Hourani describes him as “in some ways the founder of modern Islamic and Arabic studies” (1991, 32). Many future contributors studied under him, including Gustav Weil (1808– 89), Gustav Flügel (1802–70), Heinrich Fleischer (1801–88), Yale’s first professor of Arabic, Edward Salisbury (1814–1901), and Aleksei Boldyrev (d. 1842). Boldyrev, professor at Moscow (founded 1775) from 1811, Rector 1832–7, was the first Russian Orientalist. Hourani comments on how the field is self-conscious of its intellectual lineage; like Sufis, Islamic Studies’ scholars “know their silsila” (Hourani 1991, 94; see 1, 6, 33, 65, 96). Ignaz Goldziher (1850–1921), “perhaps the most important figure in the formation of a European scholarly image of Islam” (36) completed his doctorate under Fleischer at Leipzig (founded 1409). Fleischer “transformed the Orient into grammar and lexicography.” His approach did little to produce particular “images of the Orient” or to make “governments feel that they should ask his advice in matters of politics.” Preoccupied with philology, however it “lost sight of the aesthetic value of Arab poetry.” In the German tradition, studying the Orient was somewhat “tedious” but it had “to be investigated” (Johansen 1990, 77–8). Leipzig graduates would also teach Arabic and other Semitic languages in the United States; John Kunze (1744–1807) at Columbia and Pennsylvania, David Gordon Lyon (1852–1935) at Harvard and Paul Haupt (1858–1926) at Johns Hopkins. The production of lexicons and dictionaries, grammars, and later encyclopedias, was considered crucial, culminating in the first Encyclopaedia of Islam (1913–38) (EI), almost entirely written by non-Muslim scholars. By definition, texts were regarded as profane, to be “dissected” (Wardenburg 2007, 120). This resulted in scientific source, form, and redaction criticism of the Qurʾān, pioneered by Nöldeke, professor at Strasbourg (founded 1631) 1872–1907. Turning to a reconstruction of the order in which the Qurʾān’s contents were written or compiled, he sometimes identified Christian and Jewish sources. Theories and methods derived from contemporary biblical scholarship were applied to the Qurʾān. Stylistic analysis dated material as early or late. Fully aware that Muslims view the Qurʾān as revelation, Nöldeke saw it as a composite work written or compiled by Muhammad; “composed of unstable letters and words” it “could not possibly be divine” (1892, 59). He did follow Muslim opinion in arguing that the Qurʾān is to be understood “in the light of the Prophet Muhammad’s biography” (Reynolds, 9). This is a topic of current debate. Claims by some scholars that Muhammad’s 14

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life is largely mythic, that the Qurʾān is a later compilation, are relevant here (see Wansbrough 2004).

A few took to the field There were exceptions to this almost exclusive philological focus. Edward Lane’s observations in Egypt (1836), for example described what was usually “missing in … scholarly work at the time”—and routinely denied—“a Muslim urban society and civilization still living and changing” (Hourani 1991, 34). Mrs B. Meer Hasan Ali, an Englishwomen married to a Muslim, irritated by negative representations of women’s place in Islam, wrote her observations of Muslim life in India in 1832, a pioneer, non-Muslim glimpse inside the Zenana. Another pioneer woman contributor, an Anglican missionary, Constance Padwick (1886– 1968) presented Islamic spirituality as vibrant, challenging the dominant view of Islam as spiritually bankrupt, of Muslim prayer as mechanical, insincere, and nonspontaneous. Other missionaries also shifted away from total hostility toward Islam, writing of “strengths” alongside “weaknesses,” including W. St-Clair Tisdall (1859–1928) in The Religion of the Crescent (1895). Experience of Muslim life did not always result in open-minded or empathetic views of Islam; Cromer and Muir (see below) lived in Muslim environments, although the latter, despite his hostility toward Islam had close Muslim friends (Quinn, 108). “Paradoxically” writes Waardenburg, an impulse “to recognize the importance of Islam as a living faith has come from missionary circles” (2007, 68).

Euro-centrism dominates The idea that nonEuropean cultures and religions were decayed and corrupted became widespread. These cultures and religions, including Islam, though, were more worthy toward their beginning. Almost all scholarship focused on origins and ancient texts. Linguistic inferiority retarded development, since language is intimately related to how people think, form, and express ideas. Few saw any “future for Muslims and their societies outside of the colonial relationship.” Renan was only interested in Islam as a “postscript,” that is, an example of a late religion lacking any legitimate vitality and doomed to die. It was barren, “incapable of regenerating itself” (Said 1980, 64–5). Effectively, his aim was to “destroy” Islam. In Algeria, this more or less described colonial policy. Following the setting up of the Arab Bureaux in Algeria (1844), however, some Arab hands did develop what has been called a French sociology of Islam, focusing on the “structure and role of the tribe” and their relationship to “central polity” (Burke 1980, 78; 2008, 159). They saw Islam’s “endless capacity 15

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for resistance” (Burke 1980, 80l; 2008, 161) as attractive and even warned the authorities that discontent with colonial rule would result in revolt (Davis 2007, 50). They were especially interested in Sufi orders, widely believed to be “deeply involved in Algerian resistance to the French presence” (Burke 1980, 80; 2008, 161). Revolt took place in 1871, then during the protracted independence war, 1954–62. These men were paternalistic toward Algerians, though (Burke 1980, 79; 2008, 162). They did not see Algerians as equal; they did think the settlers too greedy and exploitative (Davis 2007, 49). The University of Algeria, founded 1879 launched modern Arabic studies in North Africa (Arkoun 1997, 37). In the 1960s, when Arkoun was a student there, hardly any Algerians were interested in studying Arabic. It has been claimed that German scholarship was less allied with colonial interests. During the colonial period (1884–1919), however, German scholarship did serve national policy. The first Islam-related post was at the Colonial Institute in Hamburg (1908), where colonial service officers were trained. After 1919, Oriental Studies was no longer directly related to colonial interests. It did, though, remain concerned with Germany’s place in the world; defining “Germany” took priority over illuminating the subject it studied. During the Third Reich, Oriental Studies was considered a kriegswichtig (strategically important science) tasked with proving Aryan superiority (Ellinger, 70). Post World War II, the study of Islam was aligned with improving relations with “particular Muslim countries” (Nanji 1997, 8). Roche-Mahdi argues that from the nineteenth century, German scholarship of the Orient was shaped by notions of German racial superiority and of Germans as the chosen people (1997, 124). While there is now a focus in German scholarship on Turkey (due to the presence of Turkish migrants) and Iran, “the four most densely populated Islamic states (Indonesia, Pakistan, Bangladesh and India) as well as the strategically important Islamic states of Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa still lie outside the … scope of activity” (Recommendations, 36). During colonialism, the Dutch concentrated on Indonesia, Germans on South West Africa. Now, Dutch scholars are as likely to focus on Pakistan as on Indonesia and certainly on the Middle East. Russians were initially interested in understanding Islam in their Southern territories (Mikousski 1997, 98).

Subject-object relationship: Colonial and cultural hegemony Scholarship’s aim, in this phase, was to “deprive Muslims of the moral force given by their religion, to subjugate them definitively under Western domination” (Waardenburg 2007, 120). Islam was “fundamentally antagonistic” to Western culture (26). Islamic philosophy was moribund, Muslim societies stationary, immutable, the same throughout time and across space. Islam was 16

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an unchanging, monolithic “essence.” On the one hand, this has some resonance with Muslim ideas of a normative system that operates in their lives and societies as a “master signifier” (Sayyid 2003, 48). On the other hand, it denies the reality of change, the existence of diversity, difference between precept and practice. It fails to see Islam as a self-reflective tradition capable of change; when Lord Cromer (1841–1917) was faced with reformist ideas in Egypt he could confidently and magisterially declare, “Islam reformed is Islam no longer” but “something else” (1916, 229). Reformist thought in Egypt was a direct response to Renan’s ideas. Numerous scholars repeat Renan’s charge that Muslims were incapable of philosophical, rational thought, even of supplying an honest answer when asked a simple question. Europeans were naturally “close reasoners,” even if they have not “studied logic.” The “chief characteristic of the Oriental mind” is lack of accuracy (Cromer 1908, 2, 146). During phase two, however, many important developments took place that eventually impelled Islamic Studies toward new modes. More Arabic texts were used and translated. Historical criticism of Muslim historical accounts and of early texts separated myth and hagiography from material that met more stringent critical criteria. Gustav Weil (1809–89) was one of the first to apply historical-critical methods to Muhammad’s biography, translating an early sira, Ibn Hishām, although he had earlier depended on the later al-Ṭabarī (Irwin 2008, 155). Weil travelled in Egypt and Turkey, following a trend of spending time in Muslim majority space. Indian civil servants Aloys Sprenger (1813–93) and Sir William Muir (1819–1905) built on Weil’s work. Both wrote biographies of Muhammad, in 1851 and 1858–60. With access to manuscript copies of early sources (see below), their biographies of Muhammad do represent progress. They are more detailed; they distinguish myth from fact. They scrutinized, evaluated, and discussed their sources. They attempted to reconstruct chronology. Both incessantly comment on their material, usually to censor Muhammad. Sprenger, a physician from Vienna, was employed in various academic capacities in India from 1843 until 1857, when he became a professor at Bern (founded 1834) followed by Heidelberg (founded 1386) from 1881. Sprenger thought Muhammad at times “a complete maniac.” Epilepsy caused his prophetic, revelatory experience (116; 114). Muhammad’s “cunning weakens our faith in his honesty” (91). He credited Abu Bakr more than Muhammad “for the success of Islam” (172). Sprenger and Muir thought Muhammad initially sincere. Later, compromise and ambition resulted in moral decline. Muhammad wrote the Qurʾān, which Muir described as “storehouse of Mohammad’s own words recorded during his life” (1912, xxviii). Sprenger (see Musa’s chapter) also wrote a pioneering article on ḥadīth criticism. Muir thought Muslims paid too much attention to the isnad (chain of narration), and insufficient attention to content (matn) of ḥadīth (1912, xlii). Muir was quite precise in dating events, linking these to Qurʾān and ḥadīth passages. 17

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The role of piety, political and party interest in the production of ḥadīth was identified. Muir’s Life was “for many years the standard English book on the subject” (Hourani 1991, 19). His The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline and Fall (1891) drew almost entirely from Ṭabarī. Ockley’s History had used Futûh al-Sham, a later, romanticized source (possibly twelfth century). Mourad (2000) pushes the date back to late eight century (592); Ockley had thought it earlier—by Al-Wāqidī (d. 822). Development in calculating the date of Muhammad’s death was a by-product of increased access to early sources; Muir preferred 570 as Muhammad’s birth year: Sacy had argued for 571; Sprenger suggested either 571 or 569 (Muir 1858, Vol. 1: 14; Sprenger 1851, 75). Gibbon preferred 569 (1804 Vol. 6: 245, N66). Muir dated Muhammad’s death as June 8, 632 (Vol. 4: 280); Gibbon and Ockley both date this as June 7 (Q 6:485; 1870, 46). Medieval writers favored 666, associating Muhammad with the “Beast” in Revelations (Echevarria 1999, 112). Muir and Sprenger each used an abridged version of Ibn Hishām’s sīra, found in Delhi, dated 1307 (it omitted the isnāds) and a transcript of Book One (covering Muhammad’s life) of Ibn Sa`d’s Ṭabaqāt (biographical dictionary), dated 1318. Muir donated the second and part of the first to the India Office Library, with his own abstracts. When Muir describes Islam as incapable of progress (see 1891, 594–7) he sounds exactly like Renan. Ending his career as Principal of Edinburgh (1885–1903), Muir was a strong supporter of Christian mission, writing, and translating works of apology.

Orientalism: A critique too far? Some scholars did work for or advise governments at various stages in their careers; many had no direct association with colonial authorities. Some, including Muir, Louis Massignon (1883–1962), Snouk Hugroncje (1857–1936), and Ann Lambton (1912–2008), even worked for intelligence services. Lewis (who worked for British intelligence during World War II), though, thinks Said overstated the case that Orientalism was driven by “pursuit of power for knowledge” (117). It seems a stretch that the academically obscure John Penrice (1818–92), diligently compiling his Qurʾān glossary (1873) in his obscure Norfolk village was motivated by anti-Muslim or imperialist bias. The same applies to Charles Forster, Reginald Bosworth Smith, and Arnold Matthews (see Chronology). Hourani thinks that Said ignored how Europeans were developing ideas about “world history,” and attempted to locate Islam’s place and contribution within this scheme (64). Lewis and Hourani point to the vast amount of material made available in translation, annotated, used in encyclopedias and compendia. Martin writes that even though many scholars regarded Islam as “an incomplete or aberrant development out of Western Late Antiquity” they produced

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“monumental works of scholarship … without which Middle Eastern and Islamic studies today would be unthinkable” (13). Emphasis on language and texts, though, neglected huge areas of Muslim life, including religious aspects, but also politics and economics. Most Muslim-majority space was ruled by Europe, so was perceived as politically inept and economically retarded. Grammatical problem-solving and discovering new sources took priority over theory, often leading to narrowly focused scholarship. A great mass of facts was accumulated, which left little time “to develop multiple perspectives” (Nanji 1997, 8). The “authority” vested in “great scholars” could also be problematic. It was difficult for students to challenge accepted ideas. Waardenburg uses the Arabic term i’jaz to describe this “authority”; ījāzas are certificates Muslim teachers issue students as license to transmit received learning (1997b, 92). i’jaz refers to the Qurʾān’s inimitability. German scholars, despite a “speculative bent” and a reputation for “creative theoretical thought,” says Waardenburg, failed to “articulate new ways to study Islam as a religion” or to develop theory vis-à-vis Islam’s study (1997a, 20–1). Some scholars genuinely wanted to further knowledge and understanding. They did not deliberately set out to justify colonial hegemony or to validate racist ideas. Some, believing that what passed for knowledge was biased, set out to challenge accepted ideas. Many “us”-“them” assumptions about difference, too, continued to dominate scholarship well after the end of World War II. Sir Hamilton Gibb (1895–1971), whose long career spanned both sides of the Atlantic, takes us to the end of the second phase. Gibb taught at the Shool of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) (1921–37), then held Oxford’s Laudian Chair (from 1937) before moving to Harvard (1955). Gibb thought that studying philosophy did not even belong on the curriculum; it was his a priori conviction that “law” is Islam’s “fundamental science” and “to be philosophical or rational meant for him not to be a Muslim, but something else, perhaps a misguided Muslim or even an infidel” (Mahdi 1997, 164). Islamists agree, dismissing Ibn Rushd and other philosophers as “mere imitators of their Greek predecessors” (Calvert 2010, 208).

More exceptions The value of several contributors’ oeuvres might transcend Orientalist associations. Louis Massignon and Henry Corbin (1903–78) are especially noteworthy. Significantly, both earn Muslim praise; see Nasr’s tribute (1987, chapter 15: 240– 53 and chapter 16: 273–90). Losing his faith, Massignon refound it through the mystical intervention of Muslims and Christians, including All-Hallāj (d. 922), about whom he wrote his doctoral thesis, a four-volume work (1922; see 1994). He devoted his life to engagement with Islam as a deeply spiritual tradition. He 19

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saw himself as a guest in Muslim culture, a friend not a stranger. He became a priest, influencing how the Catholic Church rethought inter-religious relations during Vatican II (1962–5). Massignon was professor of Muslim Sociology at the Collège de France from 1926 until 1954 (the second occupant of the chair, which began in 1903). Like Goldziher, whom he met and admired (see below), Massignon studied at Al-Azhar, possibly imitating his example (Irwin 2008, 221). Massignon introduced Corbin to the work of Persian mystic, Suhrawardi (d. 1191). Corbin helped keep Iranian studies alive, almost single-handedly opening up the Western academy to many aspects of Iranian Islam. Nasr says that he became “the chief means” by which many Iranians rediscovered their own rich spiritual heritage (1987, 289). Corbin spent five years in Turkey (1939– 45) then worked with the French-Iran Institute in Teheran (1945–54) before succeeding Massignon (1954–74). Motives in practice were varied and mixed. Edward Lane (1801–76), who went to Egypt as a private citizen, initially appears less implicated by Orientalist associations. The opportunity to be there, though, resulted from colonialism and Orientalist attitudes did impact his work (Said 1978, 206; see also Ahmed 1978). There was a certain European fascination with Arabia as exotic and erotic, producing men like Burton, Lane, Johann Ludwig Burckhardt (1784–1817), Henry Edward Palmer (1840–82) Cambridge’s ninth Almoner professor of Arabic and T. E. Lawrence (1888–1935), who all “went native.” Swiss born Burckhardt, who explored for Britain’s African Association (founded 1788), may have become a Muslim. Lane and Burton (who credited the former) translated One Thousand and One Nights. Recognizing the somewhat Anglophone bias of this survey, a lengthier treatment would analyze contribution by Toshihiko Izutsu (1914–93) from Japan, to whose work Rippin refers (although Izutsu also wrote in English). In India, the first Bengali translation of the Qurʾān, still “widely available in Bangladesh’s markets” (Uddin 2006, 89) was by a Hindu, Girish Chandra Sen (1836–1910), whose interests and motivations, like Izutsu’s, were different from those of European Orientalists.

Jewish contributors A different analysis, too, is required to identify the motives of important Jewish contributors. Against the background of the Jewish Emancipation and Enlightenment, they were free to graduate and enter academia. They could also champion Judaism’s contribution to the world; Judaism gave birth to Islam, they argued, as it had Christianity. Judaism and Islam, however, were unambiguously monotheistic, unlike Christianity! Goldziher was the first nonMuslim student to enrol at Al-Azhar, Cairo (founded 972). He also clandestinely “participated in the Friday prayer at a mosque” (Adang 2008, xx). He 20

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did not see Islam exactly as Muslims do; he did have a genuine rapport with Islam and Muslims. Goldziher, who pioneered academic study of tafsir (see Rippin’s chapter), was interested in a wide range of Islamic topics, including theology. Musa’s chapter explores his contribution to Ḥadīth studies. At the second International Congress of Orientalists in 1871 he impressed Muslims present by using the “customary Arabic eulogies after” Muhammad’s name (Adang 2008, xxi). Many of his books are still available (see 1971, 2006, 2008). Much of his contribution was from outside the academy. When he finally became professor of Semitic Languages in 1905, he was the first Jewish scholar appointed to the Budapest Faculty. He had turned down several offers of prestigious chairs. Abraham Geiger (1810–74), a pioneering Reform rabbi, earned his doctorate from Marburg (founded 1527) for his prize-winning essay on what Muhammad learned from Judaism (1834; see Geiger 1896). However, anti-Semitism prevailed in the academy, where jobs were unavailable. After many years of working there as a librarian (from 1838), Weil eventually became a professor at Heidelberg (1861). Lewis (1993b) names 25 Jewish scholars who contributed to “every aspect of Islamic studies,” as well as others who contributed as Christian Jews. Among the latter, David Margoliouth (1858–1940) was Oxford’s tenth Laudian professor (142–4).

Third Phase Islamic studies: A new direction The current phase (phase three) began around about the midpoint of the twentieth century. Gibb died in 1971. The oldest center for Islamic Studies in the United States is at Hartford Seminary, founded in 1972. This built on concern for the Muslim world, dating from 1892. Hartford has published The Muslim World (founded 1911) since 1938. The oldest center in Britain began at Lampeter, Wales, in 1974. In the United States, Syracuse (founded 1870) and Temple introduced programs in Islamic Studies during the 1960s, when Ismail al-Faruqi (1921–86) joined their faculties (1964 and 1968). Temple has emerged as a leader in Islamic Studies. The current phase sees greater participation by Muslim scholars; more contributed to the second Encyclopaedia of Islam (1960– 2005), for example. Syed Hasan Askari (1932–2008) became the first Muslim faculty member at Selly Oak, with initial funding from the Festival of Islam Trust. S. H. Nasr has taught in the United States since 1979. Majid Khadduri (1909–2007) joined Johns Hopkins even earlier (1949). Fazlur Rahman moved to Chicago in 1969, after leaving Durham for McGill (1958). McGill’s Institute of Islamic Studies, the first in North America, was founded in 1952 under W. C. Smith (1916–2000), who taught there before moving to Harvard (64–73; 78–84). 21

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The first Muslim, Ibrahim Abu Rabi’ (1956–2011), joined the Hartford Center in 1991.

Islamic studies as a collaborative venture In the United States, employing Muslims has perhaps replaced an earlier tradition of importing great scholars from Europe, such as Gibb and Lewis; the latter left a chair at SOAS for Princeton in 1974, where another Englishman, Michael Cook succeeded him in 1986. During the current phase, Annemarie Schimmel (1922–2003), Harvard’s Professor of Indo-Muslim Culture (1967–92), was German, with doctorates in Arabic (1941) and the history of religion (1954) from Berlin and Marburg respectively. She taught in Turkey (1954–9). In 1980, Schimmel became the first woman and Islamicist to be elected President of the International Association for the History of Religion (founded 1950). A Street bears her name in Lahore. She received a high civilian award from Pakistan (1983), which she often visited, for her work on Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) and three honorary doctorates from Pakistani schools. Influenced by Massignon, she engaged empathetically with Islam, especially with mystical Islam, as a system of signs (1994, xiii). Signs mark junctions where heaven meets earth; she set out to decipher these. “The highest spiritual experience,” she wrote, can be “triggered off by a sensual object: a flower, a fragrance …” (xii). This challenged ideas about Islam’s spiritual poverty. She tended to contrast Islam’s normatively legalistic with its “popular, mystically tinged” aspects (xiv). She admired Padwick, whom she often cited. The current phase sees more women contributing to Islamic Studies.

Building the institutional base The profusion of centers for Middle or Near Eastern Studies, often government financed and linked with strategic and foreign policy interests, complicates establishing an institutional basis for Islamic Studies. Many Islamic Studies specialists are professors in these centers. Others, of course, teach in a wide range of departments, such as Anthropology, Arabic, Art History, Political Science while some Centers for Islamic Studies have also emerged. Some contribute, too, from outside the academy, writing as counter-terrorist and security specialists. In Britain, the Scarborough Report (1947) commented that there were still too few students of Arabic, a handful at both Oxford and London’s SOAS. It recommended that several “regional centres” take the lead in Arabic and Oriental Studies. Funding after Scarborough enabled Durham University to open its School of Oriental Studies (1951) while Manchester established a 22

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chair of Arabic (1949) (see Chronology on occupants’ contributions to Islamic Studies). In Oxford, named a “regional centre” in the Report, St Anthony’s College set up its Middle East Centre, with a focus on modern history, which Albert Hourani (1915–93) directed (1958–80). Cambridge’s Centre of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies followed in 1960. The Hayter report (1961) wanted even more centers and posts, especially outside departments of languages. Subsequently, important initiatives began at Durham, Exeter, and Leeds. Centers have continued to be established as recently as St Andrews (founded 1414) in 2003 and Nottingham in 2006. In the United States, the founding of Middle Eastern Studies centers was also linked with “security issues” (Ernst & Martin 2010, 4). The first, at Harvard (1954) was followed by UCLA’s Center for Near Eastern Studies (1957). The National Defense Education Act (1958) gave additional impetus, funding National Resource Centers (Hirsch 2007, 82). Portland (1959) was the first to receive federal funding for Arabic and Middle Eastern studies under Title VI (1959). After the Civil Rights Act (1964), Title VI funding has been administered by the Department of Education. As of 2010, 125 National Resource Centers in the United States receive Title VI funding. Of these, 19 are for Near or Middle Eastern studies. There is a new emphasis on Modern colloquial dialects; previously only classical languages were taught. Arabic is no longer taught as “an auxiliary to Hebrew,” as it was taught as such at Harvard “until 1950” (Babai, 53).

Social science’s contribution Social scientific case study research of a smaller Muslim society is a major phase three trend. This shifted away from studying an abstract (some say imagined) “Islam,” almost entirely through texts, to studying Muslim societies. Anthropologists, beginning with Clifford Geertz (1960, 1968), Ernest Gellner (1981), and Michael Gilsenan (1982) represent important contributions, especially to the task of defining Islam. Geertz’s 1968 monograph was the first by an “influential anthropologist” with “Islam” in its title (Marranci 2008, 35). This was innovative within anthropology; anthropologists usually researched isolated village or island societies, defined by rigid boundaries. Anthropological research recognizes that Islam adapts to different localities, challenging notions of a single, unchanging “essence.” Predicated on the concept of “great” and “small traditions,” pioneered by Robert Redfield (1960), this can be seen as fragmenting Islam, removing it from the center of Muslim life. Social scientific research often carried out by scholars whose interests exclude theological aspects shows that other important forces operate in Muslim societies. Akbar Ahmed argues that there is one Islam but many Muslim societies (1986, 58; see also Ramadan 2004, 9). El-Zein questions the “utility of the 23

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concept ‘Islam’ as a predefined religion” (1977, 252), preferring to study the “daily lived experiences of … local Islams” that can be “approached anthropologically” (Varisco 2005, 111). Varisco and Marranci argue that the distinction between “sociology” and “anthropology” is now blurred (Marranci 2008, 5, 7, 49; Varisco 2005, 11, 137–8) and analyze contributions from both (Ahmed’s PhD is in Sociology and Anthropology; Mernissis’ 1973 Brandeis PhD is in Sociology). Have anthropologists illuminated or obscured Islam, asks Varisco (2005)? Analyzing Geertz, Gellner, Mernissi, and Ahmed, he suggests that all four, despite protestations, end up “essentializing” Islam; Geertz “thinks he has observed it,” Gellner “theorized it into a philosophical whole,” Mernissi “attacks what it does to the Muslim female, and Ahmed discovers it all over again for the English reader” (146). All imposing ideas, in Ahmed’s case about Islam as a “normative tradition,” onto their “subjects” whom they interview, observe, and question. Akbar writes of normative Muslim behavior and thought (2003, 2). He argues that Muslims are guided by normative ideals and principles such as adl (justice), ihsan (compassion, balance, order), and ilm (knowledge) (2003, 6) but vary in how they apply these across time and space, due to circumstances and interpretation. Debate continues about the meaning and appropriateness of terms such as “Anthropology of Islam” and “Islamic Anthropology” and what role “theology” should play (see el-Zein 1977; Asad 1986; Ahmed 1986; Varisco 2005; Marranci 2008). Varisco and el-Zein think anthropologists should leave theology to theologians (Varisco 2005, 151; el-Zein 1977, 242). Anthropologists ask Muslims about transcendent aspects of belief and describe them; they do not evaluate these beliefs or take a fixed understanding of what is “normative” or “orthodox” with them into the field. Postcolonial and postmodern theory teaches us that reflexivity, awareness of the researcher’s role in the research process, whether textual or social scientific, is crucial. This involves being explicit about our theories, questioning and revising them (see McCutcheon 1999, Part V). Marranci suggests that power relations are often ignored when anthropologists use terms such as “orthodox,” “classic,” and “popular” (41). We need to ask, “Who decides what is which?” The issue of authority in Islam is explored in New Directions. Power relations also impact work in the field. In phases one and two, some scholars did spend time travelling in Muslim countries but their own “authority” almost always took priority over what Muslims said. At least one phase two contributor, though, Gustave E. von Grunebaum (1909–73), paid “attention to the various self-views that have existed in Islamic culture (Waardenburg 2007, 229). Inspired by anthropologist Alfred Kroeber (1876–1960) at Chicago, he took the notion of “culture” seriously; his 1946 book, subtitled A Study in Cultural Orientation, set out to characterize the medieval Muslim’s view of himself and his universe, and how this governed his work, moods, and life. Migrating to the United States from Austria in 1938, with a doctorate from Vienna (founded 1365), Von Grunebaum taught at Chicago’s 24

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Oriental Institute, then at UCLA, where he directed the Near Eastern Centre, since named after him. Today, fieldwork supplements but does not replace philology and historical study, although some regard only the latter as bona fide within Islamic Studies. Philology is still vital, says Arkoun (1997) but other urgent tasks demand different skills. For example, those needed to develop a critique of “contemporary Muslim discourse, which has been characterized by ideological references, concerns and slogans” (41). Others think that theory is neglected; arguably neither philology nor fieldwork is essential for theorizing about Islam. Some engage in textual and fieldwork. Some engage in one or the other, although almost all scholarship involves conversation with Muslims and non-Muslims. What can be said is that Islam today is studied as multifaceted, complex, changing, not as monolithic, homogenous, and static.

Islamic studies: The development of scholarly identity The American Academy of Religion’s Study of Islam section was founded in 1985. This emerged from an earlier Consultation (then Group) originally led by al-Faruqi, cochaired by Frederick M Denny (1981–3) (Martin 2010, 897). Denny, who taught at University of Colorado, Boulder, 1978 to 2005 where he is now professor emeritus of Islamic Studies and History of Religions, chaired the new Section from 1985 to 1988, which aims to “further the academic study of the Islamic religion in all its historical and geographical variety” (there are also three Groups; see Chronology chapter 1985). The total American Academy of Religion (AAR) membership is roughly 10,000; the Islam section’s electronic discussion forum links about 700 scholars. In 1973, one paper was presented at the AAR annual meeting on an Islam-related topic (Ernst & Martin 2010, 2); in 2009, there were 20 (including two plenary sessions). The sole 1973 presenter was Charles J. Adams; see Adams and Hallaq (1991) on Adams’ contribution. Tugrul Keskin of Portland State University moderates an important network on the Sociology of Islam, established in 2007; this currently links 1,485 scholars across 37 countries and 417 universities. Brill will publish the Network’s journal from 2012. Those who self-identify as “Islamic Studies” specialists have thus started to develop a community and an academic identity. Islamic Studies is informed by recognition that whatever else Islam is, it is cherished by individuals and impacts Muslim societies, their laws, institutions, governance, ethos, and sense of identity. Islam informs people’s “overt and visible behaviour” and also “the inner aspirations of their hearts” (Waardenburg 2007, 226), derived from W. C. Smith. Smith argued that an impersonal presentation of Islam as an “it” should first give way to “us” talking “to them” about Islam, then we should talk “with each other” about “us” (Smith 1959, 53). Today, what we write is read by “them” (1981, 143). Smith wanted to humanize Islamic Studies, to incorporate 25

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Islam into all history and theological inquiry (see Smith 1981). Too often, it was dealt with as belonging to a separate sphere, not part of the broader story. The German tradition of Islamwissenschaft (denoting the scientific study of Islam) had dealt with the subject as “fundamentally different from other civilizations and religions” (Waardenburg 2007, 244), which is perhaps why the term is less popular today. Recommendations prefers Islamische Studien. Historian Marshall Hodgson (1922–68) of Chicago anticipated important contemporary emphases, challenging the notion of Western exceptionalism, history dominated by Western achievements, discoveries, and progress, developing a more integrated approach. Analyzing interrelationships, interdependencies and shifting centers, he argued that “from a world historical point of view, history of civilization is necessarily an Asia-centred history” (Burke 1993, xvi). He was interested in interconnections, not difference or separateness. The work of Muslim scholars Farid Esack on the Qurʾān as “liberation” (1997) (openly indebted to Christian theologians), Fatima Mernissi (1991), Leila Ahmed (1992), Amina Wadud (1999) on gender, Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim (1996) on “rights” all situate Islamic discourse within wider conversations; in contrast, Islamists (see Chapter Five) raise what Tibi calls a “psychological barrier” between “Islam” and the rest of humanity (2001, 185).

Section Three: What is Islamic Studies? Several reflections on Islamic Studies, often linked with conferences, discuss the field as a subset of Religious Studies (Martin (1985) and Ernst & Martin (2010)). Ninian Smart (1927–2001), a founding figure in Religious Studies, prefer to protect the nature of the field as concerned with “many religions,” not as focusing on one (Smart 2000, 20), which also distances Religious Studies from Theology. For Smart, Religious Studies requires “breadth” (24). He feared that the “drive to specialization” would “fragment the field” (34). Other important discussions of the field include Kerr (1980), Nanji (1997), and Waardenburg (2007). Waardenburg (2007) usefully analyzes the approaches, aims, assumptions, and backgrounds of Massignon 1994 (157–88), W. C. Smith (Waardenburg 2007, 223–8), von Grunebaum 1953 (229–30), Schimmel (Waardenburg 2007, 231–4), S. H. Nasr (Waardenburg 2007, 235–42), and Arkoun (Waardenburg 2007, 243–8) exploring how each conceptualized Islam and pursued its study. “What kind of idea, picture, or value judgment,” he asks, “emerges when the notion of ‘Islam’ comes to the mind of a scholar?” (149). Martin (1985) has chapters on Corbin (Adams 1985) and Wansbrough (Rippin 1985). Rahman’s importance in shaping the field is indicated by contributions in Kerr and Martin. Kerr (1980) also saw increased specialization as problematic; the division of work into “disciplines,” less rigidly differentiated in Oriental Studies, of 26

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which practitioners see themselves as “priests of a mystery” makes the study of a “whole culture” unfashionable (2; citing Hourani 1980, 8; 1991 93). Ernst and Martin are especially concerned with studying Islam in the “post-Orientalist” era. Discussion of the state of Middle Eastern Studies is also relevant; see Ismael (1990) (surveys ten countries) and Kramer (2001). Hourani (1992), Lewis (1993b), Irwin (2008), and Said (1978) all contribute to analysis of Islamic Studies’ development. Kramer argues that the field in the United States was too wedded to US interest in “reformist Islam,” so ignored radical interpretations “that … put” Muslims on a “collision course with America” (56). Said was too full of “Palestinian passion” (48). Said and others think that pro-Zionist sympathies dominate the field (1978, 27); Kramer argues that sympathies swung too far in the opposite direction. Pipes (2003), a colleague of Kramer, set up the Middle East Forum in 1994 as a think tank to “define and promote American interests in the region.” In 2007, the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa was established under Lewis’ chairmanship, claiming that the Middle East Studies Association (founded 1966) was too politicized. Continued use of both “Near East” and “Middle East” by institutions can cause confusion; for example, Chicago’s and Harvard’s Middle East Centers are both housed in Departments of Near Eastern Studies.

Conclusion Some see all religions as problematic, advocating their demise. Yet around the world people continue to live religious lives. Over a billion are Muslim. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation has 57 member states (including Palestine). Five states are observers. Fourteen hundred years of history has produced many texts, personalities, dynasties, schools, and movements. Muslim societies—past and present, Muslim beliefs and practices, principles, values, ideas, and ideals are all subjects for study. These can be investigated by a variety of methods without taking an agreed or preconceived definition of Islam into the research process, or even a single definition of Islamic Studies. Understanding how Islamic principles impact human life and society where Muslims are a majority and in relation to non-Muslims where they are minorities, should be a vital aspect of the quest to understand (verstehen) what it is means to be human.

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II

Research Methods and Problems Elliott Bazzano

What is Islam? Inquiries into the nature of Islam cannot elicit neutral answers. To ask, “What is Islam?” already presupposes a framework of inquiry that posits an ontology.1 Furthermore, because the lines between phenomenological and confessional treatments of Islam are so easily blurred, perhaps the best way to address the question for the purposes of this volume is to survey the spectra of approaches that one might take in defining the complex Arabic term, Islam. As Wilfred Cantwell Smith and others have articulated when theorizing about religion, “Islam” is a special case because it appears in the Islamic holy text—unlike “Christianity” or “Judaism,” for example.2 The presence of “Islam” in the Qurʾān does not mean, however, that “Islam” was a widely used term in Arabian religious contexts before, during, or immediately after the Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime (570–632 CE).3 And even if the verbal noun “Islam” appears in the Qurʾān only four times, its correlated active participle, “muslim,” appears much more often and the terms operate dialectically. It would be untenable at any rate to assume that in seventh-century Arabia either term would have been synonymous with the variety of meanings the words give us today.4 From a confessional perspective, Islam may well be understood as a sui generis category—after all, God identifies the term in His Book.5 We also find mention of the term in the Report of Gabriel and other accounts from the Prophet Muhammad.6 As articulated in the Report of Gabriel, Muslims understand that Islam involves not only believing things but also doing things—in particular the profession of faith (al-shahāda), prayer (al-ṣalāt), fasting (al-ṣawm), giving charity (al-zakāt), and performing pilgrimage to Mecca (al-ḥajj). These “pillars,” though, are of course but a component of Islamic practice. If Islamic Studies scholars wish to understand Muslims holistically, they must therefore pay attention to Muslims’ interpretations of texts, artistic expressions, local customs, and all other behaviors and outlooks that influence the ways practitioners relate to their multivalent religious traditions. 29

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Because Muslims—those who profess to follow the religion of Islam—live in diverse corners of the globe, speak hundreds of different languages, represent a plethora of socioeconomic classes, and invariably interpret the parameters of their religion in a corresponding multitude of ways, the “practice of Islam” can hardly be assumed to be uniform. Of course certain features of Islamic practice can be considered nearly identical in particular ways across the globe, such as rituals like ablution and prayer, but when taken as a larger, more comprehensive system, Islamic practice is as diverse as the practice of any religious tradition. Some scholars, therefore, have even suggested that we speak of “islams,” in the plural, rather than the singular Islam—the former representing heterodoxy and locality and the latter representing reification and orthodoxy.7 In some cases this distinction might prove useful, but it would also imply the need to pluralize other concepts that are understood and defined heterogeneously, including God, Muhammad, Qurʾān, ‘Alī, or any number of terms key to the study of Islam. Pluralizing Islam will inevitably strike many as idiomatically awkward, moreover. What is most important to recognize, though, as Ebrahim Moosa articulates, is that whatever Islam is, the closest we can come to whatever “it” is or is not, is through its embodiment in concrete forms, practices, beliefs, traditions, values, prejudices, tastes, forms of power that emanate from human beings who profess and claim to be Muslim or profess belonging to a community that calls itself Muslims.8 In lieu of plurals, the reality of Islam’s heterogeneity might instead accommodate specificity by way of qualification with variously nuanced adjectives, such as: moderate, reformist, American, liberal, traditional, Sufi, and the like. In the case of assigning Islam nationalities, one might consider interchanging the terms “American Islam” and “Islam in America,” or “Indian Islam” and “Islam in India,” but such language still cannot escape the issue that the latter examples still speak about Muslims in these places. As Carl Ernst points out in Following Muhammad: Rethinking Islam in the Contemporary World about the tendency to assign agency to religious traditions, “no one, however, has ever seen Christianity or Islam do anything,” so it is problematic to suggest that any particular tradition “be” anywhere.9 As Omid Safi puts it, “‘Islam’ does not get up in the morning. Islam does not brush its teeth. Islam does not take a shower. Islam eats nothing. And perhaps most importantly for our consideration, Islam says nothing. Muslims do.”10 Emphasizing this point both in scholarship and in the classroom will help to disabuse people of the idea that religion exists in a timeless, disembodied state, devoid of human influence and temperament. Assigning religion nationalities remains problematic as well because it assumes homogeneity, whereas regional expressions within a given culture or nation-state are always idiosyncratic. 30

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In determining whether Islam is radical, liberal, moderate, or any number of qualified versions of the religion, one must negotiate the meaning of such relative terms. Jesus, of course, was radical by anyone’s estimation, but today’s scholars and journalists who write about religion probably do not mean to imply that “radical Muslims” are Christ-like. Similarly, Muslims are often considered “moderate” only when they cease practicing their religion or taking it seriously.11 Rhetoric shapes discourse and, as Edward Curtis reminds us, we must continually challenge misleading paradigms and confront language that seeks to steer conversations in a predetermined manner because “if we cannot question the assumptions on which questions are posed, we cease to be critics.”12 Remaining vigilant about not only the words we use but also why we use them is therefore just as relevant to the attempted description of Islam as it is to any other aspect of rigorous scholarship. When defining Islam and Muslims, one might also consider those traditions that have arisen in relationship to Islam but whose intensely anormative expressions put into question their “Islamic” nature. Such traditions include the Baha’i faith, Druze faith, Western Sufism of Hazrat Inayat Khan (d. 1927), and certain New Age movements that adopt Islamic thought and rituals.13 In the United States, the leadership of the University of Spiritual Healing and Sufism (USHS), for example, works with Muhammad al-Jamal, a renowned Palestinian Sufi shaykh and scholar; yet many affiliates of the school actively resist the label of Muslim, preferring a more universal understanding of Sufism. Similarly, practitioners of Western Sufism almost unanimously do not consider themselves Muslims.14 Definitions are often political as well when one looks, for example, to groups that the Saudi Arabian government has banned from Mecca due to their non-Muslim status, such as the Ahmadis, even though the groups themselves identify as Muslim.

Authority Defining Islam, as already illustrated, is usually more useful as a pedagogical exercise than it is evincive of dictionary precision.15 This becomes particularly clear in Andrew Rippin’s edited volume, Defining Islam, where we find that the meaning of Islam evolves across time and in relation to personal agendas and scholarly orientations. In addition to secondary scholarly sources, Rippin also includes the voices of influential Muslim thinkers, including Sayyid Qutb (1966), Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab (1792), and Abū Ḥanīfah (d. 767) himself. Given the variety of voices, the authors in his volume, not surprisingly, remain divided on the best ways to characterize Islam. Norman Calder (d. 1998), for example, argues that orthodoxy has remained more important than orthopraxy in Islamic history.16 Richard Bulliet argues the opposite.17 31

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Electing Islam’s most deserving spokespeople is a central enigma for Muslim and non-Muslim scholars alike, and in Who Speaks for Islam? What a Billion Muslims Really Think, John Esposito and Dalia Mogahed tackle this ambitious project. By relying largely on polls, they seek to compile an allegedly representative account of what more than 90 percent of Muslims worldwide think about various topics, from democracy to terrorism.18 Setting aside the methodological accuracy and other challenges of Esposito and Mogahed’s project, who does speak for Islam? Does anyone, or do only select, educated, qualified individuals? How a scholar explicitly or implicitly responds to such questions will surely determine her approach to a given study and paying more or less attention to the masses or an elite group inevitably serves different purposes and reflects the scholar’s own intellectual background and oftentimes the specific context of her research. Men, moreover, have overwhelmingly been the spokespersons of Islam, at least as far as texts and political authority is concerned. The same also rings true for any other major religion of the world. Especially in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, however, a number of scholars (male and female, but mostly female) have sought to reevalute the importance of female voices both in the history of Islam and in modern-day debates and scholarship. A few prominent female voices in Islamic studies over the past several decades include Leila Ahmed, Fatima Mernissi, Kecia Ali, and Saba Mahmood. Both implicitly and explicitly, these scholars have sought to assess a body of texts and rituals, the creation of which have been overwhelmingly male-dominated both in theory and practice. The critical evaluation of this reality has led to new trends in the study of Islam. Fatima Mernissi, for example, has argued that because reports of the Prophet Muhammad were recoreded primarily by men, we should approach these sources with respective caution while acknowledging the significance of potentially suppressed female voices.19 Unlike Mernissi, Ahmed relies almost entirely on English secondary sources; Mernissi cites classical texts extensively. Like Mernissi, however, Ahmed writes somewhat apologetically and challenges the authority of a male-dominated tradition. Ahmed posits two aspects of Islam, in this regard: the ethical, which would be the spirit or the message of Islam, and the institutional, which reflects human power structures and vies for authority.20 This bifurcation is not without its problems, and of course raises questions of essences. Can we speak about Islam as something sui generis or can we speak only about context-specific texts and lived expressions? Moreover, Mernissi provocatively asks “if a desegregated society, where formerly secluded women have equal rights not only economically but sexually, would be an authentic Muslim society.”21 That is, the lived history of Muslim societies has been one of male-domination. Would it therefore be appropriate to call an egalitarian society, as Mernissi conceives of it, authentically “Islamic” or “Muslim”? 32

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In Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject anthropologist Saba Mahmood tackles a related question. In the ethnography, Mahmood examines female mosque movements in Cairo and the empowerment of women that results. By way of participant observation, Mahmood documents the political and social significance of these movements on the lives of the women she studies and argues that greater knowledge of their religion increases the authority of Egyptian women both inside and outside the home.22 Her lack of primary sources, though, as in Ahmed’s case of Ahmed, weakens her ability to make certain claims, especially in regards to Islamic law. Conversely, much of Kecia Ali’s work on gender gives meticulous attention to primary sources. Her monographs on sexual ethics and marriage pay close attention to classical juridical discourses. She argues that apologetic works on gender often fail to admit egregiously unegalitarian precedents in traditional Islamic law. Ali believes, however, that the richness of classical Islamic texts and ethical ideals they espouse are reason to take them seriously if gender reform is to take place and that real reform will not find widespread support without engagement tradition directly.23

Defining Islamic Studies Although the debate over what constitutes Islam as a religious and ideological system has existed for well over a millennium, the same is not true for “Islamic Studies.” It has existed for a far shorter period of time. Although “Islamic Studies” (Ar. al-dirāsāt al-Islāmiyya) may be used in theological institutions of Islamic learning, that meaning is not what we intend here. Instead, we have in mind the Western, academic study of Islam. Any number of texts demonstrate the work of those who study or profess Islam, but what the Western academic discipline of “Islamic Studies” is remains less clear. For purposes of exploring how Islamic Studies scholars have consciously thought to define the field, two volumes—both edited at least in part by Richard Martin—are particularly worthy of mention here: Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, first published in 1987 and again in 2001 and Rethinking Islamic Studies: From Orientalism to Cosmopolitanism, published in 2010.24 Both volumes, in their own ways, explore the characteristics and boundaries of Islamic Studies and present a spectrum of views. In neither text is there even agreement on what the most basic methodological issues are and their authors often write with competing visions for the study of religion in general and the study of Islam in particular, so Islamic Studies remains amorphous even when attempting to articulate its key features. Thus, like defining Islam, defining Islamic Studies also necessitates surveying a variety of approaches, encompassing both insider and outsider viewpoints. 33

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One might define Islamic Studies through a survey of texts that deal with Islam or even texts themselves that directly seek to explain and define Islamic Studies. And yet another approach to understanding the field involves surveying institutions that train Islamic Studies scholars. In the United States there are dozens of graduate programs in Religious Studies that offer emphases on Islam, and even more undergraduate programs. Of course, though, departments of history, divinity, anthropology, sociology, ethnomusicology, art history, and others may also offer degrees with an emphasis on Islam.25 Islamic Studies certainly does not belong solely to Religious Studies. There are institutions like Columbia University and the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), which host interdisciplinary graduate programs in Islamic Studies whose courses and students draw on the expertise of faculty from a number of departments, including Near Eastern Languages and Cultures (NELC), History, and Law. We also find scattered throughout the United States programs in Middle East Studies, Arab Studies, South Asian Studies, Middle East and South Asian Studies, and other area studies emphases that may well relate quite specifically to the study of Islam, and host students and faculty who specialize in topics related to Islam. The interdisciplinary nature of Islamic Studies, however, perhaps reflects trends in popular thinking to conflate the Middle East, Arab world, and Muslim world.26 Although terms such as “Oriental Studies” are now generally avoided in US institutions, the American Oriental Society (AOS) holds annual meetings, and of course the prestigious School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London remains among the premier area study programs in the world.27 Given the vast auspices under which Islamic Studies work takes place, looking for consistencies and commonalities among dissertations and publications within particular departments and programs may not present conclusive impressions about the nature of said departments and programs, simply because of their diverse nature. Richard Martin has lamented the “failure of religious studies to congeal as a ‘discipline,’ despite the appearance of an increasing number of departments of religion or religious studies,” an argument that presumably extends to the subdiscipline of Islamic Studies as well.28 The failure of the discipline “to congeal,” however, may not be a bad thing. After all, interdisciplinarity is the foundation of Religious Studies as a field—to say nothing of Islamic Studies—unlike its more firmly grounded cousins in theology and other disciplines that thrive in seminaries. The contested nature and undefined boundaries of Religious Studies ensures that it remains a robust umbrella field able to accommodate broad subfields such as Islamic Studies. Department titles are but one indicator, however, of a program’s nature. Because Religious Studies departments did not exist prior to the late sixties, many scholars who received their PhDs before that era could not be expected 34

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to have graduated from a Religious Studies department, even though they may have ended up working in a Religious Studies department.29 Moreover, professors who specialize primarily in language or literature may find themselves employed in a Religious Studies department for any number of reasons, even if their research and teaching interests bear little on the study of religion. Consequentially, many dissertations or publications related to the study of Islam could just as easily come from a history department or a cultural studies department as they could Religious Studies. Today in the United States and England, Islamic Studies programs are developing not only to serve the academy but also to respond to the needs of Muslims in particular. Taking, for example, Zaytuna College and Hartford Seminary in the United States and the Cambridge Muslim College in the United Kingdom, we can see that the lines between secular and religious education are not so easily defined. Zaytuna College, cofounded by Hamza Yusuf and Zaid Shakir, offers BA degrees in both “Arabic” and “Islamic Law and Theology,” while simultaneously requiring students to take general education courses in subjects including economics, astronomy, and political science. Notably, as evidenced by the Zaytuna luncheon at the 2011 American Academy of Religion (AAR) National Meeting, Islamic seminaries in the West may be growing as interlocutors for scholars working in a secular Western framework. (The Introduction refers to other examples of accredited colleges in the United Kingdom context run by Muslim organizations.) Hartford Seminary is quite different and solely a graduate institution, offering an MA degree in Islamic Chaplaincy. And Cambridge Muslim College, headed by T. J. Winter (also known as Abdal Hakim Murad), is different still. Geared toward Muslims with traditional training in Islamic religious sciences, the college aims to supplement their studies with liberal arts training with an emphasis on Islam in Britain and the contemporary world. Also reflective of Zaytuna and Cambridge Muslim College, there is a growing trend of Islamic Studies scholars who boast formal training from both secular and religious institutions. No list of names has been formally published— and if one had, it would be quite subjective because the members could vary depending upon how one defines “traditional training”—but our globalizing world is certainly responsible for a changing face of interdisciplinary academic training in the study of religion. Tariq Ramadan’s plenary address entitled “Contemporary Islam: The Meaning and the Need of a Radical Reform” at the 2009 annual meeting of the AAR in Montreal marks the gray territory between secular and confessional approaches to the study of religion, especially given his prominent insider voice as a scholar-activist of Islam in Europe. The role of scholar and Muslim intellectual, however, is of course not something exclusive to Europe. Omid Safi, a public intellectual and Islamic Studies professor based in the United States at University of North Carolina (UNC), Chapel Hill, is a regular 35

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contributor to the religion blog of the Huffington Post and Religion News Service. He also published a scholarly monograph, and edited the 2003 publication Progressive Muslims, comprised of contributions by Muslim academics giving voice to a “progressive” Islam that is also firmly rooted in centuries of tradition and scholarship. Safi also edited the fifth volume for Voices of Islam, also authored by Muslims treating a variety of topics.30 He thus has a foot firmly planted in the worlds of both descriptive and prescriptive scholarship. Many other prominent Islamic Studies scholars in the United States fall under a similar category, including Sherman (Abd al-Hakim) Jackson, who not only holds an endowed chair in Islamic thought in University of South Carolina’s (USC) School of Religion, but also cofounded the American Learning Institute for Muslims (ALIM), and has given lectures at Reviving the Islamic Spirit (RIS) and other large Muslim gatherings. The second annual Islamic Studies conference hosted by the University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB) entitled “Locating the Shari‘a” bears witness to the presence of Islamic Studies scholars in the United States whose training stems from both Western academies and traditional institutions overseas. Each of the three keynote speakers at the conference—Ahmad Atif Ahmad (UCSB), Khaled Abou El Fadl (UCLA), and Sherman Jackson (USC)—reflects this tendency, as they have each received substantial training in Islamic religious sciences outside of the United States, in addition to their Western post-graduate education.31

Antagonistic and Revisionist Approaches to the Study of Islam Although there is no shortage of openly non-Muslim Islamic Studies scholars working in Western academies, a portion of them engage in sometimes antagonistic studies of Islam, perhaps confessional in their own right, at times meant to disprove various normative claims. For example, in the 1977 publication, Hagarism: the Making of the Islamic World, Michael Cooke and Patricia Crone maintain that the book is written by infidels for infidels, and it is based on what from any Muslim perspective must appear an inordinate regard for the testimony of infidel sources. Our account is not merely unacceptable; it is also one which any Muslim whose faith is as a grain of a mustard seed should find no difficulty in rejecting.32 A main thread in Hagarism is that Islamic historical sources are unreliable, which prompted the authors to construct early Islamic history on the basis of nonIslamic, nonArabic sources. Even at the time of publication, the book met with firm criticisms and scholars generally continue to dismiss its main conclusions 36

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today. The issue of polemical intentions aside, telling the Muslim reader what her faith should dictate ironically presents the same type of normative rhetoric that the authors sought to escape while producing the text. Moreover, much of Religious Studies and Islamic Studies scholarship that claims to work from a phenomenological or descriptive framework ends up advocating normative claims in many regards, for it is of course presumptuous if nonetheless strategic to attempt to engage religion solely as a thing to be studied.33 Crone and Cook published Hagarism several decades back, but methodologically weak and inflammatory texts continue to be published today, sometimes by first-rate academic publishers. Efraim Karsh, for example, has managed to publish several books through Harvard and Yale University presses—books that make untenable claims and have received steady criticism from the scholarly community. One must surely wonder how this can be, as Richard Bulliet calls Karsh’s Empire’s of the Sand “a tendentious and unreliable piece of scholarship that should have been vetted more thoroughly by the publisher.”34 Of course, just because a piece of scholarship challenges normative claims about history, or critiques social or political systems does not automatically render the piece as antagonistic. John Wansbrough, Luxenberg, and others have critiqued the commonly held belief that the Qurʾān was codified in the seventh century, but what is scholarship if not an arena to challenge assumptions?1235 There is, moreover, a difference between texts that are overtly antagonistic and those that are more tacit in their assertions. Edward Said’s Orientalism and the responses to that publication by Bernard Lewis and others offer insight into this debate. Whether they like it or not, authors writing about Islam must be sensitive and attuned to the political implications of their work. This is not simply a post-9/11 issue, either. In Contending Visions of the Middle East: the History and Politics of Orientalism, Zachary Lockman details the complex history of Muslim/non-Muslim relations with particular attention to power dynamics and intercultural exchange.36 Without duly acknowledging this history, scholars will fail to produce truly honest work.

Dealing with Popular Perceptions of Islam For better or for worse, no matter how restrictive in scope Islamic Studies scholars try to keep themselves, the ubiquitous presence of misinformation about Islam is impossible to ignore. Aside from antagonistic scholars, voices such as David Horowitz, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Pamela Geller, Robert Spencer, Geert Wilders, and Brigitte Gabriel, to name some of the most prominent professional propagandists with few or dubious credentials—and who are not, therefore scholars—enjoy profitable careers in exchange for spreading politically motivated and disingenuous rhetoric about Islam and Muslims. In addition to these 37

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self-proclaimed experts on “Islamic radicalism,” other public figures fill airwaves and bookshelves with their inflammatory rhetoric as well. Former presidential candidate Herman Cain declared during his 2011 campaign that were he elected he would not appoint a Muslim to his cabinet, a statement that he then qualified by saying he may consider it, but only if said Muslim passed a loyalty test of unspecified parameters. For Cain to have made a similar comment about a Jew or an Hispanic immigrant would have been political suicide, but his contemporary social climate accommodated the remark, and Cain continued on the campaign trail. Unfortunately, many media outlets happily give voice to demagogical personalities and large portions of the American population obtain information about Islam from their pseudo-intellectual output, which demagogues, which is indicated in part by the number of books that professional polemicists sell, often exceeding that of even introductory books written by Islamic Studies scholars for popular audiences. University student associations routinely offer such speakers handsome stipends, moreover, to give public lectures on university campuses, and surely to the dismay of almost any Islamic Studies scholar working in the American academy, Walid Shoebat has received 5,000 dollars per speaking engagement to educate police officers and Homeland Security employees on the “Islamic threat.”37 In 2005, the Clarion Fund produced Obsession: Radical Islam’s War Against the West, a vitriolic DVD that buttresses Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis in a sensational and high-budget manner.38 By 2008, some 28 million DVD copies had been distributed for free, often showing up in university mailboxes of faculty and students alike across the country.39 Whether individuals such as Shoebat and Horowitz are “Islamophobes” or bigots notwithstanding, what remains clear is that they ought to be taken seriously by Islamic Studies scholars—not because their contributions to knowledge exceed the ridiculous and absurd, but rather because if educated academics do not take the reins of public discourse surrounding Islam, there are innumerable unqualified mouthpieces who have already and will continue to find lucrative careers in spreading their messages instead. There are of course many popular authorities on Islam, only some of whom possess academic credentials but who nonetheless attempt to counteract the negative vitriol of the demagogues. These voices include Reza Aslan, Eboo Patel, Edina Lecovic, Faisal Abdul Rauf, Daisy Khan, and Chris Hedges. And following the New York Police Department (NYPD) surveillance episode, even unlikely voices arose, when New Jersey Republican Governor Chris Christie criticized the actions of the NYPD. Several members of the Republican Party also spoke out against representative Michelle Bachmann’s attempts to discredit Huma Abedin, top aide to Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, claiming that Abedin had ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. But public 38

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intellectuals, politicians, and media personalities cannot take the place of scholars. It is therefore incumbent upon Islamic Studies scholars to proactively assert their authority beyond the classrooms, peer reviewed journals, and academic presses, so that their voices may be heard by broad audiences.

Comparative Projects Comparative projects related to the study of Islam have a long and sometimes controversial history, as works like Hagarism indicate. The study of Islam naturally crosses a number of disciplinary boundaries, and oftentimes gives rise to explicitly comparative projects encompassing various religions, philosophical systems, and political theories. The work of Marshall Hodgson (d. 1968), one of the founding fathers of contemporary Islamic Studies, marked a shift in the study of Islam—in part due to its emphasis on understanding Islam and Islamic history in the greater context of world history and world civilization.40 His scholarship is most famously represented in his three-volume magnum opus, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization.41 Bruce Lawrence and others have championed Hodgson’s pioneering work as a move away from Orientalism and toward the dynamic and cosmopolitan face of Islam and Muslims.42 Another multipronged approach to investigating Islamic thought involves juxtaposing the ideas of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars. In Ebrahim Moosa’s 2007 publication, Ghazali and the Poetics of Imagination, the author puts Ghazālī (d. 1111) into conversation not only with noteworthy Muslim thinkers, including al-Muhasibi (d. 857), Ibn Rushd (d. 1198), and Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) but also a host of Western philosophers from Plato (d. ca. 347 BCE) and Aristotle (d. 322 BCE) to Hegel (1831) and Foucault (1984). In the text, Moosa emphasizes the notion of the dihliz, or threshhold, as a means to reinforce Ghazālī’s liminal and multivalent thinking.43 In contrast to scholars like Moosa, who draw nuanced connections between Islamic thought and Western philosophical traditions, a rich, and sometimes notorious legacy can be found in comparative studies of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Many of the tendencies in such studies are at the fore of Said’s critiques in Orientalism, but there are also plenty of ostensibly nonpolemical comparative projects between Islam and its “Abrahamic” counterparts.44 One might include The Qur’ān and its Biblical Subtext by Gabriel Said Reynolds in this latter category. Reynolds’ monograph examines the Qurʾān in light of its biblical “subtext,” which the author defines as the social and literary milieu in which the Qurʾān arose in the seventh century. He therefore examines Jewish and Christian apocryphal works in addition to canonical texts—sources that have been largely 39

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overlooked in studies of the Qurʾān.45 Secondly, although presumably nonMuslim, Reynolds has much in common with various Muslim reformists in that he believes that Muslim exegetes and traditional scholars have sullied an authentic interpretation of the Qurʾān, and accordingly wishes to reconceive the enterprise of Qurʾānic exegesis.46 Todd Lawson also plays the role of exegete in The Crucifixion and the Qur’an, in which he probes the variety of Muslim interpretations of Q 4: 157.47 In addition to Lawson’s recent publication, scholars have written innumerable treatments of Jesus’ role in Islam and we also find scholars such as John Renard and Clinton Bennett who approach Islam from perspectives rooted in Christian theology but nonetheless sympathetic and certainly not antagonistic to Islamic tradition.48 We also find examples of Christian scholars writing about Islam who note the appreciable spiritual impact that the study of Islam has had on their lives.49

Language Competency Generally speaking, when considering the language training that is required to study Islam in-depth, Arabic and Persian, in that order, should come to mind. One might then ask, “Are such languages ‘Islamic’ languages?” Even if Qurʾānic Arabic is “Islamic,” does the modifier then apply equally to any Arabic source, or at least any Arabic source related to Islam? And which languages might comprise a fuller list of “Islamic” languages? Ottoman Turkish and Urdu, for instance, would surely be at the top. But again, are they “Islamic” languages? What of administrative texts in Ottoman Turkish, for example, which have little to do with religion? Are they Islamic texts, written in an Islamic language? And what of the widely spoken Indonesian, or Bengali languages? French and German are also undeniably important, given the vast history of scholarship in those languages. Italian and Russian, moreover, must also be included. Given the evolving impact of globalization English is rapidly becoming one of the most important languages today for the study of Islam. Although there may be a difference between “Islamic languages” and languages necessary for the study of Islam, it is perhaps a lost cause to create a hierarchy of importance in terms of language competency for Islamic Studies scholars. Languages serve a variety of context-specific purposes, so from this perspective there is little use in generalizing their relative importance. And yet there are certain languages whose impact on Islamic Studies scholarship is universally acknowledged. Because the genesis of Islam revolves intimately around the Arabic language, and because Arabic remained the dominant language of Muslim scholarship for centuries, it retains unparalleled 40

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importance for Muslim and non-Muslim scholars today. Even if one’s primary research language is not Arabic, there are too many terms—and therefore concepts—rooted in the Arabic language that without a familiarity with or even moderate proficiency in the language, one’s authority and overall comprehension of the Islamic tradition will be severely limited. Etymological and morphological familiarity with key terms such as Islam, Muslim, fiqh, sharī‘a, ḥijāb, Sufi, and kalām—to name but a few—is indispensible for any grasp of the Islamic tradition that aims to reach beyond the rudimentary. During extensive periods of Islamic history, Persian also enjoyed great significance and acted as an administrative, spoken, and scholarly language for much of Central and South Asia. Therefore, depending on regional and historical focus, an Islamic Studies scholar may indeed require a more in-depth knowledge of Persian than Arabic, but because Persian is sprinkled with thousands of Arabic words and idioms, working primarily with Persian texts without securing a foundational knowledge of Arabic would nevertheless create many roadblocks. In order to engage with Muslims across the globe, it may naturally become necessary to study the myriad of languages they speak. Especially for anthropological or ethnographic projects, learning dialects and colloquial expressions proves necessary, and any number of languages and language varieties may be particularly important depending on the nature of one’s study. Finding the resources to learn relevant languages can of course present challenges as well. Until recently, many Islamic Studies programs in North America focused primarily on reading without necessarily encouraging students to speak, aurally comprehend, let alone write in Arabic. Given the worldwide popularity of Al-Kitaab—not only in the United States but also in Arab countries including Yemen, Morocco, Egypt, and Syria—American students of the Arabic language are increasingly approaching the subject from a more holistic perspective.50 Additionally, and perhaps ironically, Al-Kitaab pays little attention to Islam or religion more broadly and may indeed reflect that many if not most Western students of the Arabic language are not primarily or even incidentally interested in the study of Islam. Arabic language training in North America oftentimes takes emphasis away from Islam—perhaps in part to rightly portray Arab countries as pluralistic and multicultural in many cases—although there is probably an overcorrection at times, which is unfortunate, because formal Arabic became codified because of, not in spite of, the Qurʾān. In recent years, the Center for Arabic Study Abroad (CASA), which has served as the premier Arabic Studies program for American students since 1967, has enrolled hardly any students in Islamic Studies or Religious Studies. Advanced reading seminars in graduate programs are often the exception to avoiding religious matters and focus on a number of different topics related to Islam, depending on department and instructor. There is a growing demand 41

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for Arabic language instruction in Western institutions, but at what point does leaving the confines of the classroom prove necessary in order to study Islam and Muslims? Given the importance of language competency and an historical focus— which is now changing—on texts, a responsible Islamic Studies scholar cannot always rely on texts alone in order to understand the ways in which Muslims think. On the one hand if one’s study were historical, then what use would interviews, for example, with contemporary Muslim thinkers serve? A contemporary Arabic speaker would have no more specialized knowledge of a medieval text or scholar than would a contemporary English speaker for an analogous case. Therefore, although holistic language study serves certain purposes, much of scholarship nonetheless requires an exclusive or near-exclusive focus on reading comprehension, to the exclusion of other language acquisition skills. When we compare, for example, Ignaz Goldziher (d. 1921) who studied at al-Azhar in Cairo, to Reynold Nicholson (d. 1945) who worked with texts in the United Kingdom, we find two radically different approaches to the study of Islam and the Arabic language as well.51 Ascertaining who was the more effective scholar between Goldziher and Nicholson would be a futile exercise, but based on their education styles alone the comparison nonetheless illustrates that studying Islam has been undertaken by competent scholars in a variety of ways for a long time. We should add here that the roots of Western studies of Islam date back to medieval times and indeed relied heavily on philology. This reliance should not halt, but scholars must simultaneously keep in mind that texts are limited. That not withstanding, the ability of Islamic Studies scholars to seriously engage primary sources in their original languages will always remain crucial, lest primary sources become secondary and secondary sources primary. What if one seeks to study Islam in America, for example, a country where English is the national language and where Friday sermons are given in English? Even then, a firm grasp of Arabic would be necessary in order to make sense of how Muslims in the United States function, because Arabic remains the liturgical language for the overwhelming majority of Muslims across the globe. Given the plethora of immigrant communities in the United States, moreover, English alone cannot likely suffice for any in-depth study of Muslims in the United States, no matter how Anglo-centric the study may be. But in an English-speaking context, Islamic Studies scholars must also negotiate their relationship with a number of English terms related to the study of Islam and religion more generally—terms that are often without a clear definition and egregiously abused by scholars, politicians, and the popular media. Words such as radical, extreme, fundamentalist, terrorism, moderate, Islamophobia, and Islamist play a role in a variety of discourses but are not always defined 42

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sufficiently or even at all. Oftentimes, these words are nothing more than elaborate synonyms for “bad” (with the exception of “moderate,” as we discussed earlier, which might simply mean “good”). In terms of emphasizing the role of English in the study of Islam, the authors of Jamal Elias’ edited volume, Key Themes for the Study of Islam, are sure to use English terms for each chapter title (e.g. art, prayer, law, modernity, institution, and death). By emphasizing “themes” the authors veer from trends of introductory texts that focus primarily on doctrinal aspects of Islam or its chronological development. As can be seen in each chapter, moreover, Arabic terminology is not discarded; it simply is not the starting point and is used only when necessary, with an appropriate glossary at the end.52 After all, at what point do foreign terms become a distraction in English writing? William Strunk asked this question decades ago in his classic The Elements of Style and scholars would likely do well to consider the necessity of nonEnglish words in their scholarship today. Referring to Islam as “submission” might prove awkward, and referring to Sufism simply as Islamic mysticism may prove misleading. So sometimes leaving terms untranslated best serves one’s needs, but when nonEnglish words are used haphazardly they can easily clutter and obfuscate one’s prose. A few particularly important Arabic–English dictionaries should be noted here, including those by Hans Wehr, J. G. Hava, and Edward Lane. Numerous online Arabic–English and Arabic–Arabic dictionaries exist as well. One of the best, if not the best, is “The Arabic Almanac” because it digitally searches Hava, Wehr, and Lane.53 In terms of Arabic-language reference works, Wolfdietrich Fischer has authored one of particular authority, even if its language is often dense, but such is Arabic grammar.54 There are dozens of resources for other Islamic languages as well and important references for the Persian language include Steinlass’ dictionary and Thackston’s grammar.55

The Insider/Outsider Problem According to Russell McCutcheon, the insider/outsider problem is, in a nutshell, “whether, and to what extent, someone can study, understand, or explain the beliefs, words, or actions of another.”56 One might also go further, defining the insider/outsider problem in light of one’s ability to study religious traditions to which one does not adhere. Whether we take McCutcheon’s broad definition or we think about the issue in terms of religious identity, it is a challenge that every scholar of religion must face, and a challenge that carries consequences. It is of course not a new issue, and founding fathers of Religious Studies such as William Cantwell Smith were already giving attention to the insider/ outsider issue some fifty years ago. And scholars continue those efforts today. But for many of us, decades after Cantwell Smith, the insider/outsider problem 43

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is still an elephant in the room—one that deserves our persistent attention in teaching and scholarship. Scholars, in their publications and in the classrooms, often reveal their personal religious persuasions—and often they do not—but it is important to realize that religious identity is just one of many identities and not necessarily any more important to an Islamic Studies scholar than numerous other layers that comprise her worldview and social presence, including gender, skin color, nationality, linguistic abilities, political affiliations, sexuality, and socioeconomic background. Thus, when considering the difference in scholarly approach between Muslims and non-Muslims, we must first recognize that there is no more homogeneity within the category “Muslim” than there is in the category “non-Muslim.” The spectrum on both sides is so vast that giving preference to a Muslim’s approach to Islamic Studies versus a non-Muslim’s approach (or vice versa) is virtually meaningless. As Marshall Hodgson articulately states, “it is no guarantee of balanced insight, to be a Muslim, nor of impartiality, to be a non-Muslim.”57 As a Christian Palestinian working in the Western academy, Edward Said was also keenly aware of the slippery nature of identity. In Orientalism he writes that the construction of identity is bound up with the disposition of power and powerlessness in each society, and is therefore anything but mere academic woolgathering. What makes all these fluid and extraordinarily rich actualities difficult to accept is that most people resist the underlying notion: that human identity is not only not natural and stable, but constructed, and occasionally even invented outright.58 Moreover, the identities of scholars are often judged by their names, with the assumption that there are “Muslim sounding” names and “non-Muslim sounding” names. For example, in the 2009 version of The 500 Most Influential Muslims, the authors accidentally include the Christian scholar Wael Hallaq in this list.59 Additionally blurring the lines between the inside and outside, the book review guidelines for the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences state that the reviewer should note any “relevance or contribution to Islamic thought” that she finds in her subject. Of course any thought could be construed as relevant to another, but can a non-Muslim contribute to Islamic thought? If so, what makes the thought Islamic? Because the journal does not solicit contributions based explicitly on religious identity, the editors appear to indicate that Islamic thought is not simply the domain of Muslim authorship and creativity. Perhaps following Hodgson’s lead, the guidelines should discuss “Islamicate” thought instead.60 Moreover, the issue of belonging is complicated by a phenomenon suggested by Amina Wadud, who has argued that many academics today remain “closet 44

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Muslims,” out of fearing negative professional consequences.61 Whether a hiring committee seeks a candidate from a particular religious background or if a speaking engagement would presumably favor scholars for religious reasons, the issue of religious identity is not absent from the Western academy—not by a long shot. From another perspective, it is demonstrably true that many openly Muslim academics are leading successful scholarly lives, at least in terms of their professional appointments and publication records. Amir Hussain, a Canadian scholar of South Asian background, illustrates this well. He has published extensively—interestingly, even on the insider/outsider issue—and is the editor of the Journal for the American Academy of Religion. In this work, Hussain has reflected on his own identity and in one article even asserts that in the United States his primary identity is Canadian, and not Muslim, though he finds that changing post 9/11.62 In the same article, he also recounts deliberately inviting a non-Muslim filmmaker to the first event he coordinated as part of the Study of Islam Program put on by the Islamic Studies program at his university, with the purpose of demonstrating that one need not be Muslim to study Islam.63 For this author, the general silence of discussion of religious identity in pedagogy and scholarship presents a subtext that says it is irrelevant—that belonging or not belonging to a particular tradition bears no relevance on one’s competence as a scholar. And although this assumption might seem generous, it is not unheard of (although probably not legal) for hiring committees to inquire into the religious affiliation of candidates during the hiring process, and the ability to ascertain faith commitments can inevitably influence hiring decisions. Despite the political and social relevance of scholarly commitments and pre-commitments, a noticeable lacuna remains in studies of the insider/ outsider problem in an Islamic Studies context. Despite a dearth of studies on the insider/outsider problem more generally, there is no shortage of data, however, from which to explore the phenomenon.64 Many of the “founding fathers” of contemporary Islamic Studies in the United States, including Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988), Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and Ismail Faruqi (d. 1986) straddled the line between prescriptive and descriptive scholarship. Nasr and Rahman, for example, write through an explicitly confessional lens in much of their work. In Rahman’s introduction to Islam, an introductory text, he tells the reader that he finds it “impossible [to] simply ‘describe’ a religion and particularly his own faith and fail to convey to the reader anything of that inner intensity of life which constitutes his faith.”65 Nasr approaches his scholarship in a similar manner, under the assumption that separating religious commitments from scholarship would be somehow disingenuous.66 In The Vision of Islam, William Chittick and Sachiko Murata walk a fine line between descriptive and prescriptive scholarship. The authors present Islam as something aesthetically pleasing, morally inspiring, and cosmologically 45

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comprehensive. At no point do the authors reveal their religious identity, but given the nature of the presentation in the book, it is difficult to assume that the authors are not Muslims. The text is thoroughly sympathetic toward a Muslim worldview and the authors hardly suggest why anyone would not want to be Muslim.67 There are many more examples of telling publications that demonstrate the implications of religious identity and the relationship between descriptive and prescriptive scholarship, but the South African native Farid Esack provides a good case study for interrogating this topic further. Esack speaks candidly of his Muslim faith in much of his scholarly work.68 In The Qur’an: A User’s Guide, he gives us a particularly illustrative example. The text is a thoroughly scholarly work on the Qurʾān, yet Esack creatively weaves in elements of his confessional orientation into his scholarship without sacrificing a critical approach. He addresses contentious issues that many Muslims would shy away from, such as anormative narratives on the collection and canonization of the Qurʾān, as well as problematizing what it means to call the Qurʾān “divine.” Esack discusses all the major Qurʾānic sciences, such as the occasions of revelation, abrogation, exegesis, and recitation, and his bibliography contains Arabic and English sources one would expect to find in a scholarly work on the Qurʾān. But by no means does Esack pretend to be a disinterested scholar. He begins the book with a peculiar trope: the many types of lovers that study the Qurʾān. There is the uncritical lover, who “reflects the position of the ordinary Muslim toward the Qur’an”; he loves his beloved and is content with that love—it need not be analyzed much.69 Then there is the “scholarly lover,” which refers to Muslims who are convinced the Qurʾān is the absolute word of God and who are interested in formulating arguments to prove their case;70 there is also the “critical lover.” This lover is one who may be enamoured with his beloved but will view questions about her nature and origins, her language, or if her hair has been dyed or nails varnished, etc., as reflecting deeper love and more profound commitment, a love and commitment that will not only withstand all these questions and the uncomfortable answers that rigorous enquiry may yield, but that will actually be deepened by them.71 The next category, “the friend of the lover […] accepts the broad outlines of Muslim historiography and of claims about the development of the Qurʾān,” but does not identify as a Muslim.72 Such a person “may not be a full citizen of the world of the Qur’an, but is certainly no foreigner either—let alone an invader!”73 The next type, “the voyeur,” claims to be the disinterested observer, but who is not necessarily interested in a sympathetic approach. This approach, Esack writes, 46

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has not been welcomed by those who openly acknowledge a relationship between themselves and […] the beloved […] These “objective” scholars claim to have no confessional or ulterior motive in approaching the Qur’an other than that of examining the body in the interest of scholarship. Alas, there is no innocent scholarship.74 The final category Esack lists is the “polemicist,” who is “in fact, besotted with another woman, perhaps the Bible or Secularism […] Pamphlets, tracts and the internet are where these polemicists hang out.”75 Esack identifies himself as a “critical progressive Muslim, a student of the Qur’an with a respect for all serious scholarly inquiry” who draws upon his “South African Muslim heritage in explaining what the Qurʾān means to Muslims.”76 Although Esack spends some time explaining his taxonomy of the lovers, it is all to say that scholarship is not neutral. He of course implies that a sympathetic yet critical view is best. And many if not most Islamic Studies scholars would likely agree. But defining “sympathetic yet critical” leaves the gates of interpretation wide open. We might here mention Carl Ernst as a non-Muslim, “sympathetic yet critical” scholar of Islam. Coming from the other end of the specrum as Esack, Ernst goes out of his way to tell the reader he is not Muslim, in the preface to Following Muhammad.77 For other scholars, however, their non-Muslim identity becomes quite relevant to their scholarly productions. Such is the case of Mark Berkson, who has written on the insider/outsider issue in the study of Islam. In his article on the subject, he does not, however, mention his personal religious leanings; all he tells the reader is that he is not Muslim. And even though Berkson is not a prominent scholar in Islamic Studies, he nonetheless ranks among the few who have published on the topic of Islamic Studies pedagogy more broadly and religious identity in Islamic Studies specifically. Berkson describes himself as pluralistic and sympathetic to Islam, but what he means by “pluralistic” remains unclear, and Esack’s taxonomy might place Berkson somewhere between the “friend of the lover” and the “voyeur.” Berkson writes that he encourages his students to embody what he refers to as an “imaginative insider’s perspective,” which involves learning “to see our face in the face of the ‘other,’ […] while still preserving and appreciating the profound difference.”78 “I am a pluralist,” Berkson writes, “because I have found that every major religious tradition and sacred text that I have studied contains profound truths and beauty.”79 In this respect, Berkson is the friend of the lover, but he is also a voyeur because he makes dogmatic criticisms without giving them thoroughly reflective or reflexive consideration. After mentioning it is “unfortunate that so few Muslims are willing to apply historical and source criticism to the Qur’an,” he also writes that in light of “a rich history of critical thinkers and creative interpreters in Islam, […] the Muslim world would benefit from a revival of that spirit today.”80 Despite one’s confessional preferences, however, surely the history of the Qurʾān, and the relation of 47

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inerrancy to the text, is different than that of the Bible. Following this, Berkson argues that outsider status should not preclude one from criticizing religious doctrines and practices when one finds them morally unacceptable. But of what import is it to know what a scholar thinks of a given ethical concern? Of what relevance are those concerns to scholarship? At the end of the day, what matters most in one’s scholarship is not religious identity, but instead intellectual rigor, language competency, familiarity with the field and sophistication of approach to many of the challenges that this chapter and volume surveys.

Anthropology/Sociology/Ethnography81 Because the Muslim world is so diverse and geographically spread out, conducting fieldwork as part of one’s research may present particular challenges. Obtaining visas to certain countries remains problematic. And sojourners familiar with travel in the Middle East and Muslim world know well that if one’s passport bears an Israeli stamp, entrance into countries like Syria and Lebanon might be impossible; many travelers, therefore, operate with two passports, despite the dubious legality of such strategies. The sovereigns of Mecca have generally forbidden non-Muslims from entering the holy city, which keeps a site that would otherwise be of great interest to a variety of anthropologists out of radar. In Morocco and Yemen, for example, many mosques are off limits for non-Muslims, as is the case with the Temple Mount in Jerusalem during prayer times. Therefore, religious identity may well determine one’s ability to access certain structures and precincts. Also, many cultural studies may well overlap significantly with Islamic Studies yet nonetheless remain distinct projects—whether a study, for example, on qat in Yemen, architecture in Dubai, epic poetry traditions in Egypt, or on the political turmoil that has surged in the Arab world since the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt in 2010 and 2011.82 Increasingly since 9/11, Islamic Studies scholars have been called upon by media organizations to explain events in the Muslim world, even if religion plays only a small part in the respective events. This demonstrates both the rising importance of Islamic Studies scholars in the public sphere but also the popular if often misleading conflation of religion and politics. While politics and religion are intimately intertwined in many circumstances, a scholar with academic training in twelfth-century Sufi texts would conceivably be quite unqualified to comment on so-called religious violence in Afghanistan, for example. But general audiences often assume that an Islamic Studies scholar is capable of giving intelligent commentary on everything and anything related to Islam. Presumably, a graduate student setting out to pursue ethnographic research already has fieldwork training, or would do so before beginning this. This would include fieldwork methods (participant observation, reflexivity, and qualitative 48

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research project design), preparing and using data-collecting instruments and analysis of findings. Many institutions require approval from a Research Ethics Committee before field work can be pursued. Of course, ethnography does not have to involve obtaining visas and overseas travel; there are many opportunities to research among Muslim communities in Europe, Australasia, and the Americas for students already living or studying there.

Pedagogy Finally, a significant void would remain in a discussion of research methods and problems in Islamic Studies without exploring the issue of pedagogy, in its widest sense—insofar as it relates to classroom environments, public forums, and academic scholarship. Pedagogy in the classroom cannot, of course, be separated from pedagogy in published scholarship, for both venues involve teaching. But, teaching in the classroom and teaching through publications are nonetheless different vehicles for communication and often involve different if not much different audiences. Importantly, the types of rhetoric and sources that a scholar uses and her conscious and unconscious reasons for doing so are integrally tied to her ability to teach as well as communicate information and ways of thinking. How a scholar relates to her audience is of course also integral to her overall effectiveness as a communicator. When considering audience, one must often strike a balance between specialized and general readerships. Given the wide-ranging caliber of books on Islam, it is clear that this skill is not easy to master. In terms of scholarship on Islamic Studies pedagogy, there is a noticeable dearth. Brannon Wheeler’s edited volume, Teaching Islam, is the standard book on the subject, but it is some ten years old and of course limited by the selection of contributors.83 The AAR syllabus project is a great resource for course development and compiling bibliographies but the project lacks uniformity and the caliber of syllabi varies significantly. Like the insider/outsider problem, a brief survey of approaches to pedagogy will serve us best for purposes of this volume. Texts that serve as “introductions to Islam” are too numerous to count and their range in quality is surely as great as their number. Some texts that display particular erudition without compromising readability include Key Themes for the Study of Islam (ed. Jamal Elias), Following Muhammad (Carl Ernst), Introduction to Islam (Daniel Brown), and Introduction to Islam (Frederick Denny). Sometimes introductions to Islam can be found in chapters of texts on world religions, such as God is Not One by Stephen Prothero and The World’s Religions by Huston Smith. Although treatments of Islam by nonspecialists may offer a refreshing style, they are often prone to inaccuracies.84 This proves especially challenging when an explicit political or state-sponsored agenda is present. 49

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For many outside the academy, the study of Islam and the study of the Middle East conjure connections to work in government, policy, or “anti-terrorism” efforts. This connection certainly is not always present for Islamic studies scholars, but sometimes it is, especially when they find themselves teaching, or at least advising, in military training programs. Major Mark Jacobsen writes about this challenge in an Armed Forces Journal article (2012), “How to Teach about Islam: Rather than Seeking one ‘True’ Meaning, Explore the Views of Friends and Foes Alike.” In the face of suspicious government campaigns to profile Muslims, Jacobsen writes a refreshing piece that argues for the need to educate the U. S. military about Islam largely in the same way a Religious Studies class should function: to present multiple and competing perspectives, and to be concerned with fostering critical thinking skills rather than how to determine which side of a given debate is “correct.”85 In terms of reference works on Islam, their numbers are great. One of the most important publications is Brill’s multivolume Encyclopedia of Islam, now in its third (not yet completed) edition. Although indispensible for most any Islamic Studies scholar, its highly erudite style and attention to primary sources, and a sometimes distracting format, make it less than ideal for a general audience or even a specialized audience that is not trained in deciphering its glyphs. Plus, entries are sorted according to Arabic terms; without a working familiarity with Arabic, the encyclopedia will present a formidable challenge. But Brill’s epic tome is not the end of the road. A number of good general reference works exist as well, including Juan Campo’s Encyclopedia of Islam, written by specialists in digestible prose and containing a good bibliography of secondary sources after reach entry. For academic references that give particular attention to gender, The Enyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures (ed. Suad Joseph, Brill, 2003), should prove beneficial. Other useful encyclopedias for the field of Islamic Studies include the Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World (ed. Richard Martin) and The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (ed. John Esposito). Kecia Ali and Oliver Leaman have also written a valuable reference work. Their Islam: The Key Concepts contains not articles so much as brief entries aimed at broadly defining terms, with a very brief list of further readings at the end of each entry in addition to an extensive bibliography.86

Notes 1

2

For a discussion of whether Islam is a coherent category, see ??????Abdulkader I. Tayob, “Defining Islam in the Throes of Modernity,” Studies in Contemporary Islam 1:2 (1999), 1–16, esp. 1–4. Wilfred Cantwell Smith, The Meaning and End of Religion: A New Approach to the Religious Traditions of Mankind (New York: The McMillan Company, 1963), esp. Chapter 4: “The Special Case of Islam,” 80–118. Additionally, Christianity and Judaism are of course English terms but there is nonetheless no all-encompassing proper noun used in the New Testament or Hebrew Bible to signify Christian or

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 3

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Jewish traditions at large. And this is to say nothing of “Hinduism,” which was developed by British colonizers. I distinguish here between “islam” as an improper noun and “Islam” as a proper noun. There are no capital letters in Arabic, so such a distinction in the Qurʾān would be apparent only by context and interpretation and even then may still remain ambiguous. For more on this matter, see Fred Donner, Muhammad and the Believers at the Origins of Islam (Cambridge: The Belnap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). Q 3:19; 3:85; 5:3; and 61:7. In the report, Islam is famously defined as: submission (islam), belief (iman), and doing what is beautiful (ihsan). For an explanation of the report, see William Chittick and Sachiko Murata, The Vision of Islam (New York: Paragon Press, 1994). See, for example, Ebrahim Moosa, “The Debts and Burdens of Critical Islam,” in Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003), 111–27, esp. 113–17; and John Renard, Windows on the House of Islam: Muslim Sources on Spirituality and Religious Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), xvii. Moosa, “The Debts and Burdens of Critical Islam,” 114. Carl Ernst, Following Muhammad: Rethinking Islam in the Contemporary World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 51. Omid Safi, “The Times They are a-Changin’: A Muslim Quest for Gender Justice, Equality, and Pluralism,” in Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003), 22. See Sherali Tareen, “Park 51.” http://freq.uenci.es/2011/12/13/park-51, 2011. Accessed January 30, 2012. In his article, Tareen highlights the “the racist colonial history that sustains the category” of moderate Islam. Used as a verb, Tareen argues, when we moderate things, it is to control, to rationalize, to purify. And although the term has been embraced by some public figures and activists, as such it remains deeply problematic linguistically because if the only good Muslim is a moderate Muslim, then Muslims who resist that definition are not good Muslims See Edward Curtis. “Teaching Islam to the Public.” http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/2011/05/09/ explaining islam-to-the-public, 2011. Accessed January 30, 2012. Curtis explores the challenges of writing for a general audience, which sometimes involve tight word limits and simplified, if not simplistic, descriptions. He does not, however, conclude that writing for general audiences is condescending or less important than specialized scholarship; on the contrary, Curtis highlights the benefits of a wide audience and that if Islamic Studies scholars do not take advantage of opportunities to publish for general audiences, then utterly unqualified authors will delight to take their place. See Elliott Bazzano, “Shadhil Sufi Order,” in Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History, ed. Edward Curtis IV (New York: Facts on File, 2010), 509–11 and Elliott Bazzano, “Sufi Order of the West,” in Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History, ed. Edward Curtis IV (New York: Facts on File, 2010), 535–6. See www.sufiuniversity.org for information on the institution. Carl Ernst makes this point about Sufism, as well, in The Shambala Guide to Sufism (Boston: Shambala, 1997). He argues that “definitions of Sufism are, in effect, teaching tools,” 24. By extension, the same can be said about Islam. See Norman Calder, “The Limits of Islamic Orthodoxy,” in Defining Islam: A Reader, ed. Andrew Rippin (London: Equinox, 2007), 222–36. See Richard Bulliet, “Conversion as a Social Process,” in Defining Islam: A Reader, ed. Andrew Rippin (London: Equinox, 2007), 323–31. See John Esposito and Dalia Mogahed. Who Speaks for Islam?: What a Billion Muslims Really Think (New York: Gallup Press, 2008), xi. See Fatima Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in Modern Muslim Society (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), esp. 47. For a treatment of how biographical literarure (esp. 47. was manipulated with a gender bias, see Asma Afsaruddin, “Reconstituting Women’s Lives: Gender and the Poetics of Narrative

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20 21 22 23

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in Medieval Biographical Collections,” The Muslim World 92: 3–4 (2002): 461–80 and Ruth Roded, Women in Islamic Biographical Collections: From Ibn Saʿd to Who’s Who” (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., 1994). Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992). Mernissi, 9. Saba Mahmood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005). See Kecia Ali, Sexual Ethics and Islam: Feminist Reflections Qur’an, Hadith, and Jurisprudence (Oxford: Oneworld Press, 2006); Kecia Ali, Marriage and Slavery in Early Islam (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010); and Judith Tucker, Women, Family, and Gender in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). Other texts that deal with gender reform, authority, and primary texts include Amina Wadud, The Qur’an and Women: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999). Asma Barlas has also written on patriarchal readings of the Qurʾān but gives almost no attention to primary sources, in “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’an (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002). Ayesha Chaudhry has written extensively on “the wife-beating verse,” 4: 34. See, for example, “The Ethics of Marital Discipline in Premodern Qur’anic Exegesis,” Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 30:2 (2010), 123–30; and her forthcoming monograph Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition: Ethics, Law and the Muslim Discourse of Gender (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013). Carl W. Ernst and Richard C. Martin (eds), Rethinking Islamic Studies: From Orientalism to Cosmopolitanism (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2010); the volume seeks to continue the project that Richard Martin et al. began in the 1980s in Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, which is to locate Islamic Studies in the larger discipline of Religious Studies as a means for outlining issues in the field and offering methodological approaches by way of case studies. The framework of the volume, explained in the introduction, responds to the influence of Said’s Orientalism and Eliade’s pioneering efforts in developing the History of Religions (3–5). For more information on locating Islam within the broader study of religion, see Marianna Klar’s synopsis of the Princeton conference, “Islam and the Study of Religion,” Journal of Qur’anic Studies 6 (2004), 103–8. See “International Approaches to Islamic Studies in Higher Education” (www. hefce.ac.uk/pubs/rdreports/2008/rd07_08, accessed January 30, 2012), as well as Carl Ernst’s Islamic Studies webpage (www.unc.edu/~cernst/reliprograms.htm, accessed January 30, 2012), both of which provide useful if incomplete references on academic programs. Also see: Carl Ernst and Charles Kurzman, “Islamic Studies in US Universities,” Review of Middle East Studies 46:1 (2012): 24–46” and “Carl Ernst, “It’s Not Just Academic: Writing Public Scholarship in Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies,” in Review of Middle East Studies 45:2 (2011): 164–171. In lieu of the Middle East, Marshall Hodgson suggests the “Nile to Oxus Region.” This neologism seems not to have caught on among scholars but the value of his contribution should be noted, given the geographic bias inherent in “Middle East.” See, in particular, Venture of Islam, vol. 1 (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1974), 60–1. Also see Charles Kurzman, “Cross-Regional Approaches to Middle East Studies: Constructing and Deconstructing a Region,” MESA Bulletin 41:1 (2007), 24–9. Following the publication of Orientalism, one can find a steady current of intellectual sparring matches between Edward Said and Bernard Lewis who faults Said with inconsistent reasoning and myopic thinking for his failure to recognize the virtues and breadth of Orientalists. Richard Martin (ed.), Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies (Oxford: Oneworld, 2001), 1; also see Richard Martin, “Islamic Studies in the American Academy: A Personal Reflection,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 78:4 (2010): 896–920.

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Research Methods and Problems 29 See Jeffrey C. Ruff, “Study of Religion: The Academic Study of Religion in North America,” in Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Lindsay Jones, 2nd edn (Detroit: McMillian Reference USA, 2005), 13: 8784–9. 30 Progressive Muslims (Oxford: Oneworld, 2008) and Voices of Islam, 5 vols. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007) consist of exclusively Muslim authors. 31 Khaled Abou El Fadl, like Jackson and Safi, also keeps a foot in two worlds, and may also be placed in this category of scholar-activists. Many of his works, such as his monograph Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law, and numerous articles also on Islamic law do not exhibit a confessional tone. But in many of his other works like Conference of the Books: the Search for Beauty in Islam and The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists, Abou El Fadl writes prescriptively. One can also see this side of the scholar at his website, scholarofthehouse.org. 32 Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), vii–viii. The authors eventually scaled back on the claims they made in the text, but Crone in particular remains interested in revisionist history, arguing in a number of her writings that traditionally held events of Islamic history, including the life of Prophet Muhammad, ought to be revisited with scrutiny rather than accepted as dogmatic myth. 33 See, for example, David Sander, “Wholeness and Creativity in Religious Studies Teaching,” Religion and Education 35:1 (2008): 79–94. Sander employs the metaphor of mining a mountain for gold in relation to the study of religion. When religion, like the gold, is objectified, we become rich with information, but we destroy the mountain. Rather than suggesting, however, that scholars cannot study religion at all, he instead argues that poiesis is necessary—that students, in the case of his article but also by extension, must participate in the worlds they claim to study if they seek holistic rather than mined knowledge of their subject. Also see Jeffrey Kripal, The Serpent’s Gift: Gnostic Reflections on the Study of Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007) and Jordan Paper, The Mystic Experience (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004). Kripal and Paper have gone further, arguing that students of Religious Studies that fail to enjoy a mystical experience will be unable to properly appreciate the subject matter in the classroom. 34 See Richard Bulliet’s unfavorable reviews of Efraim Karsh and Inari Karsh, Empires of Sand: the Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), Middle East Review 54:4 (2000): 667–8; and Efraim Karsh, Islamic Imperialism: A History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007) International Journal of Middle East Studies 40 (2008): 485–6. 35 See John Wansbrough, Qur’anic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2004). 36 See Zachary Lockman, Contending Visions of the Middle East: the History and Politics of Orientalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 37 See the CNN special report about Shoebat’s dubious credentials and background, http:// ac360.blogs.cnn.com/2011/07/13/ac360-preview-ex-terrorist-rakes-in-homelandsecurity-bucks, accessed January 30, 2012. 38 See http://omidsafi.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=18&Itemid =35, accessed January 30, 2012; and Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon and Shuster, 2011). 39 Ibid. 40 He articulates Islam in a global perspective in The Venture of Islam as well, but for a more concise treatment of this project, see Marshall Hodgson, “The Role of Islam in World History,” The International Journal of Middle East Studies 1:2 (1970), 99–123. 41 Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). The text remains unparalleled in terms

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of its scope and size. Despite Hodgon’s proficiency in a number of languages, including Arabic and Persian, his bibliography is surprisingly sparse in the primary text department. The text, therefore, remains invaluable in terms of its method but its lack of attention to primary sources nonetheless inhibit its place as a scholarly reference, and its dense language limits its role in undergraduate classrooms. See Bruce Lawrence, “Competing Genealogies of Muslim Cosmopolitanism,” in Rethinking Islamic Studies: From Orientalism to Cosmopolitanism, eds Carl W. Ernst and Richard C. Martin (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2010), 302–23. Ebrahim Moosa, Ghazali and the Poetics of Imagination (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003). Moosa defines dihliz as “‘that space between the door and the house’ […] However, the crucial dimension is the fact that one cannot speak of an embodied ‘door’ and a ‘house,’ nor can one speak of an ‘outside’ and an ‘inside.’ Even though it is located in between spaces, the dihliz frames all other spaces” (48–9). We might also very well locate a number of Islamic Studies scholars in this conception of the dihliz, in light of interdisciplinary approaches in the field and the importance of framing. Although Edward Said worked as a scholar of comparative literature, his influence on Islamic Studies cannot be exaggerated, especially through his 1978 publication Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1994). Gabriel Said Reynolds, The Qur’ān and its Biblical Subtext (New York: Routledge, 2011). See Bruce Fudge, “Qur’ānic Exegesis in Medieval Islam and Modern Orientalism,” Die Welt des Islams 46:2 (2006): 115–47. He argues that “in the case of the Qur’an, the study of native exegesis has largely been avoided in favour of imitations of native exegesis” (144). I suspect he has authors like Reynolds in mind. Todd Lawson, The Crucifixion and the Qur’an (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009); the article by Gabriel Said Reynolds, “Muslim Jesus: Dead or Alive?” Bulletin of SOAS 72:2 (2009): 237–68, draws similar conclusions to Lawson’s monograph on the topic. Also see, for example, Neal Robinson, Christ in Islam and Christianity (New York: SUNY Press, 1991); Kenneth Cragg, Jesus and the Muslim: An Exploration (Oxford: Oneworld, 1999); Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Qurʾānic Christians: An Analysis of Classic and Modern Exegesis, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); and Jane I. Smith and Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, “The Virgin Mary in Islamic Tradition and Commentary,” The Muslim World 79:3–4 (1989), 161–87. For example, Abdul Gaffor Nourani describes Bennett’s In Search of Muhammad (1998) as an “earnest effort by a devout Christian to understand Muhammad” (Islam and Jihad: Prejudice Versus Reality (London: Zed Books, 2002), 53. Towards the end of John Renards 101 Questions on Islam (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1998), he gives a personal theological assessment of Islam’s role in his Catholic perspective. Renard asserts that he has never felt compelled to convert to Islam, but he writes: “That is not because I do not find it an attractive tradition, but because I regard my faith and membership in the worldwide community of Roman Catholics as a gift to be cherished and nurtured,” 151–2. See, for example, R. J. McCarthy’s translation of al-Ghazālī’s Deliverer from Error, in Freedom and Fulfillment (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1980). In the Introduction, he writes: “My reading of Ghazali has made me, or at least incited me to be, a better practicing Catholic in the fullest sense of the term,” lix. Kristen Brustad, Mahmoud Al-Batal, and Abbas Al-Tonsi (eds), Al-Kitaab fi Ta’allum al-‘Arabiyya, (Washington: Georgetown University Press, 2004). This has become the standard textbook for nonnative speakers of Arabic learning the language. Meaning literally, “the book,” Al-Kitaab derives its name from renowned eighth-century grammarian, Sibawayhi (d. 788). The work of Goldziher’s, such as Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981) and Nicholson, such as A Literary History of the

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Arabs (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004) remain classics today, even though much of their work was first published over a century ago. Jamal Elias (ed.), Key Themes for the Study of Islam (Oxford: Oneworld, 2010). Through the unique method of the book, the authors are able to paint a picture of Islam unbound by typical categories, giving readers a more fluid illustration and conceptualization than they might otherwise find. Islam is presented as a force in the world, not as a distant cosmology locked away in some desert cave. http://ejtaal.net/m/aa/#HW=19,LL=1_38,LS=3,HA=21. This site provides digital searches for Arabic words in Hans Wehr’s Dictionary, J. G. Hava’s Arabic-English Dictionary, and Edward William Lane’s Arabic-English Lexicon, making it one of the most indispensible linguistic tools for English-speaking scholars working with Arabic texts. See Wolfdietrich Fischer, A Grammar of Classical Arabic, trans. Jonathan Rodgers (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001). See J. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (Springfield, VA: Nataraj Books, 2011) and Wheeler Thackston, An Introduction to Persian, 4th edn (Bethesda, MD: Ibex Publishers, 2009) Russell McCutcheon (ed.), The Insider/Outsider Problem and the Study of Religion: A Reader (New York: Cassell, 1999): 2; also see Russell McCutcheon, Critics Not Caretakers (New York: SUNY Press, 2001). Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 1: 27. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1994), 332. See The 500 Most Influential Muslims (Amman: The Royal Strategic Studies Center, 2009), 98; his name was removed from the list in the 2010 and 2011 versions. See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, esp. 1: 3–8. Hodgson also introduces a number of other neologisms, which for the most part have not caught on in modern scholarship. But “Islamicate” does find currency in a few venues and although not necessarily in the active vocabulary of every Islamic Studies scholar, the over 70,000 results on Google do demonstrate that Hodgson’s creation is here to stay. Amina Wadud, The Qur’an and Women: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), xvi and fn. xix; also see Amina Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam (Oxford: Oneworld, 2006), 82. As a black American woman, Wadud also articulates additional challenges that scholars and activists like her might face. See Amina Wadud, “American Muslim Identity: Race and Ethnicity in Progressive Islam,” in Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003), 270–85. See Amir Hussain, “Teaching Inside-Out: On Teaching Islam,” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 17 (2005): 248–63. Ibid., 255. For scholarship of the few Islamic Studies scholars who have written on the insider/ outsider issue, see Juliane Hammer, “Identity, Authority and Activism: American Muslim Women Approach the Qur’an” Muslim World 98 (2008): 443–64; American Muslim Women, Religious Authority, and Activism: More Than a Prayer (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2012); and Tazim R. Kassam, “Balancing Acts: Negotiating the Ethics of Scholarship and Identity” in Identity and Politics of Scholarship in the Study of Religion, eds José Ignacio Cabezón and Sheila Greeve Davaney (New York: Routledge, 2004), 133–62. Fazlur Rahman, Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), ix; also see “The People of the Book and the Diversity of Religions,” Christianity Through Non-Christian Eyes (New York: Orbis Books, 1990), 102–10; also see Mahmoud Ayoub, “Nearest in Amity: Christians in the Qur’an and Contemporary Exegetical Tradition,” Islam and Christian Muslim Relations 8:2 (1997): 146–64. Moreover, Rahman and Ayoub are both concerned with the salvation of non-Muslims; thus their confessional perspective is also

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pluralistic. For a detailed treatment of the possibility of salvation for non-Muslims, see Mohammad Khalil, Islam and the Fate of Others: The Salvation Question (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). For a brief biographical account of Rahman, see Frederick Denny, “Fazlur Rahman: Muslim Intellectual,” Muslim World 79:2 (1989), 91–101. For a biographical account of a non-Muslim Islamic studies scholar who found personal meaning in his evaluation of Islam, see Jacques Waardenburg, “Louis Massignon (1883–1962) as a student of Islam,” Die Welt des Islam 45:3 (2005), 312–42. For a simple yet illustrative example, see Nasr’s note in the beginning of Reliance of the Traveller (Beltsville, MD: Amana Publications, 1994): “In accordance with the real nature of things it is the human that must conform to the Divine and not the Divine to the human,” ii. William Chittick and Sachiko Murata, The Vision of Islam (New York: Paragon Press, 1994). This text acts as a good introduction to Islamic cosmology in light of the Qurʾān and reports of the Prophet Muhammad but little attention to historical debates or social context in the development of Islamic thought. See, for example, see Farid Esack, On Being Muslim (Oxford: Oneworld, 1999) and The Qur’an, Liberation and Pluralism (Oxford: Oneworld, 1997). Farid Esack, The Qur’an: A User’s Guide (Oxford, Oneworld, 2007), 2. Ibid., 4. Ibid., 5. Ibid., 7. Ibid. Ibid., 9. Ibid., 10. Ibid., 10–11. Ernst, Following Muhammad, xix. Mark Berkson, “A Non-Muslim Teaching Islam: Pedagogical and Ethical Challenges,” Teaching Theology and Religion 8:2 (2005), 87. Ibid. Ibid., 93–4. See Daniel Varisco, Islam Obscured: The Rhetoric of Anthropological Representation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Talal Asad, “The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam,” Occasional Paper Series (Washington DC: Georgetown University, 1986): 1–22. See, for example, Dwight Reynolds (ed.), Interpreting the Self: Autobiography in the Arabic Literary Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001) and Dwight Reynolds, Heroic Poets, Poetic Heroes: the Ethnography of Performance in an Arabic Epic Oral Tradition (New York: Cornell University Press, 1995). Reynolds has published widely on autobiography and music in the Arab Islamic world, but his research seldom focuses on religion. Brannon Wheeler (ed.), Teaching Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). To my knowledge, there are no other texts that focus on pedagogical issues is the classroom for Islamic Studies, and in Wheeler’s edited volume, the contributors give almost no attention to graduate seminar environments. Shanna A. Kirschner, moreover, presents a helpful treatment on teaching about the Middle East, which has obvious overlap with teaching about Islam, in “Teaching About the Middle East: Pedagogy in a Charged Classroom,” Political Science and Politics 45:4 (2012), 753–8. See, for example, my book review of Sufis in Western Society (New York: Routledge, 2009) in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 8:1 (2011), 135–38 for a few examples of minor but important errors even in specialist scholarship. Mark Jacobsen, www.armedforcesjournal.com/2012/07/10318434 (accessed on September 27, 2012). See Kecia Ali and Oliver Leaman, Islam: The Key Concepts (New York: Routledge, 2008).

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1

Qurʾānic Studies Andrew Rippin

Given the Qurʾān’s centrality to Islam and to Muslims, the academic study of the scripture is a necessary focal point of any engagement in Islamic Studies. The fact of centrality also renders the subject vast as well as contentious, given the value that is placed upon the book by the community and outsiders alike. There is no doubt that Qurʾānic scholarship can run into dogmatic objection and polemical suspicion, just as the study of scriptures of other religions has and does. The way in which those conflicts have been handled by academics has varied over time; the emergence of an increasingly globalized society alongside rapid and widespread means of communication has resulted in the reality that scholars no longer labor in an “ivory tower” (if, in fact, they ever really did) and that their work is constantly subject to scrutiny and critique as well as redeployment to potentially insidious ends. The responsible academic response to this situation can only be one of integrity: one must deal with the evidence that presents itself in any study honestly, but also humbly, always being ready to change one’s views when the data demands it, while also not shying away from stating clearly the implications of one’s investigations. One must be prepared to speak up both to expose and to defend one’s research, being certain that one is being true to one’s self and one’s investigations.

Research Approaches The academic study of the Qurʾān, in all of the scripture’s manifestations in Muslim scholasticism and popular culture across the centuries, is a vibrant and multidimensional scholarly pursuit. While the history of that study is, as is o en pointed out, not as long nor as deep as that of biblical studies, it has, nevertheless, raised an entire series of questions and introduced a multiplicity of approaches that were unknown within medieval Muslim society and which are now being confronted by Muslims themselves in the face of the onslaught of the technological, post-enlightenment globalized world. While the idea that Qurʾānic studies is in a state of “disarray” (Donner 2008; Neuwirth & Sinai 2010) 59

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or is a study in search of its proper object (Sinai 2010) has been promulgated in some recent publications, such an assessment is best understood as a rhetorical appeal for the merits of the writer’s own approach as compared to those of rival theories. Rather than conceptualize this as “disarray,” the existence of such different models of research can better be taken as evidence of the dynamic nature of the discipline, attracting a good number of new scholars with an ever-increasing diversity of perspectives and an increasing number of publications to their credit. There are, however, some underlying tensions present in Qurʾānic studies when secular academic approaches are received by some Muslims, although even there the sense of distrust that is frequently manifested is, in itself, in a state of flux. The impact of secular studies of the Qurʾān on Muslims is increasingly being evidenced (see the essays in the Journal of Qurʾanic Studies 15/1 [2012]), especially given the number of translations of European-language scholarly works that are being published in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish (as well as in other languages). At the same time, the rise of Islamophobia, especially as seen when the internet is used as a forum for religious debate, has manifested itself in polemic in the guise of academic research; this has, among some Muslims, increased the distrust of scholarly activities. This phenomenon is widespread in the field of Islamic Studies but it is especially felt when it comes to the study of the Qurʾān. This is because the scholarly historical questions asked of the text are ones that immediately get to the heart of the issue underlying polemic (but not scholarship): the truth of the revelatory nature of the Qurʾān as believed by Muslims. Those who leave such questions aside (or “bracketed,” as the language of phenomenology might have it, which is still a popular stance in the United States) can raise issues that otherwise have not been (or even cannot be; see Arkoun 2001) confronted within the traditional believer’s understanding of the Qurʾān. The central issues that create the greatest tension with the approach of secular study are the dogmatic assertions related to the Qurʾān’s preexistence (that is, from before creation) and its literary inimitability (Esack 1993, 119), both of which remain firmly tied to the affirmation of the truth of revelation. At the same time, it is important to recognize that the polemical side of Qurʾānic studies can no longer be framed solely as a conflict between Christianity and Islam, even if some Muslims may continue to see the identity of anything “Western” as intimately tied to Christianity. Rather, such polemical studies are increasingly aligned to anti-religious or “humanistic” approaches as seen, for example, in the works of the pseudonymous Ibn Warraq (1998; 2002) whose edited volumes of classic scholarly writings on the Qurʾān have tried to make the argument that Islam is based on historically unreliable and unoriginal sources and falsely promulgated ideas. This positioning demands that books such as those by Ibn Warraq, as much as they may once again usefully make accessible 60

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important works of earlier generations of scholars, must be approached with a full engagement of scholarly critical analysis. Conservative Muslim reaction to all scholarship tends to manifest a suspicion that may have some basis in reality when it is viewed in light of polemical works but it rather misses the point of the underlying ethos and approach of balanced academic works. A suitable example may be seen in some review essays written about the recently produced Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān edited by Jane Dammen McAuliffe (2001–6). Muzaffar Iqbal, in his critiques of the Encyclopaedia (2008; 2009), argues that there is one perspective that underlies “an overwhelming majority” of the contributions to that collective work: “a modernist, relativistic, evolutionary perspective that takes the text of the Qurʾān as a human construction and that calls for a historicist-hermeneutic approach to it” (2008, 11). For Iqbal, this is an approach that “negates, ignores, or considers irrelevant the phenomenon of revelation (waḥy) as understood in Islam” (12). The status of the Qurʾān as the word of God is the fundamental issue, since “[t]he entire corpus of Muslim scholarship on the Qurʾān is based upon the premise that the Qurʾān is the Word of God sent down to the Prophet of Islam through the medium of an Angel, Jibrīl, just as He sent revelation to other Prophets before him” (13). This is a claim that cannot be put aside, Iqbal suggests: the issue of the Qurʾān’s authorship is one that “[o]ne must either accept or reject” (23). The expressions of doubt that pepper the prose of most historian-academics are evidence of the failure to confront the core issue because the Qurʾān is the book “in which there is no doubt” (24). Ultimately, the contention (as the editor of the Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān states and as I have suggested above) that “scholarly perspectives can no longer be neatly pinned to religious identification” (as quoted in Iqbal 2009, 8) is rejected; Qurʾānic studies, Iqbal says, must be exceptional “because the Qurʾān is a Book unlike any other” (ibid.). In the project that Iqbal is spearheading, the Integrated Encyclopedia of the Qurʾān, being a Muslim researcher (defined as “scholars of the four Sunni Schools and scholars belonging to the Jaʿfarī school,” 2010, 16) will be the qualification of the scholars producing this new encyclopedia. In the face of this approach, the secular study of the Qurʾān finds itself in a difficult position. Overcoming the impasse between academic research and certain elements within the Muslim community, and creating a bridge through the means of scholarship, remain worthwhile but difficult goals, it seems. No ready solution is at hand; it is a reality of the discipline. Biblical studies is o en invoked as a methodological parallel in discussing the Qurʾān, sometimes by picking up on Wansbrough’s provocative statement (2004, ix) that “[a]s a document susceptible of analysis by the instruments and techniques of Biblical criticism [the Qurʾān] is virtually unknown.” On other occasions, the parallel is dismissed and an appeal is made to the singularity of the Qurʾān as a piece of Arabic literature and therefore a need for a distinct 61

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methodology. Of course, biblical studies itself is far from a cohesive, unified discipline in itself, and, to some extent, the discussion when phrased in this manner is far from productive. Many scholars continue to consider the discussion of method redundant to their pursuits and implicitly hold that reading texts is an unproblematic enterprise in which the historian must learn to read between the lines and focus on establishing the historicity of the material being examined. Various analyses of this methodological conundrum have been written and reading them should be a part of the background of every scholar of the Qurʾān (Berg 2000, 2003; Madigan 1995; Rippin 2001, chapters 1, 2, 4). For those who wish to embark on a defined methodology in order to study the contents of the Qurʾān, several approaches have emerged as dominant. Semantic studies associated with the work of Izutsu (1964; 1966), the literary structural studies of Cuypers (2009), and the historical-contextual work of Neuwirth (2001) and Reynolds (2010) certainly stand out. However, highlighting those elements creates a very narrowly defined field of Qurʾānic studies and can hardly be seen to embrace all the elements of the field that go beyond the analysis of the text itself. Neuwirth (2010), however, has made strong arguments for why such studies should be considered central. Be that as it may, there are other areas of attention that range through the associated disciplines—a few of which will be highlighted in the section on current key research areas below—that ultimately constitute the entire field of Qurʾānic studies and that extend scholarly attention into other considerations. Each element of Muslim interaction with scripture—recitation, art, architecture, popular practice, ritual, exegesis, and so forth—has, in fact, proven to be a fruitful area of research in contemporary Qurʾānic studies.

