The Black Panther Party and Transformative Pedagogy: Place-Based Education in Philadelphia 0739177540, 9780739177549

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The Black Panther Party and Transformative Pedagogy

The Black Panther Party and Transformative Pedagogy Place-Based Education in Philadelphia Omari L. Dyson

LEXINGTON BOOKS Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK

Published by Lexington Books A wholly owned subsidiary of Rowman & Littlefield 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com 10 Thornbury Road, Plymouth PL6 7PP, United Kingdom Copyright © 2014 by Lexington Books All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available ISBN 978-0-7391-7754-9 (cloth : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7391-7755-6 (electronic) TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for

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To those who have risen against And fallen to tyranny, This book is respectfully dedicated.

Preface William H. Watkins, Ph.D. The Black Panther Party hit quick like a thunderbolt. Operating with few resources, no script or dress rehearsal, this group of swashbuckling revolutionaries is and was historically and ideologically rooted in the maroon communities, the French Communards, the Mau Mau, the Viet Cong, and every revolutionary impulse struggling to be free in the face of harsh oppression. Riding a high wave of discontent, these radicals captured the attention of the entire planet as they struck fear into the hearts of the evildoers. Written in accessible language, the book you are about to read provides an account of the birth, life and decline of a national phenomenon. Like them or not, the Black Panther Party provided a historical moment forever emblazoned in our consciousness. From the founding of the nation to the writing of this book, Philadelphia again captures our attention. Located near a cluster of cities that include New York, Washington D.C., Baltimore, Newark, and the other population centers of the northeast, the city of brotherly love sometimes escapes our attention. Not the case, however, for Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois or Dr. Omari Dyson. Let us first remember the work of Du Bois. Back in the mid-1890s, Du Bois funded by the University of Pennsylvania, chose Philadelphia for his groundbreaking sociological study on Black urban life. For the unfamiliar, The Philadelphia Negro (1899) was the first empirical urban sociological study ever in the United States. New England bred Du Bois with middle class ambience and handlebar mustache, spent over two years, knocking on perhaps three thousands doors. He asked a regimen of questions getting at family size, income, expenses, and indicators of well-being. His use of horizontal bar graphs was an early example of the use of information graphics in social sciences research. It represents a bold effort on his part to infuse the field of sociology with tools of quantitative inquiry. Du Bois noted later that he was not always a welcome figure as locals were suspicious of an investigator trying to get information. He noted that merely being born in a group does not necessarily make one possessed of complete knowledge concerning it. Du Bois provides both groundwork and segues to this work. Author Dyson begins the work with a social and economic history of Philadelphia. It is the story of a politically and historically important city in colonial America where power and wealth were accumulated at the top, while misery accumulated at the bottom. Over the course of three hundred years, Philadelphia became the site of crushing poverty and hardship for its black and working class citizens. We learn immediately that this is a city divided by race, immigration, class, opportunity, and access. Philadelphia is not unlike other major industrial cities layered from the needy to the greedy.

Dyson casts Black Philadelphia as a colony. The colonized people have been beat down by hatred, neglect, and oppression. Amidst abundance, people live in want. Post-World War II, Philadelphia finds itself at a crossroads. Will it move forward to meet people’s needs in an expanding economy or will discrimination and exploitation prevail? Moving into the Civil Rights era, Dyson finds Philadelphia in lockstep with the national apartheid template—high unemployment, poor health care, unequally funded education, and police brutality—which best describes the experiences of many citizens and communities of color. He humanizes racism by moving it from an abstraction to everyday misconduct and mistreatment. As in many other cities, the emergence of an autocratic leader adds outrage and polarity to the oppressive milieu. Frank Rizzo takes his place alongside the likes of Bull Connor, Lester Maddox, George Wallace, and scores of other despots who stirred the racial pot. Dr. Dyson now offers the theme that undergirds the entire volume. OPPRESSION BREEDS REBELLION! If you sow the wind, you reap the whirlwind. Philadelphia is caught in the age-old conundrum of the irresistible object and the immovable force. The Civil Right Movement hits Philadelphia with the same fury as other large American cities. From sit-ins to pray-ins to more strident rhetoric, Dyson takes us on a journey as we witness the rise of militancy in the Black Movement. Of utmost importance, we find that the radicals are part of the indigenous people. They are not outside agitators or disconnected carpetbaggers. They are organic. They are the sons and daughters of the soil, their soil. Dyson’s fascination with the Black Panther Party (BPP) begins with a look at their origins. They began as Black Nationalists intoxicated on the thoughts and words of El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz (Malcolm X). Their job was to take up the struggle. This was to be a new moment in Philly’s history. Inspired by their brethren in Oakland and other cities, the local collective began to take shape. As they educated themselves, they launched into action. The Free Breakfast Programs alongside community health care programs were undertaken. Dyson detailed how the breakfast program endeared the revolutionaries to the community. In effect, the Panthers rose above the level of do-gooders or community helpers, they were, in fact, an auxiliary government providing desperately needed services. No amount of cereal and toast could compensate for the years of neglect and oppression. The Panthers declared war on mis-education, dis-education, and false prophets. Authentic education had to be sought which would make people whole. A DE-COLONIZATION had to take place among the masses. Dr. Dyson, the educator, now positions our attention to perhaps the Panthers most ambitious and important project, political education. They understood the power of knowledge. They understood Du Bois’s (1903) exhortation:

The negro problem . . . is largely a problem of ignorance—not simply of illiteracy, but a deeper ignorance of the world and its ways, of the thought and experience of men; an ignorance of self and the possibilities of human souls. This can be gotten rid of only by training; and primarily such training must take the form of that sort of social leadership which we call education.[1] The Panthers understood it and Dyson captured it. Education is key to transformation. We transform ourselves as we transform the world. The job is not simply to study the world, but to change it. Herein lies the pedagogy of anticolonialism. Dyson writes, “many Panthers not only re-defined themselves within an oppressive structure, but were able to re-position themselves as de-colonial pedagogues” (p. 95). From the late 1960s to the early 1970s social protest washed over the land. In Philadelphia, the Panthers were on the front lines against police brutality and social inequality. The group became synonymous with Black Power, Black Studies and equal education. The establishment of a Free Library, Community Information Center, Free Clinic, various food and medicine programs, shoe giveaways, assistance for welfare recipients, anti-gang activities and get-out-the-vote drives were viewed as survival and self-help programs. Defining their version of radicalism, the Panthers wanted to make the city safe, healthy, and peaceful. This was the de-colonization strategy at work. Building goodwill within their communities, the Panther Party was attracting the ire of the state apparatus, nationally and locally. J. Edgar Hoover and his band of merry men would not be denied their vengeance. Tiring of protestors, revolutionaries and those who yearned to be free, the Panthers were now pronounced as a threat to the nation’s security. Everything was soon to change as cruel methods of tyranny were launched. Nineteen sixty-eight and nine marked the time. Operation COINTELPRO had already infiltrated Panther chapters with undercover spies and agent provocateurs. In coordinated actions, raids were conducted on Panther offices around the country. Chicago provided a model of brutality and cruelty as Chairman Fred Hampton and Mark Clark were assassinated. The Chicago event, among others, represented a new escalation in state violence and repression. More strident protests were answered by more state violence. Radicalism now turned to jihad. During the summer of 1969 the authorities raided the Philadelphia Panther offices as they had done around the nation. Finding no weapons of mass destruction, police disabled typewriters, memo machines, and plumbing. In a raid at the west side office, police had the Panthers strip naked in a search for weapons. Later, a photograph of “six bare bottomed members and a thinly dressed woman” appeared both in Philadelphia and Associated Press newspapers nationwide. This event was a harbinger of things to come. A series of skirmishes including the death of a policeman, wherein Mumia Abu-Jamal was indicted, represented a new level of struggle. Philadelphia would never be the same. The FBI mandate was now

very clear—the Panthers had to be neutralized and ultimately erased. The die was cast. The book chronicles the attack and decline of this once powerful organization. The abundant resources of the state authorities were utilized to incarcerate, spread dissention and cause fear. Soon there would be resignations and defections. Many accounts of the Panthers end with a recounting of their bravery and martyrdom in the face of overwhelming state opposition. We often get David and Goliath meets Che Guevara. Not so with Dr. Dyson who reminds us again that he is an educator. He leaves us with the Panthers noble quest for education for themselves and their people. For Dyson, as for Du Bois, education is transformation. Education is humanization. Education is the de-colonization project. Education is the key to consciousness, identity, power, resistance, and transcendence. Such is the legacy of the Black Panther Party in Philadelphia and elsewhere. They were agitators and educators. They were both teachers and leaders. They are gone from our midst but their spirit lives on, theirs was the human spirit compelling us to resist tyranny, inequality, and suffering.

NOTE 1. William E. B. Du Bois, “The Training of Negroes for Social Power,” Outlook, accessed on May 5, 2013, http://www.library.umass.edu/spcoll/digital/dubois/EdTraining.pdf.

Chapter 1

Who’s Buying Gold? A Debt of a Dream The events which transpired five thousand years ago, five years ago, or five minutes ago; have determined what will happen five minutes from now, five years from now, or five thousand years from now. All history is a current event. —John Henrik Clarke[1] Dr. John Henrik Clarke often proclaimed that in order for someone to understand their current plight, they must understand their history. He, like many ScholarActivists, realized the direct link that one’s history had in shaping identity. Furthermore, this acquired knowledge of history establishes a framework to which individuals are able to carve their destiny. Quintessentially, knowledge of history is a requisite for many Blacks, among others, whose value for the human liberation struggle has severely ebbed away. And without a firm grasp on one’s historical roots, the results can be crippling, both socially and personally. To support this claim, I will highlight some contemporary issues that face the Philadelphia community. Thereafter, I will use these examples to segue into my thesis. Like many cities across the United States, many Black Philadelphians are faced with a cultural implosion. As the city improves its overall landscape, Blacks remain disproportionately affected by issues such as: homicide, poverty, unemployment, school failure, crime, and incarceration. When I began in-depth research on the current state of Philadelphia in 2007, I was struck by the amount of homicides that occurred. Initially, I read reports that indicated that by July 4, 2007, the city witnessed its 207th homicide year-to-date.[2] Two weeks later, I read a report that said that this number was 220.[3] And, by the end of the year, slayings blossomed to 392—third to New York (488) and Chicago (443).[4] Although these numbers might seem minute, since Blacks constituted about 43.2 percent of the 1.45 million Philadelphians,[5] my concerns grew as I speculated on whether these homicides represented a more sinister pattern. As I continued to gather data, my presumptions led me to converge on a dismal reality for a portion of Philadelphia’s populace if proper and effective interventions are not implemented. To illustrate, in 2005, homicide investigators reported 380 deaths with 12.6 percent linked to drugs and 54.7 percent associated with arguments.[6] Of the 380, 40 occurred in the last week of December with the victims being 18-years-old and younger.[7] After the first few weeks of the 2006 calendar year, eleven murders took place and by April the total rose to 127. By the end of 2006, Philadelphia reached a decade high with 406 residents deceased.[8] Since 2006, Philadelphia saw a decrease in homicide cases; however, the decrease did not erase the fact that the

killings continued. For example, in the first four days of 2007, five slayings occurred. By year-end, this number surged to 391.[9] By April 2008, Philadelphia’s homicide rate continued on a war path leaving 44 dead, but ended lower than the previous year’s count with 331 people slain.[10] By 2009 and 2010, the number of homicides totaled 305 and 306.[11] In 2011, Philadelphia experienced a slight increase in homicides and ended the period at 324.[12] By the end of 2012, Philadelphia closed the year with 331 homicides. To put Philadelphia’s homicide numbers in perspective, from 2005 to 2011, a total of 2,774 human beings have been sucked into a homicidal vacuum.[13] That means 2,774 people have been removed from this earth and will not fulfill the possibilities that life presents: from building a family to graduating with honors from college to becoming an inventor, healer, and/or community servant, these individuals are now memories. In response to such atrocities, I ask: What if more effective intervention programs were developed for our youth? Rather than producing programs that palliate, what if the focus were on those that attempt to save lives, and quintessentially, transform society. This program would be one based on responsibility and involve the fusion of: responsible life models; responsible parents; responsible educators; responsible media; responsible entertainers; and of course, responsible leaders. If this were the case, then we will see many people (regardless of social group identity) reach their god-like potential.[14] Simply put, our society needs a program that is rooted in responsibility, because without it, oppression will prevail.[15] However, when we, as a society, continue to ignore the fact that human beings are suffering, we will continue to see situations like the year-to-date homicide victims in places like Philadelphia rise. As of June 13, 2012, this number sat at 168, and as I continued to position each word in this book ’til year end and new year, lives have ceased to exist: 6/18/12-173; 6/25/12-182; 7/2/12186; 7/8/12-188; 7/18/12-192; 7/23/12-193; 7/30/12-207; 8/5/12-212; 8/12/12-216; 8/19/12-218; 8/26/12-230; 8/30/12-234; 9/4/12-240; 9/6/12-242; 9/10/12-249; 9/14/12-252; 9/17/12-253; 9/25/12-255; 10/3/12-263; 10/9/12-268; 12/26/12-327; 12/30/12-329; 12/31/12-331; 1/3/13-3; 2/1/13-19; 4/7/13-54; 5/5/13-81; 5/6/13-82; 8/13/13-153.[16] In 2006, the former Police Commissioner, Sylvester Johnson, responded to this tragedy by saying, “most of Philadelphia’s killings are by gunfire, most involve young, Black men and are the results of arguments, often over drugs but sometimes over trivial insults or perceived slights.”[17] In corroboration of the former commissioner’s claim, statistical analysis from the Philadelphia Police Department revealed that of the 1,332 murders during the 2007–2010 period, 1,050 (or 78.8 percent) were African American, 258 (or 19.4 percent) were White, and 24 (or 1.8 percent) were Asian/Pacific Islanders.[18] Of the homicide victims, males comprised 1,169 (or 87.8 percent) with African American males accounting for 945 (or 70.9 percent) of cases. [19] Further analysis during this period showed that 457 (or 34.3 percent) of murder

victims fell between 18-24 years old.[20] In reference to Mr. Johnson’s 2006 statement that linked homicides with arguments and gunfire, the Philadelphia Police Department reported that, “of the 650 murders resulting from arguments during the past four years (2007–2010), 550 (or 85 percent) of victims died from gunshot wounds.”[21] From January 2011 to June 2011, the Philadelphia Police Department found similar patterns in homicide cases. Murder analysis revealed that 73 percent occurred outside, 52.8 percent happened between Friday to Sunday, 38 percent transpired between 8 P.M. to 12 A.M., 30 percent resulted from arguments, and 80 percent involved gunshots.[22] Mayor Michael Nutter responded to the epidemic by blaming it “on a steady flow of illegal handguns into the city as groups like the National Rifle Association (NRA) stymie his attempts to pass local gun-control laws.”[23] Former Philadelphia Police Department Commissioner, Captain Neish, focused his energies on increasing employment, imposing stricter gun laws, decreasing truancy, and lowering poverty rates.[24] In a June 2007 meeting, Pennsylvania’s Legislative Black Caucus met with members of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. During the assembly, the Caucus refused to vote on a new state budget until the House passed stricter gun control legislation.[25] This topic circulated in the House for months, especially after State Representative Jewell Williams introduced House Bill 29 which: (1) proposed that gun owners report lost or stolen firearms to police; and (2) granted Philadelphia the right to control its own gun laws.[26] Supporters of the legislation said it would aid law enforcement officers to track guns used in criminal acts, while the National Rifle Association argued that the law might remove guns from law-abiding gun owners.[27] It is disheartening for me to witness the fact that from 2007 to 2012, solutions to address Philadelphia homicides are similar, but the killings continue. Responsively, Mayor Michael Nutter—alongside the district attorney, Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey, and Temple University’s Medical School—have initiated plans/programs on their part to target the epidemic. For Mayor Nutter, his anticrime plan focused on placing more cops on the streets and targeting neighborhood hot spots where drugs and guns were rampant.[28] Additionally, he wanted to increase rewards to $20,000 for tips that can potentially lead to murder convictions, and has integrated technology for anonymous tips to be sent via text message. Alongside Mayor Nutter, the district attorney’s office stated that they will “seek maximum penalties against defendants accused of carrying illegal guns.”[29] With the combined efforts of Police Commissioner Ramsey, Mayor Nutter reported that the commissioner transferred his community-policing model from Chicago and Washington that transformed the police to resident interaction, and added 120 police officers to the force.[30] Mayor Nutter also instituted a city curfew in areas most riddled with homicides, extended the hours of twenty recreation centers to 10 P.M., and utilized the services of radio personalities, parents, and community

leaders to communicate with youth.[31] In addition to these efforts, Temple University’s Medical School initiated Philadelphia Ceasefire—a program that uses ex-offenders as community outreach workers to engage both youth on the street and recuperating victims to change behaviors.[32] Through the program, outreach workers are able to assess youth’s needs and connect them to community resources to address personal, social, and economic challenges.[33] It is the hope of many concerned people that these initiatives will reduce the homicide count in the city, and potentially alleviate the potential stress and suffering that the killings impose on the lives of Philadelphia residents. But in the interim, it is of some relevance to discuss what the homicides in Philadelphia connote. Bilal Qayyum, former executive director for Men United for a Better Philadelphia, believed that “America has a sub-culture of violence that becomes self-perpetuating and relationally destructive.”[34] He added, “I think the main components driving the violence are the culture, the lack of fathers in the households, the de-emphasis on education, the economy, and lack of jobs.”[35] Although Qayyum focused on some critical forces that may influence the homicide pandemic, my major concern is the lack of national outcry to address and rectify this issue. Similar to Qayyum, Mona Charen, a contributor to Noozhawk News in Santa Barbara, CA, addressed the killing of young, Black males. She stated, In fact, young black men are being hunted and killed in appalling numbers. But the violence and mayhem that disproportionately afflicts the African-American community is part of a society-wide disorder. It has a racial angle, but it’s not about race. That disorder is family breakdown, and no discussion of violence or murder or victimization is informed without reference to that overwhelming fact. [36]

It seems that Charen provides a Moynihan-ish, a-historical, and person-blaming stance on what has ‘caused’ the ‘breakdown’ in the African American community.[37] At the expense of race, Charen provided a compelling argument on the interconnection between single-parent families and violence; however, rather than downplaying the role of race, I want to expand her analysis to examine the role of economics in shaping racial and social dynamics. In all, I argue that without reference to these overwhelming facts, we cannot engage in a worthy discussion on Black people, while simultaneously arriving at some understanding of how “mainstream white institutions in the city removed and destroyed the communal living spaces, the ‘homeplaces’ of urban blacks.”[38] From an economic perspective, 2010 Census data revealed that the city per capita income was $21,117.[39] Per capita for Blacks, who represented 43.4 percent of the city, equated to $16,203, while Whites (who comprised 41.0 percent of the city) amounted to $28,638.[40] Of the estimated 710,500 people included in the civilian labor force (16 years and over), Blacks approximated 40.1 percent, while Whites

comprised 46.8 percent.[41] Based on 2006–2010 census estimates, there appears to be an economic disparity between the two racial groups (see table 1.1).[42]

Table 1.1. Median household income (based on 2006-2010 estimates).[43]

As the data illustrates, the estimated median household income for Philadelphia’s population was $36,251. Within this populace, Black/African Americans had a median household income of $29,814, while their White counterparts’ income was $46,221.[44] During the same period, Philadelphian’s median family income was $45,619 with Whites and Blacks totaling $62,339 and $36,176 (see table 1.2).[45]

Table 1.2. Median family income and families below poverty level (based on 2006-2010 estimates).[46]

Of the estimated 62,275 families that lived below the poverty level ($23,050 for a family of four),[47] African Americans comprised 25.8 percent, while Whites equated to 10.6 percent (see table 1.3).[48] Of the 383,027 individuals living below the poverty level ($11,170 for one person), Whites represented 16.6 percent and Blacks, 30.0 percent.[49]

Table 1.3. Percent of families and individuals’ income below poverty level (2006-2010 estimates).[50]

Regarding business ownership, Blacks occupied 22.5 percent of businesses; Asians (6.3 percent of the city’s population) had 9.6 percent; Hispanics (12.3 percent of the city) had 7.8 percent; and women, who comprised 52.8 percent of the city, held 31.7 percent of such establishments.[51] Overall, these statistics illustrate that women, Blacks, and Hispanics were disproportionately represented in this component of the Philadelphia economy. These findings on Philadelphia’s economy serve as a microcosm to what many Blacks experienced nationwide, especially when examining the impact of the Great Recession on the lives of Americans. In their analysis of the U.S. economy post-Great Recession, the Federal Reserve reported that, “the median net worth of families plunged by 39 percent in just three years, from $126,400 in 2007 to $77,300 in 2010.”[52] These findings reflect the experiences of many average citizens (i.e., low-income and/or middle-class), but when juxtaposed to the top 1 percent of U.S. households, a major divergence emerged in wealth inequality by July 2009 as the one percenters experienced an 11.1 percent drop in wealth.[53] As many individuals and families attempted to tread through a murky economy, the racial inequity that manifested implies a sinister force that continues to impede the economic growth of People of Color. During the period December 2007 to June 2009, many families (across race and class) experienced the realities of an economic assault on their homes, investments, and employment. Table 1.4 illustrates research analysis by the Pew Research Center.[54] In their research, they found that the median net worth of households for People of Color were hit the hardest after the recent recession.

Table 1.4. Median net worth of household comparison from 2005 to 2009.[55]

In a 2009 lecture, Omali Yeshitela painted a grim picture on how severe the economic conditions were for Africans Americans and Latinos. In his commentary, he stated that, The wealth loss is staggering, people of color have collectively lost between $164 billion to $213 billion over the last eight years with Latinos losing slightly more than African Americans. . . . Before the crisis hit, it was estimated that it would take 594 years, more than half a millennium, for Blacks to catch up with Whites in household wealth. . . . And now, in the aftermath of the home mortgage massacre, it could take ten times as long, more than 5000 years.[56] Yeshitela’s statement may seem alarming, and in further troubling when compounded with the potential forces that contributed to the recession. As some economists argued, much of the blame was linked to banks and mortgages companies that increased predatory lending (or loans that carried unreasonable fees, interest rates, and payment requirements), with a disproportionate amount going to Black and Hispanic communities.[57] These racial minority groups received subprime loans (which were packaged to individuals with low credit scores and at high risk for loan default) that carried higher interest rates (at least 3 percent) when compared to traditional loans.[58] Based on findings by Princeton University professor Douglas Massey, and at the time of research, doctoral candidate Jacob Rugh, “from 1993 to 2000, the share of subprime mortgages going to households in minority neighborhoods rose from 2 to 18 percent.”[59] Even more problematic was that “an alarming proportion of Blacks and Hispanics received subprime loans by predatory lenders even when their credit picture was good enough to deserve a cheaper loan.”[60] Based on findings from six major cities, a group of fair housing agencies found that “Black and Hispanic borrowers were 3.8 and 3.6 times more likely than Whites to receive a high cost loan.”[61] For the many Black and Hispanic victims of the subprime mortgage fiasco, their “American Dream,” was deferred (and possibly vanquished) as an economic war converged on them, therefore robbing them of the sanctity of homeownership. As Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz expressed, Once seen as the land of opportunity, the U.S. today is grappling with rising inequality and a political system that benefits the rich at the expense of others

resulting in lower growth and risking the death of the American dream.[62] As the Great Recession ravaged through the lives of U.S. citizens, one area that still weighed heavily on the minds of some was the unemployment rate. In December 2007 (the onset of the Recession), U.S. unemployment rested at 5.0 percent.[63] This amount swelled to 9.5 percent by the end of the recession (June 2009); however, the unemployment rate maxed out at 10.0 percent in October 2009 and fell to 7.4 percent by July 2013.[64] Relative to Pennsylvania, from December 2007 to July 2013, the state saw its unemployment rate increase from 4.5 percent to 7.5 percent—with the highest rate occurring during February and March 2010 (8.7 percent).[65] For Philadelphia County, the initial unemployment rate in December 2007 was 6.0 percent, and rose to 9.8 percent by June 2009.[66] By December 2012, the unemployment rate in Philadelphia County rested at 10.6 percent.[67] Thus, during this recessionary period, Philadelphia’s employment situation mirrored that of the state and nation; however, during a period of “recovery” Philadelphia County/City’s unemployment remained elevated (10.4 percent) despite the minor reprieve seen in the state (7.5 percent) and nation (7.4 percent).[68] Relative to the nation, unemployment data during and after the Great Recession indicated that the United States experienced a moderate recovery. However, when race, gender, and age are factored into the equation, it is evident that the jobless rate now offers an interesting counter-narrative. To illustrate, Black unemployment was almost double that of the nation and of their White counterparts. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, from July 2012 to July 2013, U.S. unemployment (for individuals 16 years old and over) decreased from 8.2 percent to 7.4 percent.[69] During this same period, Blacks also experienced a slight decrease in their unemployment status from 14.1 percent to 12.6 percent, while Whites decreased from 7.4 percent to 6.6 percent (see Table 1.5).[70] But when factors such as race and gender are accounted for, Black men (20 years and over) decreased from 14.8 percent to 12.5 percent; Black women (20 years and over) decreased from 11.5 percent to 10.5 percent; White men (20 years and over) decreased from 6.8 percent to 6.3 percent; and White women (20 years and over) decreased from 6.9 percent to 5.8 percent.[71] For individuals between 16 and 19 years old, White unemployment decreased from 21.4 percent to 20.3 percent, while Black unemployment increased from 36.3 percent to 41.6 percent.[72]

Table 1.5. Year-over-year/3-month unemployment statistics (April 2012; February 2013 to April 2013).[73]

Although the “Employment Situation” has indicated moderate economic growth for some (year over year), further analysis spoke to the contrary. As a note, the unemployment rate is often used as a critical gauge to the growth and stability of the U.S. economy; however, real unemployment (which includes both unemployed and discouraged workers)[74] continues to exceed that of the unemployment rate. More specifically, in July 2012, the total (real) unemployment was 14.9 percent; one year later, this amount fell to 14.0 percent.[75] Despite its importance as a gauge for true economic growth/recovery, this percentage is rarely broadcast. And since real unemployment remains high, members of the Federal Reserve used this rationale, among others, as a major catalyst to stimulate the economy and restore some degree of consumer confidence.[76] In a statement by Paul Ashworth, chief U.S. economist at Capital Economics in Toronto, he stated, “Considering that there are about 7 million more unemployed than three years ago, it suggests the pool of available labor could be 15 percent bigger than the unemployment figures suggest.”[77] Essentially, Ashworth argued that a more accurate unemployment number, save discouraged workers, would be above 10.0 percent. Despite the mainstream reports of decreased unemployment, Ashworth attributed this decline to “a contraction in the labor force”; furthermore, with the risk of inflation, the economic growth potential for the U.S. will be jeopardized.[78] Lance Roberts, General Partner and CEO at Streettalk Advisors, furthers Ashworth’s concern as he expressed: “inflation erodes future purchasing power, and decreases economic prosperity, if not accurately accounted for. The accuracy of measuring

inflation, and accounting for it properly, is essential to long-term economic prosperity.”[79] Like Ashworth and Roberts, Todd Schoenberger, managing principal of the BlackBay Group in New York, stated that, “it’s painfully obvious the economic recovery in the U.S. isn’t just slowing down, it’s pulling up the emergency brake. And, lack of job creation isn’t the only critical concern. Wages/income is sharply lower.”[80] These factors, coupled with inflation, were enough to convince Schoenberger that many Americans with jobs face the challenge of a decrease in their spending power. [81] Moreover, as the price of commodities (e.g., oil, cotton, food, etc.) steadily increase and places of employment do not increase wages/salaries to accommodate for these drastic economic shifts, then many Americans will likely cut back on certain expenditures—a decision that may lead the United States into another recession and further burdening the low- and middle-income individuals and families. As reported by the Christian Science Monitor, Pay raises are getting smaller, but consumer prices continue to rise. If the trend in shrinking worker pay raises continues, it could mean stalled consumer spending and a halt to economic growth. . . . Despite rising corporate profits, average wage hikes aren’t keeping pace with inflation. Some new workers are being paid less than they would have been five years ago, by some estimates.[82] If the United States remains on a course of administering palliative measures to address deep-seated financial issues, then I foresee further damage to an already fragile society. By delving further into income inequality—an area that serves as an albatross to this country’s potential in becoming fully humane, just, and democratic—it is clear that the U.S. is faced with a pickle. In 2010, the United States’ Gini index/coefficient was 0.469 (or 46.9 percent).[83] Contrarily, economist Edward Wolff stated that, Wealth inequality is very sensitive and positively related to the ratio of stockprices-to-housing prices, since the former is heavily concentrated among the rich and the latter is the chief asset of the middle class. The fact that stock prices fell more than housing prices, at least from 2007 to mid-2009, should lead to a decline in wealth inequality over these two years. However, the results show a fairly steep rise in wealth inequality, with the Gini coefficient climbing from 0.834 to 0.865.[84] On a global scale, the U.S. Gini coefficient places the nation on the extreme end of wealth/income inequality. To further elaborate, based on the work by Edward Wolff and articulated by sociologist G. William Domhoff: In the United States, wealth is highly concentrated in a relatively few hands. As of 2007, the top 1 percent of households (the upper class) owned 34.6 percent

of all privately held wealth, and the next 19 percent (the managerial, professional, and small business stratum) had 50.5 percent, which means that just 20 percent of the people owned a remarkable 85 percent, leaving only 15 percent of the wealth for the bottom 80 percent (wage and salary workers). In terms of financial wealth (total net worth minus the value of one’s home), the top 1 percent of households had an even greater share: 42.7 percent.[85] It must be noted that these calculations are pre-recession and as seen by Wolff’s reports, are much worse in the aftermath. This trend has persisted for many years and does not seem to have an end. In a study by the Congressional Budget Office, attention focused on economic inequality over a span of ten years. They indicated that, As the economy bottomed out in 2009, the hourly wage of employees in the 90th percentile—those whose wage exceeded that of 90 percent of the working population—stood at $38.50. That’s 464 percent more than the $8.30 an hour earned by those in the 10th percentile. A decade earlier, the difference was 332 percent, adjusted for inflation. The difference is more pronounced for men than women, at 383 percent versus 319 percent.[86] With pay wages highlighted above, there is very little chance for low-income and middle-class populations (bottom 80 percent) to reach equity with the rich (top 20 percent), wealthy (top 1 percent), super wealthy (top 0.1 percent), and the Forbes 400 (top 0.00000127 percent). To further expound, in his assessment of the U.S. economy, Robert Lenzer found that: Income and wealth disparities become even more absurd if we look at the top 0.1 percent of the nation’s earners—rather than the more common 1 percent. The top 0.1 percent—about 315,000 individuals out of 315 million—are making about half of all capital gains on the sale of shares or property after 1 year; and these capital gains make up 60 percent of the income made by the Forbes 400. [87]

Based on this information, I am convinced that the United States of America is becoming a caste system.[88] Despite the turbulence in the United States and global economy over the last few years, it is apparent that some citizens have established a stable grounding, while simultaneously benefiting. However, whith factors such as inequitable policy decisions, globalization, lack of educational opportunities/resources, inflation, and technological advancements; the reality of an economic nightmare will continue to plague the lives of the jobless, underemployed, retirees, loan debtors (e.g., student, credit, etc.), current/future victims of foreclosure, and those that cannot afford the basic amenities of life.[89] Recently, many U.S. citizens were held economic hostage as the U.S. Congress

and President Barack Obama debated what appropriate actions should transpire regarding George W. Bush’s tax cuts by January 1, 2013. Following the 2012 elections, many U.S. citizens encountered media reports on the economic impact that the ‘fiscal cliff’ would have on their lives. Prior to this point, such a reality was clouded by many social distractions (e.g., sports, social networking, etc.) and the dominant media’s emphasis on economic growth—a possible ploy initiated for political purposes as the November 2012 elections neared.[90] The reality was: U.S. citizens were approaching a potential increase in taxes and automatic spending cuts that would/have negatively impact(-ed) areas such as Medicare, social programs, defense, and education.[91] With such a threat looming over the United States, President Obama recommended a one-year extension of the Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003 (i.e., Bush-era tax cuts) for families earning less than $250,000 a year. Conversely, his Republican opponents’ stance was that the extension should be granted to all Americans, regardless of income/earnings.[92] The result: the fiscal cliff was avoided and the bill raised taxes on individual and household incomes over $400,000 and $450,000.[93] Although this stood as an accomplishment, Congress and President Obama failed to renew the payroll tax, thus causing U.S. citizens making $50,000 or more to experience a 2.0 percent decrease in their paycheck—a decision that placed(-s) further economic strain on the pockets of many U.S. citizens.[94] Despite these major shifts in the U.S. political system, concerns continue to linger on the country’s debt situation, whether the positive economic forecasts are attainable, and whether the country’s reliance on assisted growth is sustainable.[95] To elaborate, during President Obama’s tenure in office (January 2009 to August 2013), the United States and Wall Street’s Standard & Poor’s 500 Index (i.e., S&P 500) rose 112.3 percent from January 20, 2009 (market close: 805.22) to August 13, 2013 (market close: 1,709.67). This move had strong upside momentum from the market lows during the recession, and was unlikely to be achieved if it were not for the Federal Reserve’s monetary easing programs (QE 1: November 25, 2008–March 31, 2010; QE 2: November 3, 2010–June 30, 2011; and QE 3: September 13, 2012– present) and lowered interest rate policies.[96] Such initiatives provided the stock market with the necessary jolt of energy to push higher.[97] Conversely, the question remains on whether this ‘boost’ in market equities will continue or will a devastating counter-force (e.g., Eurozone breakup, U.S. debt default, war, currency cliff, student loan bubble, baby boomer market departure, deflation, inflation, recession, etc.) cause the economy to fall into a tailspin that can incur serious losses for those who are unprepared, unaware, fearful, and/or resistant.[98] This economic climate has caused concern for some analysts and investors who believe that such negative headwinds will not bode well for the global economy, the United States especially. The major challenge with this prognosis revolves around one guiding force: timing. As British economist John Maynard Keynes, poignantly articulated, “the market can stay irrational longer than you can stay solvent.”[99] And, with so many negative headwinds

looming some would argue that ‘irrational’ is a gross understatement. Therefore, many have positioned themselves in assets that will likely generate income during tumultuous times. One such asset is gold—a hedge (or protection) against inflation. Recently, there has been increased discussion on gold. Some media outlets have broadcast the falling price of gold, while a few mainstream rappers (e.g., Jay-Z, Trinidad Jame$, etc.) had no problem in “stunting” their gold. Why? Is this coincidental or an area that merits further dialogue? I opt for a dialogue and turn to a rap by H. Rap Brown on February 17, 1968, where he stated, If America were to tell you to bring all the rocks in this country to her, and she’ll give you a million dollars for it, you’d do it! And the next day she’ll tell you, “We using rocks for currency, chump!”[100] In hindsight, Brown’s statement was foretelling of the economic crisis that was set to grip the globe for many years to come. Prior to this point, Brown referenced a decision in February 1965 by France’s president Charles de Gaulle to reject the U.S. dollar and return to the gold standard. With the United States’ exorbitant spending to finance the Vietnam War and increasing debt, de Gaulle proclaimed that, “the primacy of the dollar in international dealings was finished, [and] call[ed] for an eventual return to the gold standard—which the world’s nations scrapped 50 years ago.”[101] In his decree, de Gaulle encouraged other countries to follow suit and convert their dollars to gold. At the time, France converted $150 million into gold with plans to convert another $150 million. After H. Rap Brown’s 1968 speech, president Richard M. Nixon sent shockwaves across the global economy when he, among other U.S. officials, decided to remove the U.S. dollar from the gold standard on August 15, 1971. This, among other factors, caused inflation to increase precipitously and influence the rising price of commodities, mainly gold. To illustrate, the spot price of gold per ounce in 1971 was set at $35.00 (and averaged $40.62 that year). However, over the last four decades, the value of gold skyrocketed to an all-time closing high ($1,900.40) on August 22, 2011 (approximately 5,329.71 percent increase since 1971).[102] As of stock market close on August 16, 2013, the spot gold price was $1,375.00 (well below its twenty-month average of $1,586.80 and fifty-month average of 1,434.10). Despite the lackluster price movement in this shiny metal, some analysts still maintain that there will be a violent upside move in gold, alongside other commodities, (e.g., silver) as a response to exorbitant money printing by various central banks across the globe (i.e., Bank of Japan, the U.S. Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, the Bank of England, etc.). With billions of dollars being pumped into the global economy by these banks (i.e., currency wars), some analysts believe that gold will eventually reach a spot price of $2,500.00, while others have targeted $4,000.00+. Although such arguments seem dubious, the question that I pose is: “Who is likely to benefit from such a golden move?” Responsively, let’s turn to who the gold holders are. As of August 13, 2013, the United States held the lion’s

share of gold (286,910,475 ounces) relative to any other country. Germany came in a distant second with a gold holding of 119,649.919 ounces.[103] Relative to Germany, it was interesting that on January 16, 2013, they repatriated 20 percent of their 1500 tons of gold from the United States; all of their holdings in France (374 tons); and left all of their holdings (474 tons) in London.[104] The questions that lingered in my mind were: “Is this déjà vu from 1965?” What if gold fell in line with speculators’ projections and spiked to $4,000.00 per ounce? If this were to happen, I can only wonder how much of a devastating blow this would be to many global citizens who have very little to no exposure to gold. And, since many countries have a demand for gold (e.g., India: 33,111,679 oz.; China: 29,163,506 oz.; and the U.S.: 5,658,447 oz.), two questions that remain in my mind are: “what if the golden insurance policy is exercised in the midst of economic turmoil?” “Who (or what country) will stand to reap the benefits?”[105] In spite of President Obama’s presidential achievements on the economic front, his Achilles’ heel remains vulnerable when analyses on Black unemployment occur. For example, in November 2009, Black lawmakers from the forty-two-member Congressional Black Caucus expressed grave concern about the unemployment trend and increased their demands for President Obama to increase his support for minority communities who were disproportionately affected by the recession. As Ben Evans, a contributor to the Huffington Post, summarized, “While still careful about criticizing Obama publicly, they appear to be losing their patience after a year of watching him dedicate trillions of dollars to prop up banks and corporations and fight wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, while double-digit unemployment among Blacks crept even higher.”[106] Ms. Michel Martin, a host for National Public Radio, interviewed Dr. William Darity, Duke University professor in African American studies and economics. During this dialogue, Dr. Darity responded to a series of questions on the intersection of race and economics. One question that caught my attention was: “why [did] this recession disproportionately [affect] African-Americans?” Darity replied, I think it’s because first of all, unemployment historically, has been approximately twice as high among African-Americans than the rest of the population in the United States. And I always viewed that gap in unemployment rates as an index of the degree of discrimination that prevails in this society.[107] When factoring discouraged workers, Darity continued, “The overall unemployment rate is about 17 percent for the general population but approaches 27 percent for the Black population, which is higher than the official unemployment rates that were measured for the overall population during the Great Depression.”[108] For Mr. Curtis Jackson (aka 50 Cent), his commentary on September 8, 2009, captured the plight of many Blacks when he said, “recessions are predominantly for the middle class. Where I come from, the majority of those people have always lived in a

recession!”[109] Overall, the economic data illustrates that a disproportionate number of Blacks face poor economic circumstances that may cause them to engage in inimical behaviors (e.g., homicide, family/relational conflict, drug abuse, etc.) that will likely decrease the possibilities of group/individual survival. Moreover, when examining the ongoing racial unemployment gap, specifically from the early, 1970s to the present, it is noteworthy to examine how forces such as: the technological revolution; job outsourcing (i.e., globalization); and inflation had/-s on employment parity.[110] The economic conditions that continue to shape this society have also trickled into other areas of social life, mainly education. Furthermore, with the United States’ continued advancements in technology and ever-increasing influence globally, it is imperative that current and future generations adapt to the increasing demands that derive from these rapid social shifts. Based on past trends, it is clear that individuals who are proficient in such areas as reading, writing, mathematics, science, problem solving, and public speaking are better equipped with the necessary tools to augment their social and academic success. However, students who lack proficiency in the said areas are likely to face marginalization if/when pitted against their domestic and global counterparts for career opportunities. Such factors that thwart many individuals’ progress include: race, family structure, socioeconomic status, and access to resources. Based on the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) for high school students, “The rank of the United States (17th out of 79 countries) is above average in reading and average rank in mathematics (31st out of 79 countries) and science (23rd out of 79 countries).”[111] However, when sociocultural differences were considered, both Gary Becker (economist) and Richard Posner (jurist) argued that “the mean score of White and Asian students is significantly higher than the mean score of African American and Hispanic students.”[112] Although Becker and Posner utilized mean scores (rather than median scores) to base their conclusion, their revelation, however, does not bode well for many African American and Hispanic students. Furthermore, when factors such as poor teacher quality, rote learning, “teaching-to-the-test syndrome,”[113] and poverty are included, both African American and Hispanic students are more susceptible to future hardships across cultural, social, political, and economic realms. Based on findings and analysis from the Children’s Defense Fund’s 2011 State of America’s Children report, “more than two-thirds of eighth grade public school students [were] unable to read or do math at grade level.”[114] In addition, “eighty percent or more of Black fourth grade public school students are performing below grade level in reading and math in 33 states and the District of Columbia.”[115] For the 2008–2009 academic year, Pennsylvania’s school performance (e.g., below basic, basic, advanced, and proficient) for all fourth graders in reading and mathematics revealed that 74.0 percent and 85.6 percent of youth were classified as either advanced or proficient (see table 1.6).[116]

Table 1.6. School Performance across Pennsylvania school districts (2008-2009).[117]

For eighth graders, 83.0 percent and 76.5 percent of youth were categorized as advanced or proficient in reading and mathematics.[118] Further analysis on the intersection of student performance and race indicated that of White fourth graders, 80.0 percent and 90.4 percent were either advanced or proficient in reading and mathematics, while 49.0 percent and 65.4 percent of Black fourth graders were either advanced or proficient in reading and mathematics.[119] For eighth grade students classified as advanced or proficient, Blacks’ reading (67.0 percent) and mathematics (53.3 percent) performance was lower than their White counterparts’ performance in reading (86.8 percent) and mathematics (81.9 percent).[120] On a state level, student performance indicates that students are performing very well; however, when factors such as racial/ethnic identity, gender, and individualized education programs (IEP) are included, there are some issues that need further exploration and effective intervention. Furthermore, the performance of Pennsylvania students (controlling for grade level) does mirror the findings from the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment in that a large percentage of White and Asian youth are advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics, while Blacks and Hispanics lag on these measures. In The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America (2006), Jonathan Kozol provided a comparison on funding allocation for three school districts in Pennsylvania: Philadelphia City (Philadelphia County), Lower Merion (Bucks County), and New Hope-Solebury (Montgomery County).[121] It is my intention to remain consistent with his analysis on these districts by providing updated information on funding allocation and its affect on student performance from data derived from the 2008–2009 and 2009–2010 school years. For the 2008–2009 academic year, Philadelphia City School District’s academic performance in fourth grade was below that of Pennsylvania as 49.0 percent and 66.1 percent were advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics. This was also the case for eighth graders in which 67.0 percent and 55.6 percent were advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics (see table 1.7).[122]

Table 1.7. School Performance in Philadelphia City School District (2008-2009). [123]

In comparison, Lower Merion School District’s school performance was above those in the state’s school districts for both grade levels. For fourth graders, 92.0 percent and 95.4 percent were classified as advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics, while 96.0 percent and 95.1 percent of eighth graders were classified as such in reading and mathematics (see table 1.8).[124]

Table 1.8. School Performance in Lower Merion School District (2008-2009). [125]

Similarly, New Hope-Solebury School District’s school performance exceeded that of Pennsylvania as their fourth grade students classified as advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics was 92.0 percent and 95.4 percent; and for eighth graders, 96.0 percent and 95.1 percent were categorized as advanced and proficient in reading and mathematics (see table 1.9).[126]

Table 1.9. School Performance in New Hope-Solebury School District (2008-2009).[127]

Although these counties are within a forty-five-mile radius of each other, the differences in youth’s academic performance were striking. In Kozol’s analysis of these three districts, he highlighted the imbalance of spending per pupil and its relationship to race and socioeconomic status.[128] Over a ten-year span (adjusting for

inflation), there still remains a visible inequity in funding per pupil; however, this allocation is linked to revenue generated from property taxes (i.e., local taxes), alongside state and federal funds. As Sadker and Zittleman explained, Property tax continues to be the major source of school revenue. Today’s property taxes are levied on real estate (homes and businesses) and sometimes personal property (cars and boats). Whether a school district will find itself rich in resources or scrambling to make ends meet depends largely on the wealth of the community being taxed.[129] Based on my analysis on county revenues, it is clear that there is a major divide in median household/family income, house values, and families living below poverty. As table 1.10 illustrates, the median household/family income for Lower Merion and New Hope-Solebury School Districts dwarfs that of Philadelphia City School District, while the latter is almost eleven times greater than that of the former districts’ families living below poverty level.[130] Table 1.11 further highlights this dynamic as a large percentage of funds to support education budgets were obtained from local taxes in the respective districts.[131]

Table 1.10. Pennsylvania K-12 spending per pupil, median household income, house value, and per capita (2009-2010).[132]

Table 1.11. 2009-2010 School district revenue sources.[133]

Based on this data, it becomes increasingly clear that since most affluent communities have access to more resources (i.e., employment opportunities, quality and effective teachers, safe environments, etc.), their children tend to have more advantages that will enable them to perform exceptionally well in school. This is not an issue limited to race; it is just that in this context, the majority of people with the financial wherewithal happen to be White and Asian. And with their finances, they have access to expose their children to many opportunities as they prepare them to meet the demands of a globalized society. Now, when such communities are juxtaposed to impoverished communities, there are some major issues that must be attended to. Table 3 highlights the percent estimates of families and individuals living below poverty level between 2006 and 2010.[134] As illustrated, there is a major divide when families living below poverty level in Philadelphia County (20.0 percent) are

compared to Bucks (3.4 percent) and Montgomery Counties (3.6 percent). Both Bucks and Montgomery are well below poverty estimates in the United States (10.1 percent) and Pennsylvania (8.5 percent), while Philadelphia exceeds such estimates. Within the Philadelphia context, Black Philadelphians (25.8 percent) far exceed those below poverty level in the nation, state, White Philadelphians (10.6 percent), and their neighboring counties.[135] Sadly, this reality is most pronounced in categories such as: families with related children below 18 years old (33.8 percent); below 5 years old (29.9 percent); and families of female households (36.3 percent).[136] It is important to understand that when youth are blighted by factors such as poverty, they are at increased risk to various forms of abuse, violence, environmental toxins, neglect, and malnutrition.[137] When further compounded with incarceration and absentee fathers, youth in such contexts are more vulnerable to depression, stress, low self-efficacy, teen pregnancy, antisocial behavior, school drop out, incarceration, and obesity.[138] Regrettably, the groups who are most susceptible to such issues are those of Color from low socioeconomic backgrounds. As discussed, poverty plays an integral role in the lives of many Americans. But alongside this force, I believe that a discussion on incarceration merits some attention. As of 2011, the United States occupied the top position, globally, with an imprisonment rate of 743 per 100,000, followed by Rwanda (595), Russia (568), and Brazil (253).[139] As Ms. Michel Martin proclaimed, “Over the past 30 years, the number of people behind bars in the U.S. has quadrupled from 500,000 in 1980 to 2.3 million now.”[140] Based on 2010 data, those individuals incarcerated (i.e., jail and prison) in the United States totaled 2,266,800, while those involved in the overall correctional system (i.e., incarceration, probation, and parole) equated to 7,076,200, a 1.3 percent decline from 2009.[141] Of those incarcerated nationwide, there was a disproportion of Black and Latino incarcerated vis-à-vis their White counterparts. In state and federal prisons, Blacks and Latinos comprised 52.0 percent and 21.3 percent of the 135,613 individuals, while Whites were about 9.3 percent.[142] In Pennsylvania, incarceration mirrored that of the nation with approximately 85,530 individuals incarcerated, 179,297 on probation, and 95,870 on parole.[143] In 2011, U.S. census data estimates for Pennsylvania showed that Whites comprised 79.2 percent of the state’s population, Blacks totaled 11.3 percent, Hispanics accounted for 5.9 percent, and Asians represented 2.9 percent.[144] But, in the context of those in state and federal prisons (approximately 60.0 percent of incarcerated individuals), 39.0 percent were White; 49.4 percent were Black; 11.0 percent were Hispanic; and 0.7 percent were classified as Other.[145] For the 204 people currently on death row, I can only extrapolate from past data to say that approximately 60.0 percent of this populace is comprised of Blacks, followed by Whites (about 30.0 percent), Hispanics (about 8.0 percent), and Asians (about 1.0 percent).[146] Further examination on incarceration revealed that only 12.1 percent of

Pennsylvania residents inhabited Philadelphia, yet Philadelphians accounted for 30.4 percent of state and federal prisoners.[147] Thus, incarcerated individuals from Philadelphia were both over-represented and accounted for the largest number of people in state and federal facilities. And to remain consistent with comparison counties, Bucks and Montgomery totaled 4.9 percent and 6.3 percent of the Pennsylvania population in 2010, but were under-represented in state and federal facilities with Bucks and Montgomery accounting for 2.4 percent and 3.2 percent in these establishments.[148] Even though incarceration has grown, it is wishful thinking to believe that it correlates to less crime. As Dr. Alfred Blumstein stated in an interview, “When you lock up a rapist, it takes his rapes off the street . . . when you lock up a drug seller, as long as the demand is there, you recruit a replacement.”[149] This statement can be transferred to the incessant homicides in Philadelphia linked to guns: with the removal of a shooter, victim, or gun, there is a strong likelihood that the cycle will continue because the causes have not been addressed and remedied. As the 2010 statistical report from Pennsylvania Department of Corrections indicated, the top five criminal offenses were: drug crimes or narcotic drug laws (17.8 percent); murder (14.6 percent); robbery (9.1 percent); aggravated assault (7.7 percent); and forcible rape (6.2 percent).[150] With the infusion of policies such as the War on Drugs, mandatory sentencing laws, “three strikes,” and reductions in parole opportunities and release, the prison system grew exponentially in the last two decades with a disproportionate entrance of Blacks and Latinos. As State Sen. Stewart Greenleaf (R. Bucks) expressed, “While we’ve been getting tough on crime and using the punishment model, our violent crime hasn’t gone down as you’d have expected with those tough laws.”[151] And if this trend persists, it will fall in line with the Department of Corrections inmate projection of 61,146 by 2014—an increase of approximately 18.8 percent.[152] As Ms. Karen Heller stated in her article, For decades, the nation’s inmate population basically flat lined. Then, in the 1970s, America declared a war on drugs, and the prison-industrial complex mushroomed. Since 1980, when the state corrections budget was a mere $94 million, Pennsylvania’s number of facilities has tripled and the inmate population multiplied six-fold, even though—this can’t be stressed enough—the state’s population has barely grown.[153] Similar to the chicken or the egg scenario, whether more crime designated the need for more facilities, or the construction of more facilities created the demand for more inmates is debatable. But the fact remains: the rise of the incarceration population was in lockstep with prison construction. To elaborate, from 2000 to 2005, Pennsylvania experienced a 15 percent prison growth, the third fastest behind Florida and North Carolina.[154] And by 2009, the state’s prison population increased by 2,122

—a growth that exceeded any other state.[155] In the context of prison construction, Pennsylvania built two state prisons in the 1960s, one in the 1970s, five in the 1980s, and by the 1990s expanded to eleven.[156] In response to prison construction, Senator Greenleaf stated, “We went from seven state prisons in 1980 to where we now have 27, and we’re building one every year. Our prison population went from around 8,000 inmates to over 51,000.”[157] With the current rate of incarceration, Senator Greenleaf continued, Each new prison costs $200 million to build, $50 million a year to run. Each inmate costs $35,000 a year, including overhead. That’s more than a year’s tuition at Penn State or Temple, and 10 times what it costs to keep a man or woman on probation. And that’s not counting vast expansion projects at existing facilities such as Graterford Prison.[158] As Sen. Greenleaf stated, the amount of money generated to incarcerate individuals far exceeds the amount it takes to educate them. For example, based on Pennsylvania’s 2009 budget, each inmate received an allocation of $32,059 (or $1.65 billion for 51,487 people),[159] while the spending per pupil equaled $14,535 (or $25.8 billion for 1.78 million children). Alongside the prison industrial boom, another population that has benefitted was prison employees. In 2000, for example, the state allotted $79.3 billion for 26,000 prison employees in local, state, and federal facilities.[160] Thus, unemployed or poorly employed people in rural communities were advantaged by work opportunities in prisons. In addition, this tactic has aided in the distribution of legislative and congressional seats, but does not grant these “residents” the right to vote.[161] Despite the cost of constructing and maintaining these facilities, they are also housed in rural areas that subsidize majority White populations; distance incarcerates from their families and communities; allocate state funds to rural Republicans; and deceptively increase diversity on the census as incarcerated people were counted as residents (but were disenfranchised).[162] Ultimately, the prison boom serves as a winwin scenario for: (1) a few individuals who benefit from cheap land and inexpensive labor; (2) some individuals who are advantaged by well-paying employment opportunities; (3) politicians in need to distribute legislative and congressional seats; (4) community residents who want to rid the city of “social deviants”; and (5) incarcerated individuals who can acquire educational and vocational training to better leverage themselves for employment opportunities upon release.[163] I must state that the link among economics, race, and social characteristics are critical forces that need serious attention. Moreover, with in-depth research on homicide and incarceration, it is clear that such phenomena impacts individuals who satisfy some to all of the following characteristics: (1) are low-income; (2) are nonWhite; (3) are males; (4) are not formally educated; (5) are from urban locales; (6) are from single parent families (usually female household); and (6) are from poorly

funded school districts. These combined factors are crippling a population of individuals and are potential forces that further exacerbate the percentage of unmarried women (widow, divorced, or never married) in Philadelphia County (61.4 percent).[164] Therefore, without proper and effective policy initiatives to address the socioeconomic forces that disproportionately impact People of Color, I must conclude that we will continue witnessing the fracturing, and eventual decimation of more children, families, spouses, and communities.