Resources for Beginning or Developing Research A serious study of the Qurʾān has a very basic and obvious primary requirement: a knowledge of Arabic. While the Qurʾān has many idiosyncratic elements within its grammar and vocabulary, a solid working knowledge of classical Arabic is absolutely essential to both the appreciation of the text and its study. That is not to deny the value of the many translations (Binard & Eren 1986) that are available: a long sequence of fine scholars has put enormous effort into rendering the Qurʾān in many languages; employing those translations as tools to assist advanced study only makes sense. No standard translation or even preferred translation exists. In terms of English-language works, the version of Arberry (1955) has long been admired for its eloquence and its consistency, and its standing as a ready reference was enhanced by the publication of a concordance compiled by Kassis (1983) based around the Arabic text and keyed to Arberry’s translation (it also provides a very convenient crossreferencing in 62

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terms of verse numbering systems, given that Arberry’s translation employs the now outdated “Flügel” divisions and only provides those verse numbers in five-verse segments). The emergence of online resources, however, has rendered that printed work somewhat redundant, however (and Kassis’s work itself is now available online also), and Arberry’s translation can now be searched and consulted alongside the Arabic text as well as simultaneously compared to other translations. Some newer translations are available only (or primarily) in printed versions, and among them those of Abdel Haleem (2004), Fakhry (2002), and Khalidi (2008) have garnered attention and have been greeted warmly. That is not to underestimate the significance of older works such as that of Ali (especially in its original print 1934–7 in which all the footnotes that have a mystical bent to them are included) and Pickthall (1953). In French, the version of Blachère (1966), and, in German, the version of Paret (1966), are the classic scholarly attempts, but in those languages as well many newer works have appeared. Overall, the point is not to select a single translation to use in one’s work but to approach translations as a resource that can help inform one’s research. The same may be said of dictionaries devoted to the Qurʾān. While the number of such works is far more limited than that of translations, they too are valuable resources although it must always be remembered that an Arabic-English dictionary of the Qurʾān is, in essence, simply another translation of the text in a different format; however, the possibility of a dictionary including a greater range of possible meanings and of pointing to scholarly discussions certainly exists, although none of the current resources available today is exhaustive in those ways. The otherwise-unknown Penrice produced the most lasting and o en reprinted work in 1873, which is based primarily on the commentary of al-Bayḍāwī (d. ca 691/1292); the book is terse but easily accessible and certainly not unhelpful. The beginning of the twenty-first century has seen a minor flurry of publications that have significantly enriched lexicographical resources for the study of the Qurʾān. This includes the comprehensive works of Badawi and Abdel Haleem (2008) and of Ambros and Procházka (2004), along with the latter’s companion volume of a topical arrangement of nouns found in the Qurʾān (2006). A resource that remains valuable for bringing together scholarly reflections on Qurʾānic verses is Paret 1971, a verse-by-verse collection of annotations. Even those not confident in their German skills should not shy away from this work because it is a unique source of bibliography (albeit somewhat dated now), crossreferences, and comments. The newer (and previously mentioned) Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān from McAuliffe (2000–6) is certainly far more comprehensive and up-to-date than Paret’s commentary and is thus an obvious place to turn to in the first instance in order to get an overview of any given topic of scholarly interest. The fact that the Encyclopaedia is arranged by English keywords, however, renders Paret’s effort still of significance and utility. Several 63

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projects of annotated translations are currently underway and may well impact the state of affairs significantly. The Arabic text of the Qurʾān is widely available in print and online. The common version used today is referred to as the “Cairo” or “Royal” edition, produced initially in 1923; it was published under the patronage of King Fuʾād I. A more recent Saudi edition is also widespread and varies only slightly from the earlier Egyptian version. Criticism has been leveled at the Cairo edition for not establishing the text on a firm historical basis; it follows contemporary practice and late medieval sources rather than earlier available manuscripts and texts (Bergsträsser 1932–3). This version follows the reading of the Qurʾān of Ḥafṣ from ʿĀṣim, which dominates in much of the Muslim world; other printed versions including that of the transmission of Warsh are also available but the differences between the readings are not enormous. The more commonly encountered variation between printed texts of the Qurʾān will be noted with respect to verse numbering, where some Indian prints of the text (those found with translation of Ali 1934–7, for example) follow a different scheme. Still useful is the European edition of the Qurʾān produced by Flügel, which was published in 1834 and revised by Gustav Redslob in 1837 (the last revision was published in 1858). This edition maintains some of its value, partially because it is simplified compared to the Cairo text as it ignores some of the recitation subtleties and uses more standard Arabic orthography in general; however, its verse numbering scheme, being at variance with any accepted Muslim tradition, has created an unfortunate complexity in scholarly referencing. The present-day dominance of the Cairo text has eliminated most of the verse-numbering problems; however, scholarly works from the twentieth century o en provide textual references to the verse numbers of both the Cairo and the Flügel editions (or to just Flügel). The concordance of ʿAbd al-Bāqī (1945) is an essential resource for finding one’s way around the Arabic text of the Qurʾān. Here, too, the emergence of electronic resources has reduced the scholarly reliance on these printed versions. Most useful is http://zekr.org/quran/, an excellent source for the text of the Qurʾān itself (and recitations and translations), along with http://qibla. appspot.com, http://corpus.quran.com and http://tanzil.net, all of which include the ability to search the Arabic text in a variety of ways. The vast resources of the Muslim tradition are also available to be both tapped in support of the study of the text of the Qurʾān and studied in their own right (a topic treated below in the section on Muslim interpretation of text). While many scholars wish to position their work as “outside” the influence of the Muslim exegetical tradition in the search for the meaning of the Qurʾān in the context in which it emerged, it remains a debated issue as to whether that is a fully realizable goal. The Muslim exegetical tradition is completely intertwined with the grammatical and lexicographical traditions of Arabic such 64

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that it has affected those disciplines profoundly; this renders any study of the Qurʾān always somewhat dependent upon material that has been transmitted in the light of later Muslim dogma and legend. (Kopf 1956; Rippin 2001, chapters 7, 8, 9). While it may be possible to filter out the more obvious later accretions that have emerged as a result of Muslim dogma, the Qurʾān and its traditional study stand as the grounding (and at the beginning) of all Arabic literature to such an extent that escaping the influence of the later tradition is not really fully possible. The commentarial literature known as tafsīr and ʿulūm al-Qurʾān is vast. Included within it is every aspect of Muslim devotion to the text of the Qurʾān in terms of deriving legal meaning, providing exhortative and educative material, and detailing textual features especially related to the text’s recitation. The exegetical enterprise was the focal point of medieval educational endeavors and the material proliferated over time as new social and religious priorities emerged in the Muslim world. Current scholarly resources have only scratched the surface of the available material. Even the work of making the original texts readily accessible continues to absorb a great deal of energy, primarily from scholars in the Muslim world; online access is available for the most prominent and well-known texts.

Current Key Research Areas The Qurʾānic text Perhaps because it has received significant attention in the popular press over the past decade or so (starting in North America, at least, with Lester 1999), the history of the formation of the text of the Qurʾān, especially as linked to manuscript copies, has become a lively part of the discipline; it is, however, a highly specialized field of study that requires dedicated paleographical and codicology skills. The large project currently being undertaken in Berlin with the goal of creating a text-critical edition of the Qurʾān, Corpus Coranicum, is being accompanied by significant efforts to produce accessible copies of early Qurʾān manuscripts. This overall effort has twin, complementary aims. One aim of the text-critical endeavor is to document the way in which Muslims have interacted with the text of the Qurʾān throughout history. Early manuscripts, such as that studied extensively by Déroche (2009), reveal the concern Muslims have displayed over the course of a number of centuries to keep older and valued texts of the Qurʾān up-to-date with current standards of writing and production. Déroche’s special contribution to the study of early Qurʾān manuscripts is seen in his detailed study of the orthography of these texts; this is an area of investigation in which clues about the early development 65

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and transmission history of the written text are to be sought. Historically, some manuscripts appear to derive from before the period in which stabilization in the counting of the number of verses in a sūra was achieved and before the canonical sets of textual variant readings were molded into their constrained limits; Déroche suggests a date in the third quarter of the seventh century for the production of one of the earliest of such manuscripts. He also argues that the discrepancies between various copyists (perhaps five in number) involved in the production of that manuscript are essentially the result of copying from a model that in itself was hard to interpret. Overall, these early manuscripts were clearly in use into the third hijrī century and they display corrections that were made in order to bring the text into line with the textual standards existing in that later period. Beyond matters dealing with the details of the text itself, Déroche (2009) raises historical questions related to the early canonization of the Qurʾān on the basis of the manuscript evidence; this is, again, an area in which detailed studies can shed significant light. He suggests that the account of the collection of the Qurʾān by the caliph ʿUthmān and of the production of an authorized set of manuscripts that were distributed across the new empire by the caliph’s order cannot be historically accurate. He argues that, given the realities of the orthography available at the time, the purported goal of ʿUthmān could not have actually been accomplished. Still, it is clear that early manuscripts do follow a common structure and the overall contents of the text are set: variations that do exist can be explained on the basis of an evolving form of representing Arabic in script. The key observation is that bringing all the copies into closer uniformity with the community’s definition of the ideal text was an ongoing process that took several centuries. This overall history of written transmission of the Qurʾānic text is still being written by scholars and one further step on that path is the work by Small (2011) that provides a model for future studies by examining the orthography and related textual issues of one specific section of the Qurʾān across a broad range of early manuscripts; the work of Dutton (1999–2000, 2001, 2007) likewise illustrates the results of detailed attention to single manuscripts. The second aim of text-critical studies of the Qurʾān is complementary to, but separate from, this sort of historical observation: it is to establish how the text of the Qurʾān appeared to its earliest audience, that being the drive behind some approaches to establishing a critical text based on manuscript sources. However, such a critical text does not need to convey a stance that suggests that there was only one text originally, but, as within the Corpus Coranicum project, can document the extent to which textual sources suggest there was variation. This makes the entire area of study highly contentious and less than straightforward. It is worth pointing out that scholars are fortunate in that they face a situation with the text of the Qurʾān that is entirely different, far less complex, 66

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and only slightly less problematic in religious terms than that of the Bible. One only needs to contemplate the Hebrew text and its interplay with versions in other languages—obviously Greek but also the Aramaic targums, as well as Latin, Coptic, and Syriac translations—in order to realize that the Qurʾān’s firm embodiment in Arabic is a particular advantage. Biblical textual criticism also has a far more problematic critical history than that of the Qurʾān. As a reflective activity, it arose in the sixteenth century, dependent on that era’s linguistic skills in Hebrew and Greek, the development of the Church, the emergence of the humanistic ideal, and the rise of the printing press. The Reformation was crucial to the emergence of the critical edition although that impetus should not necessarily be viewed as the initiator: if the “sole source” of Protestantism was to be scripture, then being certain about the text was critical; but the creation of a critical text was primarily driven by exegesis involving a theological claim for an “original text,” a dogma that led to increased emphasis on the text as such. Modern attempts directed toward a text-critical edition of the Qurʾān have profited from the experience of the creation of a text-critical version of the Bible in the sense that such scholarly efforts can be guided by principles that are designed to avoid the pitfalls of biblical studies in earlier times. Most notably, it is apparent that theories of texts and their relationship must be allowed to follow from the manuscript data: one cannot impose relational theories on the texts. Also, one must document first, and exegete later. A text-critical edition aims not to select or prejudice the evidence or the outcome; it is not driven by exegetical concern or emendation-directed partial evidence. Completeness of the data must be the goal in a text-critical endeavor. This requires a close definition of what will be taken as evidence, a decision on the base text to be used for the edition, and a rigorous system of abbreviation in order to provide as full a range of information as possible for every reader. The aim of this careful ground work must be to prevent scholars from jumping to conclusions before the entire body of textual evidence has been surveyed. On this issue, it may be observed that many proposed scholarly textual emendations of the Qurʾān up to this point (e.g. Bellamy 2001–6) tend to employ the arbitrary criterion of “explanation” of errors; this is an old-fashioned, text-critical exercise, one that is driven by an exegesis that states, “We have a problem, we can see a solution,” and then proposes how the problem arose. This is getting text-critical matters backwards. Still, other more controversial issues almost inevitably emerge in the text-critical enterprise related to the Qurʾān. Azami 2003 is an ambitious, well-produced, but ultimately highly polemical piece of work that illustrates the perils of contemplating a critical text of the Qurʾān. Azami argues that “Orientalists” are trying to make the Qurʾān fit New and Old Testament models of unreliability: a er the destruction of Jewish and Christian scriptures, a 67

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compulsion seems to be felt to do the same to the Qurʾān, he suggests, and this may be viewed as a part of rising secularist attacks upon all religion. The goal, he wagers, is a universal demolition of God, history, and religion. When Azami looks at the rubble that is le by the assault on the Bible, the defense of the integrity of the Qurʾān becomes all the more important to him. This is a helpful reminder of the context in which work on text-critical documentation must take place. Such a process must be scrupulous in detail, clearly and explicitly historically oriented and it must present its data on the basis of the evidence. Scrupulous attention to prior nontheorizing is essential. A critical edition of the Qurʾān, no matter what the plan for such an edition is, will have to allow scholars the luxury of knowing what is available in terms of manuscript evidence from around the world. Again, Small’s work (2011) provides a model of such consideration; the investigation of Sadeghi and Bergmann (2010) likewise shows the possibilities of detailed investigations, in this case being brought into conjunction with later Muslim tradition about the transmission of variant versions of the Qurʾān.

The content of Qurʾān and its background Again perhaps because of some public attention in the media in recent years, the question of the background to the textual content of the Qurʾān has created a wave of significant research interest in the area. Increasingly, the origins of the Qurʾān are being taken out of a picture of isolation in the oases of Arabia and placed in the dynamic arena of Late Antique religious culture, especially that of Syriac Christianity. While the modes of transmission within this environment tend to remain unspecified (perhaps even not ever being able to be specified)— was this the result of trade, of travel, or of Arabian Christian communities, or did Islam emerge in areas outside those traditionally held to be the birth place of the religion?—efforts to trace the linguistic, thematic, and liturgical parallels in the Qurʾān to religion as it was lived in the sixth century are increasingly producing significant results. The contemporary approach to these questions must be understood as being different from some nineteenth-century attempts that tended to compare the Bible and the Qurʾān on a narrative level alone. More nuanced studies, such as those of Speyer (1961, originally published ca. 1931), brought a greater range of Jewish literature to the comparison, recognizing that the lived tradition was as important as the textual, if not more so, in constituting the background to the Qurʾān. While some initial attempts to look at Syriac sources were made, many of those were tinged with a polemical motif (by no means entirely absent from some marginal work today as well) that saw little evidence of an original religious imagination in Islam (e.g. see many of the essays in Ibn Warraq 1998; 2002). 68

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It is in this arena, however, that modern studies are starting to make some progress in tracing not only narrative but liturgical, poetic, metaphoric, and linguistic parallels with Syriac Christianity (see many of the essays in Reynolds 2008 and Neuwirth et al. 2010). As just mentioned, the means by which this transmission took place, as well as the geographical locale in which it happened, are certainly not clear and sometimes it appears that a curious composite of sources is employed in the Qurʾān that are unlikely to be traced back to a single origin. Furthermore, it is not yet clear as to what extent the entire text of the Qurʾān can be accounted for by tracing parallels in the Late Antique context; there likely is still much room for Arabian legends and original material that need to be reckoned into the mix. The religious message of the Qurʾān and the language in which it is couched has been extensively considered apart from questions related to its background, and it remains a lively area of investigation. The poetic and linguistic structure of the text and how that works to convey the message of the text in a powerful and efficient manner continue to attract interest. Starting with the classic work of Nöldeke (1910), attention to the distinctive linguistic and structural elements of the text remains an area that has encouraged methodological experimentation. Neuwirth (1981), Cuypers (2009), and El-Awa (2006) all provide models for different ways to conduct the analysis of the structure of the text. Many of the essays in Boullata 2000b provide insight into these issues as well, while Hoffmann (2007) and Zwettler (1990) are helpful for understanding the text’s relationship to poetry. The themes of the Qurʾān can be variously defined but the major ones revolve around the text’s own sense of its status as scripture, God in His relationship to His creation, the divinely commissioned prophets (especially as seen within the context of the Bible), law, and the final judgment day. Viewing the Qurʾān in light of its overall themes helps to bring unity to the text and provides a good vehicle for an initial overview and orientation before reading the text itself (Rahman 1980). The Qurʾān presents itself as a “scripture” but precisely what that means and how it is to be understood has drawn a good deal of consideration (Graham 1987). The origin of some of the related ideas is to be found in the general Near Eastern milieu (Widengren 1950; 1955); the entire concept ties in closely with the understanding of revelation and the prophetic experience (Jeffery 1952; Madigan 2001). The main theme of the Qurʾān is, necessarily one might say, God. Defining and understanding His interaction with the created world has been the major preoccupation of Muslims throughout the centuries and this continues in scholarship (O’Shaughnessy 1985; Izutsu 1964). Prophets bring the message of God to humans. Most of the prophets mentioned in the Qurʾān are familiar from the biblical tradition, and thus this area of interest immediately raises questions related to the background to the text. Studies have tended to focus on these aspects from a Jewish (Geiger 1898; Torrey 1933) 69

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or Christian (Bell 1926) perspective; newer, less reductive approaches tend to dominate today although all of them work in light of the older studies (Reeves 2003). Prophets bring God’s message, which focuses on telling people how to live according to God’s will, and research o en tends to follow current interests, such as aspects related to women (Barlas 2002; Stowasser 1994; Wadud 1999) and ethical issues (Izutsu 1966). Humans will be judged as deserving of heaven or hell on the basis of their deeds performed according to the dictates of the law (O’Shaughnessy 1969; 1986; Smith & Haddad 1981). As suggested, such studies of the themes of the Qurʾān add to an overall understanding of the text in terms of its unity and (possibly) its internal historical development; they are also relevant to an appreciation of the later theological, mystical, and juristic developments in Islam as those disciplines have reflected upon the Qurʾān. Even so, many themes and motifs remain to be explicated from a scholarly perspective.

Muslim interpretation of the text Emerging as a distinct element of scholarly interest for its own sake only in the past 40 years or so, tafsīr studies are garnering a good deal of attention within the scholarly community. Among earlier generations, the study of this material generally had an ulterior motive of one sort or another. One aim was to provide help in learning Arabic grammar, a goal that originally focused on enhancing the historical study of the Bible because of Arabic’s cognate status to Hebrew and because of a belief that some Arabs maintained a nomadic way of life that had deep Semitic roots and could illuminate the lives of the biblical forefathers. Other earlier aims of the study of tafsīr were to elucidate the meaning of the text of the Qurʾān, to document the variations in the text of the Qurʾān (which are frequently incorporated within works of tafsīr), and/or to decry the way in which, it was assumed, Muslims had twisted the text of the Qurʾān to their own (post-revelation) purposes. Such approaches were not concerned with the genre of literature in and by itself but, rather, with its contents. In recent decades, however, an interest in understanding the intellectual and educational trends of medieval (and modern) times beyond the confines of the discipline of theology (with its philosophical and scriptural appeal) and the practicalities of law has emerged and has found its ideal vehicle in the study of tafsīr. The early twentieth-century work of Goldziher (2006 in English translation) marks the beginnings of the academic study of tafsīr as an independent enterprise. While Goldziher’s work is certainly foundational, the limits of the work are apparent and are predominantly the result of the very limited number of sources that were available to the author at the time. While other scholars certainly studied the material in the intervening years (including publishing editions of some central works) it was not until the publication of Wansbrough’s 70

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work (2004, original edition 1977) that a serious analysis of tafsīr was undertaken. Even then, the scope was limited to works from the first four centuries of Muslim writing. Notable is the fact that a majority of the works that Wansbrough consulted were then available in manuscript form only. By today, virtually all of those sources have been edited and published, a reflection of the increased attention, especially in the Arab world, to the renewal and appreciation of the cultural heritage of Islam, as well as the emergence of scholarly interest in these specific works. Familiarity with scholarly studies must, of course, be complemented by one’s own study of the original texts themselves. Learning to read a text of tafsīr is an art in itself. A good knowledge of Arabic is only the beginning because grammar itself is the technical tool that exegetes most commonly employ in their discussions of competing meanings of the text. Tafsīr also invokes legendary, theological, legal, philosophical, and, on occasion, cultural and scientific contexts in its discussions. As well, the actual style of a commentary within the Muslim tradition requires careful attention because, while the core elements may not vary significantly from one text to the next, there is o en considerable variation between authors in the way in which the material is presented. Help may be found for the beginner in the works of Margoliouth (1894) and especially Beeston (1963), who translate al-Bayḍāwī on sūra 3 and 12 respectively, and which are designed to enhance skills in Arabic and provide familiarity with the style of tafsīr. In his work Beeston (1963, v–vi) points out that For the European student, however, the initial approach to this literature is beset with difficulty. It has developed its own style, a style of great conciseness full of technical terms and allusive abbreviated expressions. Once one has mastered the idiosyncrasies of the style, it will not be difficult to make use of any of the classical tafsīr works (which is no doubt why no full translation of a tafsīr work into a European language has ever been attempted); but the difficulty is the initial step of mastering the style and technique. The key challenge is expressed by Beeston (1963, vii) in this frank statement: “This work is intended for those who know sufficient Arabic to read an ordinary Arabic text and who are acquainted with the basic notions and technicalities of Arabic grammar.” As suggested, the characteristics of the genre of tafsīr—oriented toward grammar, written in a concise and allusive manner—certainly mean that one must know Arabic in order to be able to understand the texts, but it also suggests a definition of the genre of tafsīr in its style and instruments of interpretation, and the learned nature of the audience for the great tafsīrs in medieval times. Tafsīr is the product of a scholastic discipline, the fruit of an entire educational 71

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enterprise that brings together the range of Muslim learning; tafsīr is, in that way, a distillation and a display of an author’s learning, and a means to attract students, to gain authority and respect in the community, and to promulgate one’s vision of Islam and the world. Those multiple aims, of course, form yet another challenge in the study of the material. Some translated tafsīrs can provide good orientations and introductions. For example, Cooper (1987) has translated some of the early classic commentary of al-Ṭabarī (d. 310 AH/923 CE), although the technical nature of the original work has meant that on occasion passages are omitted from the translation because they are either tangential or meaningless when rendered into English. Of course, any translated work needs to read alongside the Arabic text. The original works will be found in many libraries and are readily available for purchase from Muslim bookstores in Europe, North America, and the Middle East (in print and frequently in digital format on DVD and CD); many are also accessible for free from the internet. The quality of the editions of these texts varies tremendously and, unfortunately, no consensus has emerged as to which editions will be used in scholarly discussions. The mastering of this material opens up a vast field of study and research. One of the common misperceptions held by the public at large about Islam—and against which scholars spend a good deal of time providing better information— concerns the supposed monolithic nature of the religion itself. The idea that there is a singular Islam that all Muslims hold dearly is widespread. Underneath that is also an attitude toward scripture that reflects an outlook that is conceptually Protestant: that the Qurʾān, because it is such a deeply revered scripture by Muslims, is an absolute rule book for all Muslim behavior from which the true believer cannot escape. Such an attitude is based on the notion of an individualistic relationship to scripture that sees religious faith as driven by one’s own reading of the text, and, inevitably, it would seem from the outside, constrained by a literal sense of the text. This simplistic understanding of the Muslim relationship to the Qurʾān is clearly incompatible with the evidence that is provided by the history of the interpretation of the Qurʾān as that is contained in the vast resources of tafsīr and its related literary genres. Yet, despite its importance, the full dimensions of this material are known only to a limited extent and the majority of it remains untapped even within scholarly circles. As indicated, tafsīr studies as a subdiscipline in the study of Islam is relatively new, having come into its own in the past 40 years. Recently, however, some questions have been raised (Sinai 2010; Neuwirth & Sinai 2010) regarding the apparent neglect of the text of the Qurʾān itself in its full historical context during this growth spurt in the study of tafsīr; this neglect was suggested to be the result of a certain hermeneutical hesitation about how to deal with the historical and theological problems that the Qurʾān itself provokes. Be that as it may, tafsīr studies have established themselves firmly enough to support 72

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ongoing conferences and book series. Tafsīr studies take a number of approaches to the subject but certainly the most successful and influential initiatives of recent years have been the books and essays devoted to individual exegetes and their work, placing the texts within the intellectual and social climate of the author’s times. This extends from earliest times (Saleh 2004; Lane 2006; Sinai 2009; Fudge 2011) down to modern (Pink 2011). More synthetic studies, dealing with delineating the hermeneutical approaches across the centuries—from appreciations of the literary approach of Sayyid Quṭb (d. 1956) (Boullata 2000) to treatments of the question of the relationship between Jewish hermeneutical rules and their Muslim counterparts (Goldfeld 1988; Schwarb 2007)—have attracted interest. However, the analysis of definitions, perspectives, trends, and contexts of the genre of tafsīr remains a scholarly task that has barely been broached on a broad level. The field currently does lack a number of key foundational elements including any clear sense of the genre’s broader methodological, grammatical, geographical, legal, and theological (including interreligious) dimensions and historical trajectories: what might be referred to as the “larger picture” of tafsīr. This, then, suggests many new areas for research. For example, how do we account for the apparent proliferation of works of tafsīr in later centuries, especially in light of that being what is o en characterized as a generally inert era intellectually? Further, what regional trends may be noticed in the development of tafsīr? Gilliot 1999 and Saleh 2006 have both drawn attention to the school located in Nishapur during classical times, but other regions with their own particular characteristics and historical flowering need attention. What trends can be seen in the theological and legal school allegiances of individual authors? To what extent have interactions with Jews and Christians affected the form and the content of the genre (Steiner 2010)? What sort of trends can be seen in the hermeneutical perspective of the authors? This is especially relevant when trying to assess the impact of Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 AH/1327 CE) and Ibn Kathīr (d. 774 AH/1373 CE): do these two figures truly transform the discipline (Saleh 2010)? To what extent do texts of tafsīr a er Ibn Taymiyya continue with the earlier methods of reliance on grammar (and reason) in their interpretations? How accurate is our current periodization of the genre? What is the role of the super-commentary (ḥāshiya) and of abridgement (mukhtaṣar)? Why were such works written and how is it that the works of al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538 AH/1144 CE), al-Bayḍāwī, and al-Suyūṭī (d. 911 AH/1505 CE) became the prime targets for super-commentaries? Further, while it is o en remarked that the modern era has moved away from the complete devotion to the classical form of commentary, further assessment is still needed of the extent to which that generalization is true and of the impact that this shi has had. Pink 2011 has made some significant progress in the analysis of the modern context, but additional work certainly needs to be undertaken in order to contextualize the modern period more fully in light of the classical achievements. 73

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Another example of the issues at stake in the study of tafsīr relates to the historical transition points that the genre undergoes. These reflections start from Calder 1993, a seminal article that proposes a framework for the analysis of classical tafsīr, which, building on the work of Wansbrough (2004), focuses on the form and techniques of the texts rather than on their content. For Calder, tafsīr is a process and a manifestation in a literary genre that serves to assess the text of the Qurʾān against Arabic practices of orthography, lexis, syntax, rhetoric, and symbol or allegory, and to situate the text within the ideological structures of Islamic society, including prophetic history, theology, eschatology, law, and Sufism. The balancing of all these elements is reflective of the artistry of the author. Stemming from Calder’s work is the basic insight that an approach that defines tafsīr by its methods, one that recognizes the different weightings that various authors give to each instrumental and ideological structure, will allow us to recognize both the differences and the commonalities within the entire genre. For example, rather than separating out Muʿtazilī tafsīr on an “intuitive,” content, or traditional/biographical basis (as the question is raised in Lane 2006), the analysis of tafsīr as a genre can better represent the scholastic discipline itself by paying attention to its inherent constituent structures and methods.

The Future of Qurʾānic Studies Qurʾānic studies is a broad-ranging and very active field of study within the study of Islam. Not without its controversies, research has made significant progress in recent decades in producing the tools necessary for advanced work, in making classical manuscripts and texts available for scholarly use, and in becoming a firm part of the academy through periodically organized conferences, book series’, and journals. The challenges of the field are real but the rewards are enormous in terms of participating in a substantial scholarly community with lively discussion and productive debate. Note: I am greatly appreciative of the insightful input provided by Walid Saleh of the University of Toronto in my formulation of portions of this chapter.

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2

Ḥadīth Studies Aisha Y. Musa

A Note on Dating Muslims mark the beginning of the Islamic era from the year of Muhammad’s emigration (hijra) from Mecca to Medina, 622 CE. Individuals are most often identified in time by the Hijri year (Anno Hijri, abbreviated AH) in which they died. With the exception of the Qurʾān, Islamic literature is generally dated according to the year in which the author or compiler died. In this chapter, individual Muslim authors or compilers’ death years are given in both AH and CE years.

The Importance of Ḥadīth The Arabic noun ḥadīth (pl. aḥādīth) literally means something that is said, told, or related, that is, a story. As a religious technical term, the word ḥadīth is used to refer to stories about the Prophet and the early community of Muslims. Each ḥadīth has two parts: a chain of narrators, known in Arabic as isnād (literally (lit.) support) and textual content, known as matn (lit. body). The following is an example from the Ṣaḥīḥ of al-Bukhārī: al-Ḥumaydī ʿAbd Allāh ibn Zubayr told us > Sufyān told us >Yaḥyā the son of Saʿīd al-Anṣārī told us > Muḥammad the son of Ibrāhīm al-Taymi informed me that he heard > ʿAlqama the son of Waqqāṣ al-Laythī say that he heard > ʿUmar the son al-Khaṭṭāb, may God be pleased with him, say from the pulpit: I heard the Messenger of God, peace and blessings be upon him say: Actions are according to intention, and each man will have that which he intends. Whoever immigrated for worldly gain he will achieve it, or for a woman, he will marry her; thus, his immigration is to that for which he immigrated.1 The first section is the isnād, and the second is the matn. The rest of the text provides the context in which the initial communication of the report occurred. 75

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Ḥadīth fall into two general categories: stories of a legal/juridical nature (ḥadīth al-aḥkam) and stories of a historical nature (sīra /maghāzī) (Günther 1998, 439). Not only do these stories play an integral role in all of the Islamic intellectual disciplines (al-ʿulūm al-islamiyya), from history, to law, to Qurʾānic exegesis, they also serve as the foundation of both faith-based and academic narratives of Islamic history. Moreover, they are seen by the vast majority of Muslims as the repository of the Prophetic Sunna or the habitual practices of the Prophet, reporting things that Muhammad said, did, or of which he tacitly approved. The Sunna is recognized as the second source of religious law and guidance by the majority of Muslims. Ḥadīth are so closely linked to the Sunna that many people use the two terms synonymously. As the repository of the Sunna, more details of Islamic law come from the Ḥadīth than from the Qurʾān. Not all stories of the Prophet carry equal status, however. The most authoritative reports are found in the collections that form the Ḥadīth canon. Sunni and Shī‘ite Muslims each have their own recognized canon of Ḥadīth literature. There are also Ḥadīth collections that never became part of the canon. In addition to Ḥadīth collections, per se, stories of Muhammad and the early community are found in other genres of literature, such as biographies (sīra), battle chronicles (maghāzī), histories (tarīkh), and Qurʾānic commentaries (tafsīr). Both authenticity and authority are essential to the study of Ḥadīth criticism. Authenticity refers to whether or not a particular saying or action reported in a ḥadīth can be traced back with any historical certainty or probability to the Prophet or his companions. How likely is it that the Prophet or companion actually did or said what is reported in a given ḥadīth? Questions of authenticity include: when and where was a given ḥadīth believed to have originated and with whom? Did the lives of the successive transmitters overlap and their paths cross, so that they could have shared the ḥadīth? Is each of the transmitters reliable in character, understanding, and memory? Authority refers to the position granted to the Ḥadīth as a source of religious law and guidance. Questions related to the issue of authority include: what is the role of the Prophet and his words and practices? What is the nature of divine revelation? Do the Ḥadīth represent teachings of the Prophet given him by God?

The Problem of Authority While the vast majority of the world’s Muslims recognize the authority of Ḥadīth as a repository of the Prophetic Sunna and have done so for centuries, this was not always the case. In the first few centuries after the Hijra, there was clear opposition to the use and authority of texts other than the Qurʾān, which all Muslims consider to be God’s divine revelation sent in Arabic to the Prophet Muhammad. It was in the early third century after the Hijra that Muhammad 76

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ibn Idrīs al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204 AH/820 CE)—the eponymous founder of the Shāfiʿī school of Sunni law—first successfully articulated arguments for the necessity of the Ḥadīth that are still used today (Musa 2008, 61).

The Problem of Authenticity From the earliest centuries, Muslims have recognized the existence of problematic content in prophetic reports, which were used to make the religion an object of ridicule (Ibn Qutaybah,ʻAbd Allāh ibn Muslim, 1970, 9–10). This, in part, drove much of early Ḥadīth scholarship. It was the desire for a short, comprehensive work that contained only authentic stories that is said to have motivated Muḥammad ibn Ismaʿīl al-Bukhārī (d. 256 AH/870 CE) to compile his Ṣaḥīḥ (Siddiqi 1993, 56).

The Relationship of the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth Although more details of religious law and practice come from the Ḥadīth, they are still considered second to the Qurʾān in authority. This is because they are seen by Muslims as a secondary, supplemental form of divine revelation (waḥy). The vast majority of Muslims recognize two types of divine revelation (Musa and Shāfiʿī, Imām Muḥammad b.Idrīs al- 2007, 163–97). The Arabic Qurʾān is believed by Muslims to be the direct and literal words of God, which were dictated to the Prophet Muhammad by the angel Gabriel at God’s command. Therefore, the Qurʾān is considered to be God’s words in both utterance (lafẓ) and meaning (maʿnā). Because Muhammad is believed to have been under the influence of divine inspiration at all times, the Prophetic Sunna, which is found in the Ḥadīth, is considered the second form of divine revelation. Unlike the Qurʾān, however, the Ḥadīth are deemed God’s revelation in meaning (maʿana), but Muhammad’s words in utterance (lafẓ). Muhammad is considered the ideal exemplar for humanity, and the Prophetic Sunna explains and demonstrates the practical application of the divine commands contained in the Qurʾān. As Muhammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāfiʿī explained some 1,200 years ago: “It is God who has established some of His ordinances in His Book, and explained how they are by the tongue of His Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him)” (Musa 2008b, 117).

Sources of Prophetic Reports The earliest Islamic literature other than the Qurʾān dates from the mid-second/ eighth century and includes ḥadīth, sīra, and maghāzī works. An important 77

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feature of these early works is that in addition to the words and deeds of the Prophet himself, they also report the words and deeds of the Prophet’s companions and their successors. Moreover, the reports may or may not be accompanied by a chain of narrators (isnād). It is the chain of narrators that ultimately determines the quality and authoritativeness of a given report.

Ḥadīth Terminology Classical Muslim Ḥadīth criticism recognizes four grades of Prophetic reports: z Ṣaḥīḥ – sound/authentic; z Ḥasan – good; z Ḍa˓ʿīf – weak; z Mawdūʿ – fabricated.

Each report is graded according to a variety of intersecting criteria. The first criteria on which a report is judged is whether or not it goes back to the Prophet Muhammad himself, or to one of his companions or their successors. The classifications in descending order are: z Marfūʿ – elevated: a narration attributed to the Prophet himself. z Mawqūf – stopped: a narration attributed to a companion of the Prophet. z Maqṭūʿ – severed: a narration attributed to a successor (i.e. someone among

the generation following the companions). After determining the authority to which a particular report is attributed, the strength or weakness of the chain of narrators (isnād) is assessed. This assessment is dependent upon the integrity and reliability of each individual transmitter as well as on whether the chain itself is uninterrupted. That is, did all the individuals in the chain have the opportunity to have been in direct contact with those from whom and to whom they passed on the report? The integrity and reliability of a narrator is, in turn, judged according to several criteria, including not only honesty, but also strength and accuracy of memory and mental acuity, including a sound understanding of language and meaning (Siddiqi 1993, 91). Ḥadīth are divided into six classifications, on the basis of the linkages in the isnād: z Musnad – supported: a ḥadīth that is reported by an uninterrupted chain,

in which each narrator heard directly from the previous narrator, going back to one of the Prophet’s companions, who heard directly from the Prophet. 78

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z z z z

chain, in which each narrator heard directly from the previous narrator, going back to a companion or successor, not directly to the Prophet. Mursal – incompletely transmitted: a ḥadīth going back to a successor in which link between the successor and the Prophet is missing. Munqaṭi` – interrupted: a ḥadīth in which any link before the successor is missing. Muʿaḍal – problematic: a ḥadīth in which two or more consecutive narrators are missing from the chain. Muʿallaq – suspended: a ḥadīth that quotes the Prophet directly, with no chain of transmission.

In addition to the continuity of chains of transmission, the number of reporters at each stage of transmission also affects the soundness of Ḥadīth. The more widely reported a ḥadīth is at each stage, the less likely it is to be fabricated. The two main categories defined by Muslim scholars of Ḥadīth are mutawātir and aḥād/wāḥid. A mutawātir report is one that is widely reported by various chains of successive, reliable narrators. Scholars do not agree on the number of narrations needed for a ḥadīth to qualify as mutawātir. Some scholars reportedly set the minimum at four, while others required 70 or more (Siddiqi 1993, 110) An aḥād/wāḥid Ḥadīth is any report that does not have enough chains of successive, reliable narrators to qualify as mutawātir. The category of aḥād/wāḥid reports is further broken down in to three subtypes: z Mashhūr – well-known: a ḥadīth reported by more than two narrators. z ʿAzīz – rare: a Ḥadīth reported by only two narrators. z Gharīb – uncommon/odd: a Ḥadīth reported by a single narrator.

Different schools of law give different weight and authority to aḥād/wāḥid reports in the formulation of legal rulings. Juristis of the Shāfiʿī and Ḥanbalī schools are more likely to give authority to such reports than their counterparts in the Ḥanafī school.

Types of Ḥadīth Collections Ḥadīth collections are generally classified according to their purpose and (Brown 2009, 308) organization. Some types of collections appeared earlier than others, suggesting development in the literature over time. Two key features distinguish later Ḥadīth works from earlier sources of Prophetic reports: first, a focus on the words and deeds of the prophet himself; and second, a concern for the chains of narrators, which serve to authenticate the reports (Brown 2009, 28–34). 79

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Ṣaḥīfa, juz’, and nuskha These are the earliest Ḥadīth works identified as personal collections believed to have been composed by the Prophet’s companions and their immediate successors for the purpose of studying and/or teaching. These early collections are referred to by several different terms, including ṣaḥīfa (notebook), juz’ (volume), and nuskha (copy) (Graham 1977, 82). The earliest extant example of such texts is the Ṣaḥīfa of the Yemeni Hammam ibn Munabbih (Hammām Ibn-Munabbih and others 1979) (d. ca. 130 AH/747 CE),2 who is identified as a student of the Prophet’s companion Abū Ḥurayra (d. 58 AH/678 CE). Abū Ḥurayra stands out as the most prolific transmitter of Ḥadīth, with some 5,300 narrations attributed to him (Siddiqi 1993). Hammam ibn Munabbih’s Ṣaḥīfa is a small collection containing 138 reports that Hammam is said to have related directly from Abū Ḥurayra, saying: “this is what Abū Ḥurayra told us, on the authority of Muhammad the Messenger of God, peace and blessings be upon him”3 (Hammam ibn Munabbih 2). Later sources also mention others who had various types of written compilations of Ḥadīth, which have not survived (Aʻẓamī 1992, 30).

Muṣannaf Topically arranged (muṣannaf) works also appear in the mid-second/eighth century. The earliest extant muṣannaf work is the Muwaṭṭa of the Medinan scholar Mālik b. Anas (d. 179 AH/795 CE), the eponymous founder of the Maliki school of Sunni jurisprudence and teacher of Muhammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204 AH/820 CE). The Muwaṭṭa eventually became part of the Sunni Ḥadīth canon. Two other extant early muṣannaf works are the muṣannaf of Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 207 AH/823 CE) and the muṣannaf of ʿAbd al-Razzaq al-Ṣanʿānī (d. 211 AH/826 CE). Unlike Māliki’s Muwaṭṭa, these two works are not part of the canon. As with other types of early Ḥadīth literature, later sources mention others who also compiled muṣannaf works that are not extant. Among those works that have not come down to us, but which are mentioned by later authors, are the musṣnnaf collections of Ibn Jurayj (d. 150 AH/767 CE) and Maʿmar Ibn Rashid (d. 153 AH/770 CE) (Schoeler et al. 2006, 271–2). The latter is the student of Hammam ibn Munabbih on whose authority Hammam’s Ṣaḥīfa has been transmitted. The most famous and authoritative muṣannaf works are the two works that eventually came to form the centerpiece of the Sunni Ḥadīth canon: the compilations of al-Bukhārī (d. 256 AH/ 870 CE) and Muslim, also known in Arabic as the ṣaḥīḥayn (the two sound [collections]). 80

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Musnad Musnad collections are those in which the reports are arranged according to the name original narrator. Emerging after the muṣannaf collections of the late second/eighth and early third/ninth centuries, these collections focus on reports about the Prophet himself. Because of this, they are considered Ḥadīth collections proper (Brown 2009b, 28). The earliest extant Musnad is that of Abū Dawūd al-Ṭayālisī (d. ca. 203 AH/813 CE) (Siddiqi 1993, 45). Musnad collections are also attributed to a number of others scholars of the third/ninth century as well (Brown 2009, 30). However, the most well-known Musnad is that of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 241 AH/855 CE). Like the Muwaṭṭa of Mālik, the Musnad of Aḥmad has become part of the Sunni canon, and its compiler is the eponymous founder of one of the four surviving Sunni schools of jurisprudence.

Sunan These are arranged topically according to the practices (sunan) of the prophet that they report. Among the most important of the Sunan works are those of Abū Dawūd (d. 275 AH/888 CE), al-Tirmidhī (d. 279 AH/892 CE), al-Nisā’ī (d. 303 AH/915 CE), Ibn Māja (d. 273 AH/886 CE), al-Dārimī (d. 255 AH/868 CE), and al-Dāraquṭnī (d. 385 AH/995 CE). All but the last two of these collections are considered to be part of the Ṣiḥāḥ Sitta (lit. the Sound Six), which, together with the collections of al-Bukhārī and Muslim, form the Sunni Ḥadīth canon.

The Ṣaḥīḥs of al-Bukhārī and Muslim The Ṣaḥīḥ of Muḥammad ibn Abū ʿAbd Allāh ibn Ismaʿīl al-Bukhārī (d. 256 AH/870 CE) is considered the most influential book after the Qurʾān in Sunni Islam. In some ways, it can be said to be even more influential in the daily lives of Muslims than the Qurʾān itself. Ḥadīth add details and concepts to Muslim belief and doctrine that may not be found, or that are only alluded to, in the Qurʾān. The Arabic word ṣaḥīḥ, means sound, and what al-Bukhārī attempted to do in his work was collect only those stories that he considered to be sound, or authentic. That is, stories that he could trace back to the Prophet Muhammad through an unbroken chain of trustworthy narrators. Al-Bukhārī reortedly decided to compile the Ṣaḥīḥ after one of his contemporaries expressed the wish that someone would produce a concise, but comprehensive work containing only authenticated reports. Al-Bukhārī was the first to attempt to develop a system of authentication that could serve to determine the relative reliability with which such stories might be traced back to the Prophet. 81

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He spent his entire adult life traveling in search of Ḥadīth and is said to have examined more than 600,000 Ḥadīth, including less than 7,000 in his collection. He does not describe his methodology, but later scholars have inferred it from detailed study of al-Bukhārī’s life and works (Siddiqi 1993, 56). Even after his death, however, al-Bukhārī remained just one of many scholars who collected, studied, and taught Ḥadīth throughout the Muslim world. It took two more centuries for his Ṣaḥīḥ to become part of the emerging canon of Sunni Ḥadīth literature. One of the most important events in the canonization process was the public reading of al-Bukhārī’s Ṣaḥīḥ ordered by the Grand Vizier of the Seljuk Empire, Niẓām al-Mulk, at his newly founded religious college known as the Nizamiyya, in the Iranian city of Nisapur, in 1072 CE (Brown 2007). Al-Bukhārī’s Ṣaḥīḥ is divided into more than 90 chapters arranged by topics, from the opening chapter on revelation to the final chapter on the oneness of God. The topical arrangement allows Muslims to quickly find answers to questions about day-to-day issues of belief and practice. The second work at the center of the Sunni canon is the Ṣaḥīḥ of Abū al-Ḥusayn Muslim ibn al-Ḥajjāj ibn Muslim al-Qushayrī al-Nisābūrī (d. 261 AH/875 CE). Like al-Bukhārī, Muslim considered a report to be sound only if it came through an unbroken chain of trustworthy narrators. In the introduction to his Ṣaḥīḥ, Muslim describes three categories into which he divides Prophetic reports: those whose narrators are known for their memory and consistency in relating reports and who did not differ markedly from other reliable narrators, those whose narrators are not known for their memory and consistency in reports, and finally, those whose narrators are widely considered unreliable. The first make up the bulk of his work, while the second are included to corroborate the first, while the third are rejected (Siddiqi 1993, 59–60). Muslim’s Ṣaḥīḥ is also arranged by topics in a way that allows it to be readily used to answer day-to-day questions of doctrine and practice.

The Sunni Canon The most revered Ḥadīth collections are referred to by Muslims as al-ṣiḥāḥ al-sitta (lit. the Sound Six). Over the course of the seventh/eleventh centuries these came to include the two Ṣaḥīḥs of al-Bukhārī (d. 256 AH/870 CE) and Muslim (d. 261 AH/875 CE) and the Sunan works of Abū Dawūd (d. 275 AH/888 CE), al-Tirmidhī (d. 279 AH/892 CE), al-Nisā’ī (d. 303 AH/915 CE), and Ibn Māja (d. 273 AH/886 CE). Of these, the Sunan of Ibn Māja was the last to gain a place in the Sound Six (Goldziher et al. 1971, 242–3). While these works take pride of place in the canon, there are several other collections that are currently also part of the Sunni canon. These are the Musnad of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 241 AH/855 CE), the Sunan of al-Dārimī (d. 255 AH/868 CE), and the Muwaṭṭa of Mālik (d. 179 AH/795 CE). 82

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The solidification of the canon in the seventh/eleventh century did not signal the end of Muslim Ḥadīth criticism. The various formal disciplines of that criticism continued to develop over the ensuing centuries. Scholars such as al-Ḥākim al-Nīsābūrī (d. 403 AH/1012 CE) composed a genre of works known as mustadrak (lit. supplement) that included reports that met the criteria of the earlier compilers, but had not been included in their works. Another supplementary genre of Ḥadīth literature is known as mustakhraj (lit. documentation) in which the author collected additional chains of narration for the reports contained in the canonized collections. Criticism of the matn (textual content) of reports also continued to be refined. Through detailed analysis of the sources, M. Z. Siddiqi has identified eight general principles of matn criticism used by various scholars. 1. A report must not be contrary to the text of the Qurʾān, the absolute consensus of the community, a mutawātur ḥadīth, another report on the same topic that has already been accepted as authentic, or the basic principles of Islam. 2. A report should not go against reason, the laws of nature, or common experience. 3. A report that establishes disproportionately high rewards for minor good deeds or severe punishments for minor sins must be rejected. 4. Reports of the excellence of particular parts of the Qurʾān may not be authentic. 5. Reports of the superior qualities of particular persons, tribes, or place should be generally rejected. 6. Reports containing detailed prophecies of future events that include dates should be rejected. 7. Reports containing remarks that are not part of the Prophet’s prophetic vocation, or that are unsuitable for him, should be rejected. 8. Matns should not violate the basic rules of Arabic grammar and style (Siddiqi 1993, 114). Such principles have been applied by scholars, past and present, in assessing the reliability of particular reports, in both the canonical and noncanonical collections of Ḥadīth, as well as reports found in other genres of Muslim literature.

Sīra and Maghāzi Works In addition to collections of Ḥadīth proper, stories about the life of the Prophet are also found in other genres of literature such as Sira (biography) and Maghazi (battle chronicle) works, histories (tarikh) and commentaries on the Qurʾān 83

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(tafsir). Stories found in these genres have come to be referred to as khabar (meaning news, story, report; pl. akhbar) rather than ḥadīth/aḥadīth; however, in the earliest centuries these terms seem to have been used interchangeably (Musa 2008, 35). It is important to note that Ḥadīth collections often contain sections dedicated to sīra, maghāzī, tarīkh, and tafsīr, demonstrating the overlapping interconnectedness of the various genres of Muslim literature. The most significant distinction between the stories found in Ḥadīth collections and other genres of literature is the isnād, or chain of narrators. The Arabic word isnad literally means “support,” and, as noted above, it is the strength or weakness of the isnad that determines the reliability and authoritative weight of a particular Ḥadīth. Stories in the Ḥadīth collections are reported with their chains of narration, while stories in other genres of literature may be reported with only a partial chain or no chain at all. Stories in these other genres are also not subject to the critical classifications applied to Ḥadīth proper.

Ibn Isḥaq’s Biography of God’s Messenger The earliest known biography of the Prophet Muhammad, which predates all of the canonized collections of Ḥadīth, is Sīrat Rasūl Allāh attributed to Muḥammad ibn Isḥāq ibn Yasār (d. ca. 151 AH/767 CE), known as Ibn Isḥāq, who is said to have been commissioned by the Abbasid Caliph al-Manṣūr (reigned 136–158 AH/754–775 CE) to write a history of creation from the time of Adam (Schoeler 2009, 28). The biography of the Prophet was originally part of that much larger work. The work of Ibn Isḥāq himself has not come down to us. What has survived is the redaction of Ibn Hishām (d. 218 AH/833 CE). Schoeler argues that, in fact, the larger work was never intended for publication in writing outside the caliphal library, but that Ibn Isḥāq intended his work to be recited by his students (Schoeler 2009, 32). Ibn Hishām was a student of one of Ibn Isḥāq’s students, from whom he learned of Ibn Isḥāq’s work. The redaction of Ibn Hishām that has come down to us was translated into English by Alfred Guillaume in 1957. Since its original publication, Guillaume’s translation has been republished several times, most recently in 2004. Ibn Isḥāq is a controversial figure whose trustworthiness was disputed by both his contemporaries and later scholars. Among his strongest critics were noted scholars such as Mālik ibn Anas and Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, after whom two of the surviving Sunni schools of law are named, and al-Tirmidhī, and al-Nisā’ī, whose collections of Ḥadīth are part of the Sunni canon(Guillaume 2003, xxxiv– xl). This kind of criticism is part of what excludes stories from the Sīrat Rasūl Allāh as authoritative sources of religious legal judgment. Although stories from the Sīra do not have authority as a source of law and guidance under the 84

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rules of uṣūl al-fiqh, many stories contained in it are incorporated with chains of narrators in the Ḥadīth collection; moreover the Sīra serves as an important source for later biographies and battle chronicles.

The Works of al-Wāqidī and Ibn Saʿd Two other biographical works that predate the canonized collections of Ḥadīth are al-Wāqidī’s (d. 207 AH/822 CE) Kitāb al-Maghāzī (The Book of Battles) and Ibn Saʿd’s (d. 230 AH/845 CE) al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā (The Greatest Generations). Together with Ibn Isḥāq’s biography, these works have helped to shape the narrative of early Muslim history repeated by later Muslim historians and found in nearly all introductory works on Islam in the non-Muslim world. Abū ʿAbd Allah Muḥammad Ibn ʿUmar Ibn Wāqidī was born in approximately 130 AH/748 CE, making him a younger contemporary of Ibn Isḥāq. While there is no way of knowing whether the two ever met, yet even though al-Wāqidī never mentions Ibn Isḥaq his work closely corresponds to the maghāzī portion of Ibn Isḥāq’s Sīra (Jones 1983, 346). Like Ibn Isḥāq, al-Wāqid enjoyed the support of the Abbasid court and was appointed a judgeship in Baghdad by the Caliph Harūn al-Rashīd. His Kitāb al-maghāzī is particularly noteworthy because of the attention he pays to chronology and the dating of Muḥammad’s military expeditions. An English translation of this important early work is now available, entitled The Life of Muhammad: Al-Waqidi’s Kitab al-Maghazi, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail, and Abdul Kader Tayob (New York: Routledge, 2011) Muḥammad ibn Saʿd (d. 230 AH/845 CE) is popularly referred to as kātib al-wāqiī, meaning al-Wāqidī’s scribe. The two had a close relationship, and Ibn Saʿd drew from and expanded on al-Wāqidī’s work in his monumental al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā (The Great Generations), in which he chronicles the lives of Muḥammad, his companions, and the anṣār of Medina, and the generation immediately following. These, according to Ḥadīth, are the best generations. Later biographers repeat and build on the work of Ibn Saʿd, as he did upon the work of his mentor, al-Wāqidī, and more than a millennium since his death Ibn Saʿd’s work remains one of the most widely used and respected biographies of the Prophet and the early community.

Biographical Dictionaries The extreme importance of the isnād in determining the comparative reliability and, thus, the weight and authority of a particular report led to the development of a genre unique to Muslim literature: biographical dictionaries. Because the relative strength of the isnād is determined by the character and associations of the individual narrators, detailed information about those individuals 85

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is crucial to assessing the strength or weakness of the chain. These works are generally arranged chronologically and according to the names of the narrators. Some entries are no more than a few lines long mentioning the narrator’s level of reliability, while others cover several pages, listing all of those from and to whom the narrator transmitted reports, together with other details of the person’s life and career. Among the most important of these is the work of Ibn Saʿd, discussed in the previous section, which contains biographical sketches of the Prophet’s companions and their immediate successors, and information on more than 4,000 narrators (Siddiqi 1993, 95). Ibn Saʿd’s Ṭabaqāt is a general work that covers the first two generations of the Muslim community. Other general works dating from the same century include three histories written by Muḥammad ibn Ismaʿīl al-Bukhārī (d. 256 AH/870 CE), compiler of the Ḥadīth collection that stands at the center of the Sunni canon and is second only to the Qurʾān as a source of religious law and guidance for the vast majority of the world’s Muslims. Al-Bukhārī claimed to have at least some biographical data on every Ḥadīth transmitter, and his largest biographical work reportedly contained entries on more than 40,000 narrators (ibid., 100). Over the ensuing centuries, other biographical dictionaries appeared dedicated to various classes of individuals, such as companions of the Prophet, people associated with various towns and geographic regions, and those associated with particular schools of law. There are also works dedicated specifically to individuals who are known to have fabricated Prophet reports. Two other crucial contributions to Muslim Ḥadīth criticism are the commentaries of Abū Zakariā Yaḥyā ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi (d. 676 AH/1277 CE) and Ibn Hajar al-Aṣqalāni (d. 852 AH/1448 CE). The former wrote an extensive commentary on the Ṣaḥīḥ of Muslim, and the latter wrote one on the Ṣaḥīḥ of al-Bukhārī. Because of their painstakingly detailed commentary on and explanations of the Ḥadīth collections themselves and the reports that those collections contain, both commentaries are still as widely used and regarded among Muslims as the Ḥadīth collections they treat.

Academic Study of Ḥadīth in the West Western academic study of the Ḥadīth has undergone significant development since it first began in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. Herbert Berg has provided a detailed overview of the variety of positions and approaches taken by European and American scholars in his chapter on Ḥadīth criticism in The Development of Exegesis in Early Islam: The Authenticity of Muslim Literature from the Formative Period (Berg 2000, 8–47). Some of the most influential of these scholars will be discussed here. 86

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The first to touch upon the issue of Ḥadīth was Aloys Sprenger, whose article “On the Origin and Progress of Writing Down Historical Facts among the Musulmans,” appeared in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1856–7. Apparently working from a manuscript, Sprenger presents what he describes as “an abstract” of al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s (d. 436 AH/1071 CE) Taqyīd al-῾Ilm “[w]ith a view of shedding light on” the question of “whether the Moslims, during the first century after the Hijra, did write books at all,” as a necessary prelude to answering the question of whether the earliest known biographer of Muḥammad relied only on oral “traditions” or had written sources as well. He sees the reports collected by al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī as evidence of the attitudes toward writing that existed among the Muslims of the first-century AH. While Sprenger opened his article by highlighting the doubt engendered by the 141 year gap between the death of Muhammad and the death of his earliest known biographer, Ibn Ishāq (Sprenger 1856–7, 303–4), he does not address the approximately 450 year gap between the time of Muhammad and the time of al-Khātīb al-Baghdādī. A number of the reports that contained Taqyīd al-῾Ilm are certainly found in much earlier sources; however, none of these sources dates from the first-century AH. Thus, while Sprenger provided an initial glimpse into this work, that glimpse is not able to help us contextualize the work beyond the very general context of attitudes toward writing attributed to Muslims of the earliest generations by those living at the time of al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī. While Sprenger was the first western scholar in the modern period to address the issue of Ḥadīth, the most important scholar of the nineteenth century to do so was Ignaz Goldziher (1850–1921). The second volume of Goldziher’s Muhammedanische Studien, originally published in German in 1890 and translated into English as Muslim Studies in 1971, represents a watershed in Western Ḥadīth studies. Although he has been sharply criticized by later Muslim academics such as M. Z. Siddiqi, Goldziher’s work is the first comprehensive treatment of Ḥadīth outside the Muslim world. The structure and organization of Goldziher’s work serves as a template for later works on Ḥadīth, starting from a discussion of the nature and importance of Ḥadīth and Sunna and continuing with a description of the history of Ḥadīth transmission and compilation that includes discussion of key categories of Muslim scholarship such as traveling in search of Ḥadīth and the problem of Ḥadīth fabrication. Although Goldziher does see the Ḥadīth as representing later Muslim understanding of the beginnings of Islam rather than as an actual account of that period, he nevertheless, argues in favor of the early recording of Ḥadīth and against the belief that they were initially passed on orally and only committed to writing at a later period. Indeed, Goldziher asserts that the reluctance to commit Ḥadīth to writing (such as that recorded in al-Baghdādī’s Taqyīd al-ʿIlm) is a sentiment that developed later (Goldziher 1971, 22). Notably, in his “Notes and Excurses,” Goldziher includes a detailed discussion relating material in the Ḥadīth to the New 87

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Testament and a brief discussion of women as transmitters of Ḥadīth. Following on Ignaz Goldziher’s seminal work on Ḥadīth, Alfred Guillaume’s The Traditions of Islam appeared in English in 1924. In this work Guillaume covers the same topics as Goldziher before him, in much the same manner. The most influential work in Western study of Ḥadīth in the mid-twentieth century was Joseph Schact’s Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. As the title indicates, Schacht’s primary concern is with the origins of Islamic law; therefore, his focus is on reports of a legal/juridical nature (ḥadīth al-aḥkam), rather than the body of Ḥadīth literature as a whole. However, Schacht saw work as confirming and going beyond Goldziher’s skepticism of the Ḥadīth, by showing that legal Ḥadīth attributed to the Prophet appeared in the mid-second-century AH in opposition to reports of Muhammad’s companions and other authorities and, moreover, that many other Ḥadīth only came into circulation in the third-century AH (Schacht 1967, 4). This skepticism has had a lasting influence on the study of Ḥadīth in the West. The work of subsequent scholars occurs in conversation with the work of Schacht, nuancing, confirming, or challenging Schacht’s conclusions. Among Schacht’s challengers is Nabia Abbott, whose Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, Volume II: Quranic Commentary and Tradition, published in 1967, draws on a variety of classical Muslim sources to come to the conclusion that Ḥadīth are a product of the earliest years of the Muslim community, which were written down during the lifetime of the Prophet and his companions. Others who challenged Schacht’s conclusions are Mohammad Mustapha al-Azami,4 who dedicated an entire book, On Schacht’s Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, to a detailed refutation of Schacht. Like Abbott, Azami makes use of classical Muslim sources to argue for the early written preservation transmission of Ḥadīth. Other scholars have worked to nuance Schacht’s methods and conclusions. Among these is G. H. A. Juynboll, who, in Muslim Tradition: Studies in Chronology, Provenance and Authorship of Early Hadith (first published by Cambridge University Press in 1983 and republished in 2008), applies a meticulous analysis of the chains of narrators to identify the times and locations at which particular Ḥadīth appear to have entered circulation. Although he concludes that Ḥadīth generally entered circulation far later than Muslim scholars maintain, Juynboll holds that, “taken as a whole, they all converge on a description of the situation obtaining in the period of history under scrutiny which may be defined as pretty reliable”(2008, 6). In 2007, Juynboll published his 1,000-page Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith (Brill, 2007), which, unlike most other English translations of the Ḥadīth, contains the full chains of narration. Among the most nuanced contemporary scholars of Ḥadīth is Harald Motzki. Like Juynboll, Motzki attempts to find a middle ground between those scholars who are extremely skeptical of the reliability and authenticity of the Ḥadīth 88

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and those who are certain of their authenticity and reliability. Where Juynboll focuses primarily on the chains of narrators in analyzing Prophetic reports, Motzki carefully analyzes both the chains of narrators and textual content of the reports. By collecting and comparing variations in the textual content of the reports, Motzki attempts to distill kernels of historical accuracy. Another decisive contribution to contemporary Ḥadīth studies is Jonathan Brown’s work on the canonization of the Ṣaḥīḥs of al-Bukhārī and Muslim. Brown is the first to attempt to shed light on the issue of canonization and to trace this complex process across the first five centuries of Islam. Brown’s work takes Ḥadīth studies in a refreshing new direction by asking why and how canons develop. Rather than asking whether or not the stories told about Muhammad and the early community can be relied upon as accurate, Brown asks what importance those stories have for the community that recounts, preserves, and reveres them as a source of guidance and law. Two recent translations of works on Ḥadīth and Ḥadīth sciences into English are also a boon to students and scholars of Islam. One is Juynboll’s Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith, mentioned above, the other is Eerik Dickinson’s translation of Ibn al- Ṣalāḥ’s (d. 643 AH/1245 CE) An Introduction to the Science of the Ḥadīth: Kitab Maʻrifat Anwāʻ ʻilm Al-ḥadīth (Garnet, 2005).

Ḥadīth Studies in the Digital Age Unprecedented access to Ḥadīth literature in a variety of languages is available in the form of software and on a number of websites. The revolution began with the production of software that put volumes of Ḥadīth at the fingertips of those researchers with sufficient interest and resources to purchase the software. It has continued with advances that then placed that information onto the internet, where it is now available to anyone interested in accessing it.

English Language Ḥadīth Resources One of the first, most comprehensive and most popular English language online ḥadīth databases is available at the University of Southern California’s Center for Muslim Jewish Engagement (www.cmje.org/religious-texts/hadith/). The digital collection was originally compiled by the Muslim Students’ Association (MSA) of the University of Southern California (USC). It is now affiliated with USC’s Center for Muslim-Jewish Engagement (CMJE), which is housed and administered at USC’s Center for Religion & Civic Culture. In spite of the change of official affiliation, the content remains the same. It contains translations of the complete Ṣaḥīḥs of al-Bukhārī and Muslims, a partial translation of 89

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the Sunan of Abu Dawud, a translation of the Muwatta of Māliki, as well as a collection of 40 Ḥadīth Qudsi. In the case of the major collections, the names of the translators are indicated and some introductory information is included. This is not the case with the 40 Ḥadīth Qudsi. There is no explanation of why the translation of the Sunan of Abu Dawud is partial, nor is there any indication of what parts are missing. Both the major collections and the 40 Ḥadīth Qudsi can be browsed with relative ease. However, only the major collections are searchable. The collections are also available on the MSA website at www.msawest.net/ islam/ to which the CMJE contains a link in the “Religious Texts” section. The MSA site differs from the CMJE site in that the former also contains information on the fundamentals of Islam, introductory materials on the Muslim Sciences of Ḥadīth, and an essay comparing modern Western historical methodology with traditional Muslim Ḥadīth methodology. The introductory information appears to presume only general knowledge of Islam and is presented clearly and should prove very useful for researchers interested in the history and development of classical Sunni approaches to Sunna and Ḥadīth. By contrast the CMJE site contains no such background information on either Islam in general, or Sunna and Ḥadīth in particular. A variety of other websites also offer the same translations as those found on the CMJE and MSA sites. Each website appears to use its own numbering system, and not all sites contain the entirety of each collection. A major issue with most English translations of the major Ḥadīth collections is the absence of the chains of narrators that have for so long served as a means of determining the relative weight and authoritativeness of individual reports. This is true of all such collections available online. The notable exception in print is Juynboll’s Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith (Brill, 2007). Given the importance of the chains of narrators in the history of Ḥadīth and Ḥadīth studies, for Muslims and non-Muslims alike, this is a serious discrepancy of which students and scholars entering the field must be aware. This problem does not exist in the Arabic language collections, whether digital or in print.

Browsing the Collections Browsing the collections is accomplished by clicking on the collection title and then on the title of the desired “book.” Each of the collections is referenced slightly differently. In the Ṣaḥīḥ of al-Bukhārī, Ḥadīth are referenced by volume, book, and number, as illustrated below. Ḥadīth in the Ṣaḥīḥ of Muslim are referenced only by book and number. The Ḥadīth in all collections are numbered sequentially in ascending order; however, those in Muslim are numbered in a three (in the case of a “book”) or four (in the case of a Ḥadīth) digit format where zeros serve as places holders, while in al-Bukhārī, this is not the case. In the partial Sunan of Abu Dawud, the Ḥadīth are referenced by book and number, with 90

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Ḥadīth number in a four-digit format. The Ḥadīth in Māliki’s Muwatta are also referenced by book and number, but with a different format. These same digital collections are now also available from a variety of different sites, with either browsing or search capabilities or both. Most are Muslim sites that, like the MSA West site, also contain basic information on Islam and the role and history of the Ḥadīth. However, the CMJE site remains perhaps the most readily accessed.

Al-islam.com Al-islam.com is a site provided by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Islamic Affairs, Endowments, Da’wah, and Guidance. The content of the site is derived from database software created by Harf Information Technology, which began producing Islamic software as a branch of Sakhr Software in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It has since become an independent company and remains a global leader in Islamic software. The website has versions in Arabic, English, French, Malay, Indonesian, German, and Turkish; however, not all features are available in all languages. The full range of advanced search options is available only in Arabic. In fact, typing in the URL www.al-islam.com takes one to the Arabic homepage from which the reader needs to choose another language from the menu bar. Currently, the site offers English, French, German, Indonesian, Malay, and Turkish. The English language browsing and search capabilities here are quite a bit different than they are in the USC and MSA websites. There is no way to browse specific collections in English (although this capability is available in Arabic, as discussed below). Browsing Ḥadīth in a language other than Arabic is accomplished by clicking on any one of the subjects listed in the “Hadith Subjects” menu. The French, German, Indonesian, Malay, and Turkish versions of al-islam.com function in the same way as the English version. Navigating through the Ḥadīth collections in any language other than Arabic is not as straightforward here as navigating the CMJE collections. This is probably why the latter appears to be the most popular and most accessed non-Arabic Ḥadīth resource on the internet. It is not only much easier to access the Ḥadīth content, it also provides clear reference to the specific original collections in which any given ḥadīth is to be found. In the case of al-islam.com, the site itself must be referenced as there is no indication in which original collection a given ḥadīth is found. Referencing the original collection is important for establishing not only the weight and authority of specific ḥadīth but also the accuracy of the English text. A comparison of randomly selected Ḥadīth from the translation of al-Bukhārī on the CMJE site with the Arabic text available on www.Al-Islam. com reveals some problematic discrepancies. 91

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Arabic language resources While good use may be made of English-language websites on Islam and the history and development of Ḥadīth methodology, the fact remains that in-depth scholarly work in any branch of Islamic Studies requires delving into primary sources in Arabic. In the past, this required access to specialized library collections available only at top universities. Advances in technology have now made it possible to access many important texts from anywhere by anyone with a computer that has internet access and can recognize and display Arabic characters (i.e. anyone running Windows 2000 and above). Al-Islam.com is one such site where one can easily conduct a sophisticated search of the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth, as well as other Islamic texts. Another is islamport.com. Both sites are free, but the latter has the advantage of referencing the volume and page number of printed editions of many of the texts on the site. This allows researchers who have access to the print editions to check the accuracy of the digital editions. The increasingly widespread availability of such digital resources in both English and Arabic opens Ḥadīth studies to a wider audience than ever before, making meticulous rigor and a solid foundation of knowledge more important than ever.

Notes 1 The translation is that of the author. The original Arabic text is available from www. al-islam.com http://hadith.al-islam.com/Page.aspx?pageid=192&BookID=24&TOCID =3. Accessed March 1, 2012 2 Scholars disagree on the date of Hammam b. Munabbih’s death. Muhammed Hamidullah, who first discovered and published the Sahifa gives the year as 101 AH/719 CE. Beeston and Dickinson follow Hamidullah in this, while Jonathan Brown gives it as 130 AH/748 CE. 3 Hammam ibn Munabbih, Sahifat Hammam ibn Munnabih al-Sanʿani. Al-mostafa.com www.al-mostafa.info/data/arabic/depot/gap.php?file=000380-www.al-mostafa.com. pdf. Accessed September 1, 2011. 4 The same author also published works on early Ḥadīth literature under the name Azami, without the definite article “al-.”

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Researching Sufism in the Twenty-First Century: Expanding the Context of Inquiry Arthur F. Buehler

Alexander Knysh once remarked, “The role of the subjective factor is even more pronounced when the scholar investigates the mystical tradition of Islam, which pertains to a highly personal and elusive aspect of human life … [I]ts deeply personal and intangible character is usually taken for granted and is seen as a complicating factor.”1 Indeed this “subjective factor” is one of the open frontiers for scholars of sufism. One Ramadan evening in 2004 I had in hand a copy of the Persian indexes to Ahmad Sirhindi’s Collected Letters (d.1624, Sirhind, northern India) to present to Shaykh Mahmud Effendi in the Ismail Ağa Mosque of Istanbul. After being introduced by his long-time student, Naim Abdulwali, the shaykh greeted me warmly from his wheelchair. At some point in our conversation I explained my translation project of Sirhindi’s Collected Letters. There was an uneasy shift in mood but he remained silent. Then I remarked how I had been working with Shaykh Ma‘sum Naqshbandi (d. 2007) on the translation because of my difficulties in understanding the text. With an approving smile, the mood shifted back again. Here is an example of Mahmud Efendi recognizing a gap of awareness. In spite of my knowing how to read the subject areas required in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu (which now included Sirhindi’s technical vocabulary), and many years of reading Naqshbandi texts, how was I going to bridge the gap between Sirhindi’s level of consciousness, a result of decades of contemplative practice, and mine? Sirhindi communicated, as all good teachers do, on the level of those writing to him. Some of those simpler letters, usually on sharīʿah, did not involve this kind of gap. But I had chosen, in addition, to translate very long letters written to his most advanced students. Imagine a tone-deaf person, partially deaf, who fluently reads European sheet music attempting to translate a transcript of Mozart’s experience of music. This is not a gap; it is a canyon. There are many such canyons in sufi studies despite the strides made in the study of sufism over the last 50 years. Our gaps in knowledge include the 93

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investigation of the altered states of consciousness produced through contemplative practice and the resulting human transformations, the phenomena of jadhba and tawajjuh, sufis interacting with nonphysical entities, the psi phenomena associated with khawariq and karamat, the process of moral-ethical transformation, and spiritual healing. In addition, no one has yet produced anything close to a nuanced (much less longitudinal) anthropological study of any sufi group.2 This is not a coincidence. In the postmodern academy we are aware of ethnocentrism, the narrowness of cultural experience, but are hardly aware of our pervasive cognocentrism, the narrowness of conscious experience.3 Like color-blind people, those who have never experienced the nonordinary conscious realities of sufis, much less inquired about these realities, often do not realize how these psycho-spiritual realities often color the context of many sufi texts and open entirely new areas of inquiry. This chapter is written for the next generations of scholars who are and will be in the best position to explore these canyon-like lacunae. The next generation stands on the shoulders of their latter twentieth-century mentors who have pioneered nuanced, contextualized, largely textual studies of sufi history and its outer sociocultural manifestations. They and their predecessors have enhanced our scholarly understanding considerably. To bring sufi studies into the twenty-first century the new generation will be unhindered by prevalent tendencies in the academy that narrow the context of inquiry. For example, there is an overriding tendency in the study of religion to conflate suprarational experience (hereafter post-rational) with faith claims of religious traditions. The next generation of scholars, savvy in transpersonal psychology, will acknowledge that the transpersonal aspect of being human is just another stage of human development beyond the mental (hence post-rational). No longer will most of the new generation assume that studying this transpersonal dimension leads automatically to becoming subsumed in the faith claims of a religion as her intellect and critical facilities vanish. This assumption has manifested in a persistent and compelling avoidance of the transpersonal in Religious Studies (and the rest of humanities) in spite of the pioneering work in transpersonal psychology and transpersonal anthropology over the last 40 years. A result of this scholarly effort in the transpersonal realm is a tentative map of the realms that sufis and other mystics have been exploring for millennia.4 When we begin to consider this research seriously in sufi studies, then we will be in a better position to share the vast amount of sufi transpersonal data recorded in sufi texts with our colleagues in other disciplines. We will be better equipped to evaluate rational, imaginal, intersubjective, and contemplative data. Religious Studies, and the humanities in general, have also ignored the last 40 or so years of research in psi phenomena. In terms of the strictest empirical methods of materialist science, there is so much evidence that telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, psychokinesis, and psychic healing exist that “we can 94

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take them as basic possibilities for humans.”5 Instead of scholars in sufi studies assuming that miraculous events are merely “hagiographic tropes,” there is now good reason to consider certain classes of these events as real possibilities while still critically analyzing them at the same time for exaggeration, devout ruses, and literary tropes.6 This is a specific example where “the ontological reality of psi/spirits’ existence exceeds the parameters of EuroAmerican science.”7

The Scientific-Materialist Underpinning of Academic Methodologies/ Perspectives There are definite intellectual impediments that keep scholars from closing the gaps in sufi studies. This state of affairs reflects the intellectual and cultural ethos in which western scholarship is situated, that is, the myth of scientific materialism, tempered to some degree by the postmodern worldview in the humanities. Materialism structurally ignores the experiential, subjective, and intersubjective bases of sufism. Like all myths, scientific materialism is so inculcated in our modern western worldview (even among people who consider themselves very religious) that its paramount influence is hardly ever recognized.8 Often called scientism, the dogma of scientific materialism has become in its extreme form, to use Religious Studies vocabulary, scientific fundamentalism (with Richard Dawkins as its prime tele-evangelist). It emerged in the nineteenth century and is still the dominant paradigm in the academy if not Euro-American culture in general.9 We are trained as scholars in the postmodern academy to approach our studies without any religious dogmatism but this training has not given us an equal ability to discern between open-ended rational inquiry and the unconscious dogmatism of scientism. One goal of this chapter is to bring this scientism to conscious awareness and to encourage a more encompassing methodology, one that William James called “radical empiricism.”10 “A radical empirical method includes the experience of the observer and defines the experimental field as one of interactions and intersubjectivity. Accordingly, we make ourselves experimental subjects and treat our experiences as primary data.”11 Such an approach expands empiricism to other modes of consciousness and to subjective and intersubjective data.12 The scientific-materialist paradigm is still the underlying mainstream perspective in twenty-first-century humanities. We teach the pillars of scientificmaterialist theorists (Durkheim, Weber, Freud) in Religious Studies seminars seldom discussing the materialist presuppositions involved. Theorists who have gone beyond this perspective (mentioned in this chapter) are almost never considered in Religious Studies’ methodology classes, which is to be expected given the postmodern training of professors since the early 1980s. Reflecting the significant contributions of postmodernist perspectives, the vast majority 95

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of monographs on sufism explain phenomena socioculturally, historically, or politically. Yet, humanities in general has systematically ignored vast areas of research that could provide fresh vistas on sufi studies. It is much like the situation in the sciences, of which Charles Tart, a pioneer in the study of altered states of consciousness and psi phenomena, says, Speaking as a full-fledged scientist, neurology, et cetera, is vastly incomplete and suffers from considerable arrogance, because it thinks it’s complete. All the neurophysiological studies in mainstream science ignore parapsychology’s data, which has much tighter scientific standards than any other field of science … [M]ainstream science has, without any consideration of experiments in parapsychology, rejected this data because it fails to comply with assumptions about reality in our current materialistic paradigm13 A current trend in Religious Studies, that of neuroscience and cognitive science, is replicating and reinforcing this methodological blindness. Materialistic science and humanities have yet to catch up with an entire range of phenomena including quantum phenomena, morphic resonance, energy healing, and the full range of psi phenomena. It has taken western civilization many centuries of intellectual struggle to finally use the term “world religions.” Yet the scientific community has not recognized that there is a plurality of epistemologies (and therefore scientific endeavors) in spite of extensive anthropological data on differences of cognition and cognitive processes across cultures. The irony is that we in sufi studies are trained linguistically (but not experientially) to read sufi texts which, like the tip of an iceberg, rest on the accumulated subjective experience of yet more people who have dared to explore the inner human universe and its vast realm of consciousness. Because “a hammer only sees nails,” their recorded subjective experience is invisible to the scholar seeking the political and sociocultural data for the next monograph on sufism. Part of the unspoken (in mainstream academia) knowledge explosion in the twenty-first century is opening up many levels of inquiry into the subjective and intersubjective inner realms of being. This exciting situation presents a larger set of possibilities for the next generation of scholars of sufism and their readers so that sufi studies can reflect more accurately the set of family resemblances we arbitrarily call sufism. Sufi studies is still overwhelmingly dominated by the interpretation texts. There are still millions of manuscripts waiting to be studied, a significant proportion of which are decaying faster than researchers will find time to access them. The twenty-first-century scholar who delves into this vast corpus will find many lifetimes of productive work ahead of him. This is all good and I look forward to these increasingly informed studies. There will still be those who prefer to look at their objects of study in the safety of scholarly distance. 96

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Indeed, a significant percentage of sufi-related texts, particularly those that have been motivated by personal and political concerns, are appropriate to be read in this fashion. But for many other kinds of sufi literature, reading texts is likely to require additional perspectives once the subjective and intersubjective realms of knowledge open up, simply because many sufi texts were never intended to be read in isolation. Texts are a medium, a skilful means, a face-to-face oral intersubjective event in which the text is discussed and interpreted (and in some contexts debated).14 Other texts like those of Ibn al-‘Arabi and Ahmad Sirhindi presume advanced levels of contemplative practice and realization.

The Taboo of Subjectivity Scientific materialist dogma requires knowledge and epistemology to be “objective.” The unwritten corollary is the “heresy” (or taboo) of subjective knowledge and epistemology. The importance of subjective knowledge in the human sciences has been articulated for over a 100 years. It has been outlined brilliantly in Varieties of Religious Experience, still a staple in current undergraduate psychology of religion courses. Its author, William James, the western pioneer of psychology and religion, remarks, [O]ur normal waking consciousness, rational consciousness as we call it, is but one special type of consciousness, whilst all about it, parted from it by the filmiest of screens, there lie potential forms of consciousness entirely different. We may go through life without suspecting their existence, but apply the requisite stimulus and at a touch they are there in all their completeness, definite types of mentality which probably somewhere have their field of application and adaptation. No account of the universe in its totality can be final which leaves these other forms of consciousness quite disregarded.15 There were two sentences preceding this quote that I omitted purposely to make a point (and are often omitted in this oft-cited quote). James was already starting to use the kind of methodology that is largely lacking in the humanities, particularly in the current study of altered states of consciousness. He said, “Some years ago I myself made some observations on [the effects of] nitrous oxide intoxication.… One conclusion was forced upon my mind at that time, and my impression of its truth has ever since remained unshaken. It is that …” James had experience and he is encouraging others to follow in his footsteps. But few have followed him methodologically in the intervening century. We will hear from some of those pioneers below. 97

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What happened? A method of inquiry in the field of psychology was hijacked very soon after James wrote these statements. Seeking to make psychology a “hard science,” the American behaviorist John B. Watson declared that the use of all subjective terms was to be avoided in the discipline of psychology.16 Forty years later, B. F. Skinner asserted that mind as such does not exist; there are just behavioral dispositions. After a decade of experiments, It became increasingly obvious that reducing mental processes to behavior did not work. Now the same assumptions are guiding work in cognitive psychology as they look for consciousness in the brain (which is like tearing apart a television to find the television program). The same materialist reductionism is prevalent in all mainstream humanities and social studies disciplines. It is no wonder why some of the largest lacunae in sufi studies deal with subjective and intersubjective phenomena.

Easing into the Subjective: Authorial Transparency The first step in becoming aware of the subjectivity of others is to become aware of one’s own subjectivity. Taking subjective experience seriously calls the so-called observer into the inquiry also. But this transgresses the taboo of revealing our personal histories and involvement with the subject matter itself.17 This process is not an indulgent subjectivity but a mature self-awareness that involves being transformed by others; it is being vulnerable and intimate in unfamiliar surroundings. It is a skilled negotiation between the detachment required for a critical inquiry into sufi experience and sufficient involvement to appreciate the experience itself. As scholars become participants in another culture (not participant-observers), they enter a liminal realm between observational outsider objectivity and participatory insider subjectivity (aka “going native”). This religio-cultural hybridity increases the probability of personal transformation considerably and is a fruitful mind-spirit world for reenchanting sufi studies. A first step in this direction is authorial transparency. Because of the materialist paradigm prevalent in the academy, it is assumed that “objective” subject material is, for all practical purposes, separate from the person writing about it. The subjective and objective worlds are assumed to be impermeable. Sometimes this is expressed as the insiders (they used to be called the natives) versus the outsiders (scholars) whereby one has to be on one side or the other. These arbitrary dualist constructs no longer serve the humanities disciplines or the people we study. Indeed, it is a neo-Orientalist approach. One of the ways for us in sufi studies to expand the existing postmodern paradigm is to value the realm of subjective knowledge, our own, and that of others. Professors blithely begin classes without revealing how they came to know what they know and the limitations thereof just as we begin writing books and articles from the same kind of distant authoritative pedestal. I suspect that 98

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this process starts early in graduate-school culture where everyone pretends to know and one learns quickly never to ask “stupid questions” or to question the assumptions upon which the entire discussion is based. It is sufficient that the professor/writer has a PhD, the stamp of secular ecclesiastical authority. This state of affairs is changing. We can learn a lot from our anthropologist colleagues who have been realizing the necessity of self-disclosure as they work with others as collaborators instead of “observing others.” Although they are still in a minority among anthropologists, that minority is increasing exponentially.18 In my first book, Sufi Heirs of the Prophet, there was hardly any self-disclosure because of feeling vulnerable as a pre-tenured assistant professor and because there were safety issues for my readers. A beginning at self-disclosure would have been to start explaining how I needed to get a letter in order to meet a person who might escort me to visit Sayfurrahman’s sufi lodge in the Northwest Frontier Province of Pakistan (present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa). For this letter I had to grow a beard. Then I had to successfully pass an interrogation and outfit myself with a turban of a minimum length (three gaz, roughly three arm-lengths). Finally I was reluctantly escorted from Peshawar, past checkpoints, under the gate that said in fading paint, “No foreigners allowed beyond this point,” until we disembarked in Bara, which was called “the heroin capital of the world.” Then we got a bus to Mandikas where we walked on foot to the sufi lodge. It was already assumed that I knew what to do when I got to Mubarak Sahib’s sufi lodge (I did not but I knew enough to be allowed to stay for a few days). In Sufi Heirs, I only mentioned the shaykh’s name as Mubarak Sahib, which everyone called him, instead of his proper name, Sayfurrahman. The book was very vague about the location because it was, and still is, very dangerous for foreigners to go there (hence the sign) and I did not want to be responsible for any mishaps. Mubarak Sahib passed away in 2010. Before his death, the location of his sufi lodge had already changed to a place near Lahore, so there is no need to run the gauntlet to visit his sufi lodge anymore. This very minimal disclosure serves as an example—not only of the value of disclosure in expanding the context—but sometimes of the necessity not to disclose for ethical or practical reasons. Unfortunately, until the larger academic culture accepts a larger context of inquiry, pre-tenured professors will still be judged by the relatively narrow contexts of their colleagues and those who referee their publications. This situation is changing, albeit slowly. Nuanced transparency is better scholarship because there is no way to disengage the scholar and the subject—unless scientist dogma is invoked.

Transparency in Translation It is well known that translators are traitors (traduttore traditore). One can lessen this traitorous tendency with transparency. In 2010, when I had finished a 99

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selected translation of Ahmad Sirhindi’s (d. 1624, Sirhind, India) Collected Letters,19 I realized the almost utter lack of transparency in translations of sufi texts.20 In a scholarly context one would expect the translator to discuss the kinds of difficulties encountered and how crucial translation decisions were resolved. We are not discussing personal disclosure here—though every person I have asked that has translated entire sufi texts, including myself, has had some out-of-the-ordinary experiences while translating that never make it into the book. So I wrote a detailed Translator’s Preface for the book. Before the editor had even read the manuscript, I was told to cut the entire Translator’s Preface.21 The typical quasi-written way a translator often signals difficulties is to use ellipsis (…). This is extremely common in English translations of Ibn al-‘Arabi’s Futuhat al-Makkiyya and in Sirhindi’s writing. Other than ellipsis (which is not always indicative of translation difficulties), it is exceedingly rare that a translator of sufi texts indicates his personal translation difficulties. We translators are assumed to be experts. Most readers, if it even crosses their minds, probably think that I just opened Sirhindi’s Collected Letters to the left of my keyboard and every once in a while consulted a Persian dictionary to my right. I did use a dictionary but it, and all other dictionaries, were often useless. For many letters it took about eight hours to translate 20 lines since I decided never to use ellipsis. Half that time was taken to translate almost the entire page and the other half was to figure out the material that is usually put in ellipsis. This is the reality of no ellipsis with difficult texts (and a slow translator). Had other scholars been more transparent concerning the process involved in their translations, perhaps I would have had less of an excuse to be naïve in how to approach the translation of Collected Letters. In my naïveté I had planned to do the translation of 26 selected letters with the help of dictionaries and the soon-to-be-compiled indexes. Then if I got into a bind, I would ask a very knowledgeable shaykh, Pir-i Piran Sahib, (whose proper name I do not know) for help. I expected to have a rough translation done in a few months. It did not take me long to see that this was an impossibility. It turned out that what I was trying to read and understand was some of the most difficult Persian prose ever written in sufi literature.22 In retrospect, I was like an elementary science student who is just knowledgeable enough with the technical vocabulary to ask a question to a university professor, but not knowledgeable enough to understand the answer. Pir-i Piran Sahib did spend a lot of time, to use a metaphor, describing what it was like to hear music. By his explaining the larger context of what I was reading, namely how Sirhindi’s experiences verified corresponding realities in the unseen world, there was some progress. After leaving Pakistan, I had the great fortune of bringing all the hard questions to the late Shaykh Ma‘sum Naqshbandi (d. 2007). I think the reader of my translation should know this (and more). The value of personal disclosure has been made 100

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apparent in the last 30 years with the development of a postmodern worldview. The writer/translator has a history and that history affects how the subject looks at objects. Let’s look briefly into the genealogy of postmodernism (ca. 1980—September 11, 2001) and sufi studies.

Before Postmodernism: A Brief Twentieth-Century Overview Overlapping the “Orientalist approach” to the study of sufism promoted by colonial governments, the academic discipline of sufi studies was being shaped throughout the first half of the twentieth century. Ignaz Goldziher (d. 1921), Snouck Hurgronje (d. 1936), Miguel Asin Palacios (d. 1945), Reynold Nicholson (d. 1945), Louis Massignon (d. 1962), and Richard Hartmann (d. 1965) are some of the notable pioneers in the field.23 Except for Hurgonje (who actually visited sufis in Indonesia in his role as a colonial administrator), they relied methodologically on philological and literary analysis in their studies, focusing on what they considered “classical sufi literature.” A common theme among these scholars was to discover the origins of sufism. The general consensus was that sufism was a result of various borrowings from a myriad of “foreign influences,” even though some conceded that elements of sufism originated within Islamic history. Massignon was the only scholar who was convinced that sufi practices and ideas came from the Islamic tradition itself. Just because there were similarities across religions and philosophies did not mean that the earlier formulation was the cause of the latter manifestation. Another common theme among these scholars postulated an overall decline in the Muslim world and therefore a decline in sufism. Massignon ascertained the beginning of this decline to have begun in 922, the date of Ḥallāj’s martyrdom, while others considered the thirteenth century, when Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273) and Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 1240) flourished, to be the apex of sufi development. From then on it was all downhill.24 In this regard, Caner Dagli, an Ibn al-‘Arabi scholar, remarks, The most important thing a student should know is that, whatever you think of Islam, tasawwuf (and irfan, suluk) are Islamic or they are unexplainable. That is, a student must not get caught in the idea that Islam is the dry, literal, awful stuff, while the nice spiritual and beautiful stuff is all borrowed or rebellious. It really keeps a person from understanding what they are reading. If a sufi author is grounded in the Quran and hadith, but the scholar insists on looking for Christian or Buddhist influences, where is the understanding? That’s the major methodological point in my view, when it comes to Sufism. Sufis don’t think there is tasawwuf without the Quran and the Prophet, so scholars shouldn’t assume there can be either. 101

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Also, the close reading of texts is, I think, rather crucial. I would not have understood Ibn Arabi if I didn’t have to translate every word of the Fusus, and I did much the same for Qaysari and also Mulla Sadra. Sufism is hard to skim. Focusing on texts and their accompanying commentary traditions … helps to get at what Sufis are actually trying to say without getting stuck in the endless game of “influences.”25 After World War II, most western scholars of sufism were located in North America where they were supported by new Islamic Studies programs.26 In the United States many learned Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Urdu with Title VI government-funded language training. Since the 1970s, the majority of US scholars studying sufism graduated from departments of Religious Studies where they were able to engage in larger theoretical issues in the context of humanities and utilize multidisciplinary methodologies. This meant that research in sufi studies ended up attracting the interests of a range of scholars in other disciplines. In the 1980s the debates in the human and social scientists, especially those involving literary theory and anthropological approaches, began to influence sufi studies significantly along with postmodern trends in the academy that included feminism and subaltern studies. This is where the “bell curve” of sufi studies still resides. Carl Ernst, a well-known scholar of sufi studies, remarks, One certainly needs to acquire the linguistic skills, beginning with grammar and vocabulary, to master complicated texts in Arabic, Persian, and other languages. This is an extraordinarily difficult exercise, in which the accumulation of experience in reading different texts is an essential part of the professional training. Some of the high points of my graduate education occurred in seminars taught by Schimmel and other specialists, in which we slowly worked through difficult literary texts and gained the benefit of the teacher’s extensive knowledge of inter-textual references. What we have been referring to for the past few decades as Orientalism is precisely the notion that it is possible with a dictionary and grammar to understand everything that is essential about Islam. In reality, one needs to have some command of a range of disciplines, including social sciences and literary theory, not to mention contemporary debates about philosophy and theology, in order to explain the conclusions of research and Islamic studies to a wider audience. In addition, some acquaintance with anthropology and political sciences is extremely important for situating Sufism in its various locations. This applies regardless of one’s religious affiliation or background. Those who wish to write for an audience wider than the “Journal of Obscure Studies” will need to employ a vocabulary and analysis that is intelligible outside the narrowly defined discipline of Islamic studies.27 102

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This is the bottom line for any student pursuing sufi studies, now and in the future, underlining what Caner Dagli said previously. A postmodern, interdisciplinary preparation will only be the beginning for pioneers of sufi studies in the twenty-first century. As the postmodern perspective has moved the humantities and sufi studies to another level of sophistication, so will the perspectives that go beyond postmodernism. We will first review some operational assumptions of postmodernism that directly affect sufi studies before discussing twenty-first-century approaches.

Modernity, Postmodernism, and Sufi Studies In the European context before the Enlightenment (the pre-modern era) scientists like Galileo could not simply look through their telescopes or in other ways challenge what the Church dogma held to be true without being charged with heresy and in some cases, being put to death. Neither could artists paint whatever they wished, especially anything that could be interpreted as sacrilegious. Any moral inquiry had to conform to the Bible. Some of the Islamic world still has vestiges of this worldview, forcing scholars and artists to conform to state-enforced dogmatic tenets of religion. The advent of modernity, which differentiated and freed these spheres of science, art, and morals from hegemonic Church control, permitted scientists, artists, and philosophers to pursue their work unimpeded by religious orthodoxy/orthopraxy. Those in developed countries reap the benefits of modernity in the form of democracy, increased women’s rights, greater economic wealth, and access to advanced medical practices, for example. At the same time there are corresponding afflictions of modernity, for example, alienation, the loss of value, inequalities of capitalism, pollution, and the danger of nuclear holocaust for the planet. Paraphrasing Max Weber, individuals in the modern world have become trapped in an iron cage of rationalized bureaucratization. The new post-Enlightenment discourse prohibited pre-rational religion, often posing as “science,” as it correctly differentiated the mythic-pre-rational from the rational scientific. Unfortunately, and most importantly for sufi studies, post-rational spiritual discourse and inquiry (“mysticism”) was also delegitimized. The development of scientific materialism collapsed the only valid mode of inquiry to that of rational inquiry in a single state of consciousness. The baby of post-rational experience was thrown out with the bathwater of dogmatic superstition. In addition, the moral intersubjective and personal subjective modes of knowing were collapsed to a flatland of “objective” inquiry. Modernity, again to use a Weberian phrase, became a disenchanted world. Arguably, so did sufi studies. A major fallacy of a single empirical, rational world, intricately mapped by empirical science is that it leaves out the mapmaker. It assumes that the person 103

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conducting the empirical inquiry has nothing to do with the resulting map. From our stance in postmodernity it is easy to see how the subject’s context and history (genealogy) determine what is seen. There is no objective Archimedean point from which one can perceive the totality of perspectives. Indeed, what the observer sees is a function of the observer’s worldview and consciousness. Here I am reminded of Mahmud Effendi’s reaction to my translating Sirhindi’s letters. What a person perceives as “the world” has at least as much to do with one’s own context and history as the intrinsic “world” itself. A step in postmodern realization is scholarly self-disclosure, a step that most of us in sufi studies have yet to take. A further step is to move out of the armchair of armchair scholarship.

Moving the Study of Sufism from Armchair Scholarship into the Twenty-First Century One would think that sufi studies would be at the cutting edge of the booming contemporary field of consciousness studies. Close behind would be the study of religion, with scores of scholars trained to read the languages of the millions of manuscripts detailing the contemplative experiences/altered states of consciousness of rişis, prophets, sages, and mystics. There would have been a lot less religion if no one had ever had an altered state of consciousness and there would have been no “mysticism” at all. However, Religious Studies, and especially sufi studies, has not even begun to access the vast compendium of recorded post-rational experience to participate in the current conversations and debates in consciousness studies. Going there would challenge an entire medley of assumptions. In short, we are constrained by our intellectual paradigm just like our Orientalist predecessors. These predecessors often relied on armchair scholarship. The textbook example is George Frazer, who wrote the highly acclaimed (at the time) The Golden Bough in 1890.28 Amply illustrated, among other things, it discussed various tribal peoples from all over the world, none of whom Frazer had ever seen in person or talked to. In anthropology, this is called armchair scholarship.29 By 1930 armchair scholarship had slowly became a taboo in the mainstream disciplines of ethnology and anthropology. Before the twentieth century, “armchair anthropologists” like Frazer and Edward B. Tylor dominated ethnology, the comparative study of human societies. They convincingly wrote about the customs, rituals, and beliefs of distant peoples they had never seen in person. The primary data came from missionaries, scientists, administrators, traders, and other travelers who had actual working knowledge of so-called primitive peoples. This framework changed when a Cambridge anthropologist, A. C. Haddon, proposed an 1898 expedition to the Torres Strait. This expedition 104

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became “a milestone in anthropology,” because it bypassed the traditional, untrained data collectors and sent experts who could both gather data and analyze it in a scholarly manner. Haddon called this activity “fieldwork,” which by 1930 would become the methodological and analytical foundation of anthropology.30 The tipping point came in 1922 when Bronislaw Malinowski wrote his Argonauts of the Pacific.31 He included guidelines for proper anthropological fieldwork at the beginning of the book that soon were to become normative for the discipline. Anthropological armchairs quickly became obsolete as the principal methodology to study others. There are many levels of armchair scholarship. There is George Frazer’s version and there is Malinowski’s version. The participant-observer relationship pioneered by Malinowski perpetuated the duality of an observing subject and an observed object. This is another level of armchair scholarship, particularly when altered states are involved. There is a qualitative difference between observing a person in an altered state of consciousness and discussing the significance of that experience after the fact and participating with that person in the same altered state of consciousness and comparing notes afterwards. What I am proposing for twenty-first-century sufi studies is that the armchair of everyday consciousness, which I will call armchair consciousness, is temporarily put aside as one enters the domains of altered states with one’s collaborators. In textual studies, primary sources are the sina quo non of good scholarship. The same applies to fieldwork. The scholar of sufism often relies upon the reports of informants, about what they remember about direct experiences, which is already second-hand information. If the scholar has not had experiences of fana’ or visionary travels, for example, then it is likely that he will intellectualize the informant’s report (if not disregard it entirely), which will have an entirely different significance than that of the informant’s. It is not expected that the two collaborators who share an experience will agree on the significance or interpretation of the event. A thick description, however, gets more nuanced with this shared experience. Exploring other modes of human consciousness is not a function of material resources or elaborate infrastructure. It is simply a matter of deciding to “look through the telescope of altered states,” which allows one to experience a vast inner universe analogous to how a telescope allows one to see the outer universe more clearly. By making subjective experience a taboo in academic inquiry, many contemporary scholars are similar to their Italian counterparts who refused to access the appropriate tools of their time. Galileo, writing to Johannes Kepler in 1610, observes, “My dear Kepler, what would you say of the learned here, who, replete with the pertinacity of the asp, have steadfastly refused to cast a glance through the telescope? What shall we make of this? Shall we laugh, or shall we cry?”32 The learned he was discussing were not the Jesuits, whom Galileo knew to be “friends of science and discovery,” but the professors at the university. They were the ones he feared.33 105

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In retrospect, modern scholars can explain Galileo’s standoff situation in terms of paradigm shifts and the resistance of those of one paradigm to shift to another one. Thanks to the work of Thomas Kuhn and others,34 we have noticed a pattern over the last 400 years. In short, the evidence and explanatory power of the new paradigm eventually reach a tipping point such that everyone except the most stubborn utilize the new paradigm’s methodology and insights. Some have called the shift to the new paradigm in contemplative practice and consciousness studies “the consciousness revolution.”35 I am using paradigm in the same way that Kuhn uses it, that is, a specific set of presuppositions and a methodology to test those presuppositions with an interpretive community to evaluate the results of the inquiry. Methodologies for the twenty-first century exist but few in sufi studies utilize them. Leaving armchair consciousness is a methodology, one that enables the kind of subjective and intersubjective perspectives that are lacking in the vast majority of research on sufism. What is being suggested is a methodological and epistemological pluralism. It is akin to neo-Orientalism to seek to fit the “round pegs” of the epistemic variety of world sufi cultures into the “square hole” of western language and epistemic categories, which are mostly constrained by a scientific materialism that presumes a uniform universal validity standard for all phenomena. When 90 percent of the planetary cultures have institutionalized aspects of altered states of consciousness,36 which in Islamic cultures usually involves sufi shaykhs, we are dealing with the mainstream of world sufism and not simply a handful of “exotic” cultures.37 Being averse to investigating experience outside of armchair consciousness is not academic in origin. It is deeply embedded in a tenet of scientific materialism.38 Thomas B. Roberts coined the term “single-state fallacy” to describe this tenet. He introduces it with a dialogue, which I am going to paraphrase here.39 You have a friend who just bought a new Apple computer after using a Windows-only computer and you ask him why he bought it. He tells you that he is going to play chess with it and you say “cool why not try out the game, The Journey to the World Divine? It works better on a Mac.” He repeats that he is going to play chess with it. You ask him for his email address to send him the details and he says again that he is going to play chess with his new computer. But you do not get it and you start to recommend all kinds of even more awesome software. He angrily shouts, “NO! NO! I am going to play chess with my new computer.” Most people who use computers understand that a modern computer has an ever-expanding variety of uses, and to be using a computer for one use is to limit oneself considerably. In a similar fashion, the single-state fallacy—Mark Blainey calls this monophasic consciousness in contrast to polyphasic consciousness—is assuming that all worthwhile abilities reside within our normal waking consciousness.40 Over the last 30 years, the data have been accumulating from a 106

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variety of disciplines to demonstrate the fallacy of a single-state consciousness given the almost limitless possibilities in the rainbow of human consciousness. These data have been streaming in from multiple methodologies that include the study of altered states pioneered by Charles Tart, transpersonal psychology pioneered by Ken Wilber, mind-body medicine/psychiatry pioneered by Stanislas Grof, anthropology of consciousness pioneered by Edith Turner, and the philosophy of consciousness pioneered by Robert Forman.41 It is becoming increasingly obvious that symbolic communications like speech events are distinct from cognition and are “simplified expressions of cognitive events at best.”42 All of these researchers have studied various consciousness states that overlap with what is very loosely labeled “religious experience.” On the other hand, hardly any scholars of sufism up to this point have had the inclination and psychological makeup to immerse themselves in another culture to the extent of experiencing another state of consciousness and write about it. The tragedy of the single-state fallacy with its monophasic consciousness and cognocentrism is that many people in modern western cultures reach adulthood with a reasonably mature mental development but are generally poorly developed intuitively, spiritually, emotionally, and aesthetically—some of the dozens of intelligences available to human beings.43 In spite of this cultural handicap, more and more anthropologists are opening themselves up to crossphasic states, including transpersonal states of consciousness, and reporting them.44 This type of total immersion has to be voluntary because any intentional transpersonal experience requires a high degree of preparation and spiritual maturity. It is a situation that can easily entail severe physical discomforts, sudden loss of ego boundaries, and confrontations with demonic entities. During her fieldwork among the Malay, Lederman ran across the concept of angin (“Inner Winds”), a native concept which labels an experience that sometimes occurs during healing rituals. She mentions that her informants declined to define the concept for her, insisting instead that she would have to experience angin herself in order to know what it means. When she finally gave-in and undertook the healing ritual herself, she experienced the angin “like a hurricane” inside her chest. Thereafter, Carol was able to evaluate the meaning of the “wind” metaphor from direct experience. Angin ceased to be merely a belief and was appreciated as a metaphorical description of a real and profound experience [italics added].45 When a scholar gets out of armchair consciousness and participates in the same altered states as her collaborators, there are many more interpretive possibilities. A scholar may indeed have experienced an altered state of consciousness but the interpretation of that experience may or may not be an accurate (beyond 107

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the individual’s subjective reality) description of the group’s intersubjective idea of “reality” or of realities beyond the physical world. There may be significantly different interpretations of the same event among the collaborators as well as between the scholar and individual collaborators. In any case, this process is inevitably reflexive. The ethnographer herself becomes the focus of inquiry as much as that of the collaborators. For example, The transpersonal ethnographer among the Bushmen would not only participate in the action and significance of the hunt, but also in the experience of !kia. And in either situation, one eye of the ethnographer is upon the hosts, the other is on his/her own phenomenology.46 The scientific-materialist bias in the humanities will not keep new generations of scholars of sufism from experiencing altered states of consciousness in their field research any more than it (probably) has in the past. Anyone who has spent any time around a practicing sufi in the Islamic world (at least in Anatolia, Syria, and the Indo-Pakistani Subcontinent) will almost inevitably hear talk of spirits and may even witness an exorcism. In the last 50 years, the stage has been set for the changes awaiting us in the twenty-first century. Edith Turner remarks, Vic Turner and I had this dictum at the back of our minds when we spent two and a half years among the Ndembu of Zambia in the 1950s. Ok, our people believed in spirits, but that was a matter of their different world, not ours. Their ideas were strange and a little disturbing, but somehow we were on the safe side of the white divide and were free merely to study the beliefs. This is how we thought. Little knowing it, we denied the people’s equality with us, their “coevalness,” their common humanity as that humanity extended itself into the spirit world. “Try out that spirit world ourselves?” No way.47 Also in the 1950s, the anthropologist Colin Turnbull was among the forest people of the Ituri in the Congo. It was not until the 1990s, however, that he published his most significant experience, a state of unitary consciousness that came to him hearing the pygmies singing. Turnbull tells us how the Mbuti sang these songs at night seated around a fire whenever there was a need to cure someone’s sickness, “to make good,” as they put it. The song form involved canon, that is, “rounds”—with overlapping voices in harmony. Turnbull had closed his eyes and felt free to join in the singing. And he tells us that in an instant it all came together: there was no longer any lack of congruence, and it seemed as though the song were being sung by a single singer. While all the others had their eyes open, their gaze was 108

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vacant. There were so many bodies sitting around, singing away. Here, he said, something was added to the importance of sound, another mode of perception that went far beyond ordinary consciousness … it very definitely included whatever is implied by such equally ambivalent terms as God and spirit.48 Although many advances have occurred in sufi studies since the 1950s, there are no studies of the phenomena of fana’, Uwaysi initiations, dreaming of conversations with past prophets and sufis, demonic visitations, or spiritual healing in spite of the frequent spirit communications in a sufi environment and lines of people desiring healing and amulets. It is amazing that we know almost nothing about these phenomena in 2011. Our colleagues in anthropology have made it de rigueur to read texts of the people they study since the mid-1980s. Perhaps we in sufi studies may want to look up from the texts once in a while and realize that live sufi practitioners may provide us another window on the texts, a window that will open entirely new areas of inquiry. In Gregg Lahood’s words, “[T]he penalty for not dropping the modernist mindworld is to restrict oneself to the slim pickings gathered in one cognitive sphere.”49 Anthropologists have managed to expand the paradigm and have pioneered paths for us in sufi studies. During the period between 1990 and 2006 there has been an exponential increase in the number of notable publications (defined by Edith Turner) dealing with spirituality, healing, radical empathy, and radical participation.50 In 1991, Karen McCarthy Brown, the academic who became a voodoo priestess, won a Victor Turner Prize for her exemplary Mama Lola. The same year Carol Laderman also won a prize for Taming the Wind of Desire: Psychology, Medicine, and Aesthetics in Malay Shamanistic Performance, a research project that involved many painful initiatory experiences.51 This trend indicates a substantial change in ethnographic epistemology and reflects a shift in not only the way anthropologists do fieldwork but also in being able to publish their work. Not only is the study of shamanism the fastest growing field in anthropology, but publishers are eager to print books knowing that there is an avid market for books on shamanism and healing. Much of what sufis actually do in real life, in terms of healing and dealing with other dimensions of reality to help others, overlaps with the work of shamans. It is likely that a similar demand exists for corresponding studies in sufism. It is clear that the intellectual climate is improving, but there are still constraints. What I find so astonishing is that we knew about these differences [of doing field work] way back in the 1950s, but still, even in 2006, this “ideal” of the detached ethnographer keeps appearing and even now scares many a SAC [Society for the Anthropology of Consciousness] member into conforming. This is because, of course, if they want a job they have to keep up the appearance of “objectivity.”52 109

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This so-called objectivity in doing research is intrinsic to the scientific-materialist paradigm—as is the “taboo of subjectivity.” Mainstream anthropologists and sufi studies scholars are comfortable discussing participant reports of their experiences, but not in having these experiences themselves. This is not to say that many anthropologists and scholars of religion do not have these experiences, they simply cannot write about them because referees and publishers “usually feel that this material is not suitable for inclusion in a serious anthropological publication.”53 There are other dissident voices in the academy. Donald Evans asks, “who are philosophers to decide what mystics can and cannot do?”54 This is like a philosopher presuming to make judgments about what can or cannot be synthesized in a chemistry lab, without ever having any laboratory experience or training in chemistry. This mirrors William James’s methodological postulate for a “radical empiricism.” James says, “the only things that shall be debatable among philosophers shall be things definable in terms drawn from experience.”55 I would add that this experience should come from the philosopher herself. Once it becomes respectable for scholars to openly admit to their experiences then it opens the possibility to speak more from within a culture instead of being outsiders. Then the barriers between “outsiders” and “natives” can be broken down and anthropological sufi studies can become a truly shared collaboration.

Methodological Considerations for the Twenty-First Century: Allowing “Radical” Participation The type of participant-observer relationship that was pioneered by Haddon and Malinowski has tended to be more observation than participation. It lessened the stark armchair portrayal of the “other” but still perpetuated an “us versus them” dichotomy. In contemporary ethnography, the “native-researcher” relationship still engenders seeing the “natives” as objects. Ethnography using this type of fieldwork is a vast improvement over George Frazer’s armchair methods of imagination/projection or relying solely on quantitative methods like “scientific” data collectors are still doing. However, the “participant–observer” methodology is a cognitive approach structured to treat the native as “other” as it removes the anthropologist from the actual experience itself. This approach misses the phenomenon entirely. It’s a curious thing that, even if scientific investigators of society did begin to apply their method of observing, questioning, and measuring to the phenomenon of communitas and spirituality, there would be serious difficulty. Like the famous electrons in particle physics, spirituality and communitas will not stay still to be watched. Of all social phenomena, communitas is most likely to turn into something else when watched. This 110

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is because, by definition, in the mode of communitas, a person is not an object, and especially cannot praise herself or himself, nor describe or enact on command what often is impossible to put into words. Naturally, the old social scientist types reject this material as unusable— which it is, under the definitions of old social science.56 To achieve a unitary experience in ritual, for example, in sufi dhikr, one strives to participate 100 percent, which involves a certain level of ego surrender, knowledge of oneself, and trust. For a certain level of knowledge, there is no other way. One leaves one’s own comfortable cultural/subjective world while having sincere motivation and utmost respect for one’s collaborators. Indeed, the urge to collect data becomes replaced by participation being an end in itself. Otherwise there is not 100 percent participation. Mary Frohlich expresses the requirement to be totally engaged in the process. “We cannot recognize the constructed expressions that radically engage the human spirit except on the basis of our own radical engagement.”57 At the same time, Edith Turner blows the whistle on supposed “participation.” I describe … how the traditional doctor bent down amid the singing and drumming to extract the harmful spirit; and how I saw with my own eyes a large gray blob of something like plasma emerge from the sick woman’s back. Then I knew the Africans were right, there is spirit stuff, there is spirit affliction, it isn’t a matter of metaphor and symbol, or even psychology. And I began to see how anthropologists have perpetrated an endless series of put-downs as regards the many spirit events in which they participated—“participated” in a kindly pretense. They might have obtained valuable material, but they have been operating with the wrong paradigm, that of the positivists’ denial.58 The study of sufism in the twenty-first century means being in relationship with our collaborators, not attempting to figure out the “insiders” by looking through a distorting materialist lens. Self-awareness should be explicit, that is, “autobiography is a condition of ethnographic objectivity.”59 Kremer goes one step further with what he calls “ethnobiography,” which, grounds itself in the ethnic, cultural, historical, ecological, and gender background of the author. Part of such writing is the investigation of hybridity, categorical borderlands and transgressions, and the multiplicity of (hi)stories carried outside and inside the definitions and discourses of the dominant society of a particular place and time. As creative and evocative writing and storytelling, ethnoautobiography explores consciousness as the network of representations held by individuals from a subjective perspective and brings those representations into inquiring conversation with objective factors related to identity construction.60 111

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When Colin Turnbull in 1990 finally published his experiences (quoted above), he added, To conclude, what is needed for this kind of fieldwork is a technique of participation that demands total involvement of our whole being. Indeed it is perhaps only when we truly and fully participate in this way that we find this essentially subjective approach to be in no way incompatible with the more conventional rational, objective, scientific approach. On the contrary, they complement each other and that complementarity is an absolute requirement if we are to come to any full understanding of the social process. It provides a wealth of data that could never be acquired by any other means.61 When sharing the experience of one’s collaborators, it is not expected—indeed it is unlikely—that the scholar will share the collaborator’s perspectives. But this shared experience is a basis upon which to engage in a productive conversation. Science (versus scientism) involves observation, data, and direct experience as primary, complemented, and interpreted by reason. Researchers who have a personal encounter with alternate states of consciousness are better prepared to assess altered states of consciousness, whether in person, intersubjectively with the (often conflicting) contemplative consensus of specialists, or in texts. These competences are generally in the trans-rational reaches of human development beyond the discursive rationality used in academia. In other words, the egoic state of consciousness fostered in western education is out of its depth when contemplative abilities are concerned. We should strongly consider studying sufism without reducing it to a linguistic-cultural phenomenon or reducing it to an a priori “fact.” Researchers can appreciate different ways of knowing (imaginal, intersubjective, contemplative) and the openness to seriously incorporate local understandings without mimicking these stances or reducing them to scientist constructs. A transpersonal epistemology combines a disciplined critical reason with a disciplined contemplative awareness. Edith Turner states in no uncertain terms, “It is time that we recognize the ability to experience different levels of reality as one of the normal human abilities and place it where it belongs, central to the study of ritual.”62 I argue that for the study of sufi texts involving post-rational experience it is equally central.

Conclusion We have now come a long way from Orientalism and postmodernity. It is a refreshing, expansive distance. I would like to leave the reader a sample report of the kind of “thick description” that could set the standard for twenty-firstcentury sufi studies. I have purposely chosen an example of an anthropologist 112

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discussing the experiences of her colleague. The qualitative difference from the vast majority of the accounts in sufi studies should be obvious. For all of them, the drumming and the movement had pleasantly dissolved the boundaries of ordinary sel ood. Now Willis felt in a spaced-out state. There had been a hard-to-find “gentleness” about the night’s performance. He said he was lifted out of normal consciousness into a state where ordinary perceptions of time and space were drastically altered. He knew that they were all related, different versions of each other, but that there were no fixed boundaries to sel ood; there was a permeability and flexibility between self and other, an infinite flexibility, and again this sense of everything flowing within the all-encompassing rhythm of the drum. Willis experienced the dissolution of the ordinary sense of time and space, the coordinates of ordinary sel ood, the sense that “he” was a person with a particular inventory of social characteristics, including a “position” in society, living at a particular time. All these defining and localizing criteria temporarily vanished. He said he was indeed in Victor Turner’s state of communitas, intensely aware of himself in relation to his fellows. He was interested that he could “see” himself more clearly than in ordinary reality, when self-perception was typically more fragmentary, tied to one or another fleetingly relevant social role. Then, in the moment of communitas, he saw himself whole and objectively. He was “at home” and among, as it seemed, “kinsfolk.’’ He discovered that the state of communitas provides access to those transpersonal entities or forces commonly called “spirits.”63 In this manner, there are precedents of honoring altered states of consciousness as valid data. Let us move beyond the single-state fallacy and engage in a radically empirical science. How different the texts will be! We can honor textual and contextual factors in the study of sufism while also honoring the subjective and intersubjective imaginal, contemplative, psi, and spirit variables in the study of sufism. The more epistemic dimensions that we utilize in our inquiry of sufism the more qualitatively complete our knowledge. More than ever, we are in need of scholars who can develop the means of communicating polyphasic experiences in a scientifically rigorous fashion as they develop methodologies for testing polyphasic events. New vistas require methodologies that go beyond the narrowness of the consensus reality of egoistic consciousness. It is easy to see how Orientalists of one kind or another over the last centuries have distorted what they saw but it is not so easy to see how many of us in sufi studies are simply distorting our subject in a more sophisticated fashion than our predecessors. Increased awareness usually does not occur until one transforms one’s perspective with a more expansive context. That shift will involve a scholar who can steer clear 113

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of intellectual certainty, absolute relativism, and religious belief to engage in a self-aware process of investigating consciousness while nuancing the historical and sociocultural dynamics of the specific context.64 Investigating consciousness through experience is, in Victor Turner’s words, “anthropology’s truest material.”65 There is nothing more immediate. In the study of sufism, subjective knowledge is not only “personal,” it is a doorway to the intersubjective, with an aspiration to go beyond it while including “objective knowledge” in its purview. This door of experience, in spite of the current lack of “methodologies of the subjective,” will enable us to reassess the human and greater-than-human worlds that are open to sufi and nonsufi alike. At the same time this process can lessen the tendency to have the observable outer world conform to a narrowly cultural mode of thinking. Those of us who study the ordinary and extraordinary beings called sufis, and the texts they have shared, are ideally positioned to expand the ontological matrix, thereby enchanting the largely disenchanted world of postmodern humanities in the academy.

Notes 1 Alexander Knysh, “Historiography of Sufi Studies in the West,” in A Companion to the History of the Middle East, Youssef M. Choueiri, ed. (London: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 108 [106–31]. 2 The one early twenty-first-century study that remotely falls into this category was written by an anthropologist who neither read nor spoke the language. 3 See Michael Harner, The Way of the Shaman (New York: Bantam Books, 1980), xvii. 4 Ken Wilber has attempted to ascertain common post-rational developmental structures by comparing hundreds of “maps of consciousness.” See his Integral Psychology (Boston: Shambhala, 2000) and Integral Spirituality (Boston: Shambhala, 2007). Wilber’s pioneering work is a refreshing vista that has much to offer in spite of the grandiose claims of “integral” that are severely compromised in his willful disregard of sufism and the Islamic tradition in general. 5 Charles T. Tart, The End of Materialism: How Evidence of the Paranormal is Bringing Science and Spirit Together (Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications, 2009), 12. 6 This type of study has been pioneered in the Christian environment by Herbert Thurston, The Physical Phenomena of Mysticism, ed. J. H. Crehan (London: Burns Oates, 1952). A more recent, conventional study is James McClenon, Wondrous Events: Foundations of Religious Beliefs (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994). 7 Mark Scholl, “The Future of a Discipline: Considering the ontological/methodological future of the anthropology of consciousness, Part I,” Anthropology of Consciousness 21:1 (2010), 3 [1–29]. 8 See C. Roderick Wilson, “Seeing They See Not,” in Being Changed: The Anthropology of Extraordinary Experience, David E. Young and Jean-Guy Goulet, eds (New York: Broadview Press, 1994), 204. 9 It is a perspective that includes five principles: 1) The only real reality is out there, that is, the physical universe that we perceive. This is objectivism. 2) This “objective” universe out there can be known by the subjective human mind. This is metaphysical realism. 3) Nothing other than material influences can affect any part of the world.

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10 11 12

13 14

15 16

17

18

19 20

21

22

23

This is the closure principle. 4) These rules are universal from quanta particles to galaxies. This is the principle of universalism. 5) The entire universe is reducible to physical entities and processes. This is the principle of physical reductionism. See B. Alan Wallace with Brian Hodel, Embracing Mind: The Common Ground of Science and Spirituality (Boston: Shambhala, 2008), 10–11. William James, Essays in Radical Empiricism (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1996). Michael Jackson, Paths Toward a Clearing: Radical Empiricism and Ethnographic Inquiry (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1989), 4. For a methodology focusing on the intersubjective see Jorge N. Ferrer and Jacob H. Sherman, eds, The Participatory Turn: Spirituality, Mysticism, Religious Studies (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2008). From interview in Mark Scholl, “The Future of a Discipline,” 14 [1–29]. This point is brought home clearly in William A. Graham, Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) and Brinkley Messick, The Calligraphic State: Textural Domination and History in a Muslim Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). In William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience, ed. Martin Marty (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), 387–8. In John B. Watson, “Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It,” Psychological Review, 20 (1913), 158–77. There is a detailed discussion of how this happened in B. Alan Wallace, The Taboo of Subjectivity: Toward a New Science of Consciousness (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). See also Wallace, Embracing Mind: The Common Ground of Science and Spirituality (Boston: Shambhala, 2008), 76. “[O]ur [scholars’] religious histories is [sic] the great taboo of religious studies.” Robert A. Orsi, “Between Heaven and Earth:The Religious Worlds People Make and the Scholars Who Study Them,” in The Participatory Turn: Spirituality, Mysticism, Religious Studies, Jorge N. Ferrer and Jacob H. Sherman, eds (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2008), 22. There are many scholars of sufism and related topics, almost all of whom are anthropologists, who have provided varying levels of authorial transparency. See Jürgen W. Kremer, “Ethnoautobiography as Practice of Radical Presence: Storying the Self in Participatory Visions,” ReVision 26:2 (2003), 9 [5–13]. For a record of the exponential growth, see note 50 below. See Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i Imam-i Rabbani, ed. Nur Ahmad, 3 vols. (Karachi: Educational Press, 1972). One exception is Bruce Lawrence, “Problems of Translating Sufi Texts from Indo-Persian to American English,” in Sufism: Evolution and Practice, Mohamed Taher, ed. (Delhi: Anmol Publications, 1997), 209. This is taken from his introduction to Nizam Ad-Din Awliya: Morals for the Heart: Conversations of Shaykh Nizam Ad-Din Awliya Recorded by Amir Hasan Sijzi (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1991). Hamid Algar touches ever so briefly on translation issues in the introduction to his translation of Najmuddin Razi’s Mirsad al-‘Ibad, entitled, The Path of God’s Bondsmen from Origin to Return (Delmar, NY, Caravan Books, 1982), 21–2. This prestigious academic publisher did not end up publishing that book, which instead has been beautifully published with Translator’s Preface and footnotes. See Arthur F. Buehler, Revealed Grace: The Juristic Sufism of Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624) (Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, 2011). Najib Mayil Harawi, one of the most prolific editors of Persian sufi manuscript texts, informed me in June 2000 that Sirhindi’s Collected Letters is the most difficult Persian prose in sufism. Medieval Indo-Persian sufi texts dealing with intricate details of religious experience are just as hard to read, for example, Adam Banuri’s books. For a detailed history of sufi studies see Knysh, “Historiography of Sufi Studies.”

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 24 See Arthur Arberry, Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: Georger and Allen and Unwin, 1950), 83. Arberry mentions Ibn al-Farid in addition to Rumi and Ibn al-‘Arabi. 25 Personal correspondence, March 28, 2011. 26 For sufi studies in a North American context, see Marcia Hermansen’s “The Academic Study of Sufism in American Universities,” The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 24:3 (2007), 24–45. 27 Personal correspondence, March 21, 2011. 28 See George Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1890). The third edition, published between 1906 and 1915, was 12 volumes. 29 See Edmund Leach, “Anthropology of Religion: British and French Schools,” in Nineteenth Century Religious Thought in the West, Vol. 2, Ninian Smart, John Clayton, Patrick Sherry, Steven T. Katz, eds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 215–62. Leach discusses the crucial shift in anthropology from the armchair “fantasies” of nineteenth-century figures like Tylor and Frazer to the extensive fieldwork methodologies pioneered by Malinowski and Boas. 30 Liana Chua, “A Cambridge anthropologist in Borneo: the A.C. Haddon Photographic Collection, 1898–1899,” Borneo Research Bulletin, 2009. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mI_hb036/is_40/aI_n53906204/?tag=content;col1. Accessed January 30, 2011. 31 See Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Press, 2008) with a foreword by George Frazer. 32 In Giorgio De Santillana The Crime of Galileo (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 9. 33 Ibid., 8. 34 Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996) and Karl Popper, The Logic of Scientific Discovery, 2nd edn (London: Routledge, 2002). 35 See Ervin Laszlo, Stanislav Grof, and Peter Russell, The Consciousness Revolution (Las Vegas, NV: Elf Rock, 2003). 36 Erika Bourguignon, Religion, Altered States of Consciousness, and Social Change (Columbus, OH: Ohio University Press, 1973), 11. This is on the basis of a sample size of the most predominant and representative 488 societies. 37 Another way of saying this is “that most human societies operate upon multiple realities experienced … through polyphasic consciousness.” Charles Laughlin, Jr., John McManus, and Jon Shearer, “Dreams, Trance and Visions: What a Transpersonal Anthropology Might Look Like,” Phoenix Journal of Transpersonal Anthropology 7/1–2 (1983), 145 [141–59]. Monophasic EuroAmerican culture is programmed in such a way that the passive observer is looking out at an external, material-only world. 38 B. Alan Wallace elegantly explains the root assumptions of academic inquiry in his The Taboo of Subjectivity cited above. 39 In Thomas B. Roberts, Psychedelic Horizons (Charlottesville, VA: Imprint Academic Philosophy Documentation Center, 2006), 104–5. 40 Mark Blainey, “The Future of a Discipline: Considering the Ontological/ Methodological Future of the Anthropology of Consciousness, Part II: Towards an Ethnometaphysics of Consciousness: Suggested Adjustments in SAC’s Quest to Reroute the Main(Stream)” Anthropology of Consciousness 21:2 (2010), 125 [113–38]. For polyphasic consciousness see also Charles Laughlin, Jr., et al. “Dreams, Trance and Visions,” 145 [141–59]. 41 The pioneers I have mentioned are joined by many others in these disciplines. 42 Laughlin, Jr., et. al. “Dreams, Trance and Visions,” 147.

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Researching Sufism in the Twenty-First Century 43 See Howard Gardiner, Intelligence Reframed: Multiple Intelligences for the 21st Century (New York: Basic Books, 2000), and his Multiple Intelligences: New Horizons in Theory and Practice (New York: Basic Books, 2006). 44 In anthropology some of the pioneers are Michael Harner, Felicitas Goodman, Paul Stoller, and Tim Knab. Their successors include Bruce Grindal, Nadia Seremitakis, Jean-Guy Goulet, Don Mitchell, Stephen Friedson, Roy Willis, Stephen H. Sharp, George Mentore, Laura Scherberger, and Tenibac Harvey. 45 Charles D. Laughlin, “Transpersonal Anthropology: Some Methodological Issues,” Western Canadian Anthropology 5: 29–60, 1988. I have used a more accessible version without page numbers: www.biogeneticstructuralism.com/docs/tp_anthro_some_meth_ issues.rtf. Accessed January 29, 2011. See also Laughlin, Jr., et al. “Dreams, Trance and Visions,” 141–59. 46 Charles D. Laughlin, “Transpersonal Anthropology: What Is it, and What are the Problems we Face in Doing it? www.biogeneticstructuralism.com/docs/tp_anthro. rtf (unpaginated). Accessed January 28, 2011. 47 Edith Turner, “The Reality of Spirits: A Tabooed or Permitted Field of Study?” Anthropology of Consciousness 4:1 (1993), 9 [9–12]. 48 Colin Turnbull, “Liminality: A Synthesis of Subjective and Objective Experience,” in By Means of Performance, Richard Schechner and Willa Appel, eds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 50–81, cited in Edith Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience: Drawing Together Many Threads,” Anthropology of Consciousness 17:2 (2006), 33 [33–61]. 49 Greg Lahood, “One Hundred Years of Sacred Science: Participation and Hybridity in Transpersonal Anthropology,” ReVision 29:3 (Winter 2007), 46 [37–48]. 50 In the five decades from the 1900s to the 1950s, there were five publications; in the 1960s, there were four; in the 1970s, there were six; in the 1980s, 11 publications; in the 1990s, 15 publications; in the half-decade, 2000 to 2005, 15 publications; and seven publications just between January to September 2006. Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience,” 45. See also, Joan Koss-Chioino and Philip Hefner, eds, Spiritual Transformation and Healing (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006). 51 Karen McCarthy Brown, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001) and Carol Laderman, Taming the Wind of Desire: Psychology, Medicine, and Aesthetics in Malay Shamanistic Performance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). 52 Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience,” 51. 53 Edith Turner, “A Visible Spirit Form in Zambia,” in Being Changed by Cross-Cultural Encounters: The Anthropology of Extraordinary Experience, David E. Young and Jean-Guy Goulet, eds (New York: Broadview Press, 1994), 71–2. 54 Donald Evans, “Can Philosophers Limit What Mystics Can Do? A Critique of Stephen Katz” Religious Studies 25 (1989), 53–60. Cited in Ferrer and Sherman, The Participatory Turn, 26. 55 William James, Preface to The Meaning of Truth (New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1912), cited in C. William Barnard, Exploring Unseen Worlds: William James and the Philosophy of Mysticism (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997), 139–40. 56 Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience,” 44. 57 Mary Frohlich, “Spiritual Discipline, Discipline of Spirituality: Revisiting Questions of Definition and Method,” Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 1: 1 (Spring 2001), 73 [65–78], cited in Ferrer and Sherman, The Participatory Turn, 22. 58 Turner, “The Reality of Spirits,” 9. 59 Jean-Guy A Goulet and Bruce Granville Miller, “Introduction: Embodied Knowledge: Steps toward a Radical Anthropology of Cross-cultural Encounters,” in Extraordinary

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60 61

62

63

64 65

Anthropology: Transformations in the Field, Jean-Guy Goulet and B. G. Miller, eds (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 13 [1–13]. Jürgen W. Kremer, “Ethnoautobiography as Practice of Radical Presence: Storying the Self in Participatory Visions,” ReVision 26:2 (2003), 9 [5–13]. Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience,” 43. See also Robert C. Neville, The Tao and the Daimon: Segments of a Religious Inquiry (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1982) where he enjoins scholars to take a middle path between uncritical participation and projecting methodological and cultural assumptions on those being studied. In Edith Turner, “A Visible Spirit Form in Zambia,” in Being Changed by Cross-Cultural Encounters: The Anthropology of Extraordinary Experience, David E. Young and Jean-Guy Goulet, eds (New York: Broadview Press, 1994), 94. Turner, “Advances in the Study of Spirit Experience,” 49. She is commenting on Roy Willis, with K. B. S. Chisanga, H. M. K. Sikazwe, Kapembwa B. Sikazwe, and Sylvia Nanyangwe, Some Spirits Heal, Others Only Dance: A Journey into Human Selfhood in an African Village (Oxford: Berg, 1999). Note the inclusion of collaborators. This is an excellent source for an exposition into trance experience and spirits. Here I am paraphrasing Jeffery Kripal from his stellar Authors of the Impossible: The Paranormal and the Sacred (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 26. Cited in Edith Turner, “The Anthropology of Experience: The Way to Teach Religion and Healing,” in Teaching Religion and Healing, Linda L. Barnes and Inéz Talamantez, eds (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 195 [193–205].

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4

Islamic Theology Mashhad Al-Allaf

Islamic Theology (‘Ilm al-Kalām) Theological issues were discussed in Islam under a field called: ‘Ilm al Kalām, which means the Science of Debate or Dispute. The masters of this field were called Mutakallimūn (Theologians), as distinguished from philosophers, jurists, and scientists. In the Arabic language, the word “Kalām” itself means “speech” or “talk,” where Mutakallimūn talked about issues of Islamic faith (Iman) that early generations of Muslims (the predecessors or al-Salaf) did not discuss or “talk” about. The term “Kalām” came from the fact that Mutakallimūn discussed the word of God (Kalamu Allah), that is, the Qurʾān and whether it is created or eternal; or from the title of their chapters of an opening discussion by saying: “al-Kalam fi …” Even though seeking knowledge in Islam is considered as a religious obligation, the studying of ‘Ilm al-Kalām is considered by Muslim scholars under the category of necessity and only permitted to qualified scholars, but not for the masses or common people. In his book Al-Iqtisad fil I’tiqad, Imām Abū Hāmid al-Ghazālī (450–505 AH/1058–1111 CE) stated that this field of knowledge is important for defending religion. In two of his chapters he explained that ‘Ilm al-Kalām is not a personal duty (Fardu ‘Ain) on Muslims, rather it is a collective duty (Fardu Kifaya). In his book Iljam al-‘awam ‘an ‘ilm al-kalam (Restraining Commoners from Kalam) written late in his life (around 1111 CE) al- Ghazālī went further to restrain the masses from indulging into the issues of Kalam, at the same time he adhered to the understanding of the Salaf on issues of Kalam and divine attributes.1 About one century after al-Ghazālī’s death some scholars went further to prohibit the studying and reading of the books of Mutakallemūn, such as I bn Qudama al Maqdisi (d. 620 AH) in his book Tahrim al Nadar fi Kutub Ahl al-Kalam (Prohibiting the Reading of the Books of Mutakallemūn).2 This chapter discusses the main classical questions and opinions in Kalam, covering the formative period. This does not exhaust the topic of theological discussion, which continues within Islamic scholarship. It does, however, provide graduate level students beginning to explore Islam’s more speculative aspects, also 119

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associated with falsafa (philosophy), with necessary background. Non-Muslims have tended to marginalize theology, regarding law as Islam’s main academic interest. Law is important in Islamic scholarship. However, it is wrong to claim that theology has hadrly existed. ‘Ilm al-Kalām is a pure branch of Islamic knowledge and came into existence before the rise of Islamic philosophy,3 at least before the time of al-Kindī (the first Muslim philosopher died around 873). ‘Ilm al-Kalām came into existence to rationally understand and support issues of Islamic faith, also in order to defend Islam due to internal dispute among Muslims themselves on issues of theology that has both religious and political origins, as we will discuss later, and finally due to external dispute with people from other religions and people of innovation (Bid’ah).

Topics of Islamic Theology The issues of Islamic theology vary from issues related to the very essence of God to issues related to the political implications of practicing and applying Islam. However, these issues can be generally sketched as follows: z The Status of one who commits a grave sin. z The Essence of God.

z z z z

– divine attributes; – divine actions; – divine word (whether the word of God is eternal or temporal). Free will. Prophecy and prophets. Eschatology—hereafter, paradise and hellfire, rewards and punishments. Political authority (Imāmah) and the qualities of the Muslim political/religious leader (Imām).

Islamic Divine law (Sharīʿah) is divided into three parts: Jurisprudence (Fiqh) that discusses the ruling values related to the application of Islam in daily life. The second part is called Usul al-Din (Islamic scholastic theology) that deals with theological issues related to faith or Iman and its six articles: to believe in God, his angels, his books, his messengers, and in the last day, and to believe in the destiny (al Qadar) be it good or bad. The third part is called Akhlaq (Ethics), that deals with purification of the soul and how one ought to morally live a good life, this level is related to Ihsan. These three divisions can be clearly seen in the authentic narration of the Prophet called ḥadīth Gebril. Ibn Khaldūn thinks that discussing issues of faith among the early generations of Muslims (al-salaf) was achieved by reference to Qurʾān and Sunnah (the tradition of the Prophet), while among the later generation there was more 120

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Divisions of Shari’ah

Fiqh Jurisprudence Islam

Usul al Din Scholastic Theology Iman

Akhlaq Ethics Ihsan

search for understanding the details of faith by reason (‘Aql), which led to the rise of ‘Ilm al-Kalām.4 Thus ‘Ilm al-Kalām is distinguished from other fields by its subject matter, method, and goal. Early intellectual attempt to understand faith by reason revolved around issues such as the state of sinners, predestination and free will, divine attributes, and the issue of anthropomorphism that I will discuss first for its importance.

Divine Attributes and Anthropomorphism God is described in many verses in the Qurʾān as being devoid of any likeness to human beings; “there is nothing whatever like unto Him” (Q 42:11). However, in some other verses in the Qurʾān God is described with likeness to human beings, such as hearing, seeing, and hands; “The Hand of Allah is over their hands” (Q 48:10). A question about understanding the last kind of verses was raised early to Imām Mālik ibn Anas (d. 179 AH/795 CE) with regard to how God established Himself on the Throne, as mentioned in the Qurʾān: “The Most Gracious rose (established Himself) over the Throne” (Q 20:5). Then Imām Mālik answered: “The establishment is known, the modality is unknown, the belief in it is obligatory, and asking questions about it is an unwarranted innovation.” Thus questions about anthropomorphism are already labeled as “Innovation” (Bid’ah), and this position would be endorsed by Imām Abū Hāmid Al-Ghazālī late in his life in his book Iljam al-‘awam ‘an ‘ilm al-kalam (Restraining Commoners from Kalam),5 in which he defends this position and calls it the right position of the Salaf. There are about five views on these issues: 1. The early Muslims (al-Salaf) view that God is free from any likeness or similarity to human beings, because the anti-anthropomorphic verses in the Qurʾān are many and clearly negating any similarity to human beings. These verses are explicitly denying anthropomorphism with no need for any kind of interpretation; “And there is no one co-equal or comparable to Him.” (Q 112:4). In regard to the verses that suggest likeness to human 121

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2.

3.

4.

5.

beings such as hands, face, etc., the early Muslims just believed in them as the word of God with no attempt to interpret them and no further exploration of their meanings by any analogy to human beings. The view of the innovators, as Ibn Khaldūn called them, who understood the verses of hand and face and other verses as an anthropomorphic reference to God, ascribed to Him attributes similar to those of the human body. Ibn Khaldūn rejected this view as mere innovation contradictory to the right understanding of the companion to these issues.6 The view of those who tried to reconcile the anthropomorphic verses of hand, face, direction, etc., and anti-anthropomorphic verses by saying that it is a body unlike bodies or direction but unlike directions was rejected by Ibn Khaldūn as a contradictory view and self-canceling because it combines affirmation and negation at the same time, which violates the law of noncontradiction.7 It is an essential part of the Islamic faith to believe in tanzih: God as elevated from all of His created beings. This elevation above any likeness to human beings was clearly set in the Qurʾān by verses of negation; “and there is nothing whatever like unto Him” (Q 42:11). However, the exaggeration of this very concept of tanzih by negation led to the rise of a fourth view. The view of the Mu’tazilah that generalized tanzih in the verses of negation to go from the attributes of the essence of God such as hand and face to other attributes of God such as knowledge, will, ability, and power. Al-Mu’tazilah gave a pure, rational reason for negating the later attributes, which was to avoid the contradiction of the existence of more than one eternal Being (ta’adud al Qadim). The Mu’tazilah negated attributes that were already affirmed by the Qurʾān such as hearing and seeing: “there is nothing whatever likes unto Him, and He is the One that hears and sees (all things)” (Q 42:11). The Mu’tazilah claimed that these attributes were not an addition to the essence of God, but they the very essence itself; according to Abu al-Huthail Al-Allaf (d. 841 CE), God knows, but His knowledge is His very essence (Allah ya’lam wa ‘Ilmuhu thatuhu). This generalization of the negation of attributes led to more complication in the scheme of al-Mu’tazilah, for example, their negation of the divine will led to the negation of predestination, and they negated the word of God (kalam Allah) to be eternal and thus it is created (Makhloq), and thus the Qurʾān is created (Makhloq) according to them. This last idea was politically supported and was forced upon the Muslim community and finally led to a worse quarrel with the followers of the Salaf. Let us briefly look at the Mu’tazilah as a school of thought before discussing the issues of the Qurʾān and Kalamu Allah. The view of the Ash’ariyyah enhanced by Imām Abu al-Hasan al-Ash’arī (d. 935), to counter the extreme rationalism8 of Mu’tazilah by appealing

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to both reason and revelation (al-Aql wal Naql); he was able to affirm the basic four divine attributes: life, knowledge, will and power or ability, and other attributes such as hearing, seeing, and the word of God. He interpreted the verses of anthropomorphism in a way that God had hands, face, knowledge, sight, etc., as mentioned in the Qurʾān but they are not like other faces, hands, knowledge, etc., indeed as he said: “bi la kaifa” without howness.9 In this sense al-Ash’ari was considered by al-Shuhrastani as the defender of the Salaf by using the kalami ‘aqli method to defend issues of Islamic faith against anthropomorphisms. In regards to Qurʾānic verses such as: “The Most Gracious rose (established Himself) over the Throne” (Q 20:5), Ash’ariyya, especially al-Baqillani, confirmed that God established Himself at the same time negating the Howness (al-Kaiyfyyah), as al-Baqillani said: “For God, we negate the indication of becoming, and we say: His establishment (on the throne) is not similar to the establishment of created (people).”10 al-Baqillani negates the kaiyfiyyah, because God is not in space, nor in a position or a specific direction in space, because God cannot be limited and confined in space. God existed before space and He created space. God is not a substance that is subject to the nine categories of space, time, quantity, etc. because they are attributes that can be predicated to bodies, bodies are temporal but God is neither a body nor a temporal being. Ash’ariyyah also replied to other issues such as God being in heaven, because people usually raise their hands when they supplicate asking God for help. Ash’ariyyah think, people also prostrate to God in Prayer and face the Ka’ba for prayer, but that does not mean that God is down in the place of prostration, nor in Ka’ba.11 We should mention here that while al-Ash’ari and Baqillani both confirm the establishments as an attribute of action (distinguishing it from attributes of essence), they both denied the Kaif or how God established Himself. Other Ash’ari scholars tried to use interpretation or Ta’weel in order to understand the establishment (estawa) as control and taking over, where this interpretation is well-accepted in the Arabic language (such as the king estawa took over a country) however, the opponents might reply that taking over gives the meaning of struggling and encountering other power, which is impossible in the divine description. The Ash’ariyyah replied that we mean the absolute power with no struggle. The opponent then replied: if it is an absolute control and taking over, then why does God specify the throne, while He is absolutely taking over everything in heaven and on earth? The Ash’arriyyah replied: That God specifies as He wills; as He did with specifying prophets, or heaven and earth even though He is the Lord of more than that, but He specified the throne, although He is the Lord of other created things, because the throne is greater than other things. 123

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The Ash’ariyyah also used some forms of interpretation of Ta’weel; in both a general sense Ejmali, and a detailed sense Tafsili, in which the understanding of Arabic language is very important to understand the meaning of the Qurʾānic verses. They also made clear distinctions between a linguistic meaning of a word that is clear and evident in the Arabic dictionary and a meaning that is less evident and useable but which might be used in order to avoid any human or anthropomorphic description to God, such as: “They have forgotten Allah; so He hath forgotten them.” (Q 9:67) The first meaning of forgetting in Arabic language is related to the ability of remembering, the second is related to negligence; the first one cannot be a description of God, and therefore the second is, even though the first is clearer and more evident in the Arabic language. The group of Ash’ariyyah who followed the Ta’weel seemed to also face some difficulties. In Al-Ghazālī’s book Iljam al-‘awam ‘an ‘ilm al-kalam (Restraining Commoners from Kalam) (which was written shortly before his death) he tried to prevent people and scholars from discussing these issues of ‘Ilm al-Kalām, and advised them to better follow the position of Imām Māliki, and the Salaf. It might be useful here to mention that al-Razi in his book Asas al-Taqdis used the Ta’weel and denied some of the divine attributes that gives anthropomorphic meaning, then in his book Aqsam ath That, he denounced some of his earlier ideas and stated (as Ibn Taiyymiyah said in his book al-Nubowat), that it is better to follow the way of the Qurʾān by affirming the divine attributes at the same time exalting God from any anthropomorphic approach or analogy with human beings.

Al-Mu’tazilah: Origin, five principles, and its scholars This theological school was first established in Basra in Iraq, and later moved to Baghdad, the capital of the Islamic Caliphate at that time. Wasil Ibn ‘Ata’ was accompanying other students in a circle (Halqa) of al-Hasan al-Basri studying religious topics and discussing a crucial issue about whether the person who commits a grave sin will be considered a believer or a nonbeliever. Al-Hasan al-Basri thought that the one who commited a grave sin was a believer with decreased level of faith, but should not be described as a “nonbeliever.” Wasil Ibn ‘Ata’ was not satisfied with the answer from his master, thus he withdrew from this circle and established a circle on his own to teach his own ideas. His master said: “E’tazalana Wasil” meaning: “Wasil separated himself from us.” And thus the word E’tizal and Mu’tazilah came into existence to refer to the school. Mu’tazilah also called themselves Ahl al-Tawhid wa al-‘Adl (People of Divine Unity and Justice). 124

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Wasil’s answer, as we will discuss later, represented one of the five principles that distinguishes the theological school of Mu’tazilah; these principles are: z Divine Unity of God, z Divine Justice, z Advocating the good and forbidding the evil, z The intermediate position or status of the one who commits the grave sin,

and z God’s Promise and Threat.

Mu’tazilah overemphasized the active role of reason in understanding matters of religion and revelation to the point that using reasoning to understand issues related to God and His divine attributes is considered as an obligation known in the Mu’tazilah tradition as Wujob al Nadhar (the obligation of rational investigation). This implies that ‘Ilm al-Kalām, as an intellectual endeavor is an obligation upon every Muslim. To this principle Ash’ariyyah, especially al-Ghazālī, would strongly reply ruling out such an obligation, restricting it to only qualified scholars as fardu Kifaya. Among the most distinguished theologians of al-Mu’tazilah school of Basra-Iraq are: Wasil Ibn ‘Ata’ (d. 131 AH/748 CE), Abu’l-Hudhaiyel al-‘Allaf (d. 841), Ibrahim al-Nazzam (d. between 835 and 845), ‘Amer Ibn Bahr al-Jahidh (d. 868), Abu Ali al-Jubba’i (d. 915), and Abu Hashim al-Jubba’i (the son of Abu Ali al-Jubba’i) (d. 933). And the most distinguished theologians of al-Mu’tazilah school in BaghdadIraq are: Bishr Ibn al-Mu’tamir (d. 825), Al-Iskafi (d. 855), Abul-Hassain al-Khayyat (d. 902) (his book al-Entisar), and Al-Qadi Abdul-Jabbar (d. 1025).12

The word of God, Kalam Allah (The Qurʾān) The Mu’tazilah were able to indoctrinate some caliphs to adopt the Mu’tazilah belief that the Qurʾān (as the word of God) was created and is not eternal; the Caliph al-Ma’mun adopted the idea in 827 and forced people to accept the Mu’atzilah as the formal theological doctrine of the state, the opponent of which were, of course, labeled as heretics. In 833, al-Ma’mun imposed and instituted a further examination for the Muslim scholars to make sure that they were aligned with the Mu’tazilah. This questioning was called al-Mihna in which Imām Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855) was questioned and jailed. The Mihna continued through the reigns of al-Mu’tasim and al-Wathiq until the reign of the Caliph al-Mutawakkel (847–861). As a result of this Mihna the orthodox Muslims or Ahlul Sunna wal Jama’a reacted to the Mu’tazilah as innovators without committing heresy. The orthodox Muslims defended the articles of 125

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faith by logical argument (Hujjaj ‘Aqliyya); they first appealed to early thinkers such as Ibn Kullab (Abdullah ibn Sa’eed al-Kullabi (d. 854)), Abu al-Abbas al-Qalanisi, and al Harith al-Muhasibi (d. 857)13. No doubt that Imām Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal was the most important figure in this Mihna who, in regard to the divine attributes, continued the same line of reasoning of the salaf and especially of Imām Māliki, ibn Anas (d. 795) mentioned above. Imām Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal refused to give any word as to whether the Qurʾān was created or eternal, he also refused with his Hanbalī school anthropomorphism and refused to give any interpretation to verses of the Qurʾān that suggest such a thing. Ibn Kullab and the Kullabites gave some interpretation to these verses but in the form of “Hand unlike hands” and “a body unlike bodies.” Another group of the orthodox Muslims called the Hashwiyyah took these attributes in the literal sense. The position of Imām Aḥmad bn Ḥanbal, his followers, and other Mutakallimūn, led to the rise of a new school of Kalam called Ash’ariyyah. But before discussing Ash’ariyyah I should mention that there was another group who regarded the Qurʾān as created but based on argument different from that of al Mu’tazilah.

Jabriyyah and Jahamiyyah Jahm ibn Safwan (d. 128 AH/746 CE) the founder of the school called Jabriyyah and Jahamiyyah thinks that there are only a few attributes that can be predicated to God, such as creation, divine power, and action; thus speech is not one of them and God cannot be described as a speaker, as we describe human beings. Therefore, we cannot talk about the eternal word of Qurʾān, since God according to Jahm Ibn Safwan is not a speaker in the first place; hence, the Qurʾān is created. Let us now take a brief look at Ash’ariyyah as a school of thought.

Al-Ash’ariyyah Derives its name from its founder Abul Hasan al-Ash’arī (d. 935) who was first a Mu’tazali and a student of al-Jubb’ie and then after a short period of solitude in Basra, which was totally devoted to the careful examination of the theology of Mu’tazilah and their principles, al-Ash’ari reached revolutionary ideas and decided to end his solitude and announce to the public his conclusion. Al-Ash’arī went to the Mosque in Basra wearing two sets of clothes, one on top of the other, and stood on a chair announcing that: “I denounce the Mu’tazilah as I take off my dress.” And he took off one of his dresses.

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The most famous scholars in this school are: Al-Ash’arī, Abu Al-Hasan (d. 324 AH/935 CE)14 Al-Baqillani (d. 403 AH/1013 CE), who introduced some methodological change to Ash’aruyyah such as: if the evidence or proof (dalil), that is used to prove something, is invalid, then whatever proven by it is invalid too. Imām al-Haramain al-Juwaini (d. 1085), who disagreed with Al-Baqillani on the above issue and introduced the method of the later Ashiriyyah that opens the door to reply to the philosophers on issues contradictory to religion. His position was first to follow the way of interpretation in discussing the divine attributes in his books Al-Ershad and Al-shamel, and then he changed his idea to the salafi’s understanding in his book al-Aqida al-Nidhamiyyah. Imām Abu Hamed al-Ghazālī (450–505 AH/1058–1111 CE) who articulated the Ash’ariyyah especially in debating both Mu’tazillah and the Philosophers as in his book Tahafut al Falasifah, using the logic of the philosophers as an Organon. He formulated the theory of causality in a consistent way to be used in defending issues of proving Miracles, and the Ash’ariyyah theory of Kasb or Acquisition. Al-Ghazālī wrote many books in ‘Ilm al-Kalām, but he also criticized Mutakallimūn; while the ideas and themes of ‘Ilm al-Kalām were acceptable by al-Ghazālī, the very methodology of Ilm al-Kalam were rejected. In philosophy al-Ghazālī had a contrary position: he rejected the ideas of the philosophers, but he accepted their method and found their logic to be a necessary Organon needed before learning any field.15 Al-Ash’ari’s new theology became the most dominant in the Islamic world up to our time. Al-Ash’ari was not satisfied intellectually with Ahlul-Ḥadīth and their literal position in dealing with the text; at the same time he was intellectually bothered by the audacious rationalism of the Mu’tazilah, as a result of which he emerged with a type of scholastic theology presented as a golden mean to be abided by Qurʾān and Sunnah while simultaneously giving reason the place it deserves according to Shari’ah. ▼---------------------------------------------▼-----------------------------------------------▼ Ahlun-Nass al-Ash’ariyyah al-Mu’tzilah Scripture first Scripture and Reason Reason first Literal interpretation of the Text Reason used within the Reason with no limits of Shari’ah limits (Qurʾān and Sunnah).

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There are a few characteristics that might be considered as distinguishing Ash’ariyyah: 1. 2. 3. 4.

To utilize the capabilities of human reason. To realize the limitations of human reason. To utilize the knowledge from Shari’ah to aid reason To lay down the foundation of Islamic Logic. This logic will reach its peak with Ibn Taymiyyah although he is not an Ash’ari. 5. To use a special method of debating theological issues by forcing the debater to answer by either yes or no, then reduces both answers to mere contradictions. 6. Ash’ariyyah developed a theory of causality related to their idea of Acquisition or Kasb. This theory presented by al-Ghazālī in chapter 17 of his book The Incoherence of the Philosophers.

There are many followers of the Ash’ariyyah among the great Muslim scholars, such as al-Qurtubi, Ibn Kathir, al-Sauiti, al-Mazari, Ibn Hajer al Askalani, and al Nawawi,

The people called Ahl al-Sunnah wal Jama’ah16 They basically came into a special form of existence as an authentic answer to the Mu’tazilah issues of the creation of the Qurʾān. Ahl al Sunnah wal Jama’ah are of some branches but all of them agree on disagreeing with Mu’tazilah: 1. Hanabila, the followers of Imām Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, denying anthropomorphism and refuse to discuss the verses of the Qurʾān that mentioned it, their position is to believe in these verses with no further investigation. 2. Hashwiyyah, such as Kahmas, ahmad al Hajimi, and Nasr, they look at the verses that suggest likeness to humans in its literal sense with absolute rejection of interpretation. 3. Kullabities, Abdullah ibn Sa’eed al Kullabi, Abu al ‘Abbas al Qalanisi, and al Harth al Muhasib, who defended the creed of Salaf by rational arguments. 4. Ash’ariyyah, the one we discussed above. 5. Maturidiyyah

Grave Sin: Khawarj, Shīʿah, and Murji’a The early form of Kalam controversies (before the rise of Mu’tazila) came from the dispute on political/religious issues of religious leadership (Imāmah) and 128

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the state of sinners that divided the Muslim community after the death of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). Some political events such as the murdering of the third Caliph ʻUthmān ibn’ Affān (35 AH), the Imāmah of ‘Alī taking over as the fourth Caliph, and the battle of Siffin (37 AH) between ‘Alī and Mu’awiya who challenged him in his right for leadership gave rise to three groups of who people tried to use theology to rationally support their political opinions. These groups are: Khawarj, Shīʿah, and Murji’a. Khawarj (Rebels) were first the followers of Imām ‘Alī. Then they rebelled against him after the battle of Siffin, refusing his compromise with Mu’awiya. Khawarj believes that the one who commits a grave sin is considered a nonbeliever or Kafer. Shīʿah, (the Party of ‘Alī) the follower and supporter of Imām ‘Alī. Shīʿah strongly believe in the leadership of Imām ‘Ali and his right to be the first successor to the Prophet, they think that his authority for Imāmah is divinely ordained. Shīʿah also believe in the infallibility of Imām ‘Alī and his decedents Imāms. They endorse the Mu’tazilah’s position on the intermediate position of the grave sinner. Murji’a, a group of Muslims who tried to reserve a neutral position with regard to issues of theology. With regard to the issue of committing a grave sin, Murj’a refused to condemn the sinners as unbelievers while at the same time refusing to absolve them, leaving God to judge them. Al-Hasan al-Basri thinks that the one who commits a grave sin is a believer with decreased level of faith, but should not be described as a “nonbeliever.” Mu’tazilah, especially the founder Wasil Ibn ‘Ata’ (disagreeing with his master al-hasan al Basri), think that the one who commits a grave sin is neither a believer nor a nonbeliever; his status is in between the two (manzila bainal Manzilatain). This grave sinner is considered a Fasiq, but not a nonbeliever meaning he is entitled to his own rights of inheritance, marriage, burial, etc. under the Islamic law. If he dies without repenting to God, then he will be eternally punished by hell fire. Mu’tazilah represents here an answer between the two extremes of the Khawarj on one side, who consider the grave sinner a nonbeliever, and the Murjia on the other side, who consider him a believer. Different opinions on the one who commits a grave sin Al-Hasan Al-Basri Khawarj Mu’tazilah Murj’ah Believer (with decreased Iman) NonBeliever Intermediate position Believer

Free Will and Divine Justice Believing in the Qadar (predestination) is one of the six articles of faith in Islam. Qadariyya is among the earliest theological groups to support the idea of free will against the idea of qadar or predestination. Qadariyya believe that human 129

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beings are free agents and their actions were not predetermined by God, and thus they are responsible before God on the Day of Judgment and so rewards and punishments mentioned in the Qurʾān for the human actions make sense only within the context of humans freely choosing their actions. Al-Mu’tazilah presents a form of Qadariyya. Their argument is also based on the issue of justification of reward and punishment that makes sense only if humans are free agents: the one who is not freely choosing his action cannot be held accountable. Thus human beings create their own actions, and these actions are not written in the preserved tablet; however, God with His absolute knowledge knows about these actions but He did not predetermine them. Al-Jabriyya on the other hand denies the human free will and considers all human actions are predetermined by God. Jahm ibn Safwan (d. 128 AH/746 CE), the founder of the Jabriyyah school, reached the above conclusion through his discussion of the Divine attribute. According to Jahm the only true attributes that can be suitably predicated to God as a Supreme Being are those that cannot be attributed to man, the unique divine attribute predicated to God are: creation, divine power and action, if this is the case then God is the only creator and actor, thus all the actions of human beings are authored by God and humans have no free will to create their own actions. According to Ash’ariyyah and Ahlul Sunnah wal Jama’a, human beings are free to choose their own actions. However, their choice does not go outside the realm of what God predetermined for them; if they were not free then they were not punished, Ahlul Sunnah wal Jam’ah quotes many verses from the Qurʾān for support such as: But ye will not, except as Allah wills; for Allah is full of Knowledge and Wisdom. (Q 76:30) Then human beings are free in a sense and predetermined in another sense. Human beings can will, but they will not will other than what God willed.

The Kalām Way (Argument) of Proofing the Existence of God Muslim theologians established certain kinds of arguments to prove the existence of God, one of which was labeled later as the Kalām Argument; I shall briefly discuss it here. Al-Ghazālī was one of the scholastic theologians who structured this argument. He says, by way of preparation and following the example of the learned theologians that one of the obvious and logical premises of the mind is that: 1. An originated phenomenon cannot come into existence without a cause. 130

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2. Since the world is an originated phenomenon, 3. it cannot come into existence without a cause.17 We can clarify this argument further as follows: Everything that is originated (that has a beginning in time) cannot come into existence without a cause. The world is an originated thing (it began to exist in time). -- – -------------- – ---- – – ------------------------------ – ---- – -------Therefore, the world cannot come into existence without a cause. The conclusion of this argument negates the possibility of an effect existing without a cause. This argument is valid and consistent with the rules of syllogism. Since one of its premises is negated, the conclusion has to be negated also. The argument is logically valid. The first premise states that whatever begins to exist in time must have a cause. It philosophically establishes the principle of causality as a category of pure reasoning. It has also been established by scientific knowledge that if a person does not have a fever and a fever begins to exist, then there must be a cause of this event (which is the effect) happening. Similarly, if there was no rain and rain begins to exist, there must be a cause, and if there were no death and death occurs, then death must be an effect of a cause, just as, if there was no life and life came to be, then there must be a cause for it. This premise only establishes the factual statement about the way things are; it does not support the necessary connection between the cause and the effect in regard to the future. In other words, it does not claim that future events will resemble, by necessity, past experience, in fact al-Ghazālī was aware of this problem and criticizes it in his book The incoherence of the philosophers [Tahafūt al-falāsifa]; he devotes a chapter to the issue that there is no necessary connection between cause and effect. Thus, the first premise only states the metaphysical principle of the connection between cause and effect. It does not state anything about the nature of this connection; it does not claim that the medication that a person uses today that causes recovery will necessarily cause the same recovery after ten years. The premise only states that if a person recovers in the future, then this recovery must be caused by a cause. Al-Ghazālī explains the first premise by saying, Regarding the first premise: an originated thing cannot come into existence without a cause, because every originated phenomenon belongs to a certain definite time, the precedence or the subsequence of which may be assumed. It’s being definite in time, and distinct from what preceded it and what succeeded it, will naturally require one who renders things definite, and this is the cause.18 131

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With regard to the second premise, that the world is an originated phenomenon and began to exist, we can easily say, who said so? Or how do we know that the universe began to exist? Al-Ghazālī presents an extensive argument to prove it.19 He says that its proof is found in the following: 1. Bodies are not independent of motion and rest; 2. Both states (motion and rest) are originated phenomena; and 3. Whatever is not independent of originated things is itself originated. This proof consists of three claims: 1. Bodies are not independent of motion and rest. This is readily understood and requires neither meditation nor thinking, for he who conceives of a body being in neither the kinetic state nor in the static state is both ignorant and foolish. 2. The second assertion is our statement that both motion and rest are originated phenomena, the proof of which is found in their alternation and in the appearance of the one after the other is gone. This is true of all bodies, those that are visible and those that are invisible. For there is not a static object the potential motion of which is not required by the mind, and there is no moving object the potential rest of which is not required by the mind. The event is originated because of its immediate occurrence and that which has gone is also an originated matter. 3. The third assertion is our statement that whatever is not independent of originated things is itself originated. Its proof lies in the fact that if it were not so, then there would be, before every originated phenomenon, other originated phenomena that have no beginning (are infinite); and unless these originated phenomena come to an end in their entirety, the turn for the present originated phenomena to come into being immediately would never arrive. But it is impossible for that which has no end, which is infinite, to become actual. Therefore, the conclusion is that the world is not independent of originated phenomena, and that which is not independent of originated phenomena is itself originated. And when its being as originated phenomena has been established, its need for an originator becomes a necessity through obvious comprehension. I use a proof for the second premise that is related to al-Kindī’s argument on the impossibility of actual infinity. This proof shows that the opposite of the second premise is a logical contradiction. 132

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1. If the universe never began to exist (has no beginning in time), then the universe is eternal. 2. If the universe is eternal, then a series of actual infinite events has elapsed. 3. But we know that actual infinity is impossible. 4. Therefore, the universe must have a beginning in time.

Conclusion Ending the survey of theology here does not imply mean that later thinkers failed to continue developing important ideas, shedding light on Muslim understanding of revelation, God, and God’s will. Unfortunately, space does not permit a complete description and analyses; Kurzman (1998 and 2002) contain essays by some modern theological thinkers, which are well worth reading. Iqbal (1930) and Ramadan (2004) are among other examples of recent theological enquiry in Islamic discourse. Some titles under gender in Resources are also relevant. In describing initial debates and issues of Kalam, the above lays down foundations that graduate students will require for exploring Islamic Theology.

Notes 1 Al-Ghazālī wrote distinguished books on the subjects of theology, both supporting and criticizing it. He considered the Muslim theologians (mutakallimūn) as one of the four important groups seeking the truth in his time. Al-Ghazālī concludes his opinion about scholastic theology (kalām) by saying, “However, I found it (kalām) a science adequate for its own aim, but inadequate for mine. For its aim is simply to conserve the creed of the orthodox for the orthodox and to guard it from the confusion introduced by the innovators.” Deliverance from Error, 59. [al-Munqidh min aḍ-ḍalāl] 2 Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, Tahrim al Nadar fi Kutub Ahl al-Kalam, ed. Georg al Maqdisi (Beirut, Lebanon: n.p., 1986). 3 At this second decade of the twenty-first century (the fifteenth century Hijri) it is still not easy to sketch, in more details, the early period of Islamic theology, science, and philosophy. The treasure of Islamic manuscripts is quite vast and scholars are still dipping into this ocean. Among the early sources on the history of kalam see al Shahrastani (479–548 AH/1086–1153 AD), al Milal wal Nihal, and among the late sources see, Ibn Khaldūn (1332–1406), al Muqadimah, and Ibn Ḥazm, al fisal fil Milal wa Ahwa’ wal Nihal. For a good, systematic reference on Kalam see: al-Iji, Al-mawaqif fi ‘ilm al-kalam (Book of Stations on Kalam). For useful sources on Arabic manuscripts see the work of Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Literatur, in two vols., 2nd edn (Leiden: n.p., 1943, 1949); with his three Supplementbande, Leiden: n.p., 1937–42. Also the valuable work of Faut Sezgin, Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden: n.p., 1967). Both are very important to know the Arabic manuscripts, but are still insufficient. It is also useful to see W. M. Watt, The Formative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press 1973). It is only after the publication of the organized theological (Kalami) School the sources are better to trace.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies  4 Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqadimah (Beirut, Lebanon: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1993), 367.  5 Al-Ghazali and Abu Hamid, Iljam al-‘awam ‘an ‘ilm al-kalam (Restraining Commoners from Kalam), ed, M. al-Baghdadi (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-‘Arabi, 1985).  6 Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqadimah, 367.  7 Ibid.  8 It should be clear to the reader that Rationalism is highly encouraged in Islam, but the criticism here is to the kind of rationalism that is specifically used in a metaphysical realm that is beyond the very scope of reason itself.  9 See Al-Ash’ari, al Ibana, and Ibn Asakir Tabieen ketheb al muftary. 10 Al-Baqillani, al-Ensaf (Egypt: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1963), 41. 11 Al-Haramain al-Juwaini, Al-Shamel, 565 12 ‘Abd al-Jabbar: Sharh al-Usul al-Khamsa, ed. ‘Abd al-Karim ‘Uthman (in Arabic) (Cairo: Maktabat Wahba, 1965). 13 Ash Shahrastani, Al Millal wal Nihal, Maktabat al Anglo al Masriyya, 2nd edn, 1956, vol.1. 37. A newer edition was published in 2005 by Dar Ibn Hazm, Beirut, Lebanon, in one volume, 22. 14 Abu al-Hasan al-Ash’ari, Maqalat al-Islamiyin wa Ikhtilaf al-Musallin, ed. M. M. ‘Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahdah al-Misriyah, 1969). 15 This philosophical method of discussing issues of Ilm al-Kalam was followed by al Eiji in his books al Mawaqif and al Nasafi. 16 See al-shahrastani, al-Milal wal Nehal, vol.1, 85. 17 Al-Ghazālī, Iḥyā’ culūm ad-dīn [The Revivification of the Religious Sciences], 5 vols. (Cairo: Dār ar-Rayyān at-Turāth, 1987), 1: 126. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid., 1: 126–7.

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5

Study of Shī‘ite Islam Syed Rizwan Zamir

Reviewing the origins, development, and current state of the Western study of Shī‘ite Islam, especially in the Anglo-Saxon world, this chapter will raise critical points on the study of Shī‘ism and present possible avenues for research in this subfield of Islamic Studies. To effectively survey the state of the field, the minority groups, for example, Ismā’īlīs and Alawis, will be covered in the first section, “History of the Study of Shī‘ite Islam in the West.” The rest of the chapter will focus on the Ithnā ‘Asharī tradition.

History of the Study of Shī`ite Islam in the West1 Ismā`īlism In sketching an outline of the history of the study of Shī‘ism in the West, for the purpose of accessibility and structural clarity, it would be appropriate to deal with the major branches of Shī‘ism separately. The Western study of Shī‘ism began with encounters with the Ismā’īlī branch of Shī‘ism, first with the Fatimids, and later, during the Crusades, with the Assassins. It is especially the latter that caught the attention and imagination of the early Western observers of the Shī‘ite phenomenon within Islam. It also appears that most of these encounters were either with the extremist (ghulāt) groups such as the Ghurabiyyah or influenced by the Sunni polemical misconstrual of the Shī‘ite perspective—for example, attribution of the belief that for the Shī‘ites Islamic revelation was actually intended for ‘Alī but mistakenly went to Muhammad. In many cases, it was a combination of the two. Works of Muslim heresiographers confirmed and reinforced the Crusader accounts about the Assassins as a secretive society of bandits, murderers, and terrorists (and of course Muslim heretics!). This image persisted for many centuries and colored almost everything that was written about them. With de Sacy’s work2 on the Druze, however, the Assassins were incorporated into the broader history of Islam in the West and were finally accepted as an Ismā’īlī 135

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group. Yet the notorious image continued to be hashed and rehashed, including the famous account by the Viennese orientalist Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall3 who based his narrative about the Assassins on Marco Polo’s account and ended up placing them in the same group as the Freemasons, secretive and utterly dangerous to the rest of the society. The late nineteenth century saw the emergence of a compilation of the original yet scattered textual sources of Nizārī-Ismā’īlīs by Charles Defrémery4 and Salisbury.5 These texts paved the way for a fresh and revisionist appraisal of the narrative by scholars such as Bernard Lewis,6 Marshall Hodgson,7 and especially Vladimir Ivanow who has been called “the founder of modern Nizari studies.”8 Ivanow’s compilation of the bibliographies of Ismā’īlī literature and its cataloging was the groundwork upon which later Ismā’īlī studies were built. It is worth pointing out that Ivanow’s work found much support from the Islamic Research Association of Bombay (founded in 1933), which, under the auspices of Aga Khan III, later became the Ismaili Society of Bombay (1946). It is the same period that saw interest in Ismā’īlism becoming more inclusive, intended on delineating the various strands and schisms within Ismā’īlism, and particularly a shift from Nizārī-Ismā`īlī to the Fatimids. More importantly, these studies and textual sources constitute reliable historical foundations upon which Ismā’īlī mystical and theological thought could then be perused. The second half of the century saw major breakthroughs in the study of Ismā’īlism. Henry Corbin had begun to focus on Iran’s religious history in general and began discovering parallels between the esoteric themes within pre-Islamic and post-Islamic Iran. His personal mystical bent and deep interest in Iranian religious history resulted in themes and studies as diverse as comparisons between esoteric currents within Mazdean angelology and cosmology within Islamic gnostic writings,9 a survey of the Islamic philosophical tradition,10 and the juxtaposition of Mazdean Iran with Ismā’īlī and Shī‘ite esotericism.11 In all cases, he posits strong parallels and profound perpetuation of the esoteric currents from the pre-Islamic to the post-Islamic (and even contemporary Iran, as demonstrated by his interest in Shaykhism). In light of the decades of study and synthesis of the religious topography of Iran, the significance of his classic En Islam Iranien12 can be hardly overemphasized. The next generation of specialists of Ismā’īlism included Paul Walker,13 Ismail Poonawala,14 Heinz Halm,15 Azim Nanji,16 and Farhad Daftary.17 The establishment of the Institute of Ismā’īli Studies in London in 1977 provided a major boost to the study of Shī‘ite Islam in general, and Ismā’īlī studies in particular. Since its inception the Institute’s growing activities have been responsible for making available critical editions of key texts and important studies on Shī‘ite history,18 thought,19 and devotional life.20 The burgeoning endeavors through the patronage of the Institute are quite promising and are harbingers of further significant contributions to the field of Shī‘ite and Ismā`īlī studies. In the field 136

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of Ismā’īlism, the prospects of further growth are to be anticipated in the near future.

Ghulāt Shī‘ites Ghulāt Shī‘ites, predominantly considered to be extreme in their doctrine, usually refer to those who deify ‘Alī, believe in the reincarnation of God (ḥulūl) in the person of the Imām, especially ‘Ali, believe in metempsychosis (tanāsukh), and/or have an antinomian attitude toward the Sharī’ah (ibāḥah).21 Matti Moosa’s book, although not always reliable in its analysis, was the first proper study of the contemporary Ghulāt sects in their variant forms.22 It included the ‘Alawīs-Nusayrīs23 of Syria, Ahl-i Haq of Iran, and the Qizilbash and Bektashis of Turkey. Yaron Friedman’s very recent work24 on the ‘Alawīs-Nusayrīs has by far superseded this earlier study and will be the standard work on this group for some time to come.

Twelver Shī‘ism In contrast to the Western study of Ismā’īlī Shī‘ism, Imāmi Shī‘ites went almost unnoticed until the rise of the Safavids in Persia in the early sixteenth century. This is largely because until the Safavids the Christian West had not encountered Imāmīs organizing around an empire or a state such as the Fatimids, nor displaying the fascinating mystical and radical elements of the Assassins. With the Safavids, Imāmīs came into political and commercial contact with the West, which led to travels of Westerners within the Imāmīs milieu and thus numerous travelogues. For example, State of Persia in 1660 describes at length Shī‘ite thought, legal, and ritual practices while also noting the emergence of the influential religious class of the ‘ulamā’. Among the earliest reference to the political role of the ‘ulamā’, later to be understood as the institutionalization of ijtihād, is found in Jean Chardin’s Voyages en Perse.25 Yet back home these detailed accounts did not spark much interest in an in-depth examination of the Shī‘ite faith. Emerging out of a study of theology and Hebrew, seventeenth-century Islamicists were mostly philologists and were inclined on identifying Islam mostly with the Arab world. Assumed centrality of Arabic language to Islam as the “only” Islamic language and lack of interest in anything other than what had historical or philological import barred serious engagement with contemporaneous Persian Shī‘ite thought, legal or theological. At the same time, whatever came to be known about Shī‘ism emerged out of Sunni heresiographies of al-Ghazālī, Shahrastānī, Ibn Ḥazm, and al-Ījī that portrayed Shī‘ism mostly as a deviant group. This further colored perceptions of Shī‘ites as mostly an 137

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irrelevant “heterodox” group that existed in the peripheries of the mainstream “orthodox” Sunni majority. The nineteenth century saw, on the one hand, a breakdown of the fragile connection between theology and philology, and on the other, renewed interest in the Islamic regions largely due to their direct colonization by the West. Islamic lands with predominant Shī‘ite majorities, for example, Persia, escaped direct control. That is why the contacts between the Western and Shī‘ite world still remained cursory and Orientalists continued to concentrate on the broader Sunni Islamic tradition. Mirroring the trends of the Safavid period, until the 1850s most of the studies on Imāmī Shī‘ism continued to be in the form of travelogues and personal memoirs of the diplomats. The late nineteenth century saw the arrival of Ignaz Goldziher, regarded by many as the founder of the field of Islamic Studies. Already as a young man in his twenties, he published a few articles on the subject of Shī‘ism. Unavailability of Shī‘ite texts made the task all the more difficult. The later Goldziher addressed various facets of Shī‘ism both intrinsically and in relation with the Sunni tradition in his Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law.26 His insights in the essay “The Sects” have withstood the test of time and even today is far from being outdated. Still, it was not until the twentieth century that Shī‘ite studies really took off. The century opened with Shī‘ite apologetic literature on the one hand, and more specialized studies incorporating other Shī‘ite groups such as the Zaydīs. The important figures in this regard were Louis Massignon who drew parallels between the Catholic and Shī‘ite traditions, and Rudolf Strothmann whose works engaged with Shī‘ite literature and texts.27 Yet besides the well-known Shī‘ite Religion by Donaldson,28 no serious and comprehensive study of Shī‘ism was available until the mid-1950s. The second half of the twentieth century is indeed a watershed in the field of Twelver Shī‘ite studies. This is a period where Twelver Shī‘ite texts began to emerge, the first academic conference on Shīʻism (1968) took place, scholars of Twelver Shī‘ite backgrounds began to write on the subject, and introductory books on the subject began to appear. Significance of Henry Corbin has already been noted. The trilogy on Shī‘ism, Shī‘ite Islam, A Shī‘ite Anthology, and The Qur’an in Islam through the collaborative efforts of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, contemporary Shī‘ite scholar, philosopher, and Qur’ānic exegete, ‘Allāmeh Ṭabāṭabā’ī, and William Chittick (the translator) also deserves special mention.29 Inspired by the need to synthesize the scholarly findings of the previous decades and to redress a heresiographic-centric lens on Shī‘ism in it, S. H. M. Jafri attempted a detailed historic account of the origins and early history of Shī‘ism.30 All these works appear before and around the time of the Iranian revolution. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 immensely boosted interest in Shī‘ite Islam and led to a plethora of studies. Yet interest in Shī`ism was subordinate 138

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to quickly understanding the developments that made the political revolution possible. Consequently, religious dimensions were either ignored or treated in haste to “explain away” the revolution. Moojan Momen’s work came to replace Donaldson’s survey of Shī‘ism after some 50 years. In 1988 and 1989 S. H. Nasr, Hamid Dabashi, and Vali Nasr edited and compiled a two-volume study of Shī‘ism31 that attempted to comprehensively capture for the reader the various facets of Shī‘ite thought and history through material published both in Western and Islamic sources. A few years later Heinz Halm’s impressive study of Shī‘ism, now translated from German into English,32 provided a much-needed synthesis of the century-long Western study of Shī‘ism, one that had begun with Goldziher. Four years later Yann Richard’s introductory survey of Shī‘ism was translated from French into English.33 By the efforts of Mahmoud Ayoub a follow-up to the 1968 conference on Shī‘ism was held in 1995 in which contemporary Shī‘ite seminary scholars delivered papers alongside well-known Western scholars of Shī‘ism. The proceedings were published in an edited volume in 2001.34 Finally, an updated version of Halm’s study appeared in 2003 and remains to date the most comprehensive account. A bibliography of primary and secondary sources appended to each section of the book is particularly helpful for the researchers in the field. The contributions made to particular dimensions of Shī‘ite thought and history will be noted later in a more appropriate place.

Shī‘ism: Definitions, Origins, and Identity-Formation Although there is hardly any ambiguity as to the meaning of the term of the term shī‘ah—meaning partisan or party, in more concrete terms, the party of ‘Alī—there are disagreements among scholars as to the origins of the Shī‘ite movement and when and how it finally developed into its later decipherable identity. Underlying the disagreements regarding the origins of Shī‘ism is a more fundamental problem: how do we define Shī‘ism in the first place? What is it that is being located in history when we are tracing the origins of Shī‘ism? The question of origins is therefore concomitant with the question regarding the definition of Shī‘ism and is primarily responsible for the dissent within the scholarship. This explains why, in the scholarly debates surrounding the definition, origins, and identity of the Shī‘ites, one encounters clear divergences in the approach and methodology employed by the scholars. For example, if Shī‘ism is defined originally and essentially as a political movement that arose after the death of the Prophet, then one can only trace its origins in the political upheavals of the early Islamic history. Along these lines, as early as 1901, Julius Wellhausen, in his well-known study on Muslim sects, treats Shī‘ism and the 139

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Khārijites as religio-political sects within which the “political” side appears to dominate the “religious” character of these traditions: The Shia therefore became established in Iraq within where they were originally not a sect but the political expression of the whole province. In this sense, one may as well say that all native Iraqis, particularly in Kufa, were more or less Shiite, not merely as individuals but also as tribes with their tribal leaders. They were distinguished only by differences of degree. Ali represented for them the lost ruling glory of their homeland. Almost a 100 years later, Blankenship notes: The weakening and then collapse of the caliphate and the occultation of the Shī’ite twelfth imam made legitimate Islamic political authority into a religious ideal precisely because it no longer functioned. However, at the beginning of the caliphate these developments had not yet taken place, and the supreme office was primarily a political one.35 In other words, early Shī‘ism was at best a political group that broke off from the broader Muslim community and vied with it for political power in the early centuries through various rebellious movements. In time these groups substantiated these political claims through theological and religious overtones, which resulted eventually into fully developed theological traditions. As noted, whether under the direct influence of Wellhausen or not, the view that the early Shī‘ite movement was of political nature has continued to resonate in the scholarship to this day. If disagreement has occurred, it is on when to mark its clear beginning: for Crone, it was around the death of ‘Uthmān that the party of ‘Alī come to the fore;36 for Blankenship (see quotation above) it is with the occultation of the twelfth Imām;37 for Watt the caliphate of ‘Alī. In sum, in this interpretation, at the heart of the divide, therefore, was political dissent and political activism; it is only later that they turned religious. It is worth noting that such interpretations often draw from and echo the Sunni heresiographic literature. On the other end of the spectrum, Shī‘ism is often depicted as essentially a mystical-religious movement that either overlooks or at least downplays the “political.” This interpretation of the origins of Shī‘ism concentrates on delineating essential Shī‘ite doctrines and their esoteric nature, and treating them ahistorically. Henry Corbin, for example, describes Shī‘ism as essentially a religion of love, an esoteric tradition, at the core of which resides the doctrine of walāyah.38 He argues for the complementarity of the exoteric and the esoteric in the Imāmīs sources within which the esoteric has clear primacy. Influenced by the works of Corbin and perennialist authors such as Guenon and Schuon, 140

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S. H. Nasr has often employed this esoteric-exoteric typology to compare and contrast the Shī‘ite subtraditions, the Twelvers, Seveners, and the Zaydīs. The theoretical frameworks of orthodox/heterodox and political/religious have been challenged in recent years. There appears to be an emerging consensus that if we were to retain and continue to employ the political/religious binary, then early Shī‘ism must be understood as a movement that was simultaneously both. In other words, one may choose to either explicitly question the cut and dry distinction between the “religious” and the “political”—largely a function of a Christian/Western lens in discussing a religious tradition—that has frequently been superimposed onto Shī‘ism (and onto the Islamic tradition in general), or one may bypass these categories altogether. The first approach— that is, retaining the categories but employing those minimally and carefully, and pointing out their limitations—is witnessed in the works of Ayoub,39 Dakake,40 and Madelung.41 Heinz Halm, for example, discusses the origins of the Shī‘ites in the split within the early Islamic community and prefers the language of schism over sect for the Shī‘ites.42 This safe approach avoids labeling the movement as political or religious, but instead focuses on narrating the events and origins of the various factions at various points in history and the evolution of the various doctrines and practices to the present day. Pointing out the close intertwining of the religious and the political in the early history of Islam, these studies have taken as their point of departure a combination of the key and enduring Shī‘ite ideas such as the centrality of walāyah, ‘ilm (knowledge), lineage, messianic ideas such as occultation (ghaybah) and return (rajāʻ), and the historical unfolding and differentiation of the early Muslim community into separate and distinct communal groups (ṭāifah). Generally speaking, then, for these scholars, it is at the clear intersection of these ideas in the early Islamic history with distinct groups that the origins of Shī‘ism could be located. Ayoub, for example, traces the origins of Shī‘ism to the Caliphate of ‘Uthmān and open opposition of the caliph by ‘Alid loyalists such as ‘Ammār ibn Yāsir and Abū Dharr.43 For Ayoub, prevalent nepotism in the policies of ‘Uthmān led these proto-Shī’ites to not only seek the abdication of ‘Uthmān—a sentiment shared by many others—but more importantly for the study of the origins of Shī‘ism, also to openly proclaim ‘Alī’s right to the Caliphate. Furthermore, this proclamation was based not only on his precedence in accepting Islam and his kinship with the Prophet—arguments put forth by both Anṣār and some Muhājirūn—but also his excellence, knowledge, and merits. Scholarly explorations of the origins of Shī‘ism have not lead to a settled position or narrative: Najam Haider’s innovative approach of perusing legal texts about ritual practices from eighth-century Kufa is the latest in this regard.44 In contrast with both nonhistorical, theological, and historicist nontheological approaches toward Shī‘ism, recent studies have gradually moved toward a method that intertwines history with theology. In many cases, results have been 141

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groundbreaking; for example, Amir-Moezzi through his meticulous textual study of the earliest sources has confirmed and amply expanded Corbin’s thesis regarding esoteric Shī‘ism: “Every facet of early Imamism … confirms that early Imamism is an esoteric doctrine,”45 he notes. Divided into three sections, “preexistence,” “existence,” and “super-existence” of the Imām, The Divine Guide is his first attempt to systematize and posit a coherent doctrine of Imāmate from the traditions of the Imāms. This doctrine of nonrational Imāmate—essentially an esoteric doctrine of walāyah—according to Amir-Moezzi needs to be distinguished from the tradition of the later jurist-theologians and that came to dominate Shī‘ite religio-intellectual life and scholarship. He calls the break a juridico-rationalist turn in Shī‘ism, whereby Shī‘ite theology as articulated in the writings of the major theologians such as al-Mufīd increasingly came to lose its esoteric character and was instead rationalized.46 Amir-Moezzi’s distinction between early esoteric Shī‘ism and later rationalist-juridical Shī‘ism lends itself to a particular understanding of how the Shī‘ite tradition has developed over time, and his unique hermeneutical lens posits aspects of contemporary Shī‘ite ritual life and mysticism of the Shaykhīs as an implication and continuation of the early esoteric tradition. The introductory chapter of the study is particularly useful in situating this interpretation vis-à-vis an understanding of Shī‘ism in the traditional seminary circles of Iran and Iraq, and its counterpart, that is, the Western study of Shī‘ism. Given the significance and depth of Amir-Moezzi’s work, no discussion of Shī‘ism can afford to ignore the claims of this study. Following up on the Divine Guide, his recent The Spirituality of Shi’i Islam, expands and further clarifies various facets of esoteric Shī‘ism. Especially relevant is his discussion as to how certain Shī‘ite esoteric spiritual practices—past and present—derive from this doctrinal understanding, thus claiming an organic link between the two.47

History, Political, and Intellectual To effectively survey the scholarship on Shī‘ite studies one may divide Shī‘ite history into five phases: 1. From the origins of Shī‘ism to the time of Ja’far al-Ṣādiq (see previous section); 2. From the time of Ja’far al-Sādiq to the occultation of the twelfth Imām (the pre-ghaybah period); 3. From the beginning of the occultation of the twelfth Imām until the Mongol invasions (post-ghaybah period); 4. From the Mongol invasions to the rise of the Safavids (Modern Period); 5. From the Safavids to the present, including the Iranian Revolution and its aftermath (Contemporary Period). 142

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While pointing out these distinct phases in the history of Shī‘ite Islam, I will cover the later three under the three-fold categories of the political, religious, and spiritual. That Shī‘ism is essentially a doctrine of walāyah is confirmed in traditional Shī‘ite and Western scholarship.48 The tripartite division of walāyah into the political, religious (juridical), and spiritual dimensions is particularly helpful in treating the later developments in Shī‘ite history and intellectual life.

Pre-ghaybah Madelung’s seminal study of the Caliphate period49 is still the most comprehensive work in Western scholarship on the subject. The work is also significant from the point of view of methodology in approaching Islamic historical sources. Discussion of Shī‘ite communities in the post-Caliphate period is usually found under the general and more inclusive histories of the Islamic world50 or works on individual dynasties such as the Umayyads and the Abbasids. Besides the studies already cited, for this phase the works of Andrew J. Newman,51 Etan Kohlberg,52 and Amir-Moezzi53 are particularly relevant. Andrew Newman examines the internal variations in the tone and content of the three earliest Imāmi ḥadīth collections, that is, al-Maḥāsin by al-Barqī (d. 887–94), Baṣā’ir al-Darājāt by al-Ṣaffār al-Qummī (d. 902–3), and al-Kāfī by al-Kulaynī (d. 940–1) and how these differences can be related and explained by the sociopolitical circumstances of the compilers in question. Newman relates the rationalist trends within certain ḥadīth collections to the milieu of Baghdad where Shī‘ite claims needed to be explained and defended in the face of Sunni criticisms, and praxis-centrist trends in other compilations to the milieu of Qum and the needs of the community there. So far, this study is the most comprehensive account of the development of Shī‘ite ḥadīth discourse in the formative years of Twelver Shī‘ism. It is also worth mentioning that for Newman the broader sociopolitical developments in this phase of Islamic history provide reasons to call the ninth century—alongside the tenth Shī‘ite century as posited by Hodgson earlier—a truly Shī‘ite century.54 Kohlberg’s work investigates how the relationship between the Imām and the community was conceived in the pre-ghaybah period, and on some key Shī‘ite doctrines such as the terms “Rāfiḍa” and “Muḥaddath,” Shī‘ite beliefs such as views on the companions of the Prophet, and pious dissimulation (taqiyyah) while also delineating the evolution of Imāmī Shī‘ism into Twelver Shī‘ism (to be discussed in the ensuing section). Mention must also be made of Arzina Lalani’s study of the life, career, and thought of the fifth Shī‘ite Imām.55 Furthermore, Meir Bar-Asher’s study of the early Imāmī Qur’ānic exegesis is perhaps the only book-length treatment of themes in Imāmī exegesis.56 Finally, as has already been noted, Amir-Moezzi’s studies are perhaps most significant for this period of Shī‘ite history. 143

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Post-ghaybah If Hodgson has set the tone for the development of Shī‘ism into a sect in which the figure of Jaʻfar al-Ṣādiq played a central role,57 the view that the Shī‘ite theory of Imāmate did not take another significant turn until the death of the eleventh Imām in 260 AH/874 CE owes largely to Kohlberg.58 This is the beginning of what scholarship has noted as the period of bewilderment (ḥayrah) that led to further developments in the Imāmī Shī‘ite theory of Imāmate. Two key developments have been noted in general, one affixing the number of Imāms to 12, and the other establishing the doctrine of the messianic return of the Mahdī. Modarressi’s study59 is still the most comprehensive account of the former, while Sachedina60 delineates that of the latter. Modarressi’s account amply demonstrates the extent of the crisis caused by the death of the eleventh Imām over the question of succession and the subsequent conscious attempts of Shī‘ite thinkers to keep the community together and develop a justification for his absence. The second part of the study then presents perhaps the earliest formulation of this polemical defense by the ex-Muʻtazilite Shī‘ite Ibn Qiba al-Rāzī vis-à-vis the Muʻtazilites, other splinter Shī‘ite groups, and the Zaydīs. The discussion also reveals that although perhaps the Imāmī doctrine of Imāmate may not have gone through another major development, it was still wrestling and haunted by—just as during Jaʻfar al-Ṣādiq’s time—the specter of extremist Shī‘ite (ghulāt) views against which its moderate forms still needed to be articulated. In delineating the development of Shī‘ite “Messianism,” Sachedina’s study shares with Modarressi the notion of an immense crisis within the Imāmī community at the death of the eleventh Imām. He notes that from the time of the death of the Prophet, time and again, messianic ideas were put forth by various Muslim groups. Focusing on the cluster of various terms used for the Imām, such as al-qā’im, al-mahdī, al-ḥujjah, and ṣāḥib al-zamān, he shows how the title al-mahdī, which meant simply the leader early on, during the bewilderment period came to be developed into a concept of the hidden Imām. In other words, if examined through the Imāmī sources, corroborating the claims of Kohlberg, the doctrine of the Mahdī as the messianic figure in occultation for the Imāmīs is first encountered in the post-ghaybah period, in the works of al-Kulaynī and Ibn Bābūya. The tenth century saw the rise of Shī‘ite political ascendancy in the realms of central lands of Islam, namely Syria, Iraq, Western Iran, and North Africa. In view of the immense power wielded by Shī‘ites during this time, some scholars have called this century the Shī‘ite century.61 this is because the rise of Shī‘ite powers coincided with the other prominent factor in the resurgence of the intellectual life, especially in the case of Twelver Shī‘ism, the end of the period of lesser ghaybah of the twelfth Imām, and extensive intellectual output of the Shī‘ites during this period. Buyid courts (more than others for Twelver Shī‘ites) allowed safety, protection, and free movement to Twelver Shī‘ite scholars, 144

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inviting them to the courts from Qum and other Shī‘ite centers. Developments during the Buyid period have had a lasting impact in shaping Twelver Shī‘ite thought and culture: it led to the proliferation of Shī‘ite literature (ḥadīth collections, legal, and theological treatises), emergence of the Shī‘ite shrine culture and the mourning rituals. The century is also the beginning of the Fatimid empire, a new phase in the history of Ismā’īlī Shī‘ism, as was noted above.62 In view of the radical break of the Imāmī Shī‘ite intellectual tradition pointed out by Amir-Moezzi, that is, from “early Shī‘ism” (the pre-ghaybah period), in dealing with the texts and history of the post-ghaybah period the researcher must ascertain the particular Shī‘ite brand (esoteric or rationalist) in hand. That being noted, it is clear that in scholarship, just as in the history of Shī‘ite Islam, the rational-juridical tradition has dominated. McDermott’s study of al-Mufīd’s theology was perhaps the first study that dealt with a major Shī‘ite figure of this period.63 Al-Mufīd is also the first and the only Shī‘ite figure from this era to make it to the Makers of the Muslim World series.64 Although not directly a study of Ibn Ṭāwūs thought, Kohlberg’s reconstruction of Ibn Ṭāwūs’s library65 to capture the intellectual milieu of the time still deserves a strong mention.

Political Walāyah66 The occultation of the Imām while posing a challenging crisis of succession and occultation, also confronted the community with the problem of the continuity of the Imāmī leadership. It was Muṭahhar al-Ḥilli (d. 1277) who laid out the key categories of ijtihād/taqlīd within the Imāmī perspective that created a hierarchy among the Shī‘ite community. Based on this distinction, the community could then be divided into two distinct groups: one qualified to exercise ijtihād and provide a fallible yet binding interpretation of the religious law, and the rest who were called to follow these interpretations. Although initiated by the eleventh-century Baghdad school67 of Shaykh Mufīd, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā, and Shaykh Ṭūsī,68 these categories were more systematically worked out in the hands of the school of Ḥilla in the thirteenth century. Later developments reveal that it is the carving of the ijtihād/taqlīd distinction that paved the way for the rise of an economically independent Shī‘ite clerical class through the acceptance of the khums tax. The same distinction was also responsible for subsequent supposed appropriations of the prerogatives of the hidden Imām, for example, the Friday and ‘Id prayers, declaring offensive jihad, acceptance of the khums tax, and corporal punishments. The Uṣūlī-Akhbārī debate during the Safavid period had then as much to do with the authoritativeness of the ḥadīth-reports (akhbār) over reason, as it had with the nature and scope of clerical authority. Creation of the office of the Highest Mullah (mullah bāshī) by Shah Sultan Ḥusayn in 1712 created a further hierarchical distinction, now within 145

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the mujtahid class itself. By the nineteenth century these embedded hierarchies within the scholarly class had become explicit, leading to the emergence of the institution of the marja’ taqlīd (“reference point for imitation”). With the exception of the tenth century, the Twelver Shī‘ites rarely held political power until the Safavids emerged in Persia in the sixteenth century. That is why writings on the political history of Twelver Shī‘ism revolve around certain periods, for example, the Buyids and the Safavid Iran,69 and the more recent revolutions, that is, the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–670 and the Iranian Revolution of 1979.71 That is also why in dealing with the political history of Shī‘ism, two themes have occupied scholarly energies: one dealing with Shī‘ite regimes, and the other explicating the almost unique political role of the Shī‘ite juridical religious authority of the clerics. In the wake of Iranian Revolution it should be evident why the clerical authority and debates surrounding its political role in Iranian history did receive so much attention.72

Religio-juridical Walāyah Many works on the political role of the ‘ulamā’ are replete with discussions of the Shī‘ite legal tradition. Yet, the emphasis in understanding and delineating the emergence of the jurist’s authority needs to be differentiated from studies on religious sciences proper. In other words, juridical authority—since it is based on an authoritative interpretation of the religious texts, thus religious knowledge—needs to be explored independently of the question of juridical authority. In this regard, the study of Shī‘ite religious sciences, the Qur’ān, ḥadīth, law, and theology (philosophy and mysticism will be discussed separately), have not received much attention. Sachedina’s translation and discussion of Khoei’s introduction to the Qur’ān73 is perhaps the only work on Shī‘ite exegetical tradition outside of the formative period of Shī‘ism. In regard to Shī‘ite law, one may mention the works of Modarressi,74 Norman Calder,75 and recent translations of the works of traditional seminary scholars such as Bāqir al-Ṣadr.76 Devin Stewart’s comparison of the Sunni and Shī‘ite schools of law is rare and deserves closer attention.77 Similarly, Shah-Kazemi’s translation of the creed of a major Shī‘ite scholar is among the very few available on contemporary Islamic theology.78 In conclusion, one may say that in the different areas of Shī‘ite scholarship it is this sphere that has received the least attention.

Spiritual Walāyah Philosophical and spiritual developments of Shī‘ite Iran were unknown to Western scholarship until the mid-twentieth century. The unique contributions 146

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of Henry Corbin in this regard have already been noted. The period also saw a series of studies from S. H. Nasr in delineating the history of philosophical thought in the Shī‘ite world since Safavid times and its precursors in the figures of Ibn Sīna, Suhrawardī, Ṭūsī, and Ibn ‘Arabī. Beginning with his essays in the History of Muslim Philosophy when broader Muslim audience was first introduced to the philosophical developments within Iran, Nasr has repeatedly pointed out and demonstrated the profound connections and intersections in the later period among what were traditionally four different disciples of study: Qur’ānic Studies, Islamic philosophy, Islamic theology, and Sufism.79 Especially relevant in this regard was the School of Isfahan and his most prominent figure, Mullā Ṣadrā. Influence of Nasr and Corbin’s work has turned Mullā Ṣadrā into one of the most studied Muslim thinker from the last few centuries.80 How far the study of Iranian philosophy has come from the time History of Muslim Philosophy was published can be gauged by the publication of the Routledge two-volume History of Islamic Philosophy.81 In recent years, Nasr in collaboration with Mehdi Aminrazavi has also made available a multivolume systematic account of philosophy in Iran.82 In his most recent study, Nasr has pointed out the emergence of the school of Tehran during the Qajar period, which has been the most influential school of Islamic philosophy throughout the Pahlavi period and beyond.83 Besides these works, there have also been translations of contemporary philosophical writings of the major figures, usually published through Muslim foundations.84 When compared to the advances made in other fields, it appears that the field of Shī‘ite Irfān still lags behind. Outside of the Shaykhiyyah and a couple of translations by Mohammad Hassan Faghfoory,85 Sufi thought and practices within the Usūlī intellectual milieu have not been explored. It is important that the plethora of contemporary writings on theoretical and practical Sufism is incorporated into the scholarly map of the Shī‘ite intellectual and spiritual life.

Shī‘ite Religious Life and Material Culture Though not always restricted to the Shī‘ites, mourning practices associated with the tragedy of Karbala are the most visible expression of Shī‘ite piety. In scholarship one notes two trends, that the first deals with the taʻziyeh drama (mostly in the Iranian milieu), and the second with the general mourning rituals. Calling it “the only indigenous drama engendered by the world of Islam,”86 since the early 1970s Peter Chelkowski has carried out a series of studies (the last of which appeared just recently)87 of the taʻziyeh from the point of view of performance studies. In the process, he has also compiled numerous taʻziyeh-plays. Complementing the study of taʻziyeh as performance, Malekpour88 has provided a historical account of the origins and development of the taʻziyeh-drama. 147

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While the theological underpinnings and historical development of the Karbala-mourning rituals were carried out by Ayoub in his PhD dissertation later published in the form of a book,89 it was not until late 1980s that ethnographic studies began to emerge documenting ritual life in Shī‘ite communities and how they are understood by those same communities.90 South Asian Shī‘ism has taken the center-stage in this regard. First with Vernon James Schubel91 and then with David Pinault92 the centrality of the Muḥarram mourning rituals to Shī‘ite communal and religious identity has come to a clear fore. The findings of these scholars were further corroborated by the study of Tony Howarth.93 This trend has continued with later studies by Syed Akbar Hyder94 and Karen Ruffle.95 While Hyder and Kamran Aghaei96 have examined how the powerful symbols of Karbala and martyrdom have been appropriated in the contemporary reformist and political discourses in the respective Indian and Iranian milieus, Lara Deeb97 and Ruffle’s works are significant from the point of view of Gender studies.

The Other Shī‘ite Owing to the dominance of the Iranian milieu in Shī‘ite studies that was triggered primarily by the Iranian Revolution, until recently, little attention was lent to the non-Iranian Shīʻite contexts. The rise of Hizbullah in Lebanon and the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 have sparked interest in the respective regions and the histories of the communities there. Consequently, beside the political analysis of the recent developments in these regions, religious dimensions have begun to be explored. Yitzah Nakash98 has contributed significantly in delineating a comprehensive history of Iraqi Shī‘ism, especially the shrine culture and the religious clerical establishment and institutions, and their relationship with the state in the modern period. Mention must also be made of Marcinkowski’s examination99 of the challenges faced by the Shī‘ite clerics in recent times. In the case of Lebanon as well, recent studies of Stefan Winter,100 Tamara Chalabi and Fouad Ajami,101 and Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr102 are significant strides in scholarship. Until 1950, Ismā’īlī studies dominated the scholarly discourse on South Asian Shī‘ism. Appearing in 1953, Hollister’s study103 was the first that attempted to cover major Shī‘ite groups in India, the largest Shī‘ite presence outside of Iran. It remained the standard account of Shī‘ism in India for over 30 years. Yet, the study is equally (and one may say unevenly, given the comparatively much bigger Twelver community) divided between the Twelver (Ithnā ‘Ashariyyah) and the Sevener (Ismā’īliyyah) groups such as Musta`līs and Nizārīs. Based on the contemporary sources, although primarily a political history of the Shī‘ites in India—the Bahmanī Sultanate in the Deccan, their successors, the famous 148

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Mughals, the Sultans of Kashmir, and the Awadh dynasty—Hollister was also among the first to detail the Muharram mourning practices and rituals among the Indian Shī‘ites.104 His findings suggest that in the Indian context the term ta‘ziah (a variant of the Iranian ta’ziyeh) does not refer to the theatre but rather to the zarīh (miniature models of the shrines of the Karbala martyrs) to be lifted upon shoulders and carried around during the mourning procession.105 A few years later, in Peter Hardy’s contribution to the Sources of Indian Tradition, Shī‘ism was consciously overlooked.106 Yet, beginning in early 1980s, S. A. A. Rizvi undertook a series of studies on South Asian Shī‘ism in the broader context of Islamic intellectual and social history of South Asia. The first major study in this regard was on the era of Shah ‘Abd al-Azīz, the famous Shah Waliullah’s son and successor. More than one-third of the 600-page study examines the sociopolitical context and polemical exchange between the Sunni and Shī‘ite religious scholars triggered by the publication of the seminal polemical work Tuḥfa-i Ithnā’ ʻAshariyyah by Shah ‘Abd al-’Azīz. For any Sunni-Shī‘ite context, this remains to date the most thorough study of the polemical literature between Sunnis and Shī‘ites.107 Appearing in 1986, Rizvi’s two-volume108 intellectual and social history of Twelver Shī‘ism in India broke further ground and redressed the neglect and uneven treatment of the Twelver tradition. The first volume opened with the traditional Shī‘ite view of history and beliefs, and a survey of important Shī‘ite figures and writings in the early centuries. The second half of the first volume then focuses separately on Shī‘ism in North India and in the Deccan region. Volume II of the study is the most comprehensive account of Shīʻite intellectual life, especially the Shī‘ite ‘ulamā’ and Shī‘ite contributions to what Rizvi notes “philosophy, science and literature.” Based on extensive archival work, the work is a mine of information on the history of the Twelver Shī‘ites, discussing key texts and figures, polemical exchange between Sunnis and Shī‘ites, ritual life and Shī‘ite contributions to the intellectual history of Indian Islam. The discussion of the modern period, however, remained scant. A few years later, Juan Cole’s study of the Shī‘ite Awadh dynasty examined the rise, establishment, and relationship of the religious clerics with the state. Since then, beyond the discussion of Shī‘ism in the general surveys of South Asian Islam, the study of Shī‘ism has remained cursory. The early 1990s saw a shift from the sociopolitical and intellectual histories of Shī‘ite India to the communal and ritual life of the communities.109 That trend has continued to this day, Ruffle’s book being the latest. Justin Jones’s recent study110 is perhaps the only significant publication that builds on where Rizvi had left off. Yet the sociopolitical emphasis of the work meant that the intellectual and scholarly debates and achievements remained peripheral to the work. In the early twenty-first century, thanks to the groundbreaking work of Qasim Zaman,111 a renewed interest in the study of traditional scholarship and 149

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institutions began to emerge. Unfortunately, despite the many leads provided by Rizvi two decades ago, this renewed interest has not been extended to the South Asian Shī‘ite religious scholarship, which continues to be unexplored. It is clear, however, that interest in South Asian Shī‘ism continues to grow, as witnessed by numerous articles on Sunni-Shī‘ite sectarianism in Pakistan.112 Even more encouraging is the 2011 conference on South Asian Shī‘ism under the title Contesting Shi’ism: Isna ‘Ashari and Isma’ili Shi’ism in Modern South Asia, perhaps the first ever of its kind.113 Outside of Iraq, Lebanon, and India there are pockets of Shī‘ite communities in other regions, including the West. The scholarship is increasingly conscious of the need to address the lacuna in dealing with Shīʻism in a more inclusive way. That was the intention behind the recent study called The Other Shiʻites.114 Liyakat Takim’s latest work also breaks ground in putting the Western Shī`ite on the scholarly map.115

Shī`ism in the Modern World: Continuity, Change, and Ecumenism As late as 1976, Millward116 noted that “Islamic modernism in the Shi’a world has yet to receive due attention from scholars eastern or western” (151). Millward cites two aspects of the Shī‘ite experience of modernism that have far-reaching consequences: first, channeling of the reform-related spiritual urges of the urban Iranians to the then flourishing Sufī alternative in Iran; second, the Shī‘ite notion of incessant ijtihād that although it lends itself to continuous formulation and reformulation—thus avoiding stagnation—also bars radical reform. Significantly, these developments meant that the reform or reformulations of Islam within the Iranian Shī‘ite context could not be expected to mirror that of the broader Sunni Islamic world. A few years later, Seyyed Hossein Nasr made a similar observation in quite categorical terms: “no aspect of the religio-political history of the 14th/20th century Iran can be fully understood without consideration of religion and especially Shī‘ism in Safavid Persian.”117 In other words, Shī‘ite modernism cannot be appreciated without paying attention to Shī‘ite religious thought on the one hand, and the interplay of religion and politics in the Iranian history on the other.118 Yet, it was not until fairly recently (and not entirely successfully) that scholarship has given a more concentrated effort to isolate Shī‘ite responses to modernism from a general and all-encompassing “Islam and modernism” debate. Popular readers on Islam and modernism such as by Esposito119 and Kurzman120 discuss the modernist debates in Iran under the umbrella of Islam without much attention paid to the specificity of the Shī‘ite context. Yet, in the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution it has become increasingly evident that modern developments within the Iranian Shī‘ite milieu could not be navigated 150

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without some engagement with the doctrinal and religious developments that are peculiar to the Shī‘ite case. Inevitably, the Iranian Revolution prompted immediate attention: Hamid Algar translated the writings, speeches, and declarations of Ayatollah Khomeini121 and supplemented these translations with his account of the underlying dynamics that led to the revolution,122 and Fischer, in his anthropological work, gave central attention to the force of Shī‘ite “symbolic structures” in the Revolution: Shi’ism, the established form of Islam in Iran, and its several forms of expression, such as preachments, passion plays, and the curricula and debates of the madrasa, can be viewed as cultural forms composed of symbolic structures. Within this perspective Islam is not a set of doctrines that can be simply catalogued. It is a “language,” used in different ways by different actors in order to persuade their fellows, to manipulate situations, and to achieve mastery, control, or political position. There are in Iran at least four main styles of using Shi’ism: the popular religion of the villages and bazaars; the scholarly religion of the madrasas or colleges where the religious leaders are trained; the mystical counterculture of Sufism; and the privatized, ethical religion of upper classes. One might add as a fifth style, the combination of the second and fourth, which Dr. Ali Shariati’s followers have argued is the ideology of the 1977–1979 revolution.123 Within a few years of the Revolution, Nikki Keddie followed her earlier works such as Scholars, Saints and Sufis with a few more that addressed the emerging interest in the background and implications of the Revolution. Whereas Religion and Politics in Iran124 emphasizes the religious and religio-political dimensions of the Iranian milieu, in her classic work Roots of Revolution: An Interpretive History of Modern Iran125 that has gone through numerous revisions, she delineates the social, economic, political, and religious dimensions into a broader synthesis. To this list one may also add Mottahedeh’s Mantle of the Prophet:126 weaved as a novel-style narrative, the scholarly, secular, and Western perspectives on the Iranian Revolution were here counterbalanced through accessibility of the reader to rare reflections on contemporary Iran by a factually real yet anonymous Iranian cleric. In the ensuing years, the ideas and influence of important Iranian religious figures, especially Khomeini and Shariati was repeatedly examined and juxtaposed with other major contemporary Islamic reformist and revivalist figures.127 Though not scholarly, efforts of the post-revolutionary Iranian state in promoting the thought of Khomeini and renewed hopes and enthusiasm among the Shī`ites—both inside and outside Iran—led to the translation of various works, especially of figures who supported the cause and ideology of the revolution. The mid-1990s saw a shift in emphasis: on the one hand, observers of the Iranian milieu had begun to assess the fruits of the revolution, and on the other, 151

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began to document the emerging reformist discourse, personified by figures such as Soroush, Kadivar, and Shabestari. There is a growing sense in scholarship that the post-Khomeini era is marked by a “steady rethinking” of a set of interrelated questions: What Iranian Shiʻism was all about. Is Shiʻism revolutionary and a framework for political liberation, or the underwriting blueprint for orthodoxy, conformity and austerity? What role does it envision for innovation and, more specifically, for ijtihad, independent reasoning? How and with which tools does or should Shiʻism address such questions of contemporary relevance as democracy and civil rights, globalization and modernity? This trend has continued to this day.128 Proceedings of the 1999 conference “The Twelver Shiʻa in Modern Times”129 was the first systematic effort to survey and “convey the multifaceted picture of modern Twelver Shī‘ism.” Divided into four parts, Theology and Learning, Internal Debates and the Role of Dissidents, Ideology and Politics in the twentieth century, and the Case of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it offers an excellent introduction to the range of issues involved in the study of modern Twelver Shī‘ism. From internal critiques of Shī‘ism, debates among the ‘ulamā’ on the permissibility of the mourning rituals that could be dated as far back as the nineteenth century, Shaykhiyyah hermeneutics and its influence in Pakistan, controversies such as historicism and humanizing efforts of the figure of Ḥusayn and his mission, institutional reforms in the madrasas of Iran and Iraq to political movements and developments in Iran, the range of articles reveal a complex picture, yet confirm the peculiarities of the Shī‘ite world alluded to by Enayat and S. H. Nasr. The latter, along with Dabashi and Vali Nasr, also introduced a volume, Expectation of the Millenium: Shiʻism in History130 that devotes considerable space to the modern period and critical debates such as the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–6 and the doctrine of the authority of the jurisconsult (walāyat al-faqīh). In recent years Ridgeon’s reader on Iranian Islam131 through a variety of major traditional and reformist voices tries to capture the internal dynamics of the debates within Iran in the modern period. From this point of view, Hamid Enayat’s now classic study of modern Islamic political thought132 is especially relevant because it pays close attention to the specificity of the respective Sunni and Shī‘ite contexts, degree of shared and divergent developments of the two traditions over time, and the power of religious and theological ideas in shaping the modern political discourse. The final chapter “Aspects of Shiʻi Modernism” demonstrates how the revisionist and reformist discourse has led to three key notions—constitutionalism, taqiyyah, and martyrdom—within the Iranian experience of modernity that have had huge implications. This chapter is yet another major contribution of this study. These works have significantly redressed the 152

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generic discussion of Islam and modernism that ignore the much-needed background in Shī‘ite history and thought, at least for the Shī‘ite cases. One must also note the growing literature on the ecumenical efforts between the Sunni and Shī‘ite communities with special reference to the famous fatwa by Shaykh Shaltut in 1959 accepting the Shī‘ite school of law as the fifth valid school of law in Islam. Increasingly sectarian violence in the religious communities of Iraq and Pakistan and geopolitics has made the potential for mutual tolerance between the Sunni and Shī‘ite communities a pressing question. These concerns and developments have not gone unnoticed as witnessed in the recent trends in scholarship;133 there still exists immense need to incorporate developments beyond those that occurred in mid-twentieth century.134 Finally, beginning with Nasr’s essay “Shi’ism and Sufism”135 the immense parallels between Shī‘ism and Sufism have been frequently noted in scholarship.

Concluding Remarks In conclusion, it is worthwhile to point out some of the reference sources for the study of Shī‘ism: First, compilations of the key writings in the field;136 second, historical surveys specific to Iran;137 third, bibliographic material on Shī‘ism;138 general reference works such as the various editions of the Encyclopedia of Islam (entries on Shī‘ite Islam continue to grow), Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, Encyclopedia Iranica, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions (forthcoming); burgeoning availability of Shī‘ite writings, classical and contemporary, published through nonscholarly Islamic publication houses;139 availability of digitized texts, both online and through other multimedia including CDs; websites of major Shī‘ite centers of learning, libraries, and that of religious authorities (the marja’s); and finally, publication of journals focused exclusively on the study of Shī‘ism.140 From Goldziher to the present, Shī‘ite studies have come a long way in scope, methodology, and nuance. Yet, despite the various strides made in the study of Shī‘ism, especially in the last few decades, the knowledge of the field, of its key figures and texts, is still nascent and much remains to be explored regarding the historical, religious, and intellectual dimensions of this interpretation of Islam. Just as Shī‘ite regions continue to gain geopolitical significance, study of Shī‘ism for the foreseeable future will continue to grow as well. Establishment of the Imam Ali Chair at the Hartford Seminary, the first of its kind in the United States, only reflects this growing interest.

Notes 1

Earlier sections of the chapter discussing the origins of the study of Shi’ism in the West up to the nineteenth century draw heavily from Etan Kohlberg’s “Western

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 2

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Studies of Shī’a Islam” in Shi’ism, Resistance, and Revolution, ed. Martin Kramer (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987), 31–50. Antoine-Isaac Silvestre de Sacy, Exposé de la religion des Druzes: tiré des livres religieux de cette secte, et précédé d’une introd. et de la vie du khaéife Hakem-Biamr-Allah (Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1964). Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Die geschichte der Assassinen ( Stuttgart: J.G. Cotta,, 1818) Charles Defrémery, Nouvelles recherches sur les Ismaéliens ou Bathiniens de Syrie (Paris, Imprimerie impériale, 1855). Edward E. Salisbury, “Translation of Two Unpublished Arabic Documents, Relating to the Doctrines of the Ismâ’ilis and the Other Bâtinian Sects” Journal of the American Oriental Society 2 (1851): 257–77. Bernard Lewis, The Origins of Ismailism: A Study of the Historical Background of the Fatimid Caliphate (New York: AMS Press, 1975). Marshall Hodgson, The Secret Order of Assassins: The Struggle of the Early Nizārī Ismā’īlīs Against the Islamic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005). See, for example, A Guide to Ismaili Literature (London: The Royal Asiatic Society, 1933), and Ismaili Literature: A Bibliographical Survey (Tehran: Ismaili Society, 1963). Henry Corbin, Spiritual Body and Celestial Earth: From Mazdean Iran to Shi’ite Iran (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977). Henry Corbin, History of Islamic Philosophy (New York: Kegan Paul International, 1993). It is worth noting that Henry Corbin was the first to call what was usually referred to as Arabic philosophy or philosophy of the Arabs, as “Islamic” and “prophetic.” See especially chapter I and II. Henry Corbin, Cyclical Time and Ismaili Gnosis (Boston: Kegan Paul International, 1983); Henry Corbin, Temple and Contemplation (New York, Kegan Paul International, 1986); and Henry Corbin, The Voyage and the Messenger (Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 1998). Henry Corbin, En Islam iranien, 3 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1991). See, for example, Paul Ernest Walker’s Early Philosophical Shi’ism: The Ismaili Neoplatonism of Abū Ya’qūb al-Sijistānī (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Paul Ernest Walker, The Wellsprings of Wisdom: A Study of Abū Ya’qūb al-Sijistānī’s Kitāb al-Yanābī’ (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994); Paul Ernest Walker, Abū Ya’qūb al-Sijistānī: Intellectual Missionary (New York: IB Tauris, 1996); Paul Ernest Walker, Hamīd ad-Dīn al-Kirmānī: Ismaili thought in the age of al-Hākim (London: The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 1999); Paul Ernest Walker and Wilferd Madelung, The Advent of the Fatimids: A Contemporary Shi’i Witness: An Edition and English Translation of Ibn al-Haytham’s Kitāb al-Munāzarāt (New York: IB Tauris, 2000); and Paul Ernest Walker and Wilferd Madelung, An Ismaili Heresiography: The Bāb al-shayṭān” from Abū Tammām’s Kitāb al-shajara (Leiden: Brill, 1998). See, for example, Ismail Poonawala’s Bibliography of Ismā’īlī Literature (Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977); Ismail Poonawala, “An Ismā’īlī ta’wīl of the Qur’ān” in Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’ān, ed. Andrew Rippin (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). See, for example, Heinz Halm’s The Fatimids and their Traditions of Learning (New York: IB Tauris, 1997); and Heinz Halm, The Empire of the Mahdi: The Rise of the Fatimids (New York: E. J. Brill, 1996). See, for example, Azim Nanji’s The Nizārī Ismā’īlī Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1978); and Azim Nanji, “Modernization and Change in the Nizari Ismaili Community in East Africa—A Perspective,” Journal of Religion in Africa 6:2 (1974): 123–39; and Azim Nanji, “The Nizari Ismaili Muslim Community in North America: Background and Development” in The Muslim

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17

18

19

20

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

30 31

32 33

Community in North America, eds Earle H. Waugh, Baha Abu-Laban, and Regula B. Qureshi (Alberta: University of Alberta Press, 1983). See, for example, Farhad Daftary, A Short History of the Ismailis: Traditions of a Muslim Community (Princeton: M. Wiener, 1998). Among his other contributions, Daftary’s Ismaili Literature is the latest in the line of various scholars of Ismā’īlism who have been compiling, revising, and updating the bibliography of Ismā’īlī literature. The foundations were by Massignon and Fyzee in the early twentieth century and were built upon by Ivanow and Poonawala. Shafique N Virani, The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, A Search for Salvation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); Farhad Daftary, A Short History of the Ismailis; Daftary and Zulfikar A Hirji, The Ismailis: An Illustrated History (London: Azimuth Editions in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2008); Halm, The Fatimids and their Traditions of Learning. Paul Ernest Walker, Early Philosophical Shi’ism; Walker, Master of the Age: An Islamic Treatise on the Necessity of the Imamate (London: IB Tauris & Co., 2007); Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shi’i Islam: Beliefs and Practices (London: IB Tauris in association with Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011); and S. J. Badakhchani and Christian Jambet, Paradise of Submission (New York: IB Tauris in association with Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2005). Ali S. Asani, Ecstasy and Enlightenment: The Ismaili Devotional Literature of South Asia (London: IB Tauris in association with Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2002); and Christopher Shackle and Zawahir Moir, Ismaili Hymns from South Asia: An Introduction to the Ginans (Richmond: Curzon, 2000). See Heinz Halm, Shiism (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991), 154. Matti Moosa, Extremist Shiites: The Ghulat Sects (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1988). It must be noted that the scholarly interest in the ‘Alawis was a result of their emerging political influence in Syrian politics in the early 1970s. Yaron Friedman, The Nusayrī-‘Alawīs: An Introduction to the Religion, History, and Identity of the Leading Minority in Syria (Boston: Brill, 2010). Sir Jean Chardin, Voyages en Perse (Paris: Union générale d’éditions, 1965). Ignaz Goldziher, Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981); see especially chapter 5, “The Sects.” Rudolf Strothmann, Die Zwölfer Schī’a, zwei religionsgeschichtliche Charakterbilder aus der Mongolenzeit (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1926). Dwight Donaldson, The Shi’ite Religion: A History of Islam in Persia and Irak (New York: AMS Press, 1971). Muḥammad Husain Ṭabāṭabā’ī in Shi’ite Islam, trans. Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975); Muḥammad Husain Ṭabāṭabā’ī, A Shi’ite Anthology (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981); and Muḥammad Husain Ṭabāṭabā’ī, The Qur’an in Islam (Tehran: Islamic Propagation Organization, 1984). Syed Husain Mohammad Jafri, Origins and Early Development of Shi’a Islam (New York: Longman, 1978). Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Hamid Dabashi, and Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Shi’ism: Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988); Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Hamid Dabashi, and Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Expectation of the Millenium: Shi’ism in History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989). Halm, Shiism. Yann Richard, Shi’ite Islam: Polity, Ideology, and Creed, trans. Antonia Nevill (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1995).