NOTES 1. K. Richards, “The Global African Community History Notes: Great African Historians—John Henrik Clarke (1915–1988),” CWO, http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/clarke2.html, accessed February 10, 2006. 2. Larry Miller, “Independence Day Shootings Leave 3 Dead,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com/channel/news/070507/homicide070507.asp, accessed July 10, 2007. 3. Larry Miller, “Teen’s Killing Mars Weekend,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com/channel/news/071707/crime071707.asp, accessed July 17, 2007. 4. Eric Mayes, “Nutter Ranks Crime as First of Challenges Facing the City,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.philatribune.com/channel/news/010808/crime010808.asp, accessed January 8, 2008; Angela Rozas, “Chicago’s Murder Rate Lowest Since 1965,” Policeone, http://www.policeone.com/patrol-issues/articles/1654449-Chicagos-murder-ratelowest-since-1965/, accessed April 13, 2008; Colleen Long, “Historic Low in NYC, Chicago Homicides,” Yahoo News!, http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20071229/ap_on_re_us/big_city_homicides, accessed December 29, 2007. 5. U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County QuickFacts,” http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/4260000.html on August 5, 2010, accessed August 5, 2010. 6. Larry Miller, “New Year Begins With Accidents, Homicides—City Averaging More Than One Murder Per Day,” Philadelphia Tribune Online,http://www.philatribune.com, accessed January 13, 2006; “‘Easy Access of Guns’ Threatens Youth, Violent Sub-Culture Also a Serious Issue,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed January 13, 2006. 7. “‘Easy Access of Guns’ Threatens Youth, Violent Sub-Culture Also a Serious Issue,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed January 13, 2006. 8. Kathy Matheson, “Philly Struggles With Rising Murder Rate,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed April 23, 2006. 9. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder analysis Philadelphia police department 2007–2010,” Philly Police,

http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf, accessed July 16, 2011; Larry Miller, “2007 Begins With Violence,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed January 8, 2007. 10. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder analysis Philadelphia police department 2007-2010,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf, accessed July 16, 2011; Larry Miller, “Snowball Fight Turns Deadly for a City Teen: Number of Homicides Jumps to 44,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.philatribune.com/channel/news/268news5519.asp#/channel/news/268news5519.asp#, accessed April 9, 2008; Alexandra Marks, “In Philadelphia, a ‘Disturbing’ Black Murder Rate,” http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0213/p01s02-ussc.html, accessed June 9, 2010. 11. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder analysis Philadelphia police department 2007-2010,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf, accessed July 16, 2011; “Philadelphia Homicides,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.philly.com/inquirer/multimedia/15818502.html, accessed August 11, 2010. 12. Philadelphia Police Department, “Crime Maps & Stats,” Philly Police, http://phillypolice.com/about/crime-statistics, accessed June 18, 2012; Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder and Shooting Analysis Philadelphia Police Department January-June 2011,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2011.pdf, accessed July 12, 2011. 13. From 2007 to 2010, the Philadelphia Police Department reported that of the 1,332 murder victims: 78.8 percent were African American, 19.4 percent were White, and 1.8 percent were Asian; Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder analysis Philadelphia police department 2007–2010,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf, accessed July 16, 2011. 14. Asa Hilliard, SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind (Gainesville: Makare Publishing, 1998/1997). 15. Dick Gregory, “Responsible Sisters Insure Our Survival.” Philadelphia Tribune, May 9, 1970. 16. Philadelphia Police Department, “Crime Maps & Stats,” Philly Police, http://phillypolice.com/about/crime-statistics, accessed January 28, 2012 to August 13, 2013. 17. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder and Shooting Analysis Philadelphia Police Department January–June 2011,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2011.pdf, accessed July 12, 2011; Kathy Matheson, “Philly Struggles With Rising Murder Rate,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed April 23, 2006. 18. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder analysis Philadelphia police department 2007–2010,” Philly Police,

http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf, accessed on July 16, 2011. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., 12. 22. Philadelphia Police Department, “Murder and Shooting Analysis Philadelphia Police Department January-June 2011,” Philly Police, http://www.phillypolice.com/assets/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2011.pdf, accessed July 12, 2011. 23. In 2006, city officials called for tougher gun-purchase laws, but the city did not have authority to pass its own firearm legislation; Jeff Deeney, “Homicide Spike Terrorizes Philly,” Daily Beast, http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/01/29/philadelphia-murder-rate-spikeshow-to-stop-the-epidemic.html, accessed June 29, 2012; Kathy Matheson, “Philly Struggles With Rising Murder Rate,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.philatribune.com, accessed April 23, 2006. 24. Kathy Matheson, “Philly Struggles With Rising Murder Rate,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed April 23, 2006. 25. Larry Miller, “Budget Boycott Continues,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed July 10, 2007. 26. Ibid; Larry Miller, “No Gun Legislation Will Mean No Budget Vote.” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed July 10, 2007; The General Assembly of Pennsylvania, “House Bill No. 29 Session of 2007,”http://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/legis/PN/Public/btCheck.cfm? txtType=HTM&sessYr=2007&sessInd=0&billBody=H&billTyp=B&billNbr=0029&pn=0054, accessed August 16, 2012. 27. Miller, “No Gun Legislation Will Mean No Budget Vote.” 28. Jeff Deeney, “Homicide Spike Terrorizes Philly,” Daily Beast, http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/01/29/philadelphia-murder-rate-spikeshow-to-stop-the-epidemic.html, accessed June 29, 2012. 29. Michael A. Nutter, “Mayor Nutter: We have solutions for youth violence,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phillytrib.com/westsouthwestmetros/123commentary/opedcommentary/20174-mayor-nutter-we-have-solutions-for-youthviolence.html, accessed August 15, 2011. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid. 32. Deeney, “Homicide Spike Terrorizes Philly.” 33. Ibid. 34. “‘Easy Access of Guns’ Threatens Youth, Violent Sub-Culture Also a Serious Issue,” Philadelphia Tribune Online, http://www.phila-tribune.com, accessed January 13, 2006. 35. Ibid. 36. Mona Charen, “Single-parent families, not race triggering rise in violence,”

Noozhawk, http://www.noozhawk.com/noozhawk/article/040212_mona_charen_race_rise_in_violence/, accessed April 2, 2012. 37. William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968). 38. bell hooks defines “homeplaces” as “sites where one could confront the issue of humanization, where one could resist.” It is here that individuals are able to have a safe place to buffer the deleterious effects that oppression plays on the psyche of individuals. Such places can include, but are not limited to church, gyms, barbershops, hair salons, and gardens; Stephen N. Haymes, Race, Culture, and the City: A Pedagogy for Black Urban Struggle (Albany: State University of New York Press. 1995), 118; see also, bell hooks, Yearning: Race Gender and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 42. 39. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table, accessed June 17, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau, State and County QuickFacts,http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/4260000.html, accessed June 17, 2012. 40. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder,http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_B19301&prodType=table, accessed June 17, 2012. 41. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table, accessed June 17, 2012. 42. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_B19013&prodType=table, accessed June 17, 2012. 43. U.S. Census Bureau, “Median Household Income in the Past 12 Months in 2010 Inflation—Adjusted Dollars 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,” accessed July 21, 2012, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_B19013&prodType=table. 44. Ibid. 45. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table, accessed June 17, 2012. 46. U.S. Census Bureau, “Selected Economic Characteristics—2006-2010 American Community Survey Selected Population Tables,” accessed on July 21, 2012, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table. 47. This amount is adjusted $3,960 for each person that above or below the family of four standard; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, HHS Poverty

Guidelines,http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/12poverty.shtml, accessed July 18, 2012. 48. U.S. Census Bureau, Selected Economic Characteristics—2006-2010 American Community Survey Selected Population Tables, http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table, accessed June 18, 2012. 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51. U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County QuickFacts,”http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/4260000.html, accessed August 5, 2010. 52. Ylan Q. Mui, “Ex-Loan Officer Claims Wells Fargo Targeted Black Communities for Shoddy Loans,” Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/former-wells-fargo-loan-officertestifies-in-baltimore-mortgage-lawsuit/2012/06/12/gJQA6EGtXV_story.html, accessed June 12, 2012; Binyamin Appelbaum, “Family Net Worth Drops to Level of Early ’90s, Fed Says,” New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/12/business/economy/family-net-worth-drops-tolevel-of-early-90s-fed-says.html?_r=2&hp&pagewanted=print, accessed June 11, 2012. 53. Edward N. Wolff, “Recent Trends in Household Wealth in the United States: Rising Debt and the Middle-Class Squeeze—an Update to 2007,” Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection, http://www.levyinstitute.org/publications/? docid=1235, accessed April 16, 2007. 54. Pam Fessler, “Study Shows Racial Wealth Gap Grows Wider,” National Public Radio, http://www.npr.org/2011/07/26/138688135/study-shows-racial-wealth-gapgrows-wider, accessed July 26, 2011. 55. Fessler, “Study Shows Racial Wealth Gap Grows Wider.” 56. Omali Yeshitela, “The Economic Crisis of the United States, Part 1, RBG Tube, http://www.rbgtube.com/play.php?vid=1917, accessed June 15, 2009. 57. Mui, “Ex-Loan Officer Claims Wells Fargo Targeted Black Communities for Shoddy Loans.”; “Racial Predatory Loans Fueled Housing Crisis: Study,” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/39495428/print/1/displaymode/1098/, accessed October 4, 2010. 58. Christopher Rabb, “Blacks Suffer Most in U.S. Foreclosure Surge,” Afronetizen.com, http://www.afro-netizen.com/2007/03/blacks_suffer_m.html, accessed March 20, 2007. 59. “Racial Predatory Loans Fueled Housing Crisis: Study,” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/39495428/print/1/displaymode/1098/, accessed October 4, 2010. 60. Ibid; Rabb, “Blacks Suffer Most in U.S. Foreclosure Surge.” 61. Ibid. 62. Joseph Stiglitz, “The American Dream is Now a Myth: Joseph Stiglitz,” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/47957186/, accessed June 26, 2012.

63. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor Force Statistics From the Current Population Survey,” http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000, accessed September 13, 2012. 64. September 2012 marked the first time that the unemployment number fell below 8.0 percent since January 2009. Moreover, this jobs report indicated that there was a slow improvement for the general population since the recent recession as total nonfarm payroll increased by 114,000—much improved from August 2012 when unemployment sat at 8.1 percent with only 96,000 jobs produced. This drop in unemployment was crucial because it occurred prior to the November 2012 elections, and helped to reinforce the fact that the economy showed some improvement during the Obama Administration; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor Force Statistics From the Current Population Survey,” http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000, accessed August 13, 2013; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Employment Situation Summary,” http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.nr0.htm, accessed August 13, 2013. 65. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Pennsylvania: Local Area Unemployment Statistics,” http://data.bls.gov/PDQ/servlet/SurveyOutputServlet? data_tool=latest_numbers&series_id=LASST42000003, accessed on August 13, 2013. 66. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Local Area Unemployment Statistic Map,” http://data.bls.gov/map/servlet/map.servlet.MapToolServlet? state=42&datatype=unemployment&year=2010&period=M08&survey=la&map=county&seas accessed October 5, 2012. 67. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Unemployment Rates by County in Pennsylvania, December 2012,” http://www.bls.gov/ro3/palaus.htm, accessed January 7, 2013. 68. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor Force Statistics From the Current Population Survey,” http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000 accessed on August 13, 2013; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Unemployment Rates by County in Pennsylvania, March 2013,” http://www.bls.gov/ro3/palaus.htm, accessed August 13, 2013; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Pennsylvania: Local Area Unemployment Statistics,” http://data.bls.gov/PDQ/servlet/SurveyOutputServlet? data_tool=latest_numbers&series_id=LASST42000003, accessed August 13, 2013. 69. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Employment Situation Summary Table A. Household Data, Seasonally Adjusted,” http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.a.htm, accessed August 13, 2013. 70. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Economic News Release: Table A-2Employment Status of the Civilian Population by Race, Sex, and Age,” http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t02.htm, accessed May 5, 2013. 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid. 73. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Economic News Release: Table A-2Employment Status of the Civilian Population by Race, Sex, and Age,” accessed on

August 13, 2013, http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t02.htm.; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Alternate Measures of Labor Underutilization,” accessed on August 13, 2013, http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t15.htm.; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Economic News Release: Employment Situation Summary Table A. Household Data, Seasonally Adjusted,” accessed on August 13, 2013 http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.a.htm. 74. The Bureau of Labor Statistics categorizes discouraged workers as a subset of marginally attached. As noted on their website, “persons marginally attached to the labor force are those who currently are neither working nor looking for work but indicate that they want and are available for a job and have looked for work sometime in the past 12 months. Discouraged workers, a subset of the marginally attached, have given a job-market related reason for not currently looking for work. Persons employed part time for economic reasons are those who want and are available for full-time work but have had to settle for a part-time schedule”; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Alternate Measures of Labor Underutilization,” http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t15.htm, accessed May 5, 2013. 75. Ibid. 76. To bolster economic growth, the Federal Reserve initiated a third round of quantitative easing (i.e., QE) on September 13, 2012, in order to counter the effects of: slow job creation, low gross domestic product (GDP), high unemployment, and high mortgage rates. Essentially, QE is legalized money printing and contributes vastly to an inflation in asset prices (e.g., stocks, real estate, etc.). Despite the intentions, however, some opponents (e.g., Peter Schiff, Jim Rogers, and James Rickards, among others) have voiced concern on whether QE3 will actually create the necessary jobs to spur growth, while keeping inflation in check. As of August 2, 2013, it appears that QE has worked; Patti Domm, “Dovish Fed Surprises Markets, But Will Stock Rally Last?, CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/49007908/print/1/displaymode/1098/, last modified on September 13, 2012; James Rickards, Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Global Crisis (New York: Penguin Group, Inc., 2011). 77. Cox, “Why the Unemployment Rate Has Become a Bad Joke,” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/41583533, accessed February 14, 2011. 78. Although the government measures inflation by using the Consumer Price Index (CPI), the problem lies in the actual number that is reported: Headline or Core. It is the latter—which was employed during the early 1980s—that most economists and governmental officials use for inflation. Unfortunately, this number eliminates the constant price shifts in food and energy. Therefore, the Core reading sits at approximately 2.0 percent, while real inflation (i.e., Headline CPI) is about 9.0 percent; Lance Roberts, “Why Reported Inflation Seems Different Than Reality,” Financial Sense, http://www.financialsense.com/print/contributors/lance-roberts, accessed December 28, 2012; Shadow Government Statistics, “Alternate Inflation Charts,” http://www.shadowstats.com/alternate_data/inflation-charts, accessed October 3, 2012.

79. Lance Roberts, “Why Reported Inflation Seems Different Than Reality,” Financial Sense, http://www.financialsense.com/print/contributors/lance-roberts, accessed December 28, 2012. 80. JCox, “Why the Unemployment Rate Has Become a Bad Joke.” 81. Ibid. 82. Margaret Price, “The Incredible Shrinking Pay Raise: Wages Can’t Keep Up With Inflation,” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/48130116/, accessed July 10, 2012. 83. The Gini index/coefficient was introduced by Corrado Gini (1884–1965) to calculate the degree of income inequality in a country or state. The coefficient ranges from 0 to 1, and can be represented as a percent. When interpreting the Gini index/coefficient, 0 means that all members in a given context receive the same income (i.e., perfect equality), while 1 means that one member receives all of the income (i.e., perfect inequality). So, in Pennsylvania, the Gini index in 2010 ranged from 0.455 to 0.470. Therefore, while it almost mirrors that of the United States, it indicates that there is an imbalance in income distribution/inequality in the state; Amanda Noss, “Household Income for States: 2009 and 2010,” http://www.census.gov/prod/2011pubs/acsbr10-02.pdf, accessed September 23, 2011; Salvatore Babones, “U.S. Income Distribution: Just How Unequal?,” Inequality News, http://inequality.org/unequal-americas-income-distribution/, accessed February 14, 2012; Max Fisher, “Map: U.S. Ranks Near Bottom on Income Inequality,” http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/09/map-us-ranks-near-bottomon-income-inequality/245315/, accessed September 19, 2011. 84. Edward N. Wolff, “Recent Trends in Household Wealth in the United States: Rising Debt and the Middle-Class Squeeze—an Update to 2007,” Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection, http://www.levyinstitute.org/publications/? docid=1235, accessed April 16, 2007; see also, Edward N. Wolff, Top Heavy: A Study of Increasing Inequality of Wealth in America (New York: New Press, 2002). 85. Ibid.; William G. Domhoff, “Wealth, Income, and Power,” WhoRulesAmerica.net, http://www2.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/wealth.html, accessed March 9, 2012. 86. “Number of the Week: The Perils of Inequality,” Wall Street Journal, http://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2011/02/19/number-of-the-week-the-perils-ofinequality/tab/print/, accessed February 19, 2011. 87. Based on the top 400’s 2009 net gain of $37 billion, the top 0.1 percent earned approximately $22.2 billion; Robert Lenzer, “The Top 0.1 percent of the Nation Earn Half of All Capital Gains,” Yahoo! News, http://news.yahoo.com/top-0-1-nation-earnhalf-capital-gains-172647859.html, accessed November 21, 2011; Janet Novack, “Income of Top 400 Fell 25 percent in 2009, But They Took Record 16 percent of All Capital Gains,”http://www.forbes.com/sites/janetnovack/2012/06/04/irs-reportsincome-of-top-400-fell-25-in-2009-as-their-tax-rate-rose-to-19-9/, accessed June 4, 2012. 88. Rick Newman, “The American Dream Is Alive and Well—Just Not in America,” U.S. News & World Report, http://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/ricknewman/2012/09/11/the-american-dream-is-alive-and-welljust-not-in-america,

accessed September 11, 2012. 89. The United States’ national debt is approximately $16.9 trillion; student loan debt is over $1.0 trillion; mortgage debt is about $13.0 trillion; and credit card debt is approximately $849.6 billion. With specific focus to the national debt, data from the White House projected that the United States hit its debt ceiling in mid-December 2012 with a $16.395 trillion debt. In response, the president and Congress pushed the debt ceiling debate to August 2013. With the government’s continued spending (despite being severely indebted), Congress and President Obama failed to reach a deal in the sequester debate. Resultantly, this led to approximately $29.9 billion in automatic spending cuts to go into effect since March 1, 2013. Those that have/will experience the brunt of this decision include: governmental agencies, defense sector, and education (such as Head start); “U.S. Debt Clock,” http://www.usdebtclock.org/, accessed August 13, 2013; The Associated Press, “Despite Cliff Deal: ‘Nothing Really Has Been Fixed,’” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/100348219, accessed January 2, 2013; Damian Paletta, “December Debacle? U.S. Likely to Hit Debt Ceiling Then,” Wall Street Journal, http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire//07/27/decemberdebacle-u-s-likely-to-hit-debt-ceiling-then/, accessed July 27, 2012; Jim Rickards, “The Problem With the Fed’s Zero Rate Policy,” http://www.financialsense.com/contributors/jim-rickards/problem-with-feds-zero-ratepolicy, accessed April 4, 2012; see also, William Strickland, “Taking Our Souls: The War Against Black Men,” Essence: 10th Annual Men’s Issue 22, no. 7 (1991). 90. Jack Welch, former General Electric CEO, drew some criticism in a Twitter message that implied that the unemployment numbers were fudged in order to assist Obama’s administration after a debate with Mitt Romney prior to the November elections. In his tweet, he stated, “Unbelievable job numbers . . . these Chicago guys will do anything . . . can’t debate so change numbers”; “Jack Welch: ‘Chicago guys will do anything,’ including cook unemployment rate,” http://dailycaller.com/2012/10/05/jack-welch-chicago-guys-will-do-anything-includingcook-unemployment-rate/#ixzz2GvcNye5s, accessed January 3, 2013; David Collum, “2012 Year in Review: Free Markets, Rule of Law, and Other Urban Legends,” Peak Prosperity, http://www.peakprosperity.com/print/80283, accessed December 28, 2012. 91. Bill Bischoff, “What End of Bush Tax Cuts Means For You,” Wall Street Journal, http://finance.yahoo.com/news/what-end-of-bush-tax-cuts-means-for-you.html, accessed May 16, 2012; “U.S. Debt Clock,” http://www.usdebtclock.org/, accessed May 7, 2013. 92. The Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003 accelerated tax changes that were previously signed in 2001 under the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act. Under the policy, for example, long-term capital gains and dividends taxes were reduced to 15 percent and 28 percent. Although an admirable move, it is capital gains that have contributed to wealth inequality across the presidential administrations of Carter, Reagan, Clinton, and Bush; therefore, President Obama, among others, has opted for high-tax bracketed individuals/families

to no longer be advantaged by the policy. If Congress accepts his proposal, then these individuals/families will pay 20 percent in their capital gains taxes and 39.6 percent in dividend taxes; “Obama Challenges Republicans to Keep Tax Cuts for Middle Class,” http://www.cnbc.com/id/48129622/, accessed July 10, 2012; Robert Lenzer, “The Top 0.1 percent of the Nation Earn Half of All Capital Gains,” Yahoo! News, http://news.yahoo.com/top-0-1-nation-earn-half-capital-gains-172647859.html, accessed November 21, 2011. 93. The Associated Press, “Despite Cliff Deal: ‘Nothing Really Has Been Fixed,’” CNBC.com, http://www.cnbc.com/id/100348219, accessed January 2, 2013. 94. Steve Pickett, “2013 Payroll Tax Increase Means Your Paycheck Will Shrink,” http://dfw.cbslocal.com/2013/01/02/2013-payroll-tax-increase-means-your-paycheckwill-shrink/, accessed April 7, 2013. 95. Jeff Cox, “Central Bank Efforts May ‘End in Tears’: Pimco CEO El-Erian,” http://www.cnbc.com/id/100616800, accessed April 7, 2013. 96. During this period, the S&P 500 saw its low on March 6, 2009 (666.79) and grinded to an all-time high on August 2, 2013 (1,709.67). This amounted to a 156.4 percent increase in the S&P 500 cash index (SPX); Polyana da Costa, “QE1: Financial Crisis Timeline,” http://www.bankrate.com/finance/federal-reserve/qe1financial-crisis-timeline.aspx, accessed May 5, 2013. 97. Rickards, “The Problem With the Fed’s Zero Rate Policy.” 98. David Collum, “2012 Year in Review: Free Markets, Rule of Law, and Other Urban Legends,” Peak Prosperity, http://www.peakprosperity.com/print/80283, accessed December 28, 2012; James Rickards, Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Global Crisis (New York: Penguin Group, Inc., 2011). 99. James Woolley, “The Market Can Stay Irrational Longer Than You Can Stay Solvent,” http://ezinearticles.com/?The-Market-Can-Stay-Irrational-Longer-Than-YouCan-Stay-Solvent&id=1622074, accessed January 3, 2013. 100. H. Rap Brown, “Blacks Must Organize for Survival” (speech delivered at the Free Huey Rally, Oakland, CA, February 17, 1968); “De Gaulle v. the Dollar,” Time, February 12, 1965, 81–82. 101. “De Gaulle v. the Dollar,” Time, February 12, 1965, 81–82. 102. “Historical Gold Prices—1833 to Present,” http://www.nma.org/pdf/gold/his_gold_prices.pdf, accessed February 1, 2013. 103. U.S. Debt Clock, http://www.usdebtclock.org/gold-precious-metals.html, accessed May 10, 2013; Rickards, Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Global Crisis; “Gold At $4,000 An Ounce?” http://video.cnbc.com/gallery/? video=3000165736, accessed May 2, 2013. 104. Keith Weiner, “Impact of Germany’s Gold Repatriation,” http://www.actingman.com/?p=21432&cpage=1, accessed February 1, 2013. 105. U.S. Debt Clock, http://www.usdebtclock.org/golddemand-by-country.html, accessed May 10, 2013. 106. Ben Evans, “Black Lawmakers Grow Impatient with White House,” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/12/10/black-lawmakers-are-

growi_n_386863.html, accessed December 10, 2009. 107. Michel Martin, “African-Americans Hit Especially Hard by Weakened Economy,” National Public Radio, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php? storyId=120049503, accessed November 3, 2009; Michel Martin, “Jobs Crisis Continues to Affect African-Americans More,” National Public Radio, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=129750179, accessed October 24, 2010; see also, Robert W. Fairlie & William A. Sundstrom, “The Racial Unemployment Gap in Long-Run Perspective,” The American Economic Review, 87, no. 2 (May 1997): 306–10. 108. Ibid.; see table 5. 109. “50 Cent Shares His Attitude Toward Investing,” CNBC.com,http://www.cnbc.com/id/32736386/50_Cent_Shares_His_Attitude_Toward_Inves last modified September 8, 2009. 110. Omari L. Dyson, “The Village: Myth, Legend, or Re-Defined” (invited presenter for the 7th Annual 2013 Black, Brown & College Bound (BBCB) Summit, Hillsborough Community College, Tampa, Florida, February 23, 2013); Fairlie & Sundstrom, “The Racial Unemployment Gap in Long-Run Perspective.” ; Austin, Algernon “For African Americans, 50 Years of High Unemployment,” Economic Policy Institute,http://www.epi.org/publication/african-americans-50-years-highunemployment/, accessed February 19, 2013. 111. Rok Spruk, “Student Performance and Economic Growth,” Citizen Economists, http://www.citizeneconomists.com/blogs/2011/01/07/student-performance-andeconomic-growth/, accessed July 10, 2011. 112. Ibid. 113. Ibid.; Becker stated that “teaching-to-the-test” syndrome occurs when public school teachers teach students topics not relevant to the command of knowledge, but to the tests since test scores presumably determine teacher pay. 114. Children’s Defense Fund, “The State of America’s Children,” http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/state-ofamericas-children.pdf, accessed February 4, 2012. 115. Ibid. 116. “School Performance,” OpenPAgov.org, http://www.openpagov.org/pssa.asp, accessed June 17, 2012. 117. Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives, Inc., “School Performance,” OpenPAgov.org, accessed on July 21, 2012, http://www.openpagov.org/pssa.asp. 118. Ibid. 119. Ibid. 120. Ibid. 121. In 1999–2000, the dropout rate in Pennsylvania was 2.5 percent. Bucks and Montgomery Counties were below the rate at 1.2 percent and 1.3 percent. However, Philadelphia County was three times above the state dropout rate (7.3 percent); The Center for Rural Pennsylvania, “Demographics: County Profile,” Center for Rural

Pennsylvania, http://www.ruralpa2.org/county_profiles.cfm, accessed June 15, 2012; Jonathan Kozol, The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2006). 122. Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives, Inc., “School Performance,” OpenPAgov.org, http://www.openpagov.org/pssa.asp, accessed June 15, 2012. 123. Ibid. 124. Ibid. 125. Ibid. 126. Ibid. 127. Ibid. 128. Kozol, The Shame of the Nation 129. David M. Sadker & Karen R. Zittleman. Teachers, Schools, and Society: A Brief Introduction to Education, 3rd ed. (Columbus: McGraw Hill Companies, 2012), 213. 130. Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4214160.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4214160.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)— DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity,http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4214160.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4216860.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4216860.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4216860.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4218990.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity,http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4218990.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990) —DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4218990.htm, accessed June 16, 2012; Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives, Inc., “School Spending,” OpenPAgov.org, http://www.openpagov.org/education_revenue_and_expenses.asp, accessed June 16, 2012; Lower Merion School District, “Lower Merion School District Budget Projection Model: Estimated Budgets Through 2012–13,” Lower Merion School District,

http://www.lmsd.org/documents/bus/budget/0809/projection_model.pdf, accessed June 18, 2012; New Hope-Solebury School District, “Pride in Our Schools: A SchoolCommunity Newsletter, Volume 1, Issue 1,” http://www.nhsd.org/super/docs/Pride percent20in percent20Our percent20Schools percent20January percent202009.pdf, accessed June 18, 2012; Raymond J. Boccuti, “New Hope–Solebury School District 2009/2010 Budget Presentation,” http://www.nhsd.org/super/docs/2009-010 percent20budget percent20presentation percent20update.pdf, accessed on June 18, 2012; Arlene C. Ackerman and Michael J. Masch, “School District of Philadelphia Budget Update Fiscal Year 2009–10,” http://www.philasd.org/announcements/bgt_update_92309.pdf, accessed June 18, 2012. 131. Ibid. 132. Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4214160.htm.; Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160) –DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4214160.htm.; Proximity, “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4214160.htm.; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4216860.htm.; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4216860.htm.; Proximity, “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4216860.htm.; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4218990.htm.; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP3 Economic Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4218990.htm.; Proximity, “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP4 Housing Characteristics,” Proximity, accessed June 16, 2012, http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4218990.htm.; Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives, Inc., “School Spending,” OpenPAgov.org, accessed June 16, 2012, http://www.openpagov.org/education_revenue_and_expenses.asp.; Lower Merion School District, “Lower Merion School District Budget Projection Model: Estimated Budgets Through 2012-13,” Lower Merion School District, accessed June 18, 2012, http://www.lmsd.org/documents/bus/budget/0809/projection_model.pdf.; New Hope-Solebury School District, “Pride in Our Schools: A School-Community Newsletter, Volume 1, Issue 1,” accessed June 18, 2012,

http://www.nhsd.org/super/docs/Pride%20in%20Our%20Schools%20January%202009.pdf. Raymond J. Boccuti, “New Hope–Solebury School District 2009/2010 Budget Presentation,” accessed June 18, 2012, http://www.nhsd.org/super/docs/20092010%20budget%20presentation%20update.pdf.; Arlene C. Ackerman and Michael J. Masch, “School District of Philadelphia Budget Update Fiscal Year 2009-10,” accessed June 18, 2012, http://www.philasd.org/announcements/bgt_update_92309.pdf. 133. Ibid. 134. U.S. Census Bureau, “Selected Economic Characteristics: 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,”http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_DP03&prodType=table, accessed June 18, 2012. 135. Ibid. 136. Ibid. 137. Children’s Defense Fund, “The State of America’s Children,” accessed on February 4, 2012, http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-datapublications/data/state-of-americas-children.pdf.; Hawkins, H. Gregory, “Understanding ‘Poor’ Performance: Palmetto Achievement Challenge Test (PACT) Scores & Poverty,” http://selfcenter.clemson.edu/filemgmt_data/files/pact2001.pdf, accessed September 5, 2008; Ginger Hannon, Don Martin, and Maggie Martin, “Incarceration in the Family: Adjustment to Change,” Family Therapy 11, no. 3 (1984). 138. Ibid. 139. “Trends in U.S. Corrections,” The Sentencing Project, http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/inc_Trends_in_Corrections_Fact_sheet.pdf, accessed May 20, 2012; see also, Roy Walmsley, World Population List, 9th ed. (Essex: International Centre for Prison Studies, 2011). 140. Michel Martin, “For Many Ex-Offenders, Poverty Follows Prison,” National Public Radio, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=130647626, accessed October 20, 2010; “Total Corrections Population,” The Sentencing Project, http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm?abbrev=NA&mapdata=true, accessed October 20, 2010. 141. Paul Guerino, Paige M. Harrison, William J. Sabol, “Prisoners in 2010,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/p10.pdf, accessed July 6, 2012; Lauren E. Glaze, “Corectional Population in the United States, 2010,” Bureau of Justice Statistics,http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/cpus10.pdf, accessed December 13, 2011; “Total Corrections Population,” The Sentencing Project, http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm? abbrev=NA&mapdata=true, accessed October 20, 2010. 142. Lauren E. Glaze, “Correctional Population in the United States, 2010,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/cpus10.pdf, accessed December 13, 2011. 143. “Pennsylvania: Total corrections population,” The Sentencing Project,

http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm?abbrev=PA&mapdata=true, accessed October 20, 2010. 144. U.S. Census Bureau, “Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania,” http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42101.html, accessed May 24, 2012. 145. Glaze, “Correctional Population in the United States, 2010.” 146. Death Penalty Information Center, “State by State Database: Pennsylvania,” DeathPenaltyInfo.org, http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/state_by_state, accessed May 25, 2012; Wonderwheel Productions, “State by State: Pennsylvania,” Deadlinethemovie.com,http://deadlinethemovie.com/state/PA/index.php, accessed May 25, 2012; Mark Houser, “Is Pa. Prison Growth Locked In?” Pittsburgh TribuneReview, http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/news/cityregion/s_510849.html, accessed July 11, 2007; Mumia Abu-Jamal, “The Case of Mumia Abu-Jamal; A Saga of Shame,” Equal Justice USA,http://wwwunix.oit.umass.edu/~kastor/mumia/mumia_info.html, accessed January 4, 2007. 147. Glaze, “Correctional Population in the United States, 2010.”; U.S. Census Bureau, “Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania,”http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42101.html, accessed May 24, 2012. 148. Dean Lategan, Stacey O’Neill, and Angelo Santore, “Pennsylvania Department of Corrections: Annual Statistical Report,” Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, http://www.cor.state.pa.us/portal/server.pt/community/research___statistics/10669/reports/1 accessed June 18, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau. “Bucks County, Pennsylvania,” U.S. Census Bureau,http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42017.html, accessed June 19, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau, “Montgomery County, Pennsylvania,” U.S. Census Bureau,http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42091.html, accessed June 19, 2012. 149. Karen Heller, “Karen Heller: In Pennsylvania, Prison Still a Growth Industry Incarceration is Big Here. The State Even Exports Inmates,” Philly.com, http://articles.philly.com/2010-06-27/news/24965186_1_state-prison-populationsinmate-population-prison-costs, accessed June 27, 2010. 150. Lategan, O’Neill, and Santore, “Pennsylvania Department of Corrections: Annual Statistical Report.”; Mark Houser, “Is Pa. Prison Growth Locked In?,” Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/news/cityregion/s_510849.html, accessed July 11, 2007. 151. Joseph N. DiStefano, “Suddenly,Pennsylvania is cutting back on prison growth,” Philly.com, http://www.philly.com/philly/blogs/inq-phillydeals/Suddenly-Pennsylvania-iscutting-back-on-prisons.html, accessed March 13, 2011 152. Jack Wagner (2011, January). Fiscal and structural reform—solutions to Pennsylvania’s growing inmate population. Retrieved from http://www.auditorgen.state.pa.us/Reports/Performance/Special/speCorrections012611.pdf; Karen Heller, “Karen Heller: In Pennsylvania, Prison Still a Growth Industry

Incarceration is Big Here. The State Even Exports Inmates,” Philly.com, http://articles.philly.com/2010-06-27/news/24965186_1_state-prison-populationsinmate-population-prison-costs, accessed June 27, 2010. 153. Heller, “Karen Heller: In Pennsylvania, Prison Still a Growth Industry Incarceration is Big Here. The State Even Exports Inmates.” 154. Mark Houser, “Is Pa. Prison Growth Locked In?” Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/news/cityregion/s_510849.html, accessed July 11, 2007. 155. Jack Wagner, “Fiscal and Structural Reform—Solutions to Pennsylvania’s Growing Inmate Population,” http://www.auditorgen.state.pa.us/Reports/Performance/Special/speCorrections012611.pdf, accessed January 29, 2011. 156. “Pennsylvania,” Prisoners of the Census, http://www.prisonersofthecensus.org/pennsylvania.html, accessed January 4, 2007; Center for Rural Pennsylvania, “Just the Facts: Prison Population Growth,” http://www.rural.palegislature.us/publications_newsletter_1101.html#6, accessed June 22, 2012. 157. Joseph N. DiStefano, “Suddenly, Pennsylvania is cutting back on prison growth,” Philly.com, http://www.philly.com/philly/blogs/inq-phillydeals/Suddenly-Pennsylvaniais-cutting-back-on-prisons.html, accessed March 13, 2011. 158. Ibid. 159. The information I collected on inmate expenditures varied from Senator Greenleaf’s statements and information collected from Mr. Jack Wagner’s special report. In another report for 2010, the Vera Institute reported an inmate allocation of $42,339 on an average daily population of 48,543, and a total state cost for prison totaling $2.1 billion; Wagner, “Fiscal and Structural Reform—Solutions to Pennsylvania’s Growing Inmate Population.”; Era Institute of Justice, “The Price of Prisons: What Incarceration Costs Taxpayers,” Vera.org, http://www.vera.org/files/price-of-prisons-pennsylvania-fact-sheet.pdf, accessed January 28, 2012. 160. Center for Rural Pennsylvania, “Just the Facts: Prison Population Growth,” Center for Rural Pennsylvania, http://www.rural.palegislature.us/publications_newsletter_1101.html#6, accessed June 22, 2012; T.S. Evaline, “Minorities and the Pennsylvania Prisons,” Prisoners.com, http://www.prisoners.com/minority.html, accessed February 12, 2008. 161. George R. Fisher, “Pennsylvania Prison Society,” Philadelphia Reflections, http://www.philadelphia-reflections.com/reflections.php? content=blogs_alpha/pennsylvania_prison_society.html, accessed July 11, 2007. 162. T.S. Evaline, “Minorities and the Pennsylvania Prisons,” Prisoners.com, http://www.prisoners.com/minority.html, accessed February 12, 2008; Fisher, “Pennsylvania Prison Society.” 163. Ibid.; As of 2004, the disenfranchised population (those in prison and jail)

represented 0.4 percent (or 41,626) of the state population. Of this total, African Americans totaled 26,101; “Pennsylvania: Total corrections population,” The Sentencing Project, http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm? abbrev=PA&mapdata=true, accessed October 20, 2010; Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, “Correctional Newsfront,”www.cor.state.pa.us, accessed October 20, 2010. 164. U.S. Census Bureau, “Selected Social Characteristics in the United States, 2006-2010 Estimates,” http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_DP02&prodType=table, accessed June 18, 2012; Elaine B. Pinderhughes, “African American Marriage in the 20th Century.” Family Process 41, no. 2 (2002).