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 34 Lynda Clarke (ed.), Shī’ite Heritage: Essays on Classical and Modern Traditions (Binghamton, NY: Global Publications, 2001). 35 Khalid Yahya Blankinship, “Imārah, Khilāfah, and Imāmah: The Origin of the Succession to the Prophet Muhammad,” in Shī’ite Heritage: Essays on Classical and Modern Traditions, ed. Lynda Clarke Binghamton (New York: Global Publications, 2001), 31 (19–44). 36 Patricia Crone, God’s Rule: Government and Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 24. 37 Blankenship’s view in this earlier work appears to be at odds with, or at least ambiguous when compared to, those in his more recent “The Early Creed” in The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology, ed. Tim Winter (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008.), 35–7 and 41ff. Here, the mingling of the religious and the political is presented as taking place much earlier, from the time of the succession to the Prophet and reinforced by the important events of the death of ‘Alī and the martyrdom of Ḥusayn ibn Ali. 38 Note, for example, “The term walayah has been used frequently, and we know that Shi’ism is the religion of the walayah … [it] denotes a specifically Shi’i sentiment of manifold aspects … The religion of the walayah is the religion of spiritual love.” Corbin, “The Meaning of the Imam for Shi’i Spirituality” in Shi’ism: Doctrines, Thought and Spirituality, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Hamid Dabashi, and Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 167. Similar remarks are found in his History of Islamic Philosophy, 25: “the main thrust of Shi’ite thinking maybe designated as, first, the batin esoteric aspect, and second, the walayah.…” 39 Mahmoud Ayoub, The Crisis of Muslim History: Religion and Politics in Early Islam (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003), 52–3. 40 Maria Dakake, The Charismatic Community: Shi’ite Identity in Early Islam (Albany: State university of New York Press, 2007). 41 Wilferd Madelung, The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 42 Halm, Shiism, 1. 43 Ayoub, The Crisis of Muslim History, 52–3. 44 Najam Iftikhar Haider, The Origins of the Shī’a: Identity, Ritual, and Sacred Space in Eighth-Century Kūfa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011). 45 Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shī’ism: The Sources of Esotericism in Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 126. Amir-Moezzi has also collaborated with Kohlberg in addressing the famous controversy regarding “the Shi’ite Qur’an.” Please see Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad Sayyārī, Etan Kohlberg, and Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi. Revelation and falsification: the Kitāb al-qirāʼāt of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Sayyārī (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 46 Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shī’ism, 89. 47 Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shi’i Islam. See especially Part III and Part IV. 48 The three dimensions of walāyah have been noted by various contemporary Shīʻite theologians such as Muṭahhari and Ṭabāṭabā’ī. In Muṭahhari’s view, the Imāmate can be understood in three distinct senses that he calls “the three degrees of Imamate”: 1. Imāmate in the sense of “Leadership in Society” (i.e. political dimension of walāyah); 2. Imāmate in the sense of “Religious Authority” (i.e. juridical dimension of walāyah); 3. Imāmate in the sense of “wilayat” (i.e. spiritual dimension of walāyah). See, Murtaza Muṭahhari, Man and Universe (Qum: Ansariyan Publications, 1990), 454. This way of looking at Imāmate has also been accepted by Ṭabāṭabā’ī in Shi’ite Islam, trans. Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975), 173: “the Imamate and religious leadership in Islam may be studied from three different

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perspectives: from the perspective of Islamic government, of Islamic sciences and injunctions, and of leadership and innovative guidance in the spiritual life.” Madelung, The Succession to Muhammad. See, for example, Jonathan Porter Berkey The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600–1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Ira Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974); and M. A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971). Andrew Newman, The Formative Period of Twelver Shīʻism: Ḥadīth as Discourse Between Qum and Baghdad (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2000). See, for example, his various essays in Belief and Law in Imāmī Shīʻism (Brookfield, VT: Gower Publications, 1991). Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide. Newman, The Formative Period of Twelver Shīʻism, 1. Arzina Lalani, Early Shī’ī Thought: The Teachings of Imam Muhammad al-Bāqir (New York: IB Tauris in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2000). Meir Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in Early Imāmī Shī’ism (Leiden: Brill/Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, 1999). There have, of course, been essays devoted to Shi’i exegetical tradition. See Diana Steigerwald, “Twelver Shī’ī ta’wīl” in The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’ān, ed. Andrew Rippin (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006); and Diana Steigerwald, “Ismā’īlī ta’wīl” in The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’ān, ed. Andrew Rippin (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006). Marshall Hodgson, “How Did the Early Shî’a become Sectarian?” Journal of the American Oriental Society 75:1 (January–March 1955), 1–13. Etan Kohlberg, “From Imāmiyya to Ithnā-‘Ashariyya,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 39:3 (1976): 521–34. It is also worth mentioning that accepting the view of Madelung, Kohlberg sees the figure of Hisham b. al-Ḥakam, one of the closest disciples of Jaʻfar, as the one who gave the Imāmī Shīʻite theory of Imāmate its definite form, see page 521. Hossein Modarressi Ṭabāṭabā’ī, Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative Period of Shi’ite Islam: Abū Ja’far ibn Qiba al-Rāzī and his Contribution to Imāmite Shī’ite Thought (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1993). Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina, Islamic Messianism: The Idea of Mahdī in Twelver Shī’ism (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981). See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, vol. 2, 36ff. Hodgson notes the reasons why this century could be seen as the Shi’I century yet, in the final analysis, does not agree with this assessment. For Fatimid history, see, for example, Paul Ernest Walker, Exploring an Islamic Empire: Fatimid History and its Sources, Ismaili heritage series (London: IB Tauris, 2002); Paul Ernest Walker, Fatimid History and Ismaili Doctrine (Burlington, VT: Ashgate/ Variorum, 2008); and Farhad Daftary, “Fāṭimid Ismā’īlism,” chap. 4 in The Ismā’īlīs: Their History and Doctrines, Farhad Daftary (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 144–255. For Fatimid thought, see, for example, Halm, The Fatimids and their Traditions of Learning; Arzina Lalani, Degrees of Excellence: A Fatimid Treatise on Leadership in Islam (London: IB Tauris, 2009); and Naṣīr-i Khusraw, Knowledge and Liberation: A Treatise on Philosophical Theology (New York: IB Tauris, in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 1998). Martin MacDermott, The Theology of al-Shaykh al-Mufid (Beyrouth: Dar el-Machreq, 1978). Earlier though, texts of Ibn Babuya and Bab Hadi Ashar have been published: Muhammad ibn ‘Alī ibn Bābawayh al-Qummī, A Shi’ite Creed: A Translation of Risālatu’l-I’tiqādāt (New York: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1942).

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 64 Tamima Bayhom-Daou, Shaykh Mufid, Makers of the Muslim World series (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2005). 65 Etan Kohlberg, Medieval Muslim Scholar at Work: Ibn Tawus and His Library (New York: EJ Brill, 1992). 66 In this section I will limit my survey of scholarship to those works carried out within the field of Religious Studies/Islamic Studies. These include, however, those works that although emerging out of other interests or perspectives provide ample discussion from the religious and theological viewpoint. 67 It must be noted that Nahj al-balāghah was compiled during this time. 68 It appears that it was Ṭūsī (d. 1067) who first argued for the political walāyah of the Imām for the scholar-jurist in the absence of the Imām. See Halm, Shiism, 53. 69 See Andrew Newman, Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire (New York: IB Tauris, 2009); Rula Jurdi Abisaab, Converting Persia: Religion and Power in the Safavid Empire (New York: IB Tauris, 2004). 70 See Mangol Bayat, Iran’s First Revolution: Shi’ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1909 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), Janet Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906–1911: Grassroots Democracy, Social Democracy, & the Origins of Feminism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); H. E. Chehabi and Vanessa Martin (eds), Iran’s Constitutional Revolution: Popular Politics, Cultural Transformations and Transnational Connections (New York: IB Tauris in association with Iran Heritage Foundation, 2010). 71 See, for example, Chehabi, Iranian Politics and Religious Modernism: the Liberation Movement of Iran under the Shah and Khomeini (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Nikki Keddie and Eric Hooglund (eds), The Iranian Revolution & The Islamic Republic (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1986); and Keddie, Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution, introd. Yann Richard (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). 72 See especially Sachedina, “The Just Ruler (al-sultān al-‘ādil),” in Shī’ite Islam: The Comprehensive Authority of the Jurist in Imamite Jurisprudence, Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Linda Walbridge, The Most Learned of the Shi’a: The Institution of the Marja’ Taqlid (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); and Said Amir Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam: Religion, Political Order, and Societal Change in Shi’ite Iran from the Beginning to 1890 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984). For the Usūlī-Akhbārī divide, Robert Gleave’s, Scripturalist Islam: The History and Doctrines of the Akhbārī Shī’ī School (Leiden: Brill, 2007) has superseded previous essay-length studies. 73 Abū al-Qāsim ibn ‘Alī Akbar Khū’ī, Prolegomena to the Qur’an (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998). 74 Hossein Modarresi Tabātabā’i, An Introduction to Shī’i Law: A Bibliographical Study (London: Ithaca Press, 1984) and Modarressi Tabātabā’i, “Rationalism and Traditionalism in Shī’ī Jurisprudence: A Preliminary Survey” Studia Islamica 59 (1984): 141–58. 75 Norman Calder, Interpretation and Jurisprudence in Medieval Islam, eds J. A. Mojaddedi and Andrew Rippin (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006). 76 Muḥammad Bāqir Ṣadr, Lessons in Islamic Jurisprudence (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003); and Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 2008). 77 Devin J Stewart, Islamic Legal Orthodoxy: Twelver Shiite Responses to the Sunni Legal System (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1998). 78 Ja’far Subhānī, Doctrines of Shi’i Islam: A Compendium of Imami Beliefs and Practices, trans. Reza Shah-Kazemi (New York: IB Tauris; London: Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2001).

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Shī‘ite Islam 79 M. M. Sharif (ed.) A History of Muslim Philosophy, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1966). 80 See, for example, Muḥammad ibn Ibrahīm Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Elixir of the Gnostics: A Parallel English-Arabic Text, trans. William Chittick (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2003); Fazlur Rahman, The Philosophy of Mulla Sadra Shirazi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975); Christian Jambet, Act of Being: The Philosophy of Revelation in Mullā Ṣadrā (New York: Zone Books, 2006); James Winston Morris, The Wisdom of the Throne: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Mulla Sadra (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981); Ibrahim Kalin, Knowledge in Later Islamic Philosophy: Mulla Sadra on Existence, Intellect and Intuition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); and Muhammad Kamal, Mulla Sadra’s Transcendent Philosophy (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006). 81 Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Leaman (ed.), History of Islamic Philosophy, 2 vols. (New York: Routledge, 1996). 82 Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Mehdi Aminrazavi (ed.), An Anthology of Philosophy in Persia, 3 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999–2001). 83 Seyyed Hossein Nasr, “From the School of Isfahan to the School of Tehran,” chap. 13 in Islamic Philosophy from its Origins to the Present: Philosophy in the Land of Prophecy, Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006). 84 ‘Allāmeh Ṭabāṭabā’ī, The Elements of Islamic Metaphysics [Bidāyat al-Ḥikmah], trans. Sayyid ‘Alī Qūlī Qarā’ī (London: ICAS, 2003); and Muhammad Taqī Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Philosophical Intructions: An Introduction to Contemporary Islamic Philosophy (Binghamton, NY: Global Publications, 1999). 85 Muḥammad ‘Alī Sabzvārī, Tuḥfah yi-‘Abbāsī: The Golden Chain of Sufism in Shī’ite Islam, trans. Mohammad Hassan Faghfoory (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2008); and ‘Allāmeh Ṭabāṭabā’ī, Kernel of the Kernel: Concerning the Wayfaring and Spiritual Journey of the People of Intellect, trans. Mohammad Hassan Faghfoory (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003). 86 Peter J. Chelkowski, Ta’ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran (New York University Press, 1979). 87 Peter J. Chelkowski, Eternal Performance: Ta’ziyeh and other Shi’ite Rituals (New York: Seagull, 2010). 88 Jamshid Malekpour, The Islamic Drama (Londong: Frank Crass, 2003). 89 Mahmoud Ayoub, Redemptive Suffering in Islām: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of ‘Āshūrā’ in Twelver Shī’ism (The Hague: Mouton, 1978). 90 In this regard Gustav Thaiss’s essay, “Religious Symbolism and Social Change: The Drama of Husain,” in Nikki R. Keddie. Scholars, saints, and sufis: Muslim religious institutions in the Middle East since 1500 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1972), 349–66 is particularly relevant. Published almost a decade before the Iranian Revolution, the anthropological fieldwork of the author was alerting the scholarship to the changing tide and the powerful role the Shīʻite religious symbolism was to play in the political discourse of the ‘ulamā’ such as Taleghani. See 358ff. 91 Vernon James Schubel, Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’i Devotional Rituals in South Asia (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1993). 92 David Pinault, Horse of Karbala: Muslim Devotional Life in India (New York: Palgrave, 2001). Also see his “Shia Lamentation Rituals and Reinterpretations of the Doctrine of Intercession: Two Cases from Modern India” History of Religions 38:3 (February 1999): 285–305. 93 Toby M. Howarth, Twelver Shiʻa as a Muslim Minority in India: Pulpit of Tears (New York: Routledge, 2005). 94 Syed Akbar Hyder, Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies  95 Karen Ruffle, Gender, Sainthood, & Everyday Practice in South Asian Shi’ism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011).  96 Kamran Scot Aghaie, The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi’i Symbols and Rituals in Modern Iran (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004).  97 Lara Deeb, An Enchanted Modern: Gender and Public Piety in Shi’i Lebanon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).  98 Yitzhak Nakash, The Shi’is of Iraq (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).  99 M Ismail Marcinkowski, Religion and Politics in Iraq: Muslim Shia Clerics Between Quietism and Resistance (Singapore: Pustaka Nasional, 2004). 100 Stefan Winter, The Shiites of Lebanon under Ottoman Rule, 1516–1788 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 101 Fouad Ajami and Tamara Chalabi, The Shi’is of Jabal ‘Amil and the New Lebanon: Community and Nation-State, 1918–1943 (Gordonsville: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 102 Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr, Shi’ite Lebanon: Transnational Religion and the Making of National Identities (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008). 103 John Norman Hollister, The Shiʻa of India (London: Luzac, 1953). 104 Ibid., 164. 105 Ibid., 166. 106 “Although the Shi’a were influential at the Mogul court in the 16th and 17th centuries and enjoyed adherents among the rulers of the Deccan Muslim kingdoms which appeared in the 14th and 15th centuries, their contribution to the medieval Muslim thought in India has not been considered sufficiently distinctive to the social and political overtones to be included in the readings. Furthermore although the Ismā’īlī and the Qaramatians infiltrated into India, they were suppressed by Muslim governments under Sunni influence and have not, so far as has been ascertained, left to posterity any direct evidence of their thoughts in India.” Peter Hardy, “The Foundations of Medieval Islam,” in William Theodore De Bary, Sources of Indian Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 377. As later scholarly findings will reveal, Hardy’s conclusions on both fronts were mistaken. 107 For Sunni-Shī’ite polemical arguments one may also note the important contribution of Asma Afsaruddin, Excellence and Precedence: Medieval Islamic Discourse on Legitimate Leadership (Boston: Brill, 2002); and Farouk Mitha Al-Ghazali and the Ismailis: A Debate on Reason and Authority in Medieval Islam (London: IB Tauris in association with the Insitute of Ismaili Studies, 2001). 108 Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A Socio-intellectual History of the Isnā ‘Asharī Shī’īs in India, 2 vols. (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers/Canberra, Australia: Ma’rifat Publishing House, 1986). 109 Important works in this regard have already been noted above. 110 Justin Jones, Shi’a Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community, and Sectarianism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012). It is in view of absence of studies on the intellectual history of South Asian Shi’i Islam, especially the religious scholars, that the present author chose the important contemporary scholar, theologian, and preacher Ayatullah ‘Ali Naqvi for his doctorate thesis. See Syed Rizwan Zamir, “Rethinking, Reconfiguring, and Popularizing Islamic Tradition: Religious Thought of a Twentieth Century Shi’i Scholar (‘Ālim)” (PhD dissertation, University of Virginia, 2011). 111 Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007). 112 Muhammad Qasim Zaman, “Sectarianism in Pakistan: The Radicalization of Shi`i and Sunni Identities” Modern Asian Studies 32:3 (1998): 689–716.

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Shī‘ite Islam 113 “Connecting Shi’ism: Isna ‘Ashari and Isma’ili Shi’ism in Modern South Asia.” Accessed February 29, 2012, http://backdoorbroadcasting.net/2011/09/ contesting-shiism-isna-ashari-and-ismaili-shiism-in-modern-south-asia/. 114 Alessandro Monsutti, Silvia Naef, and Farian Sabahi, The Other Shiites: From the Mediterranean to Central Asia (New York: Peter Lang, 2007). 115 Liyakat Nathani Takim, Shi’ism in America (New York: New York University Press, 2009). 116 William G. Millward, “Aspects of Modernism in Shi’a Islam,” Studia Islamica 37 (1973): 111–28. 117 Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Traditional Islam in the Modern World (London: Kegan Paul International, 1987), 60. 118 This is of course not to say that aspects of religious developments within the Shiʻite world remained unnoticed. Studies such as Seyyed Hossein Nasr, “Ithnā ‘Ashari Shi’ism and Iranian Islarn” in Religion in the Middle East, ed. A. J. Arberry, vol. 2 (London: Cambridge University Press 1969); Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Iran 1785–1906 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969); A. K. S. Lambton, “A Reconsideration of the Marja’ al-Taqlid and the Religious Institution,” Studia Islamica 20 (1964): 115–35 had begun to alert scholarly circles to the specificity of the Shiʻite case. 119 John Donohue and John Esposito, Islam in Transition: Muslim Perspectives (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982). 120 Charles Kurzman, Modernist Islam, 1840–1940: A Sourcebook (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002) and Charles Kurzman, Liberal Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998). 121 Hamid Algar (trans.), Islam and Revolution (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1981). 122 Originally delivered as lectures in the summer of 1979, the work was revised in 2001. See Hamid Algar, Roots of the Islamic Revolution (London, Open Press, 1983). 123 Michael M. J. Fischer, Iran: From Religious Dispute to Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 4. 124 Nikki Keddie, Religion and Politics in Iran: Shi’ism from Quietism to Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983). 125 Keddie and Yann Richard, Roots of Revolution: an Interpretative History of Modern Iran (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981). 126 Roy Mottahedeh, The Mantle of the Prophet: Religion and Politics in Iran (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985). 127 See ‘Alī Raḥnamā, Pioneers of Islamic Revival (London: Zed Books, 1994); essay by Abdulaziz Sachedina, “Ali Shariati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution” in Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. John L. Esposito (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983). 128 Mehran Kamrava, “Iranian Shi’ism at the Gates of Historic Change” 58–81 in Innovations in Islam, Mehran Kamrava (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011). 129 Rainer Brunner, Twelver Shiʻism in the Modern Period: Religious Culture & Political History (Boston: Brill, 2001). 130 Nasr, et al., Expectation of the Millenium. 131 Lloyd Ridgeon, Religion and Politics in Modern Iran: A Reader (New York: IB Tauris, 2005). 132 Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought: The Response of the Shi’i and Sunni Muslims to the Twentieth Century (London: Macmillan, 1982). 133 Rainer Brunner, Islamic Ecumenism in the 20th Century: the Azhar and Shiism Between Rapprochment and Restraint (Boston: Brill, 2004); Ofra Bengio and Meir Litvak (eds), The Sunna and Shi’a in History: Division and Ecumenism in the Muslim Middle East (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). In examining the history of the contemporary polemics between the two communities, the figure of Ibn Taymiyya has

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also surfaced in recent studies. See Aḥmad ibn ‘Abd al-Ḥalīm ibn Taymīyah, “The Polemic against the Shi’a” in A Muslim Theologian’s Response to Christianity, Thomas F. Michel (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1999); and Yossef Rapoport and Shahab Ahmed (eds), Ibn Taymiyya and His Times (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010). The Sunni-Shia rift has led many Muslim scholars to address the problem from various perspectives and a comprehensive study of these trends and the arguments made is timely. See, for example, Ahmad Zaqāqī, al-Taqrīb bayna al-Shī’ah wa ahl al-Sunnah (Amman: Jadārā lil-Kitāb al-‘Ālamī, 2008). Similarly, in the South Asian context, the works examining the polemics should be counterbalanced with those of reconciliatory tone. This is to redress the prevalent one-sided perception among observers that the differences are irreconcilable or that nothing has been done from either side to overcome the split. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, “Shi’ism and Sufism: The Relationship in Essence and in History” in Sufi Essays, Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1972). Paul Loft and Colin Turner (eds), Shi’ism, Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies, 4 vols. (London: Routledge, 2008); and Etan Kohlberg (ed.), Shi’ism, Formation of the Classical Islamic World (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003). Richard Nelson Frye, Ilya Gershevitch, William Bayne Fisher, and Iḥsān Yāršātir. The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4–7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968–91); and Edward Granville Browne, A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge: The University Press, 1929). Hossein Modarressi Ṭabāṭabā’ī, Tradition and Survival: A Bibliographical Survey of Early Shī’ite Literature (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003). Special mention must be made of the Muhammadi Trust that has published important works on Shi’ism. See, for example, Zayn al-‘Ābidīn ‘Alī ibn al-Ḥusayn, The Psalms of Islam, trans. William Chittick (London: Muhammadi Trust, 1988); and Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muḥammad al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Kitāb al-Irshād: The Book of Guidance into Lives of the Twelve Imams (London: Balagha Books, in conjunction with the Muhammadi trust, 1981). ICAS Press, Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies, www.islamic-college.ac.uk/research/JSIS. html.

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6

Salafi Islam: The Study of Contemporary ReligiousPolitical Movements William Shepard

“Salafi (or Salafist) Islam” refers to certain tendencies and movements within Sunni Islam that put a particularly strong emphasis on the authority of the Qur’ān, the Sunna of the Prophet, and the earliest generations of Muslims, al-salaf al-ṣāliḥ (the righteous forebears). They likewise emphasize the rejection of “innovations” (bida’, sing. bid’a) not sanctioned by these sources of authority. Through most of Islamic history these tendencies comprised a minority of the Muslim umma, though a significant one, but since the late nineteenth century they have become more prominent as there have been a number of movements labeling themselves Salafi or are so labeled by others. They still comprise a minority but probably a larger minority than in earlier centuries. I shall use the term Salafism for the phenomenon in general and its associated beliefs and ideologies, and Salafi(s) for the adjective or the individual adherents. The Arabic word salafiyya, where used, refers to the Salafis collectively.1 Salafism is very widespread today and has many variants. This chapter focuses on the best-known examples, primarily in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and discusses those that illustrate the various ideological possibilities within the broader category of Salafism. It is common to distinguish two kinds of Salafism, which are quite different in many ways. One may be called “modernist” Salafism, or some would say “enlightened” Salafism. This form was most prominent in the later nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries and is associated with such figures as Muhammad ‘Abduh, but it continues to the present. Most Western discussions of Salafism until the last decade or so have dealt with this form. The other form may be called “conservative” or “text-oriented” Salafism.2 This was the form of Salafism before the mid-nineteenth century and variants of it have become prominent since the mid-twentieth century, mostly connected with Saudi Arabia. In relation to politics this form varies from quietist to revolutionary or “terrorist” and has received Western media attention in recent years.3 Precisely because of the prominence and strength of conservative Salafism, the word Salafi has become a highly charged term. It enshrines a strong claim to authenticity and is commonly used as a label by its adherents, while also 163

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having positive connotations for most Muslims. Among detractors, on the other hand, it can be a term of abuse, with the force of words like “literalist,” “fundamentalist,” or “puritanical.”4 It will be useful at this point to briefly situate Salafism in relation to two other highly charged terms with which it is sometimes confused, Wahhabism and Islamism. Wahhabism is the particular form of Salafism that began in Arabia in the eighteenth century and continues as the official doctrine of Saudi Arabia. All Wahhabis are Salafis but not all Salafis are Wahhabis. Islamism and Salafism are overlapping categories. Islamism is by definition politically active; Salafism may be politically active or not, and in the latter case Salafis reject Islamism. Salafis also tend to be stricter on matters of belief and ritual than Islamists. Islamists may be either Sunni or Shi’i while Salafis are, with few exceptions, Sunnis. Who were the salaf? Many Salafis today define the salaf as the first three generations of Muslims from the time of the Prophet, who are seen as the truest interpreters and representatives of Islam. This is supported by the well-known ḥadīth: “The best of my community are my generation, then those who come after them and then those who follow them.”5 The term “generation” here is understood to refer not to a period of 20 to 30 years but to a period of about 80 years, so that the period of the salaf ends about the time of the death of Ibn Ḥanbal in 241 Hijri (855 CE). Many Salafis, however, are less precise and include later people while others restrict it to the Prophet’s generation. The rejection of bid’a is one of the defining characteristics of Salafism, but Salafis are diverse in what they include under this heading. Generally they agree that traditional customs deriving from pre-Islamic practice and from Sufi practice, such as the veneration of Sufi walis and visiting their tombs, are bid’a. The same is true of the distinctive Shi’i practices, and conservative Salafis are generally strongly anti-Shī‘a. Many practices derived from the modern West are also included, especially those related to sex and gender. Some conservative Salafis insist on forms of dress, for men and women, believed to have been worn by the Prophets and his Companions and on particular details of ritual practice. Differences in details on such matters can result in considerable contention among Salafis. Much of modern technology, however, is accepted and indeed the internet is now an important medium of communication for Salafis. A particular interpretation of tawḥīd is central to many forms of Salafism, especially conservative Salafism. Tawḥīd of Lordship (rubūbiyya) refers to certain powers that God has as Lord of creation that must not be ascribed to any other being. Tawḥīd of Godship (ulūhiyya) means that all worship must be directed to God. Much of what is called bid’a is seen as involving “worship” of created beings and is thus shirk and an indication of kufr. Therefore some Salafis declare those who differ from them to be kāfirs, a practice known as takfīr. Where the kufr is considered to be major this can have serious personal 164

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and political implications. Related to these ideas is the concept and practice of al-walā’ wa-l-barā’ (loyalty and disassociation), that one should limit one’s friendship and loyalty to those considered Muslims and dissociate oneself from others. This is interpreted with varying degrees of strictness and could could have political implications. Action to avoid bid’a and kufr is called “purification of belief and method” (taṣfiyat al’aqīda wa-l-manhaj). For many Salafis, both modernist and conservative, “worship” of created beings includes practicing taqlīd within a madhhab of fiqh, that is, accepting judgments of human scholars as authoritative rather than going back to the divine sources or as close to them as possible. This means that absolute ijtihād must be practiced by all ‘ulamā’ and ordinary believers either do so too or, more likely, follow a teacher they know well. This understanding of ijtihād can encourage, or fit with, a certain sort of individualism. It can also encourage divisive tendencies. This has also led to tension between those Salafis who reject adherence to a madhhab, and the Saudi ‘ulamā’, who adhere to the Ḥanbali madhhab. Some modernist Salafis also reject the madhhabs, although many modernists use the words taqlīd and (absolute) ijtihād in the more general sense of “traditionalism” and “individual interpretation” rather than in the technical fiqh sense.

Salafism before the Modern Period The term Salafi for a long time referred to a theological (kalām), or more precisely anti-theological, school or tendency rather than a legal school (madhhab in fiqh) or a social movement. It may be said to have begun at the point where the period of the salaf ended, with the career of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal. The early Muslim thinkers were divided into the ahl al-ra’y (people of opinion) and the ahl al-ḥadīth (people of ḥadīth). The former made considerable use of their own reasoning in their theological positions and legal decisions; the Mu’tazilah were among this group. The latter insisted on adhering closely to the plain meaning of the Qur’ān and relying on the ḥadiths of the Prophet rather than fallible human reason to go further. Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal was the most prominent of the latter and went to prison rather than accept the Mu’tazili view that the Qur’ān was created. His view of the “physical” attributes of God (e.g. God’s arm, God’s sitting on the throne) illustrates his approach. Where others took these as metaphors, he insisted that we must accept just what the Qur’ān says, without speculating about them (bilā kayf, without [asking] how). The Ḥanbali madhhab of fiqh, which derives from him, seeks to stay as close as possible in its interpretations to letter of the Qur’ān and Sunna, making minimal use of rational devices such as analogy. Although this madhhab is largely limited to Saudi Arabia today, at times and places it was quite strong and represented the popular masses over against the elite. 165

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Ibn Taymiyya The greatest of the later Salafis was Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1378). He was a highly respected teacher of Ḥanbali fiqh who had a considerable popular following but was often in conflict with the other ‘ulamā’ and with the Sufi shaykhs. He was often imprisoned and finally died in prison. He was frequently protected by the rulers although he often gave them unwelcome advice. Among other things, he urged a ruler to fight the Mongols, even though they had converted to Islam by that time, on the grounds that they did not govern by the Shari’a and therefore were really still kāfirs. While he attacked many Sufi practices he accepted a moderate Sufism and was in fact affiliated to a Sufi ṭarīqa. In fiqh he held strictly to the Qur’ān, Sunna, and the ijmā’ of the salaf, but rejected later ijmā’ and held that one must practice ijtihād with primary attention to the welfare of the community (maṣlāḥa). He criticized the philosophers and wrote a long book critiquing formal logic. In theology he largely held to the views of Ibn Ḥanbal. His position on the attributes of God got him into trouble. He states it in the following terms: As for the salafiyya … The way of the salaf is to interpret literally the Qur’anic verses and hadiths that relate to the divine attributes, and without indicating modality (kayfiyya) and without attributing to Him anthropomorphic qualities (tashbīh). So that one is not to state that the meaning of “hand” is power or that of “hearing” is knowledge.6 As this passage shows, he qualifies as a Salafi, but it is unlikely that he would have taken that term as the primary label for himself.

Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab and his followers One of Ibn Taymiyya’s admirers was Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab (1703– 92), also a Ḥanbalī, who founded what is commonly referred to as the Wahhabi movement. Invoking the authority of the salaf he developed the extreme interpretation of tawḥīd described above that rejected many tribal and popular customs and most Sufi practices, especially the veneration of holy people and the visitation of their tombs. He effectively viewed the people of his time and place as living a life of jāhiliyya rather than Islam. (It should be pointed out that his followers call themselves muwaḥḥidūn, that is, monotheists, not Wahhabis, as this would imply that they “worship” Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab. Unfortunately, in a chapter such as this it is impossible to avoid using the term Wahhabi.) In principle he rejected the obligation of taqlīd in a madhhab and affirmed the right and duty of ijtihād, but in practice he largely followed the Ḥanbalī madhhab. 166

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He took his challenge against the existing powers much further than Ibn Taymiyya did. In 1744 he made an alliance with a local chief in central Arabia, Muhammad ibn Sa’ud, who undertook to rule by the Shari’a as Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab interpreted it. In the service of this creed he and his successors conquered a large area in central Arabia and the Gulf area, extending their sway to Mecca in 1803. On the grounds that they were sites of idolatrous worship, the Wahhabis destroyed many tombs of the Companions of the Prophet and Sufi walīs and forbade celebrations of their mawlids (“birthdays”) as well as that of the Prophet Muhammad. They also sacked the shrines of Shi’i Imāms when they raided southern Iraq in 1802. All of this was too much of a threat and a challenge to the Ottoman rulers, whose governor of Egypt, Muhammad ‘Ali, defeated the Sa’udis in 1818 and terminated their first state. The movement continued for a century out of the limelight until the beginning of the twentieth century, when it was to play an increasingly important role in the Salafi movement. There were a number of other reformers and reform movements in the following years that had similar concerns but were not so extreme and it is hard to assess the immediate influence of the Wahhabis on them. The Moroccan sultan in Morocco, Mulay Suleyman (1792–1822), found in the Wahhabis encouragement for his own opposition to Sufi practices. There were reformist ṭarīqas such as the Sanusiyya in Libya and Tijaniyya in Morocco that wanted to limit the more extreme practices. Movements in India and Indonesia will be mentioned below.

Modernist Salafism By the late nineteenth century the impact of Western imperialism, both in its threat and its promise, had reached the point where a number of Muslim thinkers saw the need for serious reform. For Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab the problem had been religious and moral decline and the answer was to return to the Truth, both in belief and practice. The later reformers were also concerned about religious and moral decline but at least equally urgent was their concern with Western imperialism. Why had the West become stronger than the Muslims, both technologically and culturally, when for so many centuries the reverse had been the case? What was to be done about it? For an answer many turned to the basic Salafi position, but extended it in ways different from the Wahhabis. True Islam was indeed to be found in the beliefs and practices of the salaf, and many later bida’ needed to be pared away. But the purpose of this was not so much to get closer to the lifestyle of the salaf as to make way for new and more rational practices that would still be consistent with the Qur’ān and the Sunna once these were properly interpreted. This they saw as possible because they saw the 167

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Qur’ān and the true Sunna as essentially rational and able to be interpreted in accordance with reason and the welfare of society (maṣlaḥa, a principle in classical fiqh that gets a very broad interpretation in modernist usage). While the conservative Salafis usually accept all the ḥadīths in the major collections, such as al-Bukhari, modernist Salafis are critical and reject ḥadīths that contravene reason. Where the Qur’ān and Sunna do not speak, we are free to use unfettered reason and where they do speak they must be interpreted to accord with reason. Thus ijtihād has much wider scope among modernists than among others. In fact, in concrete situations “reason” and “public interest” have usually involved copying some Western idea or practice, a fact of which the conservatives were well aware. Still, the modernists seriously sought to ground their borrowings in Salafi Islam and thus gained an authenticity that the secularists, who did not make this effort, could not claim. Their approach is well illustrated in the following statement of purpose by Muhammad Abduh, one of their leading figures: To liberate thought from the shackles of taqlīd, and understand religion as it was understood by the salaf of the umma before dissension appeared; to go back to the earliest sources the acquiring religious knowledge, and to weigh them in the scales of human reason, which God has created to prevent excess and minimize error and rashness in religion. Thus His wisdom may be fulfilled in preserving the order of the human world and religion may be counted a friend of science, encouraging us to investigate the secrets of existence and demanding that we respect proven facts and rely on them in our moral life and conduct.7

Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani” ‘Abduh and his sometime mentor Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani” (1838–97) are the two best-known modernist Salafis. Jamal al-Din was known as “al-Afghani” in the Sunni world but was in fact of Iranian Shi’i origin and is known as Asadabadi in Iran. He was a charismatic agitator who traveled through the Muslim world and beyond, seeking to raise the consciousness of Muslims about their condition, to encourage greater unity of the umma, and to find a ruler who would put his ideas into practice. His activities more than once got him expelled from countries; he was involved in the Tobacco Protest in Iran (1891–2) and possibly involved in the assassination of the shah in 1896. He was strongly opposed to British imperialism and played an important role in teaching Muslims to think of the West as a dangerous enemy. At the same time he urged them to adopt modern science and other Western practices. Not surprisingly, he downplayed 168

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the differences between Sunnis and Shi’is. The important thing about the salaf was that Muslims were strong at that time, and they could be strong again if only they could eliminate the bida’ that made them weak and recapture the spirit of that early period. Jamal al-Din was not a systematic thinker. While he wrote a strongly worded treatise against “materialism” there is reason to believe that personal beliefs were far from orthodox and that his passion was not for Islam as a religion but for Muslims as a human community.8 Religion was seen a necessary support for social order. There is material in his writings to support most of the diverse ideologies that arose in the Muslim world in the century after his death.

Muhammad ‘Abduh and others Muhammad ‘Abduh (1842–1905) was an Egyptian who became a disciple of al-Afghani when the latter was in Egypt in the 1870s. He was exiled after the ‘Urabi revolt (1882), which he had supported, and for a time was in Paris and produced with al-Afghani a short-lived but influential journal called Al-Urwa al-Wuthqa. Later he separated from al-Afghani and returned to Egypt and made his peace with its rulers and their British overlords. He had come to the conclusion that political agitation was premature and that Egypt needed a period of education and British tutelage before it could become independent. He became a judge and a member of the Legislative Council and of the administrative council of al-Azhar. He sought with limited success to make administrative reforms. Later he became Mufti of Egypt and sought to make reforms in the Shari’a courts. As we have seen, he emphasized the rationality of Islam, which goes beyond reason at some points, but never contradicts it. Thus he opposed taqlīd and called for and practiced absolute ijtihād. As Mufti of Egypt he had to follow the official Ḥanafī madhhab when he gave fatwas for the government but when he gave fatwas for individuals he could be freer. Among these fatwas were ones permitting Muslims to wear European hats, to eat meat slaughtered by Jews or Christians and to accept bank interest. In other writings (again like many others) he tended to identify concepts such as shūrā and ijmā’ with presumed Western counterparts such as parliament and public opinion. He was cautiously critical of ḥadīth, arguing that only mutawātir ḥadīths (those with more than one line of sound transmission) must be followed and that no one had to follow a ḥadīth that he or she did not consider authentic. He was likewise cautious on the subject of Sufism, arguing that no one had to accept the claimed miracles of a walī (a radical view given that many held that to reject the claims of walīs was tantamount to kufr).9 On contentious issues of theology, such as the divine attributes, qadar, and the vision of God, he tended to take mediating positions and to refrain from trying to penetrate into the divine mysteries. He 169

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was opposed to takfir of those who claimed to be Muslims. For him the idea of the salaf was flexible and he includes figures such as al-Ash’arī and al-Ghazālī among the salaf.10 We should also make note of a number of modernist reformers active in Syria, especially Damascus, who had some contact with ‘Abduh and, like him, emphasized the rationality of Islam, called for ijtihād, criticized taqlīd to the madhhabs, and claimed to follow the way of the salaf. The most important were Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (1866–1914) and Tahir al-Jaza’iri (1852–1920).11 Muhammad ‘Abduh’s views were immensely influential throughout the Muslim world and I think it is fair to say that they have become “standard” views in many circles down to the present, although they are not usually labeled Salafi today. There was a considerable element of patriotism included within the Salafism of al-Afghani and ‘Abduh, and many of their colleagues and successors became secular nationalists. The most prominent example is Sa’d Zaghlul, a younger colleague of ‘Abduh who led the movement for Egyptian independence from Britain.

Rashid Rida and the “Salafiyya” On the other hand, ‘Abduh’s close disciple and self-proclaimed successor, Rashid Rida (1865–1935), moved in the direction of a conservative Salafism. Born in Syria and influenced by the Syrian Salafis and by the Ḥanbalī tradition and legacy of Ibn Taymiyya that was still alive there, he met ‘Abduh in 1894 and became his disciple. Soon afterwards he moved to Cairo, where through the journal Al-Manar and in other ways he sought to propagate ‘Abduh’s ideas. He was more polemical than ‘Abduh and more rigid in his thinking. Where al-Afghani stressed the dynamism of early Islam and ‘Abduh stressed its rationalism, Rida wanted to apply the model of the salaf as precisely as possible. He was more strongly opposed to Sufi practices and very critical of Shi’is, though he urged unity between Sunnis and Shi’is. His basic concerns were Muslim activism (jihad in the broadest sense), unity of the umma (at least moral if not political), and truth, the true Islam that had been taught by the salaf, which for him meant only the first generation of Muslims. Ijtihād was required and, as with ‘Abduh, there could not be a fixed ijmā’ in social matters. Ijmā’ for him became a deliberate process that could be organized, as in a parliament, rather than an ex post facto recognition of a consensus, as it was traditionally. He did not reject the madhhabs but hoped for their gradual approximation and amalgamation. While he recognized the need to adopt many Western practices, it has been suggested that for him more than other modernists this was a matter of necessity rather than attractiveness.12 In the face of the growing secularism of the early twentieth century he welcomed and supported the Wahhabi 170

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movement of Ibn Sa’ud and the creation of the Kingdom of Sa’udi Arabia. He took part in the debate triggered by the Turkish move to abolish the caliphate. In a book, Al-Khilāfa aw al-Imāma al-‘Uẓmā, he presented the ideal of a true caliph over the whole umma who would be chosen indirectly by the whole umma and would be head of state and chief mujtahid, although the extent of his material power is not clear. It must be noted that while al-Afghani and ‘Abduh refered to the salaf and have been called Salafi, they did not themselves adopt Salafi as a label for their thinking in general. The use of the words salafī and salafiyya to denote a movement for reform and renewal, as opposed to just a theological position, apparently dates only from the 1920s. The key factor in this appears to be a bookshop called Al-Maktaba al-Salafiyya (The Salafi Bookshop), opened in Cairo in 1909 by two Syrian émigrés who had been influenced by the Syrian Salafis (the mentor of one of them was Tahir al-Jaza’iri and it is claimed that he suggested the name for the bookshop). They were interested in reform and sold a range of classical and contemporary books illustrating the dynamism and rationality of Islam. In 1912 they went into business with Rashid Rida, and in 1917–19 published an influential journal, Al-Majalla al-Salafiyya. In 1920 the enterprise took the name Al-Matba‘a al Salafiyya wa-Maktabatuhā (Salafi Press and Bookstore), and made salafiyya a well-known term among readers of Arabic. Like Rida, the owners became supporters of the Sa’udis and in 1928 established a branch in Mecca, publishing Ḥanbalī and pro-Wahhabi works. It also came to the attention of European orientalists such as Louis Massignon, who linked the term salafiyya to al-Al-Afghani, ‘Abduh, and other reformers. All of this conduced to popularizing this use of the term, though not necessarily to historical or conceptual accuracy. It is probably only from this time that the word salafiyya can be translated as “Salafism.”13 I do not know whether Rida himself used the term in this way but the fact that he was active during this period may be the reason his name is often particularly associated with the Salafi movement.

Activist and Conservative Salafis in Egypt It was partly under the inspiration of Rida’s Salafism that the much more activist and popular organization of the Muslim Brothers (al-ikhwān al-muslimūn) was founded. The founder of the Brothers, Hasan al-Banna (1906–49), was an avid reader of Al-Manār and knew both Rida and the proprietor of the Salafi Bookshop. Whereas Rida dealt mainly in ideas, however, al-Banna wanted to change the world as well as understand it. He founded the Brothers as a social organization in 1928, and it developed a political program in the 1930s, coming very close to political power in the late 1940s and early 1950s. It called for an Islamic Order (niẓām islāmī) in which society would be governed by the Shari‘a. 171

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While it mainly sought to pressure existing governments it did not rule out revolution and it had a secret wing that was accused of assassinations. It was suppressed in 1954 and partly rehabilitated about 1970, at which time its main body renounced violence and sought to work within the existing political system. Hasan al-Banna described the Brothers as “a Salafi message, a Sunni way, a Sufi truth, a political organization, an athletic group, a scientific and cultural link, an economic enterprise and a social idea.”14 As this suggests, the Brothers accept basic Salafi ideas but their political emphasis and the flexibility this requires, along with their other interests, distinguish and often separate them from most Salafis today. In recent decades they have been willing to cooperate with secularist parties in order to participate in the political process the revolutionary ideas of the radical Brother, Sayyid Qutb (1906–66), have influenced the more activist variants of contemporary Salafism although many Salafis criticize his concept of ḥākimiyya (rulership of God) as bid’a since it does not appear in the Qur’ān and many strongly reject what they and others call “Qutbism.”15 Groups such as the Egyptian Jama‘a al-Islamiyya and Tanzim al-Jihad, which claim Qutb’s legacy, were responsible for much violence in the 1990s. The Tanzim are clearly Jihadi Salafis, discussed below, while much of the Jama‘a’s activity comes under the category of hisba (“commanding the good and forbidding the evil”, in their case often by force) and their Salafism is mainly of the muḥtasib type, also mentioned below. 16Their leaders renounced violence in 2003, while the leader and many of the members of Tanzim joined with Bin Laden in 1998. Strict but non-political Salafism in Egypt has often been in contact with Saudi groups and has long been represented by al-Jam‘iyya al-Shar‘iyya, founded in 1912 and by Anṣār al-Sunna al-Muḥammadiya founded in 192617, In the late 1970s al-Da‘wa al-Salafiyya, along with some others, split from Jama‘a Islamiyya. It was strictly non-political until the demonstrations of 2011, when it formed al-Nur political party and contested the parliamentary election allied with two smaller Salafi parties. They gained 25 percent of the vote, while the party associated with the Muslim Brothers gained 40 percent and later the presidency. Political power will present interesting challenges to Salafism in Egypt.

Conservative Salafism in Recent Decades: The Saudi Connection The revival, or at least rise to prominence, of conservative Salafism has been particularly associated with Saudi Arabia. Although the first Sa’udi state was destroyed in 1818, the dynasty continued to exist under more modest circumstances until, in 1902, its leader, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman Al-Sa’ud, commonly known as Ibn Sa’ud, began a campaign of conquest that finally resulted in the founding of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932, covering most of the Arabian peninsula. The Saudi experience with modernity and the West 172

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has been quite different from that of most of the Muslim world. The transition from a traditional to a technological society was far more abrupt than in most places and was intensified by the oil wealth that soon followed. On the other hand, the West never posed the material threat to the Saudis that it has posed to others. While Ibn Sa’ud had to take account of British power and limit the expansion of his kingdom, thus prompting a rebellion by his more extreme followers, known as the Ikhwan, no Western power ever ruled over his territory and oil soon gave the Saudis economic power that put them on a reasonably level playing field with Western countries. It also allowed them to fund a considerable effort to spread their understanding of Islam throughout the Muslim world. There was therefore less reason for the fear of the West that fired people such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani. Moveover, during the Cold War, the Saudis found it in their interest to support the “free world” against communism and the “radical” regimes in the Arab world such as that of Abdel Nasser. The result was a comparatively cozy relation between the Saudi rulers and Western leaders. In 1991 in the face of the Iraq threat, it is understandable that the Saudi rulers were willing to trust the Americans and call on their troop for protection. On the other hand, there is the perceived threat of moral and religious corruption from the West and the perception of Westerns as kāfirs, even greater for people of the Wahhabi tradition than for most Muslims. Thus lavish lifestyles and cooperation with the West have led many to question the policies and sincerity of their leaders. These factors have led to tension and some strife over the years. They have also set the scene for several Salafi movements. We may discern several types of conservative Salafism. We may speak of “establishment” Salafism, that which is associated with the government. Groups that are strict but avoid politics and violence, usually to avoid fitna (dissention), may be called “quietist” or “purist.” Groups that participate in the political process nonviolently may be called “political.” Groups that engage in violence to enforce what they see as Islamic moral standards may be called “muḥtasib” (from ḥisba, a kind of moral policing; some would say vigilantism) Those that are violent or revolutionary are commonly called “jihadi.”18

Establishment Salafism The mainstream of Saudi ‘ulamā’ is “establishment.” Their position reflects the alliance made between Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab and Muhammad ibn Sa’ud in the eighteenth century. They have considerable social and political influence as advisors to the rulers and guardians of social morality, but advice to the rulers is usually given discreetly and behind the scenes and fatwas are given in favor of the rulers’ actions, even the more controversial ones, such as inviting in America troops in 1991. This is in fact the approach to government usually 173

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called for by the classical Sunni thinkers, including Ibn Taymiyya (except that his advice was not always discreet). The leading ‘ulamā’ are drawn from the descendants of Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, who are known as Āl al-Shaykh. They follow the Ḥanbalī madhhab and are said, by their detractors at least, to practice undue taqlīd within this tradition. A challenge to this establishment has been presented by a “political” form of Salafism known as al-ṣaḥwa al-islāmiyya. In the 1950s and 1960s many Muslim Brothers from Egypt and elsewhere took refuge in Saudi Arabia from persecution and gained an important role in education and the media. Their ideas influenced many university students and the ṣaḥwa gained considerable momentum on campuses in the 1970s and 1980s as they worked for political reform in nonviolent ways and without challenging the legitimacy of the monarchy. They are sometimes called ḥarakīs (activists). They are also present in Yemen and Kuwait; in the latter they are sometimes called al-salafiyya al-tanẓīmyya (organized Salafism) since they advocate organizing for political purposes. They also spearheaded the organized opposition movement that was triggered by the 1991 Gulf War and that involved open petitions for reform sent to the government. The war also opened the way for many of the lower level ‘ulamā’ to openly criticize the government and issue contradictory fatwas. Some of these shaykhs were arrested and this led to mass demonstrations for their release. A more positive response occurred in 2003 when the king supported a “National Dialogue” consisting of public discussions of sensitive issues and with the introduction of municipal elections in 2005. Both the ṣaḥwa and more radical groups were strengthened by the return of mujāhidīn from Afghanistan in the 1980s.

Nonestablishment quietism A quietist but challenging form of Salafism is represented particularly by Muhammad Nasir al-Din Albani (1914–99). Albani was born in Albania but moved as a child to Syria where he was exposed to modernist Salafism by reading al-Manar and attending the majlis of a student of the Syrian reformer Jamal al-Din Qasimi. From them he learned to oppose Sufi and other popular practices as well taqlīd in a madhhab. He rejected, however, their use of reason in fiqh and ḥadīth criticism. He focused on the study of ḥadīth and became well-known for his knowledge in this area. This included critical study of the whole corpus of ḥadīth and questioning some generally accepted ḥadīths, but he mainly examined the sanads (chains of transmitters) and did not criticize the matns (body of the ḥadīth) on rational grounds. His fiqh decisions were based directly on his interpretation of the ḥadīths without attention to ijmā’, and this led him to some unconventional positions mentioned below. He was invited to teach in Saudi Arabia in 1960 at the behest of one of the leading ‘ulamā’, Ibn Baz, where he 174

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became very popular but also controversial and was forced to leave in 1963, although his views remained influential. He eventually settled in Jordan where also he became influential. In later years he visited Saudi Arabia and was honored by the establishment. He challenged the establishment ‘ulamā’ by criticizing them and even Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, for adhering to the Ḥanbalī madhhab. He regarded the Saudi rulers as illegitimate because they were not descended from the Quraysh. At the same time, however, the ruler’s failure to govern according to the Shari’a was not a reason for revolt since it is “kufr of action” but not the major “kufr of ‘aqīda (creed)” that would entail takfīr. His focus was on purity of ‘aqīda, which is to be achieved by education. It must never take second place to political considerations, which may result in fitna. He often said, “The good policy is to abandon politics.”19 He even issued a fatwa calling on Muslims to leave Palestine because they could not perform their religious duties properly under Israeli occupation. Other unconventional views included different rules for Salat (including permission to pray with one’s shoes on), the declaration that mihrabs are bid’a, and the opinion that women should not cover their faces. This last provided the occasion for the establishment to force him out. Associated with al-Albani’s teachings but less controversial are Rabi’ alMadkhali and Muhammad Aman al-Jami and their followers. Al-Madkhali and al-Jami taught at the Islamic University in Medina and are accepted by the Wahhabi establishment. Like Albani, they hold to the traditional view that God commands obedience to rulers even if they are unjust and that political involvement is likely to lead to fitna. The proper path is “purification and education.”20 Their Salafism is sometimes described as ‘ilmī, “scholarly” or “scientific.” They criticized the ṣaḥwa and supported the Sa’udi government when it called in American troops in 1991.

An example of Muḥtasib Salafism Paradoxically, the most dramatic and violent event of recent decades also came out of those connected with al-Albani. Around 1965 some students influenced by him formed a group called al-Jama’a al-Salafiyya al-Muhtasiba, among whose activities was the effort to impose by force obedience to religious obligations, so that they represented an example of muḥtasib Salafism mentioned above. They gained approval from Ibn Baz and by 1975 had branches in the major Saudi cities. They had contacts with the Pakistani Ahl-i Hadith (see below) and the Egyptian Anṣār al-Sunna al-Muḥammadiyya. The establishment become concerned by some of their practices, including their refusal to have identity cards or passports as this implied loyalty to something other than God and their following many of Albani’s distinctive interpretations of Salat and other rituals. They too considered allegiance to the Saudi rulers invalid because 175

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he was not descended from the Quraysh but also did not consider members of royal family necessarily kāfir. A meeting with senior ‘ulamā’ in 1977 led to a split in which some returned to government allegiance but most remained as a radical group led by Juhayman al-‘Utaybi (d. 1979), who was of Bedouin stock and whose father had been involved in the Ikhwan revolts in the 1920s, something in which Juhayman took pride. The police soon cracked down on them and Juhayman then spent two years as a fugitive in the desert. During this time he became convinced that the Mahdi was about to appear and that one of his companions was the Mahdi. On the first day of the Hijri year 1400 (November 20, 1979 AD) he and about 300 companions seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca intending to have the Mahdi consecrated there. Because of the presence of the Mahdi, he could do this even though he did not consider the rulers kāfirs. The result was a two week siege in which many, including Juhayman, were killed and a significant blow dealt to Saudi confidence and prestige.21 One who was influenced by al-Albani and was involved in al-Jama’a al-Salafiyya al-Muhtasiba and with Juhayman was Muqbil al-Wadi’i (ca. 1930–2001), a Yemeni who spent many years in Saudi Arabia. He was expelled in 1979 for his connection to Juhayman but he returned to Yemen and set up a teaching institute where he took a quietist position, although he remained critical of Saudi activities for most of the rest of his life.22

Jihadi Salafism An intellectual heir of Juhayman but more properly a jihadi, Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi (1959–) was born in Palestine, moved to Kuwait as a child, and also spent time in Saudi Arabia. In both places he became familiar with the followers and writings of Juhayman, for whom he conceived a respect that he never lost, but he went further than Juhayman in that he declared the Saudi and other Muslim rulers kāfirs and jihad against them therefore legitimate. He interprets the Salafi idea of al-walā’ wa-l-barā’ so as to link it to takfīr, and make it “a revolutionary ideology incumbent on every Muslim.”23 In 1985 he went to Peshawar where be became an ideologue for the “Arab Afghans” and later he went to Jordan where he was imprisoned for his radical activities but continued to write. Al-Maqdisi’s most famous, and infamous, student was Abu Mus’ab al-Zarqawi (1966–2006). After experience in the Afghanistan jihad he joined al-Maqdisi’s group in Jordan and spent time in prison. After his release he returned to Afghanistan and then went to Iraq where he fought the Americans. For some time he rejected the globalism of al-Qaeda, preferring to concentrate on Jordan and Palestine, but in 2004 he swore allegiance to Bin Ladin. He was notable for his indiscriminate violence and his virulent anti-Shī‘ism, and he called for 176

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a strategy that would divide Sunnis and Shi’is in Iraq. Al-Qaeda (at least publicly) rejected his anti-Shī‘ism and al-Maqdisi criticized his activities.24 Al-Qaeda is too well-known to require an overview of its activities in this chapter. We may note, however, that Bin Ladin added to his Salafi views the radical Islamist ideas of Sayyid Qutb and others, and was joined in 2001 by Ayman al-Zawahiri, leader of the Egyptian Tanzim al-Jihad, who was considerably influenced by Qutb. Both Salafi and Qutbist ideas can be seen in a lengthy creed published on the internet, selections from which follow.25 Here are some items that are clearly Salafi, largely expressed in a traditional form: z We believe that God possess lofty names and attributes, which we affirm

z

z

z

z

z

z

as they have been mentioned in the Qur’ān and the authentic Sunna … without resorting to anthropomorphism or asking why.… Faith involves … statements of the heart and the tongue and the actions of the heart and limbs [and] … abandoning the category of actions of the limbs constitutes kufr.… We believe that that the rejectionist (rawāfiḍ) Shī‘a are a group of kāfirs and apostates, and that they consist of the most evil beings under the celestial dome. We are innocent before God of the errors of the wicked Jahmis and Murji’is … of the errors of the Kharijis and their extremism and of the abusers of takfīr who follow in their footsteps in this era.… (Jihadi Salafis are often accused of being Khariji but reject this accusation. Historically the Kharijis opposed the salaf.26) In matters of qadar we believe in the middle way between the Jabris and the Qadaris. Our actions and our will are created, and man is an agent endowed with choice, possessing desire and will, and he is truly the agent of his actions. We believe that the best people in terms of good deeds after the century of the Prophet are the Followers (tābi’ūn) of the second and third centuries. After this lying will spread and loyalty will weaken. We believe that he who accomplishes an aspect of worship, such as an act of obedience, love, fear, beseeching, seeking aid, invocation, asking for succor, involving other than God, such a person is incontestably a kāfir whose act of kufr is the gravest way of falling outside the Muslim community.

The following reflect radical Islamism as well as, in some cases, Salafism: z We believe that all rule and legislation belong to God alone … and that

all who refer matters to other than God’s rule and legislation … have 177

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z

z z

z

z

z

adhered to arbitrary legislation, which God has not permitted … and are kāfirs who have abandoned the Muslim community and followed the rule of the jāhiliyya. We believe that takfīr is a legal act that is based on the Qur’ān and the Sunna of His Messenger—God’s peace and blessings be upon him—as well as on the ijmā’ of the Muslim community. We believe that no Muslim should suffer takfīr for a sin that falls short of shirk so long as he does not consider this sin to be licit. We believe that democracy is the tribulation of this age. It consecrates the divinity of man and his sovereignty as well as conferring upon man the quality of ruler and legislator, and neglects God completely.… (Qutb is not quite so clear on democracy but other radical Islamists are. Many quietist Salafis would probably agree.) We believe that the Islamic groups who participate in elections and legislative assemblies are groups of ahl al-bid’a. We are innocent of their sinful acts before God. We believe that jihad will last until judgment day, between the just and unjust, in every time and place, with the presence of a supreme leader or not. This jihad is accomplished by a single individual or by more, and will not be stopped by the tyranny of oppressors or the defeatist talk of the demoralizers. (Note that the traditional requirement for a caliph to lead jihad is denied). We believe that jihad in the path of God is the sound legal avenue that empowers the Muslim community to resume an Islamic way of life and to establish a rightly guided caliphate on the prophetic model.

The internet Al-Qaeda and other radical Salafis and Islamists make considerable use of the internet. Yusuf ‘Uyayri (or Ayiri, 1973–2003) was one of the first jihadis to recognize the potential of the internet and became a role model for his generation of “the ideal an independent ‘ālim-thinker-jihadi cum political activist.”27 At age 18 he joined the jihad in Afghanistan, met Bin Ladin, and became his bodyguard for some time. He was in the Sudan and fought against US forces in Somalia. Returning to Saudi Arabia he studied with Salafi ‘ulamā’ and ṣaḥwa scholars, maintaining contact with the latter for the rest of his life. He also visited Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechenya and Philippines and was particularly concerned with the Chechen jihad. He organized the Saudi branch of al-Qaeda at Bin Ladin’s request and after the attacks of September 11, 2001 he established al-Qaeda’s website, www.alneda.com. In his voluminous internet writings he 178

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presumed Jihadi Salafi doctrine but concentrated on the political and operational aspects of jihad. He was killed in a clash with Saudi police in 2003, thus adding martyrdom to the ideal he enshrined. Some other Salafi Groups and Movements are given below

Algeria In Algeria the link between Salafism and nationalism is illustrated by the efforts of Ibn Badis (1889–1940), who was influenced by al-Afghani and ‘Abduh and propagated similar reform ideas. His efforts, mainly educational, promoted Islam, Arabism, and Algerian nationalism. As a result of the French policy of promoting their culture, Islam and nationalism become closely identified and the organization he founded, Association of Algerian ‘ulamā’, supported the war of liberation. While the ensuing Algerian governments were secular, they both supported and controlled Islamic institutions.28 During the Islamist revolts against the government a group calling itself the Salafi Group for Preaching and Combat split off from the main groups and continued fighting even after the others had stopped in 1999. It later become linked with al-Qaeda and took the name Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb.29

South Asia Shah Waliullah of Delhi (1702–62) is sometimes compared with Ibn ‘Abd alWahhab since he lived about the same time and had some of the same concerns, but Waliullah mainly sought to reconcile the diverse tendencies in Islam, including Sufism. The movement of Ahmad Brelvi (1786–1831), who stood in the line of Shah Waliullah, shared Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab’s concerns and is sometimes labeled Wahhabi. The Indian group with the best claim to the label Salafi, however, is the Ahl-i Hadith, which was founded in the 1870s and is more distantly in the line of Waliullah. They see themselves as successors of the early Ahl al-Hadith. They call for absolute ijtihād and refuse to follow a madhhab. Their direct interpretation of the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth leads them to adopt distinctive forms of Salat. They reject the same sorts of popular and Sufi practices as the Wahhabis, including seeking the intercession of the Prophet and celebrating his birthday. The Ahl-i Hadith have had contact with the Arabian Wahhabis since the late nineteenth century when Wahhabi ‘ulamā’ studied with them and later became important in the Sa’udi state. As early as 1920 there was a Salafi Bookstore in Multan whose owner was close to both the Ahl-i Hadith and the Wahhabis.30 They have had relations with the Sa’udis since 1920 and even more since 1970. Sa’udi patronage shifted from the Jamaat-i Islami to the 179

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Ahl-i Hadith after the Gulf War in 1991. In the twentieth century they fragmented into a number of groups, some contesting elections, some engaging in jihad and some stressing da’wa and education. One of their offshoots, Markazi Jamiat Ahl-e Hadith, is a political party and runs a large number of madrasas. Another, Markaz Da’wa wa-l-Irshad, combines da’wa and jihad. Its jihad wing is the (in)famous Laskar-e Taiba, active in Afghanistan and in Kashmir and considered by many a terrorist group.

Indonesia The Padri or kaum puteh movement in Sumatra (1821–37) has been described as a Salafi movement, comparable to and possibly influenced by Wahhabism,31 and one of its descendants spread Muhammad ‘Abduh’s ideas in the early twentieth century. These played a role in the founding in 1912 of the Muhammadiya, which has been the leading modernist organization in the country since then. The Muhammadiya rejects many popular Indonesian religious and spiritual practices and also the four madhhabs. Its primary activities involve education and social services and through most of its history it has avoided direct involvement in politics.32 Conservative Salafism appeared in the 1980s, partly due to Saudi influence, on university campuses and spread beyond them in the 1990s. The Salafis organized meetings and then established their own mosques and schools and published pamphlets and books. They organized communities separate from the more permissive society around them and wore distinctive garb. They claimed to have the only true interpretation of Islam but avoided politics and called for obedience to existing rulers. They reject takfīr of rulers or Qutb’s doctrine of ḥākimiyyat allāh. In 2000 one of their leaders, Ja’far ‘Umar Thalib led a violent jihad against Christians in the Moluccas that gained a lot of publicity but was disbanded in 2002 and, in any case, was opposed by many Salafis. Its self-identity as Salafi is illustrated by the name of its magazine, “Salafy.”33 Thalib’s movement may be considered a mutaḥsib form of Salafism.

The Muslim diaspora In no small measure due to the efforts of Saudi Arabia to spread its version of Islam, Salafism has appeared in Muslim diaspora communities since about 1990, both as informal networks and as mosques and other organizations so identified. The Jam’iyyat Ihya’ Minhaj al-Sunna (The Society for the Revival of the Sunna) was instrumental for the spread of Salafism in Britain, though this organization split over the Saudi acceptance of US troops in the Gulf War. 180

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Salafism has appealed especially to young people since it provides a sense of certainty that is hard to come by in the modern world, as also an activity and a sense of self-worth for those who are unemployed or otherwise marginalized and an alternative to the “old fashioned” ethnic traditionalism of their parents or the “immoral” assimilation of many of their contemporaries. It also allows them to share in the technology and globalism of contemporary life.34

Concluding Thoughts We have seen Salafism in three phases, pre-modern conservative, reformist, and modern conservative. Of these the last appears to be the strictest and the most unambiguously labeled and self-labeled Salafism. It also is the most consistently anti-Sufi. Perhaps in the near future the term Salafi will be used exclusively for this group. This already seems to be the case with the popular media. What the three phases have in common is a desire to go back to the roots in the face of a challenge or a crisis. For the first phase it was a challenge of moral decline. For the second and third it has been the crisis occasioned by Western imperialism, which at the spiritual level raises the question of why God has allowed kāfirs to become dominant over “the best nation (umma) ever sent forth to humans.”35 The first phase probably met its challenge as well as any moral reform movements do. The second phase along with its secularist successors (we might say post-Islamic modernist Muslim nationalism) has more or less coped with the crisis at the political level though not at the cultural level. What will the conservative Salafism of the third stage do? This Salafism promises authenticity, certainty, and unity. The authenticity is genuine, since few will deny that the Qur’ān and the Sunna are the core roots of Islam. It is also significant since it undercuts other claims to authenticity (e.g. nationalism). Certainty follows from the commonly accepted view that the Qur’ān is the word of God and the genuine ḥadīths are protected from error. They need, however, to be interpreted. Most Salafis believe that interpretation is fairly obvious for those with adequate training but in fact there are major divergences in interpretation on important issues, such as takfīr. These divergences combined with the sense of certainty lead to some very tendentious divisions within the movement, thus belying the promise of unity. Still, the authenticity provides credibility within the larger Muslim community and the sense of certainty provides motivation to go against the tide and keep going when the outlook seems bleak. If the demand for certainty can be moderated, allowing a certain tolerance for diversity, conservative Salafism could provide the seedbed for interesting and attractive developments. As we now sometimes speak of post-Islamism we may also come to speak of “post-Salafism.” 181

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Let me close on a cross-cultural note. In my view conservative Salafism has more in common with Protestant fundamentalism than any other major Islamic movement. Among the things in common is an emphasis on the “plain meaning” (ẓāhir) of the texts, the fact that it can be political or apolitical, and the fact that it is found in only one of the main branches of Islam (as fundamentalism is found only among Protestant Christians). I do not like to use the term “fundamentalism” in the Islamic context because of its loaded nature, but I have not seen a better term for cross-cultural comparison. In that context I would call Salafism “fundamentalist.”

Notes  1 This is its meaning in the pre-modern period. Only from about 1920–30 can it be translated “Salafism.” See the passage from Ibn Taymiyya below. Salafiyya can also be the feminine form of salafī, in which case in my view it should be rendered Salafi when a phrase containing it is translated into English, for example, maktaba salafiyya should be rendered Salafi Bookstore.  2 Said Mentak reports the Egyptian thinker Muhammad ‘Amara as distinguishing between “textual Salafiyya” and “enlightened rational Salafiyya” (Contemporary Islam (2011) Q 5: 192). If “textual” translates naṣṣī then “text-oriented” might be a better translation.  3 Thomas Hegghammer states that the New York Times and Washington Post began to use Salafi or Salafist in 2000. Roel Meijer, Global Salafism: Islam’s New Religious Movement (New York: Columbia University Press 2009), 248, fn 2.  4 An Egyptian has commented jokingly, “In our view a salafi-approach is ‘The Prophet said, the Koran said, we-alsalamu’alikum’” (which in this context connotes “goodbye” or “over and out”). Mona Abdel-Fadil, “The Islam-Online Crisis: A Battle of Wasatiyya vs. Salafi Ideologies?” CyberOrient 5:1 (2011). An Egyptian writer, Khalil al-Anani, has criticized something he calls “Salafophia,” see his article, “Salafobia” in Egypt Independent, August 5, 2011, www.egyptindependent.com/opinion/salafobia, Accessed May 11, 2012.  5 Bukhari, Ṣaḥīḥ, quoted in Global Salafism Islam’s New Religious Movement, Roel Meijer (New York: Columbia University Press 2009), 34, where this definition is also discussed.  6 Meijer, Global Salafism, 38.  7 Rashid Rida, “Tarīkh al-Ustaz al-Imām al-Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abduh,” Vol 1, 11, in Arabic Thought, Hourani, Albert Habib. 2001. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798– 1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Original 1962, 140–1.  8 Found in his “Answer to Renan.” This and his attack on the materialists will be found in Nikki Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperalism (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1968).  9 Muhammad ‘Abduh, The Theology of Unity (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), 156, 158. 10 In the quotation above it would appear to extend only to the first half of ‘Umar’s rule, which seems more typical of Rashid Rida, since elsewhere he includes later figures, Hourani, Arabic Thought, 230. 11 See Commins, David. “Religious Reformers and Arabists in Damascus, 1885–1914,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 18 (1986), 405–25. 12 Hourani, Arabic Thought, 235.

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Salafi Islam 13 For this developments see Henri Lauzière, “The Construction of Salafiyya: Reconsidering the Structure of Salafism from the Perspective of Conceptual History,” IJMES 42:3 (August 2010), 369–89. 14 Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought: The Response of the Shi’i and Sunni Muslims to the Twentieth Century, (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 85; Richard Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), 14. 15 Meijer, Global Salafism, 19. 16 On the Jama‘a see Meijer, “Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong”, in Global Salafism, Chapter 8 17 Briefly mentioned in Saba Mahmood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 72–73, and Thomas Hegghammer and Stéphane Lacroix, “Rejectionist Islamism in Saudi Arabia: The Story of Juhaynam al-‘Utaybi Revisited,” International Journal of Middle East Studies S 39 (2007), 108, respectively. The full name of the former suggests its Salafi orientation: al-Jam’iyya al-Shar’iyya li al-‘āmilīn bi al-Kitāb wa al-Sunna al-Muḥammadiyya. 18 A three-fold typology is sometimes presented, for example, purists, politicos, and jihadis (Quintan Wiktorowicz, “Anatomy of the Salafi Movement,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29 (2006): 207–39, cited by Sadek Hamid in Global Salafism, 11) but I think my two additional categories are sufficiently distinct to be needed here. 19 Stephane Lacroix, “Al-Albani’s revolutionary approach to hadith,” ISIM Review 21 (2008), 6. Assuming that “policy” and “politics” are both siyāsa, there is a pun in Arabic that is missed in English. On Albani see also Meijer, Global Salafism, 16–18, 65–7. 20 Meijer, Global Salafism, 49. 21 On Juhayman see Hegghammer and Lacroix, “Rejectionist Islamism.” 22 For a brief biography of Muqbil see Meijer, Global Salafism, 431–2. 23 Meijer, Global Salafism, 95. On Maqdisi see the whole article, 81–106. It includes an interesting comparison of al-Maqdisi’s and al-Albani’s interpretations of Q 5: 44, the key passage on takfīr (100–1). 24 For a brief biography of al-Zarqawi see Meijer, Global Salafism, 438–40. 25 Meijer, Global Salafism, 51–6. I have condensed and slightly modified some of the items. 26 Nelly Lahoud discusses this in The Jihadi’s Path to Self-Destruction, esp. Chapter 1. 27 Meijer, R., “Re-Reading al-Qaeda,” 16. On ‘Uyayri see the rest of this article and Meijer, Global Salafism, 441–2. 28 “Ibn Bādīs,” by ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd” in Oxford Studies Online. www.oxfordislamicstudies. com/article/opr/t236/e0339. Accessed September 4, 2011. 29 Inter alia, “Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM),” by Andrew Hansen and Lauren Vriens, Updated: July 21, 2009, Council on Foreign Relations, www.cfr.org/ north-africa/al-qaeda-islamic-maghreb-aqim/p12717. Accessed September 5, 2011. 30 Lauzière, “The Construction of Salafiyya,” 383. I have changed Salafiyya to Salafi here; see fn. 1. For the Ahl-i Hadith see inter alia Mariam Abou Zahad, “Salafism in Pakistan: The Ahl-e Hadith Movement,” Meijer, Global Salafism, Chapter 5. 31 Masdar Hilmy, Islamism and Democracy in Indonesia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010), 103; John Voll, Islam: Continuity and Change in the Modern World, 2nd edn. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994), 116–18. 32 I do not know whether the term Salafi has been used in connection with the Muhammadiya but I have seen the website of a Pesantren Assalafiyyah Mlangi in Yogyakarta founded in 1936 that seems to claim some inspiration from Muhammad ‘Abduh (http://as-salafiyyah.blogspot.com). 33 Greg Fealy, “Inside the Laskar Jihad” (Inside Indonesia, January—March 2001. http://insideindonesia.org/content/view/500/29/ Accessed June 28, 2008). For the

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7

Islam and the West William Shepard

What’s in a Word? The topic of this chapter is vast and often contentious. The most I can do is outline the main features and indicate some of the points at issue. Every reader will probably find something I have omitted or got wrong; I hope my efforts will stimulate them to do better. The phrase “Islam and West” may seem quite straightforward if not banal, but a moment’s reflection will show that this is not the case. “Islam” may refer to a religion or to the cultures and civilization somehow related to that religion, or to both. Here it refers primarily to the latter, what we often call the Islamic or the Muslim world or the Islamic or the Muslim civilization1, but the former is at least implicitly present. Thus the use of the term “Islam” in this context I think tends to privilege the religious dimension of the civilization. I usually find it convenient to use a term such as “Muslim civilization.” “The West” here refers to the cultures and civilization of Western and Central Europe from the early Middle Ages and their offshoots mainly in the Americas and Australasia. The use of this term rather than “Christendom” or more strictly “Latin Christendom,” reflects the relative secularization and pluralism of the civilization, in which religion no longer plays as central a role as it once did. Today certain values that are secular but not inconsistent with Christianity tend to be claimed by the West, such as individualism, freedom, democracy, human rights, and economic efficiency, though some of these have obviously not been valued by all Western countries over the last century. (Others would add such things as arrogance and racism.) “Christendom,” of course, includes not only the “West” but also the civilization connected with Eastern Christianity, which may be considered a separate civilization.2 At certain points, however, it is necessary to include Eastern Christians in a discussion of Islam and the West. The phrase “Islam and the West” thus encodes an assumption that the Islamic world is more religious than the West. This is undoubtedly true today but is a dangerous idea when it is at the level of assumption and not regularly questioned. The phrase also encodes an assumption that “civilizations” are 185

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the proper units of analysis for world history, a view held by writers such as Toynbee, Hodgson, and Huntington.3 It also probably encourages a tendency toward “essentialism,” much maligned by Edward Said and his followers but almost impossible to avoid entirely. Does the phrase imply a predominantly conflictual relationship between the two civilizations? The words themselves do not, but the history of the use of the phrase is such that it probably does. The dichotomy East/West or Orient/Occident often appears as an alternative label to Islam/West, but also may refer to something narrower or broader. It may, more narrowly, refer to Eastern as opposed to Western Christianity or to Eastern as opposed to Western Europe, especially in the context of the Cold War. Alternatively it may have a broader meaning. “East” may go beyond the Islamic world to south Asia and the Far East. This has often included the idea that the East is spiritual and the West materialistic, usually with the Hindu and Buddhist East in mind more than the Islamic East. In the historical study of religion, on the other hand, Islam is placed among the Western religions. The East/West dichotomy also takes us back in time before Islam, to the relations between the Persians and Greeks from the sixth-century BCE.

From Muhammad to the Crusades: The East From its earliest period Islam had contact with Eastern Christianity, both positive and negative. Muhammad is said to have been encouraged at the beginning of his mission by his wife’s cousin, Waraqa, a Christian, and later some of his followers took refuge in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia. On the other hand, his encounter with the Christians of Najran was apparently a stand off. The Qur’ā n speaks highly of Jesus (e.g. Q 2:87) and in some passages appears to put Jews, Christians, and Muslims on the same level (e.g. Q 2:162). Other passages, however, criticize Christian doctrines (e.g. Q 4:157) and call for the subordination of Christians and Jews (Q 9:29). In the early conquests outside Arabia many battles were fought with the armies of the Christian Byzantines and Constantinople was besieged twice (668–75 and 717–18). The border between them then stabilized and remained that way with occasional incursions by one side or another for about four centuries. While the relationship was basically antagonistic it did not preclude cultural cooperation, commercial relations, or intellectual influence. The Christians in the conquered areas in many cases cooperated with the invading Muslims and received generous terms from them. Often they seem to have found Muslim rule less onerous than Byzantine rule. The Muslim view of Christians seems to have varied at first but, based on the Qur’ān and early practice, it came to be that Christians and Jews had genuine but corrupted religions and should be allowed to worship in their own ways and manage their own 186

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internal affairs, but have a subordinate social status, known as dhimmī (protected), attended by various restrictions. They should pay a special tax, called jizya, which was seen as a mark of subordination. Their worship should not be public in such a manner as to offend Muslims. Conversion to Islam was encouraged (with some exceptions) and conversion from Islam prohibited. Within these limits some Christian communities, especially the Nestorians, prospered for many centuries. Christians participated significantly in the economic, intellectual, and even, to some extent, the political life of the developing Islamic civilization. It was Christians who taught Greek philosophy to the Muslims, who developed it into what we call Islamic philosophy (falsafa). Conversion was a one-way street, however. In most places Muslims became a majority of the population after about two centuries and in time the Christian communities dwindled to relatively small and encapsulated minorities. While the Qur’ān and early tradition provided Muslims with a coherent understanding of Christianity and success gave them confidence, Christians were in the opposite position. Islam was a massive and unexpected threat, socially, politically, and theologically, with no obvious precedent. How could it be that God would allow the society built on His truth to lose so much ground to these interlopers? Many would draw an obvious conclusion and become Muslims. Others did not convert but saw them as a punishment from God for Christian failings. Some (e.g. John of Damascus) saw them as a Christian heresy and many saw them in apocalyptic terms, for example, connected with the antiChrist. The most common label for Muslims seems to have been “Saracens,” a pre-Islamic ethnic label. They also called them, “Ishmaelites” or “Agarenes,” after the Biblical Ishmael from whom they were supposed to be descended and who had been promised many descendants. As Ishmael was wild (Gen. 16.12), Christians associated “wildness, violence, lack of self-control, and unbridled passion” with his descendants.4 The Muslims were to return the favor, as we shall see.

From Muhammad to the Crusades: The West The most important contact with Western Europeans began with the invasion of the Iberian peninsula in 711 by Arab and Berber Muslims who quickly conquered most of the peninsula and spread into Southern France for a time, until pushed back by Frankish rulers. The symbolic turning point was the Battle of Tours, 125 miles from Paris, where Charles Martel defeated a Muslim raiding party in 732. Under an Umayyad dynasty in al-Andalus, as the area was known to Muslims, a prosperous and tolerant society developed with a lively intellectual life at the elite level in which Muslims, Christians, and Jews all participated. As elsewhere under Muslim rule much of the population became Muslim, but 187

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also many who remained Christian adopted the Arabic language and culture. This provoked a reaction from other Christians that took its most dramatic form in the “martyrs” movement in Cordoba, from 850 to 860, in which some 50 people courted death by publicly violating the rules for dhimmīs. The immediate effect was little but their example was not forgotten. Elsewhere in Western Europe Pepin and Charlemagne sent embassies to Baghdad and the latter once sought to assist a group of Muslim princes in alAndalus against their Muslim rivals. (The Song of Roland deals with this.) For the most part, however, the “Saracens” were known in some places as raiders but in most only by heresay if that. Some went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and its environs, the “holy land.”

The Crusades and their Aftermath It was a sign of the revival of Europe that it was able to undertake the expeditions to the Levant known as the Crusades. The first of these, called by the pope in 1091, was ostensibly provoked by problems faced by pilgrims to the Holy Land and sought to return that land to Christian rule, but there was also the desire to divert the energies of warring nobles outward for a “higher” cause. The Crusades were, in fact, seen as a form of pilgrimage. The Crusaders succeeded in capturing Jerusalem, mainly because the local Muslims were divided, and slaughtered virtually all its inhabitants, “A just and spendid judgment of God.”5 They set up a kingdom and held Jerusalem until the Muslims, united under Salah al-Din (Saladin), retook it in 1187, exercising a clemency with the defenders that was in pointed contrast to the earlier slaughter. Later Crusades to the area had little success and the last of the crusader kingdoms was terminated in 1291. The Crusades had considerable effect on Westerners since the Crusaders encountered a society far more urbane and sophisticated than their own and figures such as Salah al-Din contributed something to the European ideal of chivalry. In terms of concrete borrowings, however, the Crusades provided less than what came from al-Andalus or directly from Byzantium. They made Europeans more aware of Islam but generated fantasies such as Muhammad as a sexually licentious epileptic, a magician eventually killed by pigs, and as “Mahound,” one of an idolatrous trinity, which continued for centuries in European belief and folklore. The Crusades had much less significance for the Muslims, apart from those in the immediate area. For the Muslim world as a whole they were just one more barbarian incursion, whose damage was relatively ephemeral and whose contribution was nil. The “Franks,” as they were known, were seen as strong and courageous but uncivilized, and among other things inclined to slaughter, 188

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not keeping covenants and treating their women in far too open a manner. The term jihād was not even used at first for the fight against them though it came to be very much used before the end of the period. Those who suffered most from the Crusades were probably the eastern Christians. In 1203, in the Fourth Crusade, the Crusaders sacked Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire never fully recovered from this. The Crusades appear to have made the Muslims in the area less tolerant of the Christians living among them and this seems to have hastened the decline of these communities. While the impetus for Crusades to the Levant diminished, the crusading spirit burned brightly among the Christians of the Iberian peninsula. Even before the First Crusade, they had begun the reconquista, the reconquering of al-Andalus, which gained momentum after capture of Toledo in 1085. Most of the peninsula had been reconquered by the early thirteenth century although the emirate of Granada held out in the south until 1492. Soon afterwards the Muslims who refused to convert to Christianity were expelled. Those who did convert, known as Moriscos, were allowed to remain but were always suspect and they too were finally expelled in 1609. The Christian spirit that drove this looked back to the Martyrs of Cordoba and fashioned a very militant form of Christianity in Spain. In fact, the word “crusade” (cruzada) was coined in Spain in the thirteenth century.6 Still the reconquista was not a simple Christian progress against Islam. It was twice interrupted by no less militant Muslim dynasties coming from Morocco (Almoravids and Almohades). In practice, also, the lines were sometimes muddied. A good example is the career of Rodrigo Díaz, known as the Cid, a famous Christian warrior who at one point in his career served a Muslim ruler and whose army had Muslims as well as Christians in it. Significant cultural life continued through much of the period and it was during this time that the writings of the philosopher Averroes (Ibn Rushd, 1126–98) and others were passed on to Western Europe. With the end of the reconquista the Spanish turned their crusading efforts westward to the New World. The Portuguese turned their attention eastward where they disputed with Muslims for control of the Indian Ocean and colonies as far as the East Indies.

Turks and Others Culturally and intellectually the West probably reached the level of the central Muslim lands about 1300 and thereafter gradually pulled ahead. The adoption of printing in the West in the fifteenth century and the failure of the Muslims to do so may stand as one symbol of this.7 With the key scientific discoveries of the seventeenth century the gap between the West and Islam increased at a 189

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more rapid rate. The reasons for this Western advance are complex and much debated; to my knowledge there is no scholarly consensus on them. All of this was not evident to the people of the time. In fact, the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw the rise of three major Muslim empires, the Ottoman, the Safavid, and the Mughal. Of these the Ottomans were to be for over four centuries the face of Islam for the West, so much so that the word Turk came to be the usual one for a Muslim among Westerners. Between approximately 1350 and 1540, the Ottoman (Osmanli) Turkish dynasty, founded in 1281, spread its dominion through the Balkans to Hungary, as well as to Anatolia, the Levant, Egypt, much of North Africa (where they resisted the Spanish), and north of the Black Sea. Constantinople was taken in 1453 and the Byzantine Empire thus terminated, a major symbolic defeat for Christendom. In 1529 Vienna was besieged but not taken. Cyprus was taken from the Venetians in 1570 and Crete in 1645. The Christian and other dhimmī subjects of the empire were organized systematically into millets. They generally supported the empire and many prospered under it. Orthodox Christians generally preferred Ottoman to Western rule whenever that issue arose. As time went on, however, the Christian millets became increasingly segregated from the Muslims and increasingly looked to the West for inspiration. They also became the main channels between the Ottoman elite and the West. Westerners saw the “Unspeakable Turks” as a massive threat that they feared and hated, though not without grudging respect for their military and bureaucratic efficiency. The Venetians, Austrians, and (later) the Russians bore the brunt of the wars with them but usually with the assistance of other Western powers. A crusading mentality continued, though in a more defensive mode. All of this did not prevent significant commercial relationships, especially with Venice, which probably benefited the West and the dhimmīs within the Ottoman empire more than the Muslims. It also did not prevent realpolitik alliances between the Ottomans and Western powers, especially the French, for whom the Ottomans were geographically a natural ally against the Austrians. Cultural and scientific borrowings were relatively little, though there was some Ottoman interest in the contributions to geography arising from the Spanish and Portuguese voyages of discovery. The Western Renaissance, which in fact was hardly more splendid than the greatest periods of Muslim culture, was hardly noted by the Ottomans and only a few took note of Western scientific developments.8

Muslim Decline and Western Gains: The Beginning of the Reversal The Ottoman Empire reached the height of its power in the mid-sixteenth century and then began a long-term military, administrative, and economic 190

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decline. It was still strong enough to mount a second siege of Vienna in 1683, but this failed and it was defeated in the ensuing war with the “Holy League” of Austria, Russia, Venice, and Poland and lost considerable territory at the Treaty of Carlowitz in 1699. This was the beginning of a long-term retreat, gradual through most of the eighteenth century and then increasingly rapid until the Empire’s final dissolution after World War I. In the eighteenth century the Ottomans began to undertake very cautious Westernizing military reforms and there was Western influence in art and architecture. A printing press was introduced for a few years but printed only 18 books.9. In 1774, after a major defeat by Russia, the Ottomans ceded the Crimea and recognized the tsar as the protector of Orthodox Christians in Ottoman territories. In turn the Ottoman ruler claimed to be protector of Muslims in Russian territories. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also saw increasing Western economic penetration and an increase in the economic power of the dhimmīs, many of whom gained protection from Western powers under arrangements known as capitulations. Other “fronts” were opened between Islam and the West. The expansion of the Portuguese opened the way for trade relations with Muslims beyond the Ottomans along with some colonization and missionary effort. They were later followed by the Dutch and the British. The Mughal emperor Akbar and his successor Jahangir invited Jesuit missionaries to teach and debate but they made no converts. The Spanish Christianized much of the Philippines and entered into conflict with Muslims there, whom they called Moros (i.e. Moors). The Protestant reformation in the sixteenth century did not improve Western attitudes toward Muslims. Rather, Protestants tended to consider “Mohammadans” just as evil as Catholics and Catholics tended to consider them just as evil as Protestants. Fear of the “Turks” decreased in the eighteenth century as Westerners attained a degree of cultural self-confidence vis-à-vis Islam that they had not had before. The Enlightenment thinkers still largely saw Muhammad as an impostor or heretic and Islam as dangerously violent and sexually permissive, no less fanatic or superstitious than Catholics and Protestants. A few, though, could see a kind of rationalism in Islam or praise its monotheism or its tolerance, often as an oblique criticism of Christianity, and appreciate positive qualities in Muhammad. Gibbon saw a shift in Muhammad’s motives as the “humble preacher” of Mecca became the “leader of armies” in Madina, a theme that has continued in Western thinking about him.10 Accurate information about Islam was becoming more available. There had been some study of Arabic in European universities since the late sixteenth century. George Sale produced a reasonably accurate English translation of the Qur’ān in 1734. The early Orientalists11 made a serious effort to understand Islam and also extended the vision of Europeans and the meaning of the “orient” beyond the Muslim world. At the more popular level, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries an exotic image of the “east” developed as the land of flying carpets and 191

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magic lamps, etc., drawn from sources such as the “Arabian Nights” (translated into English in 1704).12 This continued in the following century and, in some ways, down to the present.

European Imperialism: 1800–1920 European imperialism in the Muslim world moved into high gear in the nineteenth century. It is conventional to date its beginning in the Middle East from Napoléon’s brief occupation of Egypt, from 1798 to 1801. This occupation was terminated by a combination of disease and British naval action. An Ottoman military officer, Muhammad Ali (r. 1805–40), soon took control of Egypt. His experience and that of his successors provides one example of the course of imperialism and Westernization. Muhammad Ali hoped to use Egypt as a base to take control of the Ottoman Empire. To this end he introduced a number of economic, administrative, and military reforms based on Western models and practices. The same European powers that provided these models of reform, however, also finally intervened to prevent him from achieving his goal. Westernization continued somewhat more slowly after this until it found an avid advocate in Muhammad Ali’s grandson, Isma’il (r. 1863–79), under whom the Suez Canal was built and monuments such as the Opera House constructed, and who famously declared that Egypt was part of Europe. Debts incurred by him and his successors and a revolt by military officers gave the British an excuse to occupy the country, which they did from 1882 to 1922. They kept the “native” ruler and administration in place and acted as “advisors” whose advice had to be taken. Elsewhere European imperialism moved with varying pace and in varying ways. The French took control of Algeria between 1830 and 1853, appropriated considerable land and settled European colonists on it. Later, they established protectorates over Tunisia and Morocco in 1881 and 1912 respectively. The Italians, as Johnny-come-latelies to the game of empire, took Libya in 1911. The Ottoman Empire was under pressure from all sides and from within. Its Christian millets, learning under Western influence to think of themselves as nations, became restive and then most gained independence with the major European powers acting as midwives, Greece between 1821 and 1829 and the Balkan nations between 1878 and 1912. The Russians continued their pressure from the north on both the Ottomans and Iran as well as being involved in the Balkans. The Ottoman Empire was terminated after World War I and its Arab provinces were put under European mandates as Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Trans-Jordan, and Palestine. Iran maintained formal independence but the British and Russians competed for influence and set up spheres of influence in 1907. Further east, India 192

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came under British control between 1757 and 1818. Parts of it were ruled directly and parts by “native” rulers under British supervision. The Dutch had replaced Portuguese presence in the East Indies in the seventeenth century, but it was only in the nineteenth century that they undertook to “pacify” the whole of what is now Indonesia. The British competed with the Dutch in this area, establishing themselves in Singapore and eventually Malaya, where they also retained the “native” rulers. By 1920 Europeans ruled directly or indirectly virtually all of the Muslim peoples except for Afghanistan, which had managed to resist the British and Russians in their “great game” of empire building, and central Arabia, which was seen as too remote to be worth the effort. Muslim rulers and elites reacted diversely to the European onslaught (ghazw13). Some resisted by force, usually under the name of jihād, and usually failed. Others cooperated with the Europeans, for advantage or out of necessity, and many tried to introduce Westernizing methods to strengthen themselves vis-à-vis other Muslim rulers or their own people, like Muhammad Ali in Egypt. The Westernizing Tanzimat reforms from 1839 to 1861 in the Ottoman Empire sought to strengthen the central government’s power over the provinces, which had decreased markedly over the previous two centuries. They also granted official equality to dhimmīs. Economically the nineteenth century saw the integration of the Muslim world into a worldwide economy made in Europe for Europeans. The introduction of cash crops, as, for example, carried out in Egypt under Muhammad Ali, meant the production of raw materials to be manufactured in Europe. The improvement of communications, better roads, railroads, and telegraph meant these raw materials could better get to market and European manufactures could more easily be imported. Many reforms, such as changes in land tenure approximating to the European model of ownership, strengthened the position of the upper classes against the lower classes, as did other changes. Sometimes the changes allowed new groups to rise in the social scale. Culturally, the vast majority of Muslims were conservative, preferring the old ways or at least the old ways of making changes. It was among certain groups of the elite that Western ideas and ways first began to take hold. They were the ones who had the most contact with Westerners, who were attracted by Western ways and products and could adopt them, and who recognized that only by adopting and adapting them could they resist the Westerners. This usually began with military methods and technology then moved on to economic measures, educational efforts, and clothing and other cultural goods. Western style military schools were introduced, as early as 1811 in Egypt, and civilian schools for the elite followed later. Printing, which had been ignored for centuries, except briefly by the Ottomans, was definitively introduced. Westernized clothing in many places by the end of the nineteenth century and in much of the twentieth was a mark of social class. 193

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By the end of the nineteenth century this cultural Westernization involved only a very thin layer of the population, however.14 Significant changes in law were made in many places, sometimes formally under aegis of the Shari’a (Ottoman Empire) and sometimes outside it (e.g. Egypt). Both educational and legal reform were religiously sensitive since both had always been closely connected with Islamic religion and been the preserve of the ‘ulamā’, and both were resisted by the majority of the ‘ulamā’. A common compromise was to divide the fields, some courts and schools for the ‘ulamā’ and others secular. In time this tended to produce a perception (at least among the elite and Westeners) that society was divided into a “modern” sector that was secular and a “traditional” sector that was “religious” and to align the ‘ulamā’ with traditional/ religious sector and to make them more like a “clergy” than they had been. General Muslim attitudes toward Westerners changed significantly during the nineteenth century. Westerners had commonly been looked upon as violent, to be sure, but also by most as irrelevant. Now they were violent and relevant, and thus to be feared. They had been viewed as uncivilized. In some respects they still were: their clothes and their mores, not least their sexual mores, were still strange. In other areas such as science, technology, manufacturing, administration, governance, and even the administration of justice, they were increasingly seen as superior to Muslims. This was the basis for a love–hate relationship toward the West that persists to this day. This led many in the later nineteenth century and after to pose to themselves an agonizing question. God had promised that the Muslim umma, because it submitted to Him, would be the best community. “You are the best umma ever brought forth to humankind, enjoining right conduct, forbidding indecency and having faith in God” (Q 3:110). Also, “Power and glory belong to God and to His Messenger and to the believers” (Q 63:8). The first 1,000 years of history appeared to confirm this view. Now events seemed to deny it. This is, of course, much the same problem as faced by Christians in earlier centuries, with two major differences: the Muslims thought they knew their adversaries from centuries of experience with them and very few Muslims became Christians. At the level of apologetics a common argument has been that the West is successful at the material level but has little to offer at the moral and spiritual level because Christianity is essentially irrational, with doctrines such as incarnation and trinity, and does not guide political life or provide an adequate support for social ethics. Islam properly understood, however, is a rational religion and as such is the final form of religion, superseding Christianity. It is therefore more suitable for an age of science and reason. In the modernist (see below) form of this argument, this means that while the West needed to separate religion from other aspects of society in order to progress, this is not necessary for Islamic religion, which can thus provide the religious and moral guidance the West lacks. Thus Muslims can borrow material technology from the West 194

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while keeping their religion. The idea of the East as spiritual and the West as materialistic is sometimes drawn in, with Islam depicted as maintaining the proper balance. Apologetics also sought to defend the character of Muhammad against Western criticism of him as violent and over-sexed. Whether because of such arguments or for other reasons, it is the case that Muslims have resisted the Western onslaught in the core areas of religion. In spite of the efforts of Western missionaries, very few Muslims have converted to Christianity. Still, the encounter with Christianity has had some effects on Muslims’ understanding of their religion. The apologetic arguments have tended to make many Muslims emphasize the rational aspect of their religion more than they would have otherwise. Their response to Western criticism of Muhammad as overly violent and overly sexual, has undoubtedly led Muslims to stress more the idea of Islam as a religion of peace and to stress the circumstantial elements in Muhammad’s marriages. What of Western attitudes toward Islam? The predominant mode was the confidence, optimism, and a sense of superiority (or arrogance) that comes with success. Most Europeans considered Islam inferior to Christianity but now that inferiority seemed to have been concretely demonstrated and thus no longer just a matter of prejudice or theological argument. Still, the fear of Muslims did not end but continued under the surface, to be openly displayed when Muslims had occasional success. The memory of the Crusades and the crusading mentality also continued in various forms, sometimes romanticized in literature, sometimes serving other ideologies (e.g. the First Crusade was depicted as the first historical instance of French greatness15), sometimes motivating imperialists. The conquest of Algeria was seen by many of the French as a crusade.16 There is an anecdote (possibly apocryphal) that in 1920 the French General Gouroud went to the tomb of Salah al-Din in Damascus and said, “The Crusades have ended now! Awake Saladin, we have returned!”17 Western confidence also manifested itself in a certain sense of noblesse oblige in relation to peoples increasingly seen not so much as infidels but as backward. The crusading ideal, we may say, was transformed by the British into the “white man’s burden,” by the French into the mission civilisatrice, and by the Dutch into the Ethical Policy.18 Schools, hospitals, and other benefits of “civilization” were brought to the Muslim world, often by missionaries. If their efforts at proselytizaton were largely rebuffed, these efforts were accepted and even welcomed, usually first by Christian dhimmīs and then by Muslims. Relatively positive assessments of Muhammad and Islam became more common among intellectuals. The discipline of Orientalism flowered in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It sought to gain a closer and more “scientific” understanding of the Muslim world and the “Orient” generally, by traveling in it, painting it, and delving into its literature and analyzing it. It did not escape the prejudices of its society, however, and has been criticized by Edward Said and others for 195

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presenting a timeless and unvarying Orient that mirrors the fears and suppressed desires of Westerners and has functioned, often openly, as a handmaid of imperialism.19 An interesting example is that of Snouck Horgronje (1857–1936), who lived for years in Mecca and came to know the Meccans well; later he became advisor to the governor of the Dutch East Indies, where he advised policies that were less harsh than the preceding ones and influenced the formation of the Ethical Policy. Orientalism undoubtedly reflects and was made possible by the European confidence and sense of superiority. Whatever its failings, it represented an advance in the efforts to understand Islam and Muslims. Today’s academic Islamicists stand on the shoulders of the orientalists, whether they like it or not. All of these developments were undergirded by the doctrine or “myth” of progress, invented by the eighteenth century philosophers, according to which humanity has improved materially and morally over the course of history. Today the West leads the march of progress. The Muslims once did, but now Islamic religion is an impediment to further progress. Imperialism has had no more powerful ideological ally than this doctrine. Westernizing Muslims could buy into it, nevertheless, justifying their acceptance of Western tutelage and hoping for the day when Muslims again would lead. They would agree that traditional Islam is an impediment to progress but “true” Islam, stripped of its superstitions and corruptions, is rational, as noted above. Interestingly, many saw the Protestant reformation, with its call for a return to scripture, as a precedent for their effort.

Since World War I As indicated earlier, the apogee of Western dominance over the Muslim world was militarily and politically reached at the end of World War I. Since then all Muslim countries have become at least formally independent. Turkey gained its independence as it recreated itself after the war and fought off the Greeks, Egypt achieved an incomplete independence 1922 by negotiation after a popular revolt in 1919, and Iran reaffirmed its independence under a strong ruler in the 1920s. Most of the other countries achieved independence in the 20 or so years after World War II. Sometimes this resulted from wars of independence, as in Algeria and Indonesia, in both cases labeled jihād. More often it was negotiated under greater or lesser pressure from the Muslim communities involved and with leverage provided by the Cold War. A significant factor was the loss of power and confidence by the European powers along with the American preference to exercise its power by less direct means. In fact, however, Western military power only retreated from center stage to the wings. It has returned with a vengeance (though not necessarily with success) in Iraq and Afghanistan. There is one very major exception to the Western withdrawal, the establishment on 196

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Muslim territory of the State of Israel, for our purposes a Western state, but one whose people had been viewed by Muslims and, for a long time, by Christians as both despised and weak. It was a kind of nasty calling card left by the departing imperialists and its military and social success has been galling. Most of the Muslim world has yet to be reconciled to its existence. Western imperialism in other respects has not retreated even to this degree. Economically the Muslim world is even more integrated into a worldwide capitalist system, still largely made by and for the West, than before World War I. The main difference is that oil has given some countries, especially Saudi Arabia, the ability to play the game more successfully than before, but it is still a Western game. The current diversification of economic power beyond the First World may give opportunities to Muslim countries, although none of them is counted among the BRIC20 countries. Western cultural imperialism is a strong as ever or stronger, in part because it is as much driven by the desires of the recipients as by the purveyors. Western science and material technology is universally accepted (or almost so), military establishments are Western in form and even insurgents use Western methods and materials to a considerable degree. Western-style schools and universities have become standard and have displaced the traditional forms in many places. The modern state, developed in the West, in control of its population and with clear boundaries that it can defend (traditional empires had clear centers but unclear boundaries), has become the model for all. (The boundaries have often been drawn by the imperialists, as in the Levant and Indonesia.) The ideology associated with the modern state, nationalism, has also been largely adopted. Nationalism can induce people to support the state and make sacrifices for it and it is eminently transportable. Each people can put its own content into its nationalism. Nationalism can motivate people to resist the European interlopers. Ideas such as “democracy” are widely accepted though variously interpreted and something resembling parliaments are found in almost all countries. Western-style clothing has filtered down the social scale though it has stimulated a reaction. Western pop-culture, whether in the designs on tee shirts, various forms of music, the local equivalents of Barbie dolls and Coca Cola, and much else, is everywhere to be seen. English has to a considerable degree become even the Muslim world’s lingua franca. The responses to these pressures from the West involve a combination of imitation and (sometimes apparent) rejection. They may be roughly divided into four groups: which I label secularist, (Islamic) modernist, Islamist, and neo-traditionalist.21 The secularist and Islamic modernist positions are hardly distinguishable in the nineteenth century but become so in the twentieth. The Islamist position is an invention of the twentieth century. Secularists seek to replace Islam with a secular ideology, usually nationalism, as the guide for society and to eliminate or control the influence of religion on social institutions. 197

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They often speak of the separation of religion and state but what happens in practice is the subordination of religious institutions to the state. Secularism, however, does not necessarily devalue private religious practice and usually has some place for Islam as heritage. Liberation struggles, even under secular leadership, are usually called jihād. Islamic modernists insist that Islam should guide all areas of society (something more taken-for-granted than insisted on earlier). Islam, however, must be reinterpreted and modernist reinterpretation usually takes a Westernizing form. Shūrā (consultation) may be interpreted as parliamentary government, for example, or the Qur’ānic provision for four wives is cancelled by another that calls for complete justice among wives. Early Islam is presented as a model of true democracy. Apologetics in the sense of the effort to demonstrate the superiority of Islam at the bar of Western standards is principally associated with the modernist position but not exclusive to it.22 Islamists often are reacting to the compromises of Islamic modernism. They want to see reforms and a certain degree of flexibility in social provisions, and they are willing to use modern methods and materials, but they want all this to be truly guided by Islam. They do not want Islamic labels to be just a cover for actual secularization. Many reject “democracy” as too obviously Western and, indeed, as a form of shirk, putting the “people’s will” in the place of God’s will, but are willing to have parliaments and elections. They typically call for an “Islamic society” and an “Islamic state.” Often there is a subtle Westernization. For example, when they call for an “Islamic State” it is the modern state developed in the West, with its unprecedented power over society, that they have in mind. As a result their program, if implemented successfully, would lead to a more completely islamicized society than has ever existed in the past. In the Sunni world Islamists have largely been drawn from outside the ranks of the ‘ulamā’. The above three positions may be described as reformist (and sometimes revolutionary), though their conception of reform varies. Traditionalists are those who want to keep things as they have been. This does not preclude change but change should take place in the traditional ways and at the traditional pace. Pure traditionalism probably vanished during the twentieth century but there are what we may call “neo-traditionalists,” who are willing to accept some Westernizing changes but want them to be gradual and well integrated with existing practices. They are usually comfortable with local customs that others would consider corruptions and innovations (bid’a). Most ‘ulamā’ are probably neo-traditionalist although some are modernist. Sufis are usually neo-traditionalist.

The Secularist Phase The secularist option came clearly light in the reforms implemented by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk after he led the Turks in a jihād resisting a Greek invasion and 198

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other Western efforts to encroach on what had been the Anatolian heartland of the Ottoman Empire after the rest had been lost. In these reforms the Ottoman “caliphate” was terminated and replaced by the Turkish Republic. The Turkish people were declared sovereign. The Shari’a was formally replaced by a secular code and both schools and courts were taken out of the hands of the ‘ulamā’, Sufi ṭarīqas were closed, such public religious activity as was allowed was put under state control. Among other things the adhān was to be given in Turkish and the Latin alphabet replaced the Arabic-based Ottoman script. The ideology of the state was to be Turkish nationalism, not Islam, which lost its status as religion of the state. The people were to proudly call themselves Turks, a major acomplishment when one considers that the word Turk had meant an Anatolian country bumpkin. Mustafa Kemal was convinced that to survive Turkey must be strong, and to be strong it had to adopt everything that made Europeans strong, that is, “civilization” (note “civilization” not “Western civilization” in Atatürk’s words). Although Atatürk’s nationalism rejected Islamic religion as a guide for society it accepted Islamic culture as part of the national heritage. Culturally republican Turkey is more Islamic than the Ottoman Empire, since its population is almost entirely Muslim, the dhimmī populations having departed or been driven out in the historical events leading up to its founding. These reforms were not done democratically but imposed from above by an elite. Since the introduction of democracy in the late 1940s the government has retreated from or modified many of Atatürk’s reforms and made increasing space for Islam in the public arena. Since 1969 an Islamist party has functioned and some of its former members came to power in 2002, but the secularist framework has remained in place. The reforms of Atatürk provided a model that no other country completely followed but which few completely ignored. Egypt and Iran adopted more moderate forms of secularism and even Afghanistan attempted something like it for a time. Virtually all of the countries that became independent after World War II adapted moderately secularist constitutions. These constitutions generally enshrined popular sovereignty but also made Islam the religion of the state and allowed some place for the Shari’a in public life (e.g. in “personal status” law). Many of these countries also adopted some form of socialism along with nationalism. Countries under communist rule, of course, adopted forms of secularism more radical than Turkey’s. The Cold War between the West and Communism gave many Muslim countries room to manouver that they would not otherwise have had and most saw themselves as part of the Third World nonaligned movement. The Islamic commitment of their people limited the degree to which they could support the communists. If it came to a choice, most Muslims would support a nominally Christian capitalist world over an explicitly atheist communist one. As of the late 1960s most of the Muslim elites, virtually all Western academic and journalistic observers, and many of the Muslim 199

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people believed, or even took it for granted, that a moderate secularism was the wave of the future.

The Resurgence of Islam Events were shortly prove them wrong. From about 1970 almost the whole Muslim world witnessed what is often called a “resurgence of Islam.” Participation in Muslim worship and festivals increased markedly as did the sale of religious books and attention to Islam in the media; Sufi groups became more active. Many people, especially women, put on “Islamic garb.” Islam returned to the political sphere with a vengeance and Islamism has become particularly prominent. Islamism had its earlier manifestations in the Muslim Brothers in Egypt (founded in 1928), the Jama’at-i Islami in India and Pakistan (founded in 1941) and a couple of groups in Iran (active in the 1940s and 1950s), but these were suppressed or sidelined in the 1950s. Now some of the older groups revived and many new groups, ranging from the moderate, almost modernist (e.g. Nahda in Tunisia), to the violently extreme were formed. The most obvious trigger for this was the disasterous defeat of the Egyptian and Syrian armies at the hands of the Israelis in 1967, which many saw as the punishment God and which largely destroyed the prestige of Pan-Arab nationalism. Many thought that secularism had failed and they must now try Islam. The most prominent political success of Islamism has undoubtedly been the Iranian revolution of 1978–9, which was both a genuine, popular revolution and driven by Islamic ideology. Its appeal has been limited, however, and the Sudan and Pakistan for a time are the only states that can be considered Islamist.23 Elsewhere secularism has largely maintained itself at the level of the government although it has become more “Muslim” in the process. Islamist groups have had more success in providing social and educational and economic services. Some have participated in elections but until the “Arab Spring” of 2010–11 none have any chance to come to power.24 Radical and violent Islamists have achieved notoriety, especially since 1990, but in many cases governments have been able to defeat these. Martyrdom operations (aka suicide bombings) as used by them represent a creative, if horrible, development. If terrorism is the weapon of the weak, it is not surprising that some Islamists would use it when they cannot advance their cause in any other way. This is true also of Al-Qaeda but Al-Qaeda represents a new departure in another respect. Other Islamist groups are organized nationally, even though their ideology is internationalist. Transnational groups such as The Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) or the World Muslim League are either organizations of states or based in a particular state.25 Al-Qaeda is the first fully internationalized group, both in its organization and its ideology. Because of this, it is the 200

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most dependent on the latest (Western-sourced) technology, such as the internet and cell phones. Most Islamist groups present themselves as anti-American and anti-Americanism has apparent increased since 1970. This is partly due to American military action in the Muslim world and partly due to the fact that America became the primary Western power and the primary symbol of the West after the end of the Cold War. I heard an Islamist say at the time of the demise of the Soviet Union, “First Russia, now America!” Bin Laden carries this a step further when he lays blame on the American people and not just their leaders.26 But for most it is still a love–hate relation. Behind the cry, Death to America, is usually the subtext “but I want American goods,” or “I like some American ideas,” or even, “How can I emigrate to America?” As mentioned earlier, the original crusades made little impact on the larger Muslim world. The memory of them, however, became very important in the twentieth century. Many Muslims are persuaded that modern Western imperialism is nothing other than the old crusades under a new name but no less virulent. Imperialists are now commonly called “crusaders,” as in Bin Laden’s 1998 manifesto “Jihād against Jews and Crusaders.”27

Diaspora A development that bids fair to muddy the categories of Islam and the West is the creation of a significant Muslim diaspora in Western countries. Since the 1950s many Muslims have gone to the West to work or study, often expecting to return home but in fact staying on and producing a second generation born in the West. Many have been able to intregate adequately into the host community and probably adopt a secularist or modernist form of Islam, or abandon their Islamic identity. Some consciously seek a “European” form of Islam.28 Some, in the second generation as well as the first, have failed to integrate. Those of the first generation are likely to be traditionalist and remain in ethnic enclaves. Islamism is likely to appeal to those of the second generation, since it is modern and international but strongly Islamic. These will gravitate to a different sort of enclave, possibly centered on a “radical” mosque, where they can live a fully Islamic life. It is from the ranks of these that terrorists have come.

Western Attitudes toward Islam The crusading mentality has continued in some quarters down to the present, as illustrated by President George W. Bush’s occasional use of the word “crusade” after 9/11, though the care with which officialdom has avoided this term is probably as significant.29 Something like a crusading (or missionary?) mentality 201

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may be perceived in the Western discussion of human rights issues, such as sexual and gender issues in the Muslim world. Undoubtedly there are horrible abuses about which something needs to be done, but the regularity and manner in which they are presented suggests that something more is involved. In fact, issues of sex and gender have always been flash points of criticism and misunderstanding between Westerners and Muslims. These issues go very much to the core of what makes the cultures different from each other’s and are the points where we are most likely to take our own position for granted and be unable to see the other point of view. For example, many cases involve a conflict between the claimed rights of an individual woman and the claimed rights of a her family. Given our individualism, we find it easy to see the woman’s point of view and almost impossible to see the family’s point of view. Antipathy toward Muslims, now called “islamophobia,” has been strengthened by recent terrorist actions in the name of Islam and by the presence of Muslims in Western countries. Some even see in the latter a conspiracy to Islamize Europe.30 It is also suggested that the end of the Cold War left Americans in need of an enemy, and Muslims have conveniently provided one. Yet the very coining of the word islamophobia is a sign of the sensitivity to the issues. On balance, in fact, I would say that Westerners have become more favorable to Islam over the last century. As the West has secularized, people have found religious differences to be of decreasing importance and many are prepared to see different religions as more or less equally valid paths to the Truth. There has also been much more personal contact between Westerners and Muslims. While personal contact is not guaranteed to be favorable, it at least puts a human face on the “other.” Also, there have been a number of Western converts to Islam, some quite high-profile, such as Cat Stevens/Yusuf Islam and Cassius Clay/ Muhammad Ali. Academic treatment of Islam has also expanded and improved. There is less evidence of the old style “orientalism” now. In its place we have Area Studies and Religious Studies, both of which in their own ways (may) try to understand Islam from the Muslim point of view and both of which increasingly involve Muslims and Westerners studying and working together. Area Studies, though, is more likely to be oriented to government interests. A good example of the effort to take Muslim sensibilities more seriously is the shift from the term “Mohammadan/Mohammadanism” to “Muslim/Islam,” first in academia and then more generally in the West. Another feature of the twentieth century has been formal dialogue between Muslims and Christians and other Westerners, sometimes about theological issues and sometimes about social issues of mutual interests. Since the 1960s many conferences and meetings have been held, at the international level and at national and local levels.31 The criticism made is that such conferences generally involve a limited number of specialists and that what happens in them 202

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rarely gets beyond these participants. This may be true, especially for the international conferences, but such conferences are bound to have at least an indirect effect on society over time.

Modern or Western? One issue that bedevils discussion is whether modernization is also inevitably Westernization. Modern physical science and technology have developed to their present form in the West but few doubt that their laws are universal, though they happen to have been first discovered by Westerners. Thus we usually speak of “modern” science rather than “Western” science. The matter is not so clear in other areas. Are “human rights” as currently conceived by human rights activists universal, applicable to all societies, or are they particularistically Western? Human rights advocates would presumably argue that, like science, they may have been discovered in the West but are valid for all. Many Muslims, especially Islamists, one the other hand, insist that some so called rights do not apply in Islam and would be destructive of Muslim societies. Likewise, many Muslims question the neutrality of such disciplines as sociology, economics, and the like and want distinctively Islamic versions of them. Islamist ideologies in particular insist that modernization must not be Westerrnization. Are we moving toward a single world civilization? Many Westerners hope so but what they hope for (without necessarily realizing it) is often really that Western civilization will absorb the others without losing its basic Western characteristics. Others, such as Huntington32 (and many Islamists), argue that some other civilizations will successfully resist the spread of Western civilization, resulting in a world of several civilizations, with significant and potentially violent differences between them. I think Huntington must be taken seriously, whatever his neo-conservative connections, if we do not want to be surprised by history as happened in the 1970s. We can hope for an intermediate alternative, such as a genuine dialogue of distinct civilizations or the tranformation of Western civilization by taking on so much from other civilizations that it can be properly called international and not just covertly Western. Wa Allahu a’lam.

A Final Thought OH, East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet, This first line of Rudyard Kipling’s “Ballad of East and West” is well-known, but the next three shed a different light. 203

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Till Earth and Sky stand presently at God’s great Judgment Seat; But there is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth, When two strong men stand face to face, tho’ they come from the ends of the earth!33

East and West are transcended, not only by God, but also when two individual humans come together on equal terms. The rest of the lengthy poem tells the story of a British officer and an Indian or Afghan warlord. It is a warrior ethic that links them, but I would like to think that a more peaceful ethic can also link us, so long as we meet on equal terms. Perhaps of such encounters the future world civilization will be built. Wa al-tawfīq min Allāh.34

Notes  1 Marshall Hodgson coined the word “Islamdom” by analogy with “Christendom” to deal with this, but it has gained only partial acceptance; Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3 vols (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1974), i, 58.  2 Thus Toynbee and Huntington, mentioned below.  3 Toynbee, Arnold, A Study of History, Revised and Abridged (London: Oxford University Press, 1972); Hodgson, Venture, “civilization” defined, i, 30–4; Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Shuster, 2003 (1996)), 36–7.  4 Andrew Wheatcroft, Infidels (New York: Random House, 2003), 130.  5 Quoted in Karen Armstrong, Holy War: The Crusades and their Impact on Today’s World (London: Macmillan, 1988), 120.  6 Wheatcroft, Infidels, 176.  7 Wheatcroft discusses some of the reasons for this, Infidels, 277–82.  8 Hodgson, Venture, ii, 571, 3, 120.  9 Wheatcroft, Infidels, 282. 10 Albert Hourani, Islam in European Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 15–16. 11 Said mentions Renaissance orientalists but deals almost entirely with eighteenth century and later figures. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1978), 50–1. 12 Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1958), ch. 1. 13 This word may refer to a tribal raid but also to the early Muslim conquests and later to attacks on non-Muslim territory, and those who carry out such attacks are called ghāzī. Many Muslims today use the word for Western imperialism though others contest this. 14 A report for Egypt in 1899 indicates that there were 7,735 students in state schools and 180,000 students in the traditional elementary schools of the ‘ulamā’; D. Crecelius, “The Course of Secularization in Modern Egypt,” in Islam and Development, ed. J. Esposito (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, l980), 61.

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Islam and the West 15 Wheatcroft, Infidels, 200–3. 16 Ibid., 200–1. 17 This version from Wikipedia, “Henri Gouroud”; see Edward Mortimer, Faith and Power. The Politics of Islam (London: Faber & Faber, l982), 86. 18 In French schools the language of “mission civilisatrice” gradually replaced that of “crusade.” The “Ethical Policy” of the Dutch in the East Indies from 1901 affirmed the welfare and advancement of the subject peoples to be the (rather paternalistic) goal of the colonial administration. 19 Said’s Orientalism is the best known but not the only criticism of Orientalism. It has been controversial but very influential. 20 Brazil, Russia, India, and China, seen to be countries soon to join the “developed” countries. Turkey and Indonesia are often seen to be in the next tier (Wikipedia, “BRIC”; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BRIC). 21 For further elaboration of the following typology see my “Islam and Ideology: Towards a Typology,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 19 (1987): 307–36 and also “The Diversity of Islamic Thought: Towards a Typology,” in Islamic Thought in the Twentieth Century, eds Suha Taji-Farouki and Basheer Nafi (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004), ch. 3. 22 Most secularists can accept most of the apologetic arguments mentioned earlier, except the one that makes Islam suitable to guide society, and even this may be accepted in part. They can find precedents for the subordination of religion to state. 23 The Taliban in Afghanistan are commonly labeled Islamist, but I would consider them (neo-) traditionalist. 24 Al-Nahda have come out ahead in Tunisian elections in 2011 but I consider them to be almost modernist in my typology. As of this writing parties associated with the Muslim Brothers seem likely to come out ahead in Egypt. In both cases they will have to be in coalition with secular parties. The leader of the Turkish Islamist party was briefly prime minister in the 1990s, also in coalition. Also Islamist are Hamas in Palestine and Hizbullah in Lebanon, but they do not govern whole countries. 25 The Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, is also a highly internationalized group, I do not know if it has a clear geographical center for its organization. 26 For example in an interview published in Dawn, Karachi, November 9, 2001, he argues on the grounds that Americans pay taxes and elect Congress. See Bruce Lawrence (ed.), Messages to the World: The Statements of Osama Bin Laden (London: Verso, 2005), ch. 13. 27 See Lawrence, Messages, ch. 6. Emanuel Sivan states that the first modern history of the Crusades by an Arabic-speaking Muslim was published in 1899 in his “Modern Arab Historiography of the Crusades,” Asian and African Studies 8 (1972), 110. A good example of a strong statement on this is found Sayyid Qutb’s Social Justice in Islam (1949), quoting from Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss), Islam at the Crossroads; W. E. Shepard, Sayyid Qutb and Islamic Activism: A Translation and Critical Analysis of Social Justice in Islam. Leiden: Brill, 1996), 283–5. He makes reference to the statement of General Gouroud, above, and to a similar one ascribed to General Allenby in Palestine. 28 A well-known example is Tariq Ramadan in To be a European Muslim: A Study of Islamic Sources in the European Context (Leicester, UK: The Islamic Foundation, 1999). 29 See Wikipedia “Tenth Crusade” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tenth_Crusade. 30 For a cautiously worded example see Patrick Sookhdeo, Slippery Slope: The Islamization of the UK (Barnabas Fund, 2011).

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 31 Hugh Goddard, A History of Christian-Muslim Relations (Chicago: New Amsterdam Book, 2000), ch. 8. 32 Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations. 33 Edmund Clarence Stedman (ed.), A Victorian Anthology, 1837–1895 (Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1895); Bartleby.com, 2003. www.bartleby.com/246/. Accessed December 19, 2011. 34. Daniel, Norman, Islam, Europe and Empire. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966, Lapidus, Ira M., A History of Islamic Societies, 2nd edn, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 and Lewis, Bernard, Islam and the West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 were also referred to in writing this chapter.

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8

Fiqh, The Science of Islamic Jurisprudence Maria F. Curtis

Fiqh covers all domains of human life including economics, politics, marital responsibilities, sexuality and sexual conduct, criminal matters, social etiquette, theological discussions, guidelines for proper hygiene, responsibilities toward family members and neighbors, issues regarding what foods are permissible for Muslims living in different contexts, and military concerns.1 Fiqh deals with the proscribed observance of rituals, morals, and social legislation within the Islamic tradition. Early jurists conceived of Islamic law as being broken down into four major fields, also called “the four quarters,” or rituals, sales, marriage, and injuries.2 Each of the four quarters contained many subtopics and subspecializations. Islamic law aims to offer a systematic manner of reducing harm and increasing benefit for all. The law was established to protect “life, religion, private property, mind and offspring” to better enable society to properly function.3 The Prophet Muhammad was not a legal expert, nor a judge, and a systematic legal code did not exist during his lifetime. However, from its beginnings Islam was very much concerned with fairness and consistency, with acknowledgement of the role of context in decision-making, what scholars have called an “impulse toward law,” 4which grew into more systematic jurisprudence over the course of Islam’s first three centuries.5 While Islam is a religion that places emphasis on the law, it is not a litigious faith. Individuals learn about the tenets of faith and their social responsibilities, and in this sense law is internalized individually as a person strives toward living on the path that Islam offers.6

The Sharīʿah and Fiqh The terms Sharīʿah and Fiqh are two distinctly different, yet interdependent terms. In popular discourse people may refer to “Islamic law” when official pronouncements are made on the authenticity of a given practice or legal opinion, yet they may unwittingly confuse the Qurʾān, the prophetic tradition as recorded in the Ḥadīth literature, the classical jurisprudence of one or more 207

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legal schools that may be haphazardly pieced together, or even the modern, perhaps secularized, codified laws within particular Muslim countries.7 While the term Sharīʿah can be translated as “law,” and often is referred to as “Sharīʿah law” in the Western world, the term has a much broader meaning. As with the Torah in Judaism, Sharīʿah goes beyond the meaning of the law to mean “the right teaching, right way to go in life, and the power that stands behind what is right.”8 While God’s way, the Sharīʿah, is divine and something to which humans aspire, fiqh is human understanding that attempts to guide Muslims toward Sharīʿah. While Sharīʿah may be thought of as “complete, infallible, and universal,” fiqh may be thought of as the “work of human interpreters [who are] human, imperfect, and shaped by the constraints of their specific historical contexts.”9 Esposito and Mogahed10 have likened Sharīʿah to a compass that leads in directions that are unchanging, while referring to fiqh as a map whose boundaries and passageways are constantly changing. Fiqh is based on the Qurʾān, the revelation received through the Prophet Muhammad and the Sunnah, the sayings, teachings, and behaviors of the Prophet Muhammad used by Muslims today as a guide for their own behavior in daily life. Muslim jurists have articulated a theory of law (usul al-fiqh) based on the understanding that the Qurʾān is the most holy source of legal knowledge, and that the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad offers concrete details about how human beings should live all parts of their lives. From the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad are gleaned instances of his conduct and his decision-making in settling disputes between various parties. The Ḥadīth give a framework for the Sunnah for judging how to make the most just decisions. Because of the divine manner in which the Qurʾān was transmitted, its contents are deemed more sound than the Ḥadīth, and therefore the Qurʾān’s contents may abrogate certain Ḥadīth when the two seem to offer divergent advice or explanation. The reverse is not true, however.11 Both the Ḥadīth and the Qurʾān at times were articulated in symbolic or metaphorical terms and thereby both required interpretation. This is where Islamic jurists stepped in and developed a set of linguistic rules in order to resolve matters of interpretation. A third source of Islamic law comes from consensus, which is defined as agreement within a community at a given moment as seen in the recurrent thematic legal writings of jurists. Much of Islamic law is the result of ijtihād, or the domain of interpretation that rests on methods of determining probability based on past legal decisions.12 Any given legal case might generate numerous legal opinions, and in this sense Islamic law is pluralistic in nature. Islamic law is flexible as it allows for multiple interpretations that are relevant for a given group of people at a given moment in history, and for any one case multiple legal opinions may be given on any one set of facts. Analogical reasoning (qiyas) and consenus (‘ijma) are very important and have even played a role in how the Ḥadīth are interpreted. The different legal schools that emerged 208

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often disagreed in the extent to which the four “roots” of Islamic jurisprudence should be relied on most in arriving at a sound legal decision for the community. In addition to the four major Sunni schools, Shīʿah legal schools also exist. The Shīʿah accept the Qurʾān and the Sunnah as well as their own collections of “traditions of Ali and other Imāms whom they regard as supreme authorities and legal interpreters.”13

Formation of Islamic Law and Legal Specialists In interpreting the Qurʾān and the Sunnah, Muslim jurists began to form opinions on certain matters, called ra’y. In the first century of Islam as the religion began to formulate its most basic language of the law, most judges, or qadis, were laymen with mediation and adjudicating skills and roles. Hallaq says “Their appointments as qadis were most often combined with other functions, including posts as provincial secretaries and story-tellers who transmitted Biblical stories, Qurʾānic narratives and details from the biography of the Prophet.” 14During the time before a formal, systemized legal profession existed these proto-qadis were our closest approximation to contemporary legal specialists. Neither the ruling caliphs nor these early Islamic jurists controlled the sphere of the law, which was then “largely customary and Qurʾānic.”15 Around 700 CE we began to see the emergence of a private class of legal specialists emanating from ascetic piety.16 Justice and equality before God became the hallmark that is emblematic of Islam itself. Thus, for many Muslims the Sharīʿah, or the way of piety as established through fiqh, came to be thought of as the heart of Islam. As the accumulation of the ḥadīth of the Prophet Muhammad grew, so too did the ra’y of well-known jurists, who relied on their understandings of the Qurʾān, examples of the ḥadīth with which they were familiar, as well as existing cultural norms that were seen as not contradicting the Qurʾān, and previously agreed upon legal decisions formed by other jurists.17 Unlike today’s world where Muslims may have a number of legal texts at their fingertips either in books or from a quick internet search, legislative information was shared in an oral manner between jurists as a practical means of applying Islamic principles to everyday situations. The Sunnah may not have provided enough specific guidance in day-to-day affairs, particularly in the period before large, well–established, and iconic volumes of ḥadīth existed, and thus the practice of qiyas was established. Qiyas is the practice of analogical reasoning the contexts for which no example from the Sunnah existed, and thus legal comparisons were made with previously established juristic opinions.18 Qiyas became known over time as the third recognized source of law. Ra’y 209

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led to the development of qiyas. Qiyas and ijtihād, are often used interchangeably.19 As legal opinions on certain matters were formed and adopted across schools of thought, later generations of jurists accepted the authority of earlier ijtihād, building on this body of established legal thought in taqlīd, or “imitation,” applying legal decisions made earlier to similar legal circumstances they encountered. Ijtihād in later times was discouraged, or even condemned, based on the idea that legal precedent had been established by Ijmāʿ, or the consensus of the community.20 Ijmāʿ is considered the collected and accumulated knowledge passed down from learned scholars who have in consultation with each other reviewed both the Qurʾān and the Sunnah. Therefore, Ijmāʿ is considered the fourth and final source of fiqh. Ijmāʿ is said to have originated from the Prophet Muhammad saying “My community will never agree on an error.”21

The Five Moral/Legal Principles: Ahkam al-Khamsa A jurists’ central role was to establish a legal norm in the cases he heard. From the span of human activity, the Sharīʿah upholds five moral/legal norms.22 As mentioned earlier, Islam is considered by Muslims to be a way of life and as such the Islamic faith weighs in on daily practices and behaviors and rates them according to the following scale. This is a very general explanation, and different schools will have more to say on certain topics than others. Also, within each category there may be more distinct subcategories as well. The five categorized norms are as follows.

Farḍ or wājib These are terms that refer to the obligations that are required of all Muslims. All Muslims should perform the required duties such as prayer, fasting during Ramadan, giving alms to the poor, performing the pilgrimage to Mecca, and witnessing that Allah is the one true God and that Muhammad is his messenger. Performing these required duties will earn believers rewards, and not performing them will likely result in some punishment in the form of a hardship that might have been avoided if one had performed one’s religious duties. Punishment is understood as undesirable consequences as a result of not having fulfilled one’s religious duties. Only in more conservative, literalist interpretative Muslim communities, such as the Ḥanbalī school, are there individuals who actually enforce punishment. In other schools of thought, punishment is loosely understood as being in a moral or ethical position to not receive God’s blessings. 210

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Sunnah, masnun, mandub, or mustahabb These terms refer to acts that are recommended but are not required. If Muslims undertake such practices or activities they will receive God’s blessings, but not punishment. Examples include extra prayers in additions to the required five daily prayers, visiting the city of Medina after performing the pilgrimage to Mecca, or following any other encouraged behaviors that mimic those of the Prophet Mohammed. Visiting the sick, showing generosity to those in need, and showing kindness are also examples of practices that Muslims may engage in for extra blessings. In essence, going above and beyond the strict minimal requirements of the faith will earn believers extra blessings from God.

Jaiz or mubah These are terms that refer to neutral acts or practices. Performing actions or practices that are neutral neither earn one extra blessings nor is one punished for not performing them.

Makrūh This term refers to acts and practices that are discouraged, yet are neither punishable nor completely forbidden. This is an ambivalent category with a variety of divergent opinions among the four major legal schools.

Ḥarām This term refers to acts and practices that are unequivocally deemed sinful and worthy of punishment such as murder, slander, and adultery. The opposite of ḥarām is a broad term, ḥalāl, which means permissible in a very broad sense, and is a term widely applied to foods that can or cannot be consumed by Muslims. Today one will find many online resources that explain in detail ingredient lists commonly found in manufactured food that help Muslims assess what is best for their diet. In communities where large numbers of Muslims are found, one will find food labels that have an “H” for indicating the product is ḥalāl, often the crescent moon of Islam will be incorporated into the symbol making it clear to Muslims that the product has met halal dietary standards. The consequences for engaging in acts that are ḥarām vary greatly. The concept of niya, or intentionality, is central in Islam. If one willingly engages in an act of practice that they know is ḥarām, the punishment for doing so will be greater 211

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than for the person who inadvertently does something considered to be ḥarām. For example, if a Muslim consumes food that contains alcohol and learns later that this has occurred, this is deemed less sinful than simply consuming alcohol willingly. In the prior example, a Muslim would still be responsible for making the effort to be fully informed so as to prevent situations where one might, even unwittingly, commit an act that is not ḥalāl.

The Legal Scholars The term ‘ulamā’ (plural form of ‘alim, or learned one) refers to those who are learned in the teachings of the faith. The ‘ulamā’ were not an ecclesiastical order, but a decentralized group of scholars who preserved and applied the customs and procedures of the Sharīʿah.23 Four types of legal personnel played fundamental roles in the construction, elaboration, and continued operation of the Sharīʿah.24 The faqih is an expert in fiqh, or jurisconsult. The mufti is a legal expert recognized for learning and skill in the law. The mufti may deliver a fatwā, or a formal legal opinion. A fatwā delivered in an Islamic country may have much more authority than a fatwā issued in a country with a modern civil code where the state will not enforce such a ruling.25 For those living in Muslim countries where Islamic law is enforced through personal status codes, the impact of a fatwā may be much greater than for those Muslims living in countries where Islamic law is sought out for applications in personal dealings.26 It is important to remember that while we do see ijma’, we do not have a singular Islamic law that applies to Muslims universally around the world. Therefore, Muslims interact with and are impacted by Islamic law in a variety of ways.27 Muftis played a central role in the early evolution of Islamic law, and made important contributions to its continued flourishing and adaptability. The mufti was a private legal specialist who was legally and morally responsible to the society in which he lived, not to the ruler and his interests.28 Consultation was free, so rich and poor had access to legal counsel. The mufti was approached by both individuals as well as judges who found cases too difficult to resolve on their own. These legal answers were collected, expanded upon, organized systematically, and transmitted through writing and by memory and culminated in law books. Muftis were seen as legal authorities, and their counsel was nonbinding but still considered as a means of settling legal disputes. Judges and muftis living in different parts of the world might have been in touch with each other on questions relating to various legal matters. A mufti was considered learned and experienced not through formal education and degrees, but through experience and the ability to come to conclusions that were understood by those with whom he was in contact. Legal precedent was not based on the doctrine of stare decisis, or precedent established by legal 212

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courts, but rather by juristic writings on the legal decisions given by muftis.29 Rather than court decisions, the answers given by muftis, or fatwās (fatāwā), were collected and published. Once names, places, and other personal details were edited, the heart of the legal decision was then abstracted so that a legal formula determining sets of conditions might be identified for application in future cases. The well-known fatāw then were part of the process of taqlīd. While Muftis may have often been law professors, their decisions and the court cases may have been collected by their students, who may then have gone on to become muftis, or author-jurists, or perhaps qadis. During the first two centuries of Islam, a fatwā assembly and a teaching circle may have functioned as one and the same.30 Most legal works were not written by muftis, but rather by the author-jurists who collected and compiled fatāwā. Author-jurists collected fatāwā and in doing so continually demonstrated the changing social conditions and legal decisions representative of a given time. Their works represented the legal voice for their generation. Legal-jurists offered a collective body of legal decisions relevant for a given time on new issues, and cases that no longer seemed important for a community were removed to make room for more applicable legal information (Hallaq 2009, 188–9). Opinions no longer deemed relevant and no longer used in litigation were viewed as “weak and even irregular” (10–11). Al-Jahiz (d. 886 CE), had this to say about the role of weighing legal matters in a given time and how that information is then passed on to new generations: And so God has assigned to each generation the natural duty of instructing the next, and has made each succeeding generation the criterion of the truth of the information handed down to it. For hearing many unusual traditions and strange ideas makes the mind more acute, enriches the soul, and gives food for thought and incentive to look further ahead. More knowledge received orally means more ideas, more ideas mean more thought, more thought means more wisdom, and more wisdom means more sensible actions.…31 In addition to adjudicating disputes, the qadi, or judge, had a number of additional responsibilities. The qadi had to be well-informed on local customs and practices of the community or groups that he served. The qadi oversaw the building of mosques, streets, bridges and public fountains, or other public works for the community he was serving at a given time. He inspected new buildings, as well as inspected public service institutions such as hospitals and soup kitchens, along with auditing all of a community’s important charitable endowments. The qadi essentially inspected all institutions that purportedly served the public, with special attention to those that served the poor in a charitable capacity. The qadi was also responsible for knowing about the care 213

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given to orphans and the poor, as well as serving as a guardian in marriages for women who had no male relatives. The qadi mediated in legal cases as well as in disputes before they arrived in a court of law. For example, he served as mediator in disputes between spouses and other family matters when an objective third party’s opinion was needed. Judges attempted to mediate disputes in order to keep social relationships intact so as to maintain amicability between disputants.32 Judges served as government appointees, and were thereby paid for their work, unlike muftis. However their pay was generally a partial salary, and during periods when they were not serving as judges, they sought out their own means for income. Until legal institutions formed in the eleventh or twelfth century, jurists held other jobs, and were “tanners, tailors, coppersmiths, copiers of manuscripts, and small merchants and traders” or lower and middle class positions.33 The first law professors began to emerge in the last decades of the seventh century as muftis who were becoming private specialists in the law. They did not earn a salary, but modest gifts from their students and their students’ families. Individuals wishing to study with a professor would ask to join the professor’s study group, and if accepted would sit alongside their teachers in a circle on the floor and discuss specific legal topics. Students who completed a period of training would receive a written document attesting to the completion of a certain work or a certain book under the professor’s tutelage. Some judges by day were often professors by afternoon, and by evening might act in the capacity of author-jurists as well. Individuals talented in all these capacities were deemed “among the most accomplished jurists.”34

Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence A number of different schools of thought emerged in Islam, and today four Sunni schools and three Shīʿah schools have survived. Many other smaller schools either disappeared or were eventually absorbed into the fold of larger schools. Among those schools no longer existing per se are the Zahirites and the Kharijites.35 An interesting exception is the Ibadi school that is now mostly centered in Oman. Ibadis accept far fewer ḥadīth, supported the Caliphs up to Uthman, and like Shīʿah did not support Aisha’s role after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. Ibadis are neither Sunni nor Shīʿah and constitute an interesting example of Islamic jurisprudence not seen in other parts of the Muslim world. Medina was an early center for the development of fiqh, as this was the first established city where early Muslims began to live and thrive and to apply Qurʾānic revelation to their daily lives. Later Syria and Iraq also became important centers of Islamic thought. Different schools of thought, madhahib (madhab, 214

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singular), began to develop. There are four schools of thought within Sunni Islam, and two within Shīʿah Islam. The four schools of Sunni Muslims are each named by students of the classical jurist who founded and taught them. In the 730s learned scholars led lively study circles where students came to listen to their thoughts on Islamic legal matters and by the first half of the eighth century law became more systematic and jurists had begun to use legal precedent and make assumptions and form methodologies for arriving at legal opinions.36 According to Ibn Khaldun,37 as the cities of Islam continued to grow and in them sites of learning and discussions of the ḥadīth and legal jurisprudence, illiteracy began to disappear among Arabs. This is an important point to consider as in contemporary times, the term madrasa is often associated with a heavy local emphasis on religious education over secular education. Ibn Khaldun’s assertion here reminds us that the divide between religious and secular knowledge is a feature of postcolonial nation-states, and that religious discussions in the early years of Islam in fact led to the development of all branches of knowledge. During the mid- to late eighth century methodological and doctrinal awareness between the varying schools also began to form.38 By the middle of the tenth century, these legal schools had become firmly established.39 These schools of legal thought do not resemble today’s university law schools. Students often learned from their teachers and then went on to become teachers in their own right. As such, each school of thought was the product of ongoing dialogic teacher-student interaction and transmission.40 Unlike in other cultures where law was created by a ruling government or dynasty, in Islam laws were created collectively by the legal schools in conversations between master jurists and their students. The legal schools were a fundamental part of Sharīʿah and until they were dismantled with modern reform after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the period of nation-state building that followed. Previous to this, every jurist belonged to a school in one way or another.41 These four schools share most of their rulings, but differ on the particular aḥadīth (pl.) they accept as authentic and the weight they give to analogy or reason (qiyas) in deciding difficulties.

Ḥanafī This is the oldest of the Sunni schools of thought and it was founded in Iraq during that time of the Abbasid Empire by Abū Ḥanīfah (d. 767). Abū Ḥanīfah was one of the “most gifted and liberal of the Islamic legists,” and the Ḥanīfah is known as the most “flexible and liberal” of the four schools.42 Abū Ḥanīfah used the qiyas method for coming to legal decisions because, perhaps due to distance from Mecca and Medina, “few traditions circulated among the Iraqis” [or, followers of the imām Abū Ḥanīfah who founded the Ḥanafī school].43 This school spread eastward to 215

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Iran until 1500. It also continued to spread to Central Asia and India. Later it was adopted by the Ottomans. Ḥanafī populations are today found in Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Central Asia, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Turkey.44

Mālikī This school began in Medina and the Hijaz and later spread to Egypt, and much of North Africa as well as Muslim Spain. Most of Africa falls under the Mālikī school with the exception of South Africa, Zanzibar, and some areas of Egypt.45 This is the second remaining school and was founded by Mālik ibn Anas (d. 795), the great collector of ḥadīths.46

Shāfi‘ī This school was founded by Muhammad Ibn Idris al-Shāfi‘ī (d. 819), who was “the greatest single legal scholar in Islamic history.”47 Al-Shafi’i was originally from Palestine, and he had studied under Mālik. He taught and practiced law in Baghdad, and wrote his major work in Egypt before his death. He met with the followers of Abū Ḥanīfah, and combined the approaches of Hijazis (Māliki school that placed much emphasis on the Prophetic tradition) and the Iraqis (Ḥanafī school that used opinion and analogy). He later disagreed with Mālik and founded his own school.48 Al-Shāfi‘ī is recognized for having developed the central concepts of Islamic jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh), which impacted all four schools of Islamic legal thought. Al-Shāfi‘ī methods stressed the Prophet Mohammed’s living examples, and the linkages between the Qurʾān and the Sunnah of the Prophet were firmly established in the Islamic tradition. Compared to the Ḥanafī school, he relied on qiyas less. Al-Shāfi‘ī helped create the classic understanding of ijma’ and stressed it over ijtihād. In this process, ijma’, as one of the four roots (usul) of Islamic jurisprudence, was actually applied as a method to the collection and verification of authenticity of the ḥadīth. This school developed in Medina, began in Egypt, and spread to Syria, some parts of Yemen, Malaysia, Indonesia, East Africa, and the Indian Ocean littoral. Syria gradually shifted to the Ḥanafī school in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.49

Ḥanbalī This is the fourth and the last of the surviving schools of Islamic jurisprudence. Founded by Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855), who was a contemporary of al-Shāfi‘ī, this school was also very much influenced by a deep trust and reliance on the 216

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ḥadīth and the companions of the Prophet Muhammad, where a companion could be defined as a person who might have even simply seen the Prophet during his lifetime.50 Perhaps in reaction to Shāfi‘ī’s synthesis of both the Prophetic tradition and the Ḥanafī method of reason, Ḥanbal stressed the Prophet tradition as narrated from the companions above all else. Ḥanbal had this to say about the centrality of the companions to the juridical process: The best of mankind are the Companions of God’s Messenger from the period during which he was among them. Anyone who knew him for a year or a month or a day or an hour, or even saw him, is of the Companions, to the extent that he was with him, took precedence with him, heeded his words and regarded him. The least of these in companionhood is better than the generation which did not see him. If they should come before God with all their works like those who were the associates of the Prophet—God Bless him and give him peace—and beheld him and listened to him, the one who saw him with his own eye and believed in him even for a single hour is better for his association than all who followed after, even if they should have performed all of the (requisite) good works.51 Ibn Taymiyyah and the seventh-century Salafist reformation were influenced by Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’s thinking. These remain some of the more conservative, traditionalist, and literalist strains in Islamic thought and continue to be the official school in modern Saudi Arabia. This school is the smallest of the four Sunni schools. It grew in Baghdad between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, and now has a large following in Saudi Arabia. All four of the Sunni schools regard each other as orthodox. Each school demonstrates a retention of cultural aspects of the regions where the schools are practiced today. While there are some differences in legal opinion between them, they share a great deal, particularly when one compares Sunni legal thought to the Shīʿah schools of thought. Both Sunni and Shīʿah schools treat ritual matters, or ‘ibadat, as well as mu’amalat, or social matters. Both Sunni and Shīʿah schools recognize the Qurʾān and the Sunnah as the most important sources of jurisprudence. The versions of the Sunnah that have been received in the two traditions differ a great deal.

Shīʿah Law Schools The three most prominent braches of legal thought in Shīʿah are known as the Zaydīs, the Ismailis who are alternately called the Seveners, and lastly the Ithnā ‘Asharīs, alternately called the Twelvers or the Imāmis. The most well known of the Shīʿah schools is the Ja’fari, named after the sixth Shīʿah imām Ja’far al-Sadiq.52 217

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The Zaydīs are closest to the Sunnis in that they do not believe that their imāms are superhuman. Zaydī Shīʿah are prominent in Yemen, and alternate forms of Shīʿah thought such as Hasanid Shīʿah held influence in Morocco until the thirteenth century when the region became Sunni over time (Cornell 1998, 200, 126).53 The Ismailis believe there has been an unbroken chain of imāms. Ismailis focus on the seventh of this successive chain of imāms, Ismail, thus explaining their also being called the Seveners . . . The Twelvers believe there have been 12 imāms. Since 1500, the Twelver (Ja’fari) school has been strong in Iran, as well as Bahrain, southern Iraq, southern Lebanon, and Azerbaijan (Hallaq 2009, 37). Both the Seveners and the Twelvers allow for the imām to generate doctrine, and believe the imāms are divinely guided and not subject to consensus as we see in Sunni law. This characteristic is the most important distinction between Sunni and Shīʿah forms of Islamic jurisprudence. Shīʿah is authoritative in the sense that it is believed that Allah teaches believers through the imāms. Religious authority according to this model moves from Allah, through the imāms, to the believers. In the Sunni jurisprudential model, authority was created from among the people who wrestled with interpretations of the Qurʾān and collecting, understanding, and applying principles from the Sunnah. According to the Sunni tradition there is a distinct understanding that fiqh is created as humans aspire to the Sunnah, while the Sunnah is seen as Allah’s way and therefore infallible. According to Shīʿah, Allah’s imāms on earth are compelled to render His will known. Therefore, ijtihād has been more prominent among Shīʿah. However, ijtihād has been used as a method for reasserting tradition based on past authority as we have seen in qiyas in the Sunni tradition.54 Both Sunnis and Shīʿah believe they have accurately followed the Sunnah, although their disagreements about who would follow in leading the Muslim community after the death of the Prophet Muhammad did lie in the question of what part of the Sunnah would be applied in order to reach this decision. In many ways, the split between these two branches of Islam can be understood as a major disagreement on how to apply the Sunnah and how to then create and apply Islamic law. One of the greatest differences seen particularly among the Twelvers is a form of temporary marriage, mut’a. While recognized among the Shīʿah community, it is seen as being similar to legal prostitution from the Sunni perspective.55 Other differences between the two branches include stricter divorce law among Shīʿah than Sunnis. Inheritance laws among Shīʿah offer more to female relatives.

Islamic Law and Family Because Islam is a religion that places so much emphasis on community, the family is often at the center of Islamic law. The place of women in family law is 218

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one of the most important sites of change, yet remains very controversial and is a sensitive topic.56 While the Qurʾān introduced substantial reform for the place of women in society compared to what existed at the time, Islamic law that developed after the revelation of the Qurʾān continued to rely heavily on pre-Islamic cultural understandings of the role of men and women in society that were often very patriarchal. The consensus that legitimated so much of Islamic law and provided a solid and reliable framework for legal thought to grow, has at the same time been a point of criticism for gendered critiques of Islamic law that point out the Qurʾānic teachings that appear to be much more inclusive of women than what is seen according to the legal tradition in general.57 Hallaq asserts that the failures of modern nation-states in the Muslim world have much to do with European interference and dismantling of Sharīʿah law. He explains that most portions of Islamic law were deliberately destroyed so that such law would not interfere during the colonial period that ensued between the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the sweeping independence movements that followed European colonialism in the Muslim world, from North Africa, to the Arab world, and to Indonesia and Malaysia.58 He further asserts that this partial and deliberate dismantling of Islamic law created new opportunities for “new patriarchy.”59 When we examine side by side the evolution of contemporary family law in Iran, Egypt, and Turkey, for example, we do see that nationalist men were often engaged in discourses of women’s rights in the spirit of modernity and women’s place as citizens in emerging nation-states. We see in all three cases here that these promises often fell short of keeping the promises made to women. Despite the radically different paths taken by Iran (Islamic cultural revolution and overthrow of a secular monarchy) as compared to Turkey (a secular state that banned Sharīʿah law and created a constitution based on the French and Swiss model), and then compared to Egypt (which retained some portions of Islamic family law while incorporating some elements from the French), across the board we see a failure in all three cases to build infrastructures that entitle women to make significant choices for their full agency.60 Despite the unfinished nature of family and personal status codes in the Islamic world, we have seen women participating at high levels in the political process, and in some cases receiving the right to vote prior to some European countries. The three major areas within Islamic family law are marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Marriage and the creation of a family are expected norms in Muslim societies. According to Islam, and in contrast to the Christian perspective, marriage is considered a contract between a man and a woman and, to greater or lesser degrees, a contract also between their two families. Islam also acknowledges human sexuality outside the limited sphere of procreation. Islamic law made many pronouncements regarding the role of pleasure in marriage that is absent from other religious legal discourses. Despite the fact that Islam placed 219

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marriage in the terms of a contract between two people, we still find examples of girls whose families give them little decision in their choices for marriage. This, according to Ali, is because Islamic jurisprudence continued to see women in marriage through the lens of ownership and that “Islamic law, in this view does not accurately embody the ideals of Islam regarding relations between spouses, which are mutuality, respect, and kindness.”61 Today one will find much to critique with regard to personal status law that offers more to men than to women. Despite this lack of change in this arena, one will also see a wide range of conceptions of marriage and increasing spheres of discussion on the internet about how to marry in accordance with Islamic principles. While in Turkey we will see examples or attempts to even acknowledge transgender and transsexual rights,62 in other areas of the Muslim world we may see little change in legal precendents, which have been in place for centuries, regarding women. We must take notice in the recent political change associated with the Arab Spring that women do see themselves as active participants in political change and are actively creating situations and fostering discussions where their voices will be heard.

Islamic Law and European Colonialism Islamic law was replaced by new legal forms after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire when European models of law were implemented to replace Sharīʿah. Sharīʿah is often widely misunderstood and misrepresented in the West, even seen as inherently backward by some. Sharīʿah was highly adaptive and allowed for wide interpretation in varying locals as Islam began to spread from region to region. Largely dismantled, it is now often seen as “a textual entity capable of offering little more than fixed punishments, stringent legal and ritual requirements, and oppressive rules under which women are required to live.”63 Hallaq argues that contemporary legal systems often assert a more “oppressive patriarchal system, engineered by the state, [which] came to replace another, arguably milder, form of traditional patriarchy.”64 The modern state as we know it was formed in Europe in the sixteenth century. This form of government was introduced in the Muslim world in the nineteenth century. Before this period Muslims lived under a different conception of the role, rights, and responsibilities of government. Before the birth of modern nation-states, in pre-modern Muslim rule (before the nineteenth century), “People were not registered at birth, had no citizenship status, and could travel and move to other lands and regions freely—there being no borders, no passports, no nationalities, and no geographic fixity to residential status.”65 The topic of how Islamic law began to lose its prominence is a vast topic that can only be covered briefly here. In the interest of covering some of the important events, summary information is offered here by country.66 220

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Brief timeline showing European influence on former Sharīʿah countries67 1804: The promulgation in France of the Code Civil (Code Napoléon), later influential in a number of Muslim countries. 1828: Muhammad ‘Ali sent the first group of Egyptian (law) students to Paris. At or around this time the Ottomans and the Qajars did the same. 1830: The drastic weakening of the ‘ulamā’ class in the Ottoman Empire, Egypt, and French Algeria. 1847–69: The first major wave of educational reforms in the Ottoman Empire. 1850: A commercial, French-based code promulgated in the Ottoman Empire. 1858: The promulgation in the Ottoman Empire of the Penal Code and Land Law. 1859: French penal code enacted in Algeria. 1860s: Egyptian legal experts begin translating French civil, commercial, penal, and procedural codes into Arabic. 1860–80: The gradual restriction of Sharīʿah application to personal status in the Ottoman Empire and Egypt. 1864: The promulgation in the Ottoman Empire of the Law of Provincial Administration. 1874: The promulgation, in the Ottoman Empire, of the Law of the Sharīʿah Judiciary 1884–75: The promulgation in Egypt of the Civil Code, the Penal Code, the Commercial Code, the Code of Maritime Commerce, the Code of Civil and Commercial Procedure (all greatly influenced by French law). 1875: The establishment of mixed courts in Egypt. 1876: First modern law school established in Istanbul. 1880: Code of Civil Procedure enacted in the Ottoman Empire. 1880–1937: Sharīʿah in Indonesia is restricted by the Dutch to family law, with the exception of the waqf in Sumatra. 1906: Iran adopts a new constitution. 1917: Ottoman Law of Family Rights enacted. 1923: Turkey declares itself a republic. 1924: Ataturk abolishes the caliphate in Turkey. 1925–42: Rule of Reza Shah Pahlavi in Iran, major wave of legal reforms. 1926: Code of Civil Procedure and Code of Juridical Organization promulgated in Iran. 1931: Act of Marriage promulgated in Iran. 1935: New Civil Code in Iran. 1937: Dutch enact new laws to regulate waqfs in Indonesia. 221

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1945: Constitution adopted in Indonesia. 1947: Pakistan declares independence. 1949: Mixed courts abolished in Egypt. 1949: New Civil code in Syria. 1951: New Civil Code in Iraq. 1951: Law of Family Rights enacted in Jordan. 1952: Family waqfs abolished in Egypt. 1955: Sharīʿah law abolished in Egypt. 1956: Code of Personal Status promulgated in Tunisia. 1956: Constitution promulgated in Pakistan. 1959: Code of Personal Status in Iraq. 1961: Muslim Family Laws in Pakistan. 1964: New constitution in Algeria. 1967: Family Protection Act in Iran. 1969: Egyptian court renamed to the Supreme Constitutional Court. 1973: New constitution in Pakistan. 1973: Constitution adopted in Syria. 1974: Marriage Law enacted in Indonesia. 1975: Family Protection Act amended in Iran. 1975: Law of Personal Status amended in Syria. 1979: Islamic Revolution in Iran, new constitution. 1980–96: Changes to criminal code in Iran. 1989: Unification of Sharīʿah courts in Indonesia. 1989: Iranian constitution amended, Presidential powers expanded. 1991: Enactment of the Compilation of Islamic Law in Indonesia. 1992: Law of Personal Status in Yemen. 1996: New constitution in Algeria. 2003: Iranian Civil Code Promulgated. 2003–7: Major legislative enactments in occupied Iraq. In the modern era, the Sharīʿah continues to influence the area of personal status law that addresses marriage, divorce and inheritance, child custody, adoption, and public decorum in a number of Muslim countries today.68 Whether intact or not, Sharīʿah continues to cast influence over the lives of many people. Even in contemporary Turkey where “a public appeal to Sharīʿah is a criminal offense” we continue to see Islam growing in what was once a rigidly secular public sphere.69 Contemporary scholars argue that Islamic law needs most reform in the specific areas relating to women and gender issues, and other scholars argue that Islam and the secular state are compatible.70 Some Islamic activists have reclaimed the principle of ijtihād on the basis that Islamic law based on centuries old interpretations are no longer relevant in today’s world, and that a rethinking of legal consensus should be reestablished.71 What used to squarely 222

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be the domain of the waqf, or those institutions set up to administer public assistance, are quickly shifting to a more globally recognized human rights-NGO discourse that honors social advancement and personal engagement in ways that are not incompatible with older Islamic precepts. In this regard, significant reform in the area of women’s rights have occurred, but while we see improvement we also see rights ignored and dismissed as in the case of Kazakhstan where men may now claim to be adhering to “authentic” Kazakh traditions and Islamic law in reintroducing polygamy.72 Lawyer Azizah al-Hibri73 has argued that women need to become better aware of their rights within Islam, while Ali argues that to pick and choose elements from multiple sources within the larger traditions of Islamic jurisprudence is in effect counterproductive to improving women’s positions because it does not systematically challenge patriarchal shortcomings. She says, A serious analysis of traditional jurisprudential logic leads me to the conclusion that a new jurisprudence is required. It cannot be achieved piecemeal, or through strategies of patching together acceptable rules from different schools. Nor can it be sidestepped by an exclusive focus on scripture. There is no getting around law; we must understand it, then work to replace it. (166) It seems very unlikely that Islamic law is likely to reappear as it once existed prior to European colonial influence and the subsequent nation-state building period. We can expect that Islamic law will continue to be observed wherever Muslims live around the world, in the private lives of those for whom it is meaningful and offers guidance. For those Muslims who seek to conduct their public business affairs in a manner that is consistent with their personal faith convictions, they may find that democratic discourses regarding transparency may overlap with older Islamic notions of consensus building. The influence of Islamic law continues to hold sway in nongovernmental organizations who seek more social equality, and it can be sensed in the many Muslim serving organizations outside of Muslim majority countries, such as The Council on American Islamic Relations.(CAIR), that continues to fight oppression through what it sees as a mainstream Muslim frame. Muslims today are likely to have a number of resources available as they seek answers to life’s pressing questions. Muslims in today’s hyper technological world will continue to draw from a variety of sources as they build a personal Sharīʿah reality that meets the realities in which they live. The ‘ulamā’ of yesterday relied on a monopoly of textbased knowledge that is not only challenged today by Western legal influence, but the virtual democratization of knowledge and discourse itself. Technology seems to have created more space for Muslim epistemologies and virtual realms of experience, as well as countless digital television stations. Perhaps rather 223

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than approaching the end of Islamic law, we are entering a new era in which Muslims will seek it out in new and unexpected forms with more individual choice in finding religious-legal advice that meets their individual needs and expectations.

Notes  1 Frederick Mathewson Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 4th edn (New York: Prentice Hall, 2011), 187.  2 Wael B. Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 28.  3 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 25.  4 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 187.  5 First through third century hijri, and seventh through ninth-century CE.  6 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 193.  7 Kecia Ali, “Progressive Muslims and Islamic Jurisprudence: The Necessity for Critical Engagement with Marriage and Divorce Law,” in Progressive Muslims: On Justice, Gender and Pluralism, ed. Omid Safi (Oxford: OneWorld Publications, 2007), 166.  8 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 188.  9 Ali, “Progressive Muslims and Islamic Jurisprudence,” 167. 10 John L. Esposito and Dalia Mogahed, Who Speaks for Islam? What a Billion Muslims Really Think (New York: Gallup Press, 2007), 48. 11 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 19. 12 Ibid., 27. 13 John L. Esposito, What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 140. 14 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 39. 15 Ibid., 40. 16 Ibid, 40–1. 17 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 189. 18 Ibid., 189. 19 Ibid., 190. 20 Ibid. 21 Esposito, What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam, 140. 22 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 19. 23 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 191. 24 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 8. 25 Denny, An Introdcution to Islam, 192. 26 Ali, “Progressive Muslims and Islamic Jurisprudence,” 163. 27 Ibid., 167. 28 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 9. 29 Ibid., 9–11. 30 Ibid., 13. 31 F. E. Peters, A Reader of Classical Islam (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994), 213–14. Peters here quotes al-Jahiz’s The Proofs of Prophecy, 125–6. 32 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 12. 33 Ibid., 13. 34 Ibid. 35 Peters, A Reader on Classical Islam, 241.

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Fiqh 36 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 32. 37 Peters, A Reader on Classical Islam, 240. Peters here quotes from Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddima 3: 4–8. 38 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 34. 39 Ibid., 32. 40 Ibid., 31–33. 41 Ibid., 37. 42 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 195. 43 Peters, A Reader on Classical Islam, 240–1 Peters here quotes from Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddima 3: 4–8. 44 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 37. 45 Ibid., 37. 46 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 195. 47 Ibid., 195. 48 Peters, A Reader on Classical Islam, 242. Peters here quotes from Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddima 3: 4–8. 49 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 37; Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 196. 50 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 196; John A. Williams, Themes of Islamic Civilization (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 31. Williams here quotes Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’s Creed. 51 Williams, Themes of Islamic Civilization, 31. Williams quotes from Aḥmad ibn ḤanbalCreed. 52 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 198. 53 Vincent J. Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1998). See also Halima Ferhat,. Sabta des Origines aux IVe Siècle (Rabat: Imprimerie El Maârif Al Jadida, 1993). 54 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 197. 55 Ibid., 198. 56 See, for example, Ali, “Progressive Muslims and Islamic Jurisprudence”; Esposito, What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam, 140. 57 See, for example, Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’an (Austin, TX: The University of Texas at Austin, 2002). 58 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 115–39. 59 Ibid., 118. 60 See for example Lila Abu Lughod (ed.), Remaking Women: Feminism and Modernity in the Middle East (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998). 61 Ali, Progressive Muslims and Islamic Jurisprudence, 164. 62 Deniz Kandiyoti, Trouble and Strife at the Crossroads of Gender (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2002), 277–93. 63 Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 3. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid., 7–8. 66 I draw heavily here from the work of Hallaq, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 179–83. 67 This timeline is very useful in understanding how Islamic law slowly shifted over to Constitutional law, with exception in the area of family law, marriage law, and personal status codes. One must also consider the other countries not represented here, and particularly what might have been happening at the same time in Palestine, and the Gulf States. This is a partial picture that shows some of the more important windows where legal reform was taking place. 68 Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 207. 69 Daniel G. Gates and Amal Rassam, Peoples and Cultures of the Middle East, 2nd edn (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2001), 55.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 70 Abdullahi An Na’im, Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari’a (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008). 71 Esposito, What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam, 141. 72 See, for example, Greta Uehling, “Dinner with Akhmet,” in Everyday Life in Central Asia: Past and Present, eds, Jeff Sahadeo and Russell Zanca (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2002), 127–40. 73 Aziza Al-Hibri, “A Story of Islamic Herstory: Or How Did We Ever Get into This Mess?” Women in Islam: Women’s Studies International Forum Magazine 5 (1982), 193–206.

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9

From Margin to Mainstream: The History of Islamic Art and Architecture in the Twenty-First Century* Jaclynne J. Kerner

Introduction The history of Islamic art—a “disciplinary tent” that also covers architecture and archaeology—has developed into a conceptually, methodologically, geographically, and temporally wide-ranging academic field since its emergence in the late nineteenth century. For more than a century, Western scholars have used the term “Islamic art” to denote the artistic enterprises of Muslim-ruled or Muslim-majority societies from the advent of Islam through the early modern period and across a geographic span of approximately 10,000 miles.1 Yet in comparison to most branches of art history, which emerged as an academic discipline early in the nineteenth century, Islamic art is a veritable newcomer to the canon. The later twentieth century’s preeminent historian of Islamic art and architecture, Oleg Grabar, described the field as still “in its infancy”2 less than three decades ago. Despite the relative novelty of Islamic art-historical study and the field’s ostensible “underdeveloped”3 state, recent developments in scholarship, museum practices, and collecting activity would appear to signal its “coming-of-age” in the opening decades of the twenty-first century. Scholars, students, and critics of Islamic art are presently renegotiating and advancing the discipline’s boundaries, even as they revisit long-running debates over the field’s identity and its Western conceptualization.4 The validity of the term “Islamic” as a meaningful artistic classification has long attracted scrutiny, as has the applicability of the word “art” to the visual culture of Islamic lands.5 The perception—and criticism—of Islamic art as a Western construct and related issues seem to have acquired renewed urgency attributable to burgeoning public interest in Islam (curious, sympathetic, and hostile), the growing visibility of Islamic art and architecture in university curricula and museums, and the rising stature of Islamic art on the international art market.6 227

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This appraisal of the historiography of Islamic art and state of the discipline appears at a transitional moment in its history. With the death of Oleg Grabar in January, 2011, the field lost its foremost scholar and leading advocate.7 Ten months later, the Department of Islamic Art at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art opened its newly renovated galleries after an eight-year closure and renovation. Along with the reinstallation came a name change. Formerly housed in the galleries of “Islamic Art,” the museum’s world-renowned collection is now displayed in the galleries of “The Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia.”8 It remains to be seen how such matters will affect the future study of Islamic art, but it seems appropriate to frame the present discussion in terms of the historical development of the field and the legacies of its leading practitioners. The primary aims of this chapter are threefold: to assess the field’s parameters as historically and currently defined; to survey the historiography of Islamic art and architecture; and to evaluate the field’s nascent maturity in light of the rapidly changing state of the discipline. Guidance of a more practical kind will also be offered to those interested in pursuing specialized study at the graduate level in North America. Unlike some branches of art history, the history of Islamic art is hardly an overworked area of study; boundless opportunities for original research await current and future scholars of Islamic art and architecture.9

Disciplinary Identity and Boundaries To the late nineteenth-century European scholars who gave Islamic art its taxonomic identity and established the discipline concerned with its study, “Islamic art” was a broadly construed but relatively unambiguous concept.10 The term referred not only to objects and monuments produced under Muslim patronage, but to an extensive range of artistic expressions in lands having Muslim political leadership or a Muslim religious majority.11 “Islamic art” was not necessarily “Muslim art,”12 however, given that the makers, patrons, and users of objects and monuments so defined were frequently non-Muslims. In fact, since the field’s inception, it has often been acknowledged that “the academic field of Islamic art has only a tenuous and problematic relationship with the religion of Islam.”13 Chronologically, Islamic art and architecture’s parameters span more than a millennium, from the seventh through the eighteenth, nineteenth, or early twentieth century. On stylistic grounds and for practical reasons, most histories of Islamic art employ a tripartite periodization consisting of the Early, Medieval, and Later Islamic eras. These correspond respectively to the seventh through tenth centuries, the eleventh through fourteenth centuries, and from the fifteenth century onward.14 228

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Islamic art and architecture’s geographical range is supranational, covering nearly 40 modern countries. Most survey texts and college survey courses, however, limit their coverage to three regions: The Middle Eastern and West Asian “Central Islamic” lands, “Western Islamic” territories such as North Africa and Muslim Spain, and the “Eastern Islamic” lands, which include Iran, Central Asia and, sometimes, the Indian subcontinent.15 As defined politically, the history of Islamic art began during the rule of the first Muslim dynasty, the Umayyads, and ended with the demise of the great empires (the Ottomans of Turkey, the Safavids of Iran, and the Mughals of India). When viewed from a Eurocentric perspective, the history of Islamic art closes with the expansion of Western contact with the Islamic world and/or the colonization of historically Muslim-governed territories. As an art-historical category, “Islamic art” refers to much more than objects and monuments created in the service of the Muslim faith, such as manuscripts of the Qurʾān, mosques, and madrasas, although historians of Islamic art study these, as well. Most surviving works of Islamic art were secular, and many of them originally served utilitarian purposes, often as tableware. The full spectrum of Islamic art runs the gamut of material artifacts. Metalwork, ceramics, glass, stone, manuscripts, woodwork, jewelry, and textiles feature prominently in Islamic art’s vast array of artistic media. While specialists acknowledge that very few Islamic objects were made “for art’s sake,”16 neutral descriptors like “portable” are generally preferred over terms used in Western art-historical taxonomy like “decorative,” “minor,” or “applied arts.”17 Additionally, the hierarchical ranking of Western artistic media, in which painting and sculpture are the highest forms of expression, is irrelevant in the context of Islamic visual culture. Sculpture is virtually nonexistent in the history of Islamic art.18 Large-format painting is largely absent, as well. For most of Islamic history, painting was most frequently done in service of the arts of the book, which also include calligraphy and bookbinding.19 With the exception of calligraphers, the history of Islamic art contains relatively few named artists. Architecture and archaeology have traditionally been considered subfields of study within the history of Islamic art. Architecture is sometimes cited as the clearest expression of Islamic artistic creativity,20 and the conventional separation between art and archaeology was of little relevance to the history of Islamic art until fairly recently.21 Although archaeology is increasingly viewed as a separate discipline,22 the construction of a chronological framework for Islamic art relied heavily upon archaeological findings and other objects not usually designated as “art,” as well as the study of the built environment (which includes monuments and elements of architectural decoration, like tiles). Like all branches of art history, the study of Islamic art is inherently interdisciplinary, requiring a synthesis of several humanistic fields to better understand objects and monuments in relation to their original circumstances.23 Art history 229

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emerged as an autonomous discipline in early nineteenth-century Europe. Its basic methods are thus foreign to Islamic culture, and Muslim scholars were, for the most part, uninvolved in the study of Islamic art until relatively recently.24 Despite the potential shortcoming of “Islamic art” as a Western construct, and despite art history’s disciplinary formulation in the context of Western visual and scholarly traditions,25 historians of Islamic art and architecture have devised a range of approaches as varied as the material culture they study.26 These approaches are best understood in the context of the field’s development since its emergence in the closing decades of the nineteenth century.

Orientalism and “Islamophilia”: The Late Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries The genesis of the field of study concerned with Islamic art and architecture is a fascinating chapter in the much-maligned history of Orientalism. In the most general terms, the discipline’s foundations were born of the European “rediscovery” of the Islamic world in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and of a confluence of academic, artistic, economic, and diplomatic factors. At the time, Western interests in Islamic art and architecture were not purely aesthetic or even necessarily intellectual; they were ancillary to the political and/or commercial ambitions exercised by several European nations in Muslim-controlled territories. Since at least the Middle Ages, European travelers had collected souvenirs from Islamic lands, but the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries witnessed the birth of a veritable “craze” for Islamic art in the West.27 “Islamophilia” was part and parcel of the then-current European fascination with a heavily romanticized, exotic, and mystical East. Collection-building was one of many types of “orientalist adventure,”28 but the European vogue for Islamic objects predated both the coinage of the term “Islamic art” and the earliest studies of Islamic objects and monuments by several decades. Throughout the nineteenth century, European authors, artists, architects, and designers engaged with Islamic artistic and architectural forms and decoration in direct and indirect ways. Travelers’ accounts and the travels of artists seeking new and exotic sources of artistic inspiration piqued European interests in Islamic visual culture and the built environment of Muslim lands. Spain and Morocco were two of Islamic art and architecture’s key points of entry into the Western collective consciousness. The French Romantic painter Eugène Delacroix traveled to Morocco in 1832, two years after France occupied northern Algeria.29 Delacroix’s six-month stay in Morocco and his travels in Spain and Algeria supplied him with visual themes that informed his artistic output for the rest of his career.30 1832 was also the year that Washington Irving published his 230

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Tales of the Alhambra, which familiarized a vast readership with the architectural remains of the Nasrid dynasty of Granada, Spain. A decade later, the British architect and designer Owen Jones started publishing a set of Plans, Elevations, Sections and Details of the Alhambra based on his firsthand study of the palatial Spanish-Muslim citadel. Jones later included hundreds of Islamic designs in his design sourcebook, The Grammar of Ornament (1856). Jones’ designs represented a number of regional Islamic styles (Arab, Turkish, Persian, and “Moresque,” or Spanish Muslim), but his approach to historic source material was practical, not art-historical. To Jones, Islamic designs and motifs illustrated certain “principles” for the decorative arts; his publication was intended to reinvigorate and inspire contemporary European designers (of domestic articles like wallpaper and teapots) and others involved with the “applied” or “industrial arts.”31 Academic Orientalism also contributed to the development of Islamic art history. European bibliophiles, philologists, paleographers, epigraphers, historians, linguists, and numismatists had been drawn to various parts of the Islamic world since the late eighteenth century. Some of them produced scholarly works, such as collections of inscriptions and architectural surveys, that later became important resources for the study of Islamic art. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 afforded new and exciting opportunities to European intellectuals, for whom Egypt became a leading destination.32 Émile Prisse d’Avennes, a French artist, engineer, and convert to Islam, produced patternbooks and plans for Egyptophiles from his base of operations in Cairo. He also published an ambitious compendium, L’art arabe d’après les monuments du Kaire, in 1877.33 Although Prisse’s approach was encyclopedic, it was not yet art-historical, as it sought to record, rather than contextualize, its many subjects. L’art arabe nonetheless later served as a valuable resource for the earliest historians of Islamic art and architecture.

The Constitution of a Discipline: The Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries When the first art-historical writings on Islamic art appeared in Europe near the close of the nineteenth century, objects in a variety of media were being collected and studied with some consideration of their historical significance. However, dealers and collectors, not scholars, exerted the strongest influence over the emerging discipline and largely determined the course of its early development.34 At the time, Paris was home to many of the most important collectors, connoisseurs, and dealers of Islamic art. Some, like Albert Goupil, had amassed substantial and relatively comprehensive collections of Islamic objects. Goupil had traveled in Egypt in 1868 with his brother-in-law, the Orientalist painter Jean-Léon Gérôme. Upon returning to France, Goupil devoted himself 231

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to building and promoting his collection of “Oriental” and “Occidental” objects, before selling it at auction in 1888. Prior to the sale, previews were held at Goupil’s Parisian home and the Hôtel Drouot auction house. The anonymous sale catalog describes the collection’s contents, its division into “Eastern” and “Western” (largely European Renaissance) sections, and the viewing rooms’ arrangement, which “permit their owner to think himself transported by turns inside some palace from The Thousand and One Nights or a dwelling of a great lord of the sixteenth century.”35 Dealers and collectors were among the most important contributors to the emerging discourse on Islamic art; in addition to Goupil, collectors like Henri Vever and Charles Schéfer privately assembled important collections of Islamic art at a time when public cultural institutions had barely begun to develop their holdings or stage major exhibitions.36 Islamophile antiquarian tastes, which fueled a burgeoning market for Islamic art, also resulted in early but important developments in Islamic archaeology in the second half of the nineteenth century. Nineteenth-century archaeological activity in the Islamic sphere was often linked with diplomacy and/or colonialism in complex ways, but the greater part of the field’s initial impetus was the recovery of artifacts to keep the market well-supplied.37 Like the study of Islamic art and architecture, Islamic archaeology acquired scientific rigor over time, and even the earliest findings were instrumental in the establishment of a chronological framework for the history of Islamic art and architecture.38 Private collectors were regular lenders to the earliest large-scale public displays of Islamic art in Europe, which took place not at museums, but world’s fairs like the 1878 Exposition Universelle held in Paris.39 Albert Goupil, for example, had lent part of his Islamic art collection to the Exposition Universelle ten years before he sold it at auction.40 World’s fairs, or universal exhibitions, displayed the world’s architectural styles, fine arts, machinery, and commercial manufactures, and they were generally organized on the basis of national origin. By promoting “the concept of nationhood,” world’s fairs ultimately “encouraged the classification of art and architecture by national styles.”41 Unsurprisingly, national and/or ethno-racial classifications proliferated in the early scholarship on Islamic art. Commentators frequently employed a ranking system in which an artwork’s status was determined by its place of origin’s principal ethnic group. The writings of nineteenth-century racial theorists like Joseph-Arthur de Gobineau were particularly influential. Gobineau, a French diplomat and man of letters, first propounded his theory of racial inequality in the 1850s. By the 1870s, it was widely accepted among European intellectual circles. According to Gobineau, Indo-European (or “Aryan”) superiority was a scientific fact, and Indo-Europeans, including Persians, were more culturally advanced than other ethnic groups.42 Gobineau credited Arabs, as Semites, with a brilliant medieval civilization, but saw their ability to recapture their former 232

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glory as hampered by their racial make-up. At the bottom of Gobineau’s scale were the Turks, whom he considered the least refined. Following Gobineau’s lead, many early writers on Islamic art cited Persia (modern Iran) as the principal source of Islamic artistry, rather than the Arabian Peninsula, which was Islam’s birthplace. They also took a rather dim view of Turkey and its cultural achievements. One such author was James Fergusson, an early writer on “Saracenic”43 architecture. Fergusson claimed that the Turks, among all Muslim peoples, were “the least capable … of elaborating such an art as we find in all other countries subject to this faith.”44 Gobineau’s repugnant theory circulated widely, but other approaches to Islamic culture were emerging in the later nineteenth century. Like many of the disciplines comprising Islamic Studies, the history of Islamic art was transformed when Western scholars began to shed their Orientalist bias and to study Islam “as a cultural identity as well as a religious system.”45 By the 1890s, scholars had developed a keen interest in “the evolution of religions,” and they had begun to examine Islam “as a defineable [sic] cultural and religious entity. It was at this juncture that the study of Islamic art and architecture gained momentum.”46 One of the most popular approaches to result from that momentum was the “universalist approach” to Islamic art and architecture, which sought to identify an aesthetic unity in the form of a pan-Islamic artistic “personality”47 or “language of style”48 stemming from a common religious worldview. Viewed from this perspective, Islam was a “normative force” that shaped and determined the character of Islamic art and architecture.49 The “universal” Islamic visual language is typically described as one that exhibits a predilection for surface decoration in general, its particular “vocabulary” consisting principally of calligraphy and calligraphic ornament, floral and vegetal motifs, and geometric patterns, each of which could be used singly or in combination.50 The elevation of writing to an art form is a prominent feature of Islamic visual traditions, but a vibrant figural tradition is also evident throughout Islamic art’s long history. The latter remains the least well understood aspect of Islamic art. Even today, it is widely (but mistakenly) assumed that Islamic art contains little or no figural imagery, and that the depiction of figures was proscribed by Islam.51 In truth, the representation of living beings was not expressly forbidden by Muslim doctrine; only idolatry is specifically forbidden in the Qurʾān.52 The Islamic “attitude” toward figural representation, if one has ever existed, is best described as “aniconic,”53 given that images were not used as aids to religious devotion in mainstream Muslim religious practice.54 The depiction of animated subjects was historically confined to secular, often private, contexts; figural imagery was not used in religious contexts throughout most of Islamic history.55 The scholarly view of Islam as a definable, discrete cultural unit prompted a shift in the terminology applied to Islamic art in the later nineteenth and early 233

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twentieth centuries, when organized exhibitions became increasingly popular throughout Europe. The earliest “general exhibition devoted to Islamic art”56 was the “Exposition d’Art Musulman” held in 1893 at the Palais de l’Industrie on the Champs-Élysées in Paris.57 The 1893 exhibit was not the first time Islamic art had been shown in such a manner, but the show’s title deviated from the then-standard taxonomy: “Musulman” is the French equivalent of “Islamic.”58 Earlier exhibitions of Islamic art were almost invariably labeled in ethno-racial terms. The first formal European exhibition of “Persian art” had been held in 1876 at London’s South Kensington Museum (now the Victoria and Albert Museum). The guide to the exhibition, simply entitled Persian Art,59 was written by Sir Robert J. Murdoch Smith, who had acquired a substantial collection of Iranian art for the museum during his 20 years of service as director of the Persian telegraph company in Tehran. In 1885, London’s Burlington House mounted an exhibit of “specimens of Persian and Arab art.”60 The use of the term “musulman” for the 1893 Parisian exhibition was both “controversial”61 and of enormous consequence to the emerging discipline of Islamic art and architectural history. By 1907, when Gaston Migeon and Henri Saladin published their two-volume handbook, Manuel d’art musulman, Islamic art was increasingly classified on a religio-cultural, rather than racial, basis.62 Four years earlier, Migeon, a curator in the Louvre’s Department of Objets d’art, had co-organized an exhibition of Islamic art. 1903’s “Exposition des Arts Musulmans” was mounted at the Musée des Arts Décoratifs in Paris, in the western wing of the Louvre also known as the Pavillon de Marsan. The exhibition assembled scores of Islamic art objects lent by a number of collectors, and its catalog gathered the wisdom of several scholars. Migeon contributed much of the volume’s art-historical content, but the exhibited works’ Arabic inscriptions were read by the renowned Swiss epigrapher Max van Berchem, and the prolific French editor and translator Clément Huart studied the Persian inscriptions.63 Sound scholarly practices notwithstanding, the exhibition was not a purely academic exercise; like Owen Jones, the show’s organizers sought to promote the study of, and “propagate taste for,” a “neglected” art in order to “improve” contemporary craftsmanship.64 The 1903 exhibition is regarded today as a milestone that “marked the turning point for connoisseurship in Islamic art.”65 Similarly, the years just before the outbreak of World War I are now considered a seminal period in the field’s growth. Islamic art’s “reach” grew to include other European capitals of culture like Munich and Vienna.66 Another groundbreaking exhibition was staged in 1910 at the exhibition park on Munich’s Theresienhöhe. “Meisterwerke Muhammedanischer Kunst” [“Masterpieces of Muhammadan Art”], an assemblage of 3,600 objects from German, French, British, Spanish, Turkish, Egyptian, and Russian collections, was the largest and most 234

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comprehensive display of Islamic art to date. “Meisterwerke” was also the most intellectually ambitious and advanced exhibition of its time. A group of experts on Islamic art, together with the director of the exhibition committee, Hugo von Tschudi, set out to radically transform the reception of Islamic art in the West.67 It was their shared conviction that Islamic art should assume its rightful place alongside the great artistic traditions of other world cultures.68 Then-prevalent Orientalist views of Islamic art were to be abandoned, along with the simplistic view of Islamic art as a principally decorative artistic tradition. Von Tschudi’s introduction to the exhibit’s guidebook summarized and cast a critical eye on the recurring themes in the early scholarship on Islamic art, especially aspects of the “universalist approach” like the high esteem in which calligraphy was held in Islamic culture, and Islamic art’s aniconism (the nonuse of figural images in religious contexts).69 Like his predecessors, however, von Tschudi also highlighted Islamic art’s relevance to “modern artistic creativity.”70 “Meisterwerke” was both a failure and a success. Commercially, and to some extent, critically, the exhibition was a disappointment. European museumgoers were accustomed to crowded, bazaar-like, Orientalist fantasy displays of Islamic objects. The 1910 exhibition’s sober arrangement of individual works of art underwhelmed the public,71 but von Tschudi and his colleagues largely succeeded on an intellectual level. By exploring Islamic artistic expression as inclusive of “masterpieces” for the first time, they created an exhibition of great art-historical, museological, and aesthetic significance.72 The impact of their chosen display techniques is still felt in displays of Islamic art today.73 Encyclopedic texts like that of Migeon and Saladin and installation techniques like those of the 1910 Munich exhibition signaled the transformation of Islamic art history into a discipline with academic rigor and a clear emphasis on historicism.74 This transformative process was paralleled by the “institutionalization” of Islamic art in the early twentieth century, when several academic chairs in the discipline were established in major Western universities. Islamic architecture followed a similar trajectory as a “subject of study within art history.”75 The modern study of Islamic art and architecture also owes much to the work of Max van Berchem, a noteworthy Islamicist of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Van Berchem, the Swiss-born founder of Arabic epigraphy as a discrete discipline, applied the term “monuments” to both architectural monuments and works of art. To van Berchem, Islamic “monuments,” which included a range of painted works, coins, manuscripts, and portable objects in various media, were “historical documents that would reveal the true history of the Islamic lands.”76 Echoes of his holistic, historicizing approach are detectable in the vast majority of later scholarly treatments of Islamic art and architecture. 235

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Expansion and Advancement: The Interwar and Postwar Periods European scholars made great strides in advancing and expanding the discipline of Islamic art between World Wars I and II. Before the rise of the Third Reich and Fascism triggered the field’s reconfiguration in the 1930s, the interwar period witnessed the escalating specialization of scholarly research in Islamic art. Building on earlier work undertaken by van Berchem and his contemporaries, studies of individual monuments like the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the early Islamic desert palace at Ukhaydir (Iraq) proliferated, as did thematic and media-specific analyses of Islamic figural painting traditions, calligraphy, and textiles.77 Berlin emerged as another leading center for the study of Islamic art during the interwar period. In 1920, the University of Berlin appointed the German archaeologist and historian Ernst Herzfeld, who led the excavation of numerous pre-Islamic and Islamic sites over the course of a long and trans-Atlantic career. Prior to World War I, Herzfeld had explored sites throughout upper Mesopotamia with Friedrich Sarre and directed the excavation of the second ‘Abbasid capital, Samarra (Iraq).78 Soon after Herzfeld took up his appointment in Berlin, he traveled extensively throughout Iran and Afghanistan, where he acquired many of the works of Islamic art that form the vast collection of Berlin’s Staatliche Museen. Herzfeld sailed for the United States in 1936; he had been dismissed by the university in 1935, after making an official declaration that his grandparents were Jews. Under the auspices of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, Herzfeld later directed the excavation of the pre-Islamic citadel at Persepolis (Iran). He also held a professorship at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton and a teaching post at New York University’s Institute of Fine Arts.79 Herzfeld’s scholarship combined historical methods—taking a philological approach to literary sources, inscriptions, and coins, for example—with stylistic analysis of artistic content, including iconographic motifs and ornamentation.80 Herzfeld’s methodological approach was later employed by many scholars of Islamic art and architecture, even though the discipline itself underwent a geographic realignment in the decade prior to his death in 1948.81 Sweeping changes to the study of Islamic art and architecture occurred on both sides of the Atlantic in the 1930s and 1940s. Pioneering European Islamicists of the period include the French scholar Jean Sauvaget, who traced the evolution of Muslim society through his masterly studies of the architecture of Syrian cities including Aleppo and Damascus.82 American scholars, as well as Europeans based in the United States, became increasingly prominent during and after World War II. Ultimately, the United States eclipsed Europe as the postwar leader in Islamic art-historical scholarship. One of the most notable proponents of Islamic art of the World War II era was the American archaeologist, art historian, and entrepreneur Arthur Upham 236

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Pope. In 1931, Pope curated an “International Exhibition of Persian Art” for London’s Burlington House.83 He subsequently organized the ambitious 1940 exhibition, “Six Thousand Years of Persian Art,” for New York’s Iranian Institute.84 Pope, who had reputedly paid his way through college by selling carpets “to slightly bewildered undergraduates,”85 earned a rather colorful reputation; he was posthumously denigrated as “the P.T. Barnum of Persian art.”86 Pope’s exhibitions and publications nevertheless made major contributions to the study of Islamic art. The monumental Survey of Persian Art, coedited by Pope and his wife, Phyllis Ackerman, remains his most enduring publication despite its reversion to earlier scholarship’s ethno-racial taxonomy.87 Of the many European scholars who relocated to North America in the 1930s, the most influential historian of Islamic art was Richard Ettinghausen, a German-born professor, researcher, and curator. Ettinghausen fled the Third Reich in 1933, emigrating first to Britain and then to the United States, where he was active at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, the University of Michigan, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Freer Gallery of Art in Washington, DC, and the Institute of Fine Arts at New York University. As a scholar, Ettinghausen sought to define the nature of Islamic art, demonstrate its “unique character,”88 and delineate an integrative, interdisciplinary approach for its future critical study.89 Ettinghausen also established the study of Islamic iconography as a scholarly pursuit almost singlehandedly. Several of Ettinghausen’s studies of the content of images remain “classics” of the genre decades after their publication.90 Ettinghausen also took a keen interest in manuscript illustration of the Arab-Islamic world; his groundbreaking study, published in 1962 as Arab Painting, was subsequently translated into five languages.91 Late in his career, Ettinghausen served as Consultative Chairman of the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Department of Islamic Art; he also played an instrumental role in the establishment of Jerusalem’s L. A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art, which opened to the public in 1974. In addition to his own scholarly pursuits, Ettinghausen worked to connect the study of Islamic art with cognate disciplines. Together with Middle Eastern historian R. Bayly Winder, he cofounded New York University’s renowned Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies, which has fostered the interdisciplinary study of the Middle East since 1966.92

The Postmodern Presence of Islamic Art and Architecture: The Later Twentieth and Early Twenty-First Centuries Global events of the later twentieth and twenty-first centuries shaped Islamic art’s public and academic presence less directly, but no less importantly, than the field’s most notable practitioners. The founding of the State of Israel in 237

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1948 sparked Western curiosity about the Middle East, but by 1955 only one full-time teaching position in Islamic art existed in all of North America, and American museums had appointed just four curators.93 By 1972, 13 professors and seven curators of Islamic art were based at American institutions.94 Like most subject areas of Middle Eastern and/or Islamic Studies, the study of Islamic art experienced rapid change and growth in the 1970s. Events of that decade, especially the oil crisis, were largely responsible for a sudden escalation of Western interest in the Middle East.95 Cultural and charitable institutions responded in a variety of ways. In New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art opened its original suite of galleries for the display of North America’s largest and most important collection of Islamic art in 1975.96 Across the Atlantic, 1976 witnessed London’s World of Islam Festival, a series of events and programs that aimed to introduce Islamic culture in its entirety to the West. The festival’s myriad events included exhibitions of Islamic art, science, and technology, film screenings, musical performances, lectures, and seminars that drew an international body of scholars.97 “The Arts of Islam,” the festival’s principal art exhibition, was “the most ambitious loan exhibition of Islamic art since the Munich exhibition of 1910.”98 Its assemblage of 650 objects aimed to represent the entire spectrum of Islamic artistic media. Reviving elements of the long-established “universalist approach,” some of the artworks were displayed thematically to highlight four distinctive elements of Islamic design: calligraphy, geometry, the arabesque (a scrolling design composed of vines with attached foliate and floral elements), and figural imagery. More than 35 years later, the exhibition’s catalog is still considered an essential reference.99 In academia, funding for graduate study “in virtually any aspect of Middle Eastern or South Asian studies”100 was more broadly available during the 1970s than in prior decades, and even though political and military conflicts impeded research in the Middle East and Central Asia, Islamic art and architectural history’s purview widened considerably when scholars and students turned their attention to previously marginalized areas like North Africa, Spain, and South and Southeast Asia.101 The teaching of Islamic art and architecture once relied heavily on “obscure and uneven publications,”102 but the publication of several introductory textbooks, chiefly in the 1980s and 1990s, offered coherent overviews of the subject to student audiences and the general readership for the first time.103 Ettinghausen and Grabar’s The Art and Architecture of Islam, 650–1250, first published in 1987, is an exemplar of the genre.104 Its “sequel” appeared in print in 1994; coauthored by two of the foremost historians of Islamic art, Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom, the volume covers post-Mongol artistic and architectural traditions between the years 1250 and 1800.105 Among the growing numbers of scholars of Islamic art and architecture active in North America during the later twentieth century, none was more prominent than the French-born Oleg Grabar, who “did more than anyone 238

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else in postwar times to secure widespread recognition for th[e] field.”106 When Grabar began his graduate studies at Princeton in the early 1950s, the field of Islamic art had only a minuscule academic presence in North America and a fairly limited disciplinary scope. Grabar launched his teaching career in 1954 and went on to train several generations of scholars. He supervised more than 60 doctoral dissertations in total, first at the University of Michigan and later at Harvard. Many of his students subsequently pursued teaching careers across the United States and around the globe; others hold important posts at museums and other institutions worldwide.107 Grabar’s scholarship, which consists of nearly 20 books and dozens of articles published over six decades, figuratively “cemented” the disciplinary foundations of Islamic art and architectural history. Grabar focused primarily on early Islamic architecture and archaeology at the beginning of his career. He oversaw the excavation of the vast desert palace of Qasr al-Hayr East in Syria, as well as sites in Israel and Jordan, and published seminal studies of the earliest extant Islamic monument, Jerusalem’s Dome of the Rock.108 Grabar’s scholarly interests expanded over time, embracing virtually the whole of Islamic art and architecture. Several of his publications came to be regarded as “modern classics” during his lifetime. His seminal 1973 book, The Formation of Islamic Art, essentially redefined the term “Islamic” as applied to the arts. In tracing the emergence of artistic creativity in the early Islamic period, Grabar constructed an intellectual framework for succeeding explorations of Islamic artistic form, content, and ornamentation.109 The aforementioned The Art and Architecture of Islam, 650–1250, cowritten with Richard Ettinghausen before the latter’s death in 1979 but first published in 1987, remains a standard reference work on Islamic visual culture.110 Grabar was also the founding editor of Muqarnas, the leading English-language journal on Islamic visual arts and architecture.111 Grabar’s teaching and scholarship have left an indelible imprint on the study of Islamic art and architecture. With his insatiable intellectual curiosity, he advanced the study of Islamic art and architecture by pushing the field’s conventional boundaries in profound, novel, and sometimes exasperating ways. As several commentators have noted since Grabar’s passing, his writings contain as many questions as answers.112

The Current State of the Discipline Prospective students of the history of Islamic art, architecture, and/or archaeology can expect to encounter an intellectually vigorous and rapidly maturing field whose presence in academia and museums has been edging toward the mainstream in recent years. In the academy, the study of Islamic art was historically a marginalized field: Islamic art was taught at precisely one American 239

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university in 1955, but by 1972, that figure had risen to 13.113 Approximately four dozen full-time faculty positions have been created to teach the history of Islamic art since 1985, and more than 20 universities have added courses on Islamic art to their curricula since the year 2000. Graduate study in the history of Islamic art, architecture, and archaeology may be pursued at more than two dozen universities throughout North America today.114 Museums across North America, Europe, and the Middle East also continue to strengthen their institutional commitments to Islamic art. The most recent census of curatorships in Islamic art lists slightly more than 30 positions, although some were unfilled when the results were compiled in 2010.115 Recent initiatives include major gallery renovations, such as those carried out by London’s Victoria and Albert Museum and New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art,116 and the construction of new museums or wings for the display of Islamic art. The latter include Athens’ Benaki Museum of Islamic Art, which moved to a new location in 2004; the Museum of Islamic Art in Doha, Qatar, which opened to the public in 2008; the Louvre’s new Islamic wing, which was completed in 2012; and Toronto’s Aga Khan Museum, expected to open in 2013.117 Western museums have also sought to forge closer ties with institutions, patrons, and artists in the Middle East.118 As a field whose ever-widening temporal, spatial, and thematic boundaries now include colonialism, post-colonialism, Orientalism, diaspora studies, aesthetics, and other nontraditional subjects, Islamic art is poised at the forefront of the increasing globalization of the history of art.119 The cultural geography of the subdiscipline was traditionally limited to the parameters established in the late nineteenth century, and while those parameters still demarcate the subdiscipline’s core, historians of Islamic art now study the art and architecture of Turkestan, the Caucasus, sub-Saharan Africa, India, modern Pakistan, and other formerly peripheral regions. Interrelationships between Islamic art and that of “unrelated” traditions outside the Islamic sphere comprise another area of recent growth. An escalating engagement with modern and contemporary art of the Islamic world and the Muslim diaspora has also broadened the field’s conventional purview. Modernist Islamic art is the subject of a growing body of literature as well as the research focus of rising numbers of graduate students and scholars.120 Institutional recognition of modern and contemporary Islamic art is growing: The British Museum, which organized the seminal 2006 exhibition “Word into Art: Artists of the Modern Middle East,”121 is one of several cultural institutions (including the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art) currently building collections of modernist Islamic art outside the Middle East.122 Intellectual and economic factors underpin this new area of collecting activity.123 The robust global market for Islamic art has priced many Western museums out of the 240

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market for works of art from the Islamic past.124 The buyership for the priciest works of Islamic art has largely shifted back to the Middle East, especially to Gulf states like Qatar, whose wealthy and/or royal collectors are spearheading the repatriation of Islamic art.125 Modern and contemporary art offers both a more affordable alternative and new directions for scholarship.126 Scholarly interests in the art and architecture of the Islamic past, however, do not appear to be growing nearly as quickly, and might actually have contracted slightly (judging by the dissertation topics of recent graduate students, at least).127 Nevertheless, as Islamic art’s temporal, geographical, and thematic boundaries have expanded, its subfields of study have become more varied and its methodologies increasingly refined. Islamic art history’s physical growth in recent decades has coincided with its increasing specialization. The field’s already vast literature continues to grow with the publication of encyclopedic surveys, specialized monographic studies, volumes of collected essays, articles in a variety of journals, and, quite recently, its first anthology of relevant primary sources in English translation.128 The digitization and wide availability of key resources (such as lists of recent publications, research guides, archives, museum collections, and the like) make keeping current in the field a more manageable task than ever before.129 Access to libraries and collections domestically and abroad is sometimes a challenge, however, as is travel to certain destinations. Nonetheless, prospective scholars face a virtually unlimited choice of research specialization. The type and level of language proficiency required for graduate study varies accordingly.130 An invaluable resource for anyone with an interest in Islamic art is the Historians of Islamic Art Association (HIAA).131 As the leading professional organization for the study of Islamic art, architecture, and archaeology, HIAA promotes scholarship and fosters communication among its worldwide membership in ways that include maintaining an active listserv and convening annual gatherings and biannual symposia.132 HIAA actively encourages the involvement of its junior members. Advanced graduate students and early career scholars regularly take part in HIAA’s gatherings and symposia,133 whose participants not only present their current research projects, they collectively demonstrate the astonishing breadth of the field as currently constituted. The field of Islamic art history has been recently and repeatedly described as “in a state of flux.”134 The validity of the term “Islamic” as an art-historical classification and the very existence of “Islamic art” remain the subjects of continuous—and sometimes contentious—debate.135 As a designator of artistic identity or style, the term “Islamic” is both constrictive and overly general. One potential problem is the assignation of a specific religious identity to a corpus of material whose content and original context were often secular. Another is the risk of fusing the diverse cultures and artistic traditions of one-third of the world into a single category that conveys neither the subject’s breadth 241

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nor its richness; the term “Islamic” might erroneously imply that the Muslim faith was, and is, a religious monolith. Other common criticisms include the term’s Western provenance, its anachronism, and its ability to impart a sense of “otherness” to the works of art to which it is applied. Nevertheless, the term “Islamic” has long served as a label of convenience in art-historical contexts, like the similarly inaccurate “Gothic.”136 For most of the twentieth century, “Islamic art” was widely considered a less dissatisfying alternative to outmoded labels such as “Mohammedan”137 or “Muslim” (alt. “the arts of Islam”138), prior to which national and/or ethno-racial terms predominated (“Persian,” “Turkish,” “Arab,” “Saracenic,” “Moorish,” etc.).139 In recent years, however, the concept of an “Islamic art” has drawn criticism as an anachronistic Western construct that promotes a hierarchy of artistic production uncharacteristic of the Islamic cultural sphere.140 One of the most outspoken critics of the very existence of “Islamic art” is auction columnist and longtime art editor of the International Herald Tribune, Souren Melikian, who has decried Islamic art as “a concept without substance” and a “myth” spread by the “Western academic establishment” since the nineteenth century that “still prevails.”141 Prominent historians of Islamic art and architecture have even commented that, “In short, Islamic art as it exists in the early twenty-first century is largely a creation of Western culture,”142 but admit that the alternatives are hardly improvements. The interpretation of Islamic art for nonspecialist audiences is a closely related area of concern. The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s recently renovated—and renamed—galleries provide the latest case in point. The galleries housing the museum’s extraordinary collection are now called “The Galleries for the Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia.” To justify the name change, the museum cited the imprecision of the phrase “Islamic art,” a desire to minimize the identification of the art with the Muslim faith, and the breadth of the collection.143 According to the museum’s current director, Thomas P. Campbell, the galleries’ reorganization affirms that “the monumentality of Islam did not create a single, monolithic artistic expression, but instead connected a vast geographic expanse through centuries of change and cultural influence.”144 The renovated galleries themselves are spectacular, and the museum’s curatorial emphasis on the global scope of Islamic art145 is laudable, but the renaming of the galleries has attracted criticism.146 In an otherwise positive review published in the New Criterion, Michael J. Lewis wrote that “Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia” “is not a title at all but a table of contents.”147 Nasser Rabbat, a prominent historian of Islamic architecture, also gave the galleries a glowing review, but called attention to their name’s incompleteness: Spain, much of which was governed by Muslim rulers from 711 until 1492, is conspicuously absent.148 The elimination of “Islam” from the galleries’ signage is another point of contention; the secularization of the galleries’ signage, Rabbat writes, “resonates with the 242

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prevalent unease with the term Islamic art.”149 The museum’s decision to downplay “the religious identity associated with the old name”150 belies the reality of the increasingly negative public perception of Islam and its politicization in the twenty-first century. Didactic panels, wall labels, and publications, however, acknowledge the role of the Muslim faith in shaping the character of the visual and material culture of Islamic lands as well as the development of a transnational, pan-historical language of style. Still, the reorganization of the collection along modern national and territorial lines seems anachronistic in the context of a collection that largely predates the twentieth century.

Conclusion As the historiography of Islamic art and architecture demonstrates, changes in nomenclature, shifting disciplinary parameters, and repeated attempts to define Islamic art have been part of the subdiscipline’s make-up since its inception. Simply put, “Islamic art is very difficult to define,”151 since “Islamic art can mean different things to different people.”152 At this stage, it appears unlikely that the term “Islamic art” will fall into obsolescence. The Louvre’s new wing for the “Arts de l’Islam” (Arts of Islam), for example, was so named after lengthy deliberations,153 and “Islamic art,” and “art of the Islamic world” retain their taxonomic currency on the art market and in academia. Going forward, the dialogue surrounding the validity of “Islamic” as a meaningful art-historical classification and the constitution of the subdiscipline are sure to attract continued attention as scholars renegotiate and further expand its disciplinary parameters. In the final analysis, the field of Islamic art in the early twenty-first century may well be “in a state of flux,” but it is also characterized by its enduring flexibility and its receptiveness to self-scrutiny and contemporary concerns. Islamic art only entered the public consciousness in a significant way in the first decade of the twenty-first century, and it did so largely as a result of the tragedies of September 11, 2001. Historians of Islamic art have always agreed that “the study of art and architecture is an especially fruitful way of learning about a culture,”154 but post-9/11 media outlets cast Islamic art in a new light. Citing the growing “interest in understanding the Islamic world through its art” in 2004, New York Times correspondent Alan Riding questioned whether Islamic art might “bridge the cultural divide” between the West and the modern Islamic world.155 The ways in which Islamic art can (or does, or should) serve as a cultural mediator are still to be determined, but the reception of Islamic art in the public domain and the interpretation of Islamic art for nonspecialist audiences are among the primary concerns of the subdiscipline’s ongoing self-evaluation. To be sure, the process will be a complicated one; Islamophobia forms a challenging backdrop against which scholars must now work.156 243

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Viewed through an historical lens, twenty-first-century Islamophobia constitutes an interesting (if disconcerting) counterpoint to the Islamophilia of two centuries ago. Islamic art has found an audience of hitherto unprecedented size, and the field concerned with its study has a visible and growing presence in academic and cultural institutions around the globe. While it might still be said that the study of Islamic art retains something of its earlier artisanal and pioneering character, the field’s recent growth and the scrutiny to which historians of Islamic art currently subject their working methods should be taken as signs of the field’s maturation. A little more than a hundred years ago, Hugo von Tschudi aimed to propel Islamic art to “a place equal to that of other cultural periods”157 by organizing the exhibition of “Meisterwerke Muhammedanischer Kunst.” As scholars reevaluate and advance the critical discourse on Islamic art in the twenty-first century, the realization of von Tschudi’s ambition has never seemed more achievable.

Notes 1

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3

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5

*. This chapter is fondly dedicated to the memory of Oleg Grabar (1929–2011), whose contributions to the study of Islamic art, architecture, and archaeology will continue to shape the field for many years to come.Walter Denny, “Islamic Art,” Oxford Bibliographies Online, last modified December 27, 2010, www.oxfordbibliographiesonline.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155–0010. xml. See also Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Art,” in The Dictionary of Art, ed. Jane Turner (London: Macmillan, 1996), vol. 16, 99–102. Oleg Grabar, “Reflections on the Study of Islamic Art,” Muqarnas 1 (1983), 4. Richard Ettinghausen had expressed the same sentiment in 1951 in his “Islamic Art and Archeology,” in Near Eastern Culture and Society, ed. T. Cuyler Young (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), repr. in Richard Ettinghausen, Islamic Art and Archeology: Collected Papers, ed. Myriam Rosen-Ayalon (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1984), 1229. In 1976, Grabar described the field as both “artisanal” and “primitive”; Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” in The Study of the Middle East: Research and Scholarship in the Humanities and the Social Sciences, ed. Leonard Binder (New York: Wiley, 1976), 256, 275, repr. in Oleg Grabar, Islamic Art and Beyond, volume III, Constructing the Study of Islamic Art (Hampshire: Ashgate, 2006). Robert Irwin repeated the claim of the field’s “infancy” in the introduction to his Islamic Art in Context (New York: Prentice-Hall/Abrams, 1997), 12. More recently, Robert Hillenbrand wrote that, “Historians of Islamic architecture … are still stuck, if not in the Jurassic, then still at an early stage in the evolution of their subject,” in “Studying Islamic Architecture: Challenges and Perspectives,” Architectural History 46 (2003), 4–5. Oleg Grabar, “The Implications of Collecting Islamic Art,” in Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors, and Collections, 1850–1950, ed. Stephen Vernoit (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000), 199. Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom acknowledged the expansion of Islamic art as a field of inquiry and the European constitution of its disciplinary framework in their recent assessment of the field, “The Mirage of Islamic Art: Reflections on the Study of an Unwieldy Field,” Art Bulletin 85:1 (March 2003), 152–84. Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” passim. On the “myth” of Islamic art, see Souren Melikian, “Qatar’s Museum of Islamic Art: Despite Flaws, A House of

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 6

 7

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Masterpieces,” New York Times, November 5, 2008, www.nytimes.com/2008/12/06/ arts/06iht-melik6.2.18432961.html?pagewanted=all. More recently, Melikian called Islamic art a “meaningless concept” in “‘Islamic’ Culture: A Groundless Myth,” New York Times, November 4, 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/11/05/ arts/05iht-rartmelikian05.html?pagewanted=all. Melikian, an art critic, columnist, and art editor of the International Herald Tribune, is also known to historians of Islamic art as Asadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani, whose academic publications include studies of Iranian art, especially metalwork. He holds doctorates in Persian literature and civilization, as well as the history of Islamic art, from Sorbonne University. Since September 11, 2001, an appreciation of Islamic art has sometimes been cited as a means to ameliorate cultural misunderstandings between East and West. See, for example, Alan Riding, “Entr’acte: Islamic Art as a Bridge to Understanding in West,” New York Times April 1, 2004, www.nytimes.com/2004/04/01/news/01iht-entracte_Ed3_. html?pagewanted=all. William Grimes, “Oleg Grabar, Historian of Islamic Art, Dies at 81,” New York Times, January 13, 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/01/13/world/middleeast/13grabar.html. An obituary written by Robert Hillenbrand (uncredited), “Genial Historian whose Magisterial Scholarship and Charismatic Teaching Vastly Widened the Recognition Accorded to Islamic Art,” appeared in the February 18, 2011, Times (London); its text is accessible via the H-Islamart discussion log, http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-islamart&month=1102&week=c&msg=ZHwJ3PumVkywI2 25Kwqqpw&user=&pw=. “Islamic Art” is still used to designate the respective curatorial department. The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Website describes the renovation, expansion, and reinstallation of the galleries as having been carried out “in accordance with current thinking in the field and with modern museological practices.” “Galleries,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, accessed January 12, 2012, www.metmuseum. org/collections/galleries. A curatorial justification for the name change and its “new geographic orientation” was offered in a press release dated October 24, 2011: “Metropolitan Museum to Open Renovated Galleries for the Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia,” Press Room, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, accessed October 27, 2011, www.metmuseum.org/press_room/full_ release.asp?prid={0CD1B621-EA0D-445A-B9D9–977020EE10EB}. See also Navina Najat Haidar, “The New Galleries for the Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia and Later South Asia,” in Masterpieces from the Department of Islamic Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, eds Maryam D. Ekhtiar, Priscilla P. Soucek, Sheila R. Canby, and Navina Najat Haidar (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011), 10 and n. 55. The field’s comparatively small size—and perhaps even its perceived immaturity— can be viewed as a shortcoming or an enticement. As Grabar wrote in the 1970s, “in few other areas is it possible for a beginner to make major contributions about very well-known masterpieces.” Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 274. Later, throughout his above-cited 1983 article, “Reflections on the Study of Islamic Art,” Grabar identified gaps in the state of our knowledge of Islamic art and architecture; many of them remain lacunae. Two decades later, Robert Hillenbrand expressed a similar sentiment in reference to the history of Islamic architecture, writing that students and scholars “have virtually unlimited choice of where to specialize”; Robert Hillenbrand, “Studying Islamic Architecture: Challenges and Perspectives,” Architectural History 46 (2003), 4. See also Grabar, “The Implications of Collecting Islamic Art,” 199. Stephen Vernoit described the historical conception of Islamic art as “a distinct and coherent tradition” in the “Foreword” to Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors, and Collections, ed. Stephen Vernoit (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 1999), xi.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 11 Jonathan M. Bloom and Sheila S. Blair, “A Global Guide to Islamic Art,” Saudi Aramco World 60:1 (January–February 2009), 32–43, www.saudiaramcoworld.com/ issue/200901/a.global.guide.to.islamic.art.htm. 12 Barbara Brend, Islamic Art (London: British Museum Press, 1991), 10. 13 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 152. 14 The medieval period is usually further subdivided into early and late medieval periods, the former corresponding to the eleventh through mid-thirteenth centuries, and the latter to the mid-thirteenth through fifteenth centuries. The Mongol invasions are the dividing line. 15 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 152. 16 “Islamic art makes no essential distinction between fine arts and crafts.” Edward H. Madden, “Some Characteristics of Islamic Art,” Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 33:4 (Summer, 1975), 423. See also Blair and Bloom, “A Global Guide to Islamic Art,” passim. 17 See, for example, Eva R. Hoffman, “Pathways of Portability: Islamic and Christian Interchange from the Tenth Through the Twelfth Century,” Art History 24:1 (2001), 17–50. 18 Notable exceptions occur early in Islamic history, especially in palatial settings such as Khirbat al-Ma ar and Qasr al-Hayr West, for which see Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar, and Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture 650–1250 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 43 (fig. 49), 44 (figs 51 and 52), 46–7 (figs 56–9), and 49 (fig. 65). 19 Scholars of Islamic art have traditionally cited calligraphy as having the highest status among the arts due to its ability to record the revelation of the Qurʾān. Ettinghausen, Grabar, and Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture 650–1250, 7. 20 As Oleg Grabar wrote, “architecture is the particularly characteristic genre of Islamic art.” Grabar, “Reflections on the Study of Islamic Art,” 296. 21 The same is true of many so-called nonWestern societies. On the historically close relationship between Islamic art and archaeology, see Ettinghausen, “Islamic Art and Archeology”; Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology”; Sheila Canby, “Islamic Archaeology: By Accident or Design?” in Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors and Collecting, ed. Stephen Vernoit (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000), 128–37; and Stephen Vernoit, “The Rise of Islamic Archaeology,” Muqarnas 14 (1997): 1–10. In recent decades, however, Islamic archaeology has developed into a discrete field of inquiry whose methodologies differ from those of art and architectural history. 22 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 171. 23 Art history’s development as a discipline has been the subject of several recent volumes, such as Donald Preziosi’s The Art of Art History: A Critical Anthology (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2009). On art-historical methodologies, see Eric Fernie, Art History and Its Methods: A Critical Anthology (London: Phaidon, 1995). 24 Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 259. 25 At a gathering of Islamic art historians in the 1970s, some of the participants felt, “that for better or for worse, the discipline is stuck with its European formulation.” Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 278. See also Grabar, “Reflections on the Study of Islamic Art,” 289. 26 These include “universalist,” nationalistic and/or regional, and dynastic approaches to the study of Islamic art and architecture, as well as the study of patronage and the lives of Islamic art’s few named artists, monographic studies of individual objects and monuments, collecting history, media-specific studies, and cross-cultural approaches. On the relative merits of each approach, see Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 158–71.

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From Margin to Mainstream 27 Countless Islamic objects, such as ivories, rock crystal vessels, and textiles, were brought to Europe, where they were often repurposed as reliquaries, liturgical vessels, and shrouds. Many such objects are listed in the inventories of medieval church treasuries. An excellent treatment of the phenomenon is Avinoam Shalem’s Islam Christianized: Islamic Portable Objects in the Medieval Church Treasures of the Latin West (Frankfurt and New York: Peter Lang, 1996). In the eighteenth century, the French royal collections included many Ottoman objects, for which see Fatma Müge Göçek, East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). The activity of European bibliophiles is also worth noting; the Qurʾān was first translated into French in 1647, and the first French edition of the Alf layla wa layla (Thousand and One Nights) was published in 1704. 28 Grabar, “The Implications of Collecting Islamic Art,” 194. Nineteenth-century “Islamophilia” was coeval with the rise of Western interest in Japanese art and a renewal of interest in the art of China. David Tresilian, “Paris: Capital of Islamic Design,” review of “Purs Décors? Arts de l’Islam, regards du XIXe siècle,” Musée des arts décoratifs, Paris, Al-Ahram Weekly Online, November 8–14, 2007, http://weekly. ahram.org.eg/2007/870/cu2.htm. 29 Interestingly, one of Delacroix’s patrons was the French politician Pierre-LouisJean-Casimir, duc de Blacas d’Aulps (d. 1839), who amassed one of the earliest and largest European collections of Islamic art of the nineteenth century. Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 154. 30 Stephen Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture: An Overview of Scholarship and Collecting, c. 1850–1950,” in Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors and Collecting, ed. Stephen Vernoit (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000), 4. 31 On Islamic art’s “curative power” for nineteenth-century industrial arts, see David J. Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs: Collecting and Exhibiting Islamic Art, ca. 1880–1910,” Ars Orientalis 30 (2000): 12. 32 The very earliest surveys of Egyptian monuments were carried out by scholars attached to Napoléon’s army after their invasion of Egypt in 1798. Paris, Commission des monuments d’Égypte, Description de l’Égypte, ou Recueil des observations et des recherches qui ont été faites en Égypte pendant l’expédition de l’armée française, ed. E. F. Jomard, 23 vols. (Paris: Impr. impériale, 1809–28). 33 For a fascinating biographical sketch of Prisse d’Avennes, see Mary Norton, “Prisse: A Portrait,” Saudi Aramco World (November–December 1990): 39–46, www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/199006/prisse-a.portrait.htm. 34 Tresilian, “Paris: Capital of Islamic Design”; Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” passim. 35 Translated by David Roxburgh and published in his “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 13, citing the anonymous Catalogue des objets d’art de l’Orient et de l’Occident tableaux, dessins composant la collection de feu M. Albert Goupil, sale catalog, Hôtel Drouot, April 23–7, 1888 (Paris: Imprimerie de l’Art, 1888). 36 Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 16. 37 Vernoit, “The Rise of Islamic Archaeology,” 2. 38 Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 33; Marcus Milwright, An Introduction to Islamic Archaeology (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009). 39 Zeynep Çelik, Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World’s Fairs (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). 40 Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 15. 41 Ibid., 14. 42 Ibid., 6. 43 The term “Saracenic” “attempted to convey the fact of a multiracial and multiconfessional society with the general senses of ‘eastern’ and ‘medieval’”; as used by Stanley

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Lane-Pool in his The Art of the Saracens in Egypt (London: Chapman and Hall, 1886), the term denoted “a style within which regional modifications occurred.” Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 32, n. 9. Quoted in Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 7 and n. 8. Ibid., 32. Vernoit, “The Rise of Islamic Archaeology,” 2. Oleg Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art, revised and enlarged edn (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987), 1, referencing Georges Marçais, L’Art de l’Islam (Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1946). Denny, “Islamic Art.” See, for example, Richard Ettinghausen, “Interaction and Integration in Islamic Art,” in Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, ed. Gustave E. von Grunebaum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955): 107–31. On Islamic art’s “unity in diversity” and its shared artistic language, see Department of Islamic Art, “The Nature of Islamic Art,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/orna/hd_orna. htm. Accessed December 4, 2011. For the perspective of a Swiss-German convert to Islam, see Titus Burckhardt, Art of Islam: Language and Meaning (London: World of Islam Festival Trust, 1976). Recent iconoclasm carried out in the name of Islam is the subject of Finbarr Barry Flood’s “Between Cult and Culture: Bamiyan, Islamic Iconoclasm, and the Museum,” Art Bulletin 84:2 (December 2002), 641–59. Also relevant are Mehmet Aga-Oglu’s “Remarks on the Character of Islamic Art,” Art Bulletin 36:3 (September 1954), 175–202, and, more recently, the catalog for a 2007 exhibition held in Paris: Rémi Labrusse (ed.), Purs Décors? Arts de l’Islam, regards du XIXe siècle (Exh. cat., Paris, Musée des arts décoratifs, 2007). The lawfulness of figural imagery and the presence of figures in Islamic art were first addressed by scholars in the second half of the nineteenth century. For a mid-twentieth century overview of the subject as it pertains to painting, and a comprehensive bibliography of earlier treatments of the issue of figuration, see K. A. C. Creswell, “The Lawfulness of Painting in Early Islam,” Ars Islamica 11/12 (1946), 159–66. Terry Allen, “Aniconism and Figural Representation in Islamic Art, in idem, Five Essays on Islamic Art (Sebastopol, CA: Solipsist Press, 1988), 17–37. Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art, 209. For a refutation of the longstanding scholarly view on Islamic figural images and a path-breaking exploration of figural imagery’s religious utility in the medieval Islamic East, see Persis Berlekamp, Wonder, Image, and Cosmos in Medieval Islam (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2011). The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Website includes an overview of the figurative tradition in Islamic art: Department of Islamic Art, “Figural Representation in Islamic Art,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/figs/hd_figs.htm. Accessed August 26, 2011. On the subject of figuration and its lawfulness, see Oleg Grabar, “Islam and Iconoclasm,” in Iconoclasm, eds Anthony Bryer and Judith Herrin (Birmingham, England: Centre for Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, 1977), 45–52, and Terry Allen, “Aniconism and Figural Representation in Islamic Art.” Vernoit, “The Rise of Islamic Archaeology,” 3. 1893 also marked the establishment of the Louvre Museum’s department of decorative arts, which then housed Islamic art (now a separately constituted curatorial department). “Musulman” may also be translated as “Muslim.” Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 16 and n. 48.

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From Margin to Mainstream 59 The exhibition was installed in a gallery dedicated to Iranian art. Owen Jones’ approach to Islamic art reverberates in a line Smith wrote: “[A]rt in Persia is essentially art as applied to manufactures.” R. Murdoch Smith, Persian Art ([London]: Pub. for the Committee of Council on education by Chapman and Hall, 1876), 42. See also Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 1, 18. 60 Henry Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue of Specimens of Persian and Arab Art Exhibited in 1885 ([London]: Printed for the Burlington Fine Arts Club, 1885). 61 Vernoit, “The Rise of Islamic Archaeology,” 3; Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 1, 32. More recently, Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 16 and n. 48. 62 Henri Saladin and Gaston Migeon, Manuel d’art musulman, 2 vols (Paris: A. Picard, 1907); a revised and enlarged second edition was published in 1927. The earlier classification of art and architecture on the basis of national origin was encouraged by the organization of nineteenth-century international exhibitions, in which displays of Islamic objects were lent by their homelands’ dominant political power, whether native or colonial. An overview of the subject may be found in Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 14–18. 63 Gaston Migeon, Max van Berchem, and Clément Huart, Exposition des arts musulmans au Musée des arts décoratifs. Catalog descriptif (Paris: Librarie centrale des beaux-arts, 1903). 64 The same sentiment was expressed by Georges Marye, a reviewer of the 1893 exhibition. Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 16, 20. 65 Vernoit, “Islamic Art and Architecture,” 20 and n. 57. 66 The University of Vienna was probably the first academic institution to establish a chair devoted to the study of Islamic art; its first holder was Josef von Karabacek (d. 1918), Professor of the History of the Orient and related fields. Ettinghausen, “Islamic Art and Archeology,” 15. 67 The group included such notable scholars as Friedrich Sarre, Ernst Kühnel, Max von Berchem, F. R. Martin, and Ernst Dietz. 68 Ernst Kühnel authored a short guide to the exhibition, Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedanischer Kunst (Munich: [s.n.], 1910) as well as an article, “Die Ausstellung muhammedanischer Kunst: München 1910,” Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst 5 (1910): 209–51. A multivolume catalogue was issued in 1912: Friedrich Sarre and F. R. Martin (eds), Die Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedanischer Kunst in München, 1910, 3 vols. (Munich: F. Bruckmann, 1912). 69 Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 23 and n. 81, citing von Tschudi’s introduction to the exhibition’s unillustrated guidebook, Ausstellung München 1910: Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedanischer Kunst, Musikfeste, Muster-Ausstellung von Musik-Instrumenten; amtlicher Katalog (Munich: Mosse, 1910), 10–12. 70 Von Tschudi asserted “that the creation of Muhammedan art deserves a place equal to that of other cultural periods, and because of its harmony of color and mastery of ornament it is particularly suitable to give new stimuli to modern artistic creativity and perhaps show it a new path.” Translation, Roxburgh, “Au Bonheur des Amateurs,” 24, of Ausstellung München 1910, 13. 71 Annette Hagedorn, “The Development of Islamic Art History in Germany in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” in Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors and Collections, ed. Stephen Vernoit, (London and New York: I.B. Tauris), 124. 72 2010 marked the Munich exhibition’s one-hundredth anniversary, which was commemorated by the Bavarian State Library and museums throughout Munich with a series of events, including exhibitions and film festivals on Islamic art, architecture, and culture. The exhibition’s legacy was reassessed during a conference, “Meisterwerke Muhammedanischer Kunst Reconsidered,” held at Munich’s Ludwig-Maximilian University in 2008, the proceedings of which were published

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as Andrea Lermer and Avinoam Shalem (eds), After One Hundred Years: The 1910 Exhibition “Meisterwerke muhammedanischer Kunst” Reconsidered (Leiden: Brill, 2010). On the difficulty of displaying Islamic objects in modern museum settings, see Oleg Grabar, “The Art of the Object,” Artforum 14 (1976), 36–43. On the impact of the “Meisterwerke” exhibition, see David J. Roxburgh, “After Munich: Reflections on Recent Exhibitions,” in After One Hundred Years, eds Andrea Lermer and Avinoam Shalem (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 359–86. The term “masterpiece” continues to be applied to works of Islamic art in scholarly contexts, as well: Oleg Grabar, Masterpieces of Islamic Art: The Decorated Page from the 8th to the 17th Century (Munich, Berlin, London, and New York: Prestel, 2009); Maryam D. Ekhtiar, Priscilla P. Soucek, Sheila R. Canby, and Navina Najat Haidar (eds), Masterpieces from the Department of Islamic Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011). Other handbooks to appear at the time include Ernst Diez, Die Kunst der islamischen Völker (Berlin: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1915); Heinrich Glück and Ernst Diez, Die Kunst des Islam (Berlin: Propyläen-Verlag, 1925); and Maurice Dimand, A Handbook of Mohammedan Decorative Arts (New York: Metropolitan Museum, 1930). Nasser Rabbat, “Toward a Critical Historiography of Islamic Architecture,” Collections électroniques de l’INHA [En ligne], Repenser les limites: l’architecture à travers l’espace, le temps et les disciplines, Limites temporelles (Octobre 28, 2008), http://inha.revues.org/642. Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 154, referencing Max van Berchem, et al., Materiaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 11 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux; Cairo: Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1894–1985), a catalog and historical study of Islamic inscriptions from several parts of the Islamic world, which remains an important reference work for the study of Islamic art. See, for example, T. W. Arnold, Painting in Islam: A Study of the Place of Pictorial Art in Muslim Culture (Oxford: Clarendon, 1928), and A. F. Kendrick, Catalogue of Muhammadan Textiles of the Medieval Period (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1924). Friedrich Sarre and Ernst Herzfeld, Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-gebiet, 4 vols. (Berlin: D. Reimer, 1911–20); Ernst Herzfeld, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, 6 vols. (Berlin and Hamburg: D. Reimer and Eckardt & Messtorff, 1923–48). See also Alastair Northedge, “Ernst Herzfeld, Samarra, and Islamic Archaeology,” in Ernst Herzfeld and the Development of Near Eastern Studies, 1900–1950, eds Ann Clyburn Gunter and Stefan R. Hauser (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2005), 383–403. The British Museum’s Website offers a biographical sketch of Herzfeld and citations for his publications: www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/term_details.aspx?bioId=93413, as does that of Washington DC’s Freer Gallery of Art: www.asia.si.edu/research/squeezeproject/herzfeld.asp. Herzfeld also launched several publications on Greater Iran’s material culture, three of which are still in publication: Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (today Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan), Ergänzungsbände, and Iranische Denkmäler. Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 155. The bulk of Herzfeld’s papers are housed in the archives of the Freer and Sackler Galleries in Washington, DC A major digitization project was underway at the time of this writing; further information is available on the Freer-Sackler’s Website, “Ernst Herzfeld papers, Collection Description,” Smithsonian Institution, www.asia.si.edu/research/squeezeproject/ herzfeld.asp. Accessed January 2, 2012. Jean Sauvaget, Alep, Essai sur le developpement d’une grande ville syrienne des origines au milieu du XIXe siècle, 2 vols (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1941); Idem, Les monuments historiques de damas (Beirut: Imprimerie catholique, 1932).