Chapter 2

Time Bakes the Bred Who one is and what one is about, where one stands relative to others, is determined by one’s sense of history, sense of the present, and the future, and the connectedness of all three. One’s perceptions of his past, present and future, whether ordered linearly or non-linearly, form the space-time coordinates which define oneself.[1]

A BRIEF HISTORY OF AFRICANS IN PHILADELPHIA Africans’ presence in Philadelphia is a tale imbued by richness, struggle, and beauty. When studying the history, one cannot neglect the fact that African people in the city are a representation of humanity’s continual will to survive and resist in the context of oppression and domination (i.e., limit-situations).[2] In a broadened sense, a perusal of the city’s history reveals that it has one of the richest histories when compared to any other city in the United States of America. Arguably, the ‘nucleus of American resistance,’ it was here that America’s founding fathers held a meeting for the Thirteen United Colonies to proclaim their independence from Great Britain in 1776. As a symbol of their independence, attendees constructed the Great Seal of the United States with two of its architects, Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin, professing that, “Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God.” Not only did this emancipatory act galvanize White colonists, it also sparked approximately five thousand “free” and enslaved Africans to follow suit as they enlisted in the army and navy in hopes of social advancement, freedom, and the opportunity to receive longawaited respect from colonists.[3] Contrarily, this call for “American” emancipation did not dupe many Africans who believed that it was also their time to end years of abuse and toil imposed on them by American colonists. So, on November 7, 1775, the wear and tear stemming from years of colonialism manifested itself as “some hundred thousand” enslaved Africans fled the claws of enslavement by responding to Lord Dunmore’s (Virginia’s royal governor) plea to join his army and fight against the Americans.[4] Unaware of the fate that would present itself under Dunmore’s proposition, some Africans took the leap of faith. Unfortunately, many met the face of death or serfdom in their quest for freedom as an estimated 15,000 formerly enslaved and indentured servants sided with the British.[5] Many of these individuals later emigrated to England and its colonies, and therefore, became instrumental in shaping new cultural identities across the African Diaspora.[6] The choice by Africans to divorce themselves from a tumultuous relationship with the U.S. is an often-excluded uprising that marks one of the greatest threats displayed by enslaved Africans against those who colonized them.[7] Since Africans

comprised 20 percent of the country, a possible fusion with Britain made American victory doubtful.[8] As a result, Dunmore’s claim not only ruptured the sanctity of Southern enslavers and colonists. In addition, it placed Philadelphia enslavers (i.e., Quaker elite) in a slight panic against potential insurgency.[9] This fear, quite possibly, was the dominating force that expedited elite Quakers’ decision to abolish slavery— that is after eight-eight years of remonstration.[10] By 1783, the colonists defeated the British in the American Revolution. Four years later, the founding fathers convened at the Philadelphia Convention to adopt the U.S. Constitution. Unfortunately, the signing of this sacrosanct document implicitly excluded those not classified as “rich, White men”—a decision that represented the deep-seated racism, patriarchy, and elitism embedded in the structural fabrics of the United States of America. Resultantly, years of internal conflict and uprisings ensued as those of African descent attempted to secure their humanity across the country. Approximately two centuries later, these ongoing uprisings led a group of Black militants to organize another convention in hopes to connect a diverse set of activists from around the country. This group sought to challenge social exclusion and “draft a new Constitution providing authentic liberty and justice for all.”[11] Surprisingly to many, the coordinating group was the Black Panther Party and the site of the event was Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

AFRICAN GROWTH AND CHALLENGES During the 1700s, many Africans who escaped chattel slavery and/or migrated to Philadelphia felt that this transition signified an opportunity to re-build after painful pasts. For formerly enslaved Southerners and migrants from Saint Dominique (by way of French planters in 1791), Philadelphia served as refuge and freedom because slavery was less harsh in the city (when compared to other places) and was nearing abolishment.[12] Estimates revealed that from 1790 to 1840, the population of Africans in Philadelphia County climbed from 2,489 to 19,833.[13] As the African population steadily rose, three primary issues surfaced to impede many from progressing socially. First, since Philadelphia was an industrial city and Africans tended to migrate from agricultural environments, many of them were illsuited for the jobs available. Second, because of the residual effects of chattel slavery, some Africans were forced into poverty as they migrated to the city with little to no financial resources. Moreover, the demand for jobs pitted many Africans against other migrating groups such as Russians, Germans, Italians, Irish, Americans, and Polish. Thirdly, with a scarcity in city resources, some Blacks, who were unknowledgeable about city laws, engaged in petty crime,[14] pauperism, and prostitution to survive. Deemed scapegoats, Africans became the victims of racial rancor and xenophobia that manifested in the form of riots,[15] harassment, propaganda, and suffering.[16]

EDUCATING AFRICANS IN PHILADELPHIA Some scholars have professed that the formulation of Black education is inextricably linked to the historical experiences of Blacks in this country.[17] Relative to Philadelphia, from the 1680s to the end of the eighteenth century, some Quakers— already grappling with their role as enslavers—began to address both the education and moral guidance of Africans.[18] For example, beginning in 1750, Anthony Benezet (1713–1784) dedicated a substantial part of his energies to tutor and educate both free and enslaved Africans.[19] He challenged the pervasive view of Black inferiority as his students showed their capabilities to read and write.[20] During his lessons, he helped to externalize African students’ feelings of inferiority by helping them recognize that the slave environment (i.e., system-blame) created the degradation of human beings.[21] By 1762, he challenged dominant perspectives that mis-represented Africans and proclaimed, “The African environment had produced notable cultures and was falsely construed as a place of jungle barbarism.”[22] This same year, Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) visited the Bray Associates’ School and said, “Their apprehension [is] quick, their Memory is Strong, and their Docility in every Respect equal to that of the White Children.”[23] Such statements stemmed from developing an intimate understanding of cultural differences, and avoiding being interpolated by the dominant propaganda that was rooted in distance, fear, and hatred. In 1773, Benezet’s efforts led to a schoolhouse opening on Willing’s Alley where about 250 students gained rudimentary education (i.e., reading, ’riting, and ’rithmetic) and learned Quaker principles on the universality of humankind.[24] On June 18, 1770, Benezet and the Friends of Philadelphia opened the Quaker Free School (a.k.a. African Free School) for the instruction of African children.[25] Initially, the school enrolled twenty-two students; three months later, enrollment increased to thirty-six.[26] By 1787, another African Free School was erected in New York “to empower Black children as educated citizens to protect themselves.”[27] With a student population of 500, the school’s popularity led to worldwide recognition after visiting scholars and educators observed the program and its concentration in reading, writing, natural history, astronomy, arithmetic navigation, and moral education.[28] The school received added acclaim after an 1818 law incorporated the Lancasterian System/Approach for instruction.[29] The Lancasterian System was originally developed by Joseph Lancaster in England to assist in successfully educating the upper class, while producing no convicted criminals.[30] Eventually, the U.S. adopted the approach to educate the poor.[31] Once implemented, teachers were able “to teach large numbers of students and maintain a low per-pupil cost.”[32] Conversely, further analysis on the method revealed that it: Provided strict punishment, rewards, and peer rivalry. Its military-style

regimentation was considered to be particularly helpful to mainstream America because it guaranteed that Blacks would not disrupt or destroy the socializing function of American educational institutions. Thus, it became politically acceptable to offer blacks the opportunity to acquire an education.[33] Despite the perceived success of the Lancasterian Approach, its transferability across race, class, and culture was questionable. Moreover, it appeared to function as a social control strategy to steer Blacks away from committing crimes against Whites. Regardless of the intended purpose, leaders in both the Black and White communities stressed the education of Blacks as an indispensable tool for social advancement and acceptance. This, however, was idealistic since factors such as democratic school governance; lack of school funding (which relied on White philanthropy); the residual effects of indentured servitude/enslavement; and segregated schools complicated many educational pursuits.[34] As various social forces hindered Black progress, the trickle-down effect was most pronounced in educational ideology. Rather than attempting to change the social structure, the Quakers crafted Black education on three premises: First, to educate slaves to read the Bible in hopes that they would become future Christian converts. Second, to spread the belief that all people should be free and should support Christian efforts to abolish slavery—a principle supported by a limited number of Quakers. Finally, as an act of fairness, the abolishment of slavery would enable Africans to take their “rightful place” amongst the public.[35] This rightful place converted to being able to benefit from civil rights and was not extended to equality and human rights.[36] With the increase of Blacks in the city, their enrollment in schools followed suit. To illustrate, between 1828 and 1833, Black student enrollment increased from 268 to 606.[37] As recorded by the Abolition Society, Black school children amounted to 1,724 in 1837; and by 1847, the number blossomed to about 1,940.[38] In spite of some positive strides in education, Blacks were still victims of discrimination. Thus, education became an evermore critical tool for survival and resistance.

EARLY TRACES OF PHILADELPHIA BLACK NATIONALISM As the combined force of ideology and repression attempted to stymie Black uplift, Blacks continued to develop strategies to secure their subjectivity.[39] One of the major forms of active resistance administered by African people against domination was the emergence, embracing, and application of Black Nationalism. This functioned as a strategy to combat exclusion and oppression, while providing a space to forge an African and a Black identity in a foreign land. In Northern areas, the concept helped to reinforce the inter-connection among Africans in the U.S., those throughout the Diaspora, and those living in Africa. As an example, leaders in Philadelphia utilized the title “African” in the development of early establishments and organizations, rather

than subscribing to the imposed nomenclature of the dominant culture.[40] During the post-Revolutionary War era, Philadelphia was marked by an influx of free Africans. And with their introduction to the city, came increased opposition from Whites.[41] Despite the harsh racial climate, leaders such as Richard Allen (1760– 1831) and Absalom Jones (1746–1818) formed the African Free Society, the nation’s first African organization, on April 12, 1787.[42] The Free African Society was founded on the principles of self-determination and self-reliance for Africans; and provided social relief to widows, burial services, and provisional housing for both local people and fugitives of slavery.[43] The efforts of this organization laid the foundation to later service acts by Black Nationalist and freedom fighting organizations. As an illustration of their humanity and forgiveness, the Free African Society remained diligent in aiding the Philadelphia community in July 1793 when the Aedes aegypti mosquito almost devastated the city with yellow fever.[44] As they challenged the notion of Black inferiority, society members sacrificed their bodies and minds to alleviate human suffering by burying people and nursing the sick.[45] Although Jones and Allen received credit for their efforts from Mayor Clarkson in 1794, their efforts could not convince Mathew Carey, an Irish publisher, who slandered them “for opportunistically charging exorbitant fees to nurse the sick and remove the dead.”[46] Although such abuses may have occurred on a minuscule level, Carey focused his energies on broadcasting the story as “truth.” Resultantly, Carey’s publication helped to overshadow the social impact of Jones and Allen’s work; and essentially, functioned as a presstitute in his efforts to divert people from reaching some form of racial harmony and re-enforce discriminatory propaganda. In 1794, the African Free Society decided to develop a separate religious institution for worship. Prior to this decision, they confronted segregation in churches as they sat in galleries distanced from their White counterparts.[47] Thus, the African Episcopal Church, led by Absalom Jones, and the African Methodist Church, led by Richard Allen,[48] were birthed to provide Spiritual/religious worship; act as a voice for the community; allow a space for community members to speak; and provide a place to train and educate Black youth.[49] Alongside Allen and Jones, another figure to emerge in the city was James Forten (1766–1842). Forten was educated in the Quakers’ Free School, influenced by Anthony Benezet, and rose to become one of the most successful Black businesspersons for sail making.[50] Forten’s social consciousness emerged after observing Whites’ growing mistreatment and fear of Blacks during the latter part of the eighteenth and early portion of the nineteenth centuries. During this period, he became critical about what it meant to be American.[51] For example, on July 4, 1804, he witnessed White citizens drive away from Independence Hall free Blacks who attempted to celebrate the concept of “one American peoplehood.”[52] That same year, Congress failed to pass a law that would free enslaved males and females at their twenty-second and nineteenth birthdays.[53] Realizing that Blacks were ill-

equipped for a socio-political battle with their White counterparts, Forten wrote letters informing the public on the hypocritical practices of city officials. By 1813, his efforts led Congress to remove discriminatory policies that negatively affected Black people. [54]

ANTECEDENTS OF PANTHER IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT Many Black Nationalist figures, both documented and undocumented, surfaced to tackle the plight of Black people and other historically oppressed groups across the globe. In response to their mistreatment, Black Nationalism encompassed: a creation of a separate nation; a will to be self-identifying and self-determining; a call to acquire land; and the development of their own economic infrastructure. As James Anderson shared, For nationalists, African American ethnicity derived from two underlying forces: a separate and distinctive experience that persisted for over centuries of oppression based on race; and a particular culture produced by that experience, one that served as a passageway for survival as well as a mechanism for resistance to racist oppression.[55] One can argue that early cases of Black Nationalism manifested themselves when enslaved Africans resisted the claws of White colonial rule by emancipating themselves, whether by jumping off cargo ships or escaping into maroon societies, rebelling as a group (e.g., the Stono Rebellion in South Carolina), or escaping into the northern free states during the antebellum years (e.g., Harriet Tubman). It was Frederick Douglass (1818–1895) who helped to crack the slave code when he became aware that “knowledge unfits a child to be a slave.”[56] During his experiences in enslavement, his “rebellion” was stirred after his enslaver (Master Hugh) emphatically said to his wife, If you give a nigger an inch he will take an ell. Learning will spoil the best nigger in the world. If he learns to read the Bible it will forever unfit him to be a slave. He should know nothing but the will of his master, and learn to obey it. As to himself, learning will do him no good, but a great deal of harm, making him disconsolate and unhappy. If you teach him how to read, he’ll want to know how to write, and this accomplished, he’ll be running away with himself.[57] Early documentation and lectures by David Walker (1796–1830) and Mariah Stewart (1803–1880) revealed their growing frustration with the treatment of Blacks and the contradictory nature of the country. In 1829, David Walker emphatically stated, I promised in a preceding page to demonstrate to the satisfaction of the most incredulous, that we, (coloured people of these United States of America) are

the most wretched, degraded, and abject set of beings that ever lived since the world began, and that the white Americans having reduced us to the wretched state of slavery, treat us in that condition more cruel (they being an enlightened and Christian people), than any heathen nation did any people whom it had reduced to our condition.[58] During the late 1800s, figures like Martin Delany (1812–1885) and Bishop Henry McNeal Turner (1834–1915) emerged to provide solutions against White oppression. Martin Delany, abolitionist and the first African American field officer in the U.S. Army, became one of the major proponents of Black Nationalism. In Delany’s The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States, Politically Considered, he argued that Blacks had no future in the United States and that they should establish a new nation elsewhere.[59] Similarly, Bishop Henry McNeal Turner—author, activist, and bishop of an American Methodist Episcopal Church in Georgia—uttered his dismay with the experiences of Blacks post-Civil War and advocated that emigration represented the best hope for Blacks’ equality.[60] Both Delany and Turner “advocated Black Nationalism as an emancipatory strategy but were unable to galvanize strong support around it.”[61] Prior to Delany and Turner’s proposal, the American Colonization Society (ACS) assisted in the transport of approximately 1,420 Free Africans to Africa from 1816 to the mid-1800s.[62] In Philadelphia, Forten and Allen believed that emigration symbolized the possibility for Blacks to achieve a national identity in the face of social exclusion. Forten, for example, believed that “black Americans could achieve peoplehood and nationality only by becoming something other than Americans. That something would have to be outside of the United States.”[63] Under the ACS, some Blacks returned to their native land and exercised their right to be self-determining as they helped to establish the Black Republic of Liberia.[64] Despite repatriation’s benefits, the ACS gained criticism from free Blacks who: (1) saw emigration as a strategy so that they would not influence Blacks held in bondage; (2) had the desire to fight for emancipation; (3) did not want to confirm misbeliefs of inferiority; and (4) thought that they had every right to be in the country based on their contributions and birthright.[65] In Philadelphia, Blacks showed their “support” when only 22 out of 10,000 emigrated under the ACS’s urgings.[66] In the early 1900s, works by Marcus Garvey (1887–1940) and the Honorable Elijah Muhammad (1897–1975) furthered the quest for Black liberation. Born in Jamaica, West Indies, Garvey (with his first wife, Amy Ashwood) cofounded the United Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL) in 1914. Upon his arrival to the United States in 1916, he focused on organizing Blacks under the guise of social, political, and economic freedom. Garvey believed that Blacks should have a homeland in Africa (now Liberia), recommended separation among races, and launched the Black Star Steamship Line and a newspaper, Negro World.[67] During the height of his influence, the UNIA had the largest following of

people (about 4 million) compared to any other organized Black movement in the history of the United States and among African people in the Caribbean.[68] Garvey developed a comprehensive plan to combat the cruel treatment that many Blacks encountered in the United States. Not surprisingly, his efforts sparked the attention of J. Edgar Hoover (1895–1972), director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Under their “investigation,” they were able to undermine Garvey’s plan by accusing him of mismanagement and fraud.[69] As reported by Richard G. Powers, “Hoover wrote his superiors that while ‘unfortunately’ Garvey had not yet violated any federal laws that would permit his deportation, perhaps a fraud case involving Garvey’s promotion of the steamship line might be a way of getting him out of the country.”[70] The Bureau was successful in convicting Garvey of mail fraud in June 1923, imprisoning him until 1927, and deporting him to Jamaica upon release from prison.[71] Despite political repression, Garvey constructed the “Course of African Philosophy” before his death to develop the social, political, and economical consciousness of Blacks. Garvey’s course was an indispensable tool to equip future leaders with a strong African identity and African centered view of the world.[72] The curriculum he established assisted his followers in “how to conduct themselves as advocates and articulate spokesmen for their cause, how to strengthen their character and their faith in God and man, and how to relate to the existing political and economic institutions in society.”[73] The Honorable Elijah Muhammad established the first Muslim independent schools (later called the University of Islam) in Detroit, Michigan, and Chicago, Illinois, in 1932 and 1934, resepectively.[74] Muhammad was incredulous about White educational institutions, because he believed that Blacks who attended would face reenslavement by a new slave master. He proposed, A curriculum should go beyond reading, writing, and arithmetic, and include, among other things, “the history of the Black nation.” The purpose of education should be to encourage the Negro, “to think for himself, to inquire into his past, to be proud of his heritage prior to slavery, and to have a desire to become independent economically or otherwise.”[75] Such works by Garvey and Muhammad, among many others, contributed to the Black resistance movement, and laid the framework for prominent figures to follow. By the 1960s, Blacks took heed to their predecessors and went full throttle on the quest for national liberation. One of the first forms emerged in culture as Blacks trans-coded denigrated terms like “black” to “Black” to represent a more self-defined, sociopolitical identity.[76] Slogans such as ‘Black is Beautiful’ and ‘Black Power’[77] functioned to re-define a cultural identity, offered a sense of pride/empowerment, and fostered the will for self-determination. Similarly to a dormant volcano, Black Nationalist organizations and individuals

erupted during the 1960s across the nation to confront the White power structure, while awakening the minds of Black and oppressed people across the globe. As activist, leader, and writer Stokely Carmichael (aka Kwame Ture) (1941–1998) articulated, Now the black people do not control, nor do we own, the resources—we do not control the land, the houses or the stores. These are all owned by whites who live outside the community. These are very real colonies, in the sense that there is cheap labour exploited by those who live outside the cities. It is white power that makes the laws, and enforces those laws with guns and sticks in the hands of white racist policemen and their black mercenaries.[78] Under the voice, presence, and leadership of El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz (Malcolm X) (1925–1965) and other Malcolmists like the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, the struggle for liberation reached a new level of analysis, action, consciousness, and organization. Prior to his ideological shift, Malcolm X espoused, America was not and would never be Black people’s “Promised Land,” but rather was a White-run prison from which Blacks had to physically and psychologically escape [thus] destruction of White domination was a necessary step to achieving Black Nationalism.[79] After his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1964, he repositioned himself to be more accepting to Whites by not castigating all of them, but realized an oppressive system was in place that maintained structural division and needed to be overhauled. In a rendition of his Ballot or Bullet speech, Malcolm X explained that the United States was a “hypocritical colonial power,” as he attempted to shift Afro-Americans’ awareness to understanding that second-class citizenship was tantamount to colonization. By internationalizing the problems affecting Blacks, he articulated, “Just as it took nationalism to remove colonialism from Asia and Africa, it'll take Black Nationalism today to remove colonialism from the backs and the minds of twenty-two million Afro-Americans here in this country.”[80] On Malcolm X’s January 7, 1965, speech on the “Prospects for Freedom,” he attended to the notion and meaning of change in the context of oppression. In response to a reporter who thought his ideological view on America shifted, Malcolm X sarcastically responded, I would say to myself, how in the world can a White man expect a Black man to change before he has changed? How do you expect us to change, when you haven’t changed? How do expect us to change. . . . when the cause that made us as we are has not been removed? Why it’s infantile, it’s immature, adolescent on your part, to expect us to change, to expect us to be dumb enough to change, when you have not yet gone to the cause of the conditions that makes us act as

we do . . . you got the wrong man! [81] On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was assassinated and many Black activists, specifically the youth, erupted in rage to their fallen leader, teacher, and father. By October 1966, one group of activists birthed to fulfill Malcolm X’s vision for liberation against oppression was the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense began as Black Nationalists but expanded their ideology to address the plight of oppressed people, internationally.[82] With their Ten Point Program and Platform, the Panthers provided a framework on overdue rights for Black people in the U.S. and focused on community control and community uplift by providing programs and services that the People needed. Such programs included: political education classes, self-defense classes, Free Breakfast for School Children, Free Clothing, Free Medical Clinic,[83] Busing-to-Prison, Liberation Schools,[84] and the Huey P. Newton Intercommunal Youth Institute.[85] The efforts on the part of the Panthers to rebuild their communities were commendable, but their methods were questionable. Soon, they were labeled as national threats, which led to their calculable decimation by J. Edgar Hoover’s Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO).[86] Even though the party drew criticism for their scathing speeches against the U.S. establishment, gun-toting activities, homophobic rhetoric, and sexist practices and beliefs,[87] such criticisms are stereotypical and often discount the accomplishments of the organization and, more importantly, the revolutionary sacrifice partaken by many members to liberate all oppressed people. Furthermore, these limited perspectives offer little mention to the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 4–6, 1970 (discussed later). This event was significant because the Panthers were able to fuse ties with all historically oppressed people, and it provided a space for Huey P. Newton to introduce the concept of Intercommunalism. Newton believed that with the spread of global capitalism, a clique of U.S. elites would control an international market, thus creating a conflict with non-elites.[88] He proclaimed, “The people and the economy are so integrated into the imperialist empire that it’s impossible to ‘decolonize,’ to return to the former conditions of existence.”[89] Thus, the essence of nationhood has been lost leaving a collection of communities functioning “to serve a small group of people.”[90] In response, he believed that Intercommunalism could potentially counter imperialism by calling nonelites to seize the means of production and redistribute it among world communities. [91] Newton believed that power was fluid and was in constant transformation, thus after achieving Intercommunalism, a higher level of thinking would emerge.[92] One of the major tenets was that “contradiction is the ruling principle of the universe”; therefore, “everything is in a constant state of transformation.”[93] As the Black Panther Party entered a new phase of praxis, their goal was to raise the consciousness of the people in a step-by-step process by using three

methods of learning: observation, reading, and direct engagement. By fusing theory and practice, the organization connected the plight of Blacks in the United States with that of oppressed people across the globe in order to understand, analyze, and overthrow imperialism.[94]

NOTES 1. Amos Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black SelfAnnihilation in Service of White Domination (Bronx: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 1990), 82. 2. Limit-situations are factors that hinder the development/progress of individuals; Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, Incorporated, 2000/1970). 3. Gary B. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006); Gary B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720–1840 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988). 4. Ibid.; Herbert Aptheker, The Negro in the American Revolution (New York: International Publishers, Incorporated, 1940), 20. 5. Although Lord Dunmore’s (John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore) invitation seemed impeccable, many African positions in the war varied with a majority serving menial tasks. Furthermore, Dunmore offered little discussion on the future status of Africans post-war, thus many Africans suffered as peons, and in worse cases, reenslavement; Gary B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720–1840 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Aptheker, The Negro in the American Revolution. 6. Mark Christian, “United Kingdom Racial Formations,” in Encyclopedia of Race and Racism (Volume 3), ed. John H. Moore (London: Macmillan Computer Publishing, 2007); see also, Ellen G. Wilson, The Loyal Blacks (New York: Capricorn Books, 1976). 7. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution . 8. Ibid.; John K. Alexander, “A Year . . . Famed in the Annals of History,” Philadelphia: 1776–2076 A Three Hundred Year View, ed. Dennis J. Clark (Philadelphia: Kennikat Press Corporation, 1975). 9. Ibid. 10. Nash, Forging Freedom; Robert Secor, John M. Pickering, Irwin Richman, and Glenn Ruby, Pennsylvania 1776 (University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975); William E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro (New York: Schocken Books, Incorporated, 1967/1899); Herbert Aptheker, Toward Negro Freedom (New York: New Century Publishers, Incorporated, 1956); John F. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the Olden Time (Volume 2) (Pennsylvania: King and Baird, Printers, 1850). 11. George Katsiaficas, “Organization and Movement: The Case of the Black Panther

Party and the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention of 1970,” in Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party, ed. Kathleen Cleaver and George Katsiaficas (New York: Routledge, 2001), 142. 12. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth; Gary B. Nash, First City: Philadelphia and the Forging of Historical Memory (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). 13. Dennis Clark, The Irish Relations: Trials of an Immigrant Tradition (East Brunswick: Associated University Presses, Incorporated, 1982); Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 14. When compared to their White counterparts, migrating Africans had a higher likelihood of receiving longer sentences, were more likely to be arrested on lesser causes, and by the nineteenth century, were vastly over-represented in Walnut Street Prison; Nash, Forging Freedom; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 15. Riots uncovered numerous social issues that plagued the city. These included: poor education, lack of job training/skills, poor health, poor housing conditions, and most importantly, a population that far exceeded the city’s resources; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 16. Since the Convention of 1776, there existed no restrictions to vote based on color. But from 1836 to 1870 (15th Amendment), Africans were denied the right to vote; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro; see also, John Wolfinger, Philadelphia Divided: Race and Politics in the City of Brotherly Love (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Vincent P. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia: The Social and Educational History of a Minority Community, 1900– 1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979). 17. William Watkins, “Black Curriculum Orientations: A Preliminary Inquiry,” Harvard Education Review 63, no. 3 (1993); Vincent P. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia: The Social and Educational History of a Minority Community, 1900– 1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979). 18. Although attention has directed to Quakers’ efforts to educate Africans, it must not be assumed that Africans were docile. As acts of resistance, Africans merged their cultures and transmitted knowledge via dance, music, art, play, reading, writing, and oral stories. In sum, Africans actively challenged laws prohibiting knowledge transmission; Nash, Forging Freedom; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro; Aptheker, Toward Negro Freedom ; Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Iva E. Carruthers, “Centennials of Black Miseducation: A Study of White Educational Management,” Journal of Negro Education 46, no. 3 (1977). 19. Nash, Forging Freedom; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 20. Nash, Forging Freedom 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid., 29. 23. Ibid., 29; Bray Associates’ school was established in 1757 to prepare the formerly enslaved for freedom.

24. Ibid.; Nash, First City 25. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 26. Ibid. 27. Harry Morgan, Historical Perspectives on the Education of Black Children (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1995), 42. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid.; Nash, Forging Freedom. 30. Joan D. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind (Washington: Institute for Independent Education, 1988); see also, Joseph Lancaster, The Lancasterian System of Education (Washington: Rare Book Collection, Library of Congress, 1821). 31. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 32. Ibid., 4 33. Ibid. 34. Nash, Forging Freedom; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 35. “Rightful place” implied civil rights rather than equality or human rights; Morgan, Historical Perspectives on the Education of Black Children (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1995). 36. Ibid. 37. Nash, Forging Freedom. 38. In addition, Blacks had $309,626 of encumbered property, 16 churches, and 100 benevolent societies in 1837. Ten years later, they held about $400,000 in real estate, had 19 churches, and 106 benevolent societies; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 39. For Louis Althusser, ideology (or Ideological State Apparatuses) focuses on limiting consciousness and sustains dominance through ideological discourse (i.e., false “reality”) to achieve consent through active negotiation. Ideology is most effectively transmitted via: religion, education, the family, the legal system, the media, language, and culture. Repression (or Repressive State Apparatuses), on the other hand, is administered when ideology becomes ineffective and maintains dominance through force or the immediate threat of force. Repression focuses on crippling organization and involves: government, administration, armed forces, police, courts, and prison; Luke Ferretter, “The Politics of Culture: Essays on Ideology,” in Louis Althusser, ed. Luke Ferretter (New York: Routledge, 2006); Alan Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy: Repression in America (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1973). 40. Nash, Forging Freedom. 41. Ibid.; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 42. Nash, Forging Freedom. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. 45. Nash, Forging Freedom; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 46. Nash, Forging Freedom, 124; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 47. Nash, Forging Freedom. 48. Ibid.; by the Civil War, the Episcopal Church was incorporated in the United

States, while the African Methodist Church became the African Methodist Episcopal Church (a.k.a. Bethel A.M.E. or Mother Bethel). 49. Ibid.; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro. 50. Nash, Forging Freedom; “James Forten,” The Black Inventor Online Museum, http://www.blackinventor.com/pages/jamesforten.html, accessed August 31, 2007. 51. Nash, Forging Freedom. 52. Ibid., 130. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid.; in 1804, the Pennsylvania legislature considered bills to seal the state off from incoming Black migrants; imposed special taxes on Black householders for the support of the poor Whites; required all free Black adults to carry freedom certificates; sentenced those failing to produce a certificate without jury trial and seven years imprisonment; and sold into slavery any Black person convicted of a property crime in order to compensate the victim. 55. James Anderson, “Foreword,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William H. Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated, 2005), viii. 56. Frederick Douglass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (New York: Crowell-Collier Publishing Company, 1962), 79. 57. Ibid. 58. David Walker, David Walker’s Appeal (Canada: Harper Collins Canada Ltd., 1995/1829), 7. 59. Delany, Martin. The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States (Project Gutenberg EBook, 2005/1852). 60. The University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, “Henry McNeal Turner, 1834–1915,” UNC.edu, http://docsouth.unc.edu/church/turneral/bio.html, accessed March 15, 2007. 61. Ibid. 62. The ACS was composed of both pro- and anti-slavery advocates across the nation, “[who] proposed to purify the nation through the removal of dark-skinned residents, in effect announcing that America was a White man’s republic”; Nash, The Forgotten Fifth, 145; Judson L. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002). 63. Nash, Forging Freedom, 144. 64. Amy J. Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey or, Africa for the Africans (Dover: Majority Press, 1986). 65. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton. 66. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth. 67. Richard G. Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: Free Press, 1987). 68. Tony Martin, Message to the People: The Course of African Philosophy (Dover: Majority Press, 1986); Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey or, Africa for the Africans . 69. Huey P. Newton, War Against the Panthers: A Study of Repression in America

(New York: Harlem River Press, 1996); Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons Publishers, 1993); Powers, Secrecy and Power. 70. Powers, Secrecy and Power, 128. 71. Newton, War Against the Panthers; Powers, Secrecy and Power; Summers, Official and Confidential. 72. Martin, Message to the People. 73. Ibid.; Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 74. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 75. Ibid., 9. 76. Stuart Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc., 2003). 77. Black Power was first used politically by Robert F. Williams in the 1950s and 1960s. It was later chanted by Mukasa Dada (formerly Willie Ricks), and became a rallying cry in Stokely Carmichael’s “Black Power” speech and book title; Stokely Carmichael, “Black Power” (speech delivered at the University of California, Berkeley, 1966). 78. Stokely Carmichael, “Black Power, A Critique of the System: Of International White Supremacy and International Capitalism,” http://www.assatashakur.org/forum/shoulders-our-freedom-fighters/23334-blackpower-critique-system-international-white-supremacy.html, accessed September 3, 2011. 79. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton, 64. 80. Malcolm X, “Ballot or Bullet” (speech delivered at Cory Methodist Church at Cleveland, Ohio, April 1964). 81. Malcolm X, “Prospects for Freedom” (speech delivered at Militant Labor Forum, New York City, January 1965). 82. The Black Panther Party experienced four phases of ideological development during their activist period (1966–1982). These included: Black Nationalism (1966– 1968); Revolutionary Socialism (1969–1970); Internationalism (1970–1971); and Intercommunalism (1971– ).; Jeffries, Huey P. Newton. 83. The Black Panther Party was the first to test for sickle-cell anemia before medical institutions targeted the disease, which disproportionately affected Black people. 84. As argued by Daniel Perlstein, Panther Liberation Schools “were the closest in counterparts in the late 1960s of the freedom schools of 1964.” The Freedom Schools were instituted by the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to utilize a curriculum that addressed contemporary issues, encouraged cultural expression, and developed leaders.; Daniel Perlstein, “Minds Stayed on Freedom: Politics and Pedagogy in the African American Freedom Struggle,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William H. Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated, 2005), 47; William Pinar, What is Curriculum Theory? (Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Incorporated, 2004). 85. Danielle Howard, “The Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party,” Panther

Special International Edition (Los Angeles, CA) (Summer 1995): 8; Black Community News Service, “Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party.” Black Panther (Berkeley, CA) (February 1991): 20–21. 86. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton; Summers, Official and Confidential; Powers, Secrecy and Power. 87. The Panthers as sexist assumes that the face of the group was primarily comprised of oppressive men, which diminishes the accomplishments of women in the group and neglects the stories of some men that did not espouse male supremacy. 88. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton. 89. Besenia Rodriguez, “Long Live Third World Unity! Long Live Internationalism: Huey P. Newton’s Revolutionary Intercommunalism,” Souls 8, no. 3 (2006): 133. 90. Ibid.; Newton, War Against the Panthers. 91. Rodriguez, “Long Live Third World Unity! Long Live Internationalism”; Jeffries, Huey P. Newton, The Radical Theorist. 92. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton; Newton, War Against the Panthers. 93. Newton, War Against the Panthers, 28. 94. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton.

Chapter 3

Panthers “Out of Pocket” In spite of the yammering of naïve observers, education has never offered a significant solution to the black man’s dilemma in America. In the eyes of policy makers, education has always been meant to serve the pragmatic function of training people for work. If black men have not been allowed into the job markets, then the educational opportunities denied them by the nation generally have reflected that fact.[1] My overexposure to ghetto culture affected my ability to learn in school. In school the white mentality dictated the content of my textbooks. As a result, I almost didn’t learn how to read. After watching a prostitute in action at age five, the “Dick and Jane” third grade reader just didn’t interest me at age six.[2] One could argue that Philadelphia’s Black community was less well off during the 1960s and early 1970s. During this period, taxpayers in Philadelphia found a substantial amount of their dollars going to finance the Vietnam War rather than remedying the problems that plagued impoverished communities. In a study conducted by the local branch of the Fund for New Priorities,[3] an estimated $1 billion went to the war during the 1966 to 1969 period. With the inclusion of 1970, this amount increased to a projected $1.3 billion.[4] When comparing Philadelphia in the 1960s to 1899—when W. E. B. Du Bois published his landmark study The Philadelphia Negro—factors such as poverty, crime, violence (e.g., riots, harassment), and social isolation (which were featured prominently in Du Bois’s work) were no less pervasive seventy years later.[5] In addition to these challenges, Blacks were faced with rampant police brutality as well as the proliferation of gangs, two issues that were conspicuously absent from the Philadelphia presented in Du Bois’s text. Relative to police brutality, the continued tension between the police department and the Black community was so volatile during the 1960s that it led to a civil suit in February 1970.[6] This case was filed in U.S. District Court on behalf of many disgruntled Black Philadelphians who accused Mayor James Tate and Police Commissioner Rizzo of violating their constitutional rights by permitting police brutality to run rampant.[7] Three months later, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) filed a similar suit charging that the mayor, police commissioner, and district attorney’s office were complicit in non-prosecutorial cases involving police brutality against Blacks. NAACP director Phillip Savage stated, A policeman knows he’ll be protected and supported by those at the top if he commits a brutal act, so he’s encouraged to do just that. . . . In fact, I cannot

recall a single case when there has been a conviction in our courts of a policeman accused of brutality.[8] It is unfortunate that Blacks’ incessant claims of police brutality filtered through the appropriate channels with little resolve. This continued abuse by above-the-law authorities was a strong contributor to the stress and depression potent in urbanized communities and the inability for a trusting bond to be sustained between the two factions.[9] Moreover, it was a reminder that a colonized group cannot seek redress from a government that was founded on their hopeful destruction. Therefore, issues such as police brutality cannot be viewed as a failure on the part of the U.S. system; rather, when placed in the context of colonization, it must be interpreted as a system accomplishment.[10] All in all, the issue of police mistreatment, among other factors, will be further detailed as I explore the social forces that gave rise to a Black Panther Party branch in Philadelphia.

PHILLY’S SOCIAL CLIMATE York Street was buried in the heart of the black section of North Philadelphia. Its darkness and its smells of industrial dirt and poverty permeated and overwhelmed everything. There were always piles of trash and garbage in the street that never moved except by force of wind, and then only from one side of the street to the other. Overhead utility wires in disrepair ribboned the skyline. Cavernous sewage drains on the street corners spit forth their stench. Soot languished on the concrete walkways, on the steps and sides of the houses, and even in the air. Rusted streetcar tracks from another time, a time when people who were alive occupied the territory, ran up and down York Street. And there was the nighttime quiet. As the dark approached each night, houses were sealed tight in fear and York Street became overwhelmed by the quiet, a silent voodoo drum, presaging nightly danger, a gang fight, a stabbing, a fire.[11] To comprehend the state of Black Philadelphia during the 1960s and early 1970s, one need only read the Philadelphia Tribune[12] in order to grasp the degree to which the city’s administration neglected its Black constituents. A brief overview of the paper revealed that crime, gang violence, police brutality, dilapidated housing, and inequitable education received more coverage than any other set of social issues. About crime, the title of one article said it all, “Low Crime Image Shot Up Here As Murders Increase 40 percent.”[13] Gang violence—a problem historically associated with Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles—was pervasive throughout Philadelphia, causing many of its Black residents to adjust their lifestyle accordingly. Comments littered throughout the paper indicating that some residents were unwilling to venture out after dark for fear of being robbed and/or beaten up, and in extreme cases, killed. Blacks not only feared gangs but police as well. Some were more fearful of being victimized by the police than they were the gangs. The Philadelphia Police

Department was as oppressive, if not more, than any department on the east coast. To further illustrate, the Philadelphia Tribune published an article on November 11, 1967, in which a White police officer (who withheld his personal information) disclosed a “Kill a Nigger Club” established by White officers. He stated that, “the idea originated with a policeman who expected a riot to break out in July . . . to tell you the truth, many of the white fellows actually wanted a riot to take place so they would have an excuse to shoot at Negroes without fear of punishment.” He continued, “A lot of these guys also get a kick out of whipping people’s heads in with their nightsticks.” In corroboration with this testimony, another Northeast Philadelphia officer discussed how some police officers were salivating at the thought of a riot breaking out. Their reason: to wreak havoc on any rioters (aka Black people). He quoted the words of an anonymous officer who said, “Hey, I have a great idea. Let’s all put five dollars in a pot, and the first one of us who kills a nigger this summer will get the whole thing.”[14] Albeit these words were taken from the perspectives of two police officers, it is rather eerie to think that those who were trained “to serve and protect,” were somehow socialized to re-enforce colonial domination in areas inhabited by Blacks. Furthermore, these officers’ comments paint a portrait on how self-fulfilling prophecies are developed, cultivated, and eventually, fulfilled; thus, providing rationale for why there existed a strained relationship between police officials and many Black residents. In spite of the violence that permeated the air, thankfully, a riot did not break out in the city; however, this was not the case by summer’s end in 1964.

“RIOT” OF ’64: MEDICATING SOCIAL SCHIZOPHRENIA As various social impediments hindered the life chances of Blacks, nationally, the realities of social oppression soon forced some Black Philadelphians to lash out against the system. Even though dominant persuasion will label this event a “riot,” such nomenclature is inaccurate and fails to capture how poverty, poor education, unemployment, and poor living conditions factor into the equation. The pressure that mounted from these issues added to the deep-seated tension between Blacks and city personnel in positions to assist. These issues were further exacerbated when Blacks’ pleas and allegations against human rights violations at the hands of police were constantly ignored. Soon, the tension finally exploded on the evening of August 28, 1964, in the predominately Black neighborhood of North Philadelphia. The unrest began after Odessa Bradford, an African American woman, got involved in an argument with two police officers (one White, one Black) after her car stalled at an intersection at 23rd Street and Columbia. After Bradford refused to follow the officers’ order to move her car, a ruckus ensued. The officers attempted to remove Bradford from the car, she resisted, and a crowd soon assembled. A man from the crowd came to Bradford’s aid, and was quickly arrested along with her. Rumors then spread throughout the city that officers beat a pregnant woman to death. Later that evening, and for the next two days, angry mobs looted and burned mostly Jewish-owned businesses in North Philadelphia.[15]

Although some reports stated that no one was killed, one report revealed that two people died in the three-day disorder. In addition, the uprising led to: the injury of 341 people (100 of whom were cops); the arrest of 774 people, the destruction and looting of more than 200 stores (many of which were not rebuilt);[16] and approximately $3 million worth of property damage.[17] The rebellion of 1964 may be compared with the riots during the 1800s because it involved a clash between two races over unmet social needs. However, there are two distinguishing features that must be addressed. First, Blacks in 1964 did not attack individuals, per se, but focused their energies on an oppressive, White establishment that continually disenfranchised and disempowered them. Second, the riots of the past were often fueled by greed and racism towards a scapegoated group. Conversely, Blacks who were displeased with the social, political, and economical climate carried out the rebellion of 1964. Serving as a collective response to a system’s efforts to rob individuals of their power and dignity, sociologist Herbert Gans stated that “the destruction and looting allow ghetto residents to exert power . . . for once they have some control over their environment, if only for a little while for individuals.”[18] During social uproars of this ilk, the objective of the colonized group is not to take the life of another, but to cripple property owned by the colonizer (or those that mimicked the ways of the colonizer). When deaths occurred, it usually stemmed from the repressive tactics on the part of law officials.[19] It can be argued that these law officials had the opportunity to legitimately play out their desires by dishing out the most heinous forms of punishment against Black bodies (i.e., the kill a nigger club).[20] The results of the 1964 rebellion produced little change for many Blacks in the community, and arguably, left them in worse conditions than before. Milton McGriff believed that the “community did not recover economically.”[21] Furthermore, when comparing Philadelphia to the outcome of the July 1967 rebellion in Newark, New Jersey, Whitney Young—executive director of the National Urban League—reported three significant landmarks that improved race relations. First, the Newark rebellion led to honest communication between the races. Second, it showed the general public that Blacks were present and had little reluctance in using their voice. Finally, it encouraged businesses to become more vested in improving race relations.[22]

PHILADELPHIA HOUSING In attempt to capture an accurate depiction of the conditions that many Blacks endured in the city, it is crucial that a dialogue on housing occurs. If Philadelphia was categorized as a colony, one can surmise that many Blacks did not own the space(s) which they occupied. Thus, they were “legitimately” subjected to abuse by colonial forces. Blacks, who experienced extreme difficulties in acquiring respectable homes/property, experienced challenges in accruing wealth and developing a sociopolitical infrastructure to influence much-needed changes that would benefit their

lives and future generations.[23] During the 1960s, some Blacks were forced to live in conditions that were unfit for livestock, let alone humans. These deplorable conditions were showcased in the Philadelphia Tribune’s special editorial titled “Shame of the City.” This section displayed pictures of overstuffed trash cans, condemned houses, and rat infested apartment buildings. The editor’s note read “dirt, filth, diseases, abandoned automobiles and houses unfit for human habitation may be found in 80 percent of the area known as the ‘Philadelphia Ghetto.’”[24] Thus, thousands of Negroes lived in the shameful portion of the city and were left to wallow in the waste stemming from social neglect.[25] The purpose of “Shame of the City” was fivefold. First, by combining image and discourse (i.e., representation), the Philadelphia Tribune helped to shape public perception on an impoverished Philadelphia.[26] Second, the article came at a turning point as areas in the city experienced White flight. Thus, as some Whites left, they removed many resources that Blacks were challenged in replenishing. For those Blacks who attempted to follow suit, some faced social and political blocks (i.e., redlining) that thwarted their efforts for upward social mobility. Third, it attempted to alert the mayor and other city officials of the poor social conditions that were in need of repair. Fourth, it countered the projected positive images of Philadelphia and its history; therefore, embarrassing the city nationally and prompting politicians to act accordingly. Finally, it was a blatant message to Blacks living in such conditions to open their eyes and realize that if they wanted to make substantial changes, it was unlikely to come from someone outside of their community, but must be initiated by them. Although “Shame of the City” had some positive intentions, I argue that it did little in raising the consciousness of Blacks who were the by-products of colonialism. Moreover, the article did little to stop the reign of terror as the city waged war on some Black homes via urban renewal up until the mid-1970s.[27] Joseph Saunders provided his perspective and expressed, “It was during this time that the face and structure of North Philly, and elsewhere, began to change.”[28] As the property value depreciated and the Black community’s population decreased (due to forced migration from poor conditions, segregation, the rebellion of 1964, and the tearing down of housing in the projects), local universities took advantage.[29] Regarding the latter, both Ethel Parish and Joseph Saunders testified on how they protested against the “Market Street East Project” and the potential impact it would have on the Philadelphia landscape. Parish recalled, I focused on getting people to sign petitions against a program that was established for businesses to receive money from the city to build a University City, which consisted of University of Pennsylvania, Temple, and LaSalle. They wanted to buy homes from people in the community and set up Whites around it. Other organizations on South Street wanted to help out, but the city closed

hearings for 5–7 years until organizations died out and they passed the plan.[30] Reverend Richard Womack, a native of West Philadelphia who grew up in the 1930s, recollected that the “Market Street East Project” was actually an initiative to serve “economic purposes.” He stated that “the plan was developed for inner city people to stop shopping outside of the city and going out to suburbs. The city wanted them to shop at Market Street (which was considered downtown) by keeping the shops open later at night.”[31] In actuality, the Market Street East Project was designed by Edmund Bacon as a redevelopment plan for center city Philadelphia in 1963 “to attract the middle class from the suburbs to the city, retain remaining residents, and essentially re-establish the urban economy.”[32] Although Parish and Saunders may not have been accurate in their descriptions of the “Market Street East Project,” their stories do coincide with the story of West Philadelphia’s “Black Bottom.” The “Black Bottom” was named after the large number of poor Blacks that lived in the area stretching from 32nd and 40th streets and from University Avenue to Lancaster Avenue and thrived from 1900 to 1968.[33] Although impoverished, the community was well-connected, supportive, and referred to themselves as the “Black Bottom Tribe,” as opposed to the “Tops” or “Toastees.”[34] Despite the rich, cultural identity that defined Black Bottom residents, they still could not escape their vulnerability to the shifting sociopolitical structure. To elaborate, by 1950, city officials considered the Black Bottom a “slum,” and deemed it a “redevelopment zone.”[35] This decision, in coalition with the G.I. Bill—which enabled World War II veterans to attend college—led to an increase in financial support for college/university expansion and research. By 1959, the West Philadelphia Corporation (WPC) was founded by the University of Pennsylvania and joined by Drexel Institute of Technology, Presbyterian Hospital, Philadelphia College of Pharmacy and Science, and the Philadelphia College of Osteopathy. Their goal was to develop a University City area under the motto, “the need for elbow room and a more healthful campus environment.”[36] In August, 1960, the Philadelphia Industrial Development Corporation collaborated with the WPC to fulfill the agenda. Due to the number of absentee landlords, abandoned houses/buildings—the property value diminished, thus tantalizing organizations to purchase. With the swipe of a pen, the Black Bottom transitioned from vibrant to lackluster and caused the displacement of approximately 4,496 to 10,000 residents. As Parish expressed, residents did not relinquish their space willingly. Some protested, while others took matters to court on the issue of eminent domain.[37] Overall, the story of the Black Bottom is one example of Blacks’ inability to find justice in a political structure saturated with discrimination and capitalism. Although many of the contributors to this text were not Black Bottom residents, a few testimonies offer evidence to the racial divide that permeated the city. Albeit the sociopolitical context vastly contributed to racial abuse, the individual cases of racial harmony helped to provide a feeling of hope and togetherness between Blacks and

Whites. Barbara Easley-Cox recalled a “community-oriented, racially, and economically diverse setting where children were protected.” Surrounded by Jews and Italians, she realized as a youth that life was beyond race. As she recollected, “I felt the feeling of love and belonging, and materialistically, I did not know I was poor until I became an adult.”[38] Reverend Richard Womack[39] reminisced, We had a lot of fun because we participated in activities together as a neighborhood. And occasionally we would have White guys who would like to come around and participate with us guys because of the competitiveness that we presented. And the rule, generally by the White structure was, “don’t go around there and play with them niggers,” because they did not respect us and they did not think very much of our talents and abilities. But those that did would come around and participate in the challenge. . . . and they were always welcome. But we knew from some of the things that we would hear or even experience that the older folks were not particularly pleased with their children participating with us.[40] Despite these case-by-case examples of racial accord, oftentimes forms of peace and unity between Black and Whites were disregarded because of the poor economic situations and abusive treatment on the part of the colonizing group. Mumia Abu-Jamal summarized the social climate as “one of an almost official racism, from the police, shopkeepers, etc.”[41] Clarence Peterson stated that, “poverty, unemployment, underemployment . . . the lack of Black owned businesses . . . everything that the Party had the 10-Point Platform for was applicable to Philly at that time. It was like even if you weren’t on welfare, you were on welfare!”[42] Regina Jennings perceived the social conditions to be “repressive.” To support her claim, she recalled the disproportionate number of stores owned by Whites in a majority Black area and the abuses orchestrated by some storeowners. Jennings expressed, I remember going to a store with my friends and the storeowner wanted to sell my girlfriend some meat that was really rotten. My friend lived with her grandmother and we were doing the shopping. She asked the store owner for new meat because it really looked rotten, but did not get the meat. I did not forget that because he spoke to us like we were stupid. I remember feeling like a ‘nigger’ and remember looking around the store and it was filthy. I feel like he was talking to us in the way he did because we were Black. And he knew her grandmother was sick and he thought that he could get away with that.[43] Jennings’s further testified and described how police beat up one of her dear friends. As a note, the city’s Black population suffered countless incidents of brutal treatment and harassment at the hands of “Philadelphia’s Finest” during this period. She shared,

I had a dear friend of mine who was beaten by the police so bad. I was double dutching and the cops said that ‘we got the wrong one’ after they beat the living hell out of him . . . he is a crack addict now. I thought something would be done, but nothing happened. And from that time, I did not think that police were there to protect us. This was in South Philadelphia.[44] After communicating with a few community residents who lived in Philadelphia during the 1950s and 1960s, I was taken aback by how their stories converged on their perceptions of the police. Whether they were mistreating the community, abusing their power, or failing to protect; the police’s treatment of Blacks in the city reflected a corrupt government that would stop at nothing to privilege a few, while concurrently obliterating the hopes of many Blacks. I am reminded of Reverend Womack’s testimony when he learned at an early age that Blacks and Whites lived in a “twosided world.” He shared, I had learned from those people that I had bounds and had to remain within them. So it was easy for me as a young man to understand authority, to respect authority, even though many times we knew that there was. . . . let me say it like this, the police were involved in activities that were criminal in itself, but they were wearing the uniform so they could get away with it and we always grew up with a funny kind of a respect. You respected the uniform, you respected the authority of the uniform, but you disrespected what they did. Some of the things that you knew police officers were doing, such as covering up criminal activities. You knew that because you saw them going in and out of these places. So we had a different opinion of our local authorities. I still think that White people are naïve enough to believe that all policemen are good policemen, where I don’t think you find very many African Americans that grew up in the big city that would support that idea because we saw so much criminal activity among the uniformed policemen. And those that were undercover were perhaps a little worse because they did not have the uniform but you recognized their faces.[45] The “two-sided world” that Reverend Womack discussed is a reality faced by many colonized people. Even in instances where one is diligent in his or her quest to succeed, they still face the sting of racial bitterness. Reverend Womack continued, In the year of 1960, in a professional neighborhood in a section of Philadelphia called Mount Airy. One evening . . . it was after . . . well right around dusk and it was starting to get dark and I was walking the street and there was a snowfall and I went to the store and I didn’t want to drive, so I just walked. And I’m walking down the street and I have packages in my hand and a police car comes down the street and the police officer asked me “where are you going” So I snickered, I laughed, and I said “I’m on my way home.” Well he says to me, “what are you doing in this neighborhood?” I said, “I’m on my way home.” So he

says, “Well where do you live?” I said, “I live around the corner.” So he asks me to show him identification. Now I’m not operating an automobile, why should I have to show him identification walking the street and he stopped me for no apparent reason. Why did he stop me? Well, you know I had to ask him. So I asked him, “Why are you stopping me?” He invented a story that there had been some house break-ins and they were questioning people they saw walking the streets. So I said to him, “Well, once I told you I live here, and I told you I live around the corner, I mean isn’t that sufficient. I’m not a criminal, you just going to treat me like a criminal. Is that the way this thing works. You can put me in the car and ride me ‘round the corner to my home. I’m not coming out of my house breaking into other people’s home in the neighborhood. . . . I LIVE HERE.” So, there was nothing there other than a Black man walking the streets in a professional neighborhood.[46] Reverend Womack’s police encounter is not foreign to many Blacks who live or lived their lives under the claws of oppression. At the time, it did not matter that Richard Womack had shattered an eleven-year track meet record at the fourteenth annual University of Pennsylvania Invitational in 1950 for the 120-yard high hurdles with a blazing time of 14.6 seconds, or was a responsible family man. What mattered was the reality that is faced by many Blacks as they open their doors to face society. As Cornel West stated, it is the experience of being “niggerized,” that is, at any given time, place, and/or space we are: “subject to random violence, unprotected, and hated.”[47] How ironic that West’s words came at a 2002 forum in Philadelphia. The niggerization experience is further supported by Jean-Paul Sartre who expressed, “Since the native is subhuman, the Declaration of Human Rights does not apply to him; inversely, since he has no rights, he is abandoned without protection to inhuman forces.”[48] In sum, in spite of reported cases of unity, the overall social politics in Philadelphia reveal a different story that plagued the life chances of many Black residents. Resultantly, this inequitable treatment helped to galvanize a growing social consciousness for some Black Philadelphians during the 1960s and 1970s.