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From Margin to Mainstream 83 An anonymous notice of the exhibition, published in the January 12, 1931 edition of Time magazine, describes Pope as “super-kinetic.” “Art: Persia in Piccadilly,” Time, January 12, 1931, www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,930292–1,00.html. 84 Richard Ettinghausen, Six Thousand Years of Persian Art (Exh. cat., New York, Iranian Institute, 1940). 85 Time, “Art: Persia in Piccadilly.” 86 Stuart Cary Welch, “Private Collectors and Islamic Arts of the Book,” in Treasures of Islam, ed. Toby Falk (London: Sotheby’s/Philip Wilson, 1985), 26–31. Welch, quoted in Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 155, was a self-taught American collector, curator, and scholar. 87 Arthur Upham Pope and Phyllis Ackerman (eds), A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, 6 vols. in 9 (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1938–9). Survey is a misleading title for Pope’s work, which contains the scholarship of 69 authors; its coverage spans early prehistory through the nineteenth century. According to Time magazine’s anonymous reviewer, the exhibition was politically motivated, at least in part; the review concludes, “To convince the Royal Academy of the desirability of a Persian exhibition was child’s play. Maintenance of friendly relations with Persia and Afghanistan are vital to Britain’s defense of India. Persia has added British importance as the site of enormously rich British-controlled oil fields.” “Art: Persia in Piccadilly.” 88 Ettinghausen, “Interaction and Integration in Islamic Art,” 107. 89 Ettinghausen’s 1941 Princeton University lecture on “The Character of Islamic Art” described the essential character and qualities of the genre. Originally presented at the third summer seminar in Arabic and Islamic studies at Princeton University, the lecture was later published in The Arab Heritage, ed. Nabih Amin Faris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1944), 251–67. See also the six articles reprinted in Chapter A, “On the Nature of Islamic Art,” in Richard Ettinghausen, Islamic Art and Archaeology: Collected Papers. Ettinghausen’s integrative approach to the study of Islamic art and architecture is outlined in his 1951 article, “Islamic Art and Archeology.” 90 Robert Hillenbrand examined Ettinghausen’s approach in detail in his superb essay, “Richard Ettinghausen and the Iconography of Islamic Art,” in Discovering Islamic Art: Scholars, Collectors and Collections, ed. Stephen Vernoit (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000), 171–81. An exemplar of Ettinghausen’s studies in iconography is his analysis of a medieval inlaid bronze bucket and its decoration; Richard Ettinghausen, “The Bobrinski ‘Kettle’: Patron and Style of an Islamic Bronze,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 24 (1943), 193–208. Another is his The Unicorn: Studies in Muslim Iconography (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, 1950), which is as important to (Western) medievalists as it is to Islamicists. A more recent study of Islamic iconography is Bernard O’Kane, The Iconography of Islamic Art (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007). 91 Richard Ettinghausen, Arab Painting (Geneva: Skira, 1962). 92 Further information about the Kevorkian Center may be found on its Website: www. nyu.edu/gsas/dept/neareast/. 93 Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 279. 94 Between the late 1950s and 1982, 14 North American institutions of higher education created positions for the teaching of Islamic art history. Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 273, 279. 95 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 156. 96 The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Islamic galleries, prior to their recent reinstallation, were developed and installed under the curatorship of Richard Ettinghausen. On the history of the galleries, see Bloom and Blair, “A Global Guide to Islamic Art” and Haidar, “The New Galleries.”

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies  97 For an overview of the festival, which was inaugurated by Queen Elizabeth II, see John Sabini, “The World of Islam: Its Festival,” Aramco World 27:3 (May–June 1976), 2–4, www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/197603/the.world.of.islam-its.festival.htm.  98 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 157.  99 The Arts of Islam ([London]: Arts Council of Great Britain, 1976) remains an influential work whose echo can be heard in many subsequent overviews of Islamic art. See for example, the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s thematic essay, “The Nature of Islamic Art”: “The four basic components of Islamic ornament are calligraphy, vegetal patterns, geometric patterns, and figural representation.” Department of Islamic Art, “The Nature of Islamic Art,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/orna/hd_orna.htm. Accessed December 23, 2011. A 2006 exhibition of Islamic artwork from the David Collection, Copenhagen, had a similar thematic organization: Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom, Cosmophilia: Islamic Art from the David Collection, Copenhagen (Exh. cat., Boston, McMullen Museum of Art, 2006). 100 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 156. 101 Ibid., 157. The study of Islamic architecture in particular was enriched by the establishment of the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture (AKPIA) at Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1979. The program, which is endowed by the Aga Khan (the leader of the Ismaili branch of Islam), aims to improve the teaching of Islamic art, architecture, urbanism, landscape design, and conservation. Developing innovative applications of the knowledge gained through study to contemporary architectural projects and boosting the visibility of the Islamic cultural heritage throughout the world are also among the program’s goals. Further information is available on the AKPIA and MIT Websites: http:// agakhan.fas.harvard.edu/icb/icb.do; http://web.mit.edu/akpia/www/page002.htm. 102 On the difficulties encountered by students and faculty prior to the 1980s and 1990s, see Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 152. 103 Brend, Islamic Art; Irwin, Islamic Art in Context; Robert Hillenbrand, Islamic Art and Architecture (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1999). 104 Richard Ettinghausen and Oleg Grabar, The Art and Architecture of Islam, 650–1250 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987). 105 Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom, The Art and Architecture of Islam, 1250–1850 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994). 106 [Robert Hillenbrand], “Genial Historian.” 107 Ibid. 108 Oleg Grabar, City in the Desert: Qasr al-Hayr East, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA: Center for Middle Eastern Studies of Harvard University, 1978); Idem, “The Umayyad Dome of the Rock,” Ars Orientalis 3 (1959), 33–62; Idem, The Shape of the Holy: Early Islamic Jerusalem (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). 109 Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art. 110 Ettinghausen and Grabar, The Art and Architecture of Islam, 650–1250. A revised and expanded second edition, co-authored by Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, was published in 2001; Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar, and Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture, 650–1250 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001). 111 Grabar also served as the journal’s editor for its first ten annual issues. 112 See, for example, Renata Holod’s remembrances of Grabar, from the memorial service held in the latter’s memory at Harvard’s Memorial Church on April 23, 2011; the program and text are available on the Historians of Islamic Art Website: “In Memoriam Oleg Grabar,” Historians of Islamic Art Association, www.historiansofislamicart.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=QBGeXNAmLV8%3D&tabid=597&mid =1602. Accessed November 28, 2011. Grabar admitted the same in the introduction

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to his book on the Alhambra; Oleg Grabar, The Alhambra (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978). Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 279. The Historians of Islamic Art Association’s 2010 census of academic positions is posted to the organization’s Website: “Resources,” Historians of Islamic Art Association, accessed January 5, 2012, www.historiansofislamicart.org/Resources. aspx. Additional information can be found in the College Art Association’s comprehensive guide to program in all subdisciplines of art history, Graduate Programs in Art History: The CAA Guide (New York: College Art Association, 2008). Its listings provide descriptions and the names and specializations of faculty members for MA and PhD programs throughout the United States, Canada, and Great Britain, as well as institutions offering English-language instruction worldwide. For Islamic architecture, Nasser Rabbat’s 2008 article, “Toward a Critical Historiography of Islamic Architecture,” will be of interest. For Islamic archaeology, Marcus Milwright’s recent book is recommended: Marcus Milwright, An Introduction to Islamic Archaeology (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010). See also idem, “Defining Islamic Archaeology: Some Preliminary Notes,” AKPIA@MIT Forum: Studies in Architecture, History and Culture (2009), http://web.mit.edu/akpia/ www/publicationsonline.htm. As in most humanities fields, job growth remains muted, and prospects far from rosy. However, while there has never been a shortage of viable candidates for open positions, the job market for historians of Islamic art seems to have been slightly less stagnant during the latest economic downturn than other areas of art history (perhaps a function of the field’s overall size, which means that applicant pools remain relatively small). The aforementioned “2010 Academic Census,” as well as the “2010 Museum Census” are available on the “Resources” page of the Historians of Islamic Art Association Website, www.historiansofislamicart.org/Resources.aspx. Qatar’s Museum of Islamic Art, which was designed by I. M. Pei, opened in 2008. Homepage, Museum of Islamic Art, Doha, Qatar, www.mia.org.qa/english/index. html#home. “Online Gallery,” Aga Khan Museum, accessed January 9, 2012, www. akdn.org/museum/. Accessed January 9, 2012. See, for example, “Contemporary Art in the Middle East,” The British Museum, www.britishmuseum.org/about_us/skills-sharing/world_collections_programme/ middle_East_contemporary_art.aspx. Accessed January 16, 2012. The continuation of this trend is at risk, however. Britain’s World Collections Programme, which was designed to bridge UK-based museums and their counterparts in Asia and Africa, recently had its funding eliminated. Martin Bailey, “International Programme Slashed: Government Stops Funds, Focus Shifts away from Africa,” The Art Newspaper 231 (January, 2012), www.theartnewspaper.com/articles/International-p rogramme-slashed/25375. Published online January 11, 2012. See, for example, James Elkins, “Art History as a Global Discipline,” in idem, ed., Is Art History Global? (New York and London: Routledge, 2007), 3–23. The first monograph to systematically explore nineteenth- and twentieth-century painting in the Islamic sphere was Wijdan Ali’s Modern Islamic Art: Development and Continuity (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997). Among exhibition catalogs, one of the better-known examples is Peter Joch (ed.), Broken Letter: Contemporary Art from Arab Countries (Darmstadt: Kunsthalle, 2003). See also Saeb Eigner (ed.), Art of the Middle East: Modern and Contemporary Art of the Arab World and Iran (London: Merrell, 2010). Venetia Porter, Word into Art: Artists of the Modern Middle East (Exh. cat., London, British Museum, 2006). On LACMA’s recent collecting activity, see “Islamic Art Now,” Los Angeles County Museum of Art, www.lacma.org/islamic_art/ian.htm. Accessed October 27, 2011.

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London’s Victoria and Albert Museum recently hosted an exhibit of contemporary works of art inspired by traditional Islamic art; the works were nominated for the Jameel Prize, which honors artists whose work demonstrates a link between contemporary artistic practice and the Islamic past. “About the Jameel Prize,” Victoria and Albert Museum, www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/j/jameel-prize/. Accessed November 2, 2011. New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art is not using the “Islamic” label; a thematic essay on the subject of “Modern Art in West Asia” was added to the museum’s Website in October, 2004: Salwa Mikdadi, “Modern Art in West Asia: From Colonial to Post-colonial Period,” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/wacp/ hd_wacp.htm. Accessed September 24, 2011. On the museum’s collecting of modern and contemporary art of the Middle East since the appointment of Sheila R. Canby as Patti Cadby Birch Curator in Charge of the Department of Islamic Art in 2009, see Priscilla P. Soucek, “Building a Collection of Islamic Art at the Metropolitan Museum, 1870–2011,” in Masterpieces from the Department of Islamic Art, eds Maryam D. Ekhtiar, Priscilla P. Soucek, Sheila R. Canby, and Navina Najat Haidar (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011), 9. As Oleg Grabar once wrote, the study of Islamic art has always been “affected by the existence of an art market.” Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 267. A new record for a work of Islamic art was set in April 2011 with the sale of a painted folio from the sixteenth-century Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp (a.k.a. the Houghton Shahnama) for £7.4 million ($34 million). “Islamic Art: A Connoisseur and His Treasures,” The Economist, April 7, 2011, www.economist.com/node/18526733. See also “Sotheby’s Islamic World Arts Sale to Feature Exceptional Ceramics from the Collection of Harvey B. Plotnick,” ArtDaily.org, September 6, 2011, www.artdaily. com/index.asp?int_sec=11&int_new=50274&int_modo=1. On Qatar as “the world’s biggest buyer” (at least of contemporary art), see Georgina Adam and Charlotte Burns, “Qatar Revealed as the World’s Biggest Contemporary Art Buyer,” The Art Newspaper 226 (July–August, 2011), published online July 7, 2011, www.theartnewspaper.com/articles/Qatar-revealed-as-the-worlds-biggest-co ntemporary-art-buyer/24185. Holland Cotter, “Under Threat: The Shock of the Old,” New York Times, April 14, 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/04/17/arts/design/non-western-art-history-bypassesthe-ancient.html?pagewanted=all. As compared to just a decade ago, it appears that fewer graduate students are choosing to specialize and conduct research on the art of the Islamic past. A similar trend has been observed in the study of other so-called nonWestern fields of art history, in which historicism seems to be losing ground to modernity. Here, I am relying on both anecdotal evidence gathered at the second biennial Historians of Islamic Art Association (HIAA) symposium and Holland Cotter’s remarks in a review of a 2011 African mask show, in which 80 percent was cited as an unofficial percentage of art history graduate students now choosing contemporary art as their field of specialization. Holland Cotter, “Under Threat.” Similarly, see Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 174. Jonathan M. Bloom and Sheila S. Blair (eds), The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture, 3 vols (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); D. Fairchild Ruggles (ed.), Islamic Art and Visual Culture: An Anthology of Sources (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011). To quote Blair and Bloom, specialized scholarship has kept pace with the field’s expansion, and has now proliferated “to such a degree that scholars and graduate students cannot possibly keep up with everything published in the field.” Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 152. See also Grabar, “Islamic Art and Archaeology,” 269.

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From Margin to Mainstream 129 HIAA maintains a list of recent publications on its Website, which also features resources including a collection of Weblinks to museum collections, many of them searchable: www.historiansofislamicart.org/Resources/On-line-Resources-. aspx. Also of note are Harvard Library’s “Guide to Research in Islamic Art and Architecture,” http://guides.hcl.harvard.edu/islamic-art; Boston University Library’s research guide, www.bu.edu/library/guides/islamicart.html; and for architecture, the ArchNet Digital Library, http://archnet.org/library/. ArchNet is maintained by the AKPIA at Harvard and MIT. AKPIA also issues regular e-newsletters that list job openings, calls for papers, fellowship and grant information, and other opportunities; for subscription information, visit http://agakhan.fas.harvard.edu/icb/icb.do. 130 French and German are widely considered the required languages for art-historical research across the discipline. Islamicists generally study one or more additional languages (Arabic, Persian, etc.), as well. 131 HIAA is a private, nonprofit, nonpolitical organization with an international membership. Its Website, www.historiansofislamicart.org, includes notices of fellowship and grant opportunities, job postings, publication notices and reviews, and a guide to digital resources for the study of Islamic visual culture. Some of its content is available only to members of the organization, but membership dues are modest. HIAA’s efforts to promote the exchange of ideas and information include its sponsorship of the H-Islamart e-mail listserv on the H-NET (Humanities and Social Sciences Online) Discussion Network; for subscription information, visit www.h-net.org/~islamart/. 132 The first symposium, on “Spaces & Visions,” was held at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. The second, which focused on “Objects, Collections and Cultures,” was hosted by the Freer and Sackler Galleries of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC. Programs for both are available on HIAA’s Website: www.historiansofislamicart. org/Portals/hiaa/AnnouncementFiles/2008Symposium_Abstracts.pdf; www.historiansofislamicart.org/Portals/hiaa/AnnouncementFiles/2010Symposium_Program.pdf. At the time of this writing, a call for participation in the third symposium had recently been issued; its topical focus will be “Looking Widely, Looking Closely,” and it will be held at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art in October, 2012. 133 HIAA offers two competitive awards to encourage original contributions to the discipline by its junior members: HIAA Graduate Student Travel Grants support student participation in academic conferences and professional meetings; the Margaret B. Ševčenko Prize in Islamic Art and Culture is awarded to exceptional unpublished articles authored by junior historians of Islamic art, architecture, or archaeology. Graduate students have organized and chaired panels for HIAA symposia. The present author, while still a PhD candidate, delivered her first conference paper at the HIAA Majlis held at the University of Chicago in 2001, and gratefully acknowledges the encouragement of the organizers and those in attendance. 134 See, for example, the August 25, 2011 call for applications for the Doris Duke Foundation for Islamic Art Scholars-in-Residence program at Shangri La, archived in the H-Islamart discussion log, http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx& list=H-Islamart&month=1108&week=d&msg=lco1VtbRnqAlyugRbzdHGA&user=& pw=. Similarly, see Hillenbrand, “Studying Islamic Architecture,” 12. The expansion of the field’s already redrawn boundaries, which seems certain to continue for the foreseeable future, may be viewed as a sign of the subdiscipline’s ongoing growth. 135 An April, 2011 conference held in Leiden entitled “Presenting ‘Islamic’ Art in a Contemporary Context” addressed the fundamental issue of “What makes ‘Islamic’ art Islamic?” and explored presentation strategies for museums and galleries; the program is available online on the Messis Foundation’s Website: “Projects,” Messis Foundation, www.messis.nl/en/april5.html. Accessed January 17, 2012.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies 136 Grabar, The Formation of Islamic Art, 2. As noted above, the concept of an “Islamic art” gained traction after the seminal 1893 Paris exhibition of “Les Arts Musulmans,” but when Islamic art and architecture was emerging as a field of study, most objects sold by auction houses and dealers were classified as “Persian” regardless of their provenance. 137 In addition to the 1910 “Meisterwerke” exhibit, see Catalogue of Mohammedan Art: Comprising a Collection of Early Objects Excavated under the Supervision of H. Kevorkian, Exhibited from January 17 to February 10, 1912 (New York: Folsom Galleries, 1912). 138 Ettinghausen, “Islamic Art and Archeology,” passim. The phrase derived from Georges Marçais’ usage in his L’Art de l’Islam, which is often cited as the first handbook of Islamic art. 139 “Islamicate,” the neologism coined in the 1970s by historian Marshall Hodgson, never really caught on in any field of Islamic Studies. Hodgson intended it to account for the cultural breadth of the geographical expanse historically ruled by Muslims but not necessarily restricted to the practice of the Muslim faith. Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3 vols (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). 140 On the art market, “Art of the Islamic World” is the most commonly used descriptor. Lucien De Guise, “Middle East Meets West,” The Spectator (November 13, 2010), www.spectator.co.uk/arts-and-culture/featured/6456253/middle-east-meets-west. thtml. 141 Souren Melikian, “Western Myths about the Islamic World Mirrored at Auction,” New York Times, April 18, 2008, www.nytimes.com/2008/04/18/arts/18iht-melik19. html?scp=634&sq=&st=nyt. Idem, “Qatar’s Museum of Islamic Art,” and idem, “Toward a Clearer Vision of ‘Islamic’ Art,” New York Times, April 24, 2004, www. nytimes.com/2004/04/24/style/24iht-souren_Ed3_.html?pagewanted=all. 142 Blair and Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art,” 153. Blair and Bloom’s article has been called both “polemical” and “sometimes controversial” by other scholars: Sibel Bozdoğan and Gülru Necipoğlu, “Entangled Discourses: Scrutinizing Orientalist and Nationalist Legacies in the Architectural Historiography of the ‘Lands of Rum,’” Muqarnas 24 (2007), 5, n. 3; Denny, “Islamic Art.” 143 “Metropolitan Museum to Open Renovated Galleries for the Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia”; see also Nasser Rabbat, “What’s in a Name,” Artforum (January, 2012), http://artforum.com/inprint/id=29813. 144 “Metropolitan Museum to Open Renovated Galleries for the Art of the Arab Lands, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and Later South Asia.” Similarly, see Thomas P. Campbell, “Director’s Foreword,” in Masterpieces from the Department of Islamic Art, eds Maryam D. Ekhtiar, Priscilla P. Soucek, Sheila R. Canby, and Navina Najat Haidar (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011), vi. 145 The interconnectedness of Islamic art to Roman, European, and East Asian traditions is one of the new emphases of the installation. 146 The curatorial department responsible for the galleries is still known as the Department of Islamic Art, and the above-cited overview of the collection (Ekhtiar, et al., eds., Masterpieces from the Department of Islamic Art) was published to coincide with the galleries’ reopening. 147 Michael J. Lewis, “Islam by Any Other Name,” The New Criterion 30 (December, 2011), 13, www.newcriterion.com/articles.cfm/Islam-by-any-other-name-7225. 148 Nasser Rabbat, “What’s in a Name.” Sicily, which was under Muslim rule for close to three centuries, is also omitted from the galleries’ new name, despite the prominent display of the so-called Morgan Casket, which is attributable to eleventh- or twelfth-century Sicily or southern Italy; www.metmuseum.org/toah/ works-of-art/17.190.241. The museum’s decision to rename the galleries was also

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criticized by Kishwar Rizvi, a professor of art history at Yale, who found it “cumbersome and problematic to base [the exhibit] on nationalistic boundaries.” Quoted in Martin Peretz, “Muhammed Gives the Met the Jitters,” The New Republic, January 10, 2010, www.tnr.com/blog/the-spine/mohammed-gives-the-met-the-jitters. Rabbat, “What’s in a Name.” Ibid. Bloom and Blair, “Introduction,” The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture, Oxford Islamic Studies Online Website, www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/Public/ book_geiaa_intro.html. Accessed July 24, 2011. Brend, Islamic Art, 10. The Louvre’s project was launched by former French president Jacques Chirac in 2002. Describing the naming process of the new wing in an interview posted to BBC News online on January 4, 2012, curator Sophie Makariou cited the choice of name of “Islam with a capital I” as an intentional one that would focus viewers’ attention on the world of Islam (in Arabic, the “Dar al-Islam” [Abode of Islam], the collective term for lands with a Muslim majority and/or in which Islamic sovereignty prevails). BBC Mobile News Europe, “The Louvre Displays the New Islamic Arts Gallery in Paris,” January 4, 2012, www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-16416471. In the Islamic sphere, museums of Islamic art include those in Cairo and Istanbul; Qatar’s Museum of Islamic Art, which opened in 2008, is the most recently established. The museological activity in the Middle East driving the creation of cultural institutions like the Doha museum may be taken as a sign that the field of Islamic art is no longer a Western monopoly, another longstanding criticism. Hillenbrand, “Studying Islamic Architecture,” 3. Riding, “Entr’acte.” Historians of Islamic art have also responded to current events such as the controversy over the publication of caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad in Denmark in 2005 and 2006, during which Islamic attitudes over figural imagery were thrust into the media spotlight. See, for example, Ayesha Akram, “What’s Behind Muslim Cartoon Outrage?” San Francisco Chronicle, February 11, 2006, www.sfgate.com/ cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2006/02/11/MNGRCH6UQK1.DTL. Conference program, “After One Hundred Years: The 1910 Exhibition Meisterwerke Muhammedanischer Kunst Reconsidered,” Institut für Kunstgeschichte, LudwigMaximilians-Universität München, October 24–5, 2008, www.khi.fi.it/pdf/c20081024. pdf.

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IV

New Directions: The Who, Why, What, How, and Where of Studying Islam Clinton Bennett

This chapter identifies and discusses the direction in which Islamic Studies is moving in terms of areas for research and enquiry. This builds on the survey of the field’s development offered in the Introduction and on the chapters in Current Research and Issues. New directions also result from the field’s increased tendency toward self-reflection and self-scrutiny. Some newer foci have already generated extensive literature. Others are much less explored and are thus ideal for graduate work. Five interlinked, rather basic, questions help shape this discussion, namely who, why, what, how, and where—that is, who engages in Islamic Studies, why do they study Islam, what exactly do they study, how do they study, and where does this study take place? Once again, discussion involves defining the field, its theories, and methods. These five are not rigidly separate; for example, where and how varies for different people, as does “why” they study and “what” their focus is. An argument that emerges throughout is that the field has become more diverse, involving a larger range of perspectives, approaches, and goals than can be identified at earlier phases. To assist readers, discussions of specific suggestions for work on new directions or under researched areas are indicated by subtitles.

Who Studies Islam? When Islam was first “studied” in the Western academy, those involved possessed a Christian worldview and bias. Loyalty toward Christianity inclined them to a negative view of other religions and of the cultures these religions produced, shaped, or influenced. Scholars were non-Muslim. They were also all men. Many were ordained clerics. Interest in Arabic was an adjunct to studying Biblical languages. At Paris, pioneer Arabists tended to be physicians; thus they were interested in Arabic medical texts, not in Islam as a religion. Others were interested in Eastern Christianity; they read an Arabic historical text for information about nonWestern Christianity, not specifically about Islam. Indeed, some of the the texts they did read were wri en by Arabic-speaking Christians, such 259

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as Bar Hebraus (d. 1286). When scholars did write about Islam, their aim was to refute Islam’s claims, to ridicule Muhammad in order to contrast Islam and Muhammad’s alleged shortcomings with Christianity and Jesus’ superiority. Muhammad, depicted as a charlatan, fraud, and opportunist, either invented Islam or was demonically inspired to counterfeit Christianity as an obstacle to God’s purposes. At this stage, very few primary sources were available: much was based on rumor, legend, and myth; some of this was derived at second or third hand from Christian polemic originating within the Arab or Muslim world. By the eighteenth century, with the emergence of secular, humanist scholarship, skeptics, atheists, and others had joined Christians in the study of Islam. Often, vis-à-vis Islam they shared Christian hostility; however, they added to this hostility toward all religion. A secular or humanist worldview did not automatically result in an a empt to view Islam objectively; “what” was written remained subjective and critical. Secular assumptions, on the other hand, did open up new ways of interpreting Islam, especially Muhammad’s role. His skill, acumen, charisma, single-mindedness, political and territorial achievements could be identified as evidence of human ability to create change and to shape history. Muhammad could now be seen as a hero, not as a villain, as sincere not demented; however, any genuine relationship with God or claim to be a prophet was discarded (as was Jesus’ divine status). God was still abstracted from Islam’s origin and history; these writers, though, abstracted God from all history. The issue is not that European, non-Muslim writers of any persuasion, humanists, or Christians, should be expected to accept or agree with how Muslims understand Islam; the point is that they had no interest whatsoever in even a empting to understand Muslim beliefs from Muslim perspectives. The fact that some European space was governed by Muslims or threatened by them, that wars were waged between Christians and Muslims, only fueled hostility. Although episodes of commercial and diplomatic exchange, even of harmonious coexistence and cooperation occurred, what dominated popular thinking about Islam was conflict, not concord. Christian bias, of course, continued to characterize many who studied Islam. By the end of the nineteenth century, with Europe’s colonial expansion, some began to study Islam in Muslim-majority space. This relates to “where”; previously, scholarship was conducted almost exclusively at a distance from Muslim-space, without any reference to or participation by Muslims, which also links with “how” and “what.” Europeans who became interested in Islam and in Muslim societies through colonialism, tended to view conquered people as inherently inferior. Whether they were commi ed Christians or humanists, they almost all subscribed to a set of a itudes that assumed an “us”-“them” polarity or juxtaposition, with all the best virtues belonging to “us,” most or all of the worst to “them.” The former included honesty, integrity, hard work; the la er dishonesty, untrustworthiness, and indolence. Or, the Europeans had 260

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climbed higher up the ladder of civilizational progress due to their innate superiority; Others were lower down or at the very bo om. They may have started off with achievements comparable to Europe’s but had later slowed down or retrogressed. Thus, Europe’s duty was to supervise those who were less advanced; perhaps with careful tuition Others might catch up, proving worthy of equal partnerships, or of governing themselves. Those who favored a racist explanation, though, saw progress toward this as unlikely. For Positivists, who thought that science could explain everything, both criminals in Europe and nonEuropeans were “retards.” “Retards” were intellectually, biologically, and psychologically different from and inferior to normal people! Scholars who took these assumptions with them to their study of Islam saw “Muslims” as less capable of rational thought; Muslim society was morally decadent, intolerant, and oppressive. Islam was immutable and monolithic, the same across space and throughout history. Islam could not progress or change; it remains static. Given that Muslim-majority space was almost everywhere subject to European rule, it was not regarded as having much of cultural interest or value to offer. Since European systems had displaced Islam’s, they were presumably less advanced. Although more Muslim sources were now available, non-Muslim opinion and interpretation were almost always preferred. Muslims could not be trusted to define or describe Islam; “we” knew be er. Ideas that Muslims were naturally irrational, dishonest, and deceitful did not make their sources a ractive. The “who,” then, at this stage saw themselves as creators of Islam’s reality and meaning; this was seen as singular and antithetical to Western, even to human, interests. Literary study dominated, which was mainly study of classical texts; produced at an early period, these were thought more likely to contain value than later material. Consequently, philology and literary study, criticism and analysis, was almost the only scholarly approach employed within Islamic Studies (at this stage, a branch of Oriental Studies). Today, the “who” is very different; women and men, Muslim and nonMuslim scholars are involved in the study of Islam within the Western academy. Participants represent a much wider range of approaches, disciplines, and methods. Whatever Islamic Studies is or is not, Muslims today are subjects, not objects; they participate in defining and shaping the study of Islam as well as the subject of study. It is increasing moving beyond being a discourse about alterity, about difference; it is becoming a discourse about being human. From an almost exclusively textual study (carried out at a distance from Muslim realities), enquiry and research now uses social scientific methods as well as those drawn from the humanities. Anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, political scientists, scholars of international relations, historians, and others have joined philologists and theologians in studying Islam or aspects of Islam. Neurologists and cognitive scientists may study aspects of Islam, too, such as religious experience as discussed by Buehler. Awareness of how bias 261

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and prejudice distorted much earlier Western representation of Islam, raised by postmodern theory, Edward Said (1978) and others encourage a rethinking of goals, possibilities, theories, and methods, as discussed below and in the Methodology chapter. For a variety of reasons, the “who” aspect is now much more diverse and heterogeneous than at earlier stages. At first, participation of Muslim men and of non-Muslims from a larger number of disciplines (outside philology) began to change the nature of the field. Later, women, nonMuslims, and Muslims joined and added to the field’s diversity. Diversification has enabled collaborative scholarship—a rarity during earlier phases. The “who” was almost always a single male, non-Muslim scholar looking at a text, with li le reference to any other source of information or opinion. Now, a team of men and women representing a wide range of worldviews may investigate an Islam-related subject employing many methods. This collaborative trend is discussed further below, with examples and suggestions. There are also important contributors who, strictly speaking, are not members of the academy, although they may have training in fields relevant to Islamic Studies. In fact, there is an important historical legacy of contributions from nonspecialists, such as Henry Stubbe (1642–76), Charles Forster (1787–1871), and Reginald Bosworth Smith (1839–1908); their writing challenged a itudes and set out to correct errors of fact. Remarkably, they used more or less the same sources (either secondary or translated) that others who denigrated Islam did. Perhaps their distance from the academy allowed them to see through bias. They all also believed that Christianity did not suffer from a more informed and accurate knowledge of other religions. Today, journalists such as Peter Bergen (who interviewed bin Laden, which no academic did) and Robin Wright write books that should a ract interest from academics who study Islam. Some individuals blur the distinction between the academy and the media by operating in both. For example, Ziauddin Sarder has taught in the academy, worked as a journalist and in broadcasting, and produced several programs and series’ including Encounters with Islam (1985) for the BBC and Islamic Conversations (1994) for Channel Four. Akbar Ahmed produced and presented the BBC series Living Islam (1996), presented The Glories of Islamic Art (2006) (Channel 5) and, more recently, the documentary Journey into America (2010). A frequent guest on television current affairs programs, he also initiated the “Jinnah Quartet,” which produced two books, a film, and a documentary (1998).

The Role of the Media in Shaping Public Opinion on Islam Edward Said’s Covering Islam (1997) persuasively showed how public opinion is informed and shaped by media representations, by how the media chooses to perpetuate and promote certain assumptions and caricatures. See 262

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Richardson (2004) for a more recent critique of the British media. Presenting Islam as homogenous, antithetical to the West, to women and to human rights, as anti-democratic and violent perpetuates negative images. For some, the word “terrorism” has become a synonym for “Islam.” Supporters of the threat thesis, too, from inside and from outside the academy, perpetuate the claim that Islam is inherently violent. On the one hand, some terrorists do self-define as Muslim and justify acts of violence by citing the Qurʾān (almost always 9:5). Scholars, however, should critique many assumptions associated with the link between “terrorism” and “Islam.” For example, are these people representative of the majority of Muslims, or a small minority? How convincing are their interpretations of Islam and of the passages they cite? Are there viable alternatives to their versions of Islam? Deciding who is and who is not a Muslim is not a task for the academy; it would compromise neutrality. Self-definition remains the most widely accepted method of determining anyone’s religious identity. Declaring people non-Muslim or heretical (takfir) is not uncommon within Islam, although many Muslims are very reluctant to engage in this. That, however, is an internal issue for Muslims. What the academy can do is to ensure that other Muslim voices speaking against terrorism, for democracy and for gender-equal, human rights compatible interpretations of Islam are also heard. Voices from inside Islam that go further, too, should be scrutinized. For example, in his widely publicized fatwa, Muhammad Tāhir-ul-Qādri said that perpetrators of terror act in ways that remove them from the “fold of Islam” (2010). Such voices are often not heard; in October 2001, former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher complained that too few Muslims had condemned 9/11. In fact, before she made this claim, two prominent British Muslims had unequivocally done so (one Sufi, one Deobandi), as had the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia among others (see Benne 2005, 226; see Cook 2005 for other 9/11 related material, including Bin Laden’s fatwa and other pro-jihād responses, 173–208). The issue is not about agreeing with ul-Qādri but comparing his argument on why terrorists cannot be considered “Muslim” with how supporters of terrorism justify their views. How the media represents Islam is an important area for research. What images and assumptions are perpetuated? How do journalists and broadcasters formulate these in terms of supporting data, sources, or with reference to specialist or expert knowledge? Who is reporting on Islam-related issues? Certain experts are routinely consulted; some leading scholars, equally eloquent and photogenic, are ignored. Which voices support negative assumptions about Islam as a threat, which represent alternative views? Who are those who switch between the academy and the media, why do they do this, and what impact do they have? Post 9/11, almost every book wri en about Islam refers to this event, often pointing out that negative ideas about Islam dominate in the West. No few suggest that this view of Islam is subject to challenge. How 9/11 impacts 263

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the study of Islam is another area that invites further research, with reference to popular writing on Islam as well as to academic texts. Public opinion is also often shaped by best-selling books on Islam by people from outside the academy, or from the fringe of mainstream academia. Examples here are Caner (2003) on women in Islam and the prolific writing of Spencer, including The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam and the Crusades (2005) and The Truth about Muhammad (2007). Both men claim to be experts. Their writing certainly impacts debate and discussion; Caner and Caner (2002) provoked a debate surrounding Muhammad’s sexuality; Spencer (who does not disclose his address) was named in a video by al-Qaeda member Adam Gadahn in 2006, who described him and others, including George W. Bush, as “Zionist crusader missionaries of hate.” Research could investigate how these books are received within their constituencies; reviews in magazines, for example, citations in speeches, sermons, and literature and at prize giving ceremonies. Caner and Caner won the Evangelical Publishers Association Gold Medallion Spencer’s two books were New York Times best sellers. Their impact might be compared with that of more academically respected texts, although establishing criteria for such a comparison could prove difficult.

Why Do Scholars Study Islam? When Islam was first studied in the Western academy, the goal was to be er present Christian truth in relation to Islam, which was perceived as “false.” The context was apologetic or polemic. Arabic texts, even those wri en by Muslims, did a ract interest but this was almost always scientific or medical. On the one hand, it can be argued that scientific and medical knowledge in Muslim space was motivated by Muslim principles. On the other hand, exploring these principles was not necessary for studying a medical or geographical text. Such texts could be translated and read in isolation from any link with Islam as a religion. Even when the Qurʾān and other religious texts were studied, the focus on languages meant that philological and linguistic issues dominated. Etymology of words, grammatical peculiarities, and semantic problems might preoccupy a scholar for years. Theology was almost always neglected; scholars’ claimed that philosophy and speculative thinking hardly existed in Islam. If it did not exist or was marginal to the tradition, either it could not be studied or its study would be unrewarding. The second phase in the field’s development took place when European imperial power extended across much Muslim-majority space. Europe’s relationship with Muslims changed from “mutual enemy” and “rivals” to “rulers” and “subjects.” Muslims were now “objects” of European power. There was more interest in Islamic civilizations, dynasties, history, and cultural achievements than earlier; colonial officials cataloged, classified, and collected 264

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material, artifacts, and memorabilia. The tendency, though, was to depict civilizations as decadent (hence their subjugation) and Others’ cultural achievements as exotic, somehow falling short of Europe’s. Vis-à-vis Islam, anything deemed to be of value was often depicted as borrowed or copied from outside, especially from Jews, Christians, and pre-Islamic Iran. Artifacts belonged in museums, just as animals did in zoos; both were displayed as curiosities in our possession. Following the development of ideas about Religious Studies and social science as neutral and objective, a empts to understand Islam from Muslim perspectives have tended to replace approaches that construct Islam, that is, that “create” Islam from the outside. The participation of Muslims alongside nonMuslims aids this process; now, one aim of study for some is to understand what Muslims do and believe from Muslim, insider perspectives. Recognizing that Islam is diverse and dynamic, not monolithic and static calls for the exploration of multiple perspectives. Versions of Islam declared heretical by some Muslims, whether historical or contemporary, also a ract study; the label “heresy” is usually applied by the powerful to protect or serve their interests against those labeled deviant. This technique silences dissent from and opposition to those who exercise or abuse power. Might is not always right. Identifying how power, control, and gender impacts what religious ideas and interpretations political authorities sanction is another trend. The old idea that a single, immutable “essence of Islam” could be abstracted has very li le support. Participation of women has opened up new feminist interpretations, challenging and critiquing male, elitist versions of Islam. Some involved in Islamic Studies have no interest in understanding Muslim views; they explore Islam’s political, psychological, social, and cultural aspects to produce alternative explanations of Islam’s origin, history, and role in the world. Interest in Islam’s religious aspects is not a prerequisite, although many Muslims see this as pervasive. Scholars may a empt to study the totality of Islam or they may focus on a specific aspect. Diversification of “who” studies Islam means that more scholars are contributing but it has also resulted in greater specialization, which can fragment the field. Awareness that bias, prejudice, and self-serving representations of Islam impact how it is seen encourages efforts to identify factors that affect outcomes. Muslims as well as non-Muslims impose presuppositions, sometimes distorting how other Muslims are seen. Some argue that no one can approach Islam from a completely “neutral” or “objective” position; consciously or subconsciously, everyone’s Islam conforms to existing ideas, negative or positive, reductionist (depicting Islam as a type of human construct) or anti-reductionist (recognizing some supra-human aspect). Therefore, scholars today consider and compare as many perspectives as possible, even when they are radically different or incompatible. Many prefer to identify their personal views within the text; Buehler refers to the advantages but also to what can at times be disadvantageous about 265

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self-disclosure during the research process. He argues, though, for what he calls “nuanced transparency”; “Nuanced transparency is be er scholarship because there is no way to disengage the scholar and the subject—unless scientist dogma is invoked.” The “why” of scholarship was often left unexplained, as was its methodology. A scholar’s aims and presuppositions might be retrieved by analysis and textual archeology. Sometimes, a claim to expertise led readers to assume that what they read was unbiased fact; earlier, the gravitas and authority of European scholars outweighed all other considerations. If they said that Islam almost always spread by force, then it did. If they said that Islam privileges law over all other intellectual pursuits, it does. If they said that Muslims were incapable of rational thought, they were. Declaring aims might include the goal of correcting past misrepresentation, or popular misconceptions about Islam as inherently violent, oppressive, static, or spiritually unsatisfying. Efforts to represent Islam as peaceful, dynamic, or spiritually rich may a ract criticism that they are apologizing for an imaginary, nonexisting Islam. Annemarie Schimmel, John L Esposito, and others have been accused of presenting an ideal, fictitious Islam. Pipes describes Esposito’s Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World as a “monument of apologetics” (2003, xvi, 104f). Some continue to defend notions of Islam as violent, static, and oppressive; they may make this goal explicit or offer their “Islam” as the work of a great authority, thus it must be correct. Certainly, it is easy to identify some very polarized views on such issues as Islam and democracy, Islam and gender, Islam and non-Muslims, Islam and war. To what degree do writers set out to prove a thesis; do they test their presuppositions, locate evidence to support this, ignoring other possibilities? Does a security specialist writing about an Islam-related topic necessarily presuppose that some Muslims represent a “threat”? How does a security or counter-terrorism background impact scholarship of Islam? How does this compare with how a background in Religious Studies or anthropology impacts study? The subjectivity-objectivity issue remains a challenge; how objective are those who set out to correct what they perceive as distortions, stereotypes, caricatures, bias, and prejudice? Akbar Ahmed prefaces most of his books by saying that popular views of Islam differ from his. Some have criticized him as pro-Western, pro-Zionist, others for whitewashing Islam (see Benne 2005, 31–2). On the other hand, how objective are those who set out to perpetuate ideas about Islam as inherently violent, anti-democratic, oppressive, and inhumane? What some call the critical paradigm aims to “smash myths and enable people to change society” (Neuman 2004, 75). Scholars adopting this paradigm—which would seem to include many Islamicists—should demonstrate why a stereotype is wrong, cite evidence to support their views, and argue persuasively why a different understanding should be accepted.

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Researching Constructions of Islam: Why Scholars Study and How they Construct “Islam” Whether aims are made explicit or left implicit, the contemporary graduate student in Islamic Studies will a empt to identify presuppositions. How do writers conceive Islam? What a priori assumptions impact their study? Are they aiming to understand or to explain religion? If they claim neutrality or objectivity, how do they support this claim and pursue their goal? Do they set out with a construction of Islam and try to justify this? Do they formulate their construction of Islam as a result of enquiry? Does this change? Do they begin with, develop, or test a hypothesis and is this subject to adjustment or revision? For some, reductionist (incidentally, this is hardly a neutral term) explanations will never be completely acceptable or adequate. However, scholars who favor anti-reductionist explanations should be able to recognize that politics, economics, issues surrounding the exercise and abuse of power, psychology, and other factors do play roles. This applies historically, with reference to Islam’s origin and Islam’s development; it applies to how some Muslims label or labeled others as deviant as well as to contemporary Muslim life. How do women Muslim scholars reconceive Islam? How do they critique traditional ideas or versions of Islam with which they disagree? How do they interpret Qurʾān (such as 2: 230; 2:282; 4:34) and ḥadīth verses that others use to support certain positions or practices that can be described as oppressive of women? Are the arguments of Ahmed (1992) and Mernissi (1991) and others who present a gender-equality compatible Islam credible, persuasive, or convincing compared with those who identify “Islam” itself as the problem, such as Moghissi (2002) and others for whom “Islamic feminism” is an oxymoron? Theories that posit a longer redaction process for the Qurʾān or question its divine authorship invite those who prefer alternative views to argue their case, not to condemn, reject, or ostracize. Pointing out on the one hand that Cook’s and Crone’s hostility toward Islam compromised any claim to neutrality, Ahmed argued on the other hand that Muslims should not dismiss their 1977 book as “nonsense” but “prepare a reply.” He suggests that silence might be construed as inability to “prepare a suitable answer” (1986, 51). This links with “what” scholars study. They may take fixed ideas about Islam with them into their study. Thus, they do not actually “study” anything; they locate “evidence” to confirm what they already know. This can be as true for what might be called positive as for negative ideas about Islam. How do scholars conceive or construct “Islam” and why is it an important area for research? Waardenburg (2007) of how different Islamic Studies scholars construct Islam is a useful guide for exploring this. Martin (1985) has essays on the contributions of Corbin and Wansborough (by Adams and Rippin respectively), which are also examples of how to analyze individual contributions to shaping Islamic Studies as a field. Hourani (1991) 267

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has a chapter on Marshall Hodgson’s work (74–89). Benne ’s Studying Islam (2010) examines Muir et al. (1–24), highlighting how their assumptions, aims, and methodologies differed and impacted their “Islams.” Islam may only ever exist within people who practice and conceive it. Islam exists because people do; since people’s conceptions vary, Islam is also variegated. Comparing how different explicit or implicit goals affect outcomes, what arguments and methods scholars employ or employed to produce their “Islam” opens up a rich field for future research. How do those who set out to prove or disprove a popular or commonly accepted idea about Islam a empt this? How do they present their evidence? How do they refute the views they challenge? Below, it will be seen that positions are often polarized: on the one side some argue for a negative, critical view of Islam as violent, intolerant, and oppressive, inimical to Western civilization; on the other side some argue for a positive view of Islam. There has been a tendency to remedy past mistakes by prioritizing Muslim opinions; the danger here is that scholars neglect difficult, controversial topics or theories because some Muslims find them offensive or reject them. Scholarship in the secular academy cannot privilege a single perspective or approach; it certainly cannot privilege religious approaches or opinions over alternatives. Studying a religion can and should include a empting to understand insider convictions and opinions but Islamic Studies will lose any claim to be a serious scholarly endeavor if it becomes merely a recording machine for insider voices. As Rippin comments, there is no easy answer about how to deal with radical differences between insider and outsider views. However, scholars in the secular academy, unlike those in faith-based schools, cannot privilege either. Some Muslims have moved toward responding to critical scholarship, for example, Rahman and Moosa (2009) and Esack (2005). Esack identifies a gray area between the prophet’s own consciousness and the experience of receiving revelation, daring to suggest that the distinction between rehearsed and unrehearsed revelation may be less clear than Muslims traditionally believe (101; see under Wāhy in the A–Z of terms section and the case study of Esack’s work in the Methodology chapter).

Researching How “Authority” Functions in Islam Who decides, and by what process or processes, what is or is not authentically Islamic? What processes are at work when some Muslim individuals and groups are labeled heretical and some practices condemned? In the academy, it has become customary to categorize various expressions of Islam, for example, as Fundamentalist, Modernist, Liberal, Progressive, Traditionalist, Neo-Traditionalist, Revisionist, and Radical Revisionist (see Esposito 1991, 192–218). Muslims apply some of these labels to their own views; Nasr (1987) 268

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self-defines as “traditionalist” while contributors to Safi (2004) are labeled progressive. Ramadan (2004) uses the following categories, which he describes as “major tendencies”: Scholastic Traditionalism, Salafi Literalism, Salafi Reformism, political Literalist Salafism, Liberal or Rationalist Reforms, and Sufism (24–9 with a diagram on page 29 showing each tendency’s relationship to Texts and Reason). Ahmed (2007) develops three models, each named after an Indian city, which “serve as metaphors for these worldviews.” These are Ajmeer for “Muslims inspired by the Sufi and mystical tradition” (34), Deoband for what “Western commentators characterize as ‘radical Islam’” and “political Islam” (36), and Aligarh for those who “desire to engage with modern ideas while preserving what to them is essential to Islam” (37). Nasr defends Traditional Islam, although his view about this is very different from how others use the term. As a champion of perennial philosophy, Nasr locates Islam within more universal, less particular contexts. Tibi sees “political Islam” as an ideology (1998, 161); with Nasr (306) he rejects this “definition” of Islam. Muslims often understand their Islam as “real” Islam; some accept pluralism; others claim exclusive legitimacy for a single version of Islam. Some describe their interpretation as reform (Islah) or renewal (Tajdid). What qualifies as either for some is heretical for others, bid’a (innovation). How have reformers dealt with accusations of bid’a? How have they dealt with the concept of taqlīd, which Schact (2010) called “unquestioning acceptance of the doctrines of the established schools and authorities” (71) Agreeing or disagreeing with claims to be authentic is not the task for Islamic Studies; exploring how terms are used, how their proponents’ Islam differs from other views, and examining how they predicate their Islam on Islam’s primary sources is a task that demands more a ention. How do they understand authority? How do competing movements understand authority, who possesses this, and how? Research can examine how terms have been used, by whom, and with what meaning. Muslims have found ways of containing differences, arguably resorting to condemnation as a last resort. The four Sunni legal schools tolerate ikhtilaf (difference of opinion). Charney argues that ikhtilaf enabled “creative intellectual flowering” in Islam’s early days (4). A empts were made from time to time to reconcile Sunni and Shīʿah. Some Sunni regard Twelver Shīʿah’s legal school, Jafari (named for the sixth Imām), as a fifth orthodox school; the Amman Message (2004) recognizes eight schools and condemns Takfir against members of any. How have Muslims understand such terms as Islah (see Q 7:170; 11:117; 28:19) and Tajdid? How do they justify their “Islam” as real? Ideas about the “gate of ʼijtihād” closing (mental effort to deduce a new point of law) about 900 CE (Schacht 1977, 563) and calls for its reopening, how ijma (consensus) are understood are also relevant. Those who call for ʼijtihād include Muslims with very different “Islams”; for example, Ibn Taymiyya, al-Wahhab, and Mawdūdī (all Salafist) and Syed Ahmed Khan, Muhammad ‘Abduh, and Muhammad 269

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Iqbal (modernist). Difference between theory and practice may invite investigation; the claim (in Sunni) that all Muslims possess an equal right to interpret the tradition, that Ijmāʿ is necessary to validate interpretation can be examined against the actual role played by scholars as gate-keepers and decision makers, who may object when women and “lay people” claim the right to interpret the Qurʾān for themselves (see Esack 2005, 25). Choosing a caliph became a collective duty for Sunnis; however, in practice members of the group known as those who loose and bind (ahl al-halli wal-aqd) exercised this “authority.” How was this authority obtained or claimed, understood, and exercised? How different in practice is the role of Sunni scholars from Shīʿah, who can be seen to speak for the Hidden Imām, who is infallible? Similarly, while caliphs in theory did not possess privileged interpretative authority, in practice the earliest may have exercised this, according to Crone and Hinds (1–2). They argue that religious and political authority was originally concentrated in one man; later, the former was dispersed among those who owed authority “solely to their learning,” the ‘ulamā’. These scholars were also called “God’s deputies” (na’ib Allah); religious scholars have unseated rulers and determined succession (Dabashi, 92). The Sunni scholar Al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) is known as hujjat al-Islam, “proof of Islam,” the same title used for senior Shīʿah scholars. Sunni refer to the eponyms of the four madhabs as “mujtahid mutlaq” (absolute points of reference); senior Shīʿah scholars continue to be known as marji-i-taqlid (point of reference, or source to imitate). Imāms did (in some branches they still do) enjoy unique religious authority. How is authority understood and exercised differently in Sufi Islam, given that Sheikhs are believed to be “perfect men”? In Sunni Islam, the role of “licenses to transmit” or “teach” (ījāzas) shows that scholars recognized that they were stewards of a received tradition, which they were required to pass on. The licence authorizes the teaching of what has been taught (not acquired by unsupervised reading). This has obvious parallels with how silsilah operates in Sufi Islam. Does this system impact reform, if scholars are expected to transmit, not innovate? (see Buzov, 189–99 “History” and Schmidtke, 95–127, “Forms and Function of Licences to Transmit”). How are Qurʾān and ḥadīth used to support notions of authority; for example, interpretations of the word daraja (see 4:95; 6:132; 9:20; 20:75; 46:19). How 3:7 is understood is also relevant; does only God possess knowledge of the Mutashabih (allegorical) verses or do certain people “firm in knowledge” also possess this (there is debate about whether the sentence ends with “Except Allah” or continue “and those who …”. How do those who support a restored caliphate understand the office’s function and authority? How would they choose a caliph? How do views differ across movements? See essays in Krämer and Schmidtke for examples of scholarship on “authorities in Muslim Societies.” Amirpur’s chapter is an important contribution on changes in how, post-1979, Iran’s ‘ulamā’ claim and exercise authority. Dabashi 270

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is an excellent study of “views of authority” in historically significant movements; what remains to be done is more extensive work on contemporary views. Ahmed’s 2007 Journey into Islam included research on “leadership models” and produced interesting results. His interviewees were asked to identify five contemporary role models (they were also asked to identify role models from the past); answers varied from context to context but many of those named were political, while some were religious, leaders. Among the former, Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Mahathir bin Mohammad were popular. Among the la er, Yousef al_Qaradawi was very popular; so were Yusef Islam, Zakir Nsaik, and Amr Khaled; in some contexts, Sufi figures such as Rumi emerged. Among historical figures, the second caliph, ʿUmar, was most popular. Ibn Taymiyya and Hasan al-Banna were also popular. So were such people as Syed Ahmed Khan and Saladin.

What do Islamic Studies Scholars Study? Islamic Studies has broadened since the days when classical texts were almost exclusively objects of interest. Then, Islam was seen as homogenous and unchanging. Linguistic and textual study dominated. Now, different interpretations of Islam, people as well as texts, popular forms of Islam, Islam as practiced in many different contexts, all feature. Alongside textual study, participant observation, interviews, use of questionnaires and other data collecting methods are used. Buehler’s chapter mentions neurology and cognitive science and critiques what he calls scientific dogmatism with reference to studying aspects of Sufism. The “what” of Islamic Studies may be determined by whatever represents itself as “Islamic,” regardless of how other self-defined Muslims regard the practice, movement, or school (or sect, but the academy does not usually use this term). As Arkoun (1997) says, “the history of neglected, eliminated, forgo en aspects of Islam remains to be wri en,” because “ruling classes” using “the argument of orthodoxy” controlled scholarly production (41). This opens up the possibility of visiting many aspects of Islam’s history. It also opens up new ways to reexamine or reevaluate more recent or current movements, including the Nation of Islam and Ahmadiyyah. Both tend to be studied either as examples of deviancy or as of only peripheral relevance to Islamic Studies. An example of taking a fresh look at the Nation of Islam (NOI) can be seen in Curtis (2006), which examines “Islam” within the NOI, usually analyzed from the perspective of black empowerment or as a radical, separatist political movement. Pointing out that about a million people owe their Islam to NOI, Curtis was interested in the role played by Islam in this movement, which may represent a new form of Islam designed to meet specific needs. “Mainstream Americans,” says Curtis, “view the NOI” as “neither legitimately religious nor 271

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authentically Islamic” (5). However, while members were looking for “solutions to their political and social problems” through the movement, what “made them cohere, what made them a movement, was their devotion to a comprehensive religious system,” (6). This was, for them, rooted in Islam and despite aspects that differ “from other Muslim orientations” some of Muhammad Elijah’s teaching “did refer to a legitimate Islamic tradition” (10). Curtis takes at face value the fact that NOI members self-defined as Muslim; “if someone calls him or herself a Muslim,” he “accepts that she or she is indeed Muslim.” On the other hand, he is interested in what this “means for them” and how the “particular contours of” their “Muslim identity may differ from” others. Curtis’ work is an example of leading-edge research for which English was the main linguistic medium. His conclusion on the NOI has some similarity with how others critique the label “syncretistic” vis-à-vis Bengali Islam, arguing that what developed in Bengal is an acculturated expression of Islam, appropriate for the context (see Roy 1983; Uddin 2006). Islam has more often than not adapted to local circumstances. These should not be judged as deviant; they are localized expressions of Islam, which exists in many different forms, most of which recognize enough in common to claim membership of the same global tradition. To some degree, this fits the idea of great and small traditions, with a degree of tension between them (Waardenburg 2007, 193), although the idea that the former exists is subject to challenge. The relationship of Islam and culture is an area for additional research. One way to think about Islam in terms of what Muslim share in common on the one hand, yet also as differentially rooted in specific contexts is to explore the concept of Islamic civilization; Tibi writes, “we are dealing with a great variety of local cultures more or less embedded in a single great civilization” one that is capable of embracing many local cultures while maintaining a cross-cultural identity, even loyalty (1998, 6). Different ways that Islam has adapted culturally express local interpretations; a Bengali-flavored Islam is different from an Arab-flavored Islam but both may be valid. Each may have lessons to teach the other. What some see as normative Islam may be an Arab-flavored interpretation. Geertz’s now classical work in Java and Morocco shows how Islam adapts to different contexts (1968). Certain a itudes and lifestyle choices, too, usually labeled deviant, can be explored from the perspective of self-definition, providing additional subjects for the “what” of Islamic Studies. Constance Padwick (1961) and Annemarie Schimmel (1985) are pioneering examples of researching popular Islam, both concerned with devotion and spirituality. Padwick found many of the prayer books she analyzed in bazaars and markets, taking her outside academic libraries. Islam on the internet is making different interpretations of Islam accessible. Many Islamic organizations have internet sites, with resources and links to other sites. Garry Bunt and NPR (see Resources) have carried out important work on Islam 272

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on the internet. However, the quantity of material is immense and many useful projects could be pursued. How are Muslims using the internet? How do different organizations represent Islam? Do different sites give the same, similar, or different information when researching an issue or question? Are some positions condemned by one site but advocated by others? How useful are search engines offered at various sites? Are there sites that appear to be linked more than others, suggesting popularity? Recently, Ron Geaves has worked on the new phenomenon of internet sheikhs in the context of Sufism in Britain. These sheikhs have created a nontraditional following; they are not linked with a saint’s tomb or successors to “a hereditary lineage.” Nor do they “collect funds and return home.” They offer spiritual support and teaching “that transcends regional or ethnic loyalties” (2012, 189) which young Muslims in Diaspora find especially appealing, often struggling to strip Islam of “cultural baggage” and to find ways of living “alongside British cultural norms, where they are not antithetical to Islamic values” (187). Anthropological studies of Sufi orders, such as Gilsenan (1982) in Egypt and Werbner (2003) in Pakistan and England (studying the same order over 15 years) present material on Sufism that differs radically from earlier, text-based studies. Neither expresses the type of sentiment found in Nicholson (1914), who, when describing supernatural phenomena associated with saints, opined, “the beginning of wisdom, for European students of Oriental religion, lies in the discovery that … incongruous beliefs … dwell peacefully together in the Oriental mind. a typical ‘us’-‘them’ juxtaposition, since “our minds cannot harmonize” these irrational beliefs (96). In contrast, Gilsenan examines such phenomena from the point of view of those who believe in them (see 75–7). Comparing how a variety of scholars, perhaps working within different disciples, discuss which aspects of Sufism would be a very viable project. Disciplines could range from anthropology to neurology. Werbner is an excellent example of reflecting on a researcher’s presence within the research process. Her Jewish identity and her gender both impacted her research. She points out how on the one hand, the Sheikh was happy that his openness and hospitality showed that he transcended others’ bigotry (2003, 95). On the other hand, some of his disciples thought she was a spy. Her “frequent and close meetings with the saint inspired jealousy and gossip among other disciples,” not least of all because she is female (296). One disciple deliberately spread gossip about her, although he knew it was false. This experience posed questions about the possibility of a “truly collaborative anthropology” (301). An “outsider,” she was “an unruly presence at the lodge, the subject of gossip and rivalry” (301). Disclaiming “omniscient ethnographic authority,” however, she a empts to represent plural voices (302). She reflected that financial concerns motivated some opposition; people thought she was se ing out to discredit the saint’s reputation for miracles, which helped a ract revenue. Also, many members are soldiers, thus some 273

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type of security concern was a remote possibility. The type of ethnography carried out by Geertz, Gilsenan, and Werbner requires some skill in languages other than English. However, smaller-scale ethnographic projects researching a Mosque community in Europe, North America, or Australasia can be conducted in English medium.

Researching Sexuality in Islam Religions can change a itudes on ethical ma ers, including those related to gender and lifestyle choices. Homosexuality continues to be seen as deviant by many Christians but some Christian churches and organizations affirm equality in marriage for same-sex and opposite sex couples, ordain women and practicing homosexuals. Change involves revisiting traditional arguments, reinterpreting biblical texts, and reformulating traditional beliefs. Traditionally, homosexual practice is illegal in Islamic societies, where current penalties range from heavy fines to execution. However, leaving open the issue of who is and who is not Muslim means that what some Muslims regard as heresy or nonislamic can be researched, without being constrained by charges of deviancy. Lindholm comments that “homosexuality … has traditionally been quite common in” the Islamic Middle East (2002, 251). Homoerotic themes abound in Arabic literature, in Sufi and Arab poetry so much so that in many urban centers “love poetry of women seems to be the exception not the rule” (Śenîr 43). Homosexuality is legal in Indonesia (the largest Muslim-majority state), where some regions have a history of cross-gender identity. Ahmed (2008) comments on homosexual orientation in Saudi Arabia (see 270). Likewise, numerous scholars and commentators maintain that the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth rule unambiguously against same-sex relations. Kugle (2010) represents a pioneering study, in which the author argues that the subject of sexual orientation in Islam and in the Qurʾān is more nuanced, equivocal, and complex than commonly thought. Maranci (2008) comments that a lot of recent research has focused on women in Islam and some on homosexuality, while a neglected area is that of masculinity, “gender has not been understood” he suggests “as dynamics between subjects.” Gender cannot be “reduced to femininity” thus masculinity and “relationships between genders” should also be researched.

Comparative Study The type of comparison of Islam in Indonesia and Morocco carried out by Geertz, of course, takes a long time and cannot easily be conducted for a modest sized research paper or thesis (although his work in Java was linked with 274

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his doctoral work). Nonetheless, comparative study is a fruitful field, one that few nineteenth-century experts would have contemplated, believing that Islam was a single, unchanging, unchangeable entity. Small-scale comparisons of Muslim communities in Europe and North America, perhaps with different national backgrounds, however, are possible. Waardenburg describes Islam in the West as “a kind of extra branch of Islamic studies” (2007, 123). The proximity of Muslim communities to university and college campuses extends the classroom into these spaces. The process of adaptation can be researched close to home, as well as on extended, expensive field trips overseas. Muslims in Britain and elsewhere struggle with what is “Islamic” and what is “cultural” in terms of their parents or grandparents’ original contexts. Ramadan (2004) and others, including Tibi (2001), are developing notions about European or Euro Islam, which is another research topic. This contrasts sharply with ideas about Islam as a danger to Western society, championed, for example, by Pipes (2003), also implied by Samuel Huntington (see 2003 (1996), 78). Recent initiatives in Germany following the 2010 report on Islamic Studies aim to encourage the development of an Islam that integrates into, instead of resisting or isolating itself from, German society. Again, this type of research can largely be carried out in the vernacular, although undoubtedly some ability in community languages helps gain access and build trust (for example, Bangla if the Mosque community you are researching in Small Heath, Birmingham, is mainly of Bangladeshi background). The study of Muslims as minorities is a developing field. No few Muslims, too, call for a rethinking of classical notions about minorities in Muslim space and about Muslims as minorities, about which Islamic law did not traditionally say very much. Ramadan (2004) links this with discussion about pluralism; “we are living in an age of diversity, blending, and extremely deep complexity that cannot be understood or evaluated through a binary prism” that pits Muslim against non-Muslim space (68). Whether terms such as Western world and Muslim world are appropriate is debatable; substantial Muslim communities live in the West (10% of France’s population and of Bulgaria’s, for example) while substantial non-Muslim communities live in Muslim majority states (over 10% in Indonesia, 10% in Syria, 40% in Lebanon, for example). Tibi’s Euro-Islam is, he says, compatible with four constitutional principles, namely laicism (separation of religion and state), “secular tolerance based on individual human rights and last but not least, civil society” (2001, 226). The “Othering” of Muslims by themselves and by Europeans should end; instead, Muslims should be provided with or negotiate for “viable” alternatives to being a “peripheral minority” (205). Muslims need to relinquish their “absolutism”; Europeans need to relinquish “exclusivism and Eurocentrism” (203); the notions of Dar-alIslam and Dar-al-Harb should be abandoned in favor of embracing “democracy and the political culture of pluralism, human rights and liberal tolerance” (68). 275

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Approaches can be compared and contrasted and assumptions analyzed. This can be applied to a wide range of issues. Another area where comparative research can take a student to the leading edge of the field is Muslim-non-Muslim relations. On the one hand, some argue that episodes of convivencia have occurred, that Islam can be construed to inform the type of coexistence that often also involves collaboration; see Menocal (2002). Bat Ye’or (1986) argues that the dhimmi system represented a deliberate, systematic a empt to destroy non-Muslim societies and cultures. Perhaps representing a midway position between polarized views, Courbage and Fargues (1997) show how non-Muslims sometimes declined but sometimes thrived and revived under Islamic rule. Their research is especially significant because they use statistics (especially drawn from O oman records) to support their arguments. They present 49 tables. In 1580 the Fertile Crescent was 92 percent Muslim, 7 percent Christian and 1 percent Jewish. By 1882, it was 74 percent Muslim, 24.5 percent Christian and 1.3 percent Jewish. By 1914, it was 26.4 percent Christian and 2 percent Jewish (Table 4.2) (61, 82). In what now corresponds to the state of Turkey, Christians were 8 percent in the sixteenth century; by 1881 they “made up 21% of the population in the territory of present day Turkey” (105). This does not sound like systematic destruction of a culture. Friedmann (2003) is another balanced discussion. He argues that Islam can be interpreted differently to inform tolerance and intolerance, depending on circumstances; he offers a detailed, carefully researched treatment examining all four main Sunni legal schools, Qurʾān and ḥadīth verses. A related, neglected, area is the history of diplomacy and truces between Muslim and non-Muslim space; matching these with periods of conflict will help to redress what O’Shea (2007) calls “selective, agenda-driven amnesia,” when all that people remember are epochal ba les, forge ing episodes of less hostile encounter (9). History can even twist biography to transform people into something else; for example, Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar, (d. 1099) known as El Cid, derived from sayyid, which he was addressed as by Muslims. He worked on both sides of the border, for Muslim and Christian rulers. History transformed him into a crusading Christian knight commi ed to reconquering Andalusia (Fletcher 2003, 86). Borders can routinely be represented as areas of conflict between cultural zones, when in fact they also provide opportunities for cooperation; they can be conceived of as barriers or as bridges, depending on the agendas of those who control or influence thought processes on both sides (see Apostolov 2004, vi).

Fiction and Film Given that representations of Islam constitute part of the “what” of Islamic Studies, relatively li le has been wri en on fictional and cinematographic 276

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material. An exception here is Kha ak (2008), who discusses quite a lot of Victorian fiction in the context of perceptions of Muslim practices and beliefs. Benne (2005) discusses a number of novels by Muslim writers, including Naguib Mahfouz, Ahdaf Soueif, Nawal al-Saadawi, and Taslima Nasrin but there is much more here to be explored. Islam-related material in films is an even more neglected area. Islam related films are comparatively rare, although relevant content can be identified. A few examples here are Lawrence of Arabia (1962), The Message (1976), My Son the Fanatic (1997) The Kingdom of Heaven (2005), Brick Lane (2007), and My Name is Khan (2010). Depictions of Muslims may be more explicit in some films, less in others; research areas include how accurate factual references are, depictions of any actual Islamic practices or of historical contexts. How are characters portrayed and what role does their representation play within the storyline. Does the film perpetuate stereotypes or challenge them? Is there a hidden message about how Muslims are perceived, or how the filmmakers would like them to be seen?

Exploring Other Literature A related area is travel accounts. Lewis (2004) explored some accounts by European women of visiting Harem in O oman Turkey. This type of literature became “a uniquely female area of culture production” (13). While negative a itudes abound in these accounts, women also found ways to use their experience in support of their own political agenda. O oman women might be secluded but they could own land and deny their husband’s access to their chambers, unlike European women. O oman men even supported women’s demands for reform; men in Europe opposed their enfranchisement (15). She says that European fascination for the harem “as a sexual realm of deviancy, cruelty and excess … animated some of the West’s best known examples of Orientalism from the fine arts, to opera, to novels and popular literature” (96). Much of this remains li le known and under researched. Her book also looked at literature, largely a response to Western writing, by O oman women. Wri en in English for Western readers, this impacted what was wri en; they entered the existing market (created by European women writers) but did so as nonEuropeans. They wanted to correct “Western misconceptions about O oman society but they also (as did many men) wanted to intervene in O oman gender relations” (17). They actually “documented the harem’s decline” (18). Due to the way in which this literature was produced and published, it represents a unique dialogue between “Oriental writers … Western women … and with male writers from both East and West” (18). This literature is in English, another example of innovative work within Islamic Studies that does not necessarily require a high degree of competency in Arabic. 277

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Kahf (1999) is a good example of analysis that challenges earlier assumptions. Her examination of pre-eighteenth-century European literature shows that the representation of Islam as oppressive of women cannot be dated earlier. She draws an important distinction between “Muslim women” and her subject, which is “representations of Muslim women” (3). Representation drew on a tradition of depicting “other” women (pagans, foreigners) that did not always a empt to describe the actual subject. In medieval Western literature, the Muslim woman was exotic, “a queen or noblewoman wielding power or harm over a hero,” far from oppressed (5). She found no reference to seclusion or to veiling. That appeared later, surfacing in the seventeenth century when harem was first used in English. By the eighteenth century, European writers had confined Muslim women to the harem. As Europeans established themselves as colonial masters of Muslim societies, the need to see subjects as somehow inferior dominated. Despite women in the West possessing few rights, Muslim women were now depicted as even less free; this went hand in hand with Orientalizing the Orient. Transformed from active into passive, inert subjects, Muslim women become the “quintessential victim of absolute despotism, debased to a dumb, animal existence” (8). This was contrasted with perceptions of Western women as “not-Oriental” (7). Once this distinction was created, any depiction of Muslim women had to conform to the stereotype. Again, underexplored material exists for further examination and analysis in this area of gender representation.

Researching Subjective Meanings and Feelings Maranci argues that anthropologists should pay more a ention to the role” that “emotions and feelings” (2008, 114) play in Muslim society, which “should” he says “be at the centre” of studying Islam (6). Muslims are Muslim, he says, because they “feel to be Muslim.” This is similar to what Waardeenburg describes as “research on what ‘subjective’ meanings are” in terms of what “people” are “hoping and looking for … what they … fear and avoid and … how they express this” (2007, 367). Exploring what makes Muslims “feel” that they are Muslim opens up new areas of enquiry. Researching subjective feelings and emotions is a challenge, one that also touches on methodology. However, one promising and underexplored area relates to an increasing volume of literature of a self-reflective and autobiographical genre. Here, books by Ahmed (2000), Asad (2000), Sarder (2005), Esack (2009), Mernissi (1995) and Ahmed (2008) represent rich material for comparison, analysis, and critical scrutiny. There is material here to engage with their spiritual and intellectual maturation, with what shaped their understanding of Islam, who influenced their thinking, how they relate this to their contexts, concerns, and challenges. 278

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Un-Problematizing Islam Islam and terror, Islamists and the progress of democracy in Muslim-majority space, the suspicion that Muslims in the West are a security risk or that they potentially compromise the very ethos of a state into which they refuse to integrate, aiming instead to somehow “take it over” all represents Muslims as a problem. A new direction is to look at some less controversial areas where Islam might assist with problem solving, although controversy can be encountered here as well. Science is an example. On the one hand, Spencer (2005) declares that “Allah killed science” (87–98), while Muir could confidently state that Christian nations might progress in science, in the arts, and other areas but the Muslim world remains static (1924, 603). Muslims regard science as a sacred enterprise, linked with the command to seek knowledge. Even if traditions such as “seek knowledge as far as China” and “from the cradle to the grave” are apocryphal, verses such as Q 39:9 and 67:10 and others are seen as encouraging knowledge acquisition. How do those who argue for and against Islam’s compatibility with scientific enquiry justify their views?; how have Islam’s scientists understood the relationship between their science and their religion? Did they think their religion irrelevant, a motivating factor among others or their only motivation? Muslims argue that Islamic Science has a commitment to values and morality lacking in the West. Sardar (1989) says that while Western scientists claim no responsibility for the use to which their ideas or inventions are put, Muslim scientists are judged by the moral consequences of their work (95–7). Sarder often grounds this morality in humanity’s stewardship of nature. Islam’s commitment to social justice, integral to its economic theory (see under zakat and Sadaqah in A–Z of Terms), its belief that the environment has rights, Islamic sciences’ rootedness in consequential ethics, all represent promising areas for enquiry unrelated to Islam as “problematic.” Principles of Islamic town planning and architecture, too, merit more a ention. These are not always practiced, of course. However, at its best, this integrates natural and built space, minimizes waste, reduces energy consumption, and provides a pleasant environment for various human activities. Buildings are ideally used for multiple-purposes; people live close to their work. Unused property is liable to be confiscated for the public good (to house the homeless, for example).

How do Scholars Study Islam? The Methodology chapter in this book discusses how Islam is studied and researched. Here, two new directions are discussed, collaborative work and quantitative research. Under “who,” collaborative research was identified as a newer trend. Some collaborative work took place during the second 279

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developmental stage of what became Islamic Studies; for example, Violet Rhoda Jones and her husband, Lewis Bevan Jones worked together on their Women in Islam (1941). She spent time with women inside Indian Zenanas; he worked on texts, for which he obtained his MA from Cardiff. More recently, Charles and Cherry Lindholm researched together in the Swat valley; he spoke with men, she with women. They cowrote “Life Behind the Veil” (in Praeger, et al. 1991, 533–41) in which they show how, as long as men do not have affairs with other women, their wives tolerate homosexual encounters. Ahmed (2007) is wri en as a single-authored text. However, he presents fieldwork carried out by himself and a team from Georgetown, which “codified the questionnaires, wrote up the interviews, and held a seminar to discuss” their findings (x). The team visited eight countries. It distributed 120 questionnaires in each country at “various sites” and interviewed Muslims formally and informally. The questionnaire was not designed to produce statistics but to take “the temperature” of each country visited. The results are qualitative, somewhat impressionistic, and sometimes personally expressed. Ahmed thinks that Muslims and nonMuslims are “moving further and further away from their cherished ideals of justice, compassion and wisdom” (244) and that the answer lies in looking more deeply into each other souls. This is only possible “if we take the trouble—and sometimes the risk—to visit each other” (252). The world is increasingly interconnected, thus nations need to be seen to “receive” and be seen “to receive justice” else “anger will continue spreading its poison” (258). Ahmed’s 2010 Journey into America presented findings from another team project, researching Muslims relationship with the United States after 9/11, visiting 75 localities and over a 100 mosques. When you have wri en your research paper or thesis to a ract credit or obtain a degree, collaborative work may be problematic. On the other hand, the type of partnership that the Jones’ pursued allowed each to work on a different aspect; they used their particular skills or opportunities to supplement the other. Many variations of collaborative work are possible, combining different languages skills, methodologies, and disciplines, working in several locations as well as Muslim-non-Muslim and male-female partnerships, even teacher-student. Qualitative research is not itself new, dating at least from Geertz (1968). However, producing statistics is a newer trend. Courbage and Fargues use of census data was described above. Another pioneer example is Banu’s 1992 Islam in Bangladesh, in which she analyses data from fieldwork a empting to quantify adherence to different types of religious belief (modern, orthodox, and popular), instead of speculating about how many people identify with each. Her categories, of course, need to be examined. Her tables, she says, speak for themselves (121). She compared rural and urban samples. She researched in 20 villages from four regions, ending up with 500 households in each. The urban samples were “selected from three areas of Dhaka, the metropolitan city of Bangladesh, 280

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which were likely to have a high incidence of modernization” (xv). She was also interested in the relationship between religious and social change. Another major interest was in testing whether work ethic and faith were linked. Gallop’s World Poll, carried out between 2001 and 2007, interviewed Muslims in 35 countries “young and old, educated and illiterate, female and male … from urban and rural se ings” (Esposito & Moghahed 2007, xi). The sample was large enough to produce data on what more than a billion Muslims think and believe. The published results (book and a film, Inside Islam: What a Billion Muslims Really Think) present quantitative data. For example, a majority, “admire the West’s political freedoms,” and “value and desire greater selfdetermination” (31). A “significant majority” in “many countries” does not want religious leaders “defining a country’s constitution” (49). Large percentages in many countries think that women’s rights should be identical to men’s (90% in Bangladesh, 80% in Indonesia, for example; 58% of Saudi men thought that women should vote) (51). Majorities did not think that the United States of America is “serious about encouraging democracy” around the world (57). What many most disliked about the West was “degradation of Muslims” (61). A surprisingly large number of those categorized as “radical” want be er relations with the West (58%; the result was 44% for moderates) (81). A itudes to the United States of America include seeing it as “ruthless” (66%), “aggressive” (65%), and “morally decadent” (64%) but also as “scientifically and technologically advanced” (68%). On the one hand, only a large research institution such as Gallop could carry out this type of sophisticated statistical, quantitative research. On the other hand, smaller-scale projects are possible, within the scope of graduate level research. Such research would probably take place in more limited contexts, with modest samples producing more tentative conclusions. As the Methodology chapter says, there are issues surrounding the type of large-scale poll conducted by Gallup. Nonetheless, this is a new and potentially significant area of enquiry.

And Finally, where do Scholars Study Islam? How viable the above type of quantitative research really is for readers of this book is an open question. However, it demonstrates how much the field of Islamic Studies has changed. It has shifted from exclusively studying ancient Arabic texts, to large-scale, multi-location, international, externally funded research. This is very different research than was originally carried out by one solitary man in his study or college Library, working on Arabic texts, probably never ever meeting a Muslim. In fact, he probably had no interest in meeting one. Islamic Studies today takes place on and off academic campuses. On campus, it takes place in diverse departments, not only in a few (languages 281

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and theology). It is multidisciplinary and poly-methodological. It is interested in contemporary Muslim experience as well as in Islam’s past. Scholars monitor and analyze current developments, social, political, and religious, across Muslim space. They may not be very good at predicting events, having more or less failed to alert the world to either Iran’s revolution or the so-called Arab spring. However, they can help the wider public understand what has happened and why and what options people have for the future, even if they cannot guarantee what path the future will take. Muslim space includes the Middle East but today the field resists being seen as a subset of Middle Eastern Studies, concerning itself with South and South East Asia, Africa, and Muslim communities in Europe, Australasia, and the Americas. Competency in Arabic has an honored place; so does research using European, African, and Asian languages that Muslims speak, and use to express their thoughts. The field is self-reflective and self-critical. It is increasingly collaborative and multicontextual. It may be increasingly suspicious of voices of authority that a empt to define Islam definitively, declaring that it is this and not also that. It listens to many Muslim voices, young and old, women and men from as wide a range of branches and subtraditions as it can. Respecting self-definition, it studies any who say they are Muslim. It neither wants to deny that Muslims feel that they belong to a global community, that they share a faith, nor that there are many different ways of conceptualizing Islam. Muslim men and women and nonMuslim women, initially excluded, have joined non-Muslim men in studying Islam, changing the “who,” the “why,” and often also the “what” and “how” of the field.

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V

Chronology Clinton Bennett

A chronology of important institutional and textual developments in Islamic Studies; relevant historical markers and some significant individual contributions are also identified. 570 CE: Birth of Muhammad in Mecca April 26 (according to the standard chronology), God’s final prophet and messenger. 610 CE: Standard date for Muhammad’s first experience of receiving revelation (this became chapter 96 verses 1–5 of the Qurʾān) from God through the Angel Gabriel; the content of the Qurʾān was revealed in stages from now until shortly before Muhammad’s death. Muslims believe that the Qurʾān’s origin is entirely divine. 622 CE: July 16, 622 marks “O” on the Islamic lunar calendar; the migration (hijrah) from Mecca to Yathrib (renamed Medina). 630 CE: Mecca surrenders to Muhammad. 632 CE: June 8 Muhammad dies. Abu Bakr (d. 634) is chosen to lead the community, with the title “caliph” (deputy). 637 CE: Jerusalem falls to ʿUmar, the second caliph. 655 CE: Completion of the official mus’haf (codex) of the Qurʾān under the third caliph, ʻUthmān (d. 656) according to standard Muslim account; arranged into 114 chapters (surah; plural suwar) ordered roughly from longer to shorter. The linguistic style is technically saj (rhymed prose). The number of verses (āyah; plural āyat) is less rigidly fixed; ranging from 6,204 to 6,236. The Qurʾān is central to Islamic Studies. 656 CE: Failed uprising against Ali, fourth caliph (d. 661) at the Ba le of the Camel. Ayesha (a widow of Muhammad) was a leader of the revolt. This was the first fitna (civil war) in Islam’s history. Later, a dominant Sunni view was that unity was preferable to fitna, even if a ruler fell short of the highest standards (see under Murji’ah in A–Z.) 283

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661 CE: Following Ali’s assassination by a Kharijite (see A–Z), the Umayyad dynasty, based in Damascus begins. This was the first of three dynastic caliphates, ending what later became known as the “rightly guided” period. 680 CE: Ba le of Karbala (Iraq) at which the Prophet’s grandson and other descendants were slain. This effectively split Sunni and Shīʿah.. The la er recognized a succession of leaders (Imāms) descended from Muhammad through his cousin and son-in-law, Ali. 711 CE: The Umayyad invasion of Iberia, where they established a sultanate from 756, claiming the title caliph between 929–1031. 732 CE: Ba le of Tours, halting the Muslims’ northern advance. The earliest reference to Muslims by a European writer may be to this event; Venerable Bede (d. 735) framed this in Biblical language; from Genesis 16.12; the Bible was the prism through which history was understood. Some scholars think that this reference was posthumously inserted (see Bede, 378). 749 CE: Death of John of Damascus, whose Greek writing on Islam was probably the first to find its way into Europe, almost certainly informing an early polemical life of Muhammad wri en in Spain (850). 750 CE: Abbasids (descended from Muhammad’s paternal uncle) lead a successful revolt against the Umayyad caliph, establishing the second dynastic caliphate. They built Baghdad as their capital, applying Islamic principles to architecture and design. 765 CE: Pepin the Short (d. 768) sends ambassadors to the Abbasid court at Baghdad, pioneering European-Muslim diplomacy. 767 CE: Death of Abū Ḥanīfa, eponym of the Ḥanafī school of Sunni jurisprudence (Madh’hab) of which three more (named for Mālik ibn Anas, d. 795, alShafi‘i, d. 820, and ibn Ḥanbal, d. 855) enjoy widespread recognition. A er their deaths, many Sunni believe that the process of extrapolating legal precedents— for example, by analogy or from applying Islamic principles to novel contexts— ended with what is called the closing of the gates of ijtihād. Reformist thinkers argue for reopening ijtihād (literally mental effort). 780 CE: Approximate date of Ibn Ishaq’s Sīra (life) of Muhammad, the oldest biographical account. The original did not survive intact; the main source is Ibn Hishām’s annotated version, with some abbreviations (see 1864 and 1955). 782 CE: Probable date for the irenic exchanges between Mar Timothy I (d. 823), the Nestorian Patriarch and caliph al-Mahdi (d. 785); it was not until 1928 that a translation appeared in English, by Alphonse Mingana (d. 1937).

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797 CE: Holy Roman Emperor Charlemagne (d. 814) sends the first of three missions to Baghdad (accompanied by a Jewish interpreter, Isaac) 801 CE: Ambassador from Baghdad reaches Pisa. 802 CE: Isaac returns from Baghdad with gi s, including the white elephant, Abul Abbas. 813 CE: Death of al-Māʾmūn (seventh Abbasid caliph); the Apology of Al-Kindy, a Christian work of apology may have been wri en during his reign. This entered Europe through Spain (translated 1142 for Peter the Venerable) where it was widely consulted. Sir William Muir produced an English abridgement in 1882. The actual date and authorship are unknown. Al-Ma’mun supported the Muʿtazilah (see Theology chapter). 845 CE: Death of Ibn Sa`d, whose Kitab Tabaqat Al-Kubra (Book of the Major Classes) is considered to be the standard work of the ṭabaqāt genre (biographical dictionaries of categories or classes of people). He was secretary to the scholar, al-Wāqidī (d. 822). 870 CE: Death of al-Bukhari, compiler of a collection of Ḥadīth (acts and sayings of Muhammad; technically the plural is aḥadīth) recognized as authoritative by Sunni Muslims. Five other collections are categorized as “sound.” The Sunnah (model of Muhammad’s life) accessed through ḥadīth has an authority for Muslims second only to the Qurʾān. 909 CE: The Ismaili Shīʿah found a caliphate in Egypt, the Fatimid dynasty, building Cairo as their capital. The dynasty fell to the Ayyubids in 1171 founded by Saladin’s uncle. 915 CE: Date of al-Ṭabarī History of the Prophets and Kings, pioneer work of Islamic history from creation to the reign of the eighteenth Abbasid caliph, al-Muqtadir (see 1989). 922 CE: Execution of mystic Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj for blasphemy; in a state of ecstasy, he proclaimed Anā l-Ḥaqq (I am truth)—understood to be a claim to divinity (God is truth). 936 CE: Death of theologian al-Ash’arī, credited with establishing the Sunni orthodox school of Kalām (theology) and ensuring the demise of the Muʿtazilah (see Theology and Philosophy chapter). 941 CE: Death of Al-Kulayni, compiler of the most authoritative Shīʿah collection of ḥadīth, who regard three additional collections as sound (sahi). The same year, the twel h Imām entered what is known as the “major occultation,” becoming “hidden.” The largest Shīʿah group (Twelvers) reveres this Imām,

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whose return they expect. Other groups split at various points. The Aga Khan is Imām of Ismaili Shīʿah, who split in 765 a er the sixth Imām’s death (eponym of the main Shīʿah legal school)/ 1048 CE: Death of the Muslim scholar al-Bīrūnī, a polyglot. Akbar Ahmed (1984) championed him as the “first anthropologist.” 1099 CE: Jerusalem falls to the first Crusade; this period saw more and closer diplomatic ties between Europe and the Muslim world. However, the crusades are primarily seen as examples of hostility and conflict between Europe and the Muslim-majority world (see chapter on Islam and the West). 1111 CE: Death of al-Ghazālī, Muslim scholar. O en credited with reconciling Sufi and exoteric Islam, Ghazālī a racts respect from non-Muslims, including some who do not like very much else in Islam; William Montgomery Wa (d. 2006), professor at Edinburgh, described him as “the greatest Muslim a er Muhammad” (1995, 13) (see also Theology and Philosophy chapter). 1143 CE: Robert of Ke on (d. 1160), the English born, Paris educated Archdeacon of Pamplona completed the first Latin translation of the Qurʾān (more of a paraphrase), commissioned by Peter the Venerable (d. 1156). This marked the beginning of serious non-Muslim scholarship of Islamic sources. During the period of convivencia in Spain (tenth/twel h centuries), Toledo housed the school of translators; many scientific, medical, and other Arabic texts (some translations from Greek) were rendered into Latin. 1198 CE: Death of Muslim philosopher, Ibn Rushd (known in Latin as Averroes; see Theology and Philosophy chapter); Ernest Renan (d. 1892) claimed that with Ibn Rushd’s death, Islam abandoned rational thinking. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) cited 11 of Ibn Rushd’s books. Aquinas drew on or cited many Muslim scholars. 1219 CE: Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) visits Palestine and preaches to Muslims; captured, he was taken before Sultan al-Kamil of Egypt, (d. 1238) with whom he negotiated a ten-year truce. The Crusaders rejected this at the time. In 1229, however, an almost identical treaty saw al-Kamil restore Jerusalem to Frederick II (d. 1250) for ten years, provided Jews and Muslims enjoyed freedom of religion. 1256 CE: End of the small, noncontiguous Ismaili state (set up a er the fall of the Fatimid dynasty) headquartered at Alamut, Iran. This is famous for the “assassins,” see Lewis (2002). 1258 CE: Baghdad falls to the Mongols; a surviving Abbasid finds refuge in Cairo, now under the Mamluk dynasty (from 1250). Maintained by the Mamluks, caliphs continue to receive some recognition from various Muslim rulers; political fragmentation of the previously unified caliphate began from 945. 286

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1286 CE: Death of Syrian bishop, Bar Hebraeus. His Chronicle was one of the first historical writings in Arabic to reach Europe, taken to Oxford by Edward Pococke, which he translated in 1660. 1291 CE: Fall of Acre, the last Crusader outpost. 1311–12 CE: The Council of Vienne called for Chairs of Arabic at Europe’s leading universities, which Roger Bacon (d. 1294) had encouraged to aid Christian evangelism of Muslims and to access scientific and other Arabic texts. 1318 CE: Death of Rashid al-din, Persian historian; Bernard Lewis (1993) describes his Compendium of Chronicles as “the first genuine universal history in Islam—probably in the world” (119). 1328 CE: Death of Ibn Taymiyyah in Damascus (in prison), pioneer Salafist thinker (see chapter on Salafi Islam) who called for ijtihād’s revival; he was repeatedly imprisoned for his views, which clashed with those of the political and legal establishment. 1331 CE: Death of Abu al-Fida, scholar and Muslim prince whose Concise History of Man became a major sources of European information about Islamic history until earlier material became available (see 1723). 1369 CE: Death of Baṭūṭah, jurist and traveler. His Rila (The journey) is a rich source of information about the many Muslim societies he visited (see 1958). 1406 CE: Death of the scholar, Ibn Khaldūn,, author of Muqaddimah, a pioneering work on society and history (see 1967). 1453 CE: Constantinople falls to the O omans, who subsequently conquer territory in the Balkans. As Muslims loose Iberia in the West, they gained territory in East Europe. The O omans twice reached the gates of Vienna (1529, 1683), engaging with Europe in a series of conflicts. However, there were also peace treaties, trading accords, diplomatic and cultural exchange between Europe and the O omans (see chapter on Islam and the West). 1492 CE: Granada, the last remaining Muslim principality in Spain, falls to Ferdinand II and Isabella I. 1502 CE: Under the Safavid dynasty, Iran becomes officially Shīʿah (Twelver). 1517 CE: The O omans conquer Egypt; the Sultan later claimed that the last Abbasid caliph ceded him the office. O omans are considered to be the third dynastic caliphate. 1538 CE: Guillaume Postel (d. 1581), former French ambassador to Istanbul, becomes the first professor of Arabic at Collège de France (then Collège Royal) founded 1530 (Leung 2002, 71). Postel was “accused years later … of saying 287

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that God’s blessing for his elect was destined to fall upon the Ishmaelites rather than upon Christians” (Kuntz 1981, 40). Arabic was first taught at Paris 448 years a er the university system began (1090). Foundation dates are habitually provided in this book to indicate when Arabic or Islam-related teaching began in relation to an institutions’ origin. 1543 CE: Editions of Ke on published by Theodore Bibliander in Basel with a preface by Martin Luther (d. 1546) who also paraphrased a Refutation of the Qurʾān by Riccoldo da Monte Croce (d. 1320), a Dominican priest, who had visited Baghdad. 1547 CE: First Italian translation of the Qurʾān by Andrea Arrivabene (d. 1570), mainly derived from Ke on’s Latin version. 1587 CE: Louis XIV (d. 1715) established a royal Chair of Arabic: Arnould de l’isle (d. 1613) was first occupant. L’isle served two terms as French ambassador to Morocco and as physician to the king. 1603 CE: The Dutch begin to displace the Portuguese as the dominant colonial power in the Indonesian archipelago. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Netherlands governed Indonesia (Dutch East Indies). 1613 CE: Thomas Erpenius (d. 1624) became first professor of Arabic at Leiden, 38 years a er the University began (1575). 1616 CE: First German version of the Qurʾān by Solomon Schweigger von Sulz (d. 1611) derived from Ke on through Arrivabene’s Italian edition. 1632 CE: Abraham Wheelock (d. 1653) became Cambridge’s first Sir Thomas Adams professor of Arabic, 423 years a er Cambridge was founded (1209). 1636 CE: Edward Pococke (d. 1691) became Oxford’s first Laudian professor of Arabic; he translated Bar Hebraeus into Latin (1650). Work on Islam-related topics was during this period almost always polemical or linked with Christian apology. Oxford was founded in 1096. During this phase in the development of Islamic Studies, study of Islam took place within the context of Christian apology and polemic. 1641 CE: First Dutch version of the Qurʾān. Derived from the German, it was published anonymously. 1647 CE: The first French version by André du Ryer (d. 1660) a former French vice-consul in Egypt, working from the Arabic. 1649 CE: Alexander Ross (d. 1654) translated du Ryer into English, the first English version.

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1674 CE: Vienna University creates a chair in Oriental Languages, the first in Europe, to train translators for trade and diplomacy with the O omans (Rüegg, 441). 1697 CE: Humphrey Prideaux’s The True Nature of Imposture Fully Displayed in the Life of Mahomet, based entirely on secondary sources, was the first life of Muhammad in English. 1698 CE: Louis Marracci (d. 1700) produced what is considered to be the third European translation of the Qurʾān (into Latin), with a Refutation. 1699 CE: Treaty of Carlowitz effectively ends armed conflict between the Holy Roman Empire and the O omans; the O omans now became interested in European sciences and technology (see chapter on Islam and the West). The printing press was imported; the first book in Turkey was printed in 1729 (Lewis 1993b (2001), 124) 1702 CE: O oman historian Ahmed b. Luṭfullah (Münejjimbashu) publishes his universal history (wri en in Arabic; published in Turkish). The “bulk of the work … is concerned with Islamic history” but sections cover the history of “pre-Islamic and non-Islamic states.” The author drew on “some seventy sources,” including nonIslamic ones (Lewis 1993b, 122). 1723 CE: John Gagnier’s Latin translation of the Sira section of al-Fida; rendered into English by W. Murray in 1833. A Cambridge graduate, Gagnier was Oxford’s first Lord Almoner’s professor of Arabic from 1724 to 1740. 1734 CE: George Sale (d. 1736) produced the first scholarly translation of the Qurʾān in English, working mainly from the Arabic. A London lawyer, Sale was one of many important contributors from outside the academy. Edward Gibbon (d. 1794) described him as “half a Mussulman” (1890, Vol 3, 485). Voltaire (d. 1778) thought he had spent 25 years in Arabia (Lyon 1897, 179); Sale never le Britain. His Arabic instructors were Syrian Christians living in London. He acquired a library of Arabic, Farsi, and Turkish MSS. He appears to have suffered financial hardship, neglecting his legal practice in favor of scholarship. 1754 CE: Oxford University founded the Oriental Academy (Rüegg, 441). This may mark the beginning of the Oriental Studies phase during which Islam was studied within this wider field. Less concerned with Christian apology, it was pursued against the background of Eurocentric assumptions about Europe’s place in the world as advanced and progressive. 1754 CE: Arabic first offered at Harvard University (1636), 216 years a er Arabic teaching began at Paris, 118 years a er Harvard’s foundation.

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1765 CE: Moghul Emperor grants British East India Company effective governance of Bengal and surrounding territories; the British begin to relate to Muslims as “subjects.” 1784 CE: Oriental Language teaching begins at Columbia (1754) by an unsalaried “extra professor,” John Christopher Kunze (d. 1807), a Leipzig graduate. He and other Germans employed in US schools established links between the German philological tradition and US scholarship. From 1780–4, Kunz taught German and Arabic at Pennsylvania (1740). 1792 CE: First Russian version of the Qurʾān by Alexei Vasilyevich Kolmakov working from Arabic but also indebted to Sale (Russian translations of Du Ryer had been published in 1716 and 1790). 1792 CE: Death of the Muslim teacher, Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab (see Salafi Islam chapter); in alliance with the house of Saud, al-Wahhab founded a state in what is now known as Saudi Arabia. Wahhab’s followers, the muwaḥḥidūn (popularly known as Wahhabis) claim to represent pure Islam. Relatively few states are officially Wahhabi (United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Saudi); however, the movement is hugely influential across the globe. 1795 CE: The National Institute of Oriental Languages and Civilizations was founded in Paris; Silvestre de Sacy (d. 1838), considered a founding father of “Islamic Studies,” was first professor of Arabic, impacting the philological bias of the developing field. Many Sacy students became significant contributors. He became a peer in 1832. 1798–1801 CE: Napoléon’s Egyptian expedition results in early Arabic MSS of the Qurʾān being taken back to Europe, including folios collected by Jean-Joseph Marcel (d. 1856) and Jean-Louis Asselin de Cherville (d. 1822) (a Sacy pupil). Some were later donated to the Russian National Library in St Petersburg and to the French Biblothèque Nationale, Paris. The Codex Parisino-petropolitanus, the work of five copyists, preserves 45 percent of the Qurʾān. Styles and use of diacritical dots differ; verse endings were sometimes edited and corrections added. Orthographical and other differences between this folio and the Cairo edition (see below) suggest more textual fluidity at a later date than the standard account posits. This raises questions about the relationship between “the evolution of the wri en text” and its oral transmission (Déroche 2009, 178; see Quranic Studies chapter). 1799 saw the beginning of the O oman-British alliance, formed to defend against French expansion. 1805 CE: The University of Kharkov (1804) appoints Johan-Go fried Bärendt from Germany first professor of Oriental Studies in Russia. The second professor was Leipzig graduate, Bernhard Dorn (d. 1881), who moved to the St Petersburg Institute (see below) in 1935 (Kemper & Conermann 2011, 3–2). 290

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1806 CE: First English version of the Qurʾān printed in North America, Ross’s translation of du Ryer (Springfield, MA: Henry Brewer for Isaiah Thomas, Jr.). 1809 CE: Arnold Nesbit Ma hews (d. 1820), then a Captain in the Bengal Artillery, translated the Mishkat-ul-Masabih (4 volumes), a compendium of ḥadīth compiled by Al-Tabrizi in 1336 indebted to an earlier work by al-Baghawi (d. 1122). The first ḥadīth collection to be translated in its entirety, this gave English speakers access to a reputable, although secondary collection. Ma hews did not always clearly distinguish tradition from commentary. Apparently heir to the Earl of Llandaff, Ma hews did not claim the title. He is rumored to have converted to Islam, preferring to remain in India. This would explain his interest in ḥadīth, irrelevant to his military duties. A er losing a leg at the Ba le of Delhi (1803), he was Fort adjutant at Agra, then a deputy commissary of ordinance. 1815 CE: Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages founded in Moscow; this later became the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies (closed 1954). An Asian Museum, founded in St Petersburg (1818), became the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Science in 1930. The main Institute moved to Moscow in 1950 (a branch remained in what was then Leningrad). It is now part of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Many early scholars were German or had trained in Germany, working in the philological tradition. 1822 CE: Hungarian translation of Qurʾān by Istvan Szokoly (d. 1904) indebted to Sale. 1829 CE: Charles Forster (d.1871), an obscure and eccentric Irish clergyman (grandfather of novelist E. M. Forster), published Mahometanism Unveiled; rejecting Edward Gibbon’s secular history (see Introduction) he restored providence to history, depicting Islam as a secondary source of good in the world, complementing Christianity and fulfilling God’s promise that Ishmael would be blessed (Gen. 17.20). Ernst Renan (d. 1892) thought the book retrogressive (1864, 229). However it showed that Christians could use the Bible to inform a more sympathetic view of Muhammad, until then usually used to depict him as a “false prophet” and “anti-Christ.” Forster was a Trinity College, Dublin, graduate (his degree was later incorporated at Cambridge). 1830 CE: Beginning of French colonialism in North Africa; local culture was seen as retarded and inferior, waiting to be civilized. See European Imperialism 1800–1920 in the chapter on Islam and the West. 1833 CE: Rabbi Abraham Geiger’s essay and Marburg doctoral thesis on what Muhammad had borrowed from Judaism. 1840 CE: Thomas Carlyle (d. 1881) delivered his lecture on “Hero as Prophet,” shocking many by calling Muhammad sincere. Almost all earlier writers saw Muhammad as a womanizer, opportunist, impostor, and worse. 291

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1841 CE: Edward Salisbury (d. 1901), a Sacy student (1836–8), began teaching Arabic at Yale 140 years a er its founding (1701). Yale was the first American research university to collect Arabic books. Salisbury was initially professor of Arabic and Sanskrit, then of Arabic (from 1854). 1841 CE: Gustav Leberecht Flügel (1802–70), a Sacy student, published his concordance to the Qurʾān, Concordantiae Corani arabicae, the first Western work of this type. Flügel also produced a critical edition of the Qurʾān (1834) possibly basing his versification on rhymed endings “of phrases in the Qurʾān” (Saeed 51–2). His versification differs from the Cairo edition (1924) 62 times, although his total is almost identical (6,238) (Cairo, 6,236) (see chapter on Qurʾānic Studies). 1853–6 CE: The Crimean War between Russia and the O omans; Britain and France were O oman allies. 1856–61 CE: Sir William Muir’s Life of Mahomet (4 volumes) was published, using early sources extensively for the first time in English. Muir did much to establish what can be called the standard chronology of Islam’s early history. 1857–8 CE: The so-called Sepoy Mutiny in India. The British Government now took direct control of territories under the East India Company, deposing the last Mughal Emperor; Muslims, mainly blamed for the revolt, were increasingly seen as a threat to British power. British officials believed that their religion compelled them to rebel; they could not be loyal subjects of a non-Muslim sovereign. Muir (d. 1905) was an intelligence officer during the revolt, proofing parts of his Life while under siege in Fort Agra. 1859 CE: Theodore Nöldeke’s prize winning Geschichte des Korans launched modern textual, linguistic, critical scholarship of the Qurʾān in the Western academy. 1860 CE: Ernest Renan’s essay on Ibn Rushd; he thought that his death was followed by the demise of rational thinking in Islam. With Sacy, Renan established philology as the core task of Islamic Studies. 1864 CE: Gustav Weil (d. 1889), a Sacy student, published his German translation of Ibn Ishaq and Ibn Hishām, the earliest work of Sira. 1873 CE: John Penrice (d. 1892) publishes A Dictionary and A-Z of the Qurʾān: With Copious Grammatical Reference and Explanations of the Text. This remained the only work of its type until the end of the twentieth century. He used Fluegel 1834 and 1841 (viii). A Freemason, he appears to have been patron of Li le Plumstead in Norfolk, to have graduated from Brasenose College, Oxford (1840), held a commission in the Norfolk Artillery from 1854 (fighting in the Crimea) before retiring in 1865, therea er serving in various civil capacities. The Other Press published a “complete revision by a Muslim scholar” in 2006. 292

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1873 CE: First International Congress of Orientalists meets in Paris; in 1986, this became the International Congress of Asian and North African Studies. 1876 CE: William E Gladstone (d. 1898), British Prime Minister (68–74, 80–5, February–July 86, 92–4) called the Turks “one great anti-human specimen of humanity,” governing “everywhere by force” (9). This was despite the Tanzimat reforms and an empire-wide Grand Assembly that, while it lasted (1876–8)—before Abdul Hamid II imposed absolute rule—was at least as democratic as Britain’s’ Parliament. Gladstone reversed British policy of friendship with the O omans, withdrawing support and advisers, ending the alliance that began in 1799. The debt ridden O omans began to foster closer links with Germany. Britain continued to exploit commercial “capitulations” in O oman territory. The same year, Reginald Bosworth Smith’s re-thinking of Christian ideas about Islam challenged Gladstone’s ideas about the Turks, emphasizing Christian-Muslim fraternity. 1876 CE: Arabic was first taught at Johns Hopkins, Baltimore during its inaugural year. The Semitic Department was formed under Thomas C. Murray (d. 1879), also University librarian. His title was “associate in Semitic Languages,” not professor. Murray had studied with Heinrich Ewald (d. 1875) and his successor at Gö ingen, Paul De Lagarde (d. 1891) who argued that Adam and Jesus were Aryans (Blamires Vol 1 63). 1877 CE: Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (d. 1898) founded the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College (MAO) in Aligarh, India, of which Muir was first official Visitor. Khan, a judge in the colonial judicial service, remained loyal to the British during the “mutiny.” A reformist thinker, he interpreted Islam as primarily “religion”; Muhammad’s political role was circumstantial, not universally binding. He wanted Muslims to cooperate with the British, integrating European and Islamic learning, which the College (later University) set out to do. 1878 CE: Congress of Berlin to deal with O oman debts cedes Britain control of Cyprus, Austria of Bosnia and created several independent Balkan states. 1880 CE: With Sir William Muir as Principal, Edinburgh University (1583) began to teach Arabic as a regular part of the curriculum. The first full-time lecturer in Arabic was Edward Robertson (appointed 1912), succeeded by Richard Bell (1921–47). Departments of Turkish and Persian followed (1950, 1951). Bell’s successor, William Montgomery Wa (d. 2006), a major contributor to Islamic Studies, held a personal chair (1964–79). 1881 CE: British occupy Egypt, where Lord Cromer (d. 1919), Consul-General for 24 years, opined about Arab’s untrustworthiness, inability to think logically and on Islam as incapable of reform. British rule ended in 1921. As European imperialism spread across Muslim-majority space, colonial regimes did li le 293

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to foster “democratic government, institutions, or values” (Esposito 2010, 63). They set examples of authoritarian rule that postcolonial successors have o en imitated. 1881 CE: France established its protectorate over Tunisia (ended 1956). 1883: Paul Haupt (d. 1926) (PhD from Leipzig, 1878) became first William W. Spence professor of Semitic Language at Johns Hopkins, although he continued teaching at Gö ingen until 1889. Haupt reorganized the department as the “Oriental Seminary” (1896). 1884 CE: Chicago began publishing Journal of Near Eastern Studies as Hebraica; from 1885 it was the American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature; 1942 it became the JNES. 1884 CE: Following unification (1871) Germany acquired colonies in Africa and the Pacific; Muslims formed sizeable minorities in parts of this empire, especially in the Cameroon. Germany forfeited all colonies a er World War I. 1887 CE: Oxford established the Honours School of Oriental Studies; the same year Oriental Studies began at Cambridge, where the Oriental Tripos was launched in 1895, uniting several earlier programs. Oxford has retained the name Oriental; Cambridge changed to Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies in 2007. 1889 CE: Go leib Wilhelm Leitner (d. 1899) built Britain’s first Mosque in Woking. Originally used by visiting Muslim dignitaries. Now run by Sunni Muslims, it was an Ahmadiyya Mission (1913–68). Lord Headley (d. 1945) and Marmaduke Pickthall (d. 1936), both converts to Islam, were involved. The first Muslim community to meet in a nonpurpose built Mosque was in Liverpool with support from the Emir of Afghanistan in 1887, organized by William Henry Quilliam (d. 1932), a convert. The O oman Sultan appointed Quilliam, a solicitor, Shaikh-al-Islam for Britain; the Shah appointed him Iranian Vice-Consul. 1889 CE: Harvard’s Semitic Museum was founded, moving into purpose built premises in 1903. The first director, David Gordon Lyon (d. 1935), obtained his doctorate from Leipzig (1882). The Museum is home of the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations (briefly “and Literatures”), renamed from the Department of Semitic Languages and History (formed 1891) in 1960. 1890 CE: Oriental Language became one of six departments in the Philosophy faculty at Columbia; the name changed to Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies in 2009.

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1891 CE: Muir’s The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline and Fall was published, his 1888 Reed Lecture at Cambridge, heavily dependent on al-Ṭabarī,, was be er referenced than Simon Ockley’s The History of the Saracens (1708–18), which had mainly drawn on ‘Futûh al-Sham, a later, romantic work. 1891 CE: Harvard University Press, MA, begins publishing the Oriental Series, founded by Charles R. Lanman (d. 1941) first chair of Indo-Iranian languages at Harvard (from 1880) and Henry Clark Warren (d. 1899), a Buddhologist. 1892 CE: Hartford Seminary, CT (established 1833) opens its Muslim Lands Department under Duncan Black Macdonald (d. 1943). Macdonald believed that Christians and Muslims could enjoy “spiritual friendship” (Kerr 1999, 421). Kurzman and Ernst (2009) identify Macdonald as probably “the first professor of Islamic Studies in the United States” although his title was professor of Semitic languages (6). Kenneth Cragg, a significant contributor to Christian-Muslim understanding, was professor of Arabic and Islamics at Hartford (1953–6). 1892 CE: The British establish a protectorate in the Arabian Gulf known as the Trucial States (an earlier treaty dates from 1853) consolidating their presence and power in the Arab region. Bahrain was also a British protectorate (1861– 1971). The Trucial States became the United Arab Emirates in 1972. Britain also ruled the Colony of Aden (1837–1963). In addition to controlling Egypt, ruling Aden helped defend Britain’s route to India and interests in the Suez Canal (opened 1869). 1892 CE: Arabic first taught at Chicago (1890); the Semitic Department was formed, which became the Department of Oriental Languages and Literature in 1915; from 1942 Near Eastern Languages and Literature. 1893 CE: First general exhibition of Islamic Art in Europe at Palais de l’Industrie, Champs-Élysées in Paris; items were described as “Islamic” rather than, as at earlier exhibitions, in ethno-racial terms. 1895 CE: Thomas Patrick Hughes (d. 1911), Anglican missionary in Peshawar, published A Dictionary of Islam; despite biases, this is a pioneering compendium of its type, anticipating later works such as the Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam (1953) and the Concise Encyclopedia (1989). Muslims have revised recent editions. 1897 CE: Johns Hopkins awards Cyrus Adler (d. 1940) the first PhD in Semitics from a US University. 1898 CE: German’s Kaiser, Wilhelm II (d. 1941) visiting Istanbul declared himself a “friend of Islam” and protector of the Sultan and of the Muslim world (Ryad 2009, 34). The Berlin-Baghdad express, constructed between 1903 and 1940, symbolizes German investment in O oman space. 295

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1902 CE: US Navy officer Alfred T. Mahan (d. 1914) coined the term, “Middle East” to describe the area between Arabia and India. From the mid-twentieth century, Islamic Studies was closely linked with and sometimes subsumed into “Middle Eastern Studies”; several academic centers use both “Islamic Studies” and “Middle East” in their names. The “Near East” (the term used from early nineteenth century) stretched from North West Africa to India, covering the O oman Empire’s largest extent, beyond which lies the “Far East.” 1903 CE: Alfred Le Châtelier (d. 1929) became first professor of Muslim Sociology and Sociography at Collége de France (funded by French colonial administrations in North Africa), probably the first French chair with specific reference to Islam. His successor was Louis Massignon (d. 1962). Le Châtelier served with the Arab Bureaux in Algiers (1876–86) before researching Islam across North Africa. 1906–26 he edited Revue du Monde musulam, which unusually at this stage a racted Muslim readers and dealt with Islam as a “living, vital community” (Burke 1980, 85; Burke & Prochaska 2008, 165). 1903 CE: Exhibition of Islamic Art in Paris, Western wing of the Louvre; see chapter on Art and Architecture. 1905 CE: Death of Muhammad ´Abduh, Mu i of Egypt from 1899, whose reformist pro-democracy, pro rapprochement between Europe and the Muslim world agenda reacted to Renan’s ideas. 1906 CE: Bosnian Muslims in Chicago begin the oldest Muslim organization in the USA. 1908 CE: Carl Heinrich Becker (d. 1933) appointed to the chair of “history and civilization of Islam” at the newly created Colonial Institute, Hamburg, the forerunner of Hamburg University. This was the first Islam-related post in Germany. Becker, regarded as a founding father of German Oriental Studies, taught at Bonn (from 1913) and Berlin (from 1916) then served as Prussia’s minister for culture (1921 and 1925–30). 1908 CE: The Anglo-Persian Oil Company begins exploiting Iran’s oil; almost all proceeds benefit Britain. Britain and Russia effectively rule Iran at this time. Europeans ran most utilities and services (as they did in O oman space), exerting imperial power without officially creating colonies. This neo-colonial policy was also pursued in China. 1910 CE: Becker founds the Journal, Dar Islam. This accepts papers in English, French, and German. 1910 CE: Exhibition on Islamic Art in Munich, organized by Hugo von Tschudi (d. 1911) who wanted Islamic art to take its place alongside the artistic tradition of other cultures; see chapter on Art and Architecture. 296

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1911 CE: David Samuel Margoliouth (d. 1940), Oxford’s tenth Laudian professor, wrote Mohammedanism, which became the standard introduction to Islam for College students until Hamilton Gibb (d. 1971), eleventh Laudian professor, was asked to write his 1949 book under the same title. 1912 CE: Beginning of French protectorate in southern Morocco (ended 1956). 1912 CE: The German Society for the Study of Islam was formed, which expressed greater interest in contemporary Islam (Waardenburg 1997a, 8) anticipating a more recent emphasis. 1913 CE: E. J. Brill of Leiden begins publishing the Encyclopedia of Islam, considered the standard reference work on Islam in English, German, and French. Four volumes were published, ending in 1932 followed by five supplements (32–8). Editors included M. Th. Houtsma (d. 1943), Thomas W Arnold, and Hamilton Gibb. 1916 CE: London’s School of Oriental Studies founded (later School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS)) 1917 CE: General Edmund Allenby (d. 1936) captures Jerusalem from the O omans, a Germany ally, during World War I (Louis Massignon, see 1903 was present). A er the war, Britain and France acquire effective control over most of the Middle East as League of Nations mandates. The O omans had ceded Libya to Italy in 1912, following the 1911 invasion. Several new states were created: Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Palestine. The borders of almost all states in the region were fixed according to the Allies’ interests, with li le concern for community boundaries. Relatively small parts of the Muslim world avoided colonialism; colonial and post-colonial realities continue to shape Muslim thinking and impact its study. 1919 CE: University of Chicago established the Oriental Institute—at this stage (phase two), Islam is taught in the United States and Europe within the wider field of Oriental Studies. Gustave E. von Grunebaum (d. 1972), professor from 1938–57, pioneered approaching Islam as culture and civilization, which Chicago says the Department “effected as a curriculum.” 1920 CE: First Japanese translation of Qurʾān by Kenichi Sakamoto (based on English version by John M. Rodwell, d. 1900). 1921 CE: Sir Thomas W. Arnold (d. 1930) became professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies at SOAS, probably the first time “Islamic Studies” was included in a professorial title in England. 1921 CE: Ignaaz Goldziher died. Many consider him founder of modern Islamic Studies in the West, although much of his life was spent outside the academy.

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Heinrich Fleischer, a Sacy student, supervised his doctoral work at Lepzig. In turn, Goldziher impacted French scholarship through Massignon, who saw himself as belonging to the same intellectual tradition. 1923 CE: Go helf Bergsträsser (d. 1933) began the Qurʾān Archive at Munich, collecting photographs of ancient MSS. Later, Anton Spitaler (d. 2003) succeeded as archivist. When Spitaler stopped working on the project a er World War II, it was assumed that Allied bombs had destroyed the Archive. Since 2003, Spitaler’s former student, Angelika Neuwirth, a professor at Berlin Free University, gained access; she is now working on digitizing the Archive and on the Qurʾān’s emergence in historical context through the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities’ Corpus Coranicum project (see Quranic Studies chapter). 1923 CE: End of the O oman dynasty as Turkey becomes a secular republic under Kemal Atatürk (d. 1938); the caliphate was abolished the following year. Toward the end of the twentieth century, Turkey would be seen as a model for an Islam-informed secular democratic polity. See the Islam and the West chapter on Atatürk and post-O oman Turkey. 1924 CE: The Cairo edition of the Qurʾān was printed and approved by the Egyptian government, se ing modern standards for verse endings, which sometimes differ from Flügel (1834) (see Quranic Studies chapter for Flügel and the Cairo edition). 1927 CE: Princeton’s Department of Oriental Languages and Literature (now Near Eastern Studies) began in 1927 under Philip K. Hi i (1886–1978), who came to the United States from Lebanon, a graduate of the American University, Beirut (1866). Princeton’s Near Eastern Studies program (1947) was the first in the United States. 1927 CE: First complete Chinese translation of Qurʾān by Yaqub Wang Jingzhai (d. 1949), a Chinese Muslims scholar (from the 1920 Japanese version of Rodwell). 1928 CE: Hassan al-Banna (d. 1949) established the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt: opposed colonialism and works to create an authentic Muslim state (see chapter on Salafi Islam). 1929 CE: Friedrich Wilhelm University in Berlin (1810) (now Humboldt University) founded the Institute for Semitic and Islamic Studies, the first institutional use of “Islamic Studies” in Germany (the name changed to Department of Oriental Philology in 1945). In 2009, the University launched the Graduate School of Muslim Cultures and Societies. 1930 CE: First English version of the Qurʾān by an English Muslim, Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall, at the time working for the Nizam of Hyderabad. This is 298

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also the first known example of a translation by a European convert. He consulted the rector of al-Azhar, visiting Cairo in 1929. Sources say that the British government decided against using his linguistic services during possible O oman-Anglo peace talks in 1916, describing him as “most undesirable”; one official wrote, “in fact he ought to be considered as an alien enemy” (Schneer 251). Pickthall (1953) described his “translation” as “not the Glorious Qurʾān “ but “an a empt to present the meaning … and … something of the charm” in “English (iii). 1930 CE: Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1938), former student of Thomas Arnold, published The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, advocating Islam as dynamic and progressive; the Qurʾān’s intent and principles are to be applied to new contexts without slavishly copying how past generations dealt with their circumstances and contexts. The same year, Iqbal proposed a separate state for India’s Muslims. 1933 CE: Choudhry Rahmat Ali (d. 1951) suggests Pakistan as the name for Iqbal’s proposed state; meaning “land of the Pure” it is also formed from Punjab, Afghan province, Kashmir, Sind, and Baluchistan. 1940 CE: Bid for Pakistan formally adopted by Muslim League (1906). 1945 CE: The intergovernmental Arab League is formed with seven members; there are currently 22 (Syria is suspended). 1946 CE: The Middle East Institute, Washington, DC, is established, publishing the Middle East Journal from 1947. 1947 CE: August 14 and 15 India and Pakistan (formed from the Muslim majority areas in the North West and North East) become independent from Britain. East Pakistan separated from West Pakistan in 1971, becoming Bangladesh (fourth largest Muslim state). India’s Muslim population remains the world’s third largest, a er Pakistan (second), and Indonesia (first). 1948 CE: The Free University, Berlin established the Instituts für Islamwissenscha as one of its original departments. This is probably the oldest institute dedicated to Islamic Studies. In 2003, the Institute launched a major project on the intellectual history of the Islamicate world, focusing on interconnections between Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. 1948 CE: May 14 as the British withdrew from the Mandate of Palestine, the State of Israel declared independence; May 15 the first Arab-Israeli conflict began. Israel’s relationship with Arab and other Muslim majority states, the unresolved political and national status of the Palestinian people living in land occupied by Israel a er the third Arab-Israel war (1966), remains at the centre of concern about regional stability and impacts Arab-Western alliance rela-

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tions. Israel signed peace treaties with Egypt (1978), the Palestinian Liberation Organization (1993), and Jordan (1994). 1949 CE: Sir Hamilton Gibb’s Mohammedanism was published to replace Margoliouth’s 1911 text; the name changed to Islam in 1969. 1949 CE: Indonesia becomes an independent state a er fighting a war against the Dutch (1945–9); Indonesia was occupied by Japan during World War II. Fi een percent of all Muslims live in the archipelago. 1949 CE: Manchester University (traces its origin to 1824) chair in Arabic founded; the first professor, James Robson (1890–1981), a former missionary, worked on ḥadīth, editing an edition of Mishkat-al-Masabih (1963) (which distinguished tradition and commentary, less clear in the 1809 version). The second holder (from 1958) Charles F. Beckingham (1914–98) preferred to be known as Professor of Islamic Studies, stipulating the same title when he moved to SOAS (1967). C. E. Bosworth (third holder, 1967–90) was an editor of EI2. Manchester launched the Journal of Semitic Studies in 1955. 1951 CE: Durham University (1832) opened its School of Oriental Studies (1951) under T. W. Thacker, who also founded the Oriental Museum. The first Arabic lecturer, James Craig (knighted 1986) was seconded to the Foreign Office in 1955. A er posts in the Trucial States, Lebanon, and Saudi Craig was ambassador to Syria (76–9) then to Saudi Arabia (79–84). This continues an older tradition of Arabic scholars serving in diplomatic capacities. 1952 CE: McGill University (1821), Montreal established the Institute of Islamic Studies under Wilfred Cantwell Smith (d. 2000), the first center of this type in North America. In 1958 Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988) joined the Faculty, a er teaching Farsi at Durham (50–8). This represents a new trend; Muslims employed within Islamic Studies in the Western academy, which is no longer the exclusive preserve of non-Muslims talking about “Others”. 1953 CE: E. J. Brill published the Shorter Encyclopeadui of Islam, edited by Gibb and J. H. Kramers. 1953 CE: The United States and Britain engineered a successful coup against elected Prime Minister, Mohammed Mossadegh (d. 1967), a er he tried to nationalize oil, restoring the Shah’s absolute rule. British Farsi scholar Ann K. S. Lambton, a former diplomat in Iran, is credited as an “architect” of the coup. At this stage, Iran was an arena for proxy East-West, KGB-CIA rivalry. 1954 CE: Harvard establishes the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the first of its type. Gibb became director in 1957. Others follow in North America and Europe; some include “Islam” in their names.

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1955 CE: English translation of Ibn Ishaq and Ibn Hishām (d. 833) by Alfred Guillaume (d. 1966), professor at SOAS (47–55). 1956 CE: E. J. Brill of Leiden begin publishing Index Islamicus 1957 CE: University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) (1919) establishes its Centre for Near Eastern Studies (1957), subsequently named for founding director, Gustave E. von Grunebaum. 1958 CE: The Haklyut Society, London, published Volume One of Ibn Ba uta’s Travels (translated by C. Defremery, B. R. Sanguine i, H. A. R. Gibb, C. F. Beckingham, and A. D. H. Bivar); four volumes and index follow, ending 2000. 1958 CE: St Anthony’s College, Oxford established the Middle East Centre, directed by Albert Hourani (d. 1993). St Antony’s was founded in 1950 as a graduate college chartered to specialize in international relations, economics, and politics. Following Hourani’s work in history (see Hourani and Ruthven 2002) and in intellectual history (see Hourani 1991), modern history remains the Centre’s strength. The Middle East Studies Association (MESA) Book Award honors Hourani (established 1991). 1958 CE: Toshihiko Izutsu (d. 1993) completes first Japanese translation of Qurʾān directly from Arabic. 1959 CE: Portland State University, OR, founds the Middle East Studies Center, the first to receive federal funding as a National Resource Center under Title VI of the Education Defense Act (1958). In 2009, Portland established the Center for Turkish Studies (one of two in the United States). 1960 CE: E. J. Brill began publishing the second Encyclopedia of Islam, a total of 12 volumes (last volume 2005). Editors include C. E. Bosworth, Bernard Lewis, and P. J. Bearman (published in English and French). 1960 CE: The University of Texas at Austin (1883) established its Center for Middle Eastern Studies; faculty spread across 22 departments offer approximately 300 courses. The Center is one of several in the United States with a strong Turkish Studies program. 1962 CE: Durham established its Durham’s Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies with Professor W. B. Fisher, a geographer, as its Director following the Heyter Report (1961). Geography of the region remains an academic strength. 1964 CE: Delbert Roy Hillers (d. 1999) became chair of the newly renamed Department of Near Eastern Studies at Johns Hopkins. From 1960 to 1980, Majid

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Khadduri (d. 2007), professor from 1949, a pioneer in Islamic Law studies in the United States, directed the Middle East Studies program. 1965 CE: Pennsylvania (1740) established its Center for the Study of the Modern Middle East within its Department of Oriental Studies (1931), now the Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies (1992). Since the Civil Rights Act (1964) Title VI funding is now administered by the Education Department. 1966 CE: The MESA founded. As of 2008, 38 percent of members cite Islam as among their areas of interest. MESA has been based at Arizona’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies since 1981. 1966 CE: Execution of Muslim Brotherhood thinker, Sayyid Qutb. Qutb thought Islam and democracy incompatible. He was executed for allegedly planning to assassinate the Egyptian president. With the Indian-Pakistani thinker and political activist, Abū ‘l-Aʿlā Mawdūdī, (d. 1979), founder of Jamaat-i-Islam, also o en at odds with government, Qutb is acknowledged as a father of Islamist thought; both wrote works of Quranic commentary (see Resources). 1966 CE: SOAS established its Centre for Near and Middle Eastern Studies. 1967 CE: Franz Rosenthal (d. 2002) English translation (first complete translation) of Ibn Khaldun’s Maqaddamah, making this important work more widely accessible. 1968 CE: Clifford Geertz’ Islam Observed was published; the first book by an influential anthropologist with “Islam” in its title. This informs a growing trend toward social scientific research; until now, texts and language had dominated. 1968 CE: Ismail al-Faruqi (d. 1986) joins the Faculty at Temple (1884), beginning the Islamic Studies program. Mahmoud Ayub succeeded him in 1988 (retired 2008). Temple’s Religion Department began in 1961. 1969 CE: The inter-governmental Organization of Islamic Conference (since 2011, “cooperation”) founded, with a membership of 45; there are 57 as of 2011. 1971 CE: Muhammad Muhsin Khan begins translating Bukhari’s ḥadīth into north English; 9 volumes; first ḥadīth collection to be completely rendered into English, completed 1979. 1972 CE: Hartford Seminary, CT, established the Duncan Black Macdonald Center for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, the first institute of its type in the United States. The name honors Macdonald, first director of the former “Muslim lands Department” (from 1912, the Mohammedan Department within the Kennedy School of Missions).

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1972 CE: Workers in the Great Mosque at Sana’a in Yemen discover ancient palimpsests of the Qurʾān, since carbon dated to the early eighth century, probably the oldest extant versions (incomplete). These and other MSS from a period close to Uthman suggests that the text was not as rigidly fixed as the standard account says; early mushaf may have served as mnemonic aids for oral recitation. There is also a high degree of conformity. 1973 CE: Columbia University, NY, begins publishing the multi-volume Encylopeadia Iranica under Ehsen Yarshater; online since 1996. 1974 CE: Lampeter (1822), merged with Trinity (1848) in 2010 established the Centre for Islamic Studies, the first in the United Kingdom; Many Near and Middle Eastern departments and centers continue to offer Islamic Studies. Islamic Studies specialists also work in other departments. However, the growth of centers specifically devoted to Islam’s study marks the beginning of a new phase in the history of Islamic Studies. It can now be identified as an autonomous, although interdisciplinary, field. 1975 CE: Arizona (1885) established its large Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, originally within the Department of Oriental Studies (founded by Charles Hucker (1919–94) in 1956). This became the School of Middle Eastern and North African Studies in 1989. 1976 CE: The church-related federation of Colleges at Selly Oak, Birmingham, established the Centre for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations (CSIC). The first director, David Kerr (1945–2008), moved to direct the Hartford Center in 1988 then held chairs at Edinburgh (1995) and Lund (2005). The centre’s second director (1988–2005), Jørgen S. Nielsen, had a personal chair in Islamic Studies from 1996. Now a professor at Copenhagen, he has researched and wri en extensively on Islam in Europe. 1977 CE: John Wansbrough (d. 2002) published Qurʾān ic Studies, Patricia Crone and Michael Cook published Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World. They challenge the standard chronology of Muhammad’s life and history of the formation of the Qurʾān. 1978 CE: Hasan Askari (d. 2008) joined the faculty of the Centre for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations at the Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham, with initial help from the Festival of Islam Trust, an early example of external funding for an Islam-related post. 1978 CE: Edward Said (d. 2003), a professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia (a US citizen born in Jerusalem) published Orientalism, provoking a rethinking of how Islam is studied and taught in the Western academy; colonial a itudes were evaluated, strategies developed to minimize bias

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and preconceptions that color and distort the subject ma er. Islamic Studies more self-consciously distances itself from “Oriental Studies.” Some Orientalist departments and organizations subsequently change their name. Islamic Studies struggles to define itself in relationship with Middle Eastern Studies, which emerged as a field a er World War II. Regarded as strategically important, Middle Eastern Studies a racts funding unavailable for some other Area Studies programs. 1978 CE: Exeter (1922) opened the Centre for Gulf Studies. It established the Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies in 1979; in 1999, the two merged as the Institute of Arabic and Islamic Studies, which moved into purpose-built premises in 2001 (financed by the ruler of Sharjah). Exeter has a tradition of interest in politics and diplomacy. 1979 CE: Oleg Grabar appointed first Aga Khan Professor of Islamic Art at Harvard (retired 1990); the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture is a joint venture between Harvard and MIT, established with support from the Aga Khan in 1977. The chair became “endowed” in 1999. See chapter on Art and Architecture for Grabar’s role in developing the field of Islamic Art in the academy. 1979 CE: The Islamic Revolution in Iran toppled the pro-Western monarch, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi (d. 1980); Islam appeared to be a more important social-political factor than many had thought. Some Sunni also now look to Iran as the model of an Islamic polity. Border dispute and ideological rivalry between Iraq (Arab national-socialist) and Iran lead to the Iran-Iraq War (1980–8) (the United States of America supported Iraq). 1979–89 CE: Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and Taliban led insurgency (with US support via the Central Investigative Agency) ending with start of the Taliban regime. 1980 CE: Annemarie Schimmel (d. 2003) became the first Islamicist elected president of the International Association for the History of Religion. 1980 CE: The Sultan of Oman endowed a chair in Arabic and Islamic Literature at Georgetown, Washington, DC (1751). 1981: assassination of Anwar Sadat, Egypt’s president by Islamic Jihad following Camp David accord. 1981 CE: The American University, Washington, DC (1893) created the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies with funding from Saudi Arabia, the first endowed chair in Islamics in the United States of America (rather than in a specific aspect of the field). In 1989, Serif Mardin succeeded two short-term appointees, Yusif Ibish (1926–2003) and Khalid Duran, followed in 2001 by Akbar Ahmed (the post was vacant 1999–2001). A er a civil service career in 304

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Pakistan, Ahmed (who earned his 1978 PhD from SOAS) taught at Cambridge (1993–9). He was Pakistan’s High Commissioner in London (1999–2000). 1982 CE: Edinbugh makes Wa ’s personal Chair permanent with financial assistance from Iraq. M. Y. Suleiman succeeded J. D. Latham, first occupant of the Iraq Chair, in 1990. The third occupant, Marilyn Booth, began in 2009. 1982 CE: The Institute of Turkish Studies established in Washington with a grant from Turkey; it is based at Georgetown University. 1982 CE: The Historians of Islamic Art Association began; originally the North American Association it changed its name in 1996 to reflect the international scope of its membership. See chapter on Islamic Art and Architecture. 1983 CE: Wilfred Cantwell Smith (d. 2000) became the first Islamicist to serve as president of the American Academy of Religion. Smith’s view of Islam as a lived, cherished faith in peoples’ hearts stimulated the shi away from almost exclusive historical-textual study toward a dialogical, person-to-person approach. 1985 CE: The Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, a Recognized Independent Centre of the University, was launched with funding from various Muslim states, royal families, and private trusts. It publishes the Journal of Islamic Studies. The Centre’s purpose built premises (under construction) combine Islamic and collegiate architectural styles. Plans a racted alarm that the University was being “taken over,” that what Edward Gibbon’s said might have happened if Tours had been lost was actually taking place. Thus, Oxford “pupils might demonstrate to a circumcised people the truth and sanctity of the revelation of Mahomet” (Gibbon and Milman 1880, Vol. 5, 423). 1985 CE: The American Academy of Religion launches the Islam section, which now includes the Qurʾān Group (formed 2003), an Islamic Mysticism Group (formed 2007), and a Contemporary Islam Group (formed 2009; Consultation from 2005), succeeding a Consultation that began in 1981. About 700 scholars link through the Section’s electronic discussion forum. 1985 CE: The Department of Semitic Studies (established in 1941) at Leeds (which traces its origin to 1874) became the Department of Modern Arabic Studies. A leader in research and teaching on Islam, this was renamed the Department of Arabic and Middle Eastern Studies (1996). The Community Religions Project (founded 1976) within the Theology and Religious Studies Department at Leeds is also an important centre for empirical research on Muslim societies. 1985 CE: Washington Institute for Near East Policy founded to inject scholarship into US policymaking. 1988 CE: Glasgow University, Scotland (1451) established its Centre for the Study of Islam under Mona Siddiqui, who joined the Glasgow Theology and 305

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Religious Studies Faculty in 1996; in 2006 she became Professor of Islamic Studies and Public Understanding. On the one hand, many Near and Middle Eastern departments and centers continue to offer Islamic Studies. On the other hand, Islamic Studies specialists also work in many other departments. However, the growth of centers specifically devoted to Islam’s study has helped identify Islamic Studies (phase three) as an autonomous, although interdisciplinary, field. 1988 CE: Osama bin Laden (d. 2011) sets up al-Qaeda, a network of radical terrorist groups that claim Islamic justification for their acts (see chapter on Salafi Islam). 1988 CE: Benazir Bhu o (d. 2007) elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, the first Muslim female head of government in the modern period. Opponents claimed that a woman could not serve in this position, citing the ḥadīth “those who entrust their affairs to women will not know prosperity.” The Supreme Shari’ah Court declared this ḥadīth “weak” (ḍaʻīf) and upheld her election (since the President was male). Bhu o (PM 1988–90; 1993–6) was followed by women Prime Ministers in Bangladesh and Turkey and by a President in Indonesia. 1989 CE: The State University of New York Press begins publishing the English translation of al-Ṭabarī’s History (total 40 volumes with index), completed in 2007. 1989 CE: Nasser D. Khalli endowed Britain’s first Chair dedicated to the decorative arts of Islam at London’s SOAS, where Thomas Arnold had pioneered interest in Islamic Art. Chicago had established a professor of Islamic Art in 1936, perhaps the second oldest post in this field a er Vienna (see above page 249, note 66). 1990 CE: The King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud Chair in Islamic Studies endowed in the History Department at Santa Barbara (1891). R. Stephen Humprhreys, a major contributor to Islamic Studies who operates outside of a Middle Eastern or Religious Studies department, was appointed. 1990–1 CE: Following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, the United States leads an alliance against former ally, Saddam Hussain to restore Kuwait’s sovereignty. 1991 CE: Oxford University Press publishes John L Esposito’s Islam: The Straight Path to replace Gibb’s 1949 book. This is now widely used as the standard introductory text on Islam at College level. 1993 CE: The King Fahd Chair in Islamic Shariah Studies endowed at Harvard Law School (1993), which established its Islamic Legal Studies program in 1991.

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1993 CE: Georgetown University, Washington, DC (founded 1751) established the Center for Christian-Muslim Understanding with financial assistance from a Muslim businessman. John L. Esposito (Temple PhD under al-Faruqi) became director. 1995 CE: Oxford University Press publishes the Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, edited by John L. Esposito, in 4 volumes. 1996 CE: Saudi royal family funds the King Fahd Chair, the first endowed chair of Islamic Studies in Britain, at London’s SOAS. 1996 CE: The President of the United Arab Emirates funded Cambridge’s first named post in Islamic Studies within the ancient Theology Faculty. Timothy Winters becomes Shaykh Zayed Lecturer. 1997 CE: The Lampeter Centre moved into a new building constructed with financial assistance from the United Arab Emirates. From 2011, the building houses the new Department of Theology, Religious Studies and Islamic Studies. 1997 CE: Duke (1838), Emory (1836), and North Carolina (1795) established their joint Institute for the Study of Islam. North Carolina’s Religious Studies department (began in 1946), one of the first in a state-related school (North Carolina was the first public school in the United States), has built up notable strength in Islamic Studies. Duke and Emory were church foundations. 2000 CE: Saudi royal family fund the King Fahd Middle East and Islamic Studies Center at Arkansas (1871). 2000 CE: Lampeter received substantial funding for Islamic Studies from the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Qatar to strengthen its Islamic Studies program. 2000 CE: A merger between Selly Oak Colleges and Birmingham University (which traces its origin to 1825) in 2000 took CSIC into the University’s Department of Theology. Previously, although technically private, the Centre’s qualifications were awarded by the university, where faculty had official status. 2001 CE: E. J. Brill begins publishing the Encyclopedia of the Qurʾān, edited by Jane Dammen McAuliffe, in 5 volumes and index, ending 2006 (see critique in Quranic Studies chapter). 2001 CE: The Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought, Jordan launches its tafsir project, translating works of Qura’nic commentary into 24 languages, making many available for the first time. The earliest, a ributed to Ibn ‘Abbas (d. 687) (Muhammad’s cousin) and Ibn Ya’qub al-Firuzabadi (d. 1414) was published in 2008. 307

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2001 CE: Al-Qaeda’s terrorist a ack in New York provokes alarm about militant Islam and suspicion of Muslim communities in the West. This impacts funding of posts and programs in Islamic Studies, which some regard as of strategic and national security concern. As the “war on terror” develops, media coverage seems to conflate the words “Muslim” and “terrorist.” 2001 CE: US led invasion of Afghanistan (where bin Laden was sheltering) ousted the Taliban regime, which resumed insurgency against the new government. 2002 CE: Duke launched the Center for the Study of Muslim Networks in 2002. In 2005, this became part of the Islamic Studies Center, directed by Bruce Lawrence. A professor at Duke since 1971, Lawrence has been described as “one of the most influential scholars in the rethinking of Islamic religious studies” (F. M. Denny vii). 2002 CE: Michael Cook, Cleveland Dodge professor at Princeton (since 1986, succeeding his teacher, Bernard Lewis) receives a Mellon Foundation Distinguished Achievement Award of 1.5 million dollars to support his research. The citation described him as “widely held as the most outstanding Islamicist in America today.” 2003 CE: St Andrews University, Scotland, established the Institute of Middle East, Central Asia and Caucasian Studies at Scotland’s oldest university, which it describes as “unique” due to its trans-regional scope. 2003 CE: US led invasion of Iraq, ending Saddam Hussein’s rule (from 1979); the invasion was carried out in the context of the war against terrorism. 2003 CE: E. J. Brill begins publishing the Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures edited by Suad Joseph, Suad, and Afsaneh Najmabad; six volumes, completed 2007. 2004 CE: The first endowed Chair in Islamic Theology (Religion des Islam) in Germany (rather than in the history or civilization of Islam) created at Münster, held by Muhammad Kalisch. 2004 CE: New York University, where Arabic has been taught since 1837, added Islam to the name of its Middle Eastern Studies Department. This followed an earlier change when the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Literature (1966) became the Department of Middle Eastern Studies 2004 CE: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, since 2008 President of Bryn Mawr College, PA, gave the first American Academy of Religion (AAR) presidential address on an Islam-related topic. 2004 CE: Sultan of Oman endows chair at Melbourne University, Australia.

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2005 CE: With funding from Turkey’s Authority for Religious Affairs, Ömer Özsoy became Germany’s first professor of Islam within a theological school at Frankfurt (1914). 2005 CE: Harvard receives funds from Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal to launch an Islamic Studies program. 2005 CE: Georgetown Centre for Muslim-Christian Understanding renamed the Prince Alaweed Bin Talal Center following a large gi (second largest in Georgetown’s history) from the Saudi Prince. 2006 CE: No ingham established its Institute for Middle Eastern Studies, which quickly a racted “research awards of substance” (No ingham 2006, 26). 2006 CE: The 1764 version of Sale’s Qurʾān, owned by Thomas Jefferson (d. 1826), the USA’s third President, was used to swear Keith Ellison as a member of Congress (first Muslim). 2006 CE: Edinburgh, Manchester, and Durham form the Centre for the Advanced Study of the Arab World. 2007 CE: E. J. Brill begins publishing the third Encyclopedia of Islam, edited by Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, and Evere Rowson (English, German, and French). 2007 CE: Following Islamic Studies’ designation as a strategically important subject by the UK Government, the Joint Information Systems Commi ee (JICS) digitization project begins at Exeter; JICS also funds projects on digitizing Islamic material at Yale and SOAS. This was a response to the London suicide bomb a ack of July 7, 2005 when 52 died; the four perpetrators were British-born Muslims. 2007 CE: The Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa was established under Bernard Lewis’ chairmanship as an alternative to MESA. In 2008, it had 750 members. 2007 CE: The Sociology of Islam network launched, moderated by Tugrul Keskin of Portland State University’s Center for Turkish Studies. This currently links 1,485 scholars across 37 countries and 417 universities. Brill will publish the Network’s journal, The Sociology of Islam, from 2012. 2008 CE: The Cambridge Centre for Islamic Studies founded with money from Saudi prince, Alwaleed Bin Talal. This replaced the Centre of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, founded in 1960 by Arthur Arberry (d 1969), the twentieth Adam’s Professor. 2008 CE: Qatar funds the Chair in Contemporary Islamic Studies at Oxford; Tariq Ramadan was appointed. 309

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2008 CE: US Naval Academy (1845) appoints Akbar Ahmed first distinguished professor of Middle East and Islamic Studies. The Academy launched the Center for Middle East and Islamic Studies in 2005, which publishes Comparative Islamic Studies. 2008 CE: Swarthmore College, PA, launched its Arabic and Islamic Studies minor, supported by an alumni endowment and a grant from the Andrew M. Mellon foundation to teach Arabic at the Tri-College Consortium (Swarthmore, Bryn Mawr, and Haverford). 2009 CE: Publication of New York born Laleh Bakhtiar’s The Sublime Quran; first translation of Qurʾān by a North American woman. This has a racted controversy for translating “daraba” in 4: 34 as “go away from” (instead of “beat”). 2009 CE: Edinburgh launched the Bin Talal Centre for the Study of Islam in the Contemporary World. Hugh Goddard, a CSIC graduate, who had taught at No ingham (traces its origin to 1798) from 1984, became Director. Goddard, chair of No ingham’s Department of Theology from 2002, was Professor of Christian-Muslim Relations from 2004 and No ingham’s first lecturer in Islamic Theology. 2010 CE: Facts on File publishes the Encyclopedia of American Muslim History (2 volumes), edited by Edward E. Curtis IV. 2010 CE: Mona Siddiqui le Glasgow to become first Muslim professor in Edinburgh’s School of Divinity (1583). 2010 CE: CSIC, Birmingham, merged with the University’s new Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies. Birmingham edits the journal Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations (from 1990). 2010–11 CE: In December, the “Arab Spring” began in Tunisia, leading to collapse of totalitarian governments in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. Opposition continues against regimes elsewhere in the Middle East, especially Syria and Bahrain. Various Islamic (commi ed to Islamic values within a pluralist framework) and Islamist (support unity of religion and state) parties are standing in elections and contributing to constitutional reform. 2011 CE: Ingrid Ma son appointed to first endowed chair in Islamicc Studies in Canadaa at Western Ontario University funded by IIIT and the Muslim Association of Canada. 2011 CE: Following the 2010 report on the study of religions in German Universities by the German Council of Humanities and Science, federal and state funding for Islamic Studies becomes available to help promote integration and to counter extremism.

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VI

Resources: An Annotated Bibliographical Guide Clinton Bennett and Contributors

The resources listed in this section are primarily intended for post-graduate students. Part One lists encyclopedias and compendia. It begins with multivolume works; it then lists works of two volumes or less. Khanbaghi (2009) (see Part Two) offers a more comprehensive guide to Encyclopedias in a wide range of languages. Obviously, many encyclopedias that are not listed also include Islam-related entries, ranging from general encyclopedias to specialized works such as Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics and the Encyclopedia of Religion.

PART ONE Section One: Multivolume Encyclopedias and Compendia (three or more volumes) (listing by publication date) First Encyclopaedia of Islam (1913–36) 9 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill (EI). The Encyclopædia of Islam (2nd edn) (1960–2005) 12 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Published in French and English (EI2). Encyclopaedia Iranica (15 out of 45 vols). Published by the Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation. The project offers free online access at www.iranicaonline.org/ The Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures (6 vols) (2003–7) edited by Suaf Jospeh, Leiden: E. J. Brill. This is the first Encyclopedia focusing on women in Islam. Entries, from a range of disciplines, cover historical and contemporary topics related to Muslim women. Biographical Encyclopaedia of Islam (4 vols) edited by M. Th. Houtsma, T. W. Arnold, R. Basset, and R. Hartmann. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications. 2007. Entries were compiled from the Encyclopedia of Islam (EI1) covering biography as a literary and scholarly endeavor in Islam and biographies of significant Muslims and related articles. Encyclopaedic Historiography of the Muslim World (3 vols) edited by Nagendra Kumar Singh and S. Samiuddin. 2003. Delhi, India: Global Vision Publishing House. Most entries are on Muslim historians and personalities; some cover periods, schools and texts. A few entries are devoted to non-Muslim scholars (Albert Hourani, Edward Said and Soviet Historiography). The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture (3 vols) edited by Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair. 2009. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies The Encyclopædia of Islam Three, edited by Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, and Everett Rowson. Leiden: E. J. Brill. EI3 began publication in 2007. It is available online and in print format. Reflecting development in Islamic Studies, contributors are drawn from a wider constituency including humanist as well as social science perspectives. Rippin, contributor to this book, contributed to EI2 and is contributing to EI3. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (4 vols) edited by John L. Esposito (1995), Oxford: Oxford University Press. The first Encyclopedia focusing on Islam in the modern period (from the nineteenth century) although relevant historical background is included. The “experience” of Muslim life, belief, and practice across space and subtraditions is emphasized. Approximately 450 scholars were involved. The approach is interdisciplinary, reflecting developments in the field (E3). The Encyclopedia of the Qur’an (6 vols including index ) edited by Jane D McAuliffe, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001–6. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World (6 vols) OUP 2009 John L Esposito, 2009. Encyclopaedia Islamica Publication began in 2008. Three of the 16 projected volumes are currently available. Edited by Wilferd Madelung and Farhad Daftary of the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, in association with E. J. Brill, this is an abridged translation of the Farsi work, Dirat al-Marif-i Buzurg-i Islm (The Great Islamic Encyclopaedia), which covers Shīʿah Islam in more detail than other encyclopedias. Iran’s contribution to civilization and Islam’s spiritual tradition are also the main foci. The Farsi work, which began in 1983 under Kazem Musavi Bojnurdi, stimulated by the Encyclopaedia of Islam, aimed to cover debates and issues that post-dated that publication and to correct what some Muslims perceived as problematic or biased content, especially with reference to Shi’a Islam. Encyclopaedia of Jews in the Islamic World (5 vols), Leiden: E. J. Brill. 2010. The first work of this type devoted to Jewish life in Muslim majority or controlled space. The work includes a special edition of Index Islamicus on Jews in the Muslim world. Online access is available by subscription.

Section Two: Encylopedias and Compendia (less than three volumes) (listing by publication date) Hughes, T. P. Dictionary of Islam. Originally published 1885, London: W H Allen & Co. Many editions of this dictionary are available. It is also accessible electronically on Google books http://books.google.com/books?id=rDtbAAAAQAAJ&printsec=fron tcover&dq=dictionary+of+islam&hl=en&sa=X&ei=UsYdT5eYDszAgQeyxLHaCw& ved=0CDwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=dictionary%20of%20islam&f=false. The Kazi Publication’s 2007 edition carries a note that the publishers “do not agree with all of the entries” (vi) but consider that the work should still be made available. Compiled by an Anglican missionary at Peshawar, T. P. Hughes, who wore Afghan clothes and wrote textbooks on Pushtu, some versions have been revised and sanitized by Muslim editors. Gibb, H. A. R. and J. H. Kramers (ed.). 1953. Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Now in its fourth impress ion (1995), available in paperback and hardback. Like Hughes’ dictionary (although larger) it represents an attempt to produce a one-volume compendium on all aspects of Islam. However, it mainly covers law and religion. Glasse, Cyril. 1989.The new encyclopedia of Islam. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. Probably the first single-author work of this nature since Hughes’ Dictionary, the

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Resources intended audience was general readers. The third edition appeared in 2008, again updated to cover recent events. There is a useful chronology of events. Petersen, Andrew. 1996. Dictionary of Islamic Architecture. London: Taylor & Francis. Moussalli, Ahmad S. 1999. Historical dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalist movements in the Arab world, Iran and Turkey. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow. Esposito, John L. (ed.). 2003. The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University press. Martin, Richard C. 2003. Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim world (2 vols). New York: Macmillan Reference USA. Behn, Wolfgand. 2004. Concise Biographical Companion to Index Islamicus: An International Who’s Who in Islamic Studies from its Beginnings Down to the Twentieth Century. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Three volumes (A–G, H–M, and M–Z) published 1995, 1996, and 2004 of bio-bibliographical supplement to Index Islamicus covering the period from 1665– 1980. Details vary, usually birth date and place, where they were educated and worked, titles of publications, place and date of death but sometimes less information is given. Meri, Joseph (ed.). 2006. Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia (2 vols). NY: Routledge. Leaman, Oliver (ed.). 2006. The Biographical Encyclopaedia of Islamic Philosophy (2 vols). London: Thoemmes Continuum. Renard, John. 2005. Historical Dictionary of Sufism. Oxford: The Scarecrow Press. Netton, Ian (ed.). 2007. Encyclopedia of Islamic Civilization and Religion (1vol). Curzon encyclopedias of religion. London: Routledge. Roy, Olivier, Antoine Sfeir, and John King. 2007. The Columbia World Dictionary of Islamism. New York: Columbia University Press. Juynboll, G. H. A. 2007. Encyclopedia of Canonical Ḥadith. Leiden: E. J. Brill. First volume with translations of all six canonical (Sunni) ḥadīth. Repetition and variant versions were eliminated by condensing material, thereby reducing the number of ḥadīth. It lists the names of those “with whom canonical traditions may be associated” alphabetically, followed by the ḥadīth. Unusually for English texts, it gives the complete isnād (chain of narration). Traditional collections are usually organized thematically, not by transmitter—thus isnāds are also constantly repeated, which is also eliminated in this book. The text is modeled on an arrangement of ḥadīth by al-Mizzi (d. 1341); the approach to isnād analysis is described in the Introduction. The compiler prefers Muslim’s presentation style over Buckari’s; the latter “hardly ever presented his traditions on one issue conveniently in one chapter” (Juynboll 2007, xxx). Deriving standard citation for ḥadīth from this work could be problematic. Curtis, Edward E. 2010. Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History. 2 vols. New York: Facts on File. Clements, Frank. 2001. Historical Dictionary of Arab and Islamic Organizations. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Campo, Juan Eduardo. 2009. Encyclopedia of Islam. New York, NY: Facts On File. Ahmed, S. A., S. Akbar, and Tamara Sonn. 2010. The SAGE Handbook of Islamic Studies. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. This volume begins with “Current Issues in Islamic Studies” which abstracts each of the subsequent sixteen chapters. Five areas are covered, Islam and Multiculturalism, Foundations, Culture, Contemporary Issues and Diversity. As in this book, chapters discuss Qurʾān, Islamic Art, Shīʿah Islam and Sufi Islam. One chapter discusses Political Philosophy and Political Thought in the Medieval Arab Islamic Tradition of the Middle East. Economics, education, concepts of justice, women and Arabic-Islamic Literature and Islam and Democracy (focusing on Turkey) are also discussed, which are not given separate chapters in this book. However, unlike in this book, there is no detailed discussion of hadith, fiqh, Salafi Islam or Islam and the West (Islam in the West and in Diaspora are discussed) nor is

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies there a survey of how the field developed, a chronology, Methodology or resources section. Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Women. 2013. Oxford University Press. Part of a five volume series on Islamic Studies.

PART TWO: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL GUIDES AND GUIDES TO LIBRARIES (ALPHABETICAL LISTING) Daftary, Farhad. 2004. Ismaili Literature a Bibliography of Sources and Studies. London: I.B. Tauris. Daiber, Hans. 1999. Bibliography of Islamic Philosophy. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Gallego, María Angeles, Heather Bleaney, and Pablo García Suárez. 2009. Bibliography of Jews in the Islamic World. Leiden: E. J. Brill Ellis, Alexander George. 1894. Catalogue of Arabic books in the British Museum. London: The British Musuem; available electronically at www.archive.org/details/ catalogueofarabi03brit. Ellis, Alexander George, Alexander S. Fulton, and Martin Lings. 1959. Catalogue of Arabic books in the British Museum S/2, 2d supplementary catalogue of Arabic printed books in the British Library. Catalogue of Arabic Books in the British Museum. London: The Trustees of the British Museum. Hirsch, David. 2007. “From Parchment to Pixels: Middle Eastern Collection Development in Academic Libraries,” 81–107. Building Area Studies Collection. edited by Dan C. Hazen and James H. Spoher. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. Index Islamicus, published annually by E. J. Brill since 1906 lists articles, reviews and books on Islam. Online access by subscription. Khanbaghi, Aptin. 2009. Encyclopedias about Muslim civilisations. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press in association with the Aga Khan University, Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations. Annotates 200 encyclopedic works related to Islam with abstracts in English, Arabic and Turkey surveying publications in a wide range of languages, which is the work’s strength. Abstracts are published in English, Turkish and Arabic. Middle East Abstracts and Index, published by the Reference Corporation, Seattle, WA ISSN 0162–766X (began 1994). Netton, Ian Richard, and Ian Richard Netton. 1998. Middle East Sources: A MELCOM Guide to Middle Eastern and Islamic Books and Materials in United Kingdom and Irish Libraries. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon. Periodica Islamica: An International Contents Journal. From 1991. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Berita. Roper, G. 1991. World Survey of Islamic Manuscripts. London: Al-Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation. Sauvaget, Jean, and Claude Cahen[Bearb.]. 1965. Jean Sauvaget’s Introduction to the History of the Muslim East: A Bibliographical Guide. Berkeley [u.a.]: University of California Press. Sinclair, Susan with Heather Bleaney and Pablo García Suárez. 2011. Bibliography of Art and Architecture in the Islamic World 2 vol. set. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Skreslet, P. Y. and Skreslet, R. 2006. The Literature of Islam: A Guide to the Primary Sources in English Translation. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Thomas, David, Barbara Roggema, Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala, and Alex Mallett. 2009. Christian Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Three volumes published at time of writing, one covers 600–900, two 900 to 1050, three 1050–1200.

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Resources Volumes survey, describe and assess works on Christianity in relation to Islam and Muslims. Witkam, Jan Just. 1982. Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and Other Collections in the Netherlands 0-A General Introduction to the Catalogue. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

PART THREE Section One: Journals (specializing in Islamic Studies or an Islam-related area) (listed by date of first publication) Der Islam, founded by Carl Heinrich Becker in 1910, currently published by De Gruyter. The oldest journal (a biannual) with a specialist focus on Islam, Der Islam publishes articles in English, French, and German. The journal pioneered interest in contemporary as well as classical Islam and also in social scientific in addition to philological approaches that dominated German and French academic study of Islam. ISSN 0021–1818. The Muslim World, founded in 1911 by Samuel M. Zwemer, currently published by Wiley. Founded as a journal for Christian missionaries and scholars, over time and after various name changes the focus has shifted from apology to understanding and dialogue. The center that now edits the journal, although based in a seminary, has Muslim and Christian faculty and students. ISSN 1478–1913. Die Welt des Islam, launched in 1913, published by E. J. Brill. Die Welt des Islam (the World of Islam) was launched by the German Society for the Study of Islam, founded in 1912, with a focus, pioneering at the time, on modern and contemporary Islam. ISSN 0043–2539. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs launched 1979 by the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. London, UK (published by Taylor & Francis). This pioneer, peer-reviewed journal has established a strong reputation and has opened up minority affairs as a field of academic enquiry. The remit includes non-Muslims in Muslim-majority space, interfaith relations, and dialogue. ISSN 1360–2004. Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, founded 1979. Published by the Institute of Asian Studies at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. ISSN 0334–4118. Muslim World Book Review, launched 1980 by the Islamic Foundation, Leicester. The Institute also publishes Encounters and the Review of Islamic Economics (see below). ISSN 0260–3063. Al-Tawhid, published quarterly since 1983 by the Iran based Foundation for Islamic Thought. Archives available at www.al-islam.org/topical.php?cat=222. ISSN 0267–968X. American Journal of Muslim Social Science, founded 1984 by the Association of Muslim Social Scientists and the International Institute of Islamic Thought. ISSN 0742–6763. Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, founded 1990, currently published by Taylor & Francis. This journal was founded by the Centre for the Study of Islam and Christian Muslim-Relations in the former Selly Oak Colleges, replacing the Newsletter, published since 1979 (ISSN 0142–9311). Now edited by Birmingham University Department of Theology and published by Francis & Taylor. ISSN 1469–9311. Journal of Islamic Studies, launched in 1990 by the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies and published by Oxford University Press. ISSN 1471–6917.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies Aligarh Journal of Islamic Philosophy, founded 1989 as the Journal of Islamic Thought by the Philosophy Department of Aligarh Muslim University, India. The name changed in 1991. Published biannually, the journal is a vehicle for articles on Islamic philosophy and Islamic thought with many contributors from India’s Muslim community. Islamic Law and Society, founded 1993, published by Brill, edited by David S. Powers at Cornell. ISSN 0928–9380. Encounters: Journal of Inter-Cultural Perspectives, founded 1995 by the Islamic Foundation, Leicester. ISSN 1358–5770. Review of Islamic Economics, published from 1995 by the Islamic Foundation, Leicester with the International Association for Islamic Economics,. ISSN 0962–2055. Journal of Islamic History, founded 1995 by the Institute of Islamic and Arab Studies, Delhi and the Society of Islamic History. Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies, founded in 1995 by Jospeh N Bell and Petr Zemánek, currently edited at Lancaster University. Until 2002, the journal was published by Edinburgh University Press. It is now an open-access. Online at www.lancs.ac.uk/jais/ ISSN 0806–198X. Studies in Contemporary Islam, founded 1999 by Youngstown University center for Islamic Studies, coedited by Mumtaz Ahmed and Mustansir Mir. ISSN 1523–9888. Journal of Qur’anic Studies, founded 1999 by the Centre for Islamic Studies at SOAS, London and published by Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 1465–3591. Journal for Islamic Studies, founded 2000 by Capetown University’s Centre for Contemporary Islam. ISSN 0257–7062. Journal of the History of Sufism, founded 2000, published by Jean Maissoneuve and Society for the Study of Oriental Culture. Arthur Buehler, contributor to this book, is a coeditor. ISSN 1749–9423. Journal of Islamic Law and Culture, founded 2000 by University of Arkansas Law School and published by Taylor & Francis. ISSN 1528–817X. Journal of Hadith Studies, founded 2003, published by SÜHA Danismanlik Arastirma Yayincilik, Turkey. Mainly published in Turkish this journal also carries articles in English and Arabic and other languages. ISSN 1304–3617. HAWWA: Journal of Women in the Middle East and the Islamic World, founded 2003. ISSN 1569–2078. Journal of Islamic Philosophy, founded 2005. ISSN 1536–4569. Comparative Islamic Studies, founded 2005 by the US Naval Academy’s Center for Middle East and Islamic Studies, published by Equinox. ISSN 0740–7125. Contemporary Islam: Dynamics of Muslim Life, founded 2007, edited by Gabriel Maranci. ISSN 0872–0218. Berkeley Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Law, launched 2008. ISSN 1941–4951. Journal of Islamic Manuscripts, founded 2010. Published by Brill. ISSN 1878–4631. Contemporary Islamic Studies, founded 2010 by the Qatar Faculty of Islamic Studies. ISSN 2220–2757. Sociology of Islam Newsletter, founded 2008 by the Sociology of Islam network. Coordinated by Tugrul Keskin from Portland State University. ISSN 1942–7948. from 2012, journal published by Brill. ISBN 2213–140x Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies, founded 2008 by the Islamic College, London. Publishes translations of material not available in English and critical, informed articles on all aspects of Shi’a Islam. ISSN 1748–9423. HIKMA: Journal of Islamic Theology and Religious Education, founded 2010. Published biannually by Kalam Verlag für islamische Theologie und Religionspädagogik KG in German and English. ISSN 1868–3657. Journal of Sufi Studies, launched during 2012, published biannually by Brill. ISSN 2210–5948.

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Resources International Journal of Islamic Architecture, launched 2012 as a biannual. Published by Intellect. ISSN 2045–5895. World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, launched 2012 by International Organization for Scientific Information, Dubai. ISSN 2225–0883.

Section Two: Other Journals (by date of first publication) No comprehensive list can be compiled of journals likely to carry an Islam-related article, since almost all academic journals publish relevant material from time to time. Middle Eastern Studies and Religious Studies journals are among those that quite often attract articles related to Islam, thus some of the most important of these are identified below. Some journals review Islam-related publications more frequently than they publish Islam-related articles. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, founded 1884. ISSN 0022–2968. Journal of the Henry Martyn Institute, traces its origin to 1911. ISSN 0970–4698. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, founded 1917. ISSN 0041–977X. Artibus Asiae, founded 1925. ISSN 0004–3648. Middle East Journal, founded 1947. ISSN 0026–3141. NUMEN: International Review for the History of Religions, founded 1954. ISSN 0029–5973. Arabica: Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies, founded 1954. ISSN 0570–5398. Journal of Semitic Studies, founded 1956. ISSN 0022–4480 (reviews, not articles, on Islam related topics). Journal of Religious History, founded 1960. ISSN 1467–9809. History of Religions: An International Journal for Comparative Historical Studies, founded 1961 by Mercea Eliade at the University of Chicago. ISSN: 0018–2710. Journal of the American Academy of Religion,founded 1967. ISSN 1477–4585. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1970. ISSN 0020–7438. British Journal of Middle East Studies (founded as the Bulletin of British Society for Middle Eastern Studies in 1974, renamed Journal in 1991). ISSN 1353–0194. Religious Studies Review, founded 1975. SSN: 1748–0922. Middle East Quarterly, founded 1994. ISSN 1073–9467. The journal is open access at www. meforum.org/meq/archive.php except for the current issue, which is only available by subscription. Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA), founded 1997. Access is open at http:// meria.idc.ac.il/journal/previousj.html. Cyber orient: on-line journal of the virtual Middle East, founded 2007. ISSN 1804–3194.

PART FOUR: KEYS TEXTS FOR ISLAMIC STUDIES SUBFIELDS Qurʾān Abdullah Ibn ‘Abbas, Ibn Ya’qub al-Firuzabadi, Yousef Meri and Mokrane Guezzou. 2008. Tafsir Ibn ‘Abbas. Louisville, Ky: Fons Vitae (vol. 2, Great commentaries of the Qurʾān series). Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought, Jordan is publishing a series of commentaries that are also available and searchable online (currently 110 in Arabic and English) at www.altafsir.com/ The site also carries resources on syntax, contexts of

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies revelation, mystical, linguistic,and philosophical and theological treatises. It also has audio recitations and is open access. Ḥilfī, Kāṭiʻ Niʻmah. 2010. The encyclopedic crossreference dictionary of the Quran, Arabic-English: a first bilingual Quranic dictionary mixing the traditional Arabic root system and the non-Arabic alphabetical order. Pittsburgh, PA: Lauriat Press. Ibn Kathīr, Ismāʻīl ibn ʻUmar, Ṣafī al-Raḥmān Mubārakfūrī, and Ismāʻīl ibn ʻUmar Ibn Kathīr. 2003. Tafsir ibn Kathir (abridged) 10 vols. Riyadh: Darussalam.. As a protégé of salafist Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), Ibn Kathir (d. 1373) often cites Ibn Abbas and the very earliest commentators; he was less interested in later interpretation or in reconstructing the history of commentary on verses and passages. Leaman, Oliver. 2006. The Qur’an: An Encyclopedia. London: Routledge. McAuliffe, Jane Dammen. 2006. The Cambridge Companion to the Qura’n. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Noldeke, Theodor, Friedrich Schwally, and Gotthelf Bergstrasser. 2012. The History of the Qur’an. Brill Academic. Penrice, John. 2006. A Dictionary and Glossary of the Qur’an. Ed. Duraid Fatouhi. Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: The Other Press. Original published in 1873. Rippin, Andrew. 1988. Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an. Oxford: Clarendon Press. —. 2001a. The Qurἀn, Style and Contents. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate. —. 2001b. The Qurἀn and its Interpretive Tradition. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate. —. 2006. The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’an. Malden, MA: Blackwell. al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din, Jalal al-Din al-Mahalli, and Feras Hamza. 2008. Tafsir al-Jalalayn. Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae (Great Commentaries of the Holy Qur’an, vol. 1). Quṭb, Sayyid, M. A. Salahi, and A. A. Shamis. 2001. In the Shade of the Qur’ān: fī Ẓilāl al-Qur’ān. 30 vols. Leicester: Islamic Foundation. Wansbrough, John E. and Andrew Rippin. 2004. Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Ḥadīth (with Aisha Y. Musa) Abbott, Nabia. 1967. Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri. 2 Quranic Commentary and Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Aʻẓamī, Muḥammad Muṣṭafá. 1992. Studies in Early Ḥadīth Literature: With a Critical Edition of some Early Texts. Indianapolis: American Trust Publications. Berg, Herbert. 2000. The Development of Exegesis in Early Islam:The Authenticity of Muslim Literature from the Formative Period. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon. Bukhārī, Muḥammad ibn Ismāʻīl and Muhammad Muhsin Khan. 1983. The Translation of the Meanings of Ṣahih AL-Bukhari: Arabic-English = [Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī] (10 vols). Lahore, Pakistan: Kazi Publications. Burton, John. 2001. An Introduction to the Ḥadīth. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Brown, Jonathan. 2007. The Canonization of Al-Bukhari and Muslim: The Formation and Function of the Sunni Hadith Canon. Leiden; Boston: Brill. —. 2009. Hadith: Muhammad’s Legacy in the Medieval and Modern World. Foundations of Islam. Oxford: Oneworld. Goldziher, Ignác, C. R. Barber, and S. M. Stern. 1971. Muslim Studies. Vol. 2. London: Geo. Allen & Unwin. Graham, William A. 1977. Divine Word and Prophetic Word in Early Islam: A Reconsideration of the Sources, with Special Reference to the Divine Saying Or Hadîth Qudsî. Religion

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Resources and Society; 7; Variation: Religion and Society (Hague, Netherlands); 7. The Hague: Mouton. Ibn al-ala_ al-Shahrazuri,_Uthman ibn _Abd al-Ra_man, Trans. Eerik Dickinson, and Centre for Muslim Contribution to Civilization. 2005. An Introduction to the Science of the Hadith : Kitab Marifat Anwa ilm Al-hadith. Reading: Garnet. Juynboll, G. H. A. 1969. The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature; Discussions in Modern Egypt. Leiden: E. J. Brill. —. 1996. Studies on the Origins and Uses of Islamic Hadith. Collected Studies Series. Vol. CS550. Brookfield, VT: Variorum. —. 2008. Muslim Tradition : Studies in Chronology, Provenance, and Authorship of Early Hadith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Motzki, Harald. 2004. Hadith :Origins and Developments. The Formation of the Classical Islamic World. Vol. 28. Aldershot; Burlington, VT: Ashgate/Variorum. Musa, Aisha Y. 2008. Ḥadīth as Scripture: Discussions on the Authority of Prophetic Traditions in Islam. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Schoeler, Gregor, James E. Montgomery, and Uwe Vagelpohl. 2006. The Oral and the Written in Early Islam. Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Literatures. Vol. 13. London; New York: Routledge. Siddiqi, Mu_ammad Zubair and Abdal Hakim Murad. 1993. Hadith Literature : Its Origin, Development and Special Features. Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society. Khaṭīb al-Tibrīzī, Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd Allāh, and James Robson. 1981. Mishkat al-Masabih. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf.

Islamic Theology and Philosophy Al-Allaf, Mashhad. 2006. The Essential Ideas of Muslim Philosophers, a Brief Survey. New York: Edwen Mellen Press. Boer, T. J. de. 1965. The History of Philosophy in Islam. Trans. Edward R. Jones. London: Luzac. Chittick, William C. 2001. The Heart of Islamic Philosophy. New York: Oxford University Press. Al-Ghazālī, Abū Hāmid. 1958. Tahāfut al-falāsifa [The incoherence of the philosophers]. Trans. Sabih Ahmad Kamali. Lahore, Pakistan: Pakistan Philosophical Congress. —. Ihyā’ culūm ad-dīn [1987. The revivification of the religious sciences]. 5 vols. Cairo: Dār ar-Rayyān at-Turāth. Al-Kindī, Abū Yusūf Yacqūb Ibn Ishāq. 1948. Kitāb al-Kindī ilā al-Muctasim billah fī’l falsafa al-ūlā. [Al-Kindī’s book for al-Muctasim billah on first philosophy]. Ed. Ahmad Fu’ad al-Ahwānī. 1st edn. Cairo: Dār Ihyā’ al-Kutub al-cArabiyya. Ibn Rushd, Abū’l Walīd Muhammad. 1976. Averroes on the Harmony of Religion and Philosophy [Fasl al-maqāl fī mā bayna hikma wa ash-sharīca min ittisāl]. Trans. George F. Hourani. London: Luzac. Ibn Tufail, Abū Bakr Muhammad. 1929. Hayy Ibn Yaqdhān. Trans. Simon Ockley in 1708. London: Frederick A. Stockes Company Publishers. Mullā Sadrā. 1981. al-hikma al-carshiyya. Trans. James Winston Morris as The Wisdom of the Throne. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Watt, W. Montgomery. 1985. Islamic Philosophy and Theology: An Extended Survey. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Winter, T. J. 2008. The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (move).

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Sufi Islam Arberry, Arthur. J. 2001. Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications. Bennett, Clinton and Charles M. Ramsey (eds). 2012. South Asian Sufis: Devotion, Deviation and Destiny. London: Continuum. Green, Nile. 2012. Sufism: A Global History. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwee. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. 2007. The Garden of Truth: The Vision and Promise of Sufism, Islam’s Mystical Tradition. New York: HarperOne. Nicholson, Reynold Alleyne. 1963. The Mystics of Islam. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Online www.sacred-texts.com/isl/moi/moi.htm Schimmel, Annemarie. 1978. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Schuon, Frithjof, James S. Cutsinger, and Frithjof Schuon. 2006. Sufism: Veil and Quintessence: A New Translation with Selected Letters. Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom. Stoddart, William. 1986. Sufism: The Mystical Doctrines and Methods of Islam. New York: Paragon House. Trimingham, J. Spencer. 1973. The Sufi Orders in Islam. London and New York: Oxford University Press.

Shīʿah Studies Brunner, Rainer. 2004. Islamic Ecumenism in the 20th Century: The Azhar and Shiism between Rapprochement and Restraint. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Daftary, Farhad. 2007. The Ismāʻīlīs: Their History and Doctrines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Halm, Heinz. 1991. Shiism. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Louër, Laurence. 2008. Transnational Shia Politics: Religious and Political Networks in the Gulf. New York: Columbia University Press. Moghadam, Assaf. 2012. Militancy and Political Violence in Shiism: Trends and Patterns. Milton Park, Abingdon/Oxon : Routledge. Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. 2006. The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam will Shape the Future. New York: Norton. Sharīf al-Raḍī, Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥusayn, Murtaẓá Muṭahharī, and Yasin T. Jibouri. 2009. Peak of eloquence = Nahjul-Balagha. Elmhurst, NY: Tahrike Tarsile Qur’an. Virani, Shafique N. 2007. The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, a Search for Salvation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Art and Architecture Arnold, Thomas Walker. 1965. Painting in Islam: A Study of the Place of Pictorial Art in Muslim Culture. New York: Dover Publications. Burton-Page, John. 2008. Indian Islamic Architecture: Forms and Typologies, Sites and Monuments. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Ettinghausen, Richard, and Oleg Grabar. 1994. The Art and Architecture of Islam, 650–1250. New Haven: Yale University Press.

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Resources Grabar, Oleg. 1973. The Formation of Islamic Art. New Haven: Yale University Press. —. 2000. Mostly Miniatures: An Introduction to Persian Painting. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. —. 2005. Early Islamic Art, 650–1100. Aldershot, England: Ashgate/Variorum. —. 2006. Islamic Art and Beyond. Aldershot, England: Ashgate/Variorum. Hillenbrand, Robert. 1994. Islamic Architecture: Form, Function, and Meaning. New York: Columbia University Press. Levy, Janey. 2007. Islamic Art: Recognizing Geometric Ideas in Art. New York: Rosen Publishing Group. Saladin, Henri and Gaston Migeon. 1927. Manuel d’art musulman. Arts plastiques et industriels. Paris: A. Picard (original 1907). Nabi Khan, Ahmad. 2003. Islamic Architecture in South Asia: Pakistan—India—Bangladesh. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. 1987. Islamic Art and Spirituality. Albany: State University of New York Press. Petersen, Andrew. 1996. Dictionary of Islamic Architecture. London: Routledge. Schimmel, Annemarie, and Burzine K. Waghmar. 2005. The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture. Lahore: Sang-E-Meel. Schimmel, Annemarie. 1992. Islamic Calligraphy. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Fiqh Goldziher, Ignaz. 1981. Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Hallaq, Wael B. 2005. The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Mumīsa, Michael. 2002. Islamic Law: Theory & Interpretation. Beltsville, MD: Amana Publications. Naim, Abd Allah Ahmad. 2008. Islam and the Secular State Negotiating the Future of Sharia. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Coulson, Noel J. 2011. A History of Islamic Law. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transaction. Schacht, Joseph. 1950. The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. Oxford: Clarendon Press. —. 1979. An Introduction to Islamic Law.Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Salafi Islam Barber, Benjamin R. 2011. Jihad vs. Mcworld. London: Corgi. Calvert, John. 2010. Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism. New York: Columbia University Press. Desai, Meghnad. 2007. Rethinking Islamism. London: Tauris. Esposito, John L. 1999. The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? New York: Oxford University Press. —. 2002. Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam. New York: Oxford University Press.

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The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies Euben, Roxanne Leslie and Muhammad Qasim Zaman. 2009. Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from al-Banna to Bin Laden. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kepel, Gilles. 2006. Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. London: I.B. Tauris. Martin, Richard C. and Abbas Barzegar. 2010. Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Mitchell, Richard Paul. 1969. The Society of the Muslim Brothers, London: Oxford University Press. Meijer, Roel (ed.). 2009. Global Salafism: Islam’s New Religious Movement. London/New York: Hurst/Columbia University Press. Moghadam, Assaf. 2008. The Globalization of Martyrdom: Al Qaeda, Salafi Jihad, and the Diffusion of Suicide Attacks. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Soguk, Nevzat. 2011. Globalization and Islamism: Beyond Fundamentalism. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Tibi, Bassam. 2002. The Challenge of Fundamentalism: Political Islam and the New World Disorder. Berekely: University of California Press.

Islam and the West General Anees, Munawar Ahmad, Ziauddin Sardar, and Syed Z. Abedin. 1991. Christian-Muslim Relations: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow. London: Grey Seal. Apostolov, Mario. 2004. The Christian-Muslim Frontier: A Zone of Contact, Conflict, or Cooperation. New York: Routledge Curzon. Daniel, Norman. 1966. Islam, Europe and Empire. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. —. 1993. Islam and the West: The Making of an Image. Oxford: Oneworld. Goddard, Hugh. 2000. A History of Christian-Muslim Relations. Chicago, IL: New Amsterdam Books/Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Hourani, Albert. 1991. Islam in European Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 2003. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Shuster. Lewis, Bernard. 1993. Islam and the West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Reeves, Minou and P. J. Stewart. 2000. Muhammad in Europe. New York: New York University Press. Rodinson, Maxime. 2002. Europe and the mystique of Islam. London: I.B. Tauris. Said, Edward. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Vintage. Waardenburg, Jacques. 2003. Muslims and Others: Relations in Context. Berlin: de Gruyter.

Specific geographical or historical focus Bennett, Clinton. 1992. Victorian Images of Islam. London: Grey Seal; republished 2009, Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press.

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Resources Fletcher, Richard. 2005. The Cross and the Crescent: The Dramatic Story of the Earliest Encounters between Christians and Muslims. London: Penguin. Nielsen, Jørgen S. 1998. The Christian-Muslim Frontier: Chaos, Clash, or Dialogue? London: I.B. Tauris. O’Shea, Stephen. 2006. Sea of Faith: Islam and Christianity in the Medieval Mediterranean World. New York: Walker. Ruthven, Malise. 2002. A Fury for God: The Islamist Attack on America. London: Granta. Siddiqui, Ataullah. 1998. Christian-Muslim Dialogue in the Twentieth Century. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Southern, Richard William. 1978. Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Zebiri, Kate. 2000. Muslims and Christians Face to Face. Oxford, England: Oneworld.

Gender Ahmed, Leila. 1992. Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale University Press. Ali, Kecia. 2006. Sexual ethics and Islam: Feminist Reflections on Qur’an, Hadith, and Jurisprudence. Oxford, England: Oneworld. Awde, Nicholas. 2000. Women in Islam: An Anthology from the Qurān and Ḥadīths. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Barlas, Asma. 2002. “Believing women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’ān. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Bennett, Clinton. 2010. Muslim Women of Power: Gender, Politics and Culture in Islam. London: Continuum. Bodman, Herbert L. 1998. Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity within Unity. Boulder, CO: Rienner. Heath, Jennifer. 2008. The Veil: Women Writers on its History, Lore, and Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kahf, Mohja. 1999. Western Representations of the Muslim Woman from Termagant to Odalisque. Austin, Tex: University of Texas Press. Keddie, Nikki R. 2007. Women in the Middle East: Past and Present. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kugle, Scott Alan. 2010. Homosexuality in Islam: Critical Reflection on Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender Muslims. Oxford: Oneworld. Lewis, Reina. 2004. Rethinking Orientalism Women, Travel, and the Ottoman Harem. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press Maududi, S. Abula’la. 1972. Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam. Lahore: IIslamic. Mernissi, Fatima. 1991. The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Rights in Islam. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley (see annotation below under key Texts). Mernissi, Fatima and Mary Jo Lakeland. 1993. The Forgotten Queens of Islam. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Moghadam, Valentine M. 1993. Modernizing Women: Gender and Social Change in the Middle East. Boulder, CO: L. Rienner. Moghissi, Haideh. 2002. Feminism and Islam Fundamentalism: The Limits of Postmodern Analysis. London: Zed. Murray, Stephen O. and Will Roscoe. 1997. Islamic Homosexualities: Culture, History, and Literature. New York: New York University Press. Ouzgane, Lahoucine. 2006. Islamic Masculinities. London: Zed Books.

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PART FIVE: INTERNET Books/Resources about Muslims use of the Internet ʻAbdallaħ, Rašā. 2007. The Internet in the Arab world: Egypt and Beyond. New York: Lang. Bunt, Gary R. 2000. Virtually Islamic: Computer-mediated Communication and Cyber Islamic Environments. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. —. 2003. Islam in the Digital Age e-jihad, Online Fatwas and Cyber Islamic Environments. London: Pluto Press. —. 2009. IMuslims: Rewiring the House of Islam. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. National Public Radio. 2002. Islam on the Internet. Three part series; www.npr.org/ programs/watc/cyberislam/

Sites and Resources The problem with referencing internet material is that sites appear and disappear. Those associated with organizations, universities, and states are likely to more remain available. The following selection focuses on sites that make texts and material available, rather than on those offering information on Islam or about an Islamic organization.

Qurʾān (recommended by Andrew Rippin) http://zekr.org/quran; open-source downloadable texts in a range of languages; there are 14 English translations. http://tanzil.net: searchable texts in Arabic, English translation and other language. Also the Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought, Jordan’s searchable online tafsir collection at www.altafsir.com/

Ḥadīth Many sites give access to ḥadīth collection. However, the resource at University of Southern California’s Center for Jewish-Muslim Engagement is one of the most comprehensive and popular; www.cmje.org/religious-texts/home/

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Resources

General Answering Islam Library of Classical Books The site promotes a hostile attitude toward Islam that most academic scholars of Islam in the secular academy do not endorse. However, it gives free access to some significant classical texts, including the original four volumes of William Muir’s Life of Mahomet, Sprenger’s Life (2 books), and such texts as Abraham Geiger’s Judaism and Islam, Hughes’ Dictionary and Richard Bell’s Introduction to the Quran (revised by William M. Watt). The 1924 edition of Muir’s The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline and Fall and his 1887 abridgement of the Risalah (Apology) are also downloadable.

Internet Islamic History Sourcebook (Fordham University, NY) Gives access to a great many texts listed under period, dynasty, states, subjects (e.g. Islamic Nationalism, the Western Intrusion, Philosophy, Gender). Maps and links to other sites and resources are at the bottom. www.fordham.edu/halsall/islam/islamsbook.asp

Internet Sacred Texts Archive

Islam, open access to translations of the Qurʾān, two ḥadīth collections, Sufi literature, mainly translations of primary sources. Nicholson’s Mystics of Islam and E. H. Palmer’s 1867 Oriental Mysticism are among the secondary material. Texts on Islamic History and Culture, almost all secondary, follow. This material includes Gustav Weil’s classic work on “The Bible, the Koran and the Talmud” (1863) and Duncan Black Macdonald’s The Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and Constitutional Theory (1903). Primary material includes the pre-Islamic “hanged poets.” There are separate sections on Shiite documents and Ismaili Materials. www.sacred-texts.com/isl/index.htm

Islam and Islamic Studies Resources Maintained by the University of Georgia, the site provides access to material (mainly on other sites) on a wide range of topics by scholars, Muslim thinkers, journalists, and politicians. This includes video material.

Islam (Bookshelf) at Project Gutenberg Islam This site makes eBooks freely available on the web. The Islam section includes English translations of the Qurʾān and, among General Literature, Richard Burton and John Lewis Burckhardt on their visits to Mecca. This section includes a Muslim modernist, Chiragh Ali (1844–95), early work on “aggressive war” as contrary to Islam. Area Studies gives access to the second edition of Mrs Mir Hasan Ali’s Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, a pioneering text (see Introduction). www.gutenberg.org/wiki/ Islam_%28Bookshelf%29

Islamic Studies Gateway A developing project of the Higher Education Funding Council in England through the Joint Information Systems Committee, which is sponsoring the digitization of MSS at Exeter and Harvard. Oxford and Cambridge Universities will run the Gateway, providing access catalogs and images of Islamic Studies manuscripts; www.heacademy.ac.uk/news/detail/2011/islamic_studies/IS_Gateway. These initiatives follow the designation of Islamic Studies as a “strategic subject” in 2008.

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Islamic Studies Pathways Maintained by Cyber Islam editorial board member Garry Bunt, who has researched extensively on Muslim use of the internet, is a nonhierarchical, regularly updated listing of recommended internet sites about Islam; http://web.me.com/gary_bunt/pathways/ home.html Religious Studies Webguide: IslamHosted by the University of Calgary, Canada, links to textual and often searchable resources; http://people.ucalgary.ca/~lipton/texts. html#Islamic

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VII

A–Z Index of Key Terms and Concepts Clinton Bennett

Many of the technical terms used in this book are described below. Entries are detailed and comprehensive. In addition, other terms that readers might encounter in their research are listed. Qurʾānic references are frequently included in entries (these are examples, so they do not necessarily exhaust all references). Commonly cited traditions of the prophet, including some of the most widely repeated, are frequently unsourced in academic publications, as they sometimes are in this glossary, when exhaustive effort could not identify a primary source. Book or chapter number followed by the number of the ḥadīth is an accepted citation style; however, ḥadīth are often numbered consecutively within collections (or throughout a volume), so can also be identified by number. The relevant system is used depending on the source consulted. Diactric marks are included. Some words are now commonly used in English without them, or with only an apostrophe. Certain common English spellings which, strictly speaking, are not exactly the best way to transliterate the word have gained wide currency. While more accurate spellings are given, the common spelling of these words (such as Mecca, Medina) is used. When the transliteration is bracketed, diacritical marks are usually omitted in English. A Adab – etiquette, courtesy, civility, manners; mainly derived from the sunnah (see below). This represents civilized and ethical conduct, including such customs as hospitality to strangers. `adl – balance, justice. A divine name; God embodies justice. Muslim societies should maintain and defend justice. Ahl-al-ḥadīth – people of tradition, elevate tradition over other sources of law; some opposed the Mutazalties (Al-Mu’tazilah; see chapter four). Also a Salafi movement in the Indian subcontinent, formed during the nineteenth century. Affiliated political parties operate in Pakistan and Bangladesh. They regard following a maḏhab as blind allegiance (ta’assub, fanaticism, or even bigotry).

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ahl al-halli wal-’aqd – those who loose and bind (people of influence and authority) selected and deposed rulers. Since Abu Bakr nominated ʿUmar, the minimum number for appointing the caliph or ruler is sometimes said to be one. This may have roots in pre-Islamic clan councils or juntas. Ahl-al-Kitab – people of the book; it is a Qurʾānic and Islamic term for scripture-possessing communities, namely Jews and Christians. Ahl-al-ra’y – the people of opinion—refers to those who exercised reason in formulating juridical opinion, considered dangerous by some who preferred to follow tradition. Ahlu-al-bayt – people of the household; the Prophet’s family and their descendants; widely used in Shīʿah Islam; Shīʿah and Sunni include different members (the latter include those descended from his uncles, legitimizing the Abbasids claim to govern). See Q 33:33. Ahlu-al-suffa – people of the bench; men and women who sat on a bench in Muhammad’s Mosque in Medina so that they could be close to him; some consider them the first Sufis. Ahwal – spiritual states (singular Ḥāl in Sufi Islam) ; the stages or stations (Maqāmat) are achieved by spiritual progress along the path; states can be understood as God’s response, in grace, as God moves toward the traveler (ā) ; states are temporary since they end when the goal of unity is reached. Akhlaq – ethics (ilm-al-Akhlaq, the science of ethics); virtue, morality, used in theology and philosophy for the area of moral thought. ʿĀlim – a scholar, from ilm (knowledge); the plural isʿUlamā. Usually, someone who has completed an approved course of training qualifies as a ʿĀlim. Only God is all-knowing; knowledge is from God. Allāh – Arabic word for God (usually spelled “Allah” in English) masculine in form (female is allat) but this does not mean that God is to be seen as “male.” Allah is not normally italicized in English, having become an accepted word for God. God is Allah for Christians and Jews who speak Arabic as well as for Muslims. Allahu Akbar – (God is great) frequently used affirmation of God’s greatness, part of the call to prayer when it is repeated three times, as it is during each prayer cycle. Allahu a’lam – “God knows better” is a phrase that scholars historically used at the end of their work or legal opinions, suggesting both humility and awareness that human knowledge is limited when compared with God’s.

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Al-Aqsa – the “farthest mosque” (Q 17:1) adjacent to the Dome of the Rock (Qubbat As-Sakhrah) or the whole Temple mount area in Jerusalem. The original structure was built under caliph ʿUmar; it has been rebuilt several times since. Al-ʿArsh – God’s throne, referred to 22 times in the Qurʾān. The “throne verse” (Ayatul Kursi) (2:255) expressing God’s universal power is often pasted or inscribed behind doors in Muslim majority-space and is sometimes said to be the most widely memorized and cited. Al-Ash’ariyyah, Ash’arī, or Asharites – emerged as the dominant school of Sunni theological thought, having effectively silenced their Mutazalite opponents; named for Abū al-Hasan Alī ibn Ismā’īl al-Ash’arī (d. 936 CE), He had initially studied with a leading Mutazalite thinker. amal al-fadhil – virtuous deeds, the purpose of philosophical pursuit for al-Fārābī (d. 951). Amanah – trusteeship over creation, linked with the concepts of Khilafat (stewardship, vice-regency) and faith (iman) that God offered to the heavens, the earth, and to the mountains but they refused to accept this (Q 22:72). Then man foolishly accepted. Foolishness refers to the aspect of hubris involved in accepting this trust, which is easily broken, resulting in punishment; yet God is inclined to forgive (see Fitra). Amir/emir – commander: the early caliphs used the title Amīr al-Mu’minīn (commander of the faithful) to designate their role in military leadership. Amir was used for high-ranking commanders, equivalent to General or Field Marshall in English. Some commanders became hereditary rulers, thus “prince” may also be used. Amman Message – published in 2004 by the King of Jordan with the support of 200 scholars from 50 countries, this represents an important voice for unity and reconciliation. It recognizes eight legal schools as authentic; the four dominant Sunni schools, plus the Jafari, Zaydi, Zahiri, and Ibadi. No one should pronounce takfir on any Muslim who conforms to the beliefs and practices of these schools. The initiative has also published an Interfaith Message (2005) calling for “full acceptance and good will” between “Muslims, Jews and Christian” who can agree on and work for “peace, human rights, social justice and moral values.” Amr bil-Maroof wa Nahi An il-Munkir – enjoining good and forbidding wrong is a Qurʾānic description of the Muslim community’s raison d’etre, fundamental duty; see Q 3:110. Amthal – similes or parables (singular mathal); the Qurʾān uses parables to teach; verses include 2:26, 17:89; 22:73; 24:35 “the parable of His Light,” 29:43; 30:58; and 39:27.

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Anṣār – (helpers) the citizens of Medina, who allied themselves to Muhammad, invited him to settle in what was then Yathrib and then offered him and his fellow migrants (Muhajirun) assistance as they established themselves there. It is also a name denoting descent from the helpers. Aqida – translates as “creed.” Technically, the Shahadah (first pillar) is the only obligatory statement of faith in Islam; however, over time a list of six items evolved, the essentials of faith (Iman Mufassal) namely, belief in God, in God’s angles, scriptures, messengers, day of judgment, and God’s power. The latter may also be rendered “destiny” or “predestination.” 2:177 lists the first five items; for the sixth, see 3:18; 5:38; and 40:2. ‘Aql – reason, used in jurisprudence, theology, and philosophy (translated the Greek nous); debate surrounded the extent to which law that was explicit in the Qurʾān could be deduced by human reason and about the relationship of reason and revelation. arkān-al-Islām or arkān ad-dīn – pillars of Islam or pillars of religion; the five mandatory duties, namely to recite the Shahada, offer the five daily prayers, fast during the month of Ramadan, contribute to charity, and perform the hajj once during your life. Asa – is a staff, symbolic of teaching authority, often carried by the khaṭīb when preaching the Friday sermon. Said to be based on Muhammad’s example; origin may lie in pre-Islamic practice. ʻaṣabīya – collective solidarity; historian and social thinker, Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406), used this in his theory about the rise and fall of empires. Dynasties often begin on the edge of empires and in desert zones, seizing power from weak rulers by generating support from their clan or tribe or region as reformers; eventually, the cycle repeats itself. Asās – foundation, a higher term than Imām, it is sometimes used for ʿAlī; knowledge of the esoteric or mysteries of religion were communicated through him to his spiritual successors. asbab al-nuzul – situations of revelation, traditions about the context and circumstances of verses as Muhammad received them. The singular sabab means cause or reason. Reconstructing these is a branch of tafsir—ḥadīth do not habitually describe contexts but decisions about whether verses are of universal or circumstantial application largely depend on knowledge of the original context. Ashrāf – noble (from sharīf “noble” or highborn; opposite of atrāf); this is used as a title or family name denoting noble or Arab descent in parts of the Muslim world. It is also used to denote a claim to descent from Muhammad through Fatimah. Sharifian dynasties trace their ancestry from Muhammad. 330

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ʻĀshūrā – the tenth day of the month of Muharram, the first month of the Islamic calendar which marks the tragic events at Karbala in 680 (see Karbala). Shīʿah mourn the deaths of Husayn, Muhammad’s grandson (regarded as the third Imām) and his 72 supporters. Mourning includes street procession, public self-flagellation, visiting shrines, and enacting passion plays (taʿziyah)—in Shīʿah Islam, the undeserved suffering of the martyred Imāms is invested with a certain vicarious aspect. ʾasmāʾ allāh al-ḥusnā – beautiful names of God (Q 7:180; 17:110; Q 59:24; of which there are traditionally 99 derived from the Qurʾān. Often recited during dhikr, individually or collectively, perhaps using a rosary (Misbaha). Widely associated with Sufi Islam, this is also an aspect of non-Sufi or even anti-Sufi version of Islam. Assalamu Alaikum – “peace be on you”; response, wa `alaykumu s-salām—Muslims are instructed in the Qurʾān to exchange this greeting when they meet (Q 6:54). Atrāf – denotes peasant or non-Arab decscent in parts of the Muslim world; people of atrāf descent might over time claim Ashrāf ancestry, considered more socially desirable. Āyah – literally a sign—singular āyāt—the Qurʾān refers to the universe, day, night, and other “signs” as evidence of God’s reality. Each verse is an ayah. Ayatollah – sign of God, is a title in the Ithnā ‘Asharī Shīʿah scholarly hierarchy who is qualified to exercise ijtihad in reaching judicial opinions. Senior Ayatollahs receive an additional title Uzma (great). Promotion is proportionate to the number of followers a scholar attracts; in Ithnā ‘Asharī loyalty (emulation, or taqlīd) is given for life to a living scholar of a person’s choice. Awliyaa – friends—term for friends of God and of Muslims, who may take some people but not others as friends; see 5:51; 5:57; 60:13. God is the friend of believers (2:257) who have no need to fear or grieve (10:62). The word is also used of Sufi saints as friends of God (walī, friend substitutes for the English word saint). Women saints, such as Rabi’ah (d. 801), as well as men are friends of God. B Baqā’ – used by Sufis to refer to loss of a sense of individuality or of the self as consciousness is flooded by awareness of the divine as all-in-all; taqwá pervades their being. Linked with the doctrine of the unity of being, Wahdat al-wujūd. Baraka – blessing, this can be used as part of the standard greeting (AssalamuAlaikum Wa Rahmatu Allahi Wa Barakatuh). It also refers to the blessing believers experience through their Sufi masters, sometimes experienced as miracles. barā’ah – disassociation, to disavow, a strategy that avoids taking any punitive action against those thought heretical or apostate, leaving judgment to God while protecting the unity of the community. 331

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Batin – refers to the inner or esoteric meaning of a Qurʾānic verse or aspect of Islam, emphasized in Sufi and Shīʿah Islam. Bayat (or bay’ah) – oath; pledged to caliphs and their designated successors. It was given by leading Muslims and certainly by office-holders. Osama bin Laden accepted bayat from followers. In Sufi Islam, formal membership of an order involved giving bayat during an initiation ceremony. Bid’a – refers to innovation or introducing a view of practice into Islam that contravenes Islamic principles; ḥadīth condemn innovation and extol taqlīd (emulating tradition); see Muslim, 1885; 4266; 5923 for examples of traditions. What represents innovation is reform for others. Bilā kayf/ bi la kaifa – “without asking how” a formula popularized by al-Ash’arī; Muslims should accept that God sees and hears, for example, without asking how—the “how” (al-Kaiyfyyah) is beyond human ability to conceive. Bismillahi – in the Name of God; every chapter of the Qurʾān except nine begins with this formula. This phrase was constantly on Muhammad’s lips. It is used by Muslims before commencing any important task. al-Burāq – he winged-creature that transported Muhammad from Mecca to Jerusalem and back, according to tradition. The word means lightning; Buraq has a human head and the body of a horse or donkey (see al-‘Isrā’ wal-Mi’rāğ). C (there is no equivalent of C in Arabic) Caliph – is the usual English rendering of the Arabic Khalifa (khulafa, plural). In the Qurʾān (2:30), Adam (and therefore humanity) is designated caliph, David is also referred to as a caliph (38:27) that is, God’s deputy or vice-regent. This title was used for Abu Bakr, who succeeded Muhammad to the leadership of the community in 632 and for those who followed him. The first four caliphs, later designated “rightly guided” (Rāshidūn) were selected by various means; after 661, succession was restricted to dynasties. Various rivals claimed the title including the Meccan caliphate (680–92), the Fatimids (909–1171), and the Andalusian Umayyads (929–1031) (sometimes called anti-caliphs). However, three dynastic caliphates are generally recognized, Ummayad (Damascus) (661–759), Abbasids (750–1517), and the Ottoman (1517–924). After 1924 (abolition of Ottoman caliphate) no consensus on how or whether to revive the office has emerged; some Islamists aim to do this, although they do not specify how, or who would become caliph. Conferences took place at Cairo in 1926 and Jerusalem in 1931 but no action followed. A campaign in India to preserve the caliphate had some Shīʿah support; while illegitimate, the office had a degree of validity and its demise was symptomatic of Islam’s wider political decline. Some Jihādist organizations specify reviving the caliphate as

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a goal. While Shīʿah prefer the title Imām for their leaders, caliphs were also Imāms in their religiously symbolic function, thus caliph and Imām can be interchangeable. D Dā’ī – one who calls (plural; du’āt), or preaches Islam (Da’wa); a rank in Ismā’īlī Islam below or substituting for the Imām; Alamut was governed by Dā’ī from 1090 until 1162, when the Imām moved there. Mustaali branches of Ismā’īlī follow du’āt since 1132 or at times a caretaker, or Walī. Ḍaʻīf – a weak tradition; cannot be used for juridical purposes.They may be used for exhortation. ad-Dajjal or Masih ad-Dajjal – the False Messiah, Satan’s deputy, features in stories and traditions about the end time battle between good and evil; the combined forces of the Mahdi and ‘Īsā (Jesus) will defeat Dajjal.Traditions describe how each will be recognized, lest their identities are confused. During ritual prayers, Muslims take refuge from the temptations of the False Messiah. Dar-al-Amn – a technical word used to refer to “abode of safety”—territory not governed by Muslims but considered friendly, that is, Muslims are free to practice Islam. Dar-al-Harb – a technical term for “abode” or “house” of war; this territory is considered hostile toward Muslims. For some Muslims, it must be subjugated when opportunity permits, that is, brought under Muslim rule. The term was first used by jurist and law school eponym, Abū Ḥanīfah (d. 767). Some Muslim argue for a perpetual war with temporary truces (no longer than ten years). Dar-al-Islam – the house or abode of Islam, refers to territory under Muslim rule, used with other terms designating the status of various territories from the eighth century. Derived from Q 10:25 and 6:127. Darajah – refers to those who are raised in rank. Certain people are said to be raised in rank by knowledge (58:11), due to having striven in the way of God (4: 95) and by performing good deeds (6:132; 20:75; 46:19). Some verses appear to attribute special authority to those raised in rank, saying that God has exalted some above others (6:165). Use of the word at 2:228 to indicate a difference of rank between women and men has been the basis of claiming that men cannot be subordinate to women in Islam. Dargâh – mausoleum, refers to Sufi saint’s tombs, places of pilgrimage for Sufis; often where the living sheikh teaches; compounds may include hospice, hospital (often for animals too), and a school (Khanqah). Visits (ziyārat) to Sufi shrines are condemned as innovation by anti-Sufi Muslims.

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da’wah – calling or inviting people to become Muslim; the term can be used for Muslim evangelism or mission. Against charges of using force to convert non-Muslims, Muslims frequently cite Q 2:256 “there is no compulsion in religion.” Dhat – essence, refers to God’s essence in discussion about the ṣifāt, attributes. Dhikr – remembrance, used throughout the Qurʾān to invite people to remember God’s signs, God’s words through the prophets, and what happened to those who ignored God and God’s prophets. Used in Sufi Islam for the practice of “remembering God,” often reciting the 99 Names. May be practiced collectively during a sama (listening) ceremony, or sometimes privately in a mosque before or after ritual prayer. Tasbih is a form of remembrance that uses short sentences in praise of God; a Misbaha is a rosary (99 beads). Dhimma (protected community) – refers to religious social and legal entities within a Muslim state. They were permitted to maintain their own internal laws and religious practices; certain restrictions applied to dress, means of travel, public displays of religious symbols, and participation in public life, although at times Dhimmī occupied high civil offices. These rules are attributed to Caliph ʿUmar II (d. 717; see www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/pact-ʿUmar.asp). They were not always enforced. Restrictions on where people could live were rare. Leaders were approved by the Muslim ruler—usually a Patriarch, Nasi (Jewish prince, or Nagid), or Chief Rabbi (Hakham Bashi). The jizya tax was paid in return for protection (Dhimmī were prohibited from carrying and using arms). Dīn – used at Q 1:4 for the Day of Judgment, often translated as “religion” some modernist and progressive Muslims regard Islam as din; unity of religion and politics depends on circumstances. 2:256 cited above used din, as does 3:85 (God will accept no religion other than Islam). din-wa dawla – unity of religion and state, a popular expression among Salafi Muslims and supporters of political Islam. For some Muslims, the unity of religion and state under Muhammad at Medina is normative. The expression is not found in the Qurʾān but corresponds to how Muhammad’s leadership at Medina is described, combining religious and temporal authority. Diyya (plural: Diyyat) – is blood money, payable as ransom or as compensation to the relatives of a victim (usually of manslaughter) as a form of remittance; see 5:45. This is preferable to “an eye for an eye” or qisas (retaliation), which is permitted but discouraged. Du’a – voluntary and often ex tempore supplicatory prayer; offered in any language. Du’a is led by the prayer leader during Friday congregational prayers

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(after the second, shorter address). The three daily prayers are called du’a in Ismā’īlī Islam. Dunya – “world”; used to describe what might be called the temporal or political aspects of Islam; for some Muslims, whether Muslims choose to establish legal and political systems predicated on Islamic principles is a voluntary matter. For others, dīn is inseparable from dunya. E This vowel does not have an equivalent in Arabic, although “e” is found in transliteration, for example in various outmoded spellings of Muhammad (Mohammed) and in words such as Eid (festival), Mecca, Medina, and Mosque. F Faddalah – the word is translated as “protectors” at Q 4:34, which says that husbands are protectors of women because Allah made them stronger. Some Muslims regards this as universally subjecting women to male authority. Falsafa (philosophy), ulum-al- falsafiyya, philosophical sciences – first used as a transliteration of the Greek into Arabic. Later, the word was used to refer to Islamic philosophy; suspicion of philosophy as a foreign science imported into Islam may have been partly due to use of this term rather than an Arabic word. fanā – to “pass away” or “cease”—used by Sufis to refer to the goal of baqāʾ, the loss of a sense of individuality or of the self as their consciousness is flooded by awareness of the divine as all-in-all; taqwá pervades their being. Faqr – “poverty”; faqir (English fakir; a mendicant Sufi who chooses poverty as a way of life), is a stage or station (maqām) on the journey from self-centered life to a life centered on God. Islam does not recognize an absolute right to property; this is qualified by the principles of good stewardship (an empty house could in theory be confiscated and used to accommodate the destitute). The poor (Fuqarā’) occurs in passages such as Q 24:32 and 9:60. Farḍ – duties, regarded as obligatory, especially the five pillars, although the dietary rules and marriage are also farḍ. Fardu Kifaya – are collective duties in Islam such as establishing the Khilafat, defending the community (Jihād) and attending a funeral. al-Fath – victory, chapter 48 of the Qurʾān, which described the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah (628) as a great victory. The surrender of Mecca (630) was also called al-Fath.

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Al-Fātihah – the opening, the first chapter of the Qurʾān; often the first memorized by a Muslim child; as part of every prayer cycle, this is recited 17 times a day. A small number of scholars identify it as Muhammad’s first revelation; some regard it as the first complete chapter. Al-fatra – refers to a break in revelation between 96:1–4 and possibly 68 (which reassured Muhammad that he was God’s messenger) and his summons to preach in public, probably 74:1–5. He is described as “wrapped in his cloak”; Khadijah had wrapped him in his cloak after the first revelation, which now becomes a form of address. This pause may have lasted two years or longer. Fatwā – is an opinion given by a qualified Muslim scholar or muftī (jursiconsult). Sunni Muslims may seek opinions from scholars who belong to their own legal school and from those belonging to other schools. Fatāwā are not legally binding for Sunni although muftis may be state appointed; in Shīʿah, a fatwā is sometimes binding on individuals as long as the issuing scholar is alive. Councils of scholars may issues opinions. Fiqh – jurisprudence, some Muslims regard fiqh as human interpretation or applications of Sharīʿah (divine law) to meet circumstances that can change, while the Law itself is immutable. Firqa – sect (firaq, singular); because determining what is or is not a “sect” is evaluative, the academy tends to use terms such as sub-tradition, branch, or school. Firqān – criterion (from the root to separate or distinguish), also a synonym for the Qurʾān as the criterion between truth and falsehood (chapter 25; see also Q 2:53, 185; 3:4; 8:29, 41; 21:48; 25:1. Fitna – civil strife or dissension; the Aisha-led rebellion of 656 against ʿAlī is often cited as the first fitna. Successful revolts do not usually attract the label. Fitna compromises the unity of the community, so is considered especially heinous. The first, the Battle of the Camel, was led by a woman, impacting notions about women’s right to govern in later Muslim discourse. fiṭra – means nature, or the natural world. Islam is “din-al-fiṭra”—the religion of nature, that is, humans are naturally muslim (an interpetaion of Q 30:30). Everyone is a Muslim at birth; by upbringing or opportunity, some become rarefied Muslims; some (born in non-Muslim contexts) later revert (becoming Muslim is also called reverting, rather than converting). Some follow other religions or no religion, depending on circumstances and choice. In the Qurʾān, the sun, hills, and trees praise God (22:18); Solomon expresses concern for the welfare of ants (27:18), bees receive revelation (16: 68) while the she-camel has a right to graze freely (see 11:61–2; 81:4; 26:155–7; 91:12-14).

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Fuqahā’ – means jurists (legal scholars); singular faqih; such men are often employed by independent foundations, rather than by the state. Some famous scholars were imprisoned by governments for opposing them including Abū Ḥanīfah, (d. 767), Ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855), Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), and, more recently, Mawdūdī, (d. 1979). Fusul – these are epistles (literally chapters; singular fasl) of the Imāms in Shīʿah Islam, especially Ismā’īlī. futūh – conquest—wars of conquest, Islam’s early geographical expansion. From Fath (opening, victory), also genre of literature about these battles; conquest of Mecca is referred to as Fath (name of Surah 48). The first Surah, al-Fatiha, means “the opening.” Futya – legal interpretations, decisions, or opinions of qualified Muslim jurists. G Gabriel – Arabic Jibrāʾīl, the angel who mediated God’s revelation to Muhammad, to other prophets, and to Zacharia and Mary (father of John the Baptist and mother of Jesus, Maryam); he has authority from the Owner of the Throne (81:19–20). Gabriel is considered one of four archangels. Al-Ghalab – (domination) as in taghallub (tyrannical rule) or despotism, condemned in Muslim discourse, especially by al-Fārābī (d. 951). Gharib – refers to a tradition with “poor” support, such as only one narrator. Al-Ghayb – the Unseen, a Qurʾānic term for that which God sees and knows, a term that is used in Sufi and philosophical (and Shīʿah) discourse.Q 2:2–4 describes belief in the unseen as a requirement of faith. Ghazw, ghazawāt – means to raid; various forms of this word are used to describe raids into non-Muslim space by Ghāzīy (warriors); early Muslim raids on caravans from Medina, before the battle of Badr, were ghazawāt. The term has also been used to describe non-Muslim conquest of Muslim territory. The word is also used for battles in which Muhammad participated. Ghulāt – from ghulū, means extremist; some Shīʿah apply this designation to groups considered to be on the fringes of Islam, or beyond the fringe; eight, including the Alawis and Alevis (mainly found in Syria and Turkey respectively), are often identified (see chapter five). Some Sunni apply this term to Wahhabis. H Ḥadīth – account, tradition; refers to a report of an act or saying of Muhammad (plural aḥadīth; almost never used in English). Six collections are recognized as

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sound (ṣahīh) by Sunni, four by Shīʿah. Classical collections are thematic, with ḥadīth gathered under topics (they may be repeated elsewhere); the earliest collections were organized under initial narrators’ names. Ḥāfiẓ – (plural huffāẓ) title earned by those who learn to recite the whole of the Qurʾān from memory, following the rules of recitation (of which there are several schools). Dar-al-huffāz is a school where the Qurʾān is memorized (courses may take up to six years to complete), often part of a mosque campus. Hifz al-Quran (memorizing the Qurʾān) refers to various technique or methods of memorization. A Qāri’ (reciter) must first become a Ḥāfiẓ. Hajj – annual pilgrimage from the eighth to twelfth days of the twelfth lunar month of the Islamic calendar (Dhul Ḥijja); takes place in and near Mecca. Many rituals are associated with the stories of Abraham and Ishmael. Detailed rite is from the sunnah; the fifth pillar of Islam, it is mandatory for women and men once in their life, if financial circumstances permit. Non-Muslims are not permitted to enter Mecca. A Hajji is one who has completed the hajj, often used as an honorific (feminine, hajja). Hākimiyya – God’s rule or sovereignty, as opposed to human rule; some Muslims criticize Western systems for usurping the divine prerogative as law-giver; the human task is interpretation, not legislation. Ḥalāl – permitted, used for food and acts; not all permitted acts are ḥalāl—some are encouraged, neutral, and disliked but not punishable (see Mandub, Mubah, Makrūh). Animals must be slaughtered in God’s name; aligned with the Qiblah, the throat is slit to allow blood to drain (5:3). If faced with starvation, any food can be eaten (5:3). If Ḥalāl is unavailable, Christians and Jewish food is permitted (5:5). Halqa – circle of students. Ḥanīf – plural ḥunafā’ were Arab monotheists who maintained the traditions of Abraham, with whom Muhammad was probably associated. They “rejected idolatry”; Abraham is described as a Ḥanīf (upright) at Q 3:67, which says that he was neither a Christian nor a Jew but a Ḥanīf. Al-Ḥaqq – truth, a Divine Name; the mystic Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj was executed in 922 for exclaiming that he was “truth.” Ḥarām – prohibited when used of an act or food—thus eating pork and committing adultery are haram. Ḥarām acts are punishable. Different views on what is permitted include whether music is permitted, whether men must wear beards, and whether women can wear pants. A related word means “sacred”—the three cities, Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem are “(ḥaram).

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Harb – war: one of two commonly used words for war in the Qurʾān. The first verse permitting use of arms was probably 22:39–40, which uses qital (the other usual word for fighting or for doing battle) is clearly a response to oppression and expulsion; places of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim worship are sacrosanct. That limits are set for war is clear from 2:190, which says that God does not love mu’tadeen, transgressors, those who go beyond what is permitted. ḥasan – good (or noble), the second category of ḥadīth; at Q 33:21 Muhammad’s sunnah is described as ḥasan. Ḥashshāshīn – assassins, operated from Alamut, capital of a small, noncontiguous polity of hilltop forts ruled by the Ismā’īlīs after the collapse of the Fatimid Empire. The Ḥashshāshīn saw themselves as Fedayeen (fida’is)—those willing to sacrifice their lives in a just cause, protecting the Imāms who lived at Alamut. Hashish may have been mistaken for a reference to Islam’s foundations (Asās, plural osos) by Crusaders who first used the name. The Fedayeen did carry out assassinations of political and sometimes religious leaders. Presumably, they selected those whose deaths might aid their survival; Crusaders were targeted; they also entered alliances with Christians for defensive purposes. Ḥijāb – translated as veil or curtain. Qurʾānic references are usually to a partition, rather than to a garment that covers the face. The word was also used for the curtain that separated the later Abbasid caliphs from their petitioners. At Q 33:53, it refers to curtain separating Muhammad’s wives from visitors; believers were entering homes, including the prophet’s, without asking permission (24:27–9). At 7:46 it refers to a curtain between heaven and hell. Taking the ḥijāb was a synonym for marrying Muhammad. Some argue that wearing a veil applied exclusively to Muhammad’s wives; since there is no requirement to wear a veil while performing the hajj, they argue that this should not be considered mandatory for routine activities. Hijrah – Muhammad’s migration with his companions from Mecca to Medina in 622; this was later chosen as year 0 of the Hijri (Islamic) calendar, probably by ʿUmar; any migration from persecution or place of non-Muslim rule is considered a hijrah. There is debate about whether the migration was voluntary or forced; did they migrate or were they expelled? Q 22:40 gave Muslims permission to engage in self-defense following eviction. 22:58 could support a voluntary movement (those who leave their homes for Allah’s cause). Some Muslims were prevented from leaving. The first hijrah took place in 615 when Muhammad sent the first of two parties of believers to seek asylum in Ethiopia. Al-Hikma – (wisdom) Bayt Ul-Hikma, (House of Wisdom) was the academy founded in Baghdad in the eighth century.

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Ḥisba (from the Arabic for verification) – refers to the moral police or laws in some Muslim jurisdictions; laws regulating moral conduct and conformity. ḥizb (singular, plural aḥzāb) – party. The terms occurs 17 times referring to groups, parties, or factions, often in a negative or schismatic sense (see 19:37; 30:32). 58:19 refers to the Devil’s party. 5:56 and 58:22 use the term “party of God.” Political parties are called ḥizb; some Muslims say that there can be but one party of Allah (this was Hasan an-Banna’s view), so a plurality of parties is un-Islamic. Al-Ḥubb – love, a name of God, used 69 times in various forms in the Qurʾān; love of God and God’s love for believers are major Sufi themes, often expressed in terms of the relation of the lover and beloved. Hudaybiyyah – Treaty of (628), ten year truce which Muhammad and his allies entered into with the Quraysh and their allies after being prevented from performing Umrah in 628. The treaty granted them this right by halting hostilities. In 629, the first pilgrimage was performed. Some Muslims argue that no treaty can last for more than ten years. Hudud – limits or extreme with reference to such Qurʾānic punishments as amputation or execution; considered maximum sentences after other options, including restitution and imprisonment, have been considered; victims contribute to the final verdict. ḥujjatu l-Islām – proof of islam; Al-Ghazālī was called “proof of Islam.” This is a title for senior Shīʿah scholars. Hukm – order, refers to an executive order or edict issued by a caliph or other Muslim ruler, usually understood as effective in the temporal or secular realm, although the expression hukum Allah refers to God’s laws. ḥulūl – divine indwelling, used to describe the Sufi experience of unity with the divine, when awareness of subject-object duality (between God and the believer), dissolves, considered heretical by some Muslims. I Ibadah – worship—from abd, slave. The word refers to liturgical prayer, devotional acts and to any permitted activity, including sexual relations, for example. Ibadi – are the majority in Oman with smaller communities in North Africa and East Africa, often said to be neither Sunni nor Shīʿah. Origins trace back to the Kharijites who abandoned ʿAlī at Siffin when he agreed to human mediation. Subsequently, Ibadi developed distinctive traditions. Unlike the Kharijites, they refrained from takfir and taking action against those declared heretical or apostate. Instead, they practiced disassociation (barā’ah). 340

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ʾIblīs – also called Satan (Shayṭān) is the tempter who tries to persuade people to forsake the straight path and rebel against God. In the Qurʾān, he appears to have God’s permission to tempt humanity because he will never succeed with those whose hearts are truly God-centered (17:65; 58:10). There are 88 references to Satan in the Qurʾān. ‘Īd al-‘Aḍḥa – Eid of sacrifice or “Big Eid,” which takes places on the tenth day of the twelfth month during the hajj. It remembers Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son as a test of faith; although not named, Muslims believe that the son (37:99–109) was Ishmael. The word ‘Īd appears at Q 5:114. A ram or goat or another animal is killed, remembering the substitute sacrifice provided by Abraham. A generous portion is given to the poor. ‘Īd al- l-Fiṭr (usually transliterated Eid-al-Fitr in English) – one of two Festivals in Islam considered mandatory. It ends the month of fasting. Popularly called “little Eid.” Practices vary but often involve wearing new clothes and sharing food with family, friends, and with those unable to host their own celebration. Idribuhanna – usually translated beat or hit at Q 4:34, which appears to justify men beating their wives, although traditions describe what is permitted as a rather playful, light slap. At 57:13, a form of this word refers to a curtain between heaven and hell. Some argue that the meaning at 3:34 should be understood as “separating from” or “striking out in a new direction.” Iftar – breaking the fast during Ramadan, often with dates (based on Muhammad’s custom) and sweets before prayers. Increasingly this is a time for improving relations with non-Muslims in Europe and North America who are invited to share; the White House in Washington, DC has regularly hosted an Iftar. Iḥrām – state of ritual purity entered by ablution at the start of the hajj and (for men) by putting on two seamless white cloths. Deceased (except for those who die during the hajj) are also washed and wrapped in the white cloth. Ihram is a state of mind as well as of external conformity to purity rules. Ihsan – from ahsana “perfection”—Islam comprises external acts (Islam), inner faith (Imām), and Ihsan (which has both esoteric and exoteric aspects). This is the outer expression of inner purity; it can be described as doing what is beautiful. As an area of Law, Ihsan denotes ethics (see chapter …..). Islam consists of Ihasan and Iman. Ilhām – inspiration of the heart. Prophets and Imāms for Shīʿah are inspired when acting in their official capacities; ḥadīth record the words of the prophet rather than God’s direct speech expressing God’s guidance through the prophet or Imām. Shīʿah Imāms do not receive fresh revelation.

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Insān – the Qurʾānic term for “man” (Surah 76), appears to be interchangeable with bashar (for example, 4:1 uses bashar, 76:1 and 103:2 Insān) (humanity) thus it can embrace male and female. Humanity is also Bani Adam (the children of Adam) (see 7:26; 17:70). al-Insān al-Kāmil – the perfect man, Muhammad and Sufi saints who reach the goal of spiritual perfection (women and men). I’jaz – refers to the impossibility of emulating the Qurʾān’s linguistic eloquence (see 2: 23 and 17: 88). For some, the Qurʾān is a unique category of literature, and is qualitatively different from all other texts;.As divine speech, it cannot be subjected to the same type of critical analysis as other texts. The notion of the Qurʾān as a “text” is debated. ijàzat al-riwàya – license to transmit what a student has studied under a teacher’s guidance, usually restricted to what has been read. When a license (ījāzas) authorizes the teaching of works written by others as well as by the teacher, these were usually listed. Ijazah ‘ammah authorized a student to transmit everything that his teacher was licensed to teach. The issuer of a license is a mujiz. Ijmāʿ – is the principle of consensus, a fundamental tool in Islamic jurisprudence. Originally, this was probably the consensus of the whole community; later it referred to the consensus of the Ulamā (scholars). Ijmah is based on a saying that “My people will not agree in error” (khata’) (Abū Dāwūd, book 30, ḥadīth 4240). ʼijtihād – mans mental effort or striving to deduce a point of law. Usually only the most accomplished and respected scholars (mujtahidun) could exercise ʼijtihād. Historically, Sunni scholars were reluctant to exercise ʼijtihād after the four eponyms of the most popular legal schools died. Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328) called for the reopening of the gates of ʼijtihād, as have many subsequent scholars. Traditionally, an opinion or decision resulting from ʼijtihād required confirmation thought ijmāʿ. Ikhtilaf – accepted differences between the four main Sunni legal schools, which are said to agree on all essential items. Disagreement within accepted limits is considered healthy; a tradition cites Muhammad saying that “diversity of opinion is a mercy.” He is also said to have predicted that Muslims would splinter into 73 firqa (sub-traditions, usually rendered sects; all destined for hell except one (Abū Dāwūd, 4579). Some Muslims regard their version as the one true firaq; all others are heretical. ‘ilm – knowledge, root of ‘alim; ‘ilmi refers to scholarly or scientific pursuit in Islam. The conviction that all knowledge is from God links scholarship across the disciplines (i.e. across secular and religious subjects) with religion in Islam.

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‘ilm al-kalām – theological discourse; originally, Kalam was used to translate “theology” from Greek writings. Western writers tended to see theology as secondary to jurisprudence in Islam. Ilmil-mirâth – also l ‘I lmil-farâyied, laws of inheritance; see Q 4:11–12. The Qurʾān stipulates inheritance as a right, protecting heirs and dependents from forfeiting this. Defrauding widows and orphans of their inheritance, previously a common practice, is condemned (4:10). Parents and children receive set portions after debts have been paid. Inheritance is proportionate, depending on who has survived; sons receive a larger share. This is often explained with reference to the requirement that men support women financially (see 4:34). Women keep any personal income (4:32) and inherited property (and their mahr, bridal price; 4:20); they are not expected to use any of this to help run the household, which is a male responsibility. Muslim feminists point out that a woman can contribute, if she wishes. Iman – faith, Islam’s inner dimension, often summarized as belief in the six articles (Iman Mufassal); see Aqida. Imām – “he who stands first” (not usually italicized in English usage)—anyone who leads ritual prayer is an Imām. In Sunni, the eponyms of the four most popular legal schools are referred to as “Imām.” In Shīʿah, the word is often reserved for the infallible, inspired, preordained leader of the ummah, a male descendant of Muhammad through Fatimah and her husband, ʿAlī, who may be “hidden” or “present” depending on the branch of Shīʿah. ʿAlī is counted as the first Imām or given a higher title. Shīʿah Imāms did not necessarily use the title during their life; some did, some may not have regarded themselves as Imām. Imāmology—Imām as infallible (isma), inspired (ilham), and sinless (masuma)—is largely attributed to Ja’far al-Sadiq, d. 765, considered the sixth Imām (although he does not appear to have had political aspirations). Successors are designated (nass), or elected (Ibadi), or emerge (Zaydi). Women can lead other women in prayer but traditionally leading men’s prayer and preaching to men has been a male privilege. Some Muslims challenge this restriction. Imamah – the term for authority in Shīʿah Islam (political and religious). In shaa’Allah – God willing, a popular phrase in everyday Muslim discourse; people will see each other as arranged, for example if God wills. It is mandated at Q 18:23. Injil(ʾInǧīl) – is the Arabic word for the scripture that God gave ʿĪsā (Jesus) (used 12 times; see Q 3:48; 5:46). Referred to in the singular, most Muslims do not think that this gospel is any of the four in the Christian New Testament. Some

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Muslims believe that either the original has been distorted and changed beyond recognition (see ṭaḥrīf), or was lost. Some champion the Gospel of Barnabas, which they attribute to Paul’s companion; many non-Muslim scholars think this a sixteenth-century forgery. Iqama – the second call to prayer offered immediately before the ritual begins (after the second khuṭbah and supplicatory prayer on Fridays); this call is recited more rapidly than the first. Irtidād – Apostasy (see Q 5:54). Islah – reform; several political parties are called Islah in various Muslim states. What some consider reform, others call innovation or Bid’a. Islam – (Islām) the name of the religion (not normally italicized in English usage), incorrectly called Mohammedanism in earlier Western writing. Islam can be translated as “Submission” although this misses the link with the root meaning, which is peace. Islam is given as the religion’s name at 5:3, which may have been the last verse revealed to Muhammad (see also 2:208; 39:12; 41:33). Islamist – is widely used as a synonym for Salafists and for political parties that advocate full implementation of sharīʿah and constructing an Islamic polity. There are parties with distinctly religious identities in Muslim states that are not Islamist (they do not aim to radically alter existing, quasi secular or secular constitutions), such as Justice and Development Party in Turkey and the National Awakening Party in Indonesia. Isma – infallibility; Shīʿah Imāms are believed to be infallible, as are prophets at least when delivering God’s message (as opposed to speaking, for example, about how to plant certain crops). Ismā’īlīs – or sevener Shīʿah, split from what became Ithnā ‘Asharī after the death of the sixth Imām, Ja’far al-Sadiq, when they chose to recognize his oldest son (already deceased) as seventh Imām; instead of Musa, considered more appropriate by others. The Fatimid dynasty (909–1171) was Ismā’īlī. Many Ismaili still follow a living or “present Imām.” Nizaris are led by the Aga Khan. The Aga Khan’s are also “princes” having intermarried with Iran’s royal houses. The worldwide Nizārī population is approximately 15 million. The Druze are also considered an Ismā’īlī offshoot, evolving after the death or disappearance (or occultation) of the sixteenth Imām (d. 1021). For various Ismā’īlī offshoots, see under Musta’ali. Isnād – “support”; refers to the list of narrators or transmitters of ḥadīth or other reports. Each link in the chain is investigated to validate their piety, honesty,

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and geographical location; many scholarly works include isnāds (plural sanad) as well as ḥadīth collections. al-‘Isrā, Laylat al `Isra – Night Journey, Gabriel accompanies Muhammad on the winged-beast, Buraq, from Mecca to the top of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, where the Ascent (Mi’rāğ) follows before they return on Buraq to Mecca; dated 621; see under al-Mi’rāğ for discussion on historicity. See the opening verse of Surah 17. Istighfar – confession, for example during the break between addresses during Friday prayer, an opportunity for private supplication and confession. istihsan – a juristic principle, mainly used by Hanafis, to determine judgments that promote the public good, that which is beautiful or good as opposed to what is istiqbah (ugly, bad). Istislah – is a juristic principle that considers the public interest or welfare; see maslaha. Mālik ibn Anas (d. 795) proposed this against opposition from some jurists. ittihad-i Khaliq wa Makhluq – unity of creator and the created; Sufi idea that ultimately there is no duality between God and God’s “creation” because God is all in all. It challenges an ex nihilo concept of creation, suggesting that creation emanates from the Creator; some see a hint of this in Q 21:104. Iʿtikāf – is a type of spiritual retreat, usually in a mosque for the last ten days of Ramadan, based on Muhammad’s custom. J Jadhba – being pulled toward God by attraction, used in Sufi and other Islamic discourse. Jahannam – hell, described in the Qurʾān as hot, dry, without any food or comfort, a place of perpetual pain. These descriptions can be understood as metaphors, or as a more literal description. There are an equal number of references to hell and heaven. Jāhilīyah – ignorance; refers to pre-Islamic Arabia as the age of ignorance; most of what is known about this period is through critical, Islamic sources, given that the culture did not produce written texts. The term was revived by Sayyid Qutb and other Salafis, who applied it both to non-Muslim societies and to Muslims living in, tolerating, or supporting illegitimate Islamic states. Jannah – paradise; from the word for Garden, described as a place of comfort, flowing water, and abundant food in the Qurʾān. Earthly gardens are reflections of this environment; spaces for peaceful reflection and rest. See 37:40–47; for a comparison with hell, see 47:15. References to heaven balance reference to hell, appearing 77 times each (Seyal 2006, 22).