A REDEFINITION OF SELF IN PHILADELPHIA The important thing for the black man is that he finds an image of himself he can respect and that he break away from the image of inferiority imposed upon him by the white man for so many years. —Father Paul Washington[49] Across many major cities in the 1960s, certain events transpired that gave people both a sense of hope and a reason for despair. In Philadelphia, several events contributed to the politicization of a generation of young, Black Philadelphians. These included, but are not limited to: (1) indifference on the part of city government; (2)

Black-on-Black gang violence; (3) rampant police brutality; (4) poor education; (5) urban rebellions; (6) the Vietnam War; (7) the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements; (7) influence of entertainers and athletes; (8) poor housing conditions; (9) unemployment/unfair work conditions; (10) lack of community resources; and (11) the summer, 1968 Black Power Conference on “Black Self-Determination and Black Unity Through Direct Action.” Prior to their social awakening, both the Panthers and local residents recalled the forces that contributed to their un-consciousness. Many pointed to family upbringing as a major culprit. In concordance with a statement by Alan Wolfe, “The chief importance of the family is in indirect repression, teaching values that support the political consensus, rather than inculcating any specific politics.”[50] So, as many Blacks accepted social familiarity and refused to challenge the status quo, a few chose to travel on the unknown path to liberation. Those who partook on this journey shared how their enlightenment derived from individuals outside of their families, events (both inter- and intra-city), and media. While growing up, Mumia Abu-Jamal remembered that the notion of Blackness was remote. The closest I can remember to color consciousness was my father telling me that, “someday, maybe by the time you’re grown, a Negro will be elected President.” While growing up, we were Negroes. To be called ‘Black’ was an insult, and an invitation to a fight. What impacted us otherwise was both the televised brutalities used against Blacks in the southern civil rights movement, and militant responses, especially Malcolm’s. [51]

Abu-Jamal’s statement targets the impact on how internalized racism pervades the minds of many people. This barrier disallows many individuals of color from being able to achieve personal goals, fulfill their dreams, and recognize their inner beauty. In dialogue with Ethel Parish, she shared how her racial identity came in question while working at Bell Telephone Company—an establishment that seldom hired Blacks except for menial tasks such as cleaning and elevator handling. As the only Black clerk in 1967, she recalled, While at the position, I felt uncomfortable and was clumsy. I did not think of myself as worthy. I recalled images on television of Tarzan and Shirley Temple and becoming almost hypnotized by these negative images and had no family support to teach me otherwise. I was taken aback when a White woman asked where I was from and I did not know the answer.[52] This feeling of shame forced Parish to seek a knowledge denied to her at home and at school: I was not political when I graduated high school. My cousin, who I was very

close with, introduced me to Urban League and Black Sisters. The Black Sisters wore cultural garments, spoke of community and politics, and protection of self and family. This organization inspired us, and soon, I began to read, attend rallies and training sessions, and began to question certain things. For example, “Whites were villains and the system was not cool.”[53] Impressed by Black leaders and speakers at a Black Power Conference in Los Angeles, Barbara Easley-Cox found herself “subtly moving away from school and towards what they spoke about.” Shortly thereafter, she enrolled in a social studies course with a Black professor who provided a space for her to question why Blacks were not in the history books. She stated, I began to look at contradictions across the world, for example when dogs were sent to attack people. I began to participate in social, economic, and cultural events going on and wanted to help. I wanted to join the Black Panther Party to re-define the enemy and address the issues in the Black community through the group.[54] Milton McGriff recalled a major contradiction that politicized him in 1963. After joining the National Guard in March 1963, he served six months as a radio operator before his release four days before the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, on September 15, 1963. While attempting to depart from Fort Knox he recalled, We were able to fly at half price if we wore our outfits, but I missed my plane and had time to spare. I went to a bar in Louisville, Kentucky, and thought I was going to get served because I was here before. I walked up to the bar and asked for a beer and the bartender said that I cannot serve you. He said that they could not serve Negroes at the bar. I looked at my uniform and not being served and this moment started my politicization.[55] The diversity of these individuals’ launch into social consciousness illustrates how the climate of the 1960s served as a major catalyst in birthing a new generation of political activists. With events such as the slaying of six youth (Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, Cynthia Wesley, Carole Robinson, Johnny Robinson, and Virgil Wade) on September 15, 1963, in Birmingham, Alabama[56] ; the 1964 murders of three Civil Right workers (James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner) in Mississippi; and the evisceration of Black leaders (e.g., Medgar Evers, El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.); many political activists were tired of being consenting bystanders to the violence surrounding them.[57] Many of these individuals were convinced that their own safety was in jeopardy if they did not stand up for their rights. In dialogue with Reverend Womack, he vividly remembered the changing

landscape of Philadelphia during the 1960s as a rising social consciousness manifested itself in the city. As he came to appreciate the need for this consciousness development, he could not help but be struck by the moral hypocrisy that prevented social uplift. While traveling on this mental excursion, Womack remembered, What is starting to develop now in Philadelphia is . . . we’re starting to hear about the various movements that are starting to develop. Such as the SCLC, the Black Panther Party, there was SNCC. There were a number of parties that were organizing and drawing people’s attention and I have a direct story that I can tell you that happened. One of my neighbors was the principal of a junior high school and he took off from school, took a vacation day and went down to Selma, Alabama, to join one of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s marches. And his picture was shown in the front of a Philadelphia newspaper at the end of the March. Can you believe that that man lost his job? Now, here we have one of the finest junior high school principals in the city of Philadelphia. I can only tell you this because he was a neighbor of mine. But what was so fascinating about this man, to me—as an African American, as a father, and as a man who likes to see things in a positive way. This man was the principal of a school where he had a chess team at his school. His students were invited to play in Russia against some Russian players. I thought that was an outstanding accomplishment for young, Black junior high school students. And this man somehow, mysteriously lost his job. And I might add, he was so psychologically affected by the loss of his job that his mind went with it. And they started accusing him of bad behavior in the school. And a lot of trumped up things that they can trump up against the man. So, I’m just saying, here’s another case where I felt this man was a martyr because he took off from work using his own time and money to go down to Selma, Alabama to assist the nation’s leaders of social injustice, he went in support of that man and he loses his job. It kind of makes you wonder, whether right is right. Or whether the experiences that I saw as a young man where police officers were accepting bribes and pay offs and allowing illegal activities to continue, even when we citizens knew what was going on behind closed doors. So yes, it was comforting to see that there were people coming to represent us with all these social injustices, but then to see what happened to the participants . . . again, it kind of made it even worse to see what was happening . . . people losing their jobs for doing the right thing. And our families were suffering . . . where if it would’ve been White people searching for truth and justice, the response wouldn’t have been the same.[58] All in all, these testimonies captured some of the stand-out social experiences that laid the seeds to a budding social consciousness in Philadelphia. A few questions that saturated many of those that shared their story with me were: “Why were we the victims of such brutality?” “Why were there so many negative issues affecting the Black community?” “Why wasn’t there something being done about the madness

inflicted on Blacks?” With so many “whys” left unanswered, these individuals realized that action was the only answer to address their plight. As Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. stated, The Negro will only be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and signs with the pen and ink of assertive manhood his own Emancipation Proclamation. And, with a spirit straining toward true self-esteem, the Negro must boldly throw off the manacles of self-abnegation and say to himself and to the world, “I am somebody. I am a person. I am a man with dignity and honor. I have a rich and noble history. How painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, I was a slave through my foreparents and I am not ashamed of that. I’m ashamed of the people who were so sinful to make me a slave.” Yes, we must stand up and say, “I’m black and beautiful,” and this self-affirmation is the black man’s need, made compelling by the white man’s crimes against him.[59]

1967 STUDENT DEMONSTRATION On the first day of this class, the professor decided to give a quiz to see what knowledge we were bringing with us. The only question I remember being asked simply was: What is FOI? My background knowledge kicked in and I answered “Fruit of Islam.” How embarrassed was I to discover that the professor was looking for “Freedom of Information.” After many such embarrassing acts of reading what was/is not there, I learned that reading is itself situated. I did not have any language to talk about this reality. Yet I knew that all of the books I had read by and about Black Panther Party members did not render me, in school terms, “well read.” Only the fictitious fantasies of Shakespeare and the like would earn me the label, “well read and learned,” and I conceded in the interests of succeeding. As I got further and further along in my school career, I gave up more and more texts that nurtured the “real me” and I occupied the few that I was assigned to read. This regression was debilitating to my ability to think critically, because my real me challenged the good schoolgirl me less and less. [60]

As social and cultural uprisings continued to erupt across the country, many Black youth in Philadelphia found themselves in a repressive battle with the forces that re-enforced the educational system. By the 1960s, Blacks were faced with segregated schools and dilapidated facilities abandoned by Whites. Former mayor and current school board president Richardson Dilworth and superintendent Mark Shedd attempted to improve the education system, but were met with resistance.[61] To elaborate, after being hired by Dilworth in 1967, Shedd attempted to decentralize the school administration and increase community involvement in school management. This initiative failed “because of the unwillingness of those in power—the school board, school administrators, and teachers’ organizations—to relinquish some degree

of control over the schools, and Shedd’s inability to muster sufficient support from the black community to pressure the school board to implement greater community control.”[62] Rather than taking their fight to the political arena, some Black students decided to fight the battle by protesting. In an effort to confront discriminatory practices prevalent within public education, students at Gratz High School and Bok Vocational High School staged a protest on October 26, 1967.[63] The disgruntled students demanded that: (1) Afro-American history courses be incorporated in the curriculum; (2) they have the right to wear African garb; and (3) they can choose whether they wanted to salute the American flag or not.[64] Even though protests in the city drew needed attention to inequitable social problems, the results revealed few changes to the socioeconomic conditions facing Blacks.[65] In the case of the students from these schools, their efforts were met with positive responses from school officials. After word spread on the successful protest, other Philadelphia students followed suit in their quest for “a better and Blacker education.”[66] On Friday, November 17, 1967, 3,500 Black students participated in a Black Power demonstration at the board of education in hopes of incorporating Negro history into the curriculum. In addition, 100 helmeted policemen were stationed at the event with the sole purpose of “maintain[ing] order.”[67] Lieutenant George Fencl,[68] who was the lead officer, contacted Commissioner Rizzo to state that, “the young people were getting out of hand.”[69] Soon, Commissioner Rizzo gave the order to “get their Black asses!”[70] Charging into a chanting and singing crowd, the police relentlessly dismantled the demonstration.[71] In the aftermath of the frenzy, Blacks experienced: (1) the beating of countless number of children with night sticks (twenty-two were seriously injured); (2) the arrests of 57 percent of protestors (mostly youth); (3) the beating of children in cell blocks after their arrests; (4) the fingerprinting of teenage children; (5) the refusal to permit lawyers to interview or consult with those arrested; (6) the refusal to admit prominent Negro leaders, such as the Hon. Herbert Arlene, Earl Vann, etc., into the jail cells to soothe the children; (7) an over-crowding of cell blocks, despite vacancy to accommodate those arrested; (8) the stationing of girls across from male prisoners arrested for other offenses, thus preventing them from private use of lavatories; (9) every Black within reach of the police during this disturbance was arrested or beaten, even if they had nothing whatsoever to do with the disorder; and (10) the lack of punishment administered to law officials for their use of force.[72] The response from the general public was mixed. Some people signed petitions that read, We the undersign, sign this petition in support of the splendid way in which Commissioner Frank Rizzo and his men handled a near-riot situation last Friday in front of the Board of Education building. . . . we also feel that the remarks made by certain members of the Board of Education and the school

superintendent were stupid and uncalled for.[73] Conversely, radio stations and the Tribune were flooded with statements and telegrams from civic, political, and religious individuals criticizing the actions of police officials.[74] To add, members of Philadelphia’s Barristers’ Club insisted that Commissioner Rizzo be fired and that the Civil Rights Commission examine charges of police brutality.[75] On Wednesday, November 22, about 1,000 members of the “People for Human Rights”[76] arrived at City Hall to speak with Mayor Tate.[77] The protestors, mainly middle-class Whites, wanted Tate “to take steps to insure that police repression—such as [what] took place last Friday against 3,500 black youth— does not happen again.”[78] Despite these demands of Tate, he was notorious for siding with Rizzo’s decisions, while Superintendent Shedd[79] and Richardson Dilworth condemned the police.[80] On one level, these school uprisings were courageous acts on the part of youth to exercise their voice; exert their power; resist their oppressive circumstances; and raise their consciousness. However, in the eyes of the colonizer, these are rebellious acts that function to challenge the dominant ideology. Therefore, whenever consciousness supersedes ideology, an oppressive structure will maintain order by implementing repressive acts (i.e., violence and incarceration) to keep the fomenting group ‘in their place’ and prevent any future rebellious acts.[81]

THE RISING PANTHERS IN PHILLY Mumia Abu-Jamal, Terry McHarris, Clarence “Stretch” Peterson, Jon Pinkett, Reggie Schell, and Craig Williams were especially moved by the aforementioned disorders. Their constant frustrations led them to Mary Robbins Bookstore whose owner, Larry Robbins, sold left-wing literature by Black authors and the Black Panther newspaper. [82] This venue attracted some of the city’s budding militants, and it was where these young men stumbled on one another. At these initial chance meetings, discussions revolved around the plight of Black America, more specifically, Philadelphia. Before long, word got out that there was a group of guys meeting at Robbins who were talking about starting a local branch of the Black Panther Party (BPP). It was at the Black Power Conference in 1968 where most Black Philadelphians had their first opportunity to see a real-life Black Panther. The Panthers, most of whom were from the west coast, handled security for the conference. They were unarmed, but had a military presence about them that impressed some of the young, Black males in attendance. Peterson stated, I was running around with the Black Coalition in West Philly when someone told me that there was a guy who was interested in starting a Panther chapter. I got his number and called him. I told him I wanted to join up with him.[83]

As word about the group continued to spread, more people hung out at the bookstore and the group swelled in numbers. As Clarence Peterson recollected, As we started to put together a Party, we met Luis “Kentu” Kearney in North Philly and he had about 10-15 young guys with him. We started meeting and I thought. . . . These guys all went to Franklin together. This is where Wes or Mumia came from. The students who protested in front of the school. . . . They were beaten by the police, and out of the whole crew, Mumia was the only one that joined the Party. It got a little too serious for the rest of them.[84] The discourse that took place at the bookstore was often lively, giving the young men a venue to vent their frustrations. Moreover, the conversations gave them an opportunity to be exposed to other dynamic points of view. As young adults, they were well aware of the harsh conditions that Blacks endured, but were unsure as to what course of action needed to be taken. By 1968, organizations such as the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Nation of Islam (i.e., Black Muslims), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), among others, worked tirelessly to alleviate Black suffering in Philadelphia.[85] Their efforts, however, impacted only a small section of the population that ultimately left some individuals open to the allure and influence of a more assertive freedom fighting organization. Impressed with what the Black Panthers were doing in cities throughout the country, the group set out to learn more about the Party in late 1968. In a recollection from Mumia Abu-Jamal, he stated: “I read an article in Ramparts magazine about the BPP, and fell in love with them. The more I read about them, the more I wanted to be a part of them. I couldn’t believe they existed!”[86] Excited about the prospect of joining the organization, Abu-Jamal and the others contacted National Headquarters and spoke with June Hilliard (Assistant Chief of Staff) about starting a branch in Philadelphia. Skeptical, Hilliard tried to gauge their sincerity. Being neither supportive nor discouraging after much discussion and several heated exchanges, Hilliard pronounced, “Look, you don’t got [sic] to be no goddamn Panther to struggle.”[87] Although his comments may have come across harsh, Hilliard’s message was clear— if they were not given a charter, they should not let that stop them from helping Black people.[88] Undeterred, the group continued in their quest to Pantherhood, although a few of them wondered why Hilliard appeared so indifferent. Were requests like theirs one of many that National Headquarters received on a daily basis? Were Hilliard and others testing them to see how serious they were about opening a branch? The men figured that members of the Central Committee were probably thinking that if these Philadelphia cats were serious about establishing a branch, Hilliard’s response would not discourage them from doing so. On the other hand, if the group abandoned the idea then that would suggest they were not committed to the struggle in the first place. With this mindset the energetic group remained steadfast. They continued to

meet amongst themselves and debate issues germane to the Black community. Although most of those in the group did not fully understand what Panther work entailed, they began to carry out the type of work they envisioned the Panthers doing such as selling the Black Panther Newspaper,[89] organizing the community around the pressing social issues of the day, feeding children, and confronting police brutality. [90] Reggie Schell was placed on a committee to find an office for the group, and before long, the committee secured a building at 1928 W. Columbia Avenue in North Philadelphia.[91] In serious disrepair, the group spent a considerable amount of time renovating the facility. After weeks of cleaning and painting, the group had a place that they could proudly call their base of operations. Having established a formal presence, the group was now ready to serve the People.[92] Commenting on the group’s efforts, the Philadelphia Tribune reported that the “Black Panthers” were “setting up shop” in the city under spokesperson Terry McHarris, who stated that the Panthers were dedicated to defending the needs of Black people.[93] While his warning was primarily aimed at Whites, McHarris took special care to single out conservative Blacks saying “Negroes” in the Black community who will be confronted and “eliminated” if they do not change their ways. [94] Although there was no official Panther branch in Philadelphia, McHarris and his comrades operated as if they were full-fledged Panthers with McHarris as the group’s leader. Loose journalistic practices on the part of the Philadelphia Tribune resulted in reporters taking McHarris’s story at face value. Had the paper contacted the National Headquarters in Oakland, they would have learned that the announcement of a Panther branch in Philly was premature. Despite McHarris’s strengths as a spokesperson, his laid back approach and his bout with alcohol and drugs resulted in him being stripped of his leadership position, and ultimately jeopardized his membership in the Party.[95] In stepped Reggie Schell, an intense South Philly native, six years removed from the military. In late 1968, Donald Cox, the strong silent Field Marshal from National Headquarters, Henry Mitchell (aka “Mitch”), and Sharon Williams, both from the Harlem office, were dispatched to Philadelphia where they met with the group, inspected their facility, and put them through a rigorous orientation.[96] Peterson recalled how Cox gave them “a list of required readings and instructed them on how to put together a free breakfast program.”[97] Impressed with the group’s enthusiasm and apparent dedication, Cox authorized a local branch. The group’s timing was perfect, for a few months later, the Central Committee instituted a moratorium on new members as well as new chapters.[98] Out of the original thirteen activists who gathered at Robbins and/or showed initial interest, only seven joined the branch. Reggie Schell was appointed defense captain; Craig Williams assumed the role of field marshal; Mumia Abu-Jamal took on the responsibility of communications secretary (formerly lieutenant of information); Clarence Peterson was designated as lieutenant of finance; Jon Pinkett was assigned the position of financial officer; Barbara McGriff (aka “Sista Love”) took the position of deputy field marshal; and

Gladys Hearns-Anderson was the group’s breakfast coordinator.[99] Having received official sanctioning from the national office, the branch was faced with making people aware of their presence locally, while debunking many misrepresentations of their group. Although a noteworthy step, the acquisition of an office and getting the blessing of the Central Committee was not enough; what the Panthers needed more than anything at that time was publicity. After a few brainstorming sessions, and a request from the National office to organize a Free Huey rally, Schell decided that they would rally at the State Building, at Broad and Spring Garden streets near the hub of downtown.[100] On May 1, 1969, fifteen to twenty Panthers assembled at the State Building in full Panther regalia. During the excitement some of the members passed out leaflets while others spoke to interested passersby over the chorus of “Free Huey.” Cameras flickered like lightning during a summer evening storm. Some of Huey’s articles were read over a loudspeaker and within an hour, the small gathering became an event. Over the ensuing months chapter membership would increase eightfold. As William Brown recalled, I had been involved in community stuff before. During the time the chapter (Philadelphia) was started, I was busted on charges and serving six months in County detention. While there, I was reading about Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, then I had an awakening. You see, I did not come from a real political family, but they were outraged to the killing of King which also contributed to my awakening. I can remember that early on in my life there were some seeds of political awakening. But while at County, I read Malcolm X, Claude Brown, and Gordon Parks’s Learning Tree. . . . When I got out, I heard they were set up on Columbia Ave. with Schell and Peterson. I began going to a Philco Ford trade school on 7th and Market and in the classroom we had a Black History session. By the next Saturday, Herbert Hawkins and I joined the Party. We got involved and carried out their programs. Right after we joined . . . we participated in the Free Breakfast Program.[101] Joseph T. Saunders (aka “JT”) recalled the Panthers’ presence as satisfaction to his yearning to serve the community. In summer 1969, his curiosity peaked “after seeing a bunch of young people getting together. They talked about re-building the community, and I wanted to be part of that.” Soon thereafter, he joined and was later appointed as lieutenant leader at the South Philly office.[102] As interest in the chapter increased, aspiring members were instructed by national headquarters to establish Black Community Information Centers in neighboring cities until the moratorium was lifted. Although these centers were not officially connected to the party, they offered many of the same kinds of survival programs that the BPP provided.[103] In the beginning, the branch was in constant contact with the national headquarters in Oakland. Schell made numerous trips to the Bay Area where he met with members of the Central Committee; he also attended regional meetings every

Sunday in New York.[104] At these meetings attendees gave reports on newspaper sales, discussed the status of their community programs, and informed comrades of the general goings-on in their respective communities such as scheduled events and the like (e.g., “Free Huey rally”).[105] These meetings were also an opportunity for members of one chapter to interact and collaborate with chapters and branches in other states.

NOTES 1. William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), 113. 2. Dick Gregory, “Responsible Sisters Insure Our Survival.” Philadelphia Tribune, May 9, 1970, 8. 3. This was a group composed of business and professional leaders who wanted to re-direct funds to inner-city enrichment as opposed to military expenditures. 4. Len Lear, “Vietnam War Cost People Billion From 1966 to 1969,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 3, 1970, 1, 3. 5. William E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro (New York: Schocken Books, Incorporated, 1967/1899). 6. This case will be detailed later. 7. “Suit Charges City Ignores Repeated Brutality of Police,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 21, 1970, 1. 8. “NAACP to File Brutality Suit Against Rizzo,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 5, 1970, 5. 9. Amos Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black SelfAnnihilation in Service of White Domination (Bronx, NY: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 1990). 10. Tim Wise, “Race is Not a Card” (speech delivered at Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana, March 19, 2008). 11. Elaine Brown, A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story (New York: Anchor Books, 1994), 18–19. 12. Philadelphia Tribune served as a critical voice for Blacks since its inception in 1887; Dennis Clark, The Irish Relations: Trials of an Immigrant Tradition (East Brunswick: Associated University Presses, Incorporated, 1982). 13. “Low Crime Image Shot Up Here as Murders Increase,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 26, 1970, 2. 14. “‘Organizers’ Wanted Riot, Cop Charges,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 11, 1967, 1, 3. 15. Dennis Clark, “From Periphery to Prominence: Jews in Philadelphia Politics, 1940–1985,” in Philadelphia Jewish Life 1940–2000, ed. Murray Friedman (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003); Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I: From Cointelpro to Powelton Village,” http://rwor.org/a/v22/1080-89/1086/redsquad.htm, accessed September 25, 2005; see also, Lenora E. Berson, Case Study of a Riot (New York: Institute for Human

Relations Press, 1966), 46. 16. Although this event was an attack on an oppressive system via property destruction, Jews were negatively impacted by this, and in turn, refused to rebuild their establishments in the area. In the long run, this event and urban tensions contributed to a split amongst Jews, who tended to vote liberal Democrat. In 1972, for example, 44.5 percent of Jewish voters (mainly wage earners and lower-middle class) voted mayoral candidate Frank Rizzo (R) over liberal Democrat William Green; Dennis Clark, “From Periphery to Prominence: Jews in Philadelphia Politics, 1940– 1985,” in Philadelphia Jewish Life 1940–2000, ed. Murray Friedman (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003). 17. Ibid.; Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I: From Cointelpro to Powelton Village,” http://rwor.org/a/v22/108089/1086/redsquad.htm, accessed September 25, 2005; see also, Lenora E. Berson, Case Study of a Riot (New York: Institute for Human Relations Press, 1966), 46. 18. Herbert J. Gans, “Riots! Causes—And What Must Be Done to Prevent Them, Part I.” Philadelphia Tribune, December 26, 1967, 1, 2. 19. Herbert J. Gans, “Riots! Causes—And What Must Be Done to Prevent Them, Part IV,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 30, 1967, 1, 16. 20. Ibid. 21. Milton McGriff in discussion with the author, November 2005. 22. “Riots Ended Invisible Man Act, Says Young,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 18, 1967, 28. 23. The issue of property ownership and property value is linked to the educational system. As Ladson-Billings and Tate communicated, “those with ‘better’ property are entitled to ‘better’ schools.” And in the case of many Blacks in Philadelphia, they were entitled to neither; Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate, “Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education,” Teachers College Record 97 (1995): 53–54; see also, John Wolfinger, Philadelphia Divided: Race and Politics in the City of Brotherly Love (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007). 24. “Shame of the City,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 29, 1969, 2. 25. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (1963), as of 1960 Blacks comprised 529,240 (26.4 percent) of the 2,002,512 Philadelphians. By 1970 (1973), Blacks increased to 653,791 (33.6 percent) of the 1,948,609 residents; U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1960. Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population. Part 40, Pennsylvania. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1963; U.S Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1970. Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania—Section 1. U.S., Washington: Government Printing Office, 1973. 26. Stuart Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications Incorporated, 2003); Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda Janes, Hugh Mackay, and Keith Negus, Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman (Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Incorporated, 1997). 27. Vincent P. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia: The Social and

Educational History of a Minority Community, 1900–1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979). 28. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007; Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, May 2006. 29. J. Rogozinski, “The West Philly Neighborhood Swallowed By a Sprawling University,” Daily Pennsylvanian, http://www.dailypennsylvanian.com, accessed June 12, 2006; Lawrence Beck and Stephen Kerstetter, “The Black Bottom Community,” Blackbottom.org, http://www.blackbottom.org/blackbottom, accessed June 12, 2006. 30. Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005. 31. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2008. 32. Vincent Kling and the Penn Center, “Urban Renewal in Philadelphia,” http://www.brynmawr.edu/cities/archx/05-600/proj/p2/fwda/Front_Page/webcontent/Urban_Renewal.html, accessed January 27, 2008. 33. J. Rogozinski, “The West Philly Neighborhood Swallowed By a Sprawling University,” Daily Pennsylvanian, http://www.dailypennsylvanian.com, accessed June 12, 2006. 34. As Reverend Womack recalled, “Toastee” referred to those “who thought they were better than those from the ‘Bottom.’” These were middle-class and upper income families that lived between 46th and 63rd streets; Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2008.; J. Rogozinski, “The West Philly Neighborhood Swallowed By a Sprawling University,” Daily Pennsylvanian, http://www.dailypennsylvanian.com, accessed June 12, 2006; Lawrence Beck and Stephen Kerstetter, “The Black Bottom Community,” Blackbottom.org, http://www.blackbottom.org/blackbottom, accessed June 12, 2006. 35. Rogozinski, “The West Philly Neighborhood Swallowed By a Sprawling University”. 36. “West Philadelphia Corporation,”http://library.temple.edu/collections/urbana/wpc3" base="ttp://library.temple.edu/collections/urbana/wpc3">ttp://library.temple.edu/collections/urbana/wpc350.jsp;jsessionid=66D3F8F52C85EE503938E34A146A3A41?bhcp=1, accessed January 28, 2008. 37. Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005; Rogozinski, “The West Philly Neighborhood Swallowed By a Sprawling University.”; Lawrence Beck and Stephen Kerstetter, “The Black Bottom Community,” Blackbottom.org,http://www.blackbottom.org/blackbottom, accessed June 12, 2006. 38. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, October 2005. 39. Reverend Womack’s history in Philadelphia is a noteworthy feat. As a witness to an ailing city in 1971, he ran for the vacant 8th District Councilmanic seat to improve schools and the overall social conditions of Philadelphians. From 1972 to 1980, he held the 22nd Ward Democratic Executive Committee, which represented the 17th Division. By 1979, he campaigned as an Independent Democrat for the 36th District State Senate seat under a vision that promoted, “A Spirit of Unity Through Independence.” His focus was on charter reform, educational reform, tax reform, a

responsive government, and the needs of senior citizens. 40. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 41. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 42. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 43. Regina Jennings in discussion with the author, November 2005. 44. Ibid. 45. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 46. Ibid. 47. Cornel West, “Forum on African American Issues Since 9/11 C-Span Archives Morning Session” (panelist at the Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, February 2002). 48. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991/1965), xxiv. 49. “The Negro Must Shake Inferiority Image, Father Washington Advises,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 18, 1967, 3. 50. Alan Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy: Repression in America (New York: David McKay Company, Incorporated, 1973), 169; see also, William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968). 51. Mumia Abu-Jamal and Marc L. Hill, The Classroom and the Cell: Conversations on Black Life in America (Chicago: Third World Press, 2012); Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 52. Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005. 53. Ibid. 54. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, October 2005. 55. Milton McGriff in discussion with the author, November 2005. 56. Claude Sitton, “Birmingham Bomb Kills 4 Negro Girls in Church; Riots Flare; 2 Boys Slain,” New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/0915.html#top, accessed August 15, 2012. 57. Extending beyond the bystander effect, a consenting bystander is an individual unwilling to intervene when a situation requires them to help. Essentially, the individual allows the context and their fear of reprisal to prevent them from acting, thus they function as agents of repression and ideology. 58. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 59. Martin L. King Jr., “Where Do We Go From Here?” (speech delivered at the Southern Christian Leadership Council, Atlanta, Georgia, August 16, 1967). 60. Denise T. Baszile, “Rage in the Interests of Black Self: Curriculum Theorizing as Dangerous Knowledge,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 22, no. 1 (2006). 61. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia. 62. Ibid., 201; see also, Fred J. Foley, “The Failure of Reform: Community Control and the Philadelphia Public Schools,” Urban Education 10 (1976). 63. Stetson Junior High School also had a protest in which 250 parents and students, majority White, demonstrated against the busing of students to nearby schools due to school repairs; Len Lear and John B. Wilder, “Negro History Courses Demanded by

Students,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 4, 1967, 1, 2. 64. Ibid. 65. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia. 66. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Mumia Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party (Cambridge: South End Press, 2004); Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I: From Cointelpro to Powelton Village,”http://rwor.org/a/v22/108089/1086/redsquad.htm, accessed September 25, 2005. 67. “Cop Brutality Protests Flood Tribune Office,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 21, 1967, 1, 3. 68. Fencl was in charge of the Civil Disobedience Unit (CDU), one of two police arms organized for political repression and covert operations in Philadelphia. The second unit, the Stake-Out Squad, was responsible for raids and assassinations. 69. Testimony from James Lester—head of the South Philadelphia branch of the Consumers Education and Protective Association—stated that Fencl had told him how orderly the group was. This contact may have occurred prior to Rizzo’s arrival, so it is not clear whether Fencl changed his initial observation; Lawrence H. Geller, “1000 Whites Protest Brutal Treatment of 3500 Negro Students,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 25, 1967, 1, 3; Len Lear, “White Students Join Demonstration; Demand Rizzo Ouster, Better Schools,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 25, 1967, 1, 2. 70. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom; Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I,” http://rwor.org/a/v22/1080-89/1086/redsquad.htm, accessed September 25, 2005. 71. “Cop Brutality Protests Flood Tribune Office,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 21, 1967, 1, 3. 72. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom; Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I,”; Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia; “Woods Demands Rizzo Firing: Disc Jockey Asks Mayor Tate to Act,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 21, 1967, 1, 2. 73. Lawrence H. Geller, “White Citizens Flock to Sign Petition Backing Commissioner Rizzo’s Action,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 21, 1967, 1. 74. Joe Hunter, “Negroes, Whites Join Hands in Blasting Police Tactics,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 21, 1967, 2. 75. “Charges of Police Brutality Lodged Against Commissioner,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 28, 1967, 1, 2. 76. This group was established three days prior in response to the Philadelphians anger over the beating of the students outside of the Board of Education building; Lawrence H. Geller, “1000 Whites Protest Brutal Treatment of 3500 Negro Students,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 25, 1967, 1, 3. 77. Ibid. 78. Ibid., 1.

79. In December 1971, Shedd was forced to resign as Superintendent. Interestingly, the resignation occurred shortly after Rizzo was elected city mayor. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia. 80. Ibid. 81. Paulo Freire, Education, the Practice of Freedom (London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative, 1973/1967); Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, Incorporated, 2000/1970); Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curriculum, 3rd ed. (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004); Michael W. Apple, “On Analyzing Hegemony (reprinted),” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 1, no. 1 (1979); William Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865–1954 (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001); Henry A. Giroux, “Radical Pedagogy and the Politics of Student Voice,” Interchange 17, no. 1 (1986); James Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers,” in Sources: Notable Selections in Education (2nd Edition), ed. Fred Schultz (Guilford: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1998); Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy; Luke Ferretter, “The Politics of Culture: Essays on Ideology,” in Louis Althusser, ed. Luke Ferretter (New York: Routledge, 2006). 82. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 83. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 84. Ibid.; Clarence Peterson, Brief History of the Philadelphia Chapter Black Panther Party (ISBN: 1-66967791, 2009). 85. The Revolutionary Action Movement—a Black Nationalist organization that rejected the philosophy of non-violence and advocated a militant struggle against White oppression—was initiated in 1962 in the city. By 1968, the organization was severely weakened by the combined efforts of J. Edgar Hoover, Frank Rizzo, and police officers. More specifically, they underwent numerous raids, constant arrests, and harassment orchestrated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Civil Disobedience Unit; Countryman, Matthew J., Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Robert J. Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present (New York: Two Continents Publishing Group, Ltd., 1999); Revolutionary Worker #1086, “The Dirty Work of Philly’s Political Police: Part I”. 86. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 87. Dick Cluster, They Should Have Served that Cup of Coffee (Boston: South End Press, 1979). 88. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 89. Of the 150,000 papers sold nationally per week, the Philadelphia branch approximated 6.7 percent of sales; Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom. 90. Ibid.; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 91. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 92. Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom. 93. Philadelphia Tribune (1968, October 12). “Black Panthers Unit Brands Branche

and Jeremiah X ‘Fronts,’” 1, 26. 94. McHarris’s energies focused on Stanley Branche and Jeremiah X. Branche was a street activist who worked with Jews to strengthen the Black-Jewish alliance and worked with Whites to form the Black Coalition in 1968. His efforts helped to raise $1 million from White businesses and industrial leaders. Jeremiah X, Black Muslim, met covertly with upper-class suburban Jewish leaders, Center City Jewish leaders, and former RAM member Jimmy Lester; Murray Friedman and Carolyn Beck, “An Ambivalent Alliance: Blacks and Jews in Philadelphia, 1940–1985,” in Philadelphia Jewish Life 1940–2000, ed. Murray Friedman (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003); “Black Panthers Unit Brands Branche and Jeremiah X ‘Fronts,’” Philadelphia Tribune, October 12, 1968, 1, 26. 95. In a mysterious turn of events, McHarris, within a year of his release from the party, was killed. There was scant information reported on his death, and I failed to investigate the issue in 2005. Three years later, my interest was jogged after I saw the Philadelphia Black Mafia (Black Brothers, Inc.) on American Gangster (2nd Season) on Black Entertainment Television and reviewed Sean Griffin’s book, Black Brothers, Inc.: The Violent Rise and Fall of Philadelphia’s Black Mafia. Although the video documentary provided no connection to the Panthers in Philadelphia, Griffin stated that Samuel Christian (who formed Black Brothers, Inc.) was a former Panther. Immediately, I questioned whether Christian was a Panther in Philadelphia or elsewhere? This faulty reporting led me to check the validity of this statement with Panther members. Responsively, a Panther revealed that, “Samuel Christian was no damn Panther.” The Panther continued, “word on the street was that Christian had killed Terry McHarris after he spoke against the leader of the Black Muslims, Jeremiah X”; American Gangster: The Complete Second Season, produced by Anthony Storm, Arthur Smith, Chris Mortensen, Curtis Scoon, and Frank Sinton (2007; Hollywood, CA: Paramount Pictures, 2008), DVD; Sean P. Griffin, Philadelphia’s Black Mafia: A Social and Political History (Wrea Green: Milo Books, 2005); Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005; Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom. 96. Cluster, They Should Have Served that Cup of Coffee . 97. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 98. The national headquarters instituted a moratorium to minimize infiltration by government informants. 99. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006; Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 100. During this time, Huey P. Newton was jailed for an alleged shooting of a police officer and awaiting trial; Gene Marine, The Black Panthers (New York: Signet Books, 1969). 101. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 102. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007. 103. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 104. Ibid.; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006.

105. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005.

Chapter 4

Providing Community Relief The education of the Negroes, then, the most important thing in the uplift of the Negroes, is almost entirely in the hands of those who have enslaved them and now segregate them. . . . With “mis-educated Negroes” in control themselves, however, it is doubtful that the system would be very much different from what it is or that it would rapidly undergo change.[1] The “survival” programs of the BPP were meant to be both a means of meeting peoples’ basic needs, such as food, clothing, shoes, medical care, etc., and, also, of organizing people to change social, economic and political conditions which made it impossible for ordinary people to have their basic needs met.[2] Nationwide, the Panthers implemented a plethora of services designed to enhance the life chances of poor people throughout the country by providing a necessary homeplace for the oppressed’s voices to emerge against oppression.[3] As Barbara Easley-Cox pointed out, “some locales were limited in resources, but provided programs and activities that they could manage.”[4] In other locales, specifically in California, Panthers initiated Liberation Schools and the Huey P. Newton Intercommunal Youth Institute to educate youth.[5] Although Philadelphia Panthers lacked the resources to support such an endeavor, they were able to compensate with a wide array of social initiatives.

POLITICAL EDUCATION (P.E.) CLASSES If, for example, one managed to change the curriculum in all the schools so that Negroes learned more about themselves and their real contributions to this culture, you would be liberating not only Negroes, you’d be liberating white people who know nothing about their own history. And the reason is that you are compelled to lie about one aspect of anybody’s history, you must lie about it all. If you have to lie about my real role here, if you have to pretend that I hoed all that cotton just because I loved you, then you have done something to yourself. You are mad. [6] Philadelphia Panthers sponsored many of the program initiatives that the National Office boasted. One of these endeavors included political education classes. Not only were chapters required to conduct P.E. classes for their members, but they also provided political education classes for members of the community. The P.E. classes were critical for various reasons, but in the area of critical pedagogy, the Panthers required members to first, engage in a constant transformative process that stemmed from reading (e.g., BPP Booklist,[7] newspapers, etc.), observing, dialogue, and civic

engagement (i.e., participation). Furthermore, this process enabled them to participate in the “dual action of differential social movement,” whereby “the activist becomes in the moment of acting.”[8] So, rather than taking an armchair approach to solving social ills, many of the Panthers utilized a hands-on approach to solving problems and directly involving themselves in the lives of the community. Second, P.E. classes extended the educational parameters beyond the four rooms of a typical classroom to that of a globalized community (i.e., Intercommunalism). For the Panthers, they helped to develop an engaging learning environment that employed a multiplicity of sources to inform the public on social matters. This enabled the community to become invested in learning, while becoming invested in the sociopolitical forces that shaped their lives. Third, with colonization’s toxic affect on individuals’ humanity, it was imperative that those impacted engage in a de-colonization process (i.e., internal liberation) to rid their minds of this force. Responsively, many Panthers not only re-defined themselves within an oppressive structure, but were able to re-position themselves as de-colonial pedagogues. This enabled them to provide a safe space for individuals to begin re-claiming their identity(-ies), while empowering people to confront their limitsituations.[9] Prior to P.E. classes, many Black Philadelphians, like other Blacks nationwide, were victimized by de facto segregation despite the promises of Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka, KS (1954). In a major blow to segregation, Thurgood Marshall, James Nabrit II, George E. C. Hayes, and Mamie & Kenneth Clark, combined their abilities to challenge the Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) decision, which upheld the “separate but equal” clause of public facilities.[10] Marshall, who undoubtedly realized the magnitude of the case, believed that a class action suit would increase the chance for victory.[11] One of his major premises was that, “the separate schools of the South were physically substandard but also that their very existence was psychologically damaging to African American children.”[12] Marshall’s arguments were accurate, and as a result, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned racial segregation in public education facilities, with all deliberate speed. Blacks, once excluded from the mainstream, now had an increased possibility to access resources once denied to them.[13] Contrarily, counter-narratives have exposed how Brown potentially damaged the social fabric of Black communities, mainly youth, across the country. In a Prison Radio recording, Mumia Abu-Jamal revealed that Brown was a “propaganda victory” meant to quell negative international perceptions of the U.S.[14] To elaborate, as the U.S. attempted to dodge the scrutiny of Communist countries that labeled them as violent and racist, Brown functioned as the scapegoat, thus projecting a falsified image of racial progress in the United States. Abu-Jamal contended, Brown was not decided because of the educational needs or violated rights of Black citizens, but because of the ideological needs of the U.S. government,

which was trying to present a false face to much of the Third World—many of whom were horrified at the images of dark-skinned people brutalized by racist cops for trying to get a decent education.[15] Abu-Jamal further asserted that in 1952, U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson submitted a letter to the Supreme Court that stated, The continuation of racial discrimination is a source of constant embarrassment to this government and it jeopardizes the effective maintenance of our moral leadership of the free and democratic nations of the world.[16] Pre-Brown, Blacks (primarily in the South) occupied various leadership positions in schools (e.g., teachers, principals, and superintendents). Some of these schools fostered strong relationships with the community and transmitted an educational curriculum that promoted love, caring, and social prosperity.[17] Unfortunately, many of these ideals failed to transfer in the post-Brown era. As Linda Tillman communicated, “approximately 82,000 Black teachers taught two million Black children who attended mostly segregated schools.” Yet, 46 percent of these Black educators in many southern and bordering states failed to sustain their positions after the landmark decision.[18] The disenfranchisement of Black teachers continued well into the 1970s (and beyond) as new teacher enrollment decreased. To illustrate, between 1975 and 1985, Black students’ entrance into teacher education majors declined 66 percent, and by 2001, “African American teachers represented 6 percent of the public school teaching force, whereas African American students represented 17.1 percent of the public school student population.”[19] As scores of African Americans de-segregated government-mandated schools, many independent Black institutions evaporated.[20] One explanation for this was large amounts of cash flow migrating to institutions and businesses outside of the Black community. As a result, Black businesses closed and/or sold their establishments to White purchasers.[21] Although Blacks were victorious in the battle against segregated educational facilities, a potent racial ideology was far from being eradicated.[22] With tactics such as white flight and gerrymandering, Whites were able to camouflage deep-seated racism, while positioning themselves as primary beneficiaries in the process.[23] With racial ideologies fixed in the minds of many Whites, many Blacks found themselves the victims of blatant and institutionalized attacks that led to increased distance and marginalization from their White counterparts. This phenomenon was noticeable in the educational system as many Black children became the whipping post to racial abuse and squashed aspirations.[24] Rev. Womack shared, Counselors, one-on-one, would tell you things like, ‘you know that you’re not going to be able to go to University of Pennsylvania. You’re not going to be able

to go to Princeton. You’re not going to be able to go to Dartmouth.’ They could tell you all the things that you can’t do, but they can’t tell you what you can do. And they’re being paid to counsel children. These are the things that I think appalled me when I was coming along. And I had no way of knowing how to fight it, how to battle it. You know, some of these things make you so ashamed of hearing it that you don’t even know who to talk to. That’s why I say that we are psychologically affected early on, constantly, and it just keeps on. And no one seems to be interested in that. From the time you hit public school . . . the rest of your life, you can expect psychological damage to come. You may not see it every day, but it’s still there. You’re going to witness it. And if you don’t have your guard up, it takes you unaware. And sometimes when it takes you unaware, you say the wrong thing and you create a situation that can end up with you being put into the criminal justice system . . . unaware.[25] During the 1950s and 1960s, Philadelphia, like many other cities, found itself under scrutiny as their educational system failed to meet the requirements of the federal government, more importantly, the needs of the Black community. Franklin reported that: In the late 1950s and early 1960s reports and studies by school board members, civic organizations, and outside consultants chronicled a long list of woes affecting the school system. Insufficient funding of the public schools led to low teacher salaries and inability to recruit and retain competent educators, outdated educational materials and textbooks, and, most importantly, low academic achievement levels compared to other large cities.[26] Even though Brown v. Board of Education had some positive outcomes for a relatively small number of Blacks, racial discrimination still remained in Philadelphia. During a lecture on October 25, 1967, Percy H. Baker, a biology professor from Morgan State University, expressed to the American Friends Service Committee (civil rights advocates) that the issues since 1954 affecting the Black community included: rigidity in housing segregation,[27] increased physical segregation, and rising unemployment.[28] Dr. Baker soon placed the onus of the social problems afflicting many Blacks on Whites. He stated, “The long-range financial and physical power to make a significant change lies not in the black community but in the white community.”[29] While Dr. Baker’s recommendation was obvious to some oppressed people, it was also asinine. As Ture and Hamilton stated, “The groups which have access to the necessary resources and the ability to affect change benefit politically and economically from the continued subordinate status of the black community.”[30] Thus, in the oppressive context that Black Philadelphians faced, to advise the dominant group to release their reign of profitable tyranny would do little in achieving the desired outcome (i.e., freedom).

By the close of 1967, Mayor Tate drew criticism from surveyed mothers after appointing Gerald Gleeson—lawyer and son of a Common Pleas Court Judge—to the Board of Education. Already comprised of six Whites and two Blacks (Rev. Henry Nichols and George Hutt), Gleeson marked the seventh White. Critiques of this action came as some felt that a Black woman’s (name undisclosed) assignment would increase sensitivity to student needs, and reduce the mis-representation between the Board and the overall student body (which was approximately 50 percent Black).[31] As hopes of integration waned in the city, Whites (driven by fear and stereotypes) migrated to suburbia, thus reducing their city presence by 53,903 between 1960 and 1970.[32] This pattern was more pronounced in the beginning of the 1969 school year as White parents removed their children from five predominantly Black grade schools in Germantown.[33] By this time, these schools neared 100 percent Black, aside from a range of 58 percent to 98 percent. With the Board of Education’s support, the White students were bused to schools that afforded them opportunities not matched in the city that included: (1) a 70 percent White population; (2) a less than 15:1 student to teacher ratio; (3) private tutors for each student from a neighboring high school; and (4) an after-school recreation program to pass time before their 5 P.M. departure.[34] By 1971, the State Human Relations Commission reported that 130,000 Black children attended segregated public schools in the city with 49 percent of all schools containing 98 percent of a single race.[35] Alongside segregated schools, reports on Retarded-Educable (RE) programs revealed another interesting trend.[36] As Black youth entered the educational arena, many White teachers were left impotent in their abilities to accommodate their teaching styles for new and diverse learners.[37] As a panacea, some White teachers pejoratively labeled Black children as “disadvantaged,” “learning disabled,” “mentally disturbed,” and “emotionally disturbed.”[38] Further examination revealed a trickledown effect as a disproportionate number of Black students were placed in special education, remedial education, alternative schools, and tracking systems. Arguably, these factors contributed (and still contribute) to the disproportionate number of dropouts, suspensions, and expulsions evidenced by Blacks (relative to Whites) in education.[39] Moreover, these factors are oftentimes correlated with high rates of unemployment, inadequate work skills, low post-secondary education opportunities, and high rates of incarceration among Blacks.[40] Relative to Philadelphia’s school system, 1,000 out of the 6,767 students were mis-labeled and filtered into RE due to “bad classroom behavior.”[41] Further investigation revealed that of the students classified as RE by the Board of Education, 90 percent were Black (when they comprised 52 percent of the school population).[42] Explanations to understand students’ behavior(s) targeted systemic issues such as weak family structures, impoverished communities, and unmet basic needs.[43] Not surprisingly, these factors influenced some disgruntled students to externalize (i.e., act out) their frustrations in the classroom. However, since many White teachers

lacked cultural competence in properly educating Black children, they pathologized Black students’ behaviors, experiences, and temperament as negative. Hence, a disproportionate number of Blacks received pejorative labels, which later stymied many from successfully matriculating through the educational process.[44] Based on the residual effects of Brown v. Board of Education in concert with Blacks educational experience in this county, it was clear that they were faced with an educational crunch. On one end, education served as a conduit to social success; while on the other, the curriculum and school system was designed by the same group that historically brutalized them.[45] With such conditions present, it seemed apropos for a force like the Panthers to provide solace against the educational plight afflicting the Black community. As communicated in Educate to Liberate: What we have is an educational system which is completely controlled by the power structure. The method and process of teaching and learning are geared to memorization of distorted reality and unrelated facts, all designed to fit the individual into the present oppressive system. Students are taught that obedience to school rules is primary, and knowledge secondary, or unnecessary. Those who come hungry and cold are asked to sit quietly and learn, something, anything, but how to obtain their basic needs.[46] By challenging traditional curriculum transmitted in U.S. schools, Philadelphia Panthers promoted an education that marked the nucleus for freedom and selfdetermination.[47] Every Tuesday, the community was invited to partake in political discourse about issues affecting their communities specifically, and its link to a globalized society.[48] The Panthers, who were once the victims of a sociopolitical war in the schools, now became critical pedagogues as they transmitted indispensable information for community survival and transformation. Barbara Easley-Cox explained, There were three components to P.E. Classes. One was for the rank-and-file, second was for the community, and the third was regional classes. For our rankand-file, we met formally, once a week. But since we lived together, near each other, and around each other, we also met informally. Our meetings were based on current events, history, the Black Panther Newspaper, the 26 rules of the Black Panther Party—which addressed behaviors, guidelines, and drugs—the 10-Point Program, and Mao Tse-Tung’s Little Red Book. The community P.E. classes were opened once a week. During these sessions, community members learned about the Black Panther Party, talked about community issues, and overall, they served as a social gathering for the community. The Regional classes met once a month in New York, since it was the biggest place for branches like Philadelphia, Chicago, and Baltimore to meet. One or two members would attend and learn what Nationals spoke about and would return this information to local rank-and-file.[49]

Reggie Schell added, Usually, our community meetings were done on a community event. Some of them were very intense. We had to bring a level of consciousness and explain what terms like consciousness meant to the cadre. We had to break down the Red Book. Some meetings involved topics in the news, police shootings, police beatings . . . I remember one meeting where a mother spoke about the Breakfast Program and what it meant for her.[50] Schell continued, We wanted people to understand the rules of power and make connections between current situations and slavery. For example, the overseer and the police. A question that we would ask is, “why do you think this took place?” And from there, we would enter a discussion to understand domination and racism. Our sessions focused on unity versus domination, so we taught from an approach that had a love for people who were fractured and brutalized across the country. We would sit down and educate on terms like communalism and would break it down for people to understand. So we would say, let’s say you have something, we would evenly distribute it amongst the group. We would take the Red Book, read a chapter, and ask people what they thought it meant. And we facilitated discussions so everyone could get a picture on what took place . . . we even read something from Fanon or something else and would discuss it. We focused on being hands-on, not abstract about trying to reach a piece of freedom, which we did.[51] Easley-Cox added, We focused on thinking, helping people learn, and for new members to learn and receive an explanation on terms and issues. We gave them a worldwide view on issues and problems affecting people. We educated them on Africa and the liberation struggle occurring there. For new members, I can remember seeing their eyes light up because they were able to make the connections between themselves and the world, while seeing themselves as a piece of history. As other individuals began to speak, they also grew. Overall, we chose to come from an internationalist versus a Black nationalist perspective because it expanded our struggle to a world perspective . . . not to be xenophobic, but in the world today and yesterday, people get trapped in those “-isms.”[52] In discussing the P.E. classes’ weaknesses, Easley-Cox articulated, In regards to the community, we needed more diversity from other groups beyond the Panthers to discuss other points of views. For the Panthers, a little more leadership . . . a little more name recognition. And since there was a lack

of personnel, we did not have the resources for everyone to be there at the same time. For Regionals, only the Captain and Lieutenant attended, but not rank-and-file were exposed to them. I wished that regional office could come to the local branches . . . but this was more an issue on structure rather than a weakness.[53] For Reggie Schell, “one weakness was not drafting some of the materials used.”[54] Despite these identified setbacks, the P.E. classes afforded the Panthers and community members with an opportunity to get better acquainted, while enhancing social living. Quintessentially, the Panthers’ basic message was that life’s basic necessities (e.g., to eat and to learn) were the right of every human being and they should not be neglected. The P.E. classes were a non-traditional approach to heightening the community’s awareness regarding various social and international issues. Despite the successes of the P.E. classes, the role of ideology and repression hindered the spread of this influence to a broader Philadelphia community. It must not be discounted, however, that this program exposed a major flaw in traditional schooling: its failure in effectively satisfying the needs of Black people. Therefore, U.S. education, from a historical standpoint paled when compared to the educational approach implemented by the Panthers. The Panthers were very cognizant of this fact and knew that in order to revamp the social structure, they had to utilize a step-by-step approach. Many of them knew that by overlooking the social consciousness of Black people, they would likely face in-group strife with those who had a vested interest in maintaining the system. Therefore, they underscored the need for the People to undergo personal decolonization in order to make effective and long-lasting changes for themselves and society.[55] Correspondingly, Nina Asher expressed that: Post colonial theorists have argued that the processes of decolonization and social transformation are necessarily self-reflexive, requiring not only the deconstruction of the colonizer and external oppressive structures, but also working through one’s own internalization of and participation in the same.[56] The failure on the part of individuals to undergo decolonization was conveyed in George Orwell’s novel, Animal Farm.[57] Here, Orwell used an allegory to portray the negative effects that a failed self-revolution can have on a group. In the story, all the animals unified to overthrow the farmer (i.e., colonizer), but the pigs found themselves hypnotized by the farmer’s possessions. Over time, the failed decolonization on the part of the pigs, led them to assimilate into the ideology and lifestyle of their former enemy, thus becoming what they once despised (i.e., oppressors).[58]

PEOPLE’S FREE LIBRARY On the right to learn, the Panthers maintained their stance that knowledge and

freedom were interconnected as they concentrated on “how and where to get information that will shed some light on our situation, so that we can change things for the better.”[59] According to the Panthers, access to information was difficult in Philadelphia because the better-equipped libraries were not built in close proximity to the Black community. Consequently, “to get as much written information as possible concerning our present-day situation,” the Philadelphia Panthers initiated a People’s Free Library, one feature unique to Philadelphia.[60] The library mainly contained books written by Black authors and issues related to past and present information regarding Black people.[61] In regards to educating the Black community, Herbert Hawkins maintained, I think that at our height, people said, “you people are telling the truth.” I think at an early point, people thought we were troublemakers. But like I said, when you feed people the right information, they will go in the right direction. To me, that is what everything is about. We educated by example and the big thing is . . . we distributed information some people would call propaganda.[62] In Education, the Practice of Freedom, Paulo Freire defined ‘true education’ as one that contributes to conscientizacão, or “the development of the awakening of critical consciousness.”[63] The Panther’s undertaking enabled participating community members to gain awareness on their limit-situations, while developing effective strategies to combat them.[64] With the development of the Free Library, Panthers were conscious that it was a hassle to travel to city libraries and become stressed when a particular book on Black culture was unavailable, so this was a prudent endeavor on their part.

COMMUNITY PROTECTION In addition to their P.E. classes, the Panthers endeared themselves to the community by providing protective services to local welfare recipients. In 1969, three welfare mothers moved into an all-white neighborhood located at 25th Street and Fairmount Avenue. Shortly after arriving, one of the women was greeted with a bullet through the front window of her house. After being contacted by the Welfare Rights Organization, the Panthers stood guard at the homes of the three women with the intention of deterring further acts of violence.[65] After three days, the Panthers withdrew without incident. Shielding Philadelphia’s Black residents from unnecessary acts of violence was something that the Panthers took seriously. Another example of this was their willingness to take an assertive stance against police brutality. While the Philadelphia Panthers did not patrol the police and openly carry guns as Panthers did on the west coast, they were vocal critics of the police department. Since their inception, several instances of excessive force prompted the Panthers to organize campaigns and political education courses around police brutality. One standout case occurred on

February 1, 1970, when members of the Philadelphia police department murdered Harold Brown, a seventeen-year old college student.[66] Testimony from residents in the neighborhood in which Brown was killed suggested that Brown pled for his life seconds before he was shot. In response to this unsettling account, the Panthers launched their own investigation. After speaking with people who heard Brown beg for his life as well as those who claimed to witness the shooting, the Panthers drafted a sixteen-page booklet on police brutality that detailed incidents of police use of excessive force and instructed citizens on what to do when stopped by a police officer. In a move considered bodacious by many, the Panthers put up wanted posters for the four patrolmen. Not surprisingly, the police department was outraged by this seemingly outlandish gesture. Despite the uproar, the accused officers were not prosecuted.[67] Not long after the Philadelphia Panthers put their initial survival programs in place in North Philadelphia, both community support and membership increased. Hoping to take advantage of their newfound popularity the Panthers opened a second office at 2935 Columbia Avenue and helped set up Black Community Information Centers across the city in: Germantown (on 428 W. Queen Lane), West Philadelphia (originally on 47th and Walnut streets and transferred to 3625 Wallace St. after bombing), and South Philadelphia (initially on 15th and Rodman streets).[68] With office hours operating from roughly 7 A.M. to 7 P.M., the Centers were able to provide community members with a place to obtain various types of assistance. Traffic in-and-out of the center was so heavy that the Panthers decided to open up additional centers in Reading, Harrisburg, and Pittsburgh. The Philadelphia Panthers’ objectives were straightforward—to focus on programs and activities that would improve the general welfare of the community such as: Free Breakfast programs; Free Clothing drives; and health care initiatives. Honoring the Panthers, M. Leroy Keyes—former running back and safety for the National Football League’s (NFL) Philadelphia Eagles (1969–1972) and 1st runner-up for the 1968 Heisman Trophy—said “I was in awe at them, more then they were of me, because I’m sitting like . . . all I’m doing is playing a game. These guys are in the game of life. Everything they do was ‘do or die.’” He soon discussed the Panthers’ stance and addressed how the establishment restricted athletes in serving the community alongside their Panther counterparts: The Panthers were alive and well in Philadelphia. They stood for no-nonsense, “we’re tired of taking the crap that has been measured out for all these years this country has allowed. We’re not going to go quietly in the night. We’re going to question, we’re going to confrontate if need be to determine our own existence here. Whether it’s in Philadelphia, whether it’s in Oakland, or whether its wherever Black folks are being oppressed.” It’s amazing how they kind of secluded athletes from that. They made sure that either you were too tired at the end of the day to become active in a function that will bring quote-un-quote dishonor to the overall program. Whether you get fired, or you get cut, you get

suspended, you’re in the NFL. And the NFL stood for all those things of family values and equality and giving you an opportunity to showcase your skills. Don’t go out and do anything that will bring disgrace to this great conglomerate. That’s basically what you saw. But when you got into your car, and whether you were traveling after a game, you eatin’ at Progress Plaza or Franklin Hotel . . . and you’re talking to people who are just the nuts and bolts of the Black community about: “What is going on in this city?” “What do we need to do?” “How can we re-structure the things the way they are?” “How can we get better schools?” “How can we get the gangs to stop fighting?” You know, we would always look for answers that for some strange reason would always fall on deaf ears. You don’t have to worry about that. We have a commission for this, we have a committee for that . . . it was always somebody having and starting all kinds of new programs, but it seemed like the programs never got where it was intended to go.[69]

FREE BREAKFAST FOR CHILDREN PROGRAM On Monday, July 7, 1969, the Panthers’ launched their first Free Breakfast for Children Program.[70] Approximately 65 children were served on this day. The Breakfast program was much needed. Mattie Gray, a volunteer, stated, “Hundreds of Black children begin their day with little or no breakfast at all.”[71] It is possible that Gray’s estimates were on the conservative side given the number of poor, Black families in North Philadelphia alone. But regardless of the estimates, this program was the heart of the Panthers’ survival initiatives. Research has shown that children who fail to receive an adequate and healthy meal in the morning, tend to exhibit many anti-social behaviors (e.g., irritability, fatigue, drowsiness, hyperactivity, and anger). [72] Furthermore, teachers who remain distanced from their students’ needs are likely problematize the child versus listening to how their students’ are voicing their needs. This failure on the part of teachers was one of the major reasons why a disproportionate number of Black youth were funneled into Special Education (or Retarded-Educable education). Knowing such facts, the Panthers responded accordingly by pouncing on an identified problem and feeding children (and at times, parents) on every school day. On a macro level, the program focused attention on a historically oppressed group that the government (i.e., local, state, and federal) neglected. With limited resources, the Panthers successfully developed a program that assisted some of the city’s poorest communities. In his autobiography, Russell Shoatz, former member of the Black Unity Council (BUC) in Philadelphia and political prisoner, reported, [The Free Breakfast Program] in itself earned [the Panthers] tremendous good will from the adults and young people in the neighborhoods, as well as it gave them an opportunity to help show other Black organizations how they could start solving their community’s problems independent of the government.[73]

As word of the program spread, people from other parts of town brought their kids by to get breakfast. Demand was so high that additional breakfast programs were set up in North Philadelphia, West Philadelphia, Germantown, and South Philadelphia.[74] In his reflection, J.T. Saunders said that, “The Free Breakfast Program was our most visible program. The one uplifting experience I remember was seeing the kids get nourishment and being sent off to school.”[75] Barbara Easley-Cox and Mumia Abu-Jamal had fond memories of the Breakfast program, as they expressed how they “led the children in songs while feeding them ‘food, thought, and love.’”[76] On a typical day, Panthers prepared breakfast at approximately 6:00 A.M. each weekday and served anywhere from twenty to seventy children daily and upwards of 500 children per month.[77] The program was financially supported by donations from local businesses and small contributions from private parties; and as recommended by Ethel Parish, the Panthers solicited commitments from businesses to help subsidize the Breakfast Program on a long-term basis.[78] This effort established good relations with food chains as well as mom and pop businesses, which were vital to maintaining well-stocked cupboards. In spite of the program’s success, not everyone embraced the idea of giving school kids a free breakfast. City Councilman Thomas Foglietta declared that Panthers “took over” a United Fund Settlement House (UFSH) on 8th St. and Snyder Ave.[79] At a press conference in January 1970, the Councilman stated that the Panthers preached hatred at the facility, that neighborhood residents (both Black and White) were up in arms, and that the United Fund Settlement House should cut off all funds to the Panthers. Conversely, by the start of the new year, the Panthers already approached officials at the UFSH, where it was agreed that the Panthers would use their facility for a free breakfast program, but Foglietta failed to acknowledge this. Furthermore, testimony from area residents indicated that they were not opposed to the Panthers, thus casting doubt on Foglietta’s claim that the Panthers were instilling hatred in children.[80] To add, I am highly skeptical that parents would have allowed the Panthers to indoctrinate their children with such venom in return for a free breakfast. Frank Rizzo made the same bogus claim when he tried to undercut the Panthers’ influence in the community by offering breakfast and lunch programs by way of the police department. As support for the Breakfast Program increased, the Panthers’ popularity followed suit. With the Panthers’ reputation growing, merchants and shop owners were more willing to donate supplies to the group for they knew that their contributions would be put to good use. Instead of seeking assistance from the city’s social service agencies, area residents called on the Panthers for various kinds of assistance. On July 23, 1972, the Panthers distributed a total of two hundred bags of groceries and three hundred pairs of shoes to needy families throughout North Philadelphia.[81] The coordinator of the program, William E. Broadwater, stated that the items were collected from merchants throughout the city. Recognizing that a free

grocery give away would be a highly popular endeavor, the Panthers thought it best to set one stipulation—only those families that arrived at the facility at 4 P.M. would be eligible to receive a bag of groceries. On the day of the giveaway, turnout was huge. Two-hundred families had to be turned away. As a concession, the Panthers promised that a bag of supplies would be delivered to their homes the following week.[82] As a way of supplementing their Breakfast Program, the Panthers partnered with the city’s “Free Lunch Program” in July 1971. The Free Lunch Program, administered by the city’s Recreation Department and funded by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, provided 41,000 lunches daily to city agencies, community centers, schools, and churches for low-income children.[83] This program was an ideal complement to the Panthers’ Breakfast Program. Unfortunately, one year later, Panthers received disappointing news: their center, along with eight others, was dropped from the city’s free lunch program. William Harris, coordinator of special programs for the department, stated that the lunch program exceeded the department’s budget by one thousand lunches. Broadwater met with Harris and others at the department to determine if the reason for dropping the center from the program was because Panthers managed it.[84] Clearly, the Panthers were not being singled out as there were eight other centers affected as well. More importantly, the removal of nine community centers from the city’s lunch program was yet another example of the state’s inability to meet the needs of its poorest residents. This development demonstrated to Blacks in bold relief, the importance of being selfreliant rather than relying on the government for basic sustenance. In a heartfelt observation, M. Leroy Keyes said, I think that the Panthers did a great job in the community. The biggest problem that I’m always having with anything that happened in our community is the people sometimes, I don’t think, appreciate the help they received. Because when those programs turn out to no longer exist, it wasn’t because we did not have enough. It was because somehow they thought they can make off with all the money and started giving more to their friends and holding stuff. And what needed to stay in the community, started getting out of the community. Then everybody started getting in on it. One minute it’s supposed to be for Blacks only, then next thing you know it’s for single wives or single mothers, then all of a sudden the thing moves into an all-White neighborhood, so now Whites are actually running the program. Then you say, wait a minute, the Black Panthers started these programs, now you start looking at the top ladder and there’s not one Person of Color in charge of leading. And I think that’s how a lot of our programs are where they are today, because those programs that were started by the Panthers have never gotten their due process of recognition . . . a lot of the programs that we have out here today that are supporting not only Blacks, but immigrants who came here, maybe not like we did, but whether Hispanics or whoever . . . they are now benefiting from the hard work of the Black Panther

Party.[85] Keyes’s point is well taken and deserves further analysis. When the Panthers developed programs to better serve their communities, they exposed an area that the colonial structure was “successful” in not doing: meeting the needs of vulnerable populations. So, when the Panthers’ overall structure was strategically weakened and their programs could not be financially supported, the government co-opted some of these programs and renamed them for their own benefit. As a result, when a “new” program was presented to the general public (who lack critical awareness), they were likely to accept it as an ingenuous governmental initiative, rather than exploring the history that helped to shape it.

FREE CLOTHING DRIVE Like other Panther chapters throughout the U.S., Panthers in Philly not only provided food subsidies, but clothing as well. In October 1969, with the winter fast approaching, Panthers initiated a Free Clothing Project at the Wharton Centre on 22nd and Columbia Ave.[86] On a national level, this program complemented the Free Health Clinic, Liberation Schools, and Free Breakfast Programs.[87] In an article titled, “Free Clothes in Philly,” the Panthers put the program in perspective: Instead of sitting around and talking about the fact that kids need clothes, we’re going out and clothing them. While the pigs are shooting billions of our dollars up to the moon . . . we are dealing with the real situation. We hope to see the program implemented around the country, everywhere there is a need for it.[88] The Panthers realized that some families simply did not have the money to buy their children adequate winter clothing. It was not unusual to see kids walking to school wearing windbreakers with several layers underneath in an effort to protect themselves from the city’s brutal winters. As Reggie Schell recalled, Panthers diligently sought donations from dry cleaners, local merchants, and members of the community who would have ordinarily given their clothes to Goodwill. He continued, After the program expanded, we began to give clothes and donated food to those in need. The doors to the drive would open after we had enough to give people what they needed. Sometimes we were overwhelmed by the amount of people and at times barely had enough.[89] One reason why the Panthers barely had enough items to go around was because of their inability to ingratiate themselves with the city’s large department stores. For example, the response from stores like John Wannamakers and Gimbles was indifferent at best and hostile at worst. The usual reply was “we already donate to charities and you (the Black Panther Party) are not a recognized charity.”[90] Still

the Panthers were resourceful enough to collect clothing for hundreds of families. In fact, on Saturday, December 6, 1969, Panthers distributed coats, gloves, hats, and scarves to 125 youth at the Church of the New Life on 3604 W. Fairmount Ave.[91] In October 1970, the Panthers expanded the program, sponsoring a city-wide Free Clothing Program at four different locations.[92] Of all the services that the Panthers offered, the Free Clothing Program had the longest tenure—lasting until the mid1970s.[93]

MARK CLARK MEMORIAL CLINIC Months after expanding the Free Clothing Project, local Quakers and doctors donated a facility and medical equipment to establish the Mark Clark Memorial Clinic (aka Mark Clark People’s Free Medical Clinic).[94] By opening a Clinic, the Panthers addressed one of the most pressing needs among communities of Color—the lack of adequate health care. Health professionals, volunteer doctors, and nurses from the Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) organized and managed the Clinic.[95] Panthers invited members from the community to assist with the day-to-day running of the Clinic, which was open every day except Tuesday and Wednesday from 5:30 P.M. to 9:00 P.M. The Clinic was erected at 1609 Susquehanna Street in North Philly with the primary purpose of treating basic ailments. The facility also served as an emergency first aid center and emphasized a personal approach where “bedside manner” was the norm rather than the exception. Additional services included: (1) diagnostic testing; (2) vaccines for tuberculosis, measles, polio, smallpox, and diphtheria; (3) blood tests; and (4) free infant formula.[96] In addition to the offerings listed above, the Clinic provided courses in planned parenthood for expectant couples, assessed patients’ medical histories, conducted simple urine tests, and recorded blood pressures, temperatures, and pulse rates.[97] The childbirth course was especially popular because, among other things, it strongly encouraged the participation of the baby’s father. Parents were taught breathing and delivery relaxation techniques, which eliminated the need for anesthesia and painkillers during birth. The Panthers were of the opinion that a natural childbirth was medically safe. They maintained that “everyone who has been through the course at the clinic . . . have had their babies with a minimum of discomfort . . .”[98] Finally, the Clinic played a major role in screening patients for Sickle-Cell Anemia. The Panthers, as a whole, realized that Blacks were disproportionately affected by Sickle-Cell Anemia and became pioneers by offering the necessary medical care for those affected. By May 1971, 3,500 people in Philadelphia were screened and 215 of them were diagnosed with having either the trait or the disease. Those who were found to have the disease were taken to Mercy-Douglas Hospital for further tests. Since the costs and distance associated with that particular hospital were out of reach for many, the Panthers transported and often subsidized their treatment.[99] The Panthers—aware that many Blacks could not afford health care—

understood that most Blacks avoid seeing a doctor or did not go to a hospital unless it was absolutely necessary. Unfortunately for the patient, when he or she finally decided to seek medical treatment, their condition exacerbated. As a way of dealing with this reality, the Panthers instituted an Out-Reach Program that took the doctor to the patient. Among the features that this initiative provided were Free Speech and Hearing evaluations; and by the end of June, over 150 people had been evaluated. [100]

MAKING THE CITY SAFE Since their inception, the Panthers realized that in order to make Philadelphia a place where Blacks could live peacefully, and children could play uninhibited, Blacks needed to feel safe in their communities. However, because of pervasive gang activity, many Blacks were uncomfortable walking the streets of their own neighborhoods. While Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York received the lion’s share of scholarly attention, as gangs were concerned, in Philadelphia, gang problems were not a new phenomenon. The period between 1967 to mid-1970 witnessed 100 gang-related slayings. Forty-one of them occurred by the end of 1969, and seventeen occurred by July 1970.[101] Of the 93 gangs, which consisted of 5,300 members, 72 were Black (77.4 percent).[102] Despite negative portrayals, Reverand Womack expressed that “some of the gangs that rose in the city during this time served as a form of protection from law enforcement.” He recalled the gangs during an earlier period: Between 1939 and 1948, the White people that we were encountering, because of where we lived, were not very tolerant of Blacks that would exert themselves. They had that feeling of being better and as a result, they felt like they needed to keep us in our place . . . whatever they assigned to us, as being our place. So, we used to form what we called “clubs” and the law enforcement people referred to them as gangs. But we thought of them as club organizations where neighborhood friends would meet together . . . some of us even had jackets that we would have made.[103] Many of the Panthers knew that gang culture severely deviated from their initial purpose in youth coming together and protection against White attackers; however, during the 1960s, they were determined to keep the city safe from becoming flooded with gang-related crimes and violence. The Panthers realized the danger gang members posed to themselves, their survival programs, and the community. Furthermore, without proper intervention, the onus would be placed on colonial henchmen that lacked sensitivity and would solve the ‘problem’ with repressive measures. Case in point, Commissioner Frank Rizzo recognized that gangs were linked to social ills and placed the responsibility on the communities.[104] However, he was not going to be passive and allow such anti-social behaviors to persist. So, he proposed that the most effective solution was a “get-tough program aimed at

breaking up the killer gangs and putting their leaders behind bars.”[105] The Panthers realized that if they did not appropriately intervene in gang activity, they would be indirectly contributing to the reactionary suicide of many gang members.[106] Consequently, their first order of business was to get the various gangs to come together in one place where they could hash out their differences. By recognizing the revolutionary potential of many of those involved in gangs; the Panthers not only wanted to quell gang activity, but wanted to heighten gang members’ level of consciousness.[107] In an article titled, “Philadelphia’s Gangs Organizing to Serve the Community,” the Panthers wrote, “these brothers are very important in our struggle for survival, we know that we must help preserve many of our future leaders, our beautiful young manhood.”[108] During this June 2, 1971, meeting, the Panthers sat eight to ten rival gangs together, peacefully, to discuss their problems.[109] Prior to this period, the Panthers were well-immersed and successful in gang intervention. On November 7–9, 1969, the Panthers held a conference at the Central Branch of the YMCA.[110] This meeting was prompted by a recent death of a young, Black girl who was sitting on her steps when she was struck by a gang member’s stray bullet. [111] This tragedy may have served as the catalyst for such a conference, but community residents had long been fed up with gang killings. Clay Dillon reported that the sessions focused on putting an end to gang violence. The Panthers pointed out to the two hundred or so gang members in attendance that they had a responsibility to create safe conditions for people in the community. “Women are afraid to walk the streets, day and night. Children are terrorized and brutalized on their way to and from school. This activity is ending as of this conference,” said one Panther spokesperson. [112]

Panthers blamed gang members for creating a climate of fear among their own people rather than promoting an atmosphere of “Brotherly Love.” Panthers chided young Blacks for joining gangs to get respect. They pointed out that the respect that they commanded was superficial, because the community did not genuinely respect them. One Panther in particular scolded gang members saying, “Whenever the pigs want, they will cut off your electricity, gas and water . . . the more you keep on killing each other the better the pigs chances are to justify their actions to the public.”[113] He tried to point out to the gangs that if they had respect within their communities the pigs would not be able to manipulate them or move on them as they had done in the past, because the people would not have allowed it. However, since the community does not support gangs, the police can treat gang members as they please. One Panther submitted, “you won’t have their (the community’s) support or respect until you have done something for the people.”[114] Since some Party members were formerly associated with gangs, they easily related to the stories of gang members. This understanding enabled the Panthers to form alliances with several of the gangs. More importantly, because of the respect that the gangs had for the Party, Panthers were able to encourage some gang

members to redirect their energies in a positive direction. Some gang members were drafted by the Panthers to assist with the Chapter’s Breakfast Program.[115] This gesture challenged the notion that gangs were a homogeneous group of incorrigible hoodlums. In all, what separated Panthers from many other organizations was that they were not armchair revolutionaries, but rather activists willing to convert theory into practice. Unlike some groups that condescendingly lectured to the people about what was good for them, or what the social problems were, the Panthers were constantly on the streets interacting with residents, asking questions, conducting surveys, and seeking feedback from the community. In essence, the Party had their finger on the pulse of Black public opinion. On August 11, 1970, a two-week workshop called, “Gang Structure and its Influence in the Educational Process,” was held at Temple University for teachers, counselors, and administrators.[116] Led by the 12th and Oxford St. gangs and keynoted by Dr. Bernard Watson, the event explored the reasons that motivated youth to join gangs. To no one’s surprise, high unemployment, poverty, and lack of economic opportunity were linked to the rise of gangs. The following day, gang members Jimmy Robinson, David Leach, and David Williams criticized the police force and the press for indirectly promoting gang warfare.[117] Robinson stated, “. . . you tell me to respect the police. They only use gang members to keep up the arrest figures.”[118] In regards to the press, he commented, “By calling each killing or beating in the ghetto a gang incident, and labeling gangs as ‘notorious,’ every other gang in the city wants that. But if a killing happens in the suburbs, it was a ‘group of youth at a party.’”[119] With this statement, Robinson exposed three overlooked areas of gang violence: (1) how police perpetuated gang conflict; (2) how the press fuels gangs’ desire for street credibility (i.e., respect); and (3) how the press frames violence in Black communities in comparison to its occurrence in White neighborhoods. Later in the day, Dr. Watson logically noted that when a young man has access to a number of appealing and viable alternatives to joining a gang, delinquency decreases. As an example, he referenced the seven-month protest initiated by Cecil B. Moore in 1965. That year, Moore, a prominent civil rights attorney, organized the community to force the desegregation of Girard College, an all-male institution in North Philly that catered to orphans interested in attending college.[120] Some of those who participated in the 1965 protest were members of the city’s various gangs. Clarence Peterson remembered how Moore challenged him and other youth to mobilize against the real enemy rather than engaging in gang wars.[121] Although the workshop addressed critical issues associated with gangs, oddly, the Philadelphia Inquirer did not mention the Panthers’ ongoing work with many of the city’s gangs. About a week later, Panthers held another meeting on gang activity. “Victims of gang violence” was the topic on this occasion. The sparsely attended meeting was held at the Church of the Advocate on 18th and Diamond streets. It was revealed that since the beginning of 1969, 65 deaths were related to gang warfare.[122] The

Panthers called upon North Philadelphia residents to “construct a community which is free of the bloody streets of the past.”[123] The Panthers charged police with instigating violence between rival gangs and claimed that, “the Police Department and its countless undercover branches feed more fuel to the fire.”[124] Panthers cited instances where police officers picked up gang members, drove them to enemy territory, and dropped them off to be beaten, stabbed, or murdered.[125] After the Panthers vacated their Columbia Ave. office in early 1971, one North Philadelphia resident stated that gang violence increased especially among the Valley Gang, Norris Street Gang, and the Oxford Street Gang.[126] Although this was one person’s perspective, it suggests that the Panthers’ role in helping to suppress gang activity may not have been inconsequential.

CITY COUNCIL CAMPAIGNS The Panther’s commitment to uplifting Black Philadelphians extended beyond community survival programs and working with gangs to include electoral politics as a means of improving Black lives. Historically, Blacks’ role in city politics was the following: before 1950 their influence was nonexistent; and from 1950 to 1960, Blacks were bit players in a high stakes political poker game. Translation—they were in the game, but on the periphery. From 1850 to 1951 the Republican Party had a stranglehold on the city.[127] Although Blacks became “the tool of the Republicans,” after regaining the right to vote in 1870, they failed to reap the benefits of the Republican machine.[128] Two reasons accounted for this monopoly: The first suggests that the Quakers, who avoided mixing politics with business, held sway with the upper echelon of the business community with whom Blacks had little leverage; and second, the Republican machine endorsed protective tariffs and safeguarded U.S. manufacturing companies from foreign competitors.[129] Hence, civic responsibility and community prosperity took a back seat to the city’s business interests. Business elites were unwilling to “bite the hands” that fed them huge profits and provided them with unlimited amounts of patronage. Consequently, “Philadelphia industrialists were not moved to throw the Republican rascals out, for doing so would have meant losing powerful allies in Congress.”[130] With such an emphasis on commerce, those in positions of power practically ignored things such as affordable and equitable housing for low-income people, well-paying jobs, and well-equipped schools for those trapped in the inner city. Black Philadelphians felt this sting more so than any other group (e.g., Shame of the City). In April 1951, a combined effort by industry and community leaders led to a proposed plan to usher in the municipality of the future, the Home Rule Charter. The Charter called for a “strong mayor” form of government; retained the City Council, while reducing its size; fortified the civil service system, based on merit; and gave the city planning commission more responsibility while reducing the number of departments and boards. The importance of the Charter was that it shifted political

power from the state to the city. However, Peter McGrath argued that the mayoral powers, the smaller city council, and the downsizing of departments inadvertently presented problems.[131] McGrath maintained that communication between city officials and their constituents was impaired because there were fewer councilmen to address citizens’ needs. More specifically, between 1910 and 1974, the council members to citizens’ ratio went from 145 council members representing 1,549,000 residents (1:10,683) to 17 council members representing 1,950,098 residents (1:114,712).[132] This reduction: (1) hindered departments and boards from tackling the city’s problems effectively and in a timely manner; (2) made communication between citizens and the council arduous, thus directing less attention to the needs of the community; and (3) placed concern on checks and balances when a considerable amount of power was concentrated in one area.[133] Later that year, city reform ousted the self-absorbed, Republican machine and elected Mayor Joseph S. Clark and District Attorney Richardson Dilworth.[134] Blacks, who comprised 25 percent of the city, placed their support in the Democratic administration’s focus on the deplorable conditions of the inner city.[135] Under Mayor Clark, and later Dilworth, the government took a more active role in the economic and social life of the city with a special interest in the downtown area.[136] Clark believed that Philadelphia slums were abominable. Despite opposition from city and neighboring counties, Clark and Dilworth: Regarded adequate, nondiscriminatory housing as both a moral and political issue. Helping African Americans get decent shelter would not only cement them to the Democratic Party, they believed, it would also help rebuild rundown parts of the city and rescue many blacks from the worst effects of poverty.[137] Conrad Weiler contended that the civil service reforms implemented by the Clark administration as well as the appointment of a Black to the Civil Service Commission earned the Black community’s loyalty.[138] Clark’s administration laid the groundwork for the election of Dilworth, who was responsible for the development of high-rise public housing. The Clark and Dilworth administrations produced dividends for a sector of the Black community. Rev. Marshall L. Shepard was elected Recorder of Deeds, becoming the first Black to hold a major elective office in Philadelphia. Rev. William Gray, a Black minister from North Philly, was appointed to the Board of the Redevelopment Authority. These breakthroughs opened the door for Blacks to hold elected, bureaucratic, and appointed positions in Philadelphia.[139] By 1962, Mayor James H. J. Tate, “the first Irish Catholic,” took office and during his leadership (1962–1972), Blacks occupied “numerous high city posts, becoming deputy mayor, department heads, and heads of antipoverty and urban-improvement programs.”[140] This was an interesting dynamic, since there existed years of strain between the two groups.[141] The 1960s now marked the opportunity for Blacks to have greater

influence in elections and a sense of political efficacy. But, this only benefited a few, as most Blacks scrutinized the political realm and shifted with the tides of militancy and civil rights to confront social disarray. As Amos Wilson once articulated, In the context of the American dilemma the socioeconomic immobilization and destruction of the African American population must occur most intensely at the very time when a minuscule segment of that population appears to be garnering increased social and political status, and when a very substantial percentage of African Americans are deceived into thinking that such increasing status is indicative of “Black progress.”[142] The Panthers, unimpressed by the myth of progress and conscious of the conditions plaguing Philadelphia, decided to pursue political office. So, in May 1969, Schell, in concert with others, decided to run Panthers for city council. He urged Milton McGriff and Craig Williams to run for the 7th and 1st districts—two seats that had recently become vacant due to the untimely deaths of the incumbents, Joseph J. Hersch (D) and Benjamin Curcuruto (R).[143] Of the two, the 1st district was considered the most wide open contest. The Democrats threw their support behind Nate F. Carabello, a short, stocky, mustachioed, 32-year-old attorney and political novice. The Republicans countered with William J. Cottrell, a 49-year-old, “self-made man” who worked his way through law school. He too was a relative newcomer to politics. Williams, a 27-year-old articulate veteran of the Air Force was among three candidates running as independents; the others were Leonard Galloway a 28-yearold, African American in the women’s wear business who ran on the Consumer Party ticket, and Thomas K. Gilhool, a 31-year-old attorney and independent Democrat who represented the Urban Action Party. Gilhool was in the unique position of having won the endorsement of Mayor James Tate while bucking his own party.[144] None of the three independents were given much of a chance. The 7th district race was considered even less suspenseful than the 1st district election. Harry P. Jannotti, a 45-year-old Democrat and former deputy chief clerk of the City Council, was regarded by most as the overwhelming favorite. This was because the 7th was one of the strongest Democratic strongholds in the city. William H. Wright, the Republican, was a 63-year-old schoolteacher with nearly 40 years in the public school system. McGriff, 28-years-old, along with Fred C. Barnes, a 46-year-old bartender running on the Consumer Party ticket, were the two independents. According to the Philadelphia Daily News, McGriff, the salesman, who had been particularly impressive “while cutting through traditional campaign dialogue to emphasize the needs of the district” was a long shot.[145] When asked why he chose to run McGriff and Williams, Schell explained that they were “more mature and more sophisticated than some of the younger guys. They came across very professional and were ideal in terms of allaying voters’ fears that the Panthers were violent and only interested in guns.”[146] The Panthers’ decision to run for political offices rose more than a few eyebrows among those in power.

When reporters from the Philadelphia Tribune contacted the office of city council president Paul D’Ortona for comment, a spokesman for D’Ortona responded, “It’s their prerogative. If they (the Panthers) can qualify for the seats, nobody can stop them from running.”[147] In order to run, the Panthers had to petition the secretary of state to get on the ballot as a third party. After the Panthers collected the required number of signatures and were given a place on the ballot, they were then faced with the formidable task of defeating their opponents. In an open letter to Mayor Tate (a few weeks before the election), McGriff sarcastically called on the mayor to attend to some of the districts’s most glaring needs. Among them was an adequate medical facility for the residents of North Philadelphia. Said McGriff, “Are you in favor of Free Clinics and Hospitals, Jim? I mean, do poor people have a right to be healthy?” McGriff promised to “propose a bill that will provide a hot breakfast and a wholesome lunch, free, for every child that wants them.”[148] The primary impetus for the Panthers’ foray into electoral politics was dissatisfaction with those who held those seats in the past. For years, the Democrats had taken the Black vote for granted; making special entreaties to the African American community during the campaign, but once elected conveniently forgetting that the Black vote helped their election. Consequently, the Panthers felt a disconnection between the politicians who occupied those seats and the people who lived in those districts.[149] Indeed most of those who occupied those seats in the past felt no particular attachment to the Black community, and in turn, disregarded Black lives. The Panthers realized that the game was being played in the political circle, which was not a common space frequented by Blacks, and by occupying those seats, they could potentially, and more effectively, tend to issues like public housing, school desegregation, and poverty. Early in the campaign Schell stated that, “councilmen who don’t even reside in the district call themselves representing the people.”[150] Schell and others canvassed both districts imploring residents to register and vote for McGriff and Williams. The Panthers believed that the election of McGriff and Williams would be an important step toward gaining “community control of the police.”[151] Schell envisioned a community where its police officers lived in the neighborhoods in which they worked. [152]

The Panthers put together a commendable get out and vote drive. They leafletted parks, posted signs in stores, bars, and handed out fliers in front of churches. In response, many people signed on as campaign volunteers. Buoyed by the excitement that surrounded both elections, many volunteers elected to maintain their connection to the Party, staying on as community workers for the chapter even after the elections were over. As part of their campaigns both McGriff and Williams held “coffee klatches” where district residents visited with them and asked questions about their platform. On Election Day, however, both McGriff and Williams lost by huge margins. Williams’s race was especially tough as he faced a Black incumbent who

was relatively popular among the Black electorate. The Panthers’ effort was a valiant one; however, they simply did not have the type of political organization in place to make a serious run for elected office. Most of all, the Panthers lacked the financial resources to promote the campaigns of William and McGriff; accordingly, they were reduced to knocking on doors and passing out flyers.[153] Media advertising, which is essential to most viable political campaigns, and accounts for a disproportionate amount of the money spent by politicians, was not an option for the Panthers, whose operating budget had always been meager. Although McGriff and Williams lost by landslides, their campaigns served notice to the political establishment that the Black community would no longer stand by and allow Whites to do all the political wrangling. Win or lose, the progressive Black voice would be heard.[154] Moreover, the Panthers’ actions demonstrated to Blacks that there was more to party politics than just the Democrats and Republicans.[155] “Blacks did not have to be prisoners of the Democratic Party, they could run as Independents.”[156] More than anything, the campaigns of McGriff and Williams made people aware of the Black Panther Party’s desire to shift the balance of power in the city of Philadelphia. By 1970, the chapter had solidified itself as a vehicle for progressive change; and no one was more aware of this than Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo.

REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE’S CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION Prior to hosting the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention, Party members recognized that they would need the assistance of all who had any sympathy for their goals. Meeting space was the first order of business, and the Panthers wasted no time in asking the well-known and highly respected Father Paul M. Washington of the Church of the Advocate, for use of his church, to which he agreed. However, the church alone would not suffice. A much larger public space was needed as well, and it was decided that Temple University would be approached and asked to make available its large new gymnasium. Father Washington joined a group of citizens, which included Philadelphia Bar Association president Robert Landis, to meet with Temple officials to win their cooperation. Temple agreed; and the site was set.[157] The Philadelphia Tribune reported that the conference was, “the first step towards guaranteeing us the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness . . . a constitution that has the respect for the people; a Constitution that serves the people instead of the ruling class.”[158] Attendees from a variety of constituencies were represented as they assembled to discuss issues such as gender equality, universal health care, the right to bear arms, the purpose of a standing Army, freedom to pursue one’s own sexual orientation, and community control of the police. Others came to the conference for less substantive reasons like to get a glimpse of Huey Newton, who had recently been released from prison after serving nearly three years for voluntary manslaughter. Whatever the reason, the conference was well attended.

Reports on the number of people who attended the Revolutionary Peoples’ Constitutional Convention vary widely.[159] Nearly 10,000 people reported for the opening of the convention at Temple University’s McGonigle Hall.[160] Another source claimed that more than 14,000 people attended the three-day affair; while another suggested that participation barely reached 5,000.[161] Still, the atmosphere was electric and the people were invigorated. Fiery speeches marked the first day of the much-anticipated conclave. New York Panther Michael “Cetawayo” Tabor (a member of the NY 21) proved to be a crowd favorite. Flanked by menacing looking guards at each side of the podium in McGonigle Hall, Tabor spoke for two hours; he submitted that the present constitution was inadequate and had historically functioned to exclude and oppress “240,000 indentured servants, 800,000 black slaves, 300,000 Indians, and all women, to say nothing of sexual minorities.”[162] Towards the end of his speech, Tabor called on all minorities to become revolutionaries. All minorities— Blacks, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Orientals—“who live within the belly of the beast must take a revolutionary stand,” Tabor exhorted as the audience chanted “power to the people.”[163] Following Tabor, speakers included Audrea Jones, leader of the Boston branch of the Party and Panther attorney Charles Garry. The day climaxed with a keynote speech by Newton. His appearance was greeted with a response not unlike that reserved for movie stars or musicians as euphoria broke out when he took the stage. He told a wildly cheering audience that a new day was dawning for Black Americans and other minority groups. “We gather to proclaim to the world that for 200 years we have suffered this long train of abuses and usurpations,” he said, referring to the Declaration of Independence, “while holding to the hope that this would pass. We recognize, however, that it has not passed and we are a people who enjoy no equal protection of (under) the law, and our future action must be guided by our sufferance, not by our prudence.”[164] The Black Panther Party “calls for a Constitution that will bring about a socialist government in which all groups will be adequately represented in the decision-making and administration that affects their lives.”[165] It is a fact that we will change society, Newton submitted, as throngs cheered and applauded. “It will be up to the oppressors if this is going to be a peaceful change.”[166] Newton astutely noted that the U.S. had changed since the writing of the Constitution, evolving from a small and fairly racially and culturally homogenous country to an empire with a large and diverse population. The city of Philadelphia was a perfect example of the country’s transformation. In 1970, Blacks made up approximately 34 percent of the city’s nearly two million inhabitants, significantly higher than the 4 percent of nearly one hundred years earlier.[167] As far as Newton was concerned, a Constitution that reflected these developments was long overdue. As hundreds of people waved flags and beat drums outside of McGonigle Hall, inside, Newton lectured the audience on the growth of capitalism. He stated, “The Democratic capitalism of our early days became a relentless drive to obtain profits and more profits until the selfish motivation for profit eclipsed the unselfish principles

of democracy.”[168] He continued, “The history of the United States leads us to the conclusion that our sufferance is basic to the function of the government.”[169] Unable to resist taking a shot at the city’s administration Newton, lashed out at Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo, calling him “Bozo” and an oppressor to the delight of the crowd. News reports indicated how 4,500 attendees in the auditorium shouted, screamed, and applauded Newton’s remarks. Despite the hyped-up buzz, some did not find Newton’s speech especially impressive. Mumia Abu-Jamal, for example, believed that the audiences’ reaction was the result of “the presence of Huey P. Newton, not his ideas.”[170] The convention adopted scores of resolutions explaining the principles of the new society for which its participants were struggling; it did not however, formulate any unified political strategy for carrying out the struggle. Despite the lofty expectations that surrounded the three-day assembly, reviews were mixed. Milton McGriff opined that the Panthers missed a great opportunity to demonstrate publicly their influence in the city.[171] Elbert “Big Man” Howard, deputy minister of information of the BPP, however, stated “We know that the sessions were a success, despite the police raids to keep us from holding the sessions in a public building.”[172] Substantively, the convention may have fallen short, but symbolically it was a rousing success. With the unveiling of Intercommunalism and fusion of diverse groups, the event was a rebellious act and illustrated the Panthers’ commitment to revolution. Furthermore, the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention culminated the Panthers’ conscious and organizational development. When reviewing some of the themes of this event, I am reminded of Denmark Vesey’s Rebellion in 1822 (Charleston, SC), which had the potential to become one of the greatest rebellions in U.S. history if it were not thwarted. In a strategic tactic, Vesey delivered a vision to free his people from the claws of oppression, by calling on enslaved Africans from various tribes to strategically de-emphasize their African ethnicities and merge into a single unit.[173] The mere proposal of this was a revolutionary act and symbolized the degree of social consciousness needed to secure a group’s liberation. Regrettably, this message was not encapsulated by all of the enslaved. As a result, Vesey’s plan was breached by informants and led to the hanging of 35 people; the deportation of 43 people; and the eventual release of 35 captives from holding.[174] This event in the Black liberation struggle offered firm evidence why revolutionaries such as Fanon and Newton believed that revolution (i.e., de-colonization) was a step-by-step process that must be explained to the People, especially the lumpenproletariat.[175] The Panthers, cognizant of their audience’s consciousness, realized that it would be asinine to advocate violence to achieve liberation at the Convention. Instead, they ingeniously attacked the symbols of United States resistance/freedom in three ways. First, they mobilized thousands of disenfranchised people to return to the city that was once the nation’s capital and birthplace of American resistance. Second, they highlighted the contradictions between the ideals of democracy articulated in the country’s most sacrosanct documents (Declaration of Independence and U.S.

Constitution) and the United States’ failure to practice fairly under such doctrines. Finally, the Panthers helped the many attendees believe that change was imminent and that they too could engrave their names, not only in the city, but also on the stone of history.

Figure 4.1. Barbara Cox BPP at Fred Hampton Memorial Service at Church of the Advocate, 1969. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

Figure 4.2. Barbara Cox reading to child at Panther Office, 1969. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

Figure 4.3. Cecilia Turner, Jenks, and Fish, 1969 Demonstration. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

Figure 4.4. Kentu, Barbara Cox, and Jonathan Pinkett, 1969. Reprinted by permission of Barbara EasleyCox.

Figure 4.5. Minatoe, William Brown, and Ethel Parish, 1969 Demonstration. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

Figure 4.6. Reggie Schell, 1970. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

Figure 4.7. Barbara Easley-Cox. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Easley-Cox.

NOTES 1. Carter G. Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro (Washington: African World Press, Incorporated, 1990/1933), 22–23. 2. Danielle Howard, “The Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party,” Panther Special International Edition in The Black Panther(Los Angeles, CA), Summer, 1995, 8. 3. Ibid.; Black Community News Service, “Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party.” Black Panther (Berkeley, CA), February, 1991, 20-21; Stephen N. Haymes, Race, Culture, and the City: A Pedagogy for Black Urban Struggle (Albany: State University of New York Press 1995), 118; bell hooks, Yearning: Race Gender and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990). 4. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, October 2005. 5. The Liberation Schools were initiated to assist community youth to become critical thinkers, self-determining, and theoretical practitioners. The Intercommunal Youth Institute was an extension of the Liberation Schools and was limited to the Panthers’ elementary-aged children. Its scope was broadened when its name changed to the Oakland Community School; Daniel Perlstein, “Minds Stayed on Freedom: Politics and Pedagogy in the African American Freedom Struggle,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William H. Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated, 2005); Joy Ann Williamson, “Community Control With a Black Nationalist Twist: The Black Panther Party’s Educational Programs,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated, 2005). 6. James Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers,” in Sources: Notable Selections in Education (2nd Edition), ed. Fred Schultz (Guilford: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1998). 7. The Black Panther Party Book List included texts from: Malcolm X, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Basil Davidson, Herbert Aptheker, Lerone Bennett, Jr., Arna W.

Bontemps, E.D. Cronin, W.E.B. Du Bois, John Hope Franklin, C.F. Frazier, Michael Harrington, Marcus Garvey, Melville J. Herskovitts, C.L.R. James, John Janheinz, LeRoi Jones (aka Amiri Baraka), C.E. Lincoln, Albert Memmi, William Patterson, J.A. Rogers, Charles H. Wesley, Carter G. Woodson, C. Van Woodward, and Richard Wright; “Black Panther Party Books,” It’s About Time BPP, accessed August 3, 2012, www.itsabouttimebpp.com/BPP_Books/bpp_books_index.html. 8. Chela Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), 155. 9. Ibid, Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, Incorporated, 2000/1970); Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1963); Huey P. Newton, Revolutionary Suicide (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973); Huey P. Newton, “Educate to Liberate,” Black Panther, March 27, 1971. 10. In actuality, Gaines v. Canada, 305 U.S. 337 (1938) marked the first victory to challenge the “separate but equal” clause as the U.S. Supreme Court “ruled that [Lloyd] Gaines’ right to equal protection under the law was violated when the University of Missouri School of Law rejected his application because he was Black.” One year later, Gaines was scheduled to testify against the University of Missouri’s continual discriminatory practices, but failed to show up, and to this day, his whereabouts are still unknown; Christina Asquith, “For Missing Civil Rights Hero, a Degree at Last,” Diverse: Issues in Higher Education 23, no. 6 (2006), 8-9. 11. In addition to Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), the class action lawsuit included: Briggs et al. v. Elliott et al., 342 U.S. 350 (1952); Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, 103 F. Supp 337 (1952); Gebhart v. Belton, 33 Del. Ch. 144, 87 A.2d 862 (Del. Ch. 1952), aff’d, 91 A.2d 137 (Del.1952); and Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954). 12. Gloria Ladson-Billings, The Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of AfricanAmerican Children (San Francisco: Josey-Bass, Incorporated, 2009/1994), 2; In 2003, I attended a lecture by Na’im Akbar in Cincinnati, Ohio who discussed the Brown v. Board of Education case. In his lecture, he stated that Brown was the first time that psychology was used in a Supreme Court decision. Furthermore, he exposed the one-sidedness of the Brown decision that failed to address how psychologically damaging separate schools were to White students who learned White supremacy and capitalistic ideology. 13. Joan D. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind (Washington: Institute for Independent Education, 1988). 14. Mumia Abu-Jamal, “Shadows of Brown,” Prison Radio, last modified on May 2, 2004, http://www.prisonradio.org.; Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical Race Theory: An Introduction (New York: New York University Press, 2001). 15. Abu-Jamal, “Shadows of Brown”. 16. Ibid. 17. Linda C. Tillman, “(Un)intended Consequences? The Impact of the Brown v. Board of Education Decision on the Employment Status of Black Educators,”

Education and Urban Society 36, no. 3 (2004). 18. Ibid. 286. 19. Ibid. 20. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 21. “Dale Cushinberry: School Life Before and After ‘Brown,’” National Public Radio, accessed on November 2, 2004,http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php? storyId=1905106. 22. William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968). 23. John Wolfinger, Philadelphia Divided: Race and Politics in the City of Brotherly Love (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).; Vincent P. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia: The Social and Educational History of a Minority Community, 1900-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979). 24. An example of Whites’ resistance to Blacks attending White schools was vividly captured in Melba Patillo-Beals’ personal testimony on the de-segregation of Little Rock Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1957; Melba P. Beals, Warriors Don’t Cry (New York: Simon Pulse, 1995). 25. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 26. Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia, 200. 27. Len Lear, “Segregation in Housing Also Ripped,” Philadelphia Tribune , October 25, 1967, 1, 3. 28. On a national level, unemployment for Blacks sat at 8.8 percent (twice that of Whites) in 1967. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics revealed that a family of four living in moderate standards had to have an annual income of $9,191 (it was $10,195 in NY). For Blacks, only one-tenth earned this amount and was often the case for dual earners. Moreover, Blacks families still earned less than White families with one working member; Whitney M. Young Jr., “White Dropout Better Off Than Negro Graduate,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 5, 1967, 7. 29. Lear, “Segregation in Housing Also Ripped.” 30. Kwame Ture and Charles Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation (New York: Vintage Books, 1992/1967), 22. 31. Lawrence H. Geller and John B. Wilder, “7th White Face on School Board is Resented, Survey Reveals,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 26, 1967, 1, 3. 32. U.S Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population and Housing, Vol. III, General Demographic Trends for Metropolitan Areas 1960-1970, Final Report, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971. 33. By 1969, Blacks’ school enrollment equated to 54.0 percent in the 290 public schools and 10.5 percent in the 150 parochial schools; Theodore W. Graham, “Record Half-Million Expected to Enter Public Schools in Sept.; Black Majority to Comprise 59 Percent of Students Enrolling,” Philadelphia Tribune , August 26, 1969. 34. John B. Wilder, “School Board Accused of Acting to Defeat Integrated Education,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 11, 1969. 35. John B. Wilder, “130,000 Black Kids Attend Segregated Schools, HRC Says,”

Philadelphia Tribune , March 9, 1971, 1, 2. 36. Retarded-Educable programs emphasized vocational trades (with some attention to the regular scholastic curriculum) to prepare students for productive lives. However, they were not permitted to receive diplomas, no matter their success; John B. Wilder, “Most Pupils Classified as Retarded-Educable by School Board are Black,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 17, 1970, 1, 2. 37. Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 38. Ibid. 39. Wanda J. Blanchett, “Disproportionate Representation of African American Students in Special Education: Acknowledging the Role of White Privilege and Racism,” Educational Researcher 35, no. 6 (2006); Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate, “Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education,” Teachers College Record 97 (1995). 40. Blanchett, “Disproportionate Representation of African American Students in Special Education” Educational Researcher 35, no. 6 (2006). 41. Students classified as retarded educable included the following characteristics: emotionally disturbed, slow learners, and discipline prone (which was higher for males); John B. Wilder, “Students Tabbed ‘Retarded’ By Teachers May Be Normal,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 14, 1970, 1, 3. 42. John B. Wilder, “Most Pupils Classified as Retarded-Educable by School Board are Black,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 17, 1970, 1, 2. 43. Wilder, “Students Tabbed ‘Retarded’ By Teachers May Be Normal”. 44. Blanchett, “Disproportionate Representation of African American Students in Special Education”; Ratteray, Freedom of the Mind . 45. William Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954 (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001). 46. Newton, “Educate to Liberate”, 9. 47. Ibid. 48. As a note, after speaking with a few Panthers, they revealed that this was the only documented text to detail Philadelphia’s P.E. classes. 49. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, January 2007. 50. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2007. 51. Ibid. 52. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, January 2007. 53. Ibid. 54. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2007. 55. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1963). 56. Nina Asher, “Beyond ‘Cool’ and ‘Hip’: Engaging the Question of Research and Writing as Academic Self-Woman of Color Other,” Qualitative Studies in Education 14, no. 1 (2001), 1083. 57. George Orwell, Animal Farm (New York: Signet Classic, 1996/1956). 58. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth .

59. “No Knowledge, No Freedom,” Black Panther, November 20, 1971, 19. 60. Ibid.; Although some members had difficulty recollecting the exact location of the library, I happened to meet a resident of the city who shed some light on the location. She stated, “I am not sure of the location of the Free Library where the Philadelphia Black Panthers used to speak. This was forty years ago, but I know my doctor’s office was near the library. I believe it was where Ridge Ave., 23rd St., and Cecil B. Moore Blvd. (previously Columbia Ave.) all came together.” 61. “No Knowledge, No Freedom.” 62. Herbert Hawkins in discussion with the author, November 2005. 63. Paulo Freire, Education, the Practice of Freedom (London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative, 1973/1967), 19. 64. Limit-acts are actions directed at negating and overcoming, rather than passively accepting, the “given”; Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed . 65. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 66. “Bozo Rizzo Runs For Mayor,” Black Panther, February 20, 1971, 4, 16. 67. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 68. Ibid.; “Panther Leader Calls Bombing ‘Sneak Attack,’” Philadelphia Tribune , March 17, 1970, 4. 69. M. Leroy Keyes in discussion with the author, March 2007. 70. “City’s Poor Children Fed by Black Panthers,” Philadelphia Tribune , July 8, 1969, 1, 2. 71. Ibid., 1. 72. Children’s Defense Fund, “The State of America’s Children,” accessed February 4, 2012, http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/stateof-americas-children.pdf; Ladson-Billings, The Dreamkeepers; Geneva Gay, Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research, and Practice (New York: Teachers College Press, 2000). 73. Sharon Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner: The Autobiography of Russell “Marron” Shoatz (New Paltz: Revolution Center, 1999), 155. 74. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 75. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007. 76. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, October 2005; Mumia AbuJamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 77. Ibid. 78. Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005. 79. Len Lear, “Panthers Don’t Teach Racism, Leader Says.” Philadelphia Tribune , January 27, 1970, 8. 80. Ibid. 81. “Needy Given Food by Black Panthers,” Urban Archives (Philadelphia, Pa.), July 23, 1972. 82. Ibid. 83. “City Removes 9 Centers From Free Lunch List,” Philadelphia Inquirer , July 29,

1972, 15. 84. Ibid. 85. M. Leroy Keyes in discussion with the author, March 2007. 86. “Panthers to Begin Giving Free Clothing to Children Sunday,” Philadelphia Tribune , October 21, 1969, 7. 87. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, January 2007. 88. “Free Clothes in Philly,” Black Panther, October 18, 1969, 8. 89. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 90. “Free Clothes in Philly.” 91. Clay Dillon, “125 Youngsters Given Free Clothing by Black Panthers.” Philadelphia Tribune , December 9, 1969, 3. 92. “Panthers to Hold Clothing Program Sun,” Philadelphia Tribune , October 10, 1970, 3. 93. “Black Panthers: Little Left,” Philadelphia Daily News , March 24, 1975. 94. Medical clinic was named after Mark Clark, a Panther slain at the hands of Chicago police on December 4, 1969; Lawrence H. Geller, “Panthers’ New Medical Clinic Attracts ‘Active’ Idealists,” Philadelphia Tribune , March 24, 1970, 5; see also, Judson L. Jeffries and Omari L. Dyson, “Nobody Knows My Name: The Marginalization of Mark Clark in America’s Collective Consciousness,” International Social Science Review 85, no. 3&4 (2010). 95. Ibid. 96. Ibid. 97. “‘Brotherly Love’ Can Kill You,” Black Panther, December 11, 1971, 9. 98. Ibid. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Pamela Haynes, “100 Slain by Gangs Here Since 1967, U.S. Congress Crime Probers are Told,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 18, 1970, 1. 102. Ibid. 103. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 104. Haynes, “100 Slain by Gangs Here Since 1967, U.S. Congress Crime Probers are Told,”. 105. James Cassell, “1969-Gang Violence At Home, Nixon in Washington,” Philadelphia Tribune , January 3, 1970, 24. 106. Huey P. Newton, Revolutionary Suicide (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973). 107. Judson L. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002). 108. “Philadelphia’s Gangs Organizing to Serve the Community,” Black Panther, June 12, 1971, 4. 109. Ibid. 110. Clay Dillon, “Gang Members Told to Stop Killings Here,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 11, 1969, 1, 2.

111. Ibid. 112. Ibid. 113. Ibid. 114. Ibid. 115. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 116. Elliot Brown, “Gang Problems Linked to Poverty,” Philadelphia Inquirer , August 1, 1970, 25. 117. Barbara Reiim, “Teen Gang Members Say Police, Schools, Press Incite ‘Wars,’” Philadelphia Inquirer , August 12, 1970, 33. 118. Ibid. 119. Ibid. 120. Girard College was desegregated after a U.S. Supreme Court decision in 1968. Reverand Womack reminisced on the antecedents to the case: “In the Girard College situation, Steven Girard willed $6 million to teach orphaned White boys. . . . That document was fought in a court of law by Cecil B. Moore in order to overturn that man’s will. The way Cecil B. Moore opted to fight the battle was, I’m going to say similar, to what the Lord had ordered Joshua . . . he had ordered Joshua to march around the walls of Jericho. And that is how Cecil B. Moore drew attention to the Girard College situation…by having people march around the walls of Girard College. And they eventually gave in.” 121. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 122. Tommy Cross, “Local Panthers Assail Gangs; Call for ‘Bloodless Community,’” Philadelphia Tribune , September 1, 1970, 14. 123. Ibid. 124. Ibid. 125. Ibid. 126. “Panthers Kept the Peace, Says Heroine of Gang Attack,” Philadelphia Tribune , March 20, 1971, 27. 127. Carolyn Adams, David Bartelt, David Elesh, Iva Goldstein, Nancy Kleniewski, and William Yancey, Philadelphia: Neighborhoods, Division, and Conflict in a Postindustrial City (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991). 128. Dennis Clark, The Irish Relations: Trials of an Immigrant Tradition (East Brunswick: Associated University Presses, Incorporated, 1982), 373. 129. Adams, Bartelt, Elesh, Goldstein, Kleniewski, and Yancey, Philadelphia. 130. Ibid., 13. 131. Peter A. McGrath, “Bicentennial Philadelphia: A Quaking City,” in Philadelphia: 1776-2076 A Three Hundred Year View, ed. Dennis J. Clark (Philadelphia: Kennikat Press Corp. 1975). 132. Ibid. 133. Adams, Bartelt, Elesh, Goldstein, Kleniewski, and Yancey, Philadelphia; McGrath, “Bicentennial Philadelphia”. 134. Clark, The Irish Relations, 29. 135. John Wolfinger, Philadelphia Divided: Race and Politics in the City of Brotherly

Love (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Adams, Bartelt, Elesh, Goldstein, Kleniewski, and Yancey, Philadelphia; Clark, The Irish Relations. 136. Cutler, William W., “The Persistent Dualism: Centralization and Decentralization in Philadelphia, 1854-1975,” in The Divided Metropolis: Social and Special Dimensions of Philadelphia, 1800-1975, ed. William W. Cutler III and Howard Gillette, Jr. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1980). 137. Wolfinger, Philadelphia Divided, 198. 138. Conrad Weiler, Philadelphia: Neighborhood, Authority, and the Urban Crisis (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974). 139. Ibid. 140. Clark, The Irish Relations, 30. 141. Gary B. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006); Clark, The Irish Relations; McGrath, “Bicentennial Philadelphia”; William E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro (New York: Schocken Books, Incorporated, 1967/1899). 142. Amos Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black SelfAnnihilation in Service of White Domination (Bronx: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 1990), 47. 143. B. Fidati, “Special Council Races Almost Unpredictable, Even Without Women,” Philadelphia Daily News , November 1, 1969, 4, 13. 144. Ibid. 145. Ibid., 13. 146. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 147. Clay Dillon, “Panthers Run for Council,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 9, 1969, 1, 3. 148. “Panther Candidate Bares Claws in Letter to Tate,” Philadelphia Tribune , October 18, 1969, 9. 149. Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro. 150. Dillon, “Panthers Run for Council” Philadelphia Tribune , September 9, 1969, 1, 3. 151. Ibid., 3. 152. Ibid.; Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro. 153. Milton McGriff in discussion with the author, November 2005. 154. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 155. Ibid. 156. Ibid. 157. Paul M. Washington and David McL. Gracie, “Other Sheep I Have”: The Autobiography of Father Paul M. Washington (Philadelphia: Temple University, 1994). 158. “Huey Newton to Speak at Black Panther Unit Conference at Temple,” Philadelphia Tribune , August 15, 1970, 2. 159. This marked the first meeting to re-write the Constitution. The second meeting was scheduled to be in Washington, D.C., in the latter part of the year, but it was unsuccessful.

160. Dennis Kirkland and John P. Clancy, “Panthers Refuse Goods Returned by City Policemen,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 3, 1970, 1, 11. 161. Father Paul Washington stated that, “registration was done at the Church of the Advocate.” He continued, “people who could not get into McGonigle Hall, heard Huey speak at the Church of the Advocate”; On the Prowl: The Black Panther Party in Philadelphia, directed by Cecilia Clinkscale (1994; Colorado Springs, Colo.: Taurus Production, 1994), VHS.; Fred J. Hamilton, Rizzo (New York: Viking Press, 1973); Pamela Haynes, “Panthers’ Meeting Began Closed on Peaceful Note,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 8, 1970, 1, 3. 162. “Not to Believe in a New World After Philadelphia is a Dereliction of the Human Spirit,” Black Panther, September 26, 1970, 17. 163. Dennis Kirkland and William Thompson, “Hundreds Gather in Phila. For Panthers’ Convention,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 5, 1970, 1. 164. Dennis Kirkland, David Umansky, and Cliff Linedecker, “Words Hot, People Cool at Temple,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 6, 1970, 1, 11. 165. Thomas J. Madden, “Newton Hails ‘New Day Dawning,’” Philadelphia Tribune , September 6, 1970, 1, 9. 166. Ibid., 1. 167. U.S Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1970. Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania—Section 1. U.S., Washington: Government Printing Office, 1973. 168. Madden, “Newton Hails ‘New Day Dawning,’”, 1, 9. 169. Ibid. 170. Mumia Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party (Cambridge: South End Press, 2004), 75. 171. Milton McGriff in discussion with the author, November 2005. 172. The raids on Panther offices will be detailed later; Acel. Moore and John Clancy, “Revolutionaries Reassert Goals as Parley Ends,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 8, 1970, 1. 173. Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Gayatri Spivak, Outside in the Teaching Machine (New York: Routledge, 1993). 174. Ibid. 175. Judson L. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002); Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth .

Chapter 5

Panthers in a State of Siege Acts of repression are the reactions of a system in America that is afraid. It is an understandable reaction. It does not make sense for people to attack and challenge what they correctly feel is a tyrannical system, and then be upset when the tyrant swings a stick at them. The system is afraid, and the reason it did not resort to repressive measures earlier is because it was not yet afraid. If demonstration and challenge to the system in America would stop tomorrow, acts of repression would cease also because the cause of fear would have been eliminated.[1] It is not surprising that most explanations concerning the demise of the Black Panther Party center on overt acts of governmental/political repression (e.g., raids, arrests, and assassinations); however, very little attention attempts to analyze the subliminal force(s) that influenced governmental actors to undermine organizations in the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. To elaborate, repression is commonly associated with the work of Sigmund Freud and his development of psychoanalytic theory. Freud argued that individuals develop a fixation (or an excessive attachment) to a person or object due to frustration or overindulgence, which will hinder or cause them to overexert expressions of sexual and/or aggressive energy to a person or object.[2] This process occurs at an unconscious level, and then, this fixation develops into defense mechanisms that prevent movement beyond the established state. Defense mechanisms help to alleviate any potential anxiety/discomfort inducing situations that can harm the ego.[3] Although the process aids in the protection of the ego, the counter-effect leaves the individual with a distorted perception of reality. There are numerous defense mechanisms that individuals have produced to overcome emotionally taxing events, but I will emphasize four defenses (i.e., psychological repression, projection, reaction formation, and omnipotence) and how they apply to the relationship between governmental practices and the Black Panther Party. Psychological repression occurs when an anxiety-provoking thought, feeling, or traumatic event(s) is involuntarily transferred to the unconscious mind.[4] For example, in the process of passing, individuals from a subjugated group seek membership into a privileged group.[5] In this migratory endeavor, some individuals will mimic the lifestyle, behavior, appearance, and culture of the dominant group with the intention of being accepted. In other instances, individuals will intentionally marry and/or reproduce with members of a privileged group in hopes that they and their children, if applicable, will have an increased chance of social elevation. An overlooked example of passing occurred with J. Edgar Hoover, who was able to pass without increased attention directed to his sexual and racial identity.[6] Therefore, as a way to conceal his identities, he overcompensated by acting viciously towards homosexuals, women,

and People of Color, mainly Blacks.[7] Through projection, individuals attribute their own undesirable traits to others.[8] In the case of the Panthers, they worked to protect and defend themselves and their community from the brutal acts of White rogues. Rather than receiving praise for such an act, they were negatively stereotyped by the media and law enforcement as violent, criminal, and hypersexed.[9] In Philadelphia, Panthers faced opposition from police officers who circulated rumors that they were criminals, communists, and racists.[10] These rumors helped to mischaracterize the group, while swaying public opinion to one of disinterest when Panther initiatives were in need of support. If one were to further investigate such attacks on the Panthers, he/she would find that there was very little evidence that supported such claims. However, when probing the practices used by police officials against Panthers and the Black community (e.g, police brutality), one would find that there were numerous acts of criminality, capitalistic abuse, and racism that governed their behaviors. Unlike the previous defense mechanisms, reaction formation occurs when individuals adopt behaviors that belie their true feelings.[11] For example, individuals of a particular race may consign persons in another racial group to an inferior position. However, unconsciously, they believe themselves to be inferior, but behave in ways that suggest otherwise. To illustrate, in the process of liberation, a thorough analysis of oppression will reveal that the oppressor is as much in need of liberation as the oppressed.[12] While the oppressed struggle to liberate themselves from dehumanization; the oppressor capitalizes on this de-humanization.[13] Regrettably, in the process, the oppressors continue to lose a part of their humanity. Rather than refocusing their avariciousness and malice to create a humanitarian society, dominant groups perceive liberatory quests (i.e., resistance) as threatening to the structure to which they are the primary beneficiaries. In application to the Panthers, personal testimonies in combination with governmental documentations indicated that agents of repression responded to them with measures typically reserved for a foreign enemy in order to maintain hegemony.[14] Finally, the notion of omnipotence manifests when individuals handle stressors by presenting themselves as superior to Others.[15] Historically, dominant groups have devised many methods (e.g., religion, education, media, entertainment, etc.) to subjugate historically oppressed groups and deem them inferior when juxtaposed to them. Through a post-colonial lens, Panthers used strategies such as gun toting, intellectual blended with scathing discourse, and pig baiting to challenge White supremacy. Essentially, the Panthers strategically essentialized themselves and utilized a simplified group identity with the aim of securing their liberation.[16] Simply put, they turned negative stereotypes (e.g., black and guns) against themselves and used them to forge a liberation movement that sparked a cultural revolution (e.g., natural hair, black and blue outfits, self defense, and voice).[17] Although many of these strategies fail to receive their due attention, they were an indispensable step in decolonizing the mentality of some Blacks, among other groups, who feared White

reprisal or truly saw Whites as superior.[18] From a macro level, the defense mechanisms used against Panthers served as an effective way for the government to legitimate their actions and maintain social order. On a deeper level, White backlash against the Panthers reflected the pernicious effect of abusive power and unconscious desires. In this instance, one identifiable individual (J. Edgar Hoover) was able to influence and manipulate a group of individuals (i.e., government, media, FBI) to follow his course of action with minimal resistance. To put this in perspective, for five decades one individual was able to transform his personal defense mechanisms into a political weapon that devastated the lives of many historically oppressed people, then and now (e.g., Jack Johnson, Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King Jr., El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, the American Indian Movement, the Revolutionary Action Movement, etc.).

PANTHERS V. PHILLY In the summer of 1969, the Panthers experienced the first raid against their establishment. Police ransacked the office, confiscated a shotgun, a typewriter, a mimeograph machine, files, and arrested Reggie Schell for allegedly stealing an M-14 rifle.[19] Schell posted bail and was released within 72 hours. Both Mumia Abu-Jamal and Clarence Peterson were able to speak candidly about this raid. Abu-Jamal stated, I will tell a story about the night our central office on Columbia Ave. got raided, and we got busted at the bar across the street. The people, on their own, started throwing bricks and bottles at the cops, telling ’em to ‘leave them alone!’ ‘Them boys ain’t did nothin’!’ It was probably my most beautiful memory of those days. They felt we were a part of them and their lives. We fed their babies; we showed we cared; and when the chips were down . . . so did they.[20] The reaction on the part of members of the community illustrated the deeprooted frustration and anger that some Blacks harbored towards the police department. Peterson’s account was equally vivid: We had our first raid in summer, 1969 on 1928 W. Columbia Ave. We were across the street at the bar. . . we looked across the street and noticed a lot of bright lights and a whole lot of cars. We approached the office and the cops jumped out and put us against the walls. We were taken to the station and our lawyers got us out. There was no reason for the arrest.[21] In spite of the repressive maneuvers directed against the Panthers, the Party understood that in helping to raise the community’s social consciousness (through education), the community, in turn, would gain a deeper understanding of the Panthers’ mission and People of Color’s struggle in the United States and abroad. To

illustrate, in November 1969, shortly before Thanksgiving, Panthers met with representatives from the West Oak Lane-East Mt. Airy Taskforce on Black-White Relations.[22] Comprised of middle-class Blacks and Whites, the task force was intrigued by the Panthers’ call for Blacks to control their communities and Panthers’ call for participants to: (1) examine how media representations shaped their image of the Panthers; and (2) reflect on what they accepted as truth.[23] Less than a month after the meeting, the Panther organization suffered a crushing blow—one from which it would never recover. On December 4, 1969, the city of Chicago became a scene to one of the most violent acts of repression taken against a dissident group in the 20th century. On this day, members of the Chicago Police Department (in conjunction with the Federal Bureau of Investigation) raided the Panthers headquarters there; and in the process, murdered both Mark Clark and Fred Hampton. The office was riddled with bullets from police gunfire. A coroner’s report revealed that Hampton had been shot at point-blank range while he “slept,” and Clark was shot in the heart.[24] Doc Satchel, Blair Anderson, Verlina Brewer, Brenda Harris (who was pregnant), Deborah Johnson, Louis Truelock, and Harold Bell were lined up against a wall and taunted while police shot at them.[25] Days after the slaying, Father Paul Washington opened his church for the Panthers to host a memorial service on behalf of Hampton and Clark.[26] Abu-Jamal remembered how “Fred Hampton’s assassination had a dramatic effect on Philadelphia, for it taught us all what was possible.”[27] Images and headlines were circulated nationwide as people cringed and questioned the rationale for such force. Russell Shoatz “fumed” at this atrocity and soon decided with members of BUC “that it was time to put aside our differences with the local Panthers and approach them with an offer to assist them in any way that we could.”[28] Prior to this point, the Panthers and the BUC failed to merge because the former involved themselves with grassroots activities, while the latter, paramilitary force.[29] On December 8th, police raided Panther offices in Los Angeles, California. One of the planned raids was met with resistance by Panther members who did not back down as they engaged their oppressor in a four-hour shootout. Surprisingly, no Panthers were killed but six were wounded.[30] In Mumia Abu-Jamal’s reflections, he recalled the impact of such events on Panther support. He stated, Repression is an awful, ugly thing; yet, given human psychology, few things work better to unite a group against enemies. Most Panthers, if they’re brutally honest, will admit that the highest period of BPP support was, Huey’s trial, and after Fred was murdered in Chicago. Of course, it was horrific, but support for the BPP, across America skyrocketed after December 4, 1969.[31] In response to these events, 23 Philadelphia organizations met on December 10th to pledge their support and prevent any further attacks against the Panthers in their city.[32] Organizations such as Spring Garden Community Services Center, Black

Economic Development Conference, and National Lawyers Guild were convinced that there was a national conspiracy against the Panthers. Responsively, they called for an indictment and prosecution of those responsible.[33] Speaking on behalf of the National Lawyers Guild, Attorney Harry Lore submitted, The systematic homicide of members of the Black Panther Party is every bit as calculated as the massacre at My Lai . . . The administration appears ready to investigate murder in Vietnam, but not here in our own country. On behalf of the National Lawyers Guild, we denounce, in the strongest terms, the political murders of members of the Black Panther Party, and call for the immediate indictment and prosecution of those responsible.[34] On December 16, 1969, Reverend Donald R. Gebert, Reverend Roger Zepernick, Peter Z. Weimer, and Emily Clippinger wrote an open letter (published in the Philadelphia Tribune) to Mayor James H. J. Tate.[35] The letter focused on the treatment and abuses that the Panthers were subjected to on a national scale. The authors implied that there was a possible conspiracy to oust an influential voice from the Black community. Given the horrific events that transpired in Chicago and Los Angeles, the letter expressed concern about race relations in Philadelphia, especially if police officers continued to engage in the type of Gestapo tactics for which Hitler’s Germany was famous. The group sought reassurance from the Mayor’s office that police officers would be sensitive to the social climate and would consider this in future interactions with Panthers and/or other minority groups.[36] On December 20, 1969, a group consisting of 26 people from various backgrounds across the country assembled to address the violent attacks levied against the Party nationwide, resulting in the deaths of several members over the past two years.[37] Roy Wilkins, executive director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Arthur Goldberg, former U.S. Supreme Court Justice, led the committee. The group also included William T. Coleman, a well-known Philadelphia attorney, and Mayor Richard Hatcher of Gary, Indiana. The committee drew up a four-point program with the objective of investigating the actions of the various law enforcement agencies involved in raids of Panther offices; and, to recommend criminal sanctions if the committee found that the Panthers’ civil rights were violated.[38] Although physically removed from the events of Chicago and Los Angeles, key leaders in Philadelphia as well as from around the country felt compelled to launch their own investigation. Despite Coleman’s presence on this committee, a similar fate awaited the Philadelphia Panthers. The committees’ findings, alongside public outcry over law enforcement’s handling of the Panthers nationwide, did not seem to deter the Philadelphia Police Department. On the morning of March 8, 1970, the Panther office on Walnut St., which was across the street from West Philadelphia High School, was firebombed. As Clarence Peterson recalled, “William Brown’s West Philly office was just put

together and was an ideal spot for organizing.”[39] It is debatable whether the arson was connected to Panthers’ after-school meetings with West “Philly” students, or a scare tactic on the part of police officials for Brown’s resistance to becoming an informant.[40] Luckily, the firebombing left no one injured.[41] Soon thereafter, William Julye, a local beer distributor, was kind enough to provide the Panthers with a new office on 36th and Wallace streets.[42] Unfortunately, after the Panthers moved into their new digs, police harassment increased. As animosity between Panthers and police escalated, the disdain that Police Commissioner Rizzo had for the Panthers would come to the fore. First, on Saturday, August 29th, in a failed attempt to blow up a police guardhouse in Fairmont Park, Sgt. Frank VonColin was killed and another officer injured.[43] As indicated by Russell Shoatz, “never before in the history of the city’s oppressed Black populace had any of them dared to so frontally attack its racist and brutal police.”[44] There were seven suspects identified; five were apprehended, the remaining two eluded capture and were identified as “militants.”[45] Second, in an unrelated incident, two patrolmen were shot and wounded on the night of Sunday, August 30th. The gunmen were not identified as “militants,” but one suspect was taken into custody and the other remained at large.[46] Earlier that day, Commissioner Frank Rizzo—rumored to be the successor to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover—announced on a local radio station that “every Black revolutionary would be locked up by sunup.”[47] Soon, a few members of the community engaged police officers in a “brief guerilla warfare,” which led to a busload arrest of West Philadelphia Blacks.[48] After being taken into custody, “they were taken to the police stations and kept in outdoor enclosures while being brutalized and terrorized for the next few days.”[49] Even though there was little evidence linking the Panthers to any of the shootings, some police believed that one of the seven suspects alleged to have murdered Sgt. VonColin had Panther connections.[50] In his autobiography, Shoatz divulged, “For the record [the incident] was carried out in accord with and at the behest of the leadership of the Black Panther Party.”[51] He continued, We were immediately told that we could expect a ferocious attempt by the powers that be to derail the [Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention] . . . to add to this spreading alarm, we started being [sic] told that the entire affair was in jeopardy because “Huey Newton was afraid to come to Philly.” It was said that he feared assassination at the hands of the Philadelphia police force or their henchmen. To cap this off, we were told that this idea was held because “there [were] no pigs being killed in Philadelphia.” It was also being asked that given the history of murder and abuse of these pigs toward the Black community, why had not any [sic] of them been “corrected.”[52] Rizzo believed there to be a connection after an alleged informant notified police that he had seen grenades and other weapons in the 3625 Wallace St. office where

he met with Alvin Joyner (one of five suspects charged with the murder) three weeks prior to the shooting.[53] On August 31st, Rizzo contacted a local TV station as well as two of the city’s newspapers (the Philadelphia Daily News and Philadelphia Inquirer) and instructed reporters to meet him at the Panther office at 3625 Wallace St. In the wee hours of the morning, Rizzo obtained warrants for the arrest of Panthers at 428 W. Queen Lane; 2935 Columbia Ave.; and 3625 Wallace St.[54] The raiding party consisted of three teams of forty-five police officers and eight to ten detectives, helicopters, a mini-tank, and reporters from the Daily News and Inquirer.[55] Dave Williams, former police officer of the 35th District, was informed that “they were going against the Panthers and that they were heavily armed and to expect anything.”[56] Ed Williams, retired police officer in the Gang Central Unit, recalled the reason for the raids stemmed from “reports of ammunition in the house.”[57] Although both of these officers were Black, their videotaped testimonies may confuse some people who believe that Blacks, then and now, are a monolithic group. In actuality, oppression has no identity and is driven by the machinations of those in power seeking to quell any form of counter-hegemonic practices. But, in order for this to be carried out effectively, there must be some consensus by those in the oppressed class to assist in the process (e.g., informants, lumpenproletariat, Black bourgeoisie). [58] Although these individuals may be similar in hue, their ideals and devotion are aligned with their oppressor. For this reason, they will follow the agenda established within a hegemonic system. As Albert Memmi discussed in his analysis of colonial Europeans (those with minimal privileges and whose living conditions do not exceed that of the colonizer): Many of them are victims of the masters of colonization, exploited by these masters in order to protect interests which do not often coincide with their own . . . if the small colonizer defends the colonial system so vigorously, it is because he benefits from it to some extent. His gullibility lies in the fact that to protect his very limited interests, he protects other infinitely more important ones, of which he is, incidentally, the victim. But, though dupe and victim, he also gets his share. [59]

In these officers’ quest to re-enforce the colonial system, they, alongside others, began their raids at the Panther office on Queen Lane. They kicked in the door and ransacked the dwelling. As Clarence Peterson recalled, The order was for no one to be present at the Queen Lane office. Despite orders, one person was staying there who was not supposed to be there and cops came in and arrested him, but he was let go.[60] At the Columbia Ave. office, Schell was awakened by a Panther on guard duty who shouted, “Cap., they’re here.”[61] Groggy and struggling to focus, Schell peered out the window to see police officers positioned across the street. It was a muggy

night, as Schell remembered, and since this office was not equipped with an air conditioner, most of the Panthers were dressed in loose fitting clothing while others were in their underwear. Within a matter of seconds, officers received the order and flung tear gas canisters into the office from three different locations—the entrance, roof, and rear of the house. Panthers quickly retaliated as the opposing forces engaged in a shootout. The ruckus ensued for a few minutes, but was halted when Panthers witnessed Black residents entering the streets.[62] The Panthers, concerned about the safety of residents, conceded and were led out of the building in single file. Joseph Saunders described that chilling morning: I was in the North Philly house. We had two women and a child . . . that’s probably why the cops did not have us strip. I had my two sons for the weekend, and before the raid, Reggie told me to take them home because he heard that something might go down. Lo and behold, that morning I heard a knock and heard a machine gun fired through the windows. It was rough. I remember Reggie saying, “hold your fire, we’re coming out.” I was the last one out and the police asked me, “is there anyone else?” And I told him, “No.”[63] With guns pointed at the back of their heads, they were told, “if you stumble or fall we’re gonna kill you.”[64] They were led to the front of the building and forced against the wall with their backs facing police. Without warning, one officer fired a .45 Sub-Caliber machine gun just above them as pieces of brick fell on their heads.[65] Remembering the fate that left some of his comrades slain, Schell said to himself, “I did not know whether we were going to live or die.”[66] Satisfied that the Panthers had been thoroughly humiliated and terrorized, police officers took Reggie Schell, Joseph Saunders, Billy Overton, Robinetta Gladden (aka Sister Robin), and Barbara McGriff into custody.[67] Later that morning at around 6:00 A.M. police raided the west side office.[68] As a light drizzle fell, officers assumed their positions.[69] Inspector Robert Kopsitz attempted to enter the premises by slamming an ax into the front door. After striking the door repeatedly, another officer shouted, “Police. We have a warrant. Throw your weapons out now.”[70] Contrarily, Herbert Hawkins recalled that when police arrived at the door, I asked for a warrant to be slid under the door and they said they did not have one. Shots were fired and tear gas entered the house. One of the curtains blew and it was mistaken for a gunshot and the police fired . . . one of which just missed me by a foot.[71] William Brown recalled this ghastly morning, “They kicked in the door and were able to get tear gas in the building. It was the same kind that was used in Vietnam.”[72] Panthers engaged in a gunfight, but within minutes, seven people (six

men and one woman) exited the building as two Panther members threw down their weapons.[73] Although unclear on which office he raided, Ed Williams stated that the Panthers “volunteered to take their clothes off to show that they did not have any weapons and not to be shot.”[74] Conversely, the Panthers recalled a command to stand against the wall, while the men were ordered to strip naked.[75] Hawkins added that after the confrontation, “one Panther stayed behind to walk through the house with police to see if there were boobytraps.”[76] After facing public degradation, the police and media initiated a coup de grâce by showcasing a photo of six, bare-bottomed members and a thinly dressed woman on the front page of the Philadelphia Daily News. Soon thereafter, it was placed in the Associated Press and distributed nationwide. Other pictures were produced by the Philadelphia Inquirer, which displayed two members being led to a court hearing, one of which was a topless Joseph Saunders. The effrontery on the part of law enforcement officials illustrated that the Panthers, regardless of their relief efforts, remained susceptible to a select group of people that were persistent in reducing and simplifying them to parts (i.e., penis and buttocks).[77] Furthermore, this event, like many others in Black history, represented the masochistic nature embedded in racism. When placed in a historical context, the Black body has faced an incessant onslaught of negative sexual projections imposed by the West. William Pinar discussed, By reducing [enslaved Africans] to their bodies—that was their economic as well as sexual value—whites blurred the boundaries between themselves and those they exploited . . . by taking the black body as property to be used at will, whites erased black suffering as they inflated white pleasure. In so doing, the “whiteness” became invisible (it was “reality”) and the white male body disappeared into imagined black ones.[78] This event did not resonate positively with Reverend Womack, who adamantly denounced this act. He articulated, Rizzo had these members, if I’m not mistaken it was the Black Panther Party, made them take all their clothes off in the streets. I guess they did that for a body search or humiliation, I don’t know which, maybe both. But I think all of us that saw it thought it was very humiliating and certainly not fit to be published in the newspaper in the United States. You know you would think Nazi Germany maybe, but not in “civilized United States.”{What did that mean to you when you saw it, besides humiliation?}I thought it was extremely degrading, emasculating . . . and then I thought it was even worse because the news media published it. Who wants to see naked people on the public street, you know, I thought there were some laws of indecency, you know, to me its indecent for a person to take their clothes off in public, but to be ordered to take your clothes off in public, does that make it okay? I mean, does that make sense? It does not make sense

to me.[79] A repulsed M. Leroy Keyes declared, You know, sometimes when you look at pictures, you know, I always had a sense of what was happening, what was going on at the time, why that particular picture . . . and at that moment, I thought as a Black man, not as a Black football player in Philadelphia. I resented that picture, I resented the whole approach, I resented the fact that . . . why this was being sent? Was it a message being sent to the Black community in Philadelphia, or the Black community at large in the city of Philadelphia that “this is how we are going to handle and disgrace this group of, looking for a better word, hoodrats, that are trying to destroy what we have built here in Philadelphia.” Outside of looking at the message that Black folks can’t go out in peaceful demonstration without the tower coming down on them. I think this is when we [the Black athletes] really began saying “we got to get rid of Rizzo.”[80] Keyes continued, As I looked at that picture, I was very, very, very hurt that “here we go again, you know.” “Let’s make this thing as inflammatory as we possibly can just to let these folks out here know that we ain’t taking no shit from you and if you going to towe the line, this is what will happen to you.” And the same thing happened to Panthers and they can’t be no bullies, “if they could do that to them, you know we could do that to you.” And that was sort of the message that was sent out.[81] Adding insult to injury, the Panther’s headquarters was destroyed as police ripped out plumbing fixtures and wrecked furniture.[82] After the raid, the police cleared the office, boarded up the front door, and stapled a sign to the door that read, “Unfit for human habitation.”[83] As Brown recalled, “they proceeded in the building and ransacked it. They took the electricity and the plumbing out. [Our headquarters] was ‘unfit for human habitation.’ They took weapons, food, clothing . . . they took the lights, gas, heat, water, and furniture.”[84] Photos taken of the Wallace St. office were circulated to not only capture the degradation of the Panthers, but to send the implied message that Black militants would not be coddled in Philadelphia. [85] After the arrest, Brown recalled the continual abuse inflicted by police: They took us to the station with chains on our hands and put us through a gauntlet back into the cells. Police officers were lined up along the hall and they whacked us with their clubs. And then, they proceeded to take us to the cells in these thin clothes and put us in the cell. They turned up the air conditioner and they left us in the cell. They would harass us by telling us “you’re not Panthers, you’re pussies.” They called us “niggers.” It was psychological torture. We were

held for about a week, and then they took us to the detention center and held us in isolation cells. The response from the community was tremendous. We got out right before the Plenary session.[86] When the smoke cleared, three police officers were wounded in North Philadelphia.[87] A total of fourteen people were arrested and Judge Leo Weinrott set bail at $100,000 for each person.[88] The Panthers’ age ranged from 17 to 29; and charges varied from assault with intent to kill to violation of firearms regulations.[89] Posting bail proved especially difficult since, according to Frank Donner, Philadelphia Police made off with an estimated of $1,500 to $1,700 of the Panthers’ money during the incursion that morning.[90] Responding to critics who maintained that he was heavy handed in dealing with the Panthers, Rizzo exclaimed, “I’ll never apologize for those raids. I’m not going to quarterback my commanders. . . . I support them. They acted lawfully and with restraint.”[91] As he reveled in the department’s triumph, Rizzo boasted, “Imagine the big Black Panthers with their pants down!”[92] One witness stated that it was a disgrace to see the Panthers unclothed and hauled away like dogs.[93] Community respondents commended the Panthers for providing free breakfasts, clothing, barbeques, and for their efforts at curtailing gang activity.[94] One witness commented that the Panthers’ efforts resulted in a decrease in crime.[95] An illustration of the rapport that the Panthers had developed with members of the community occurred shortly after police raided the Panthers’ North Philly office. On September 2nd, in a show of solidarity, people in the community, despite police orders, entered the premises, replaced furniture, and cleaned up the office.[96] Clarence Peterson recalled that day: It was the most beautiful experience I’ve ever had in my whole life. I really cried because the people opened up our offices again. Even after the cops had took [sic] out the copper and took [sic] out all the furniture, they had a truck that took all the furniture out our offices. We did not think our office would open again. The people in the community put everything back in the office. They put furniture . . . they fed us for about a week . . . they kept our kids. It was something that I have never seen or heard of before. It was really something . . . it was out of sight . . . they told the cops, that “these are our Panthers, so leave them alone.”[97] Shoatz added, The Philadelphia Panther offices were again up and running. This was accomplished with the help of out of town Panthers coming in, and with the massive assistance of hundreds of community members and the local gangs, who had all become incensed and emboldened because of the events that had occurred. To add to this, within days respected community members were

demanding that the jailed Panthers be bailed out of prison, and funds were collected for this purpose.[98] In light of the shambled offices, the community was able to make do with what remained after belongings were confiscated, and others, damaged. Later that day, after the re-opening of the office, Rizzo ordered the confiscated belongings (e.g., furniture, etc.) be returned to the North Philadelphia office. It was standard operating procedure for the police department to repair items that were damaged in the course of a raid. As men from the police garage (who were accompanied by two members of the Civil Disobedience Squad) unloaded the damaged goods, Panthers refused to accept the items, demanding they be returned in their original state.[99] In response to the raids, William Kunstler came to Philadelphia to raise bail for the fourteen arrested Panthers and help local attorneys file a federal injunction to halt future raids on Panther offices in Philadelphia.[100] Kunstler was famous for defending left-wing radicals and accused the government of scapegoating the Panthers.[101] The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) expressed concern for the Panthers and posted bail for Schell after Common Pleas Judge Thomas M. Reed reduced it from $100,000 to $2,500.[102] The Quakers raised the bail after putting up the deed to the building that housed the Mark Clark Memorial Clinic. Community leaders, across racial lines, appeared in court on September 3rd to hear arguments to lower Schell’s bail.[103] For Panthers that remained in custody, Common Pleas Judge Herbert S. Levin reduced bail in amounts ranging from $100 to $5,000.[104] After Schell’s release, the other Panthers posted bail through Southern General Insurance, a local bail bonding company, and were released by Friday, September 5, 1970 (four days after the raid).[105] Not everyone blamed the police department for the Panther’s woes. Monroe C. Beardsley, president of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), chastised both the Panthers and the police, especially Rizzo, for their role in agitating this confrontation. He upbraided the Panthers for their inflammatory posters, writing, and speeches. Beardsley expressed disappointment with Rizzo for taunting Panthers and forcing them into uncompromising situations. Beardsley stated, We condemn the dehumanization implied in their systematic use of the word “pig” to describe all policemen, but such provocations, however severe, cannot excuse differential and especially harsh treatment by the police department . . . nor can they excuse attempts by the Commissioner—a public servant charged with keeping the peace to force the Panthers into violent actions and reactions.[106] Within a week of the Panthers’ arrests they along with members of the Young Lords and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, filed a suit requesting that the Philadelphia Police Department be put into Federal receivership.[107] The defendants were Mayor James Tate, Commissioner Rizzo, Managing Director Fred

Corleto, and District Attorney Arlen Specter. The plaintiffs charged that Rizzo persistently harassed Black citizens and the recent treatment of Panthers marked the apex of a series of offenses against Blacks.[108] The suit was postponed by U.S. District Judge John P. Fullam until November 2nd.[109] By November 2nd, community-based activists helped fuse some 32 community groups into the Council of Organizations for Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR).[110] Co-Chairs Mrs. Mary Rouse and Mr. Floyd Platton’s primary aims were to put a permanent restraining order on the Philadelphia Police Department, and place the plight of impoverished Blacks into the political front.[111] At the court hearings, twenty-three witnesses testified and thirty-five more were prepared to testify on alleged police misconduct and brutality.[112] Judge John P. Fullam recessed the hearings to December 1st in order to give the City Solicitor’s Office time to build a defense. At the following hearing, more than seventy Black witnesses testified in cases of police harassment and abuse.[113] On March 14, 1973, the United States District Court concluded, It should be perhaps emphasized that this Court has not decided that the plaintiffs and the class they represent have a constitutional right to improved departmental procedures for handling civilian complaints against police. What the Court has decided is that, under existing circumstances, violations of constitutional rights by police do occur in an unacceptably high number of instances; that, in the absence of change in procedures, such violations are likely to continue to occur; and that revision of procedures for handling civilian complaints is a necessary first step in attempting to prevent future abuses.[114] It was ordered that: (1) “the Black Panther Party and the Young Lords Party [were] stricken from the caption of the case as plaintiffs, and as to those plaintiffs the complaint [was] dismissed”; (2) “the remaining plaintiffs [were] directed to make appropriate amendments to the caption of the case, to reflect changes in personnel which have occurred during the pendency of this lawsuit”; and (3) “the defendants, acting jointly or separately, as they may prefer, [were] directed, within thirty (30) days from the date of this Order for its approval a comprehensive program for improving the handling of citizen complaints alleging police misconduct, in conformity with the views expressed in the Opinion of this Court filed this date.”[115] COPPAR was unsatisfied with the District Court decision. Therefore, they decided to present their case on the state level. In the Federal Rules Decisions, the plaintiffs in the Goode case sought an award of counsel fees in the sum of $45,000, plus costs and disbursements in the sum of $4,167.58. Plaintiffs in the COPPAR case sought an award of $38,250, plus $300 in expenses.[116] The judge concluded, That awards of less than the full amount of plaintiffs’ counsel fees is appropriate in these cases. Here again, I believe it necessary to draw distinctions between

the two cases. The Goode plaintiffs were more nearly successful, and their efforts were more directly devoted to obtain a rational solution to the problem. In the COPPAR case, plaintiffs were less successful, and somewhat less sensitive to the true public interest. Moreover, the defendants are less chargeable with failure to settle the COPPAR litigation, since it is apparent that no amicable settlement along the lines ultimately specified by this Court would ever have been acceptable to these plaintiffs.[117] The plaintiffs in the Goode case were awarded $25,000, plus costs and disbursements in the sum of $4,167.58; and the plaintiffs in the COPPAR case were awarded counsel fees that summed to $10,000, plus costs and disbursements in the sum of $250.[118] On January 21, 1976, the Goode decision was reversed in a 5–3–1 decision at the Supreme Court.[119] Mr. Justice Rehnquist, “held that plaintiffs lacked the requisite personal stake in the outcome, i.e, the order overhauling police disciplinary procedures.”[120] The case closed with the following remark: Where the problems involving misconduct by a small number of city policemen were fairly typical of those afflicting police departments in major urban areas and none of the defendant city officers was alleged to have acted affirmatively in deprivation of constitutional rights of the plaintiff classes, there was no occasion for federal equitable relief against such officers. The District Court erred in injecting itself, by injunctive decree, into the internal disciplinary affairs of a stake agency, i.e., the municipal police department.[121] After reviewing the results of this case, I was reminded of a discussion I had with a library assistant at the Philadelphia Law Library who informed me that there was something “strange” about this case. During the acquisition of these court cases, I asked, “Why are you doing this?” His reply, “Because I believe in justice.” After this interaction, I was still perplexed and sought the expertise from a friend who specializes in business law. When presented with the scenario, Ms. Erica White shared, “for this case to advance from the District to the Supreme Court level raises a brow; especially since the federal government intervened and overturned a state decision.”[122] With the cases split reversal in 1976, I surmise that it was a salvo on the part of these political figures, who skillfully evaded punishment. Rizzo, for example, was likely to benefit since the case began on November 11, 1975, the same time he entered a second mayoral term. Continued dialogue on the decision occurred in later court hearings that referenced and questioned certain aspects of the Rizzo v. Goode, 96 S. Ct. 598 (1976) decision, further indicating some discrepancy with the final verdict.[123]

RIZZO’S RESPONSE TO THE REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE’S

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION As the summer of 1970 came to a close, Rizzo became increasingly concerned about the impending Revolutionary Peoples’ Constitutional Convention scheduled to begin on September 4th at Temple University. “We don’t want it here,” Rizzo declared. “But if it’s peaceful, we’re not going to stop it.”[124] The events that unfolded the week before the conference suggested that Rizzo’s remarks may have been a bit disingenuous. The constant arresting of Panthers as well as the raiding of their offices the morning of August 31, 1970, may have been undertaken by the police department to undermine the Panthers’ ability to host the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention. At the very least, local authorities may have concluded that an onslaught of that magnitude would have put tremendous strain on the branch, making it nearly impossible for the Panthers to provide the kind of accommodations that one would expect from the hosting delegation. Fortunately, community support for the conference was strong despite two challenges: providing housing and transportation for the delegates. Peterson noted, We had people coming in from all over the country, so we had people donating houses, apartments. People could go anywhere in the city and get rides. People in the community would give rides. We did not have people going to hotels, so we used people’s houses. We put out a call for donations with leaflets, radio, posters, and word of mouth. We made charts to organize where people would stay and how they would be transported. We asked, if you are willing to volunteer, contact us.[125] The department’s actions leading up to the convention were not surprising given the opposition from some sectors of the political establishment. Many people including several state representatives opposed the event. Specifically, representatives Francis E. Gleeson Jr. (D-Philadelphia) and Richard A. McClatchy Jr. (R-Lower Merion) were against Temple University hosting the event.[126] According to Father Washington, once he and his group won the cooperation of Temple University officials, the FBI passed word to “the White House, Vice President, Attorney General, the military and the Secret Service that Temple had made the gymnasium available” to the Panthers.[127] On event day, “the FBI readied its secret agents and informants to attend the events at the university and the church.”[128] It is important to note that the event came on the heels of a bloody weekend in which one officer was murdered and three wounded. Rizzo was understandably outraged. He blamed the Panthers even though there was little to no evidence linking them to the crimes. “‘Yellow dogs,” he screamed at them through the television, daring them into the streets for a shoot-out. “We’ll give them ten to our three.”[129] With Rizzo in this state of mind, it was little wonder that many feared the convention would touch off with a bloodbath.

To head off any potential trouble, community leaders called an emergency meeting to be held at the Episcopal Church House on Rittenhouse Square. Muhammad Kenyatta, Sister Falaka Fattah, the Rev. David Gracie, among others, held a press conference to announce that a federal injunction would be sought to halt police raids of Panther offices. Federal Judge John Fulham promptly answered the call issuing an injunction against the Philadelphia Police Department which had the effect of dramatically reducing their activities and even their physical presence in the area in which the convention was held.[130] The convention went ahead as planned lasting three days, and most importantly, without incident. Prior to the convention, several local organizations pledged their support to the event and asked Philadelphians to refrain from engaging in civil rights demonstrations. On September 2nd, the Greater Philadelphia Movement[131] sent a telegram to Governor Raymond Shafer saying, “Although they did not necessarily endorse the conference, they believed that the participants should be guaranteed their constitutional rights of peaceful assembly.”[132] A day later, the Urban Coalition[133] sent out a public plea asking Philadelphians to avoid irrational action that could lead to unnecessary division.[134] At the conclusion of the convention, both the Greater Philadelphia Movement and Philadelphia Urban Coalition sent telegrams to Police Commissioner Rizzo commending him and his department for maintaining peace and order during the convention.[135] Even organizations like the American Civil Liberties Union, the Religious Society of Friends, and Citizens for Progress—all long-standing critics of the police—congratulated the department on its handling of the conference.[136] In response, Rizzo stated, “I am extremely pleased that the Black Panther conference was completed here without incident.”[137] He continued, “The conference proved once again that if people come to Philadelphia and obey the law, they will have no interference from the police.”[138] Rizzo’s statement was clearly not a reflection of his true feelings about the Panthers nor did his remark mirror the way his police department dealt with the Panthers in the past.

THE EYES OF THE MEDIA Historically, the U.S. government has been adept in re-enforcing their political muscle by convincing many people to believe that harassment and punishment to dissident individuals and groups stems from their own doing. This behavior absolves the oppressor of any responsibility for their participation and places the brunt of the suffering on the oppressed (i.e., blame-the-victim). In other words, dominant groups strategically condition their social constituents to avoid pointing the blame on the system and how it potentially helped to shape and produce the victim. With the ability to influence and the means to produce and re-produce “reality,” a repressive government can easily manipulate the minds of its citizens to consent to their agenda, and essentially, shape culture and identity. Therefore, Philadelphia’s mass media was

one effective tool that: (1) communicated certain events to the populace; and (2) restricted the conscious development of the people.[139] To elaborate, in late 1970, Beatrice Camp and Jennifer Siebens from Oberlin College conducted a study for the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights under the Law. They discovered that the city’s two major daily newspapers (Philadelphia Inquirer and Philadelphia Bulletin) conspired with the Philadelphia Police Department to conceal information about police brutality and misconduct. Furthermore, Camp and Siebens found that the papers methodically ignored objective journalism standards by privileging stories from police officers’ point of view and ignoring eyewitness testimonies.[140] Camp and Sieben’s findings illustrated how the press and the police department colluded to regulate the kind of stories that were covered and presented to the public. Fundamentally, they knowingly misinformed the masses, thus retarded their conscious development. In the case of the Panthers, the many members of the public lacked an accurate story on the efforts of the group and the ill treatment dished out by public officials. The impact that this had on public opinion was far-reaching; and was especially relevant for people whose “reality” was further substantiated by two major city newspapers. As discussed by Brian Glick, “the mass media, owned by big business and cowed by government and right-wing attack, helped to bury radical activism by ceasing to cover it.”[141] And when radical activities were published, oftentimes the stories were stereotypical and devoid of history and sociopolitical context. Another case that deserves equal mention occurred on March 8, 1971. On this day, members from the Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the Federal Bureau of Investigation “broke into” the second floor of the FBI’s office in Media, Pennsylvania, and acquired at least 800 secret documents detailing the FBI’s covert/overt tactics (i.e., Counter-Intelligence Program).[142] Scarcely covered in rival newspapers, the Philadelphia Tribune challenged the status quo. On March 9, the Tribune published a phone conversation with an unidentified person who explained that the purpose of the theft was “to study the files to see how much of the FBI’s time is spent on relatively minor crimes by the poor and powerless, instead of investigating institutional racism and the truly serious crimes by those with money and influence.”[143] This was a major incident that opened the door to a barrage of questions on why such a governmental faction was created and allowed to function for so long, unregulated. When increased attention emerged, J. Edgar Hoover’s “leadership” seemed to be no more than a blatant abuse of power. Interestingly, after 37 years of tyranny, he died “alone” on May 2, 1972.[144] Overall, the mass media functioned as a method for the masses to receive information, yet simultaneously undermined a dissident group’s influence. As Denise T. Baszile surmised, “people whose identities are denied, troubled, invisible-ized must create the medium, the voice through which they become.”[145] In effect, what occurred between Panthers and dominant persuasion was a conflict in worldviews

(i.e., consciousness versus ideology; Nationalism/Intercommunalism versus Eurocentrism). As the Panthers resisted domination by exhuming their voice, identity, and culture, the dominant group strategized to “fix” them into a particular stereotype. As a result, the mass public’s choice, whether conscious or unconscious, to conform and obey dominant rule caused them to: (1) not identify and support many of the grievances identified by the Panthers, specifically; (2) view radicals, not the system, as the problem and as threats to their “American” livelihood; (3) justify the need for police to carry out certain practices; and (4) distance themselves (Spiritually, socially, economically, politically, physically, mentally, and emotionally) from the problems of Others.

SKINNING THE CAT COINTELPRO’s revelation in 1971 evidenced a complex and callous operation that spanned five decades to prevent social dissidence. Glick stated, If the U.S. government is seen as unduly repressive within its own borders, however, it will have trouble maintaining the allegiance of its citizenry and competing effectively for world influence. It can sustain its legitimacy, while effectively marginalizing or eliminating domestic dissent, it makes the victims of official violence appear to be the aggressors and provokes dissident movements to tear themselves apart through factionalism and other modes of selfdestruction. No wonder covert action is here to stay.[146] Many Panthers in Philly, and other locales, were aware that the government was out to neutralize them, but they did not realize how calculated the government’s efforts were. The government’s most effective tactic was that of arrest. Huge sums of money spent to bail Panthers out of jail crippled the organization economically. For example, Milton McGriff described an arrest and roust in Atlantic City, New Jersey: [147]

I got arrested in Atlantic City on the 4th of July weekend in 1969. We went down to sell papers and no sooner that we got out of the car, the police stopped us and asked us what we were doing. We told them that we were selling the papers. They took us to the station and arrested us because we did not give them anymore information then our names and that we were Panthers. We paid $50 in bail and were released within 24 hours.[148] Fifty dollars was a considerable amount in the late 1960s, especially to a militant group for whom money was always in short supply. Furthermore, Panthers claimed that police officers would steal cash from Panther offices during the course of raids. Constant rebuilding efforts also had an adverse impact on the branch. After most raids, a considerable amount of time was spent putting things back in place, making repairs, and replacing equipment and the like.

Another tactic that law enforcement officials utilized was psychological harassment, which was directed to Panther members and their families. While in Germany, Barbara Easley-Cox, for example, recalled an ominous feeling that overwhelmed her while at a park with her son. She remembered, I was kneeling down and a man came and stood over me and said, “Barbara, that’s a beautiful child you have there,” and he walked away. At that moment, I had this feeling of not knowing who they were. I was a revolutionary, but did not want to risk losing my child.[149] Such disclosures from Panthers uncover the chilling side of repression. Although many Panthers were willing to risk their lives in the face of oppression, they were not prepared for scare tactics to be used against family members who were indirectly involved with Panther initiatives.[150] With such strategies, agents of repression were able to tap into the hearts of individuals, especially their children, therefore weakening the organization in a very subtle manner. As Ethel Parish shared, Some members did not understand how affected they were during this time. Because we were revolutionaries and having an effect, this system wanted to take us down. But I did not know that they would go to such extremes with infiltration and murder, such as Hampton. We wanted to make changes, but did not see it for what it truly was doing to us. We wanted progress, but did not know revolution would cause repression in the form of killing and incarceration. [151]

From a national level, Huey Newton’s leadership was questioned, when he ordered the organization to de-emphasize the gun and focus on the community survival programs.[152] Brown vividly remembered the effects of this decision and quoted, “It seemed like when we began to speak of community uplift, the media backed off . . . they backed off when we wanted to promote self-sufficiency and selfreliance.”[153] This decision had further ramifications as it led to a rift between Newton and Eldridge Cleaver that eventually took its toll on the organization as well as on individual chapters. To compound matters, many key Panther leaders were either exiled (e.g., Donald Cox, Eldridge Cleaver) or jailed (e.g., Bobby Seale, David Hilliard). By 1970, a number of Philadelphia Panthers left the branch. Several resigned after witnessing internal strife in the national ranks. This period challenged notions of communalism and the meaning of Pantherhood, while others were simply exhausted from years of hard work and long hours of Panther activity. Many of them were doing Panther work while simultaneously trying to fulfill their responsibilities as parents and spouses. As full-time revolutionaries, some of the Panthers devoted their entire lives to the organization, and as a result did not have sufficient finances to provide for themselves and/or their families.[154] Saunders recollected this period:

I left the Party in late 1970. I remember because I lost a Panther friend due to Sickle-Cell Anemia . . . her passing hurt. I soon got word that Reggie was leaving. You see, there were a lot of agents and provocateurs that disrupted the Panthers and contributed to the split. I was baffled and did not know what was going on. I thought Reggie was going to take a side, but I know now that he didn’t. So I decided to leave . . . there was a divide and conquer, which was a heck of a thing since people’s emotions were involved.[155] Attrition also helped undermine the branch. Several members were summoned to Oakland to work on the mayoral and city council campaigns of Bobby Seale and Elaine Brown in 1972–73.[156] Others were transferred to other chapters. For example, Schell was ordered to transfer to the New Haven, Connecticut branch. Schell, already under intense scrutiny because of the chaotic state of the organization, decided to resign rather than accept a transfer. His departure was a major loss for the Philadelphia branch. In discussion about Schell, Herbert Hawkins said: Reggie was the baddest leader I knew personally . . . I knew what the man represented. This man really had a love for the people. I could remember when I would sit on task and come back drunk and he would be on my ass like white on rice. He was like a big Brother to me. And you could tell that he was trying to do the job right and it was no opportunist or get rich thing.[157] Although the Panthers continued to function under Sultan Jahmad (aka Herman Smith) and later William Brown and Paula Robinson, Schell’s departure led others to follow and establish the Black United Liberation Front (BULF).[158] Post-Schell, Brown recalled the re-shaping of the Panthers: We stayed in Philly and held on to the Clinic until 1973. During this time, we had a massive food give-away and continued treating people with sickle-cell anemia. We provided legal aide to the community and kept a coalition with other organizations. The Urban Coalition, for example, funded our programs for many years and we had donations from individuals and local businesses. Eventually, we initiated a program called SAFE (Seniors Against a Fearful Environment), so that elderly people could be transported to places especially when they had received their monthly checks. We would take them shopping, back and forth. And we would hire young people to do this job, which helped to fuse ties between the generations. We had an Early Child Development Program where we helped to sharpen our kids and provide them with whatever educational tools were needed for elementary school. We also had an After School Program where we offered snacks and taught youth about Black History and current events. We went to museums and when weather permitted, went to ride ponies at a Quaker’s home who contributed to our causes. They granted use of their

pool so long as there was adult supervision.[159] Two years after Schell’s departure, Jahmad left for Oakland where he served as the campaign manager for Bobby Seale’s and Elaine Brown’s mayoral and city council campaigns.[160] With membership reduced, Panthers continued to sponsor clothing drives, acted as legal aides in prisons, and worked with gang members.[161] The Chapter remained active until 1973.[162] Two years later, Karim Amin, who was reported to be a Panther, stated that the group was still active in the community.[163] Unfortunately, there is very little evidence to further support this claim. Reverend Womack summarized many of the Panthers efforts and challenges when he stated, I think that the Panthers were confronting the system on how they were doing what they were doing . . . making people aware of injustices that existed, that’s what they were. I think they were doing more of that than anything else. And see sometimes when you’re telling people that are in power what they’re doing, sometimes . . . some people don’t want to hear that. So they’re going to try and shut you up. I think that that was a tool that was used very effectively . . . shutting people up.[164] M. Leroy Keyes opined, If people asked me, “how do you feel about the Black Panthers?” My spin on it back then was that it was essential we have someone represent us other than the NAACP. But for some reason, nobody was listening to the NAACP to the degree that they needed to be listened to. It was still the same rhetoric that was always going on. So I looked at the Black Panthers as a positive force within the community . . . they weren’t about killing each other, they were about addressing some of the issues that were pertinent to Black folks without taking the ass whooping we’ve been taking all our lives as slaves.[165] Overall, the Philadelphia Panthers were successful in their social relief efforts and helped to formulate an international identity amongst colonized groups. However, their long-term vision was not fully accomplished. Due to systematic vilification, the Panthers were challenged in fulfilling many of the ideals of Intercommunalism and institutionalizing their survival programs. Although their major objective was decolonization (either through social, political, or military means), in the interim, they were still economically disenfranchised (i.e., neo-colonialism).[166] For example, without the ability to run their survival programs independently, they were vulnerable to a benefactor removing their funds capriciously. Moreover, with the government’s major objective to dismantle the organization, it was highly unlikely that they would support Panther initiatives, a fortiori, give them due credit. Another topic worthy of mention is how the Panthers developed a hybrid identity

through manipulation and negotiation of language and imagery. As Homi Bhabha stated, “the social articulation of difference, from the minority perspective, is a complex, on-going negotiation that seeks to authorize cultural hybridities that emerge in moments of historical transformation.”[167] So, when Huey Newton stated in his definition of power, people must learn how to “define phenomenon and make it act in a desired manner,” he and the Panthers were laying a foundation for the oppressed to shift their worldview and allow a space for them to become self-empowered.[168] As articulated by Chela Sandoval, “wherever language is linked to the making of things and no longer naturalizing them, ideology becomes impossible.”[169] Hence, the Panthers were able to reach a point of meta-ideologizing by deconstructing the imposed artificiality of colonialism. Therefore, they were able to debase U.S. cultural meanings that were inimical to those who were oppressed, and fashioned a revolutionary self-construction that ensured survival and promoted social transformation by way of love and resistance. In sum, the Panthers challenged the inflexible binaries established by U.S. colonialism that historically disenfranchised oppressed groups ideologically and physically. Resultantly, there was a circulatory exchange of power that led to the production of unity and cultural/social awareness in the face of repression and ideology. As one force functioned to breed intolerance and oppression, the other cultivated love and social transformation.

NOTES 1. Dick Gregory, “Wallace is Whistle on Kettle of Racism,” Philadelphia Tribune , June 27, 1970. 2. Lester A. Lefton, Psychology (6th Edition) (Needham Heights: Allyn & Bacon, 1997). 3. The ego is one of the three main divisions of the mind and is involved with control, planning, and conforming to reality; Lefton, Psychology . 4. Ibid. 5. Booker T. Washington discussed passing in his autobiography when he worked with the Indian population at Hampton University. In his observation of them, he stated, “they were continually planning to do something that would add to my happiness and comfort. What they disliked most, I think, were to have their long hair out, to give up wearing their blankets, and to cease smoking but no white American ever thinks that any other race is wholly civilized until he wears the white man’s clothes, eats the white man’s food, speaks the white man’s language, and professes the white man’s religion.”; Booker T. Washington, Up from slavery (New York: Penguin Books, 1986/1901), 98. 6. Millie L. McGhee, Secrets Uncovered: J. Edgar Hoover—Passing for White? (Rancho Cucagmonga, California: Mildred McGhee Morris, 2000); Cartha DeLoach, Hoover’s FBI: The Inside Story by Hoover’s Trusted Lieutenant (Washington: Regnery Publishing, Incorporated, 1995); Anthony Summers, Official and

Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons Publishers, 1993); Richard G. Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: Free Press, 1987). 7. DeLoach, Hoover’s FBI. 8. Lefton, Psychology ; Frances Cress-Welsing, The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors (Chicago: Third World Press, 1991). 9. As discussed by Stuart Hall, stereotyping is a strategy to fix/marginalize dominated and/or colonized groups to a few, simplified, exaggerated, and reduced traits. In the context of domination, this becomes a deleterious force to the humanity of stereotyped groups because there is no change or development in the psyche of the dominant group, thus the stereotyped group become victims of a cultural imprisonment; Stuart Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications Incorporated, 2003). 10. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 11. Lefton, Psychology ; Cress-Welsing, The Isis Papers. 12. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, Incorporated, 2000/1970). 13. As Ture and Hamilton stated, “the groups which have access to the necessary resources and the ability to effect change benefit politically and economically from the continued subordinate status of the black community”; Kwame Ture and Charles Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation (New York: Vintage Books, 1992/1967), 22. 14. Luke Ferretter, “The Politics of Culture: Essays on Ideology,” in Louis Althusser, ed. Luke Ferretter (New York: Routledge, 2006); Huey P. Newton, War Against the Panthers: A Study of Repression in America (New York: Harlem River Press, 1996); Alan Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy: Repression in America (New York: David McKay Company, Incorporated, 1973). 15. “Defense Mechanisms,” accessed January 29, 2006, http://www.coldbacon.com/defenses.html. 16. Gayatri Spivak, Outside in the Teaching Machine (New York: Routledge, 1993). 17. S. Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications Inc, (2003). 18. Judson L. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002); Chela Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). 19. This arrest was connected to a raid at Schell’s sister’s house in Fort Bragg, N.C. where officers searched for her boyfriend who was alleged to be linked to a bank robbery. During the raid, officers found information on Reggie Schell (e.g., identification, Panther/class notes) and an M-14 rifle alleged to be stolen) from Fort Bragg army base; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005. 20. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 21. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006.

22. “Northwest Group Hosts Panthers; Are ‘Impressed,’” Philadelphia Tribune , November 1, 1969, 32. 23. Ibid. 24. Black Community News Service, “Fallen Comrades,” Black Panther (Berkeley, Calif.), Spring, 1991. 25. Judson L. Jeffries and Omari L. Dyson, “Nobody Knows My Name: The Marginalization of Mark Clark in America’s Collective Consciousness,” International Social Science Review 85, no. 3&4 (2010); Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, Agents of Repression: The FBI’s Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. (Boston: South End Press, 1990); FBI’s War on Black America, directed by Denis Mueller and Deb Ellis (1989; Orland Park, Ill.: Maljack Productions, Incorporated, 2001), VHS. 26. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 27. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 28. Sharon Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner: The Autobiography of Russell “Marron” Shoatz (New Paltz: Revolution Center, 1999), 156. 29. Ibid. 30. Jack Olsen, Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt (New York: Doubleday, 2000); Churchill and Vander Wall, Agents of Repression. 31. Abu-Jamal’s statements are critical in understanding the will of a determined group to attain power. Despite the repressive measures used against the Panthers (locally and nationally), their resistance enabled them to continue serving and defending themselves. Hence, power—a circular and ever-changing phenomenon— functions as both repressive and productive; Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Hall, Representation. 32. “23 Groups Here Pledge Panthers Their Support,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 13, 1969, 3. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. “More Support For Panthers,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 16, 1969, 9. 36. Ibid. 37. More specifically, between March 1968 to December 1969, a total of nineteen Panthers were slain; Earl Caldwell, “Lawyer Names 19 Panthers He Says Were Slain,” New York Times, December 21, 1969; Lawrence H. Geller, “Coleman on Committee Probing Slaying of Two Black Panther Members,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 20, 1969, 2. 38. Geller, “Coleman on Committee Probing Slaying of Two Black Panther Members”, 2. 39. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 40. In Cecilia Clinkscale’s documentary (1994), Brown stated that he “was asked to become an informant on numerous occasions, but refused”; On the Prowl: The Black Panther Party in Philadelphia, directed by Cecilia Clinkscale (1994; Colorado Springs, Colo.: Taurus Production, 1994), VHS.

41. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007; “Panther Leader Calls Bombing ‘Sneak Attack,’” Philadelphia Tribune , March 17, 1970, 4. 42. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 43. John Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers: Philadelphia Boomerang,” Nation, October 12, 1970; William J. Speers, “A Week of Violence: The Facts and the Meaning,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 6, 1970, 1, 10. 44. Sharon Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner. 45. Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”; Speers, “A Week of Violence” Philadelphia Inquirer , 1, 10. 46. Ibid. 47. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005; Mumia Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party (Cambridge: South End Press, 2004). 48. Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner. 49. Ibid., 170. 50. Speers, “A Week of Violence”, 1, 10. 51. Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner, 167. 52. Ibid.; as identified by Russell Shoatz, “corrected” was a Panther euphemism for assassination. 53. “Report of Panther Weapons Led to Raids, Rizzo Says,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 4, 1970, 3. 54. Ibid. 55. Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner; Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”. 56. On the Prowl, directed by Clinkscale. 57. Ibid. 58. Ferretter, “The Politics of Culture”. 59. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991/1965), 10-11. 60. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 61. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 62. Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner. 63. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007. 64. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006; Dick Cluster, They Should Have Served that Cup of Coffee (Boston: South End Press, 1979). 65. Ibid. 66. Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, January 2006. 67. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007. 68. Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 357 F. Supp. 1289 (1973a). 69. Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”. 70. Ibid., 332.

71. On the Prowl directed by Clinkscale. 72. Brown, W. (2007, February 10). Personal communication. 73. Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”. 74. On the Prowl directed by Clinkscale. 75. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007.; On the Prowl, directed by Clinkscale; Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”. 76. On the Prowl, directed Clinkscale. 77. Hall, Representation; Cornel West, “Forum on African American Issues Since 9/11 C-Span Archives Morning Session,” (Philadelphia, Pa., February 2002); Frantz Fanon, Black Skins, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1967/1952). 78. William Pinar, What is Curriculum Theory? (Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Incorporated, 2004), 97. 79. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 80. M. Leroy Keyes in discussion with the author, March 2007. 81. Ibid. 82. Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”. 83. Cluster, They Should Have Served that Cup of Coffee . 84. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 85. “Nightstick Control,” New Republic, August 25, 1979, 3. 86. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 87. Pamela Haynes, “Bail Money for Panthers Put Up by Quakers Group,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 8, 1970, 2; Anthony Lame and Ken Shuttleworth, “Panther Captain Released After Bail is Cut to $2500,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 5, 1970, 9; Robert Terry and Charles Gilbert, “3 Policemen are Wounded in N. Philadelphia,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 1, 1970, 1. 88. Panthers included Donna Marie Howell, Joseph T. Saunders, Linda Harper, Reggie Schell, Barbara McGriff, Robinetta Gladden, James Scott, R.J. Thomas, Anthony Jones, Herbert Hawkins, William Brown, and Walter Williams. Robert Jones and Pat Lucas (who were engaged and expecting a child) were not members of the Party, but resided on the third floor of the West Philadelphia office. Their fate, unfortunately, was lumped in with the others; Higgins, “Panic Over Panthers”; Lame and Shuttleworth, “Panther Captain Released After Bail is Cut to $2500”. 89. Lame and Shuttleworth, “Panther Captain Released After Bail is Cut to $2500”. 90. Frank J. Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). 91. Dennis Kirkland and John P. Clancy, “Panthers Refuse Goods Returned by City Policemen,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 3, 1970, 1. 92. “Nightstick Control,”, 3; Robert J. Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present (New York: Two Continents Publishing Group, Ltd., 1999). 93. Lawrence Geller, “Many Criticize Police Raid on Black Panthers’ Center,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 1, 1970, 1, 2.

94. Ibid. 95. Ibid. 96. Ibid. 97. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 98. Shoatz, The Making of a Political Prisoner, 171. 99. Kirkland and Clancy, “Panthers Refuse Goods Returned by City Policemen”, 1. 100. “Group to File Suit to Halt Police Raids on Panthers,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 1, 1970, 3. 101. Len Lear, “Gov’t Attacks on Panthers Called a Cover Up for its Own Racism,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 26, 1970, 8. 102. Lame and Shuttleworth, “Panther Captain Released After Bail is Cut to $2500”, 9. 103. Pamela Haynes, “Panthers’ Captain Gets Community: Schell’s Bail Case is Continued; Convention Slated to Open Today,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 5, 1970, 1, 2. 104. Ibid. 105. Ibid. 106. Len Lear, “Fanatical Panthers, Police Trying to Provoke Each Other to Bloodshed, ACLU Insists,” Philadelphia Tribune , September 8, 1970, 24. 107. Len Lear, “Police Brutality Suit is Postponed,” Philadelphia Tribune , October 3, 1970, 4. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid. 110. Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 357 F. Supp. 1289 (1973).; Lawrence H. Geller, “22 Community Groups Seek Order to Restrain Police,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 10, 1970, 1, 2. 111. Ibid., Matthew J. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006). 112. Lawrence H. Geller, “22 Community Groups Seek Order to Restrain Police,” Philadelphia Tribune , November 10, 1970, 1, 2. 113. Lawrence H. Geller, “Police Restraining Case Here Rested by Complainants,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 8, 1970, 1, 3. 114. Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 357 F. Supp. 1289 (1973), 1321. 115. Ibid. 116. Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 60 F.R.D. 615 (1973), 616. 117. Ibid. 118. Ibid. 119. Mr. Justice Stevens took no part in the case’s decision, while Mr. Justices

Blackmun, Brennan, and Marshall dissented. 120. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., v. Gerald Goode, et. al., 96 S. Ct. 598 (1976), 598. 121. Ibid. 122. “Ericka Blackwell” in discussion with the author, December 2007. 123. The case was ‘Called into Doubt by’: Brown v. Grabowski, 922 F. 2d. 1097 (3rd Cir. [New Jersey] December 31, 1990). The case was ‘Distinguished by’ others in: Illinois Migrant Council v. Pilliod, 540 F. 2d 1062 (7th Cir. [Illinois] August 17, 1976); Lyons v. City of Los Angeles, 615 F. 2d 1243; Deary v. Guardian Loan Co., Inc., 563 F. Supp. 264; Bush v. Viterna, 795 F. 2d 1203 (5th Cir. [Texas] August 4, 1986); LaDuke v. Nelson, 762 F. 2d 1318, 53 USLW 2625 (9th Cir. [Washington] June 10, 1985); Rizzo v. Goode, 96 S. Ct. 598 (1976). 124. Joseph R. Daughen and Peter Binzen, The Cop Who Would Be King: Mayor Frank Rizzo (Boston: Little Brown Company, 1977), 149. 125. Clarence Peterson in discussion with the author, April 2006. 126. Dennis Kirkland and William Thompson, “Hundreds Gather in Phila. For Panthers’ Convention,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 5, 1970; Dennis Kirkland, David Umansky, and Cliff Linedecker, “Words Hot, People Cool at Temple,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 6, 1970. 127. Paul M. Washington and David McL. Gracie, “Other Sheep I Have”: The Autobiography of Father Paul M. Washington (Philadelphia: Temple University 1994), 131. 128. Ibid. 129. Fred J. Hamilton, Rizzo (New York: Viking Press, 1973), 85. 130. Washington and Gracie, “Other Sheep I Have”. 131. The Greater Philadelphia Movement was an organization composed of civic leaders who conducted research on some of the city’s most pressing problems. 132. “GPM Urban Group Praise Rizzo’s ‘Restraint’ During Panther Parley,” Evening Bulletin , September 11, 1970. 133. The Urban Coalition was a group that included leaders committed to programs that enabled the disadvantaged to share in the city’s bounty. 134. “GPM Urban Group Praise Rizzo’s ‘Restraint’ During Panther Parley”. 135. Ibid. 136. Gerald McKelvey, “Rizzo’s Critics Hum Different Melody, Praise Police Handling of Convention,” Philadelphia Inquirer , September 9, 1970, 1. 137. Ibid. 138. Ibid. 139. Paulo Freire, Education, the Practice of Freedom (London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative, 1973/1967). 140. Len Lear, “Daily Papers and Police Conspire to Hide Truth, Researchers Find,” Philadelphia Tribune , December 5, 1970, 5. 141. Brian Glick, War at Home: Covert Action Against U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It (Boston: South End Press, 1999), 14. 142. “Ripping off the FBI,” Time, accessed October 24,

2007,http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,876894,00.html. 143. “Local Citizens’ Group ‘Investigates’ FBI After Taking All Their Files,” Philadelphia Tribune , March 13, 1971, 4. 144. American Gangster: The Complete Second Season, produced by Anthony Storm, Arthur Smith, Chris Mortensen, Curtis Scoon, and Frank Sinton (2007; Hollywood, Calif.: Paramount Pictures, 2008), DVD; Powers, Secrecy and Power; Summers, Official and Confidential. 145. Denise T. Baszile, “Rage in the Interests of Black Self: Curriculum Theorizing as Dangerous Knowledge,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 22, no. 1 (2006), 95. 146. Glick, War at Home, 38. 147. The Philadelphia Tribune reported that in Atlantic City “nearly every black policeman in the resort city [put] his signature on a list of grievances against alleged racism, segregation, and brutality within their own department.” Accusations evidenced how some Vice Squad (i.e., the Special Investigation Squad) officers beat up white girls with black men and two members who called blacks “niggers” and “coons,” and beat prisoners after being handcuffed; “Atlantic City Black Police Charge Own Department With Racism, Bias and Brutality,” Philadelphia Tribune , August 15, 1970, 1, 3. 148. Milton McGriff in discussion with the author, November 2005. 149. Barbara Easley-Cox in discussion with the author, October 2005. 150. Ibid.; Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005. 151. Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005. 152. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton. 153. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 154. Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005; Ethel Parish in discussion with the author, October 2005; Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005; Herbert Hawkins in discussion with the author, November 2005. 155. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007. 156. Clarence Peterson, Brief History of the Philadelphia Chapter Black Panther Party (ISBN: 1-166967791, 2009). 157. Herbert Hawkins in discussion with the author, November 2005. 158. The Black United Liberation Front erected in 1971-1972. Their objectives were similar to the Panthers and they continued to organize and educate the community, participated in the Breakfast, Clothing, and Busing-to-Prison Programs. The organization stayed together until about 1975–76, but were pressed financially and some members redirected energy to meeting the needs of their families; Countryman, Up South(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Reggie Schell in discussion with the author, September 2005; Mumia Abu-Jamal, We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party (Cambridge: South End Press, 2004). 159. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007. 160. Sultan Jahmad personal communication with author, February 2007. 161. Ibid.

162. William Brown in discussion with the author, February 2007.; Matthew J. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Mumia Abu-Jamal in discussion with the author, October 2005. 163. “Black Panthers: Little Left,” Philadelphia Daily News , March 24, 1975. 164. Richard Womack in discussion with the author, January 2007. 165. M. Leroy Keyes in discussion with the author, March 2007. 166. Neo-colonialism refers to how former colonial forces maintain control (whether through cultural standards and/or imposed economic dependency) of their former colonies despite liberation movements; Simon Malpas and Paul Wake, The Routledge Companion to Critical Theory (New York: Routledge, 2006); Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices; Chela Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000); Ziauddin Sardar and Borin Van Loon, Introducing Cultural Studies (Thirplow: Totem Books, 1997); Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); Edward Said, “The Politics of Knowledge,” in Race, Identity, and Representation in Education, ed. Cameron McCarthy & Warren Crichlow (New York: Routledge, 1993); Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1963); Fanon, Black Skins, White Masks . 167. Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994), 3. 168. Huey P. Newton, “Educate to Liberate,” Black Panther, March 27, 1971, 9. 169. Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed , 108.

Chapter 6

A Telling Legacy OVERVIEW OF SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS On my seven-year journey to construct The Black Panther Party and Transformative Pedagogy: Place-Based Education in Philadelphia, I focused on blending the worlds of cultural studies, critical pedagogy, post-colonial studies, education, economics, history, place-based education, and social psychology to examine the social transformation efforts initiated by the rank-and-file members of the Philadelphia branch of the Black Panther Party (1968–1974). Previously, many writings on the Panthers provided an overview of the group and their survival programs, but failed to detail possible idiosyncrasies across social contexts. Moreover, many of these writings failed to construct stories based on testimonies from the rank-and-file members in a specified branch/chapter. My research has challenged such limitations by presenting the heterogeneity of the group by way of former members’ lived resistances. In addition, the perspectives of former Philadelphia residents and other collected sources further strengthened the dependability of my research. By analyzing content from multiple sources, I sought to consolidate various writings of the Philadelphia branch, produce an accurate portrayal of their story, and nest this body of work as a historical and curricular text. By identifying this historical moment in the Black Power Movement, my overall goal was to provide readers with a template on the importance of examining social group identity across the intersections of factors such as: race, class, gender, power, sexuality, and history. Since the social and educational efforts sponsored by the Black Panther Party have been practically excluded from curriculum literature and pedagogy, this study fills the gap. With stories co-constructed by the Philadelphia Panthers, this text serves as a handbook on their pedagogical approach to meeting the basic needs of the community by way of education and action research. Overall, the 1960s marked a period of hope and despair in the lives of many colonized groups housed in the United States. From a post-colonial framework, I wanted to uncover overlooked forms of historical resistance(s), address how such resistance(s) applied to the Panthers in Philadelphia, and how such resistance(s) differed from the prevailing voice of the dominant culture. Common misperception(s) fueled the negative projections of the Panthers as violent and has limited them within this restrictive label. Resultantly, this incessant practice has aided in fixing the Panthers into a rigid binary position with little room for critical dialogue. Such an ideology falls victim to person-blaming and disables individuals from engaging in an analysis on the sociohistorical forces that contributed to the rise of this organization, among others. After utilizing the tenets of post-colonialism and cultural studies to frame this text, I came to understand that Black Nationalism and Intercommunalism did not exist in a

vacuum, but were responses, on the part of the oppressed, to years of exclusion, abuse, and inequity. With initiatives to target police brutality, poor education, basic human needs, gangs, and political representation, the Panthers laid a framework to the extent by which an individual and/or group must expend in order to achieve social transformation. In some cases, it involved lost relationships among friends and family; imprisonment; exile; and, in extreme cases, death. The Panthers, among other groups, sacrificed their lives for the survival of a people; and for this gift, today’s public is indebted. In regards to the Philadelphia community, some witnessed the need and effectiveness of the Panthers’ survival programs, and responded with continual support. Many Black Philadelphians experienced years of social disarray and a city that failed to take heed to their pleas. It may be difficult to detect today, but the Panthers made a difference in the city of Brotherly Love by actively responding to the cries of the downtrodden at a time when many poor Philadelphians were in the most need of aid. In doing so, they decided to journey into the unknown by confronting their oppressor, and responsively, won the hearts and minds of the people. This is not to say that the Black community was one hundred percent in support of the branch. There were those that remained leery of the Panthers due to their inflammatory rhetoric and media reports that depicted them as a violence prone fringe group. For the most part, the Black community stood behind the Panthers when they needed it most. A clear indication of this transpired when neighborhood residents tore down boards and placards after police condemned a Panther office. Without hesitation, they put things back in place by the time Panthers were released from jail. Another example revolves around the free breakfast program. Here, parents turned over their most precious creation—their children—to the Panthers, who responded by demonstrating their responsibility, trustworthiness, and love in meeting the needs of one of society’s most vulnerable populations. It goes without question that community support was the key ingredient to the Panthers’ effectiveness and existence. Therefore, the relationship between the Philadelphia branch and the community was not asymmetrical, but rather one that exemplified an adage uttered many times by Dr. Newton: “I have the people behind me and the People are my strength.”[1] Besides geographical differences, Philadelphia differed from the Oakland chapter on various facets. First, Philadelphia was a branch that reported to the New York chapter, while Oakland was a chapter and was national headquarters. Second, many images and discourse label the Panthers as gun-toters; however, this was not the case across the nation. In the state of California, it was legal for citizens to carry arms in public, and Panthers took advantage of their constitutional rights up until 1967.[2] Pennsylvania did not have a similar law, but citizens were able to possess arms. Third, Oakland had a wider array of survival programs then its Philadelphia counterpart. This was mainly because of the chapter’s (1966) versus the branch’s (1968) initiation, number of members, and financial resources. By no means does this discount the Philadelphia members’ efforts, because in the allotted time of operation and accessible resources, they were able to rebuild their community by meeting the

deficiency (e.g., physiological, safety, belongingness and love, and esteem) and growth needs (e.g., need to know and understand, aesthetic, and self-actualization) of the people.[3] In the height of social dishevel, one crucial factor worthy of discussion is how many of the Panthers maintained their subjectivity during the height of political repression. Despite the efforts of Frank Rizzo (who was nicknamed “Cisco Kid”), other law officials, and the media; the group continued to assert its leadership as it fulfilled the needs of the Philadelphia community. By understanding the importance of critical consciousness, identity, revolution, resistance, power, and love, many of the Panthers transcended the forces that attempted to hinder their objectives. This is so often neglected in discussions that I have encountered about the group. Many Panthers understood that by reclaiming their identity and establishing nationhood (i.e., decolonization), the consequence of violence would likely follow.[4] This was the reality of many Blacks who became martyrs to the liberation struggle. Panthers, nationwide, were at war in their communities (and in some cases, home), yet many superficial discussions fail to address how the surreptitious acts used by the government impacted the lives and initiatives of the Panthers. Although many attacks by colonial forces objectified the group, the Panthers rebounded, continued to resist domination, and fulfilled their social commitment. Despite their decline, and eventual demise, in the early 1970s, many of the former Panthers still struggle for liberation as they proclaim the mantra: “Once a Panther, always a Panther.” In regards to developing consciousness, the Panthers sought to challenge formal and traditional educational approaches that were ineffective, inequitable, and exclusionary. By connecting education with the global society, Panther pedagogues helped community participants understand their social position, relevance, and social responsibility. By following a step-by-step process to decolonize the minds of the people, they wanted to assist the community in reclaiming their humanity and restructure their lives. Utilizing tools such as dialogue, teacher/student centered teaching, and personal experiences, the Panthers provided a necessary space for attendees of political education classes, gang interventions, and free breakfasts to expand their worldview beyond Philadelphia. Through such venues, they were able to identify problems and produce solutions to alleviate suffering (i.e., action research). These educational efforts helped to increase membership, increase media exposure, and solicit support from local organizations and businesses. Additionally, by establishing the Peoples’ Free Library, Panthers were able to expose community members to scholars and writers who were commonly excluded from the mainstream curriculum, thus producing another means for individuals to achieve self-actualization.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY The Black Panther Party and Transformative Pedagogy: Place-Based Education in Philadelphia, attends to the rise, experiences, and demise of the Philadelphia branch of the Black Panther Party. Therefore, the story(-ies) that emerged in this study may

not transfer to the experiences of Panthers (outside of Philadelphia), other Blacks, and organizations seeking social change during the specified period. In addition, because the sample size included a portion of the Philadelphia branch and community residents, discussions with a wider range of former Philadelphia Panthers and community members may present an alternative story. Due to time and financial restraints, primary information was acquired through phone conversations. As a result, some participants may not have been forthright with information shared due to trust, rapport, and discomfort (especially related to being victims of repression). Another influential variable that came to light during one of my interviews was the risk of participatory exploitation. During a discussion with one of the former Philadelphia Panthers, I learned that after the Panthers’ fortieth anniversary in 2006, some Panthers discussed how researchers researched the group, profited off of the work, and provided little to no retribution to the members who assisted. This spilled over in one of my interactions with a member who was resistant to participating in the project. Another individual who spoke with me on my visit to Philadelphia stated that he was interested in participating, but postanniversary, stated that he needed to run it by the former captain before participating. I received no further contact until I reminded him on how crucial his voice was to developing this story, and he decided to participate. In another situation, I received contact information for a Panther in April 2008. I contacted him in the middle of the week to set up an interview. We agreed that the weekend would work out best with our schedules. When the interview day arrived, I contacted him a few hours prior to remind him, and he responded very positively and affirmed. When the agreed upon time arrived, I called and spoke to the answering machine. After about an hour, I called back and his wife answered. I introduced myself to her and she paused for a second and said, “He does not want to do the interview anymore.” This was very frustrating for me, but is, unfortunately, part of what can occur when researching any topic using qualitative methods. After consulting with my mentor about this, I was told that it would be more effective to obtain any relevant information in early conversations rather than allowing time to lapse. Alongside this setback, another challenge emerged in my ability to access other Panthers based on the recommendation of others (i.e., snowball approach). If a former Panther was unwilling to participate, or held on to personal and/or organizational grudges over the years, then there was a strong possibility that they did not provide information on the whereabouts of other members. Since it was difficult to access many members from this population, mainly due to my physical distance from Philadelphia, I placed heavy reliance on such members (i.e., gatekeepers) to aid in the recruitment process. Another factor that slightly disappointed me about the construction of this study occurred on my recent trip to Philadelphia in June 2012. On my visit, I was informed that a member developed a copyrighted pamphlet on the history of the Philadelphia Panthers. Since he was a critical contributor to this text, I was surprised that he failed to mention any of my research on the Philadelphia Panthers. Although I was slightly

disappointed, the shocking moment occurred when I saw a list of former Panthers in the back of the pamphlet. Now, when I asked this individual if he knew of any other members that were in the organization that I could contact, he said that he did not know. Nevertheless, from his contribution, I learned that the Philadelphia branch of the Black Panther Party had approximately ninety-three members, less twenty-two people who were identified by first names or nicknames. So, out of the seventy-one identifiable members of the organization, I attempted to interview thirteen of them (18.3 percent), spoke with twelve (16.9 percent), and had the honor to interview ten (14.1 percent). Another limitation of this study, and qualitative research as a whole, was attempting to capture experiences over a four-decade period. Although many former members vividly remembered their experiences, there were some minor details that could not be captured (e.g., dates, names, etc.). In addition, some participants may not have shared information that they felt was relevant. And without me asking probing question to educe such information, another layer of this story was left uncovered. Continuing in this regard, albeit we, as a society, are in a technological revolution, it still remains difficult to locate people after so many years without members having some contact with them over the years. Furthermore, this becomes further heightened when a former member has passed and no one was updated on this individual’s status.

IMPLICATIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS As Daniel Perlstein expressed, “no group embodied the repudiation of assimilation and nonviolence or captured and transformed the imagination of African America more fully than the Panthers.”[5] After their attempts for social, cultural, political, and educational change, the Black Panther Party is one of many organizations excluded from mainstream curriculum. The mainstream culture is not the only culprit, as many Black/African Americans neglect to link current reform initiatives with those addressed by the Panthers. Thus, future research must continue to challenge dominant ideology and produce accurate stories on such groups to ‘truly’ educate individuals/society on how such organizations shaped (and continue to shape) the global society. In regards to this theme, Joseph Saunders shared, Our story [as Black people] needs to be told and rehashed. I am not saying go all the way back to Africa, but it is important for our young people to know our history so they have a sense of pride. The story needs to be retold by people like us.[6] This text is a crucial piece of literature that captures the experiences of a few 1960s freedom fighters. In that same breath, these individuals will not live forever. Thus, documenting their stories is a necessity. I recall attempting to get in contact with Mr. Craig Williams in 2007. None of the Panthers knew his current residence or

contact, but I did receive information on where he worked (Camden, New Jersey). I soon contacted the establishment only to find out that Mr. Williams had passed a couple years prior. I communicated this news to Mr. Schell, who was saddened by the revelation. Therefore, as scholar-activists, it is our duty to take advantage of any opportunity to capture a picture of history. This process does not have to be limited to activists within such movements because history lives in the minds and eyes of elders in our families and communities. These people’s stories are only a phone call or visit away and are indispensable voices that can assist in carving a liberatory path for the future. With a continuing dialogue on the Black Panther Party, I am confident that some individuals will continue to seek justice (i.e., reparations) for those still affected by political repression (or legitimate law enforcement) on the part of law officials (government to local), media, and the public.[7] Currently, many former Panther members live in poverty, are exiled, and have lost or could not attain jobs based on their affiliation with the group. What’s worse, many former Panthers suffer from posttraumatic stress syndrome due to governmental repression. Furthermore, former affiliates of the Panthers, despite evidence proving their innocence, are still imprisoned in the United States (e.g., Mumia Abu-Jamal, Mutulu Shakur, Sundiata Acoli, etc.). This is problematic because after COINTELPRO was uncovered and divulged to the public in March 1971, the government has failed in being fully accountable for their actions. And with a powerful figure like President Barack Obama in office, I sometimes wonder whether or not he is aware of this reality. If he is not, then he must be informed. If not, then my question is why a pardon has not been granted to them. Notwithstanding, I must conclude that their incarceration represents the continual imprisonment of a people, the continual erosion of critical consciousness, and ultimately, the re-enforcement of U.S. hegemony. I recall a conversation with one Panther who stated, “The reason why the movement towards reparations has not occurred is because there are key political figures that will not allow it to come to fruition because they will be negatively affected.” Although this statement may be valid, I believe that this Panther was pointing to society’s choice to allow responsibility, love, and humanism to take a back seat to irresponsibility, recklessness, and abusiveness.[8] For scholar-activists, studying the Panthers provides a tangible example on the extent that a group partook to transform society by “[going] for broke.”[9] Thus, if education equates to social transformation, then, I argue, that the Panthers are a metonym to education. I firmly believe that by taking time to examine their initiatives, social advocates can utilize their strategies and effectively structure a program/organization that can transform society in the midst of ideology and repression. In 1949, Ralph Tyler’s educational philosophy asked the following question: “Should the school develop young people to fit into the present society as it is or does the school have a revolutionary mission to develop young people who will seek to

improve the society?”[10] As pedagogy, the Panthers illustrated that teaching cannot occur at a microlevel, per se, but must be a communal effort. This is crucial for today’s educational system in low-income communities that seldom incorporate the community in the educational process. By utilizing both teacher-centered (the teacher acting out of love and care) and student-centered approaches, the Panthers illustrated that teaching was fluid and adjustable to the times.[11] Education, for many Panthers, became the nucleus for achieving social consciousness and fulfilling the mission of process—transforming society. Understanding the Panthers also sheds light on the importance of applying neoMarxism as a tool for social change. One of the major forces that severely damaged the Panthers was internal strife. Without a revolution of self to challenge notions of racism, sexism, heterosexism, classism, and the like, individuals will be easily wheedled to consent to dominant ideology, thus thwarting any concerted effort to achieve social change.[12] Moreover, failure for individuals to accomplish this goal, will aid in an expedient dismantling by ideological and repressive forces. Finally, after reviewing the history of Philadelphia (books, journals, etc.), I was disappointed by the almost invisibility (or absence of presence) on the contributions and stories of Black women. This is a critical issue that future scholars should attend to in their research endeavors. Therefore, to avoid exclusion of critical voices in the Black liberation struggle, I recommend an analysis through lenses such as: Africana Womanism, Black Feminist Thought, and/or Queer Theory to further the dialogue on this organization, uncover other forms of oppression, and further the journey to knowledge and social justice.

NOTES 1. Thinkexist, “Huey Newton Quotes,” Thinkexist, http://thinkexist.com/quotes/huey_newton/, accessed September 2, 2012. 2. By May 2, 1967, the Mulford Bill (aka the Anti-Panther Bill) was passed and restricted “the carrying of loaded weapons within incorporated areas” (specifically in Oakland, California); Gene Marine, The Black Panthers (New York: Signet Books, 1969), 63. 3. Omari L. Dyson, “Nesting the Black Panther Party in the Zeitgeist of Uncertainty,” in On the Ground: The Black Panther Party in Communities Across America, ed. Judson L. Jeffries (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2010); Abraham Maslow, The Farther Reaches of Human Nature (New York: Viking Press, 1971); Abraham Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York: Harper & Row, 1954). 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Skins, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1967/1952). 5. Daniel Perlstein, “Minds Stayed on Freedom: Politics and Pedagogy in the African American Freedom Struggle,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William H. Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated, 2005), 45. 6. Joseph T. Saunders in discussion with the author, January 2007.

7. Brian Glick, War at Home: Covert Action Against U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It (Boston: South End Press, 1999). 8. Martin L. King Jr., “Where Do We Go From Here?” (speech delivered at the Southern Christian Leadership Council, Atlanta, Georgia, August 16, 1967). 9. James Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers,” in Sources: Notable Selections in Education, 2nd ed., ed. Fred Schultz (Guilford: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1998). 10. Ralph Tyler, Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969/1949), 35. 11. Joy Ann Williamson, “Community Control With a Black Nationalist Twist: The Black Panther Party’s Educational Programs,” in Black Protest Thought and Education, ed. William Watkins (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2005). 12. Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curriculum, 3rd ed. (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004); Chela Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000); Glick, War at Home; Michael W. Apple, “On Analyzing Hegemony (reprinted),” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 1, no. 1 (1979).

Chapter 7

The Cost of Truly Educating “. . . to handicap a student by teaching him that his black face is a curse and that his struggle to change his condition is hopeless is the worst sort of lynching. It kills one’s aspirations and dooms him to vagabondage and crime.”[1] “The Black youth need something that they can be proud of. Make them athletes, because if they become revolutionary they will be killed.”[2] During the 21st century, many youths, especially those from impoverished communities, have become susceptible to various social variables that have impeded their social, emotional, physical, and spiritual growth. It is a disheartening reality when our children are forced to grow up in conditions in which they are constantly subjected to abuse and neglect. Such obstacles are further compounded when these youth lack available community resources that can provide refuge from stressful situations. It goes without question that any responsible agent of social change must be willing to struggle for the humanity of our youths. When this fact is ignored, or there is a reluctance to create effective programs to counter the negative effects of oppression, I fear that many of our youths’ dreams will continue to be shattered. If we, as a society, continue to be consenting bystanders in the face of oppression, then we will eventually crumble. Stokely Carmichael eloquently expressed, “We [Blacks] have been so dehumanized, we’re like a dog which the master can kick, which the master can throw out the house, which the master can spit on. And whenever he calls, the dog comes running back.”[3] Carmichael’s words may seem dogmatic, but after a thorough examination of many of the United States’ social institutions, one will find that inequities across race, class, and gender are ubiquitous. But relative to Black people, since we, as a whole, seem reticent in addressing the source of our problems, we are then at the mercy of someone outside of developing palliative policies and programs that are likely to be ineffective in fully addressing the diversity of our needs. [4] This has been the case for many years and has left past and current generations miffed by their inability to cash a “bad check” from a bankrupt and corrupt system.[5] Because of this reality, I have directed a considerable amount of my teaching, research, and service initiatives to address how oppression operates in the U.S. educational system. Historically, education was one of the primary mediums to which a group of people could forge a path to attain social success. Resultantly, it has become a site of extreme volatility as historically oppressed groups attempt to overcome various social barriers that have blighted their group’s development.[6] With such a battleground present, I understand and identify with many Scholar-Activists who have proclaimed that the true education of a colonized person is a revolutionary act.[7]

To be truly educated, in my opinion, is a process that is easier said than done. History dictates that only naïveté will allow someone to believe that true education can occur without a cost. Oftentimes, when individuals have embarked on a quest to liberate themselves via education, they find themselves ostracized by the society from whence they came. In his speech, “The Negro Child—His Self Image,” James Baldwin articulated this to an audience of teachers when he said: To any citizen of this country who figures himself as responsible—and particularly those of you who deal with the minds and hearts of young people—must be prepared to “go for broke.” Or to put it another way, you must understand that in the attempt to correct so many generations of bad faith and cruelty, when it is operating not only in the classroom but in society, you will meet the most fantastic, the most brutal, and the most determined resistance. There is no point in pretending that this won’t happen.[8] When one studies the lessons that activists, such as the Panthers, taught future generations, one fact that presents itself is that social resistance and transformation is not a “9-to-5 job” . . . it is a life-long commitment. A commitment that requires a person to be: disciplined, responsible, determined, and courageous. In saying this, I am reminded of Mrs. Jane Elliott’s valiant effort to challenge the status quo of her town (Riceville, Iowa) by challenging racism, prejudice, and discrimination that were fully operational in her third grade classroom in the late-1960s. Now, some people may say that teaching racism, prejudice, and/or discrimination to youth (regardless of social group identity) is futile because of their age. Or, some may present a specious argument by stating that they do not want to present the topic because their children might become “racist.” These reasons may have some validity, but their reasoning does not control for some individuals’ tendency to project their own discomfort and insecurity about a topic onto their children. And when these individuals anchor their minds around such faulty assumptions, the racialization of our children continues, thus forcing many of them to become the victims or victimizers of racial discrimination.[9] For Mrs. Elliott, her limit-act exposed the need for race to be addressed and processed as early as elementary school. Her initial experiment was conducted on April 5, 1968—one day after the death of Martin Luther King, Jr. and a day prior to the murder of Bobby Hutton (the youngest member of the Black Panther Party) at the hands of police officials—and involved the dividing of her students into two groups based on eye color (i.e., brown and blue).[10] After receiving their labels, students were told that they were entitled to certain privileges based on the color of their eyes: blue eyes received all privileges (i.e., superior group); brown eyes had little to no privileges (i.e., inferior group). With little resistance, her students acquiesced and accepted the program. After creating a condition that temporarily removed the inhibitions of her students, Mrs. Elliott witnessed her blue-eyed students enact the most dreadful acts against their brown-eyed counterparts (e.g., ridicule, fighting, ignoring, etc.) because of a

“superficial” trait. By allowing her students to be discriminatory for a day, she was able to observe her once peaceful and loving children become dastardly and evil. As she questioned where her children could have learned such behaviors, she concluded that society (i.e., family, school, media, religion) inhibited her students’ underlying feelings.[11] These feelings were implanted in their unconscious minds at an early age, cultivated by a culture of silence and dehumanization, and eventually, unleashed to the world when the context permitted.[12] By no means was this a fault on these children (or any other); they were victims of a larger social problem. By connecting this to slave culture, Frederick Douglass stated, “ . . . for slavery could change a saint into a sinner, and an angel into a demon.”[13] Hence, when confronting the ills that saturate society, the onus must be placed on the social engineers that benefitted from incubating, reproducing, and legitimizing a system that dehumanizes people.[14] Although Mrs. Elliott was criticized for the ethical nature of her experiment, what was most telling was the testimony she shared during a 2005 presentation in Indianapolis, Indiana, regarding the backlash incurred for truly educating. From bomb threats to marginalization, Mrs. Elliott was niggerized. In spite of the backlash, Mrs. Elliott continued in her crusade against injustice by creating a pedagogical model that confronts racism, promotes diversity, and helps to create a humanistic society.[15] After studying Mrs. Elliott’s experiment, I cannot overlook how misguided oppression can be. Even though Mrs. Elliott did not brandish a gun or threaten anyone with violence, the result of her act led to social harassment. Some may think her treatment stemmed from being a White woman, but I sincerely doubt that. Instead, I believe her crime was raising the consciousness of social beings—a criminal act that usually leads to some form of ideological and/or repressive response.[16] Essentially, she, like many historically oppressed groups, experienced the brunt of violence and hate—thus illustrating oppression’s ability to interpolate individuals and compel them to act in accordance with the dominant structure.[17] As Fanon stated, I have said that Negrophobes exist. It is not hatred of the Negro, however, that motivates them; they lack the courage for that, or they have lost it. Hate is not inborn; it has to be constantly cultivated to be brought into being, in conflict with more or less recognized guilt complexes. Hate demands existence, and he who hates has to show his hate in appropriate actions and behavior; in a sense, he has to become hate. That is why the Americans have substituted discrimination for lynching.[18] Fanon’s assessment of such practices against Blacks, in particular, does not seem far-fetched and highlights the brutal acts that individuals are capable of when their defense mechanisms are outwardly directed towards a vulnerable population. Despite lynchings being an overt act of violence against another, it saddens me that many U.S. constituents have developed retrograde amnesia when confronted with this issue. This decision further disables society from fully healing from this dismal period

in U.S. history. Conversely, there are those individuals who are fully conscious of the historical scars left by the barbaric warmongering enacted by White vigilantes, and realize the extreme measures that some would orchestrate in order to re-enforce a culture of fear.[19] Since society has not fully repaired those damaged by this awful practice, my concern, then, is how such behaviors have transferred to other aspects of social living, more specifically, education. Now, in the preceding pages, I presented scattered ideas regarding Black liberation, Mrs. Jane Elliott, lynchings, and education. Each one of these forces speaks to a much larger aspect of society, and therefore, will assist in developing an understanding on how society, education, culture, and the Black Panther Party are interconnected.[20] First, Black liberation is an end goal that functions to challenge and resist White supremacy. It is a process that involves a philosophical shift that will govern an individual’s actions as it relates to oppression. In itself, Black liberation may not overthrow the dominant structure, but it can help to galvanize individuals to engage in SBA (i.e., study, learning, teaching, and wisdom), or deep learning which will enable them to reach SIA (i.e., insight).[21] In turn, they will be better equipped to deal with oppressive situations. As other historically oppressed groups begin to recognize their social positions and engage in their cultural/group liberation process, then historically oppressed groups can connect to form a united front that can effectively challenge the system in hopes of transforming it for the betterment of humanity (i.e., Intercommunalism).[22] Second, Mrs. Elliott represents a crucial aspect of the education system that reflects both the colonialist and humanistic aspect of education. From the standpoint of a colonial educator, Mrs. Elliott demonstrated how malleable her children were and how powerful teachers can be in shaping the psycho-emotional development of their students (i.e., hypnotism).[23] As an ideological force, she was able to disconnect herself from the deficiency and growth needs of her students, therefore suffocating any attempt for them to grow. To me, this is representative of a subtle form of lynching in that the individual slowly dies due to the lack of oxygen (i.e., the breath of life) entering the brain. Resultantly, the individual loses consciousness.[24] This is the fundamental nature and heinousness of colonial education (or experiencing a mental lynching)—it stymies growth and prevents individuals from reaching higher levels of consciousness. This mental lynching functions to rob youths from fully embracing life, relegates them to certain social positions, and blocks them from receiving an opportunity to enjoy the diverse fruits of social success. Therefore, I think it is safe to say that some Black youths in urban schools are in a state of crisis as they interact with a colonial education that serves to dehumanize them. Based on Mrs. Elliott’s experiment, in just fifteen minutes, she was able to socialize her children to accept the labels of blue versus brown eyes. With the labels came an internalization process (i.e., internalized racism) whereby the children who were disadvantaged began to lag academically, while the privileged students excelled precipitously. Now, if Mrs. Elliott could influence children’s academic performance in

such a short period of time, imagine what academic performance would look like (or looks like) for Indigenous Tribes after initial contact with Europeans (over 500 years ago) and African induction into the Western Hemisphere (over 400 years ago). Research indicates that an oppressed group’s relative history in this society influences their academic performance. As Robert-Jay Green reported, A minority group’s relative academic success seems related to its immigration history (voluntary vs. involuntary) and current status in relation to the dominant group. In particular, children from a given sub-cultural group will [perform] more poorly if their group was colonized or enslaved historically by the dominant group. [25]

Some reasons that influence involuntary immigrants’ poor educational attainment stem from racial exclusion, economic limitations, and cultural excision. As a result, the revolutionary potential of education for many historically oppressed groups has been muted. The colonial education system—devoid of democracy, freedom, and humanity —functions to suppress critical consciousness and replace it with hegemonic ideologies that serve the dominant group’s agenda to legitimize authoritarianism, slavery, and cruelty. Therefore, I, among other Scholar-Activists, have concluded that colonial education (i.e., American education) has never (and will never) assist in the social advancement of society’s historically oppressed populations.[26] Its major purpose is to replicate a social structure for the benefit of a few, while the vast majority of people suffer. Contrarily, by examining Mrs. Elliott as a humanistic practitioner who reflects the nurturing and caring side of education, a different dynamic emerges. In this process, educators are able to engage their students in a dialogical process that encourages: critical thinking, active learning, conscious, raising (i.e., conscientizacão), and cultural diversity.[27] Through humanistic education, an educator is able to validate the lives of his or her children, while providing a place for them to understand the link between society and self. When this process is effectively implemented, our children will likely travel on a path to fulfill their dream(s) and unlock their godlike potential.[28] Despite the failure in the US educational and social system in properly meeting the diverse needs of People of Color, holistically, these structures have provided spaces for more effective action initiatives to challenge the limitations of the dominating structure. Responsively, by constructing this book, I focused on: (1) exposing readers to a historical moment in the Black liberation struggle that has been practically omitted from mainstream dialogue and practices; (2) unearthing the socioeducational initiatives of the Black Panther Party in Philadelphia, which transformed education and challenged the soi-disant supremacy of Whites; (3) validating the commitment displayed by Panther members to fulfill their social purpose by sacrificing themselves (i.e., love) so that another generation would survive; and (4) detailing how the Panthers used education as a vehicle to challenge the status quo by promoting social resistance and social change. This sacrifice was one that enabled

many youths and community members to benefit substantially and re-claim their right to dream. Their work, however, is still incomplete . . . With the examination of a local branch of the Black Panther Party, scholaractivists can further dialogue on the overall organization (based on its parts), while understanding how individuals within these locales re-defined and negotiated their Subjectivity(-ies) in the midst of oppression. This was critical during this period, and is needed now. After examining the vast problems that continue to plague this society (e.g., greed, racism, war, sexism, etc.), I believe that the Black Panther Party’s approach serves as an indispensable strategy that can be used today to create a place for community members to become proactive in the face of their limit-situations. [29] Very seldom have I encountered dialogues, research, and/or textbooks that address the contributions made by the Panthers in a particular context. Thus, society is left with unanswered questions as voices critical to the African liberation struggle remain on the periphery. As Pinar et. al. argued, “It is impossible to understand curriculum without understanding the centrality of race in the construction of the American identity.”[30] To further add, I believe it is nearly impossible to understand contemporary public education and sociopolitical relations without examining the Panthers’ survival initiatives and contributions to the globe. Before I committed myself to researching the Black Panther Party, I asked myself, what do I have to lose by partaking in this study? In response, I did not have to look far to discover how plagues such as: underwater homes, exorbitant mortgages, home foreclosures, inflation, high student loan payments, drugs, homicide, single-parent families, self-hate, inequitable education, crime, poverty, war, incarceration, and high unemployment and underemployment, continue to erode this country’s potential in becoming a great and powerful nation. Hence, with a subsection of this society living in shambles, I believe that any effective solution analyzed thoroughly can alleviate misery and venality. If society continues to ignore, exclude, and/or mis-represent the curricular and pedagogical contributions of the Black Panthers, a fortiori any aspect of a historically oppressed group’s history, they are crippling many individuals from a thorough understanding of history, culture, and identity—further perpetuating racism, White privilege, and structural oppression. It was George Orwell who said, “Those who control the past control the future, those who control the present control the past.”[31] Thus, in writing this book, I wanted to engage readers in a reclamation of history by shifting attention to a brief moment in the annals of Black liberation. This story is my quest to transform society and provide readers with an opportunity to reflect and ask themselves two simply complex questions, “Who am I?” and “Who am I not?”[32] Such questions are linked to one’s post-colonial identity. From this standpoint, it was Frantz Fanon who expressed, “Hostile nature, obstinate and fundamentally rebellious, is in fact represented in the colonies by the bush, by mosquitoes, natives, and fever, and colonization is a success when all this indocile nature has finally been tamed.”[33] The story on the Black Panthers is one that cannot be tamed, and is

necessary for understanding the importance of fusing freedom, history, culture, and critical pedagogy to empower communities. However, with the exclusion of these key components from the mainstream, it is evident that our past is nearing extinction. This is one of the major costs of assimilation. In 1960, William E. B. Du Bois presaged this predicament by saying that if Negroes accepted the ideals of America, “[it] would mean that we would cease to be Negroes as such and become white in action if not completely in color.”[34] He continued to discuss the damage that such a decision would inflict on Negro culture by expressing, Physically it would mean that we would be integrated with Americans losing first of all, the physical evidence of color and hair and racial type. We would lose our memory of Negro history and of those racial peculiarities which have long been associated with the Negro.[35] Although assimilation is harmful to the psyche of historically oppressed groups, integration, if done properly, can have positive effects. As Freire addressed, “Integration results from the capacity to adapt oneself to reality plus the critical capacity to make choices and transform that reality.”[36] This means that all aspects of an individual and/or group are validated and incorporated in daily practice. Unfortunately, in order for the oppressed to become fully integrated into this society, the dominant culture must give up their self-proclaimed, supremacist ideology (i.e., the “right” to dominate). Until this occurs, the oppressed’s main line of defense against global domination (i.e., White supremacy) is resistance. In Freire’s analysis about integration, he concluded, To the extent that man loses his ability to make choices and is subjected to the choices of others, to the extent that his decisions are no longer his own because they result from external prescriptions, he is no longer integrated. Rather, he has adapted.[37] Since our ancestors were removed from Africa and introduced to the Western Hemisphere, we have faced incessant attacks against our humanity. These battles were/are present on many fronts (politically, economically, environmentally, spiritually, mentally, physically, socially, and emotionally) and will not end until a courageous force is prepared for this undertaking. During the late-1960s, this force included Black Power Organizations, such as the Black Panther Party, who staged a calculated attack on an oppressive system in order to maintain their: family, culture, dignity, and of course, place in history. This struggle was filled with grueling skirmishes that left relationships fractured and memories scarred. Despite such painful setbacks, their sacrifice(s) was necessary. Without awareness of their struggle(s), then White supremacy has succeeded in obliterating African resistance. If we allow this system to accomplish its goal in dehumanizing us, then we are left with the reality of a slow generational transition to extinction. From there, those who choose to oppress, will

likely transfer their energies to another historically oppressed group. Henceforth, all oppressed and/or vulnerable populations must take heed to the warning signs narrated by history.

NOTES 1. Carter G. Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro (Washington: African World Press, Incorporated, 1990/1933), 3. 2. This comment was a memorandum communicated to J. Edgar Hoover (director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation) from a special agent (name unknown) in San Francisco on March 9, 1968, in an attempt to thwart Black Power activities in the city; Kathleen Cleaver, e-mail message to author, July 29, 2006. 3. Stokely Carmichael, “Black Power: A Black United Front,” (speech delivered at the Free Huey Rally, Oakland, Calif., February 17, 1968). 4. Amos Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black SelfAnnihilation in Service of White Domination (Bronx: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 1990); Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1963); Frederick Douglass, “West India Emancipation Speech,” speech delivered in Canandaigua, New York, August 3, 1857; John H. Clarke, “The Historical Antecedents of Martin Luther King, Jr.” (location and date unknown). 5. Dick Gregory, “White Bad Checks Starting to Bounce,” Philadelphia Tribune , April 11, 1970. 6. William Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954 (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001). 7. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, Incorporated, 2000/1970); James Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers,” in Sources: Notable Selections in Education (2nd Edition), ed. Fred Schultz (Guilford: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1998); Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro. 8. Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers”, 177-78. 9. See also, Marilyn Elias, “Racism Hurts Kids’ Mental Health,” USA Today (McLean, Va.), May 6, 2009, 5D. 10. Approximately two years later, she replicated her experiment, but this time it was video recorded by ABC News on a special entitled, “The Eye of the Storm.” 11. Eye of the Storm, directed by William Peters (1970; New York, N.Y.: ABC News Production, 1970), VHS. 12. See also, Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (London: Tavistock Publications, 1974); Quiet Rage: The Stanford Prison Experiment, directed by Ken Musen & produced by Philip Zimbardo (1971; Stanford, CA: Stanford Instructional Televison Network ByVideo Incorporated, 1988), DVD; Harriet A. Washington, “‘A Notoriously Syphilis-Soaked Race’: What Really Happened at Tuskegee,” in Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present, ed. Harriet Washington (New York: Anchor Books, 2006); Harriet A. Washington, “The Black Stork: The Eugenic

Control of African American Reproduction,” in Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present, ed. Harriet Washington (New York: Anchor Books, 2006); Michelle Kessel and Jessica Hopper, “Victims Speak Out About North Carolina Sterilization Program, Which Targeted Women, Young Girls and Blacks,” Rock Center, accessed November 7, 2011,http://rockcenter.nbcnews.com/_news/2011/11/07/8640744-victims-speakout-about-north-carolina-sterilization-program-which-targeted-women-young-girls-andblacks?lite. 13. Frederick Douglass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (New York: Crowell-Collier Publishing Company, 1962). 14. William Strickland, “Taking Our Souls: The War Against Black Men,” Essence: 10th Annual Men’s Issue 22, no. 7 (1991). 15. Frontline: A Class Divided, directed by William Peters (1984; Washington, D.C.: PBS Video, 2003), DVD; Frontline: A Class Divided. (2012). An Unfinished Crusade: An Interview with Jane Elliott. Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/divided/etc/crusade.html. 16. James Baldwin, “A Talk to Teachers.” 17. Luke Ferretter, “The Politics of Culture: Essays on Ideology,” in Louis Althusser, ed. Luke Ferretter (New York: Routledge, 2006); Stuart Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications Incorporated, 2003). 18. Frantz Fanon, Black Skins, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1967/1952), 53. 19. James Allen, Hilton Als, John Lewis, and Leon F. Litwack, Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America (Santa Fe: Twin Palms Publishers, 2007); William Pinar, What is Curriculum Theory? (Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Incorporated, 2004). 20. Hall, Representation; Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda Janes, Hugh Mackay, and Keith Negus, Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman (Thousands Oaks: SAGE Publications, Incorporated, 1997). 21. Asa Hilliard, SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind (Gainesville: Makare Publishing, 1998/1997). 22. Ibid.; Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curriculum (3rd edition) (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004); Huey P. Newton, “Educate to Liberate,” Black Panther, March 27, 1971. 23. Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence; Asa Hilliard,SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind (Gainesville: Makare Publishing, 1998/1997). 24. KRS-ONE, “Hip Hop Beyond Entertainment” (speech delivered at Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, April, 2004). 25. Voluntary immigrants included individuals who left their native countries to escape intolerable conditions and to better their conditions. This included many European groups and Asians. On the contrary, involuntary groups included individuals who were enslaved and/or colonized by a dominant group. Included in this group are Natives,

Blacks, Latinos, and Native Hawaiians; Robert-Jay Green, “Race and the Field of Family Therapy,” in Re-visioning Family Therapy: Race, Culture, and Gender in Clinical Practice, ed. Monica McGoldrick (New York: Guilford Press, 1998), 101102.; see also John U. Ogbu, “Cultural Models and Educational Strategies of Non-Dominant Peoples” (lecture delivered at Catherine Molony Memorial at New York City College Workshop Center, New York, N.Y., 1989). 26. In the words of Dr. John Henrik Clarke, a scholar-activist is one who asks the question, “what must I do to keep my people on the face of this earth?” 27. Gloria Ladson-Billings, The Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of AfricanAmerican Children (San Francisco: Josey-Bass, Incorporated, 2009/1994); Geneva Gay, Becoming Multicultural Educators: Personal Journey Toward Professional Agency (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2003); Geneva Gay, Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research, and Practice (New York: Teachers College Press, 2000); Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed ; Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence. 28. Hilliard, SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind ; Gloria Ladson-Billings, The Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of African-American Children (San Francisco: Josey-Bass, Incorporated, 2009/1994).; Paulo Coelho, The Alchemist (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1998/1993). 29. Stephen N. Haymes, “Race, Culture, and the City: A Pedagogy for Black Urban Struggle” Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1995; Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed . 30. William F. Pinar, William M. Reynolds, Patrick Slattery, and Peter M. Taubman, Understanding Curriculum (New York: Peter Lang Publishers, Incorporated, 2004), 317. 31. 1984, directed by Michael Radford (1984; United Kingdom: Umbrella-Rosenblum Films Production, 1997), VHS. 32. Chela Sandoval, Methodology of the Oppressed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). 33. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, Incorporated, 1963), 250. 34. William E. B. Du Bois, “Whither Now and Why,” in The Education of Black People: Ten Critiques 1906-1960 by W.E.B. Du Bois, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1960). 35. Ibid. 36. Paulo Freire, Education, the Practice of Freedom (London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative, 1973/1967), 4. 37. Ibid.

Chapter 8

A Brief Conversation with Omari L. Dyson Interview with Dr. Harvey Hinton

Question 1: How did you come to studying the Black Panther Party in Philadelphia? This is an interesting story that started about eight years ago. While attending graduate school at Purdue University, my primary research interest was the link between incarceration and education. My interest soon trickled into the works of Dr. William Watkins, who focused attention on the history of Black education. Then, my focus developed into U.S. society’s deviation from true education or social transformation to a system that relegates individuals to certain social positions such as menial tasks or incarceration, while suppressing consciousness. Although I was young in my thoughts, I had a burning desire to make a difference and save the lives of children. During this time, I was also transitioning from Marriage and Family Therapy into Curriculum Studies and was in need of a mentor to assist me in grappling with my ideas. Soon, I met Dr. Judson L. Jeffries who was in Political Science. When I first met him, I was impressed by his stature, confidence, and knowledge, so I tried my best to learn from him. When I found out he researched the Black Panther Party, I said that I wanted to learn more about them and what better person to teach the lesson than him. By fall 2004, I found out he was teaching a graduate course entitled, “The 1960s: Hope, Despair, and Repression.” I restructured my plan of study and enrolled in his course. After the first day of class, Dr. Jeffries popped my ‘know-it-all’ bubble when I came to realize that the 1960s was more than just the Black Panther Party, Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X! In addition, he made me realize a painful reality . . . this was the first time I had a Black man as a teacher or professor throughout my entire educational path. By mid-semester, Dr. Jeffries presented the students with a potentially groundbreaking project that would focus on the Black Panthers in Detroit, Michigan. Although interesting, my energies were directed to political prisoners in the United States and Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO). By summer 2005, Dr. Jeffries informed and provided Dr. Kevin Brooks and I with an opportunity to participate on a project that would allow us to write a book chapter on one of the local branches of the Black Panther Party. The options that he presented were the branches in: Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Harlem, New York; or, Chicago, Illinois. Initially, we narrowed our choices to Milwaukee and Chicago because of relative closeness to Lafayette, Indiana. However, Dr. Andrew Witt already researched the Milwaukee branch and the Chicago office was well

documented. Similarly to Chicago, Harlem had several writings, but very few, if any, scholarly works. Therefore, we chose to research Philadelphia, which received very little written and scholarly attention. During the development of the book chapter, Dr. Jeffries inquired why I did not consider the project as a dissertation topic. My reply and concern was how it would relate to curriculum studies, specifically, and education, as a whole. I grappled with this for a considerable amount of time, and then, it finally hit me. After a two-hour conversation (possibly debate) with Dr. Jeffries on why a sentence that I wrote in the chapter needed to be corrected, I thought to myself, “If you are taking this much time to write a sentence, this needs to be your dissertation!” Then, I forced myself to think about the field of curriculum studies and its formal development in the 1970s. During this period, the field entered a reconceptualization phase in which it was deemed necessary to open the doors to numerous methods to solve social problems. After much reflection, I soon made the connection: to examine how the initiatives of the Black Panthers in Philadelphia can be used as an educational framework to promote social change via empowerment, love, and resistance. Since very little analysis has been offered in the field of curriculum studies to detail this particular moment in history, I chose to pursue this endeavor . . . an endeavor that has been enlightening, rewarding, and transformative.

Question 2: What were some of your most memorable experiences while developing this book? There are a few memorable experiences that stand out to me. The first experience occurred while I was searching for information on the Philadelphia Panthers on microfilm from the Philadelphia Tribune. I started with reels from 1967 and continued to mid-1968. I was getting frustrated because I could not find any information. In this phase of the project, I was also using search engines such as Yahoo and Google to see if any information would emerge on the Philadelphia Panthers. I soon ran across the “It’s About Time: Black Panther Party” website and found an article by Dr. Yvonne King. From that article, I found two names: Ms. Barbara Easley-Cox and Mr. Reggie Schell. Now, my issue was finding contact information for them. I used whitepages.com and was unable to get a correct match. Plus, it felt a little awkward calling people up and asking them if he was the Reggie Schell from the Black Panther Party! Eventually, one day in late-September 2005 I stumbled on the first article in the Tribune on the Panthers in Philadelphia. Although excited, I was bothered by the fact that I had no contacts in Philadelphia and could not find any reliable information for members of the organization. Then one night after doing hours of microfilming, I decided to do another search on Google. To my surprise, I found an article by Ms. Kia Gregory from the Philadelphia Weekly called, “The Cats Came Back: Can the Black Panther Party Become a Force Again in Philadelphia?” In her article, she interviewed one of the original members of the organization, Mr. Reggie Schell. I

proceeded to e-mail her and made contact. I told her the purpose of the study and asked if she could connect me to Mr. Schell. She agreed, gained approval from Mr. Schell, and provided me with his contact information. I contacted Mr. Schell, informed him of the research project, and he provided me with contact information for Ms. Barbara Easley-Cox, who also lived in Philadelphia. I contacted and spoke to Ms. Easley-Cox and she put me in contact with other members of the organization and the research blossomed from there. The second experience was the most transformative and transpired on my first visit to Philadelphia in May 2006. Initially, Dr. Brooks and I were going to travel to Philadelphia during our spring break in March, but it was postponed to the end of the academic semester due to finances. Despite this setback, it actually worked out for the better because we met a University of Pennsylvania professor who lectured at Purdue University later that spring who invited us to stay with him and his family. His words, “just holler at me when you all are coming to Philly!” When time neared for our travel in May, this individual was contacted, said he would return our call, and to this day, has not returned that phone call! Since the project was out of pocket, we could not afford to stay in a hotel or rent a vehicle. I shared our dilemma with Ms. Easley-Cox and she boldly replied, “I’ll host you, Brother.” I was taken aback and shocked by her offer. “How is she going to host us,” I said to myself. “She doesn’t even know us, but is willing to open her door to two Black men?” “Okay, maybe I’m missing something here.” And there was something I was missing. It was the fact that Ms. Easley-Cox was operating on another level of consciousness that my mind could not grasp at the time. With some reflection, the offer was accepted, and in a few days, we were on an eleven-hour drive from Lafayette, Indiana, to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. At approximately 5:00 A.M., we arrived at Ms. Easley-Cox’s home. She greeted us and embraced us like we had not seen each other in years. In a matter of seconds, our visitor cards were converted to family privilege. After this exchange, we entered her home and I found myself captivated by the interior designs of a true revolutionary. She had books positioned in various places in the room, pictures depicting the beauty and struggles of our people, and various artifacts. . . . I felt like I was home. As Ms. Easley-Cox shared, “you must surround yourself with culture in order to understand the world.” Then, I saw a quote on the wall by Ms. Ella Baker that resonated with me throughout the trip, “We who believe in freedom, cannot rest.” I was so impacted by it that I slept, meditated, and prayed underneath it for the duration of the visit. In a few hours, Ms. Easley-Cox woke up and made breakfast. After discussing our plans for the day, she drew a map of the city and gave us a key to her home. Again, I was astonished, because she gave us a key. I soon learned that she was teaching me a critical lesson without teaching it. The lesson was on: love and trust. Let’s face the fact that we live in a society that has practically denigrated Black men; however, Ms. Easley-Cox was able to transcend such stereotypes by displaying her love and trust for us. Although this philosophy is foreign to some, it was probably the

norm for her. She embodied this philosophy and it governed her everyday life. In turn, she helped to school me on a vital lesson: Without trust and love, any effort to transform society is hopeless and asinine. Therefore, a true revolutionary must be willing to trust and love the people in order to effectively serve them. If they are unable to do this, then there can be no real change. Honestly, only a few lessons during my formal classroom experiences could compare to this critical moment in my life. By nightfall, she insisted on treating us to vegetarian cheesesteaks and gave us a tour of the city. As we traveled, I saw how all of the conversations with Panthers, books, and newspapers came to life. We traveled to Girard College, saw where the Panther offices were, met each of the Panthers who participated in this project,[1] and received a tour of the Church of the Advocate. I was becoming a part of history. The next day, I was amazed after I expressed my gratitude for her participation on the project. She replied, “No, thank you!” I could not understand why she thanked me. Then, I thought to myself, when people speak about the Panthers, they tend to limit themselves to Huey Newton, Bobby Seale, and/or Fred Hampton. Seldom do we talk about the stories and experiences of other Panthers, like a Barbara Easley-Cox, a Yvonne King, a Kathleen Cleaver, or an Ethel Parish. Each one of these individuals, in Philadelphia and across the globe, sacrificed (and continue to sacrifice) themselves for the greater good of humanity. In this instance, Ms. Easley-Cox was probably thanking me because now, she and her comrades in Philadelphia will be documented in history. She, like many others, has not rested . . . and the torch was passed on for me to realize that I will not rest.

Question 3: What was your least favorite experience while constructing this text? I don’t think that there were any least favorite moments. However, I do believe that the events that transpired enabled me to develop both personally and professionally. Although I was slightly discouraged in not interviewing certain members of the organization, I understand that this is a challenge to doing qualitative research. On the other hand, one event that hurt me deeply was the passing of Mr. Reggie Schell earlier this year. Prior to his passing, I was in frequent contact with Ms. Easley-Cox, who updated me on what was going on in the city and how the Panthers were doing. Oftentimes, she shared how Mr. Schell was doing and how his health was. I knew from the sound of her voice that the battle that he was fighting was getting harder. By mid-May 2012, I received an e-mail from Ms. Easley-Cox that informed a mass of people of Mr. Schell’s transition. When I first read the e-mail, I was in disbelief as my heart raced and tears fell from my eyes. I had flashbacks on the brief, but meaningful interactions I had with him. I was a little upset that he passed right before my second visit to Philly, but I realized that his life was one of the major impetuses that compelled me to progress with my passion—completing my book on the Philadelphia Panthers.

To Captain Schell, I thank you for your sacrifice. I thank you for opening my eyes to the meaning of true leadership, determination, and dedication. In the hearts of many, you are still a soldier fighting for social change regardless of the barriers set in place.

Question 4: How does your research experience transfer to your experiences with your students at the collegiate level? When I exchange educational battle stories as a university professor with people like you and other Brothers and Sisters at the professorial level, I become disillusioned when I hear and express how many students, our future, have become so resistant to reading, writing, critical thinking, reflecting, and essentially, growing. Many of them have rejected education, regardless if it is to repress or liberate. Some of their minds have been imprisoned, and I am forced to take a seat and witness this mental genocide. I have listened and empathized with the painful realities that many of my students have experienced in their short lives, especially as it relates to debt and absentee fathers. Prior to this time, my initial perception of many of my students was that they were uncaring, unmotivated, and lost. But after taking time to learn about them and appreciate their culture, I realize that I had to redirect my energies to the sociopolitical forces that have crippled them, academically, socially, and economically. Although this revelation was important, it does not exclude them from being responsible and of good character. But regardless of their classroom/social limitations, I continue to sacrifice my time and energies because I believe in social change and I am committed to seeing them grow.

Question 5: How do you know that you were transformed by this research project? I believe that the conversations that took place with the Panthers and I helped to raise my consciousness. I could not realize it in 2006, but I realize it now. They helped to transform me. I became a part of history as I learned about their struggles and strengths. I also know that I have been transformed because I am better prepared to trust and love others with little hesitation. I guess you can say I found a sense of liberation. These individuals served as my frame of reference, because they opened their spirits, minds, and hearts to speak to a researcher—who they knew nothing about—and helped in formulating a transformative text. They trusted me with their stories, and trust is one of the primary ingredients in the struggle for liberation. Therefore, as a social being, my microlevel shift will essentially transform society. To the Panthers and my youth, thank you for granting me access to your lives. Through you, from you, and with you, I will continue to become.

NOTE

1. Although I met all of the Panthers, I was most gracious to receive a phone call from Mr. Abu-Jamal. Although his call was an unknown-known, it was an honor to speak with him and integrate his testimony into the story. I remember the Sunday night in October 2005 when he called. I was unprepared because we did not arrange a time and day to speak after letter correspondence. When he called collect, I immediately accepted. It took me a couple of minutes to get a hold of myself. In my mind I said, “I’m talking to Mumia from Prison Radio!” Anyway, since I was taken offguard, we started talking about the youths in France that were rebelling and he drew a striking parallel of their struggle with that of the Panthers and youths in the 1960s. That night, my conversation with Mr. Abu-Jamal reinforced in me that the story of revolution was real and there was no turning back.

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COMMUNICATION AND INTERVIEWS Abu-Jamal, Mumia, interview by Omari L. Dyson, October 13, 2005. Brown, William, interview by Omari L. Dyson, February 10, 2007. Cleaver, Kathleen, e-mail message to Omari L. Dyson, July 29, 2006. Easley-Cox, Barbara, interview by Omari L. Dyson, October 15, 2005. Easley-Cox, Barbara, interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 13, 2007. Hawkins, Herbert, interview by Omari L. Dyson, November 16, 