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Jihād – literally “Striving,” occurs in various forms 41 times in the Qurʾān. Jurists identify Jihād of the heart (Jihād bil qalb) as inner spiritual struggle against temptation (and the devil), Jihād of the tongue (Jihād bil lisan) as speaking truth and spreading Islam by word; Jihād of the hand (Jihād bil yad) as choosing the right and combatting evil; Jihād of the sword (Jihād bis saif) refers to armed struggle. The latter may be qualified as defensive only or to end oppression and injustice although some Muslims argue that nondefensive war is permitted when the goal is to extend Islamic rule. Unvalidated traditions speaks about the lesser (Jihād al asghar) and greater Jihāds (Jihād al-akbar); armed Jihād is the lesser. Jihād was traditionally considered a collective, not individual, duty; some Muslims regard it as a sixth pillar, following the Kharijite view. It must be summoned by the caliph or by a recognized Muslim authority. Calls have not always succeeded in recruting support (see Q 2: 195; 4: 29). Jihādist – a popular term used in the media for Muslims who use violence to pursue their agendas, whether against other Muslims whom they denounce as apostate or Western targets. Jinn – usual English rendering of the Arabic original, ǧinn (singular ǧinnī) from the verb “to hide” or “conceal”; jinn are supernatural creatures with free will (created from fire, Q 15:26–7) who may oppose or assist God’s providential work. At Q 72:1 some jinn heed the Qurʾān; (72 is called al-Jinn). At 114:6, men and jinn are invited to take refuge in God from Satan. Iblis (Satan) is a rebellious jinn (see 18:50). Qurʾān chapter 72 is called jinn. The English genie is actually from the Latin for a guardian spirit but was used to translate Jinn from an early period, due to the similarity of these words (and of their meanings). Jilbāb – is a long, loose garment worn by some Muslim women in fulfillment of Islamic dress code requiring modest dress (Q 24:31). Some Muslim states enforce this code. Jizya – was the tax collected from covenanted minorities in return for defending their security and permitting internal autonomy. Often a reasonable amount, based on traditions about not overburdening Dhimmī (Bukhari 23:475) it could also be much higher than taxes paid by Muslims. Jumhur – a majority, a crowd, or mass of people; the term may refer to a majority legal opinion; it has been used to mean a “Republic,” government by the people or government of the masses (jamahir). Jumu’ah – is the Friday congregational prayer, mandatory for men (attending the mosque is optional for woman).

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K Ka’bah (cube) – the shrine at Mecca. The hajj begins with seven circuits (Tawaf) of the structure, which contains the black stone (Al-Ħajaru l-Aswad), a meteorite. The structure itself has been built and rebuilt many times. It is annually provided with a new kiswa (cloth). It is the first monotheistic temple according to Q 3:96 (Bakka here is taken to be an earlier name for Mecca). Abraham and Ishmael rebuilt the shrine (Q 2:127). Kahin – poets belonging to the pre-Islamic period; they told people’s fortunes, perhaps through shaman-like practices. Muhammad intensely disliked these men, whom he believed were demon-possessed. Critics called him a kahin (52:29; 69:42) and a poet (21:5, 69; 37:36–7; 52:30; 69:41); there is some linguistic similarity between the Qurʾān and their poetry. Muslim tradition ascribes to the Qurʾān a unique, inimitable style. Following his first revelatory experience, Muhammad did think that he might be demon-possessed or mad (see Q 68:2). Kalām – literally “word,” “speech,” or “talk”; in Qurʾān, kalām is used for a “word” from God or God’s word (kalām allah) as in receiving revelation, thus the Qurʾān is itself kalām. At 2:37 Adam becomes the first prophet when he received “some words of inspiration” from God (kalimat). The word translated “theology” from Greek writing; it became “theology” in Islamic discourse. Kalamu Allah – the word of God, refers to scriptures (Books given to prophets), especially to the Qurʾān. Earlier scriptures may have become corrupt (see ṭaḥrīf); the Qurʾān is the book without error, said to be divinely protected. Karāmāt – signs or proof of nobility or saintliness especially in Sufi Islam, expressed through acts of mercy such as healing and special powers or miracles (Kkarāmāt al-awliya, miracles of God’s friends). Early European scholars dismissed accounts as superstitious and irrational. Karbala – is the location of the tragic battle between Yazid’s army and Husayn ibn ʿAlī (third Shīʿah Imām) in 680. In present day Iraq, this is a sacred site for Shīʿah. Legend says that Karbala will ascend to heaven when the End arrives. See Ashura and Muharram.Yazid was the second Umayyad caliph. Kasb – to acquire; al-Ash’arī (see above) argued that people have free will to act but that, once the decision to act is made, the power to do so is acquired (gifted) by God, thus God remains all-powerful. If our action were independent of God, God would not own all power. Khalq – creation, only God creates. God is creator, Al-Khaliq, creation is khaliqa; the Qurʾān repeatedly advises people to study and explore creation for signs of God’s mercy and wisdom. See Q 13:2–4 and 45:5–3.

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Khamr – the Qurʾānic word for an alcoholic beverage made from dates or grapes, thus intoxicants. 2:219 may not represent a total prohibition. 4:43 warns against consumption before prayer; 5:91–2 explicitly prohibits consumption and gambling. Extending the ban on khamr to all alcohol is an example of qiyas. This prohibition can be extended to tobacco and drugs. The gradual prohibition can be seen as an example of naskh (abrogation). Khanqah – Sufi school or academy often situated next to a dargâh, either also serving as a hospice or near a residential accommodation; these institutions also fed the poor. Curriculum could include traditional madrassa subjects as well as mystical and theological education. Kharijites – “those who went out” were former supporters of ʿAlī who departed from and condemned him when he agreed to human arbitration at Siffin. God, they said, would determine the victor. They saw Jihād as a sixth pillar; they did not recognize the later caliphs, regarding the caliph or Imām as an elected office. They believed that a Muslim ruler who deviated from Islamic norms, or committed immoral acts, must be removed, violently if necessary. They used takfir (charge of apostasy) to denounce such leaders; this amounted to a death sentence (tradition can be interpreted to prescribe death for apostasy. Khat – from “line” or “stroke” refers to Arabic calligraphy, a major art form. Different schools have their own styles. Calligraphy is ubiquitous in Muslim space. It is not decorative but cosmological; a reminder that order in nature reflects God’s. An appropriate passage may be cited in full, or a part may be used to symbolize the whole. Husn-al-Khatt is beautiful handwriting. God colors the world; God is the supreme artist (Q 2:138; 39:21). khata’ – error, a mistake in thought or speech, of which prophets (and for Shīʿah, Imāms) are incapable. See 4:92, 4:112 for examples of this term in the Qurʾān. khuṭbah – the “narration” (often translated sermon) given as an obligatory part of the congregational Friday prayer. The khaṭīb delivers the sermon from the mimbar, beginning with a longer address, followed by a pause for private prayer and confession, then by du’a or by du’a and a shorter speech. This is followed by two cycles of prayer. Kiswa – the 658 square meters of cloth that covers the Ka’bah, refitted annually. It actually consists of 47 pieces of material. Expensive gold thread is used, costing several million dollars. The old cloth is cut up and distributed to distinguished or chosen Muslims. Copper rings secure the cloth to the ground. Kitab – literally a book, the word is sometimes used as a synonym for scripture (a katib) and scriptures (kutub). “People of the Book” refers to Christians, Jews, and other scripture-possessing communities.

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Kkul’ – wife-initiated divorce through a court petition, stating reasons such as neglect, including lack of sexual intimacy, or desertion. Other conditions can be stipulated by agreement in the marriage contract; see Q 4:128. The qāḍī considers the reasons, their seriousness, whether reconciliation is possible, before he decides whether to annul the marriage or rule against the petitioner. The woman forfeits the balance of her mahr; she may be required to return the full amount (2:229). As with husband-initiated divorce, there is a waiting period before the annulment becomes absolute. Kufr – disbelief, understood as rebellion against God, as refusal to obey God’s will. It is the opposite of Muslim. Pagans (polytheists, Mushrikūn), apostates (al-Murtaddin), hypocrites (munāfiqūn) and those who associate with them, all qualify. Forms of the word occur 229 times in the Qurʾān. Al-Kutub Al-Arbʿah’ – are the four authenticated books of Shīʿah compiled by Al-Kulayni (d. 941), al-Shaykh al-Saduq (d. 991), and by Shaykh Tusi (d. 1067) (who compiled two). L al-Lauḥ al-Maḥfūẓ – the preserved Tablet (Q 85:22), interpreted to refer to the first stage of the Qurʾān’s descent, from God to a heavenly tablet, from where Muhammad received the content via the angel Gabriel. Laylat-al-Qadir – Night of Power, refers to the night during the month of Ramadan when Muhammad received the first verses of the Qurʾān; the expression is found in Q 97. It was a blessed Night (43:3). There is no fixed date; it is one of the last ten odd nights, often the twenty-seventh. Muslims spend nights praying during Ramadan, hoping that one will correspond with this special time. M ma’ani – aspects or entities; used to describe God’s sifāt (attributes) as entities within God’s dhat (essence). maḏhab (singular) (plural maḏāhib) – refers to a recognized legal school, especially Ḥanafī, Shafi’i, Māliki, and Ḥanbalī, which are generally counted as the main Sunni schools. Each predominates in certain geographical areas; differences are said to be minimal. Madrassa – usually refers to a religious school although any educational institution can be called a madrassa. Some follow traditional Islamic courses of instruction; some combine this with other subjects including those based on Western learning. Other educational institutions, sometimes called dar-ul-ulum (some madrassas use this title), taught nonreligious subjects, including philosophy, often regarded as “foreign.”

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Maghāzī – battles stories, a genre of historical narrative describing battles. Originally short written or oral accounts some were later incorporated into longer historical works. There are often lists and poetry (ancient Arab customs) celebrating the events described, also drawing on ancient Arab tradition, probably originally oral. Mahdi – one who is guided; traditions refer to a Mahdi as an end-time figure who will help to defeat evil, aided by Jesus. In Shīʿah, the Mahdi is identified as the “hidden” twelfth Imām who went into his “greater occultation” in 941. Various individuals have claimed to be the Mahdi, who will defeat Islam’s enemies, including Ibn TʿUmart (d. 1130), founder of the dynasty Almohad dynasty (ruled in Spain from 1147 until 1212), Muhamamd Ahmad of the Sudan (d. 1885), Mirza Ghulam Ahmed (see Ahmadiyyah) and Wallace D. Fard Muhammad (d. 1934), founder of the Nation of Islam. Mahr – bridal price, sum paid by husband to wife (agreed in marriage contract). This becomes the wife’s property. Usually, part is paid when the marriage is contracted; the balance would be paid following a divorce. Makhloq – created, as opposed to the creator; God alone creates. This is the opposite of khaliq, creator. Makruh (Makrūh)– refers to an activity that is disliked or discouraged. Less serious than a ḥarām act, it does not normally attract punishment although this varies depending on how acts are categorized. Malāk – angels; belief in angels is an item of Muslim faith. The Qurʾān balances reference to Satan with those to angels; both occur 88 times. Mawālá – term used for non-Arab Muslims; under the Umayyads, they were considered “non-Muslim” and paid the jizya tax. Mandub – refers to what is encouraged or recommended but not obligatory, such as additional prayers, giving to charity in excess of zakat, freeing slaves. Maqāmat – are stages along the Sufi path; usually seven: repentance, abstention, asceticism, poverty, patience, confidence, and contentment; see states (ahwal) ma’rifa – knowledge (gnosis) in Sufi Islam, mystical or secret knowledge, translates as “gnosis.” Such knowledge is gifted, not obtained. Marjah – the highest—refers to the most senior scholar, a title in both Sunni and Shīʿah although more commonly used in the latter since the so-called closing of the gate of ijtihad in Sunni Islam. Masâkin – the needy (due to circumstance, not indolence) who, with the poor (al-fuqarā’) may receive aid from the wealthy; see Q 9:60.

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Maslaha – welfare, the common good, a legal mechanism that allows consideration of the common good to guide decisions, provided that this does not contrive Islam’s fundamental principles. This was developed by Mālik ibn Ana (d. 801). Masiẖ – Messiah (anointed), Jesus is referred to as Messiah seven times in the Qurʾān. In End Time traditions, where Jesus and the Mahdi battle the False Messiah, the word appears to have eschatological meaning. Masjid (plural masajid) – Mosques, based on Muhammad’s original structure in Medina. Masuma – sinlessness; all prophets are without sin; for Shīʿah, Imāms are also protected from committing sin (some say while holding office) Matn – the content of ḥadīth, content must not contradict the Qurʾān or Islam’s principles. Various criterion were developed, including attributing supernatural powers to Muhammad, prescribing punishment disproportionate to the offense committed but isnād criticism was the main tool used to adjudicate authenticity. Mawdu’ – is a fabricated tradition. Inclusion of traditions in the authenticated collection, though, does not guarantee that it was not forged. mawlid-al-nabi – is the birthday celebration of Muhammad, discouraged by Salafi. This is very popular in many parts of the Muslim world (street processions) and increasingly in Diaspora. Mawsua – encyclopedia in Arabic; can refer to modern and classical works, either on specific topics (such as law or medicine) or to more comprehensive texts, such as universal histories, dating from the late tenth century. Maysir – gambling, prohibited at Q 5:91. Mazālim – grievance, refers to Grievance Courts (Dīwān al-Mazālim) originally by Muslim rulers to deal with complaints against judges and to correct wrongdoing (ẓulm; cruelty, injustice). Over time, rulers used these courts to bypass Sharīʿah, claiming that their regulations and rules (hukm) protected Islam, leaving personal law (marriage, inheritance, and regulating endowments, waqf), within Sharīʿah court jurisdiction. Ma malakat aymanukum (“what your right hands possess”) – see Qurʾān 4:3, which is taken to refer to female slaves or concubines. This verse has been interpreted to allow men to marry up to four wives and to acquire an unlimited number of concubines. This interpretation has been challenged; the expression could refer to existing wives, with which men should be content.

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Mihna – the “test” or inquisition imposed from 833 until 848 by two Abbasid caliphs in support of the Mutazalite creed. Mihrab (miḥrāb)– niche in the wall of the Mosque indicating the direction (qiblah) of prayer; this may be tiled with mosaic and illuminated—derived from Qurʾān 24:35–6; during the caliphate, caliphs would pray inside the Mihrab. Millet – dhimma system under Ottoman rule. These communities often prospered, growing larger when people joined from outside the empire or sometimes from elsewhere within Ottoman space. Millets were not always geographically defined, although those located in conquered territory often were. Mimbar – or minbar (from “to elevate”) a feature of a congregational mosque; the Khuṭbah is presented from the Mimbar; during the caliphate, the oath of loyalty was proclaimed from there. Situated to the right of the mihrab, it is considered a place of authority. The mimbar may be decorated (some regard this as sunnah). The khaṭīb sits on the top step (usually three, based on Muhammad’s very simple mimbar). al-Mi’rāğ – or Laylat al-Mi’rāğ (often Mi’raj in English) this is the second stage of the Night Journey (al-‘Isrā) from Mecca to Jerusalem, known as Muhammad’s Ascent. Narrated in ḥadīth and sīra, Muhamamd was set down by Buraq on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem (the “farthest mosque,” Q 17:1), then ascended through seven layers of heaven. In the divine presence, Muhammad received instructions on prayer, negotiating their number as advised by Moses. Early accounts express some hesitancy about whether the event should be understood factually or spiritually, many Muslims see it as historical. Mithaq – means covenant. This can be between people or communities. However, it also refers to covenants between people and God, such as prophets (3:81; 37: 7–8), the children of Israel (2:83–4, 2:97, 20:40) and at 13:20, the Muslim community. mu’aḏḏin – muezzin in English, recites the adhān (call to prayer) from a Minaret (today, usually a recording). Mosques may have schools, hospices, residential accommodation, and offices attached or on the same compound. Mu’amarah – conspiracy, used by some Muslims to refer to what they see as a Western crusade or conspiracy against Islam, allied with Israel. 9/11 is routinely blamed on Jews or on the United States itself as part of this conspiracy. Mubah – refers to an act considered neutral, about which individuals can decide whether to eat mangoes (there is no record that Muhammad ate mangoes, thus debate about their ḥalāl-ḥarām status). Mufti – a scholar qualified to issue fatwas, usually a state-employed official; a Grand Mufti is a state’s chief advisor on matters of Islamic Law. Opinions are

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not legally binding though they may guide legislation and judges in their decisions. A Grand Mufti may also be known as Sheikh-al-Islam. Although rulers can remove Muftis, rulers in an Islamic polity are subject to the law, of which the Mufti is chief interpreter. Effectively, this creates a partnership between rulers and scholars. Moves to depose a ruler benefit from and sometimes gain the Mufti’s support, who issues a fatwa that the ruler is no longer fit to govern. A third of all Ottoman sultans were deposed after a Grand Mufti issued a fatwā on their unsuitability to rule. More recently, Saudi ʿUlamā took part in King Saud’s removal based on incompetency and life-style related issues (1964). Muhajirun – migrants; believers who migrated with Muhammad in 622 from Mecca to Medina. Subsequently, those who migrated from non-Muslim space into Muslim space or from a place of persecution to one of safety or asylum are also Muhajirun. In Pakistan, the Muhajirun are those who left India after partition. Muḥadīthun – transmitters of traditions, links in the chain (isnād) beginning with a companion of Muhammad. They must be honest and pious. The tradition must be heard (orally). Women as well as men played important roles in transmitting traditions. Biographies were compiled to demonstrate their qualities—when and where they heard each tradition. Muharram – first month of the year (tenth day is the Shīʿah commemoration of the Karbala tragedy); traditionally one of four sacred months when war was banned. Beginning with Zul-Hijjah (twelfth month) during which the hajj is performed, the four were sequential, ending with the third, Rabi` l. Muhkam – refers to “clear verses” which form the foundation of the Qurʾān; see 3:7. It is widely held that these verses’ literal and obvious meaning requires no clarification or recourse to analogy. Mujaddid – is a reformer. Muhammd said that whenever Islam was in danger a reviver would arrive; each century would see a reviver. Some great scholars and revivalists have been dubbed reviver of their age, including Al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) and Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328) and more recent figures, such as Ahmad Raza Khan Barelvi (d. 1921) (whose movement is a popular form of Islam in Pakistan). There is no single, agreed list. Mujahideen (one who engages in armed Jihād) – popularized during the American-supported Muslim insurgency or Jihād against Soviet occupation in Afghanistan (1979–88), it refers to those who undertake Jihād, also described in the Western media as Jihādists, such as Al-Qaeda affiliated groups. mujtahid mutlaq – absolute points of reference, that is, senior Shīʿah scholars and the eponyms of the four main Sunni schools of law.

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Mujtahidun – those qualified to perform ijtihad, currently rarely claimed in Sunni Islam; in Shīʿah, Imāms and senior scholars are mujtahid, of which there are various ranks culminating with Grand Ayatollahs. Mulk – from malik (king); name of Surah 67; God is King or Master (1:4); Ibn Khaldūn used the term for kingly power once the original religious zeal had dissipated, distinguishing this from the early caliphate. al-Mu’minūn – believers. This term appears, at least initially, to include people of the book, at verses such as 2:62. Chapter 23 is called al-Mu’minun. Those who avoid gossip, give generously to the needy, refrain from illicit sexual relations, keep all their trusts and covenants, and pray sincerely will enter paradise (verses 1–11). Al-mumkin – the possible. Munafiqun – hypocrites; name of Qurʾān chapter 63; see nifaq. Munazara – debates, sometimes between different schools in Islam, sometimes between Muslims and non-Muslims, sometimes organized and public, sometimes private. Murid – means “one who is committed,” a professed or initiated (through giving bay’a) student of a Sufi master (Sheik, Murshid or Pir, hence the murid-murshid relationship). An initiate is also known as a salik (traveler). The plural is muridun. Murji’ah – or Murjites; took the view that only God has the right to judge whether a person is truly Muslim or not; Murjites believed that no Muslim would enter hell; the Mutazalites argued that a Muslim who sins will be punished but not eternally, unlike non-Muslims. Many Muslims take anyone’s claim to be Muslim at face value, rather than denouncing them as heretical or apostate (murtadd). Murrabbi – trainer of souls; in Islamic education, the teacher is both a transmitter of knowledge (ta’līm) and a trainer of souls. Murshid – is a “guide” or teacher, usually a Sufi master who stands spiritual succession to a line of teachers, beginning with Muhammad, often through ʿAlī. Murtad – an apostate, someone who has renounced Islam (Q 5:54); the Qurʾān does not prescribe a penalty. 16:106 speaks about apostasy inviting “a dreadful penalty” but the context appears to refer to Judgment Day (see also 2:217). Penalties, including death, are found in the traditions (see Bukhari Book 84); however, 3:89 allows for repentance; execution disallows this. See Ridda. Al-Mushrikūn – those guilty of shirk, polytheists (idolaters).

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Musallah – temporary place for prayer whether a building or an open space; a prayer mat rolled out for prayer. mus’haf – a codex or collection of sheets comprising a book; usually refers to early written editions of the Qurʾān. Muslim – (sometimes Moslem in older English texts, or incorrectly Mohammedan) a Muslim is one who submits to God’s will; a visible member of the Muslim community. The root word, peace, suggests that being Muslim results in living at peace with God and within society. Some restrict the term to rarefied Muslims; some extend muslim (the lower case is deliberate) to all who enjoin right, forbid wrong, protect the vulnerable and worship One God. Mustaali – an offshoot of Sevener (Ismā’īlī) Shīʿah, dates from dispute over the successor of the seventeenth Imām (1094) during the Fatimid period. Their twenty-first Imām went into occultation (1130); since then a succession of Da’i Mutlaq’s have been recognized. Further splits took place about who should become da’i, in 1588 (creating the Sulaimani, about 300,000), in 1592 (creating the Dawoodi Bohras, approximately a million), in 1634 (creating the Alavi, the smallest group, about 20,000) and in 1754 (creating the Hebtiah). The Putani Bohras, another group, date from 1538 and follow Sunni fiqh (approximatley a million). Bohra means “to trade.” A progressive movement, Dawoodi, emerged in the mid-twentieth century led by Asghar Ali Engineer (approximately half a million). mustad’afun – are the oppressed, a Qurʾānic term for the unjustly exploited and socially vulnerable (see 28:4–5 where this refers to the Hebrews in Egypt). See especially 93:6. See also 2:215; 76:8–9; 90:12–16; 93:9–10. The genuinely needy have a right to share in the wealth of more fortunate Muslims (51:19). Mustakbirun – oppressors, the opposite of the mustad’afun, those who swindle widows and orphans of their inheritance (see 4:10), who fail to share their wealth with the poor (assuming that the poor are poor due to sickness or misfortune, not indolence); the Qurʾān depicts Pharaoh as an oppressor, or tyrant (tafar’ana) (11:97). Mutakallimūn – theologians. Originally, the word referred to Christian thinkers whose work was translated into Arabic. As theology became a distinc Islamic branch of learning, Muslim scholars specializing in theology became Mutakallimūn Mutashabih – from Q 3:7. Verses of the Qurʾān that are allegorical or figurative, as compared with those that have obvious or literal meanings (clear). Based on how 3:7 is read, some say that God alone knows their meaning; if so, these

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verses (and the cryptic letters that begin some chapters) may remind humanity that the Ghaib (unknown, secret, mystery) remains God’s province (see Q 10:20; 53:39). Al-mutawahhid – a solitary being, namely God; the Wahhabis prefer to be known as Muwahhidun (Unitarians). Some, including Salafis, denounce Wahhabis for their exclusive allegiance to Ḥanbalī, regarding this as ta’assub (fanatical), arguing either that Muslims should consult several or none (being guided solely by Qurʾān and Sunnah). Mutaween – religious and moral police in some Muslim states, with authority to arrest people for infringement of dress codes and other laws; these may apply to visiting non-Muslims as well as to citizens and permanent residents. Muʿtazilah – are often called the rationalists of early Islam. They preferred to be known as defenders of God’s unity and of justice. The term, Muʿtazilah means to withdraw or to separate from. Wasil ibn Ata (d. 748) is said to have left the circle around Hasan of Basra (d. 728), the Sufi teacher, disagreeing with the view that a Muslim who sinned ceased to be Muslim. As Muʿtazilah theology developed, they advocated the created nature of the Qurʾān (an uncreated, eternal Qurʾān, they said, sounded like God and God’s partner, or two eternal entities). N Nabī/anbiyāʾ – prophet/prophets, 25 are named in the Qurʾān, beginning with Adam; every people have had a prophet (10:47; 13:38). Tradition refers to 124,000. Prophets are considered equal in status and sinless. Those prophets who received a scripture are also rasul, prophet. Twenty-five are named in the Qurʾān, including many Biblical prophets. Muhammad is said to have referred to God having sent 124,000 prophets. Some nabī are also rasūl; plural rusul (apostle); rasūl received named scriptures or books. The Qurʾān says that every people had a prophet or warner (10:47; 35:24). Prophets are equal (3:84), sinless (3:161), infallible (implied at 72:27–28), and inspired or guided (6:88–90). Use of the designation prophet or messenger by some movements’ leaders attracts the charge of heresy (e.g. Ahmadiyyah, Baha’i, Nation of Islam). Nafs – refers to the soul, especially the selfish self or soul, which Sufi Islam aims to conquer, or replace by selflessness. It translates as the ego, the self, the psyche. See Q 12:53; 75:2; 89:27. Al-Nahda (an-Nahḍah)– meaning “renaissance” or “awakening” refers to a cultural movement in the Arab world from the late nineteenth century, pioneered by Egyptians who studied in France and attempted to combine modern scientific learning with Islamic values.

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Naqba – this is not specifically an Islamic term but readers may encounter this in texts on the Middle East and especially Arab-Israeli relations; it means “calamity” or “catastrophe” and refers in general to Israel’s creation and especially to the destruction of Arab homes and displacement of people during the first Arab-Israeli war. Naqba day is May 15 (when the war began). Naql – refers to harmony between what is known by reason and by revelation; these are said to agree. Nasab – genealogy, an early interest in Islamic historical scholarship. Nasiya – forgetfulness, the Qurʾān describes humanity as forgetful (20:115). The words for man (‘Insān) and forgetfulness are often said to be linked. Islam does not posit inherited or original sin, that is, that as a result of Adam’s disobedience everyone is born sinless. Naskh – refers to the theory that certain later verses of the Qurʾān cancel certain earlier verses, although cancelled verses were also excluded from the text (e.g. with reference to the Satanic Verses affair). This derives from Q 2:106 and 16:16. Nifaq – forgetfulness of God, usually rendered hypocrisy; defeat at Uhud (625 CE) is blamed on hypocrites, who were more interested in looting the enemy camp than in obeying Muhammad’s commands (see 3:121; 3:167; 4:88; 33:23–4 and Surah 63, Al Munafiqûn. Nihal – fabricated beliefs, believed to be heretical, innovative, often taught by schools considered to be deviant by other Muslims. Nikāḥ – marriage (marriage contract); the Qurʾān sets out rules of consanguinity at 4:22–4) 5:5 permits men to marry Christian and Jewish women. 4:3 as traditionally interpreted permits men to marry up to four wives provided all are treated equally. If not, they should be content with one wife or with “those whom their right hand possesses” (Ma malakat aymanukum), interpreted to mean female slaves or concubines. No limit was set on the latter. Muslim societies have placed certain conditions on polygyny, such as requiring the permission of existing wives or of a local tribunal. Some argue that the Qurʾān prefers monogamy (see 4:1) and only permits multiple marriages in special circumstances, such as those similar to the situation when 4:3 was revealed. This was after many Muslim men had died at Uhud, leaving widows and orphans without support. Nikāḥ al-Mutʿah – a form of temporary or fixed-term marriage, said to pre-date Islam. Sunni do not recognize this; many of the rules about marriage apply. Niyat – the inner intent of an outer act, such as prayer, which must be sincere. This is often expressed in a prayer before performing a farḍ duty.

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niẓām islami – or niẓām siyasi, an Islamic order, system, or state; term used in politics and by Islamists for what they regard as a truly Islamic polity, based on God’s laws (hakkimiyat Allah) and the example of the first three generations of Muslims. An- Nūr – the light, the name of Surah 24; see the parable at 24:35 (Ayat an-Nur). Nūr is also a Divine Name. Nūr Muhammadiyah – the light of Muhammad derived from Q 5:16, a concept in Sufi and other esoteric expressions of Islam; said to be God’s first creation, this is the light of inspiration and of esoteric knowledge passed on by Muhammad through Sufi masters and Shīʿah Imāms. O There is no equivalent of this vowel in Arabic, although it has been used in spelling such words of Moslem, Mosque, Mohammed, and Koran before more accurate transliteration conventions developed. More recently, Usama bin laden was almost always spelt Osama. Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) formed in 1969 as an intergovernmental body, originally the Organization of Islamic Conference. There are currently 57 full member states and five observers. OIC aims to promote solidarity, development, economic, social, scientific, and political cooperation and when possible to speak at the United Nations and elsewhere with a unified voice. P Pīr – Farsi for a Sufi guide or teacher, literally an “old” person (Farsi, popularly used in the Indian subcontinent). Every Pīr trace their spiritual lineage down a silsila (chain) beginning with Muhammad. See Sheikh and Murshid. Political Islam – refers to expressions or interpretations of Islam that insist that Islam is religion and state (Din wa Dawla). While widely used in the academy, this is not as such a technical Islamic term although Muslims scholars have used this expression, regarding movements that advocate various forms of an Islamic state, also known as Islamists, as politicizing religion, motivated by ideology rather than by Islam per se. Purdah – Farsi for “curtain” used to describe a curtain separating women’s quarters from men’s, based on Q 33:54; although many regard this as applicable only to the wives of the prophet, the mothers of the believers, Ummahāt ul-Muʾminīn. Purdah is also used as a general term for the separation of women from men, as in “keeping Purdah.” Ancient Iran and Babylon practiced Purdah; some argue that Islam adapted these earlier cultural practices.

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Q Qadar – power, as divine name and quality; debate in Islam centered on God’s power versus human action; did the latter (independent action as free-will choice) compromise God’s absolute power? Some (often called libertarians) stressed free will, others denied this and asserted that all human action is preordained or caused by God. The sixth item of faith varies depending on how this argument is resolved. The Asharite position is that God gifts us with the power to affect our actions once we have decided them; we thus acquire (Kasb) this power and retain free will. Another concern was to limit the ability to create (khalq) to God. qāḍī – is a judge administering Islamic law, first appointed under the Umayyad caliphs. Islamic Law was very embryonic at that time and there is little evidence that their original task was especially related to Islam. They may have served as legal secretaries to provincial governors. The Abbasids appointed a qāḍī for each province; appointment, at least initially, was competitive among candidate. Later, rank varied with distinctive dress indicating seniority, up to chief qāḍī in Baghda (qāḍī-al-Qudat). Qāḍīs sometimes sat with other jurists, whom they consulted. Qalam – pen, the name of Surah 68; also used in the first revelation at 96:4, God teaches by the pen. Muhamamd is also known as “the pen” (although he is also said to have been illiterate). This symbolizes the permanency of the Qurʾān as a written as well as a remembered message. Q 68 begins with the letter nūn; this symbolizes the pen or the mouth that speaks the word (it also looks like an ink-pot). Qāri’ – is a trained reciter of the Qurʾān. A qari must first qualify as a ḥāfiz (One who has memorized the Qurʾān) and will follow one of the recognized schools of tilawa, of which there are ten. Tajwīd (to make a beautiful sound), tartril (slow, measured), and Qira’at refer to the science of recitation. Qiblah – the direction of prayer, which is marked by the Mihrab in a mosque. After the hijrah, the qiblah was changed from Jerusalem to Mecca, Q 2:144–5. These verses distinguish the Muslim qiblah from that of the people of the book, who were refusing to listen to the prophet’s message. Qisas – retaliation (see 2:178; 5:45). Non-Muslims have often characterized Islam as encouraging retaliation, as making this mandatory. In fact, the Qurʾān permits but discourages this; it does not condone self-help justice. An eye for an eye punishment, if a victim’s heirs insist on this, must be determined by due legal process. Qital – war, with harb, this is the normal word for war in the Qurʾān, lacking the ambiguity associated with passage where Jihād is attributed a violent meaning; see harb above. 359

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Qiyāma – the Judgment (also Resurrection), an item of Muslim faith. See Q 75. Qiyas – is an important tool (usul) of fiqh; analogy. An analogy does not have to be identical in every respect; thus whiskey is made from different produce than wine, it tastes differently, smells differently but it is also an intoxicant. Al-Quds – the Holy, refers to Jerusalem as Islam’s third most sacred site (see Q 17:1, the “farthest mosque”). Jerusalem’s sanctity in Islam does not depend on the historicity of the Prophet’s Night Journey and Ascent (al-‘Isrā’ wal-Mi’rāğ) as Islam is the religion that completes Judaism and Christianity. Qudsi ḥadīth – 40 traditions categorized separately since they are believed to report God’s words; ḥadīth are usually said to contain what Allah wanted to communicate through Muhammad but which he expressed in his own words. This distinguishes rehearsed revelation from unrehearsed revelation. Qur’ān – literally “the recitation” (usually spelt Quran or Qurʾān in English; previously Koran and Coran were commonly used). Initially oral, there is also an important aural aspect; it is intended to be heard. Reference in the Qurʾān to itself as a Book (47:17; 43:12; 2:2—there are at least 40 references to the Qurʾān as a Book), though, indicates consciousness that it would also be written. NonMuslims find the content difficult to follow because chapters often switch from topic to topic, some content is repeated and there appears to be no cohesive organizing principle. This is due to the “phased” way in which it was revealed, addressing different circumstance, sometimes reminding people of previous content or revealing the same story to a new audience. The Qurʾān self-describes as universal, “a message for the world” (Q 68:52); it is also an Arabic book (e.g. 43:3), thus it cannot be properly translated. It is divinely protected from corruption (15:9). A “translation” is regarded as an interpretation (tarjuman) or commentary. Muslims debate whether the Qurʾān was created or is coeternal with God (God’s word is eternal and uncreated). Ash’arī supported an eternal Qurʾān; the Mutazalites a created Qurʾān. Quraysh – is the name of Surah 106, Muhammad’s clan, which enjoyed many advantages and covenants. Many members of the clan opposed Muhammad until after Mecca surrendered in 630. However, descent from the clan continues to carry prestige among Muslims; traditions restricted the caliphate to a Qurayshi (Bukhari Volume 9, Book 89, Number 254), which made Ottoman claim to the title suspect. quṣṣāṣ – semi-professional storytellers in early Islam, often recounting religious stories but without the strict criterion of authenticity used by scholars. They are said to have fabricated sayings for entertainment. Their stories were a source of later Muslim historical writing.

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Qutb – pivot, in Sufi cosmology, the pivot of the day is the senior Sheikh, who heads a heavenly hierarchy that supports the universe’s existence. The authority of the recognized qutb could challenge that of rulers; in parts of the Muslims world, sultans looked to Sufi sheikhs to legitimize their rule R Rabita al-Alam al-Islam – the Muslim World League, formed in 1962, is an international not-for-profit organization. Founded in Mecca, it receives substantial Saudi funding. Aims include helping individuals and states apply Islamic Law, promoting Islamic values and education, spreading Islam as a religion, and finding Islamic solutions to challenges and problems. rahman, arahim – the merciful, the compassionate is part of the bismillahi formula. Both words are Names of God; these are the most frequently referenced divine qualities in the Qurʾān. Muhammad began activities with this formula. Both words are derived from the same root; however, rahman is only applied to God, while Rahim can also be used with reference to human mercy. rahmatan li al-‘alamin – Muhammad was sent as a mercy to all the world, that is, to benefit all creatures. This can be understood as inclusive of nature, which the Qurʾān repeatedly describes as a mercy from God. rakaʿā – refers to a cycle of prayer, using movements that Gabriel taught Muhammad. There are prescribed numbers for each of the five daily prayer times, although those who missed any can add additional cycles. There are 17 each day (except for Friday). Ramadan – the ninth lunar Islamic month, during which, in 610, the Night of Power (Laylah al-qadr) occurred, when Muhammad’s revelatory experiences began. This was a sacred month in Arabia; it is the month of the annual fast, a pillar of Islam (obligatory duty). Rashidun – “rightly guided” refers to the first four caliphs and sometimes to all Muhammad’s companions. The term was not used until the ninth century. There was a great deal of discussion about who was and was not rightly guided. The Umayyads did not recognize ʿAlī, while the early Abbasids were reluctant to recognize ʻUthmān. The term is often back-projected as if the first four were called “rightly guided” while alive, ignoring debate and the term’s later origin. Rasūl – is a prophet who receives a scripture; Moses, David, Jesus, and Muhammad received named scriptures; 87:19 refers to the Book of Abraham; the Qurʾān completes corrections (where errors occur in transmission) and confirms earlier scriptures (Q 3:2)

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Ribā – refers to usury or interest (literally excess) prohibited in the Qurʾān (see 2:275–80; 3: 30; 4:1, 61; 30:39). Modern Islamic banks or Shariah-compliant lenders avoid charging interest on loans through a variety of alternative arrangements, such as a profit-sharing agreement with a business or by purchasing the item (car, house, business) directly, then selling to the client at a higher price; payment is then by installments. Ridda – war against apostasy or rebellion when some clans allied to Muhammad revolted, claiming that his death ended their treaty obligations. Abu Bakr, first caliph, succeeded in restoring unity. The Ansari who met in the Saqīfah to choose a leader before the migrants (Muhajirun) were present, appearing to usurp this prerogative, may have intended to select a leader for their community (not for all Muslims) based on the same assumption that Muhammad’s death ended their alliance. S Sabr – patience, a virtue in Islam (see Q 2:155; 2:286; 47:31; 103:1–3—there are a total of 90 references. Sadaqah – voluntary charity (from a root meaning “truthful’) that can be given at any time in addition to obligatory zakat. Like zakat, it must be given to the genuinely poor (Fuqarā’) and needy (Masâkin); it should not be given ostentatiously; it can be a public act but it is better if it is anonymous. See 2:217; see also 2:273–5; 63:10–11. Sahaba – collective terms (aṣ-Ṣaḥāba) for Muhammad’s companions, those who accepted his mission (women and men); there are various lists having considerable overlap with narrators of traditions (ḥadīth). There are subcategories, such as those who supported the prophet up until Badr, those who fought in almost all or in all battles, and those who accepted Islam only after Mecca’s surrender, who were pardoned (female companions are ṣaḥābiyyah, male are ṣaḥābiyy). ṣahīfa – a notebook, or sheets (see mus’haf); Muslims scholars sometimes began their work by compiling notes, perhaps recording data obtained from oral sources or from visits to libraries at a distance from their residence. To a degree, this was a counter-trend to the bias toward orality and memorization. ṣahīh – sound, refers to the highest category of ḥadīth and to the six “sounds” (ṣahīh Sitt, or authenticated collection; see Chapter 2. ṣaḥwa – sobriety or wakening up from drunkenness, seeing clearly, a Sufi term also used by revivalists to refer to “awakening,” the opposite of the state of intoxication. Saj’ – rhymed prose, the Qurʾān consists of this literary genre; end of verse rhyme is less characteristic rhythm, assonance, alliteration, and other techniques of

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producing a pleasant sound. The rhythm can be staccato at times; some chapters build up to a climax, then change stylistically to emphasize this. Salafi – refers to the first three generation of Muslims, described in a saying of Muhammad as the best (in declining order of merit; Bukhari, Volume 8, Book 76, Number 436). It also refers to those who believe that Muslims must return to the traditions and practices of the earliest community, reforming Islam of any innovation and corruption that has contaminated it since then. Salat (ṣalāh) – refers to the five daily prayers in Islam, a farḍ duty. These take place at set times: morning (near dawn), noon, afternoon, sunset, and night. They consist of a specific number of complete cycles or rakaʿā, namely 2, 4, 4, 3, and 4 in order. Muslims can pray alone or as a congregation. Prayer is preceded by the adhān and ritual ablution (wudu). Prayers missed due to illness, travel for other legitimate reasons may be added when able. Gabriel instructed Muhammad in the prayer ritual during the Mi’raj. When praying alone, a rug is usually used (musallah). Salik – a traveller (plural salikun) is an initiated Sufi disciple of a Sheikh or Pir who journeys along the spiritual path, moving from selfishness (a life dominated by the nafs) to selflessness and God consciousness. sallallahu alaihi wa-sallam – may peace be on him—term of respect after uttering a prophet’s name. Samā – (hearing, listening), a Sufi ceremony when dhikr is recited. Saqīfah – the assembly house of the clan Sāˤidat in Medina where the meeting that eventually chose Abu Bakr took place shortly after Muhammad’s death; also refers to the meeting. Saum (fasting) – a pillar of Islam observed from dusk to dawn during Ramadan, the ninth month, beginning when the new moon in sighted. See Q 2:182–8. It is a time when Muslims are generous to the poor, supporting those who are hungry due to circumstances, not choice. Illness is an exception, although those who can are expected to make up at a later time. Muslims abstain from eating, drinking, and from sexual activity; when breaking the fast (‘Iftar’), they should not overindulge. Sayyid – is an honorific denoting descent from Muhammad through Fatimah and ʿAlī. Although official registers exist, some families that use the name may have adopted the title after converting to Islam from non-Muslim elite or high-class backgrounds so that they could enjoy an equivalent status as Muslims. Shahadah – declaration or statement of faith or “bearing witness” (Iman) is the first pillar, or obligatory duty. It is part of the rite of prayer; children hear the

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declaration soon after birth. Those who embrace Islam recite this before witnesses. There are two statements, “I bear witness that there is no God but God” and “I bear witness that Muhammad is God’s apostle (rasūl).” Shīʿah add “and Alī is the vice-regent of God.” Reciting the Shahadah has a sacramental-like aspect, restoring life’s original purity when God breathed the spirit into Adam (15:29). Thirty verses in the Qurʾān contain a statement close to the Shahadah; see 3:18; 28:70. The Qurʾān uses a form of this term (alshshuhadai) when it refers to giving testimony in court (e.g. 2:282). Sharīʿah – usually translated as Islamic Law, its meaning is closer to guidance (from a path leading to an oasis). It refers to Islam’s legal aspects; traditionally, the caliph’s duty was to implement Sharīʿah, to which he was also subject. Legislating is a divine, not human, prerogative; thus people interpret, they do not create law. A great deal of content is derived from the sunnah (only about 500 verses in the Qurʾān have legal implications) and from the decisions and opinions of generations of scholars. For some Muslims, Sharīʿah is fixed and static; for some, it is dynamic, involving ongoing effort to better understand God’s intent. shahid (šahīd) – witness, martyr (plural, šuhadāʾ) used as a honorific for Muslims who die defending Islam, their state, or beliefs. Benazir Bhutto and Zia-ur-Rahman (Bangladesh’s assassinated President), for example, are considered šuhadāʾ. At 4:159, Jesus is described as a witness; he will be a witness at Judgment Day. The Qurʾān says that on the Day of Judgment, no one should rely on any witness to excuse them, since “Allah is enough for a witness” (see 4:166; 41:53); our recorded deeds will be sufficient (see 45:29). Shahid is one of the 99 Names of God. Sheikh – widely used as a title in Islam (not normally italicized in English), with a range of meanings, including elder, leader, or governor. It is often used by teachers, especially but not exclusively Sufis. It can be passed on hereditarily as an indication of nobility. Shīʿah – refers to the party of ʿAlī (Shīʻatu ʻAlī). Whether or not ʿAlī himself asserted a claim on the leadership following Abu Bakr’s selection as caliph until his own, some people appear to have regarded him as Muhammad’s legitimate successor. Over time, this party transferred their allegiance to ʿAlī’s descendants; the real break with Sunni was after the Battle of Karbala (680). Shīʿah believe that God, not people, establishes leadership for his community (in this view, the caliphate was set up by Sunni Muslims; it did not result from a divine initiative); the Prophet is succeeded by infallible and sinless Imāms, to whom loyalty is owed. Many of these ideas began with the sixth Imām, Ja’far al-Sadiq, d. 765. In theory, the Imāms are political and spiritual guides. Various disputes about succession to the Imāmate resulted in splits, producing different Shīʿah groups, 364

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such as the Ismā’īlīs (Seveners), Zaydīs (Fivers), and Ithnā ‘Asharī (Twelvers). Some Sunni regard Shīʿah as non-Muslims and vice versa. On the other hand, attempts at reconciliation have occurred (see Amman Message). About eight groups with origins in Shīʿah, including the Alawis, are considered “extreme” (Ghulāt); some Sunni apply this term to Wahhabis. shifa’ah – intercession, the Qurʾān says that no one except for a few whom God permits can intercede for anyone on Judgment Day (see Q 2:255; 10:3; 34:23). In popular devotion, Muhammad is asked to intercede, as are Sufi saints. Some condemn this practice. Shirk (širk)– the sin of associating a partner with God, often considered to be unforgivable (4:48). Other verses where the word occurs include 4:116 and 5:72 where Christians are criticized for claiming that Jesus is divine, “They have certainly disbelieved who say, ‘Allah is the Messiah, the son of Mary.’” Shūrā – consultation, this word occurs three times in the Qurʾān, where it describes Muslims as those who organize their affairs by consulting: 2:233; 3:159, and 42:38 (Surah 42 is called Shūrā). Some argue that Shūrā is basically a form of democracy. Others argue that the word itself does not specify who should be consulted, how those consulted are to be chosen or whether their opinions are advisory or binding. ṣifāt – refers to God’s attributes, discussed in Islamic theology. Mutazalites denied that God possesses attributes as distinct entities (ma’ani) (within God’s essence (dhat). Fifteen gained prominence, divided into positive (God is eternal, omnipotent, omniscient, alive, intends to do what God does, is all seeing and all hearing, can speak to anything created, and is truth “personified”) and negative (God is not made of anything, has no body, does not reside anywhere, depends on nothing else or on nobody, can never be seen, never changes, and has no partner). The idea that attributes are uncreated, coeternal entities reminded some of the Christian Trinity, which Muslims consider shirk. al- ṣiḥāḥ al-sittah – the six authenticated or sound Sunni collections of ḥadīth, compiled by al-Bukhārī (d. 870), Muslim (d. 875), al-Nasa’i (d. 915), Abū Dāwūd (d. 888), at-Tirmidhī (d. 892), and Ibn Mājah (d. 887) in declining order of excellence. Silsilah – is the chain of teachers that traces a living Sufi master’s authority and teaching back to Muhammad. Most pass through, ʿAlī; many also pass through Hasan of Basra (d. 728). The Naqshbandi trace their lineage through Abu Bakr, which is why Sunnis find this order (ṭarīqa) especially attractive. sīra – a genre of writing that often refers to lives of the prophet but includes other biographical writing, such as the lives of ḥadīth transmitters and of other

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people, scholars, companions of Muhammad, those who died in a battle. Chapters may be part of larger historical works or compilations of ḥadīth or published as a dictionary (ṭabaqāt). siratul mustaqim – this expression “straight path” serves as a description of Islam (see 1:6); Islam is the straight path; the revelation, untainted by corruption, contains no crookedness (39:28). Siyasa – politics; on the one hand, many Muslims regard Islam as a total way of life embracing religious, political, and other spheres. On the other hand, once Islamic Law had been codified and a scholarly traditional established, interpretation of Islam’s legal consequences and the task of defining religious obligations, were largely in the hands of independent scholars. The political system (niẓām siyasi) arguably, was left with the task of implementing what scholars decided, with security and defense, raising taxes and providing other publics services, guilds and professional associations: self-nomination being suspect. Sufism (taṣawwuf) – is the mystical tradition within Islam, traditionally associated with teachers (murshidun), their disciples (muridun), and the path (ṭarīqa) they follow. Sufis are travelers on a spiritual journey from selfishness to selflessness, from individuality to absorption (Baqā) into complete God-consciousness. The origin of the word “Sufi” (ṣūfī) was often attributed to “suf” (wool; early Sufis wore wool) but may lie in the Ahlu-al-suffa (people of the bench) or in Safā (pure). The first etymology seems trivial, belittling Sufism’s spiritual and theological legitimacy. Sufism is a reconciling, open, tolerant, and almost always a peace affirming tradition, famous for preaching “sulḥ-i-kull” (love to all creatures – animals and people). Sujud – prostration (during prayer); root of masjid (mosque). Sultan – is a ruler of a Muslim state, originally a regional or provincial ruler whose authority (from which the word is derived) was delegated by the caliph. Use of Sultan implied that they recognized the caliph’s symbolic role and did not claim the title for themselves. By the end of the ninth century, the formerly unitary caliphate had fragmented into sultanates, or kingdoms. When the Ottoman sultans claimed the caliphate they continued to use Sultan too, unlike earlier caliphs who were never Sultans. Feminine: sultana (wife or daughter of a sultan). Sulūk – conduct, a Sufi term for correct behavior (thus, ahl-al-suluk, people of conduct) also applied to treatises on the expected behavior of rulers, businessmen, scholars, the wealthy, and artisans. Sunnah – tradition, Muhammad’s example, described as “noble” or “beautiful” (Q 33:21). Muslims are repeatedly instructed to obey God and God’s messenger (see Q 4:13; 4:59; 4:64; 5:92; 33:71). Some is farḍ, such as how Muhammad

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prayed; some is considered mandub. Accounts of Muhammad’s acts and words constitute aḥadīth, collected as described in Chapter 2. Some Muslims define Islam as Qurʾān plus Sunnah. The word may originally have had a wider scope, including accepted customs and acts of Muhammad’s closest companions, which are described in some traditions. Sunni – the term used by the largest subtradition, derived from the primacy of Qurʾān and Sunnah in its understanding of what Islam comprises. Not usually italicized in English, technically, all Sunni have an equal right to interpret the tradition, which does not attribute a privileged hermeneutical authority to any single individual. In practice, the early and some later caliphs as well as influential scholars have exercised a de facto authority that has shaped and sometimes changed how Islam is understood and practiced. Many different legal traditions and movements, some loosely, some tightly organized represent variety within Sunni Islam, which is richly variegated and far from homogenous. sūrah (plural suwar) – a chapter of the Qurʾān, of which there are 114. The traditional account is that their order (roughly by declining size except that chapter one is short) and names were fixed by Muhammad and Gabriel toward the end of the Prophet’s life. Chapters are identified by name, although reference to chapter and verse is becoming more common (and is used throughout this book). The word means a “fence.” Verses contained in chapters were not always revealed at the same time; identified as Meccan (revealed 610–22) or Medinan (622–32) some contain verses from each phase; classification is based on the opening sections. T ta’assub – refers to fanaticism, blindly following a legal school or group so that the bona fides of others are challenged or rejected. It can refer to intolerance and bigotry. Tafsīr/tafseer – from fassara, to explain; the science of Qurʾānic exegesis and commentary, hermeneutics or interpretation. Some Muslims see this as a dangerous endeavor, tantamount to claiming to know God’s mind or intent. However, it began early in Islamic history, pioneered by Muhammad’s cousin, Ibn Abbas (d. 697) and, as a discipline, developed its own conventions. Tafwid – delegation of a legal power or act, also authorizes an act or issues a warrant of arrest. Taḥrīf – concealment of corruption, refers to the possibility that earlier scriptures were deliberately changed during the transmission process. See 2:42, 59; 3:78; 4:46; 5:13; 7:162. Verses may be interpreted to refer to textual or to verbal corruption. Some accuse Ezra (fifth-century BCE) of changing the content of Torah.

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Many Muslims think that the real or original gospel is lost. In contrast, there is no uncertainty or doubt about the Qurʾān (2:2). A verbal form of the word occurs at 4:46; 5:13; 5:41; 2:75. Tajdīd – the revival or renewal of Islam, often inspired by a charismatic leader. Tajwid/tajweed – the science of Qurʾānic recitation, from “to make a beautiful sound”; reciters learn when to pause, when to lengthen a vowel, when to offer a rakaʿā of prayer; there are ten recognized schools of recitation. A trained reciter is a Qāriʾ, who must first memorize the whole Qurʾān. Takfīr – refers to when “God is Great” is repeated three times. Reciting once is a takbīra. Muslims use this as an exclamation attributing thanks and praise to God for their experiences, especially for good fortune. Takfir – is an accusation of apostasy, a tactic used by some Muslims to silence or delegitimize others. Apostasy classically attracted the death sentence, which was sometimes carried out without recourse to the legal system (although Islam recognizes the rule of law). The Qurʾān does not prescribe a penalty for apostasy. Takzir – discretionary punishment—not specified in Qurʾān or sunnah; they cannot exceed punishments prescribed in either. talaq (ṭalāq)– divorce; the Qurʾān permits divorce but stresses reconciliation. Tradition describes divorce as of all permitted things, the most distasteful for God (Abū Dāwūd, 2172–3). Depending on interpretation, men’s and women’s rights differ. Chapter 65 is called divorce; see also 2: 228–34. Traditionally, men have the right to pronounce talaq without giving reason and without recourse to a court (provided that talaq was not said in anger). There is a waiting period (ʻidda) for reconciliation purposes and to see if the wife is pregnant; if she is, the husband remains financially liable until the child is born (father usually receives custody of children). A one-off settlement (the portion of the marriage not paid earlier) ends a husband’s financial obligations. The legality of certain forms of Talaq has been widely debated and actual laws vary from state to state. Talaq-i-Bid’ah – innovation in matters of divorce; the legality of pronouncing a tripe talaq at one time rather than over a period of time, has been debated. Today, the legality of electronic talaq is discussed and generally rejected. Tanzīh – refers to God’s transcendence; verses in the Qurʾān that condemn comparing God with any object are “Tanzīh”(see, Q 6: 103; 37: 180; 42: 11) while those that appear to attribute a human form or anthropomorphic activates to God (sitting, hearing, seeing, possessing a face and hands) are tashbīh (see 20: 5; 2: 127; 4: 58; 75: 22–3; 48: 10).

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Tanzil – refers to the sending down of the Qurʾān to Muhammad via Gabriel. Reference in the Qurʾān to a “mother of the Book” (Umm al Kitab, 13: 39) and to a Preserved Tablet (al-Lauḥ al-Maḥfūẓ, 85: 22) led to the idea that an intermediate stage was involved, when the content was inscribed by God or by angels. This Book can be understood as physical or mystical. If created, this stage might represent the book’s composition. Gradual revelation allowed the message to strengthen Muhammad’s heart (Q 17:106), while 59:21 implies that he could not have endured receiving the revelation at once, which would shatter mountains. Taqīyah (dissimulation) – refers to the early Shīʿah act of protecting the Imām’s identity by publically pretending to be Sunni. Some non-Muslims regard this as a type of deceit that all Muslims are free to practice in certain circumstances, arguing that Islam permits dishonesty and deception. Taqlid – imitation, the opposite of innovation (Bid’ah). In Sunni, imitating or following the legal schools and the first three generations of Muslims is widely considered mandatory, based on the belief that Islam is a comprehensive and complete system that does not require supplementation. In Shīʿah, imitating the Imāms and the mujtahid to whom you pledge loyalty is mandatory. Taqwá – God-consciousness, Muslims aim to develop this as a constant reality in their lives (Q 49:13). ○arīqa – a path or way, usually a Sufi brotherhood or order (plural turuk), almost always named for their founders. Each is headed by a Pīr or Sheik, the guide or murshid. Murids members are initiated. Each have their own approach to spiritual discipline, practices, and traditions, among which, sama, the collective recitation of dhikr, is central. In the West, some accept non-Muslim members (such as the Sufi Order International). Ṭa’rīkh – refers to history as an academic discipline—from the word for date. This indicates the interest in reconstructing chronology by indenting dates demonstrated by Muslim historians. Tarjuman – an interpreter or translator, thus the word is used for a translation of the Qurʾān, which is not the Qurʾān per se but conveys the meaning across languages. Tartil/tarteel – recitation. From 73:4 where Muhammad is instructed not to rush recitation but to use “slow, measured tones.” See also 75:16–17. The Qurʾān should be recited in this manner. Tashbīh – are verses that appear to attribute human characteristics to God such as sitting, hearing, seeing, suggesting that God possesses eyes and ears, and a body that can sit on a throne (see Tanzīh). These verses attracted debate. 369

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Some condemned those who attributed physical features to God as likeners (mushabbihun). tawaaf – circumambulating the Ka’bah seven times, three times quickly, four slowly during the hajj or umrah. Movement is anti-clockwise, said to reflect the natural order of the universe. Tawaaf Wadaa – farewell circumambulation, after performing the hajj but before leaving Mecca. Tawajja – to turn or incline toward God. Tawakkul – absolute trust in and reliance on God; see examples at Q 5:23; 10:71; and 16:99. Tawba – repentance or relenting toward; as God relents toward Adam (2:47) after he ate from the forbidden fruit and gave him a Word; due to human forgetfulness, God sends reminders, prophet,s and books. Surah 9 (perhaps the last to be revealed) is al-Tawbah. Ta’weel – returning to a word’s original meaning to understand better how it can be used in legal or other contexts. Tawhid (tawḥīd )– the Oneness of God (see surah 112); Muslims often describe this as Islam’s most fundamental principle. It also describes the ideal for Muslim life; life should be lived as a unified whole, combining spiritual, devotional, leisure, and work activities as one, constantly aware of God’s reality. Tawhid can be understood as “balance” (God’s attributes and quality are perfectly balanced, in complete harmony). Ta’wil, from awwala – meaning explanation or interpretation, this term is often used as a synonym for tafsir. Some regard this as being concerned with the inner or esoteric meaning of the Qurʾān. ta’yld – divine assistance, an Ismā’īlī term used to describe the divine support that prophets and Imāms experience. Tazil – to be confused or to err; this is the word at 2:282 that says that when a woman gives evidence, another should accompany her in case she “errs.” U Ulamā – plural of ʿĀlim, scholars, usually those qualified in recognized Muslim academies, either as jurists or theologians. They may be independent or state-employed as Muftis or Qāri’ or employed by a Mosque as prayer leaders or preachers.

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Ulum (‘Ulūm)– science, for example, ulum-al-Qurʾān (science of the Qurʾān), ulum al-ḥadīth, (science of Ḥadīth). Science of jurisprudence, ulum al fiqh A Dar-alUlum or Uluum is a House of Study or science. al-ulumal-islamiyya – Islamic academic disciplines. Umm-al-Kitāb – 13:39, the mother of the book, believed to be the first stage in the Qurʾān’s descent, penned by angels in heaven (the preserved tablet, al-lawh al-mahfuz, 85:22). For most Muslims, the Qurʾān is eternal; some see this as a reference to its creation. umm al-mu’minin – mothers of the believers, an honorific given to Muhammad’s wives who are “not like other women” (33:32), therefore some Muslims say they should not be emulated. Shīʿah and Sunni have different lists of Muhammad’s wives; numbers vary depending on whether some are counted as wives or concubines (Ma malakat aymanukum / what your right hands possess), from 11 to 15. Nine are said to have survived Muhammad, given permission at 33:50 to marry more than four. Ummah – the community or nation of Islam (see Q 3:110); in theory there is a single Muslim entity. Some Muslims regard fragmentation into numerous independent states as un-Islamic. Muslims should reunite into a single polity, or at least Muslim states should move toward some closer form of alliance. The bias against disunity often militated against rebellion and acts that might compromise unity. The word occurs 64 times in the Qurʾān. Ummiy – unlettered or unversed in scripture, refers to Muhammad and also to his people, presumably Arabs in the seventh century. See 7:157–8; 29:48; and 62:2. Muhammad was unlettered and brought God’s word to an unlettered people, or to a people who did not possess their own scripture. Older renderings of umiy include “gentile” and “lay.” The Qurʾān says that Muhammad received all he recited from God, nor did he falsify what he received (53:1–11). Ummy is related to umm (mother) and to ummah (community). Umrah – the lesser pilgrimage, which may be performed at any time except during the hajj; mentioned at 2: 196. Ulum al-qadima or al-awail – is foreign science, a term that often included falsafa and other imports into Islamic space. `Urf – local custom; Muhammad allowed local customs to remain provided they did not conflict with Islamic principles; traditionally, areas not explicitly dealt with by Qurʾān and Sunnah have been left to local custom. Some legal schools leave more scope for this than others; for example, Ḥanbalī which is reluctant to base law on anything other than Qurʾān and Sunnah.

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‘urs – death anniversary of a Sufi saint, popular in South Asia and among South Asia Muslim communities (literally a wedding), usually at the Dargâh. Music, recitation, and dhikr feature prominently, disapproved by Wahhabi Muslims and considered ḥarām by some. Uṣūl, Uṣūl al-fiqh – tools or principles of law (legal theory); tools refers to methods used to interpret or deduce Islamic Law, especially Ijmāʿ, qiyas, and ʼijtihād (also istiḥlāl and Istihsan). V Vilayet – an administrative unit in the Ottoman system. Vizier – chief minister or vice-regent first appointed by the Abbasids, adopted from Iranian practice. Over time, their authority increased (root meant to help); entered English through Turkish. Sometimes “Azam” (supreme) was added. W wahdat al Ḥaqq – unity of truth; Sufis and some Muslim philosophers believe that every truth originates from God, regardless of where a particular truth is encountered. wahdat al- wujūd – unity of being; a Sufi teaching that regards all creation as “divine” since God is all in all; when baqa occurs, all duality ceases. Some Muslims regard this as blasphemous. See also ittihad-i Khaliq wa Makhluq. Wahhabis – see muwahhidun waḥy – revelation; God’s communication to prophets and people, including the bees at 16:68 and Moses’ mother at 20:38. Scripture contains the substance and form of revelation; traditions contain the substance expressed by the recipient’s own choice of words. Muhammad described the experience of revelation as coming to him in a sleep or dream-like state, sometimes announced by the ringing of bells (Bukhari, Volume 1, Book One, Numbers 2–3). Sometimes, he saw Gabriel in human form; sometimes it seemed that the words were written on his heart. Al-wujūd – the necessary. Al-wujūd – existence. Walī – (see the plural form, Awliyaa) saint or friend (singular); also a deputy or governor under a sultan or caliph. waqf – endowments, religious endowment that fund academies and other institutions, under private control. Even when many legal areas were administered by nonSharīʿah courts, endowments were usually left within Sharīʿah jurisdiction. This facilitated scholars’ independence of political rulers. Sometimes, endowed

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institutions have been taken over by the state; famously, Al-Azhar in Cairo in 1961. Waraqah – Khadijah’s relative, whom Muhammad consulted after first receiving revelation. A Christian versed in Scriptures he confirmed that Muhammad was being called as a Prophet. Wilāyat – is an administrative unit in some Central Asian states denoting a province, an area (wilayah) over which a Wāli (governor) has authority. Wilāyat al Faqi – guardianship of pious jurists, Ayatollah Khomeini’s doctrine of rule by jurists, to whom the Hidden Imām’s authority has devolved. Traditionally, Iran’s temporal rulers and religious scholars had shared political and spiritual authority. This doctrine vests ultimate temporal and spiritual authority in scholars. Wudu (al-wuḍū)– ritual washing; see Q 5:8. Wudu is a partial washing; sometimes a complete bath (ghusl) is required. In certain circumstances, a dry wash is permitted. God loves cleansiness (2:222). Z Zahir – the literal or exoteric meaning of a verse or practice; batin refers to inner aspects. Ẓāhirī – a legal school in Sunni named for Dawud ibn Khalaf al- Ẓāhirī (d. 883) that prefers the literal meaning over other interpretations. Recognized as a valid school by the Amman Message. Zaidis – are a Shīʿah branch who recognized Zayd ibn ʿAlī instead of his half-brother, Muhammad al-Baqir as their fifth Imām (thus, they are Fivers). Al-Baqir was too passive vis-à-vis their oppressors; Zayd turned to armed rebellion. They are a large percentage of Yemen’s Muslims (30%) concentrated in the North and North West. Their Imāms (who were not considered infallible or sinless) often combined monarchical authority with spiritual leadership, emerged by popular acclaim; any descendent of Muhammad could qualify. The last King-Imām died in 1996. His reign effectively ended in 1970 following the Marxist revolution in the Yemen. A dissident movement, the al-Shabab al-Moumineen (also known as Houthis), has opposed the government since 2004. Zakat – (purification) the annual (mandatory) gift to the needy stipulated at 21: 63, a pillar of Islam, which must be distributed to the genuinely poor (Fuqarā’) and needy (Masâkin); the poor have a claim on the wealth of the more fortunate 51:19; 70:24. Traditions such as this suggest that merely giving food or money is insufficient; it is better to provide people with the means to earn a living

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(see Abū Dāwūd, Book 3, Number 1637). It is roughly 2½ percent of disposal income. zâlimûn – wrongdoers. Zaman – time (also al-dahr), censure of dhamm al-dahr, cosmic force, perhaps arbitrary is a theme of pre-Islamic poetry; Arabs may have attributed arbitrary fortune to time, not to a God who values human life or protects justice. See Q 45:24; Dahriyyah, from time, also means a heretic (they attribute to time what is rightly God’s). Zamzam – the miraculous well that provided Hagar and Ishamael with water to quench their thirst in Mecca. Pilgrims commemorate the miracle that runs between the hills Sa a and Marwah, now covered and air-conditioned. Zanadiqa – atheists, heretics (singular, zindiq). Zani – an adulterer; zaniye adulteress. Zenana – Farsi for the women’s quarters of a Muslim home; see ḥarām. Zināʾ – adultery (also rape); Q 24:2 prescribes 100 lashes (stoning for a married person, according to tradition) as a penalty; a false accusation results in 80 (24:4). Four witnesses to the act of penetration are required for a guilty verdict, although in the case of a “charge against a spouse” one witness may swear an oath five times (4:6–7). Ziyarat – visits, to Muhammad’s tomb in Medina (often following the hajj or umrah) and also to Sufi Dargâhs. Wahhabi Muslims disapprove of both; however, they are very popular across the Muslim world. ẓulm – cruelty, injustice.

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Index Abbasid caliphs 84–5, 143, 215, 236, 284–7, 328, 332, 339, 352, 359, 361, 372 Abbott, Nadia 88 ´Abduh, Muhammad 163, 168–71, 179–80, 269, 296 Abedin, Huma 38 Abraham 338, 341, 347, 361 Ackerman, Phyllis 237, 251n87 Adams, Charles 25–6, 267 Afghani, Jamal al-Din 168–71, 173, 179 Afghanistan 48, 174, 176, 178, 180, 193, 196, 199, 205n23, 236, 252n87, 294, 304, 308, 353 Aga Khan/Agha Khan/s 136, 252n101, 286, 304, 344 Aghaei, Kamran 148 Ahl al-Sunnah wal Jama’ah, people of the sunnah and community 2, 128 Ahl-i Hadith/ Ahl-al-ḥadīth 127, 143, 165, 175, 179–80, 183n30, 327 Ahmad, Ahmad Atif 36 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud 271 Ahmadiyyah/Ahmadis 31, 271, 350, 356 Ahmed, Akbar 23–4, 262, 266–7, 269, 280, 296, 304, 309, 313 Ahmed, Leila 20, 26, 32–3, 52n20, 267, 323 Ahmed, Quanta 274, 278 Ajami, Fouad 148 Alawis 135, 137, 155n24, 337, 365 Albani, Muhammad Nasir al-Din 174–6, 18n19n23 Algar, Hamid 151, 161nn119,122–3 Algeria 12, 15–16, 179, 192, 195–6, 221–2, 230 Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib 283–4, 330, 336, 340, 343, 348, 354, 361, 363–5 Ali, Ayaan Hirsi 37 Ali, B. Mir Hasan, Mrs 15, 352 Ali, Kecia 32–3, 50, 52n33, 224n7, 332 ‘Ali, Muhammad 167, 192–3, 202, 221 Ali, Muhammad (Cassius Clay) 202 Al-Allaf, Huthail Abu 122 Al-Allaf, Mashhad 3, 319 Allenby, Edmund 205n27, 297

Amir-Moezzi, Mohammad Ali 142–3, 145, 156n45 American Academy of Religion 25, 35, 49, 308 American Oriental Society 6, 34 American University, Washington, DC. 304 Aminrazavi, Mehdi 147 Amman Message 329, 365, 373 Al-Andalus 187–9, 276, 332 Anglo-Oriental College, Aligarh, / Aligarh University 269, 297 An-Na’im, Abdullahi Ahmed 26, 226n70, 321 anthropology 2, 3, 23–4, 33–4, 41, 48–9, 94, 96, 99, 102, 104–5, 107–12, 114, 151, 261, 266, 273, 278, 286, 302 Apostolov, Mario 276, 322 Aquinas, Thomas 286 Arab Spring 6, 200, 220, 292, 310 Arabian Nights/The Thousand and One Nights 20, 192, 232, 247n27 Arabic 1, 7–12, 14, 16–17, 19–21, 22–34, 35, 40–3, 46, 50, 51n3, 54n41 n50, 55n53, 60–7, 70–2, 74, 75–7, 80–1, 83–4, 88, 90–2, 93, 102, 119, 123–4, 133n3, 137, 188, 191, 199, 221, 234–5, 259, 264, 274, 277, 281–2 Arabic competency 1, 40–3, 50, 62, 71, 102, 137, 277, 282 Arafat, Yasser 271 Arberry, Arthur J. 62–3, 116n24, 161n119, 309, 319 Aristotle 39 Arizona, University of 302–3 Arkansas, University of 307, 316 Arkoun, Mohammed 16, 24, 26, 60, 271 Arnold, Sir Thomas 250n77, 297, 299, 306, 320 Aryan race theory 12–13, 16, 232, 293 Asad, Muhammad 205n27, 278 Asad, Talal 24, 56n81 al-Ash’arī/Asharites 122–3, 126–7, 170, 285, 329, 332, 347, 359–60 Askari, Syed Hasan 21, 303

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Index Aslan, Reza 38 assassins 135–7, 286, 339 Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa 27, 309 Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal 198–9, 221, 298 Australia, Islamic studies in 4–5, 185, 308 Ayesha/Aisha 214, 283, 336 Ayoub, Mahmoud 139, 141, 148 Azami 67–8, 92n4 al-Azami, Mohammad Mustapha 88 Azerbaijan 218 Al-Azhar University, Cairo 20, 42, 169, 229, 372 Bachmann, Michelle 38 Bacon, Roger 287 Baghdad 85, 124–5, 143, 145, 188, 216–17, 284–6, 288, 295, 339 Baha’i 31, 356 Bahrain 218, 295, 307, 310 Bangladesh/Bengal 16, 20, 216, 272, 275, 280–1, 290, 299, 306, 327, 364 al-Banna, Hasan 171–2, 271, 298 Banu, U. A. B. Razia Akter 280–2 Al-Baqillani 123, 127, 134n10 al-Bāqī, Abd 64 al-Baqir, Muhammad 373 Bar Hebraeus 8–9, 260, 287–8 Bar-Asher, Meir 143, 157n57 Bard, Mitchell Geoffrey 5 Barelvi, Ahmad 179, 353 Bärendt, Johan-Gottfried 290 Bat Yeʼor, Miriam Kochan 276 al-Bayḍāwī 63, 71, 73 Bazzano, Elliott 1, 51n13 Becker, Carl Heinrich 296, 315 Beckingham, Charles F. 300–1 Bede, the Venerable 284 Beeston, Alfred 71, 92n2 Bell, Richard 70, 293 Bennett, Clinton 40, 54n48, 266, 277, 316, 319, 323 Berchem, Max van 234–6, 249nn63,67, 250n76 Berg, Herbert 62, 86, 318 Bergen, Peter 262 Bergmann, Uwe 68 Berkson, Mark 47–8, 56n78 Berlin, University of 22, 65, 236, 296, 298–9 Bhutto, Benazir 306, 364

Bible 7–8, 14, 39, 47–8, 51n2, 59, 61–2, 67–70, 103, 284, 291, 356 Bid‘a 120, 164–5, 172, 175, 188, 198, 269, 323, 368 Bin Laden, Osama 172, 201, 262–3, 306, 308, 332 Birmingham University 307, 310 Blachère, Régis 63 Blair, Sheila 238, 244n4,5, 246nn11,13,15– 16,22,26, 247n29, 250nn76,81, 251nn86,95,96, 252nn98–100,102,105, 254n127–8, 256n142, 257n151,311 Blankenship, Khalid 140, 156n38 Bloom, Jonathan 238, 244nn4,5, 246nn11,13,15–16,22,26, 247n29, 250nn76,81, 251nn86,95,96, 252nn98– 100,102n105, 254nn127–8, 256n142, 257n151,311 Blunt, Garry 272, 323 Boldyrev, Aleksei 14 Bosnia 178, 293 Bosworth, Clifford Edmund 300–1 Boulainvilliers, Henri 9 Boullata, Issa J. 69, 73 BRIC countries 197, 205n20 Brown, Daniel W 49 Brown, Karen McCarthy 109, 117n51 Brown. Jonathan 79, 81–2, 89, 92n2 Buehler, Arthur E. 3, 93–118, 261–2, 266, 271 Bukhārī, Muḥammad ibn Ismāʻīl (use this spelling of Bukhari in text) 77, 80–2, 86, 89–91, 168, 285, 365 Bulliet, Richard 31, 37, 51n17 Burckhardt, Johann Ludwig/John Lewis 20, 325 Burton, Sir Richard 8, 20 Bush, George W 201, 264 Buyids 144–6 Cain, Herman 38 Calder, Norman 31, 51n16, 74, 146, 158n76 Cambridge Muslim College 35 Cambridge University 7–8, 288, 294, 309 Campo, Juan 50, 313 Caner, Ergun Mehmet and Emir Fethi 264 Carlowitz, Treaty of 191, 289 Carlyle, Thomas 11–12, 291 Center for Arabic study Abroad 41 Chalabi, Tamara 148, 160n102 Charlemagne 188, 285

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Index Charney, Jean Paul 269 Chechnya 178 Chelkowski, Peter 147, 159n87–8 Chicago University 7, 21, 26, 236, 294–5, 297, 306 Chittick, William 45, 56n67, 138, 159n81, 162n140 Christie, Chris 38 Clarion Fund 38 Clinton, Hilary 38 Cold War 173, 186, 196, 199, 201–2 Columbia University 7, 14, 34, 290, 294 Cook, David 263 Cook, Michael 22, 37, 53n32, 303, 308 Corbin, Henry 3, 19–20, 136, 138, 140, 147, 154nn10–13, 156n39, 267 Corpus Coranicum project 65–6, 298 Council on American Islamic Relations 223 Courbage, Youssef 276, 280 Cragg, Kenneth 54n47, 295 Cromer, Lord Evelyn Baring 15, 17, 293 Crone, Patricia 36, 53n32, 140, 156n37, 270, 303 Crusades 135, 186, 188–9, 201, 205n27, 286 Curtis, Edward E IV 31, 51n12–13, 271–2, 310 Curtis, Maria 3, 17, 21, 77, 84 Cuypers, Michel 62, 69 Dabashi, Hamid 139, 152, 270 Daftary, Farhad 136, 155n18 Dagli, Caneri 101, 103 Dakake, Maria 141, 156n41 Daniel, Norman 7, 10, 204n12, 322 Dar-al-Harb/Dar-al-Islam 275, 333 al-Dāraquṭnī 81 al-Dārimī 81–2 Dāwūd, Abū 81–2, 90, 365 Deeb, Lara 148, 160n98 Defrémery, Charles 136, 154n5, 301 Delacroix, Eugène 230, 247n29 democracy 32, 103, 152, 178, 185, 197–9, 263, 266, 275, 279, 281, 296, 302, 365 democratization of knowledge 4 Denny, Frederick M. 25, 49, 56n65, 308 Deobandi 263, 269 Déroche, François 65–6, 290 Dharr, Abu 141 Dialogue of Civilizations 202

Díaz, Rodrigo/ El Cid 189, 276 Dickinson, Eerik 92n2 digitisation of Islamic studies resources 298, 309, 325 Donaldson, Dwight 138 Druze 31, 135, 344 Duke University 5, 307–8 Durham University 21–3, 300–1, 308 Durkheim, Emile 95 Dutton, Yasin. 66 Edinburgh University 18, 286, 293, 303, 309–10 Effendi, Mahmud 93, 104 Egypt 12–13, 14, 17, 20, 32–3, 41, 48, 64, 163, 167, 169–71, 174–5, 177, 190, 192–4, 196, 199–200, 216, 219, 221–2, 231, 234, 247n32, 273, 285–8, 290, 293, 295–6, 298–9, 302, 304 El Fadl, Abou 36, 53n31 El-Awa, Salwa 69 Elias, Jamal 43, 49, 55n52 Elijah, Muhammad 272 Ellison, Keith 309 Elmarsafy, Ziad 8–9, 11–12 El-Zein, Abdul Hamid 23–4 Emory University 307 Enayat, Hamid 152 Encyclopaedia of Islam 14, 21, 311–12 Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith 88, 90, 313 Encyclopedia of the Qur’an 61, 63, 312 Engineer, Asghar Ali 355 Enlightenment, the 9, 12, 59, 103, 191 Ernst, Carl W 5–6, 23, 25–6, 30, 47, 49, 51n15, 52n24, 102, 295 Erpenius, Thomas 288 Esack, Farid 26, 46–8, 56nn67,68, 60, 268, 270, 278 Esposito, John L 32, 50, 150, 208, 266, 268, 281, 293, 306–7, 312 Ettinghausen, Richard 237 Evans, Donald 110, 117n54 Exeter University 9, 23, 304, 309, 323 Faghfoory, Mohammad Hassan 147, 159n86 Fakhry. Majid 63 al-Fārābī 329, 337 Fargues, Philippe 276, 280 al-Faruqi, Isma’il Raji 5, 21, 25, 45, 302, 306

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Index Fatimids 145, 157n63, 285–6, 339, 344, 355 Fergusson, James 233 film/fiction 276–7 Fiqh 3–4, 120, 207–26, 321 Fischer, Michael 151 Fischer, Wolfdietrich 43 Fitna 336 Fleischer, Heinrich 14, 297 Fletcher, Richard 276, 323 Flügel 14, 63–4, 292, 298 Forman, Robert 107 Forster, Charles 18, 262, 291 Foucault, Michel 39 France, Islamic studies in 11–13, 20, 184n34, 231–4, 287, 296 Francis of Assisi 11, 286 Frankfurt University 308 Frazer, James George Sir 104, 116n29 Freud, Sigmund 95 Friedman, Yaron 137 Friedmann, Yohanan 276 Fuʾād, King 64 Funding of Islamic Studies 4–5, 21–3, 238, 253n118, 301–5, 307–8, 310 Gabriel, Brigitte 37 Gadahn, Adam 264 Gagnier, John 7–9, 289 Galileo 103, 105 Geaves, Ron 273 Geertz, Clifford 23–4, 274, 280, 302 Geiger, Abraham 21, 69 Geller, Pamela 37 Gellner, Ernest 23–4 Gender 1, 3, 26, 33, 44, 50, 51n19, 52n23, 55n61, 111, 133, 148, 164, 202, 219–20, 263, 265–6, 273–4, 277–8, 323–4 George Mason University 5 Georgetown University, Washington, DC. 280, 304–6, 309 Germany, Islamic studies in 4–5, 16, 236, 275, 297–8, 310 Gérôme, Jean-Léon 231 Al-Ghazālī, Abū Hāmid 12, 39, 54n49, 119, 121, 124–5, 127–8, 130–2, 133n1, 170, 270, 286, 319, 340, 353 Ghulāt 135, 137, 337, 365 Gibb, Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen Sir 19, 21–2, 297, 300–1 Gibbon, Edward 8–10, 12, 18, 191, 289, 305

Gilsenan, Michael 23, 273–4 Gladstone, William E. 293 Glasgow University 305, 310 Gobineau, Joseph-Arthur de 232–3 Goddard, Hugh 6, 310 Goldziher, Ignaz 14, 20, 42, 70, 82, 87–8, 101, 138–9, 153, 155n27, 297–8, 318, 321 Goupil, Albert 231–2 Grabar, Oleg 227–8, 238–9, 244n2, 245n9, 246n19, 252nn8–12, 254n123, 304 Granada, Spain 189, 231, 287 Grof, Stanislas 107 Grotius, Hugo 7–9 Grunebaum, Gustave Edmund von 24, 26, 297, 301 Guillaume, Alfred 84, 88, 300 Gulf War 174, 180 Haddon, Alfred Court. 104–5, 110 Ḥadīth 1–4, 17–18, 21, 75–92, 101, 120,

145–6, 165–6, 168, 174–5, 179, 181, 183n19, 207–9, 214–15, 216–17, 267, 270, 274, 276, 285, 291, 300 Haider, Najam 141, 156n45 Haleem, Abdel 63 Hallaq, Wael B. 25, 44, 209, 213, 218–20 Halm, Heinz 136, 141, 154n16 HAMAS 205n24 Hamburg, Colonial Institute/University. 16, 296 Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph von 136 Ḥanīfah, Abū/Hanafis 79, 169, 215–16, 337 al-Haramain al-Juwaini 127 Hardy, Peter 160n107 Hartford Seminary, CT 2, 153, 295, 302, 315 Hartmann, Richard 101 Harūn al-Rashīd. 85 Harvard University 2, 5, 7, 14, 19, 21, 23, 37, 239, 300, 304, 306, 309 Hasan of Basra 124, 129, 356, 365 Hava, J. G. 43 Hedges, Chris 38 Hegal 39 Herzfeld, Ernst 236, 250n79 Heyter Report, UK 23, 301 al-Hibri, Azizah 223 Hillers, Delbert Roy 301 Hinds, Martin 270 Hisbah 172–3, 340

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Index Historians of Islamic Art Association 241, 253n114, 305 Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr 205n25 Hizbullah 148, 205n24 Hodgson, Marshall 26, 39, 44, 52n26, 53n40, 54n41, 55nn57,60,136, 143–4, 154n8, 157nn51,58,62, 186, 204nn1,3,4, 256n139, 321 Hoffman, Eva R. 246n17 Hoffmann, Thomas 69 Hollister, John Norman 148–9 Homosexuality 274 Horowitz, David 37–8 Hourani, Albert 14–15, 18, 22, 26–7, 182nn7,10,12, 204n10, 267, 301, 311, 319 Howarth, Toby 148 Huart, Clément 234 Hughes, Thomas Patrick 295, 312 Humprhreys, R. Stephen 306 Huntington, Samuel P. 38, 186, 203, 275, 322 Ḥurayra, Abū 80 Hurgronje, Snouck 18, 101 Hussain, Amir 45 Hussein ibn Ali 152, 166n38 Hyder, Syed Akbar 148, 159n95 Ibadi 214, 329, 340, 343 Ibn Abbas 317, 367 Ibn Abī Shayba 80 Ibn ‘Arabī 97, 101–2, 147 Ibn ‘Ata’, Wasil 124–5, 129, 356 Ibn Badis 179 Ibn Batuta 287, 321 Ibn Baz 175 Ibn Hajar al-Aṣqalāni 86 ibn Ḥanbal, Aḥmad /ḤHanbalis (please use this spelling throughout) 81–2, 84, 125–6, 128, 164–6, 210, 216–17, 284, 337 Ibn Hishām (please use this spelling in text) 284, 92, 300 Ibn Ibn Ḥazm 133n3, 137 Ibn Jurayj 80 Ibn Khaldūn 120, 122, 133n3, 134n4, 215, 287, 304, 321, 330, 354 Ibn Kullab 126 Ibn Māja 81–2 ibn Munabbih 80, 92n3 Ibn Qudama al Maqdisi 119, 133n2 Ibn Rashid, Maʿmar 80

Ibn Rushd 12, 19, 39, 189, 286, 292, 319 Ibn Saʿd 18, 85–6, 285 ibn Safwan, Jahm 126, 130 Ibn Sīna 147 Ibn Taymiyya 73, 128, 174, 269, 271, 287, 337, 342, 353 Ibn Warraq 60, 68 ibn Yasir, ‘Ammār 141 al-Iji 133n3, 137 Ijmāʿ 170, 210, 272, 342 ʼijtihād 170, 210, 342 India 13, 15–18, 20, 30, 93, 148–50, 160n106, 167, 179, 192–3, 200, 216, 229, 240, 251n87, 290, 292–3, 295–6, 299 Indonesia 1, 16, 40, 91, 101, 167, 180, 193, 196–7, 205n20, 216, 219, 221–2, 274–5, 281, 288, 299–300, 306, 344 Insiders/outsiders 2, 33, 35, 43–7, 49, 55n64, 98, 111, 265, 268 Institute of Ismā’īli Studies, London 136 International Association for the History of Religion 22, 304 International Congress of Orientalists 21, 293 Iqbal, Muhammad 22, 133, 269–70, 299 Iqbal, Muzaff ar 61 Iran 6, 13, 20, 82, 136–8, 142, 144, 146–53, 168, 192, 196, 199–200, 216, 218–19, 221–2, 228–9, 234, 236, 242, 245n8, 250n80, 265, 270, 282, 286–7, 296, 300, 304 Iran-Iraq War 304 Iraq 124–5, 140, 142, 144, 148, 150, 152–3, 167, 173, 176–7, 192, 196, 214–16, 218, 222, 236, 297, 304, 306, 308 Irving, Washington 230–1 Irwin, Robert 7, 8, 12, 17, 20, 27, 244n2 Ishmael 187, 291, 338, 341, 347 Islam, Yusuf (Cat Stevens) 202 Islamic Art 4, 227–57, 262, 295–6, 304–6, 320 Islamic Revolution (1979) 6, 138, 142, 146, 148, 150–1, 200, 222, 292, 304 Islamism/Islamists 26, 42, 164, 177–9, 181, 197–201, 203, 205nn23,24, 279, 302, 310 Islamophilia 230–1, 244 Islamophobia 42, 60, 202, 243–4 Ismael, Tareq Y. 27 Ismā’īlī 135–7, 145, 148, 150, 155n18, 160n107, 217–18, 252n101, 285–6 Israel 48, 175, 197, 200, 237, 239, 299, 352, 357

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Index Istanbul 93, 221, 257n153, 287, 295 Ithnā ‘Asharī 135, 148–9, 217, 331, 344, 364 Ivanow, Vladimir 136, 155n18 Izutsu, Toshihiko 20, 62, 69–70, 301 Jackson, Sherman (Abd al-Hakim) 36, 53n31 Jacobsen, Mark 50 Ja’far al-Sadiq/Jaʿfarī school 142, 217–18, 343–4, 364 Ja’far ‘Umar Thalib 180 Jamaati-i-Islam 179, 302 al-Jamal, Muhammad 31 James, William 95, 97, 110 al-Jami, Muhammad Aman 175 al-Jaza’iri, Tahir 170–1 Jerusalem 48, 188, 236–7, 239, 283, 286, 297, 303, 329, 332, 338, 345, 352, 359–60 Jesus 11, 31, 40, 54n47, 186, 260, 293, 333, 337, 343, 350–1, 361, 364–5 Jihadists 332, 346, 353 Johns Hopkins University 14, 21, 293–5, 301 Jones, Justin 149, 160n111 Jones, Lewis Bevan and Violet Rhoda 280 Jones, Owen 231, 234, 249n59 Jones, Sir William 13 Jordan 175–6, 192, 216, 222, 239, 297, 299, 307 Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought 307, 317 Joseph, Suad 50, 308 July 7, 2007 London bombing 5, 309 Juynboll, G, H. A 88–90, 313 ka’bah 347, 370 Kadivar, Mohsen 152 Kahf, Mohja 278 Karsh, Efraim 37 Kassis, Hanna E. 62–3 Kazakhstan 223 Keddie, Nikki 6, 151 Kepler, Johannes 105 Kerner, Jaclynne J. 4 Kerr, David A 295, 303 Kerr, Malcom H 26 Keskin, Tukrul 25, 309, 316 Ketton, Robert of 6, 288 Khadduri, Majid 21, 301 Khaled, Amr 271

Khalidi. Tarif 63 Khan, Daisy 38 Khan, Hazrat Inayat 31 Khan, Sir Syed Ahmed 269, 271, 293 Kharijites 140, 177, 214, 284, 340, 346, 348 Khattak, Shahin Kuli Khan 277 Khoei/Khū’ī, Abū al-Qāsim ibn ‘Alī Akbar 146, 158n73 Khomeini, Sayyed Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi 151–2, 373 al-Kindī 120, 132 Kiping, Rudyard 203–4 Knysh, Alexander 93, 114n1, 115n23 Kohlberg, Eten 143–5, 153n1, 156n43, 157n58 Kolmakov, Alexei Vasilyevich 290 Kosovo 178 Krämer, Gudrun 270, 309 Kramer, Martin 27 Kremer, Jürgen 111, 115n18 Kroeber, Alfred 24 Kuhn, Thomas 106 al-Kulaynī 143–4, 285 Kunze, John Christopher 14, 290 Kurzman, Charles 5–6, 133, 150, 295 Kuwait 174, 176, 306 Lalani, Arzina 143, 157n55 Lambton, Ann K. 18, 300 Lampeter University, Wales 21, 307 Lane, Andrew 73–4 Lane, Edward 15, 20, 43, 55n53 Lawrence, Bruce 39, 54n42, 115n20, 205n26, 308 Lawrence, Thomas Edward. E. 20, 227 Lawson, Todd 40, 54n47 Leaman, Oliver 50 Lebanon 48, 148, 150, 192, 205n24, 218, 297, 298, 300 Lecovic, Edina 38 Lederman, Carol 107 Leeds University 23, 305 Leiden University 7, 288 Leipzig University 14, 290, 294 Lewis, Bernard 8–10, 18, 21–2, 27, 37, 52n27, 136, 154n7, 287, 289, 301, 308–9, 321–2 Lewis, Michael J. 242, 256n147 Lewis, Reina 277 Libya 167, 192, 297, 310 Lindholm, Charles 274, 280

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Index Lindholm, Cherry 280 l’isle, Arnould de 288 Lockman, Zachary 37, 53n36 Lull, Ramon 7 Luther, Martin 9, 288 MacDonald, Duncan Black 295, 302 Madelung, Wilferd 141, 143, 157n58, 312 Madigan, Danile A. 62, 69 al-Madkhali, Rabi’ 175 Mahan, Alfred T. 295 Mahathir bin Mohammad 271 Mahdi, the 284, 333, 350–1 Mahdi, Muhsin 14, 19 Mahfouz, Naguib 277 Mahmood, Saba 32–3, 52n22 Makdisi, George 6 Mālik ibn Anas/Malikis 80, 84, 90–1, 121, 124, 126, 216, 284, 345, 349, 351 Malinowski, Bronislaw 105, 110, 116n29 Manchester University 22, 300, 309 Mansūr-al Ḥallāj 101, 285, 338 al-Maqdisi, Abū Muhammad 176–7, 183n23 Maranci, Gabriel 24, 274, 278 Marburg University 21, 291 Margoliouth, David Samuel 21, 71, 296 Marracci, Louis 8, 13, 289 Martin, Richard C. 18, 23, 25–6, 33–4, 50, 52n24, 267 Massignon, Louis 18–22, 26, 56n67, 101, 138, 155n18, 171, 296–8 Matthews, Arnold Nesbit 18, 291 Mawdūdī, Abū ‘l-Aʿlā/Maududi 269, 302, 337 McAuliffe, Jane D. 61, 63, 307–8 McCutcheon, Russell 24, 43 McDermott, Martin J. 145 McGill University 21, 300 Mecca 29, 31, 48, 75, 167, 171, 176, 191, 196, 210–11, 215, 283 Medina 75, 85, 175, 211, 214–16, 283, 328–9, 334–5, 337–9, 351, 353, 365, 374 Menocal, Maria Rosa 276 Mernissi, Fatima 24, 26, 32, 52nn19, 21, 267, 278, 323 Middle East Forum 27 Middle East Studies 27, 237, 282, 294–5, 300–4 Middle East Studies Association 27, 301, 309 Migeon, Gaston 234–5, 249n62 Millward, William G. 150, 161n116

Modarressi, Hossein 144, 146 Mogahed, Dalia 32, 208 Moghissi, Haideh 267 Momen, Moojan 139 Mongols 166, 286 Monte Croce, Riccoldo da 288 Moosa, Ebrahim 30, 39, 51n7n8, 54n43, 268 Morocco 41, 48, 167, 189, 191, 218, 230, 272, 274, 288, 297 Moscow University/Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies 14, 291 Mossadegh, Mohammed 300 Mottahedeh, Roy 151 Motzki, Harald 88–9 Mu’awiya 129 Al-Mufīd 142, 145 Mughals 149, 160n106, 190–1, 229, 292 Muhammad 7–11, 13–14, 17–18, 21, 29–32, 47, 53n32, 75–8, 80–1, 84–9, 129, 135, 167, 186–8, 191, 195, 207–10, 214, 217–18, 260, 264, 283 epilepsy alleged 17, 188 tomb 10, 374 Muhammad, Elijah 272 Muhammad Ali, Muhammad (Cassius Clay) 202 Muhammad Tāhir-ul-Qādri 263 al-Muhasibi, Harith 126 Muir, Sir William 15, 17–18, 268, 279, 285, 292–3 Mullā Ṣadrā 102, 147 Munich exhibition, 1910 235, 238, 249n72, 296 Munich Qurʾān Archive 298 Murata, Sachiko 45, 51n6 Murijites/ Murji’a 129, 354 Al-Murtada, Sharīf 145 Musa, Aisha 3 Muslim, Abū al-Ḥusayn Muslim ibn al-Ḥajjāj ibn Muslim al-Qushayrī al-Nisābūrī 81–2 Muslim Brothers 38, 171–2, 174, 200, 205n24, 298, 302 Muṭahhar al-Ḥilli 145 al-Mutawakkel, Caliph 125 Mu’tazilah 122, 124–6, 128–30, 165, 354, 360, 365 Al-Nahda 200, 205n24 Nakash, Yitzah 148, 160n99

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Index Nanji, Azim 16, 19, 26, 136 Napoléon Bonaparte 12–13, 192, 247n32, 290 Egyptian expedition 12–13, 247n32, 290 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein 20–1, 26, 45, 128, 138–9, 141, 147, 150, 152, 155nn30,32, 156nn39,49, 159nn82–4, 161nn118– 19,131, 162n136, 268–9, 319, 320 Nasr, Vali 139, 152 Nasrin, Taslima 277 Nasser, Abdel 173 Nation of Islam (NOI) 271–2, 350, 356 al-Nawawi, Abū Zakariā Yaḥyā ibn Sharaf 86, 128 Netherlands, Islamic studies in 7, 288 Neuwirth, Angelika 59, 62, 69, 72, 298 New York University 236–7, 308 Newman, Andrew J. 143 Nicholson, Reynold Alleyne 42, 54–5n51, 101, 273, 325 Nielsen, Jørgen S 303, 323 al-Nisā’ī 81–2, 84 niẓām islāmī 2, 171, 358 Nöldeke, Theodor 14, 69, 317 North Carolina University 35, 307 Nottingham University 23, 309 Nsaik, Zakir 271 objectivity/subjectivity 1, 3, 47, 97–8, 103–4, 109–14, 260, 265–7 Oman, Sultan of 304, 308 Organization of Islamic Cooperation 27, 200, 358 Orientalism 18, 33, 37, 39, 44, 52n27, 102, 106, 112, 195–6, 202, 204n11, 205n19, 230–1, 240, 277, 303 O’Shea, Stephen 276 Ottomans 190–3, 216, 221, 229, 287, 289–90, 293, 297–8 Tanzimat reforms 193, 293 Oxford University 2, 7–8, 10, 22, 287–9, 294, 305, 309 Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies 305, 315 St Anthony’s College 22, 301 Özsoy, Ömer 308 Padwick, Constance 15, 22, 272 Pakistan 16, 22, 99–100, 150, 152–3, 200, 216, 222, 240, 273, 299, 304 Palacios, Miguel Asin 101

Palmer, Henry Edward 20 Paret, Rudi 63 Paris, Islamic Art exhibitions 232, 234, 247nn28,34–5 Paris, University of 7, 14, 259, 286, 288–9 Patel, Eboo 38 Pennsylvania University 14, 290, 302 Penrice, John 18, 292 Pepin 188, 284 Peter the Venerable 285–6 Peters, Francis Edward 224nn31,35, 225nn37,43,48 Philippines 178 philology 7, 11–15, 24–5, 43, 101, 137–8, 231, 236, 262, 264, 290–2, 298, 315 philosophy 3, 11, 12, 16, 19, 102, 120, 127, 133n3, 146–7, 149, 154n10, 187, 264, 269, 285–6, 319, 328, 330, 335, 349 Pickthal, Mohammed Marmaduke 63, 294, 298–9 Pinault, David 148, 159n93 Pipes, Daniel 27, 266, 275 Plato 39 Pococke, Edward 7, 287–8 Political Islam 4, 269, 334, 358 Polo, Marco 136 Poonawala, Ismail 136, 154n15, 155n18 Pope, Arthur Upham 236–7, 251n87 Portland State University 23, 25, 301 Postel, Guillaume 287–8 Prideaux, Humphrey 9, 289 Princeton University 22, 236–7, 239, 308 Prisse d’Avennes, Émile 231, 247n33 Procházka, Stephan 63 Progressive Muslims 36, 47, 268–9, 299, 334, 355 Prothero, Stephen 49 psychology 94, 96–8, 107, 111, 114n4, 267 ul-Qādri, Muhammad Tāhir 263 al-Qaeda 176–9, 200–1, 264, 306–7, 353 al-Qalanisi, Abu al-Abbas 126 al_Qaradawi, Yousef 272 al-Qasimi, Jamal al-Din 170 Qatar 240–1, 244n5, 253nn116–17, 254n125, 256n141, 257n153, 290, 307, 309 Qurʾān 1, 3–4, 6, 8–15, 17–20, 26, 29–30, 37, 39–41, 46–7, 52n23, 59–118, 119–22, 124–7, 130, 207–10, 216–19, 229,

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Index 233, 263–4, 267, 270, 274, 276, 283, 285–6, 288–93, 297–9, 301–3, 305, 307, 309–10, 317–18 Cairo edition 64, 292, 298 Jewish sources, alleged 14, 20, 39, 69–70 Translations 6, 8–9, 11, 13, 20, 62–4, 67, 191, 286, 288–9, 291, 297–9, 301, 310 Quraysh 175–6, 340, 360 Qutb, Sayyid 31, 73, 172, 177–8, 180, 302 Rabbat, Nasser 242, 250n75, 257n148 Rahman, Fazlur 21, 45, 55–6n65, 69, 159n81, 268, 300 Ramadan, Tariq 23, 35, 133, 205n28, 269, 275, 309 Rauf, Faisal Abdul 38 al-Razzaq, ʿAbd 80 reason 11, 17, 73, 83, 112, 121–3, 125–8, 131, 134n8, 145, 152, 165, 168–9, 174–5, 194, 208–9, 215, 217, 328 Recommendations, German Report 5–6, 16, 26, 225, 310 Redfield, Robert 23 Redslob, Gustav 64 reform 12, 17, 27, 30, 33, 35, 40, 148, 150–2, 167, 169–71, 174, 179, 181, 192–4, 198–9, 215, 217, 219, 221–3, 225n67, 269, 274, 277, 284, 293, 296, 310, 330, 332, 344, 353, 363 religious studies 2, 26, 33–5, 37, 41, 43, 50, 52n24, 53n33, 94–6, 102, 104, 115n17, 158n66, 202, 265–6, 305, 308 Renan, Ernst 11–13, 15, 18, 182n5, 286, 291–2 Renard, John 40, 51n7, 54n48, 313 Reynolds, Gabriel Said 62, 69 Reza Shah Pahlavi 221, 304 Richard, Yann 139, 155n33 Richardson, John E 263 Rida, Rashid 170–1 Ridgeon, Lloyd 151 Riding, Alan 243, 245n6 Rippin, Andrew 2–3, 18, 20, 26, 31, 51n16–17, 62, 65, 154n15, 157n57, 158n76, 267, 268, 312, 317, 318 Rizvi, Kishwar 257n148 Rizvi, Saiyid Athar Abbas 149–50 Roberts, Thomas B. 106, 116n39 Roche-Mahdi, Sarah 16 Ross, Alexander 288 Royal Asiatic society 6

Ruffl, Karen 148–9 Rumi, Jalaluddin 101, 116n24, 271 Russia, Islamic studies in 14, 290–1 Ryder, André du 288, 290–1 al-Saadawi, Nawal 277 Sachedina, Abdulaziz Abdulhussein 144, 146 Saddam Hussein 306, 308 Sadeghi, U 68 al-Ṣadr, Baqir 146 Safavid dynasty 137–8, 142, 145–7, 150, 190, 229, 287 al-Ṣaff ār al-Qummī 143 Safi, Omid 30, 35–6, 53n31, 269 Said, Edward 6, 11–15, 18, 20, 27, 37, 39, 44, 52nn24,27, 54n44, 186, 195, 204n11, 205, 262, 303, 313, 322 Saint Petersburg Orientalist Institute 290–1 Saladin, sultan of Egypt 188, 271, 285 Saladin, Henri 234–5, 249n62 Salafis 4, 127, 163–84, 217, 269, 287, 290, 298, 306 Sale, George 8–9, 191, 289 Saleh, Walid 73–4 Salisbury, Edward E. 136, 292 al-Ṣanʿānī 80, 92n3 Sarder, Ziauddin 262, 279 Saudi Arabia 31, 91, 163–5, 172, 174–6, 178, 180, 197, 217, 263, 274, 290, 297, 300, 304 Scarborough Report, UK 22 Schact, Joseph 88, 269 Schéfer, Charles 232 Schimmel, Annemarie 22, 26, 102, 266, 304, 319, 320 Schmidtke, Sabine 270 Schoeler, Gregor 80, 84 School of Oriental and African Studies, London 19, 22, 297, 300, 302, 304, 306–7, 309 Schubel, Vernon James 148 science 3, 11–12, 19, 94–8, 100, 103, 105, 112–13, 133n3, 149, 157n48, 168, 194, 197, 203, 238, 261, 271, 279, 289 secularism 10, 35, 47, 60, 68, 99, 151, 168, 170, 172, 179, 181, 185, 194, 197–202, 205nn22,24, 208, 215, 219, 222, 229, 233, 241, 260, 268, 275, 291, 298, 340, 342, 344

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Index Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham 2, 21, 303, 307 Sen, Girish Chandra 20 September 9, 2001 terror attack 5, 37, 45, 48, 201, 243, 263, 280, 352 Shabestari 152 Shaery-Eisenlohr, Roschanack 148 al-Shāfi‘ī, Abū ʿAbdullāh Muhammad ibn Idrīs/ Shāfi ʿī school 77, 79–80, 216–17, 284 Shah ‘Abd al-Aziz 149 Shah Sultan Husayn 145 Shah Waliullah 149, 179 Shah-Kazemi, Reza 146 al-Shahrastani 133n3, 137 Sharīʿah 93, 120, 207–10, 212, 215, 219–22, 336, 344, 351, 364, 372 Shariati, Ali 151 Shaykh Ma‘sum Naqshbandi 93, 100 Shaykh Shaltut 153 Shaykh Ṭūsī 145, 349 Shepard, William 4, 205 Shīʿah 3, 128–9, 135–62, 209, 214–15, 217– 18, 269–70, 284–7, 328, 331–3, 336–8, 340–1, 343–4, 347, 349–51, 353–5, 358, 364–5, 369, 371, 373 Shoebat, Walid 38, 53n37 Siddiqi, Muhammad Zubayr 77–83, 86–7 Siddiqui, Mona 305, 310 Siddiqui, Report 3, 6 Siffin, battle of 129, 340, 348 Silvestre de Sacy, Antoine Isaac, Baron 14, 18, 135, 290, 292, 297 Sīra 8, 17–18, 76–7, 83–5, 284, 289, 292, 352, 365–6 Sirhindi, Ahmad 93, 97, 100, 104 Skinner, B. F. 98 Smart, Ninian 26 Smith, Huston 49 Smith, Reginald Bosworth 18, 262, 293 Smith, Sir Robert J. Murdoch 234, 249n59 Smith, Wilfred Cantwell 2, 21, 25–6, 29, 43, 48, 300, 304 Society Asiatique 6 sociology 13, 15, 24, 34, 48–9, 203, 296, 309 sociology of Islam network 25, 309, 316 Song of Roland 188 Soroush, Abdulkarim 152 Soueif, Ahdaf 277 Sound Six Ḥadīth 81–2, 313, 337, 362, 365

South Carolina, University of 36 Spencer, Robert 37, 264, 279 Sprenger, Alloys 17–18, 87 Stewart, Devin 146, 158n78 Strunk, William 43 Stubbe, Henry 10, 262 Sufis/Sufism 1, 3, 14, 16, 30–1, 41, 43, 48, 74, 93–118, 147, 150–1, 153, 164, 166–7, 169–72, 174, 179, 181, 198–200, 263, 269–71, 273–4, 286 Suhrawardī 20, 147 Suleyman, Mulay 167 Sulz, Solomon Schweigger von 288 Sunnah 2, 120, 127, 208–11, 216–18, 285, 327, 338–9, 352, 356, 364, 366–8, 371 al-Suyūṭī 73 Syracuse University 21 Syria 41, 48, 108, 144, 170, 174, 192, 214, 216, 222, 239, 275, 297, 299, 310, 337 Szokoly, Istvan 291 al-Ṭabarī 8, 17–18, 72, 285, 294 Tafsir 6, 21, 65, 70–4, 76, 84, 307, 317, 330, 367, 370 Taḥrīf 344, 347, 367 Takim, Liyakat 150 Taliban, the 205n23, 304, 308 Taqlīd 145–6, 165–6, 168–70, 174, 210, 213, 269–70, 331–2, 369 Tart, Charles 96, 107 Tawḥīd 164, 166, 370 Temple University 5, 21, 301, 306 Thatcher, Margaret 263 theology 3, 21, 24, 34, 40, 70, 74, 102, 119–34, 137–8, 141–2, 145–7, 152, 166, 169, 264, 282, 285 Third Reich 16, 236–7 Tibi, Bassam 26, 269, 272, 275, 322 al-Tirmidhī 81, 365 Tours, Battle of 10, 187, 284, 305 Toynbee, Arnold 186, 204nn2,3 Tschudi, Hugo von 235, 244, 249n70, 296 Tunisia 48, 192, 200, 205n24, 222, 294, 310 Turkey 8, 16–17, 20, 22, 137, 196, 199, 205n20, 216, 219–22, 228–9, 233, 242, 245n8, 276–7, 289, 297–8, 305–6, 308, 337, 344 Turnbull, Colin 108, 112 Turner, Edith 108 Turner, Vic 3, 108, 113–14

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Index Ṭūsī, Shaykh 145, 147, 158n68 Tylor, Edward B. 104, 116n29

UC Santa Barbara 36, 306 Yusuf ‘Uyayri 178, 183n27 ʿUmar 271, 283, 328–9, 339 ʿUmar II 334 Umayyads 143, 187, 229, 284, 332, 347, 359, 361 United Arab Emirates 290, 295, 307 United Kingdom, Islamic studies in 6, 35, 42, 303 United States, Islamic studies in 4–6, 14, 21–4, 27, 34–6, 42, 45, 60, 102, 153, 223, 235–7, 239, 253n114, 295, 297, 302, 304 Title VI funding 23, 102, 301–2 United States Naval Academy 309, 316 University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) 24, 34, 36, 301 Uṣūlī 145, 147, 158n72 al-‘Utaybi, Juhayman 176, 183n17 ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Affā 66, 129, 140–1, 214, 283, 303, 361 ‘Uyayri, Yusuf 178, 183n27 Varisco, Daniel Martin 24, 56n81 Vatican II 20 Vever, Henri 232 Vienna, Austria 6, 17, 24, 190–2, 234, 249n66, 287, 289 University 24, 249n66, 289, 306 Vienne, Council of 7, 287 Voltaire 11–12, 289 Waardenburg, Jacques 2, 15–16, 19, 24–6, 56n65, 267, 272, 275, 297, 322 al-Wadi’I, Muqbil 176 Wadud, Amina 26, 44, 52n23, 55n61, 70, 324 al-Wahhab, Muhammad ibn ʿAbd /

Wahhabis 31, 166–7, 173–5, 179, 269, 290 Walker, Paul 136 Wansbrough, John 15, 26, 37, 53n35, 71, 74, 303, 318 al-Wāqidī 18, 85, 285 war on terror 6, 308 Watson, John B 98, 115n16 Watt, William Montgomery 133n3, 140, 286, 293, 305 Weber, Max 95, 103 Wehr, Hans 43 Weil, Gustav 14, 17, 21, 292 Wellhausen, Julius 139 Werbner, Pnina 273–4 Wheeler, Brannon 56n93 Wheelock, Abraham 288 Wilber, Ken 107, 114n4 Wilders, Geert 37 Winder, R. Bayly 237 Winter, Stefan 148 Winters, Timothy 35, 307 World War I 16, 191, 196–7, 234, 236, 294, 297 World War II 18, 102, 192, 196, 199, 236, 298, 300, 304 Wright, Robin 262 Yale University 7, 37, 292, 309 Yemen 48, 174, 176, 216, 218, 222, 302, 310 Zaghlul, Sa’d 170 Zahirites 214, 329 al-Zamakhsharī 73 Zaman, Qasim 149 Zamir, Syed Rizwan 3, 160 al-Zarqawi, Abū Mus’ab 176 Ayman al-Zawahiri 177 Zaydīs 138, 141, 144, 217–18, 364 Zaytuna College, Berkeley, CA 35 Zwettler. Michael 69

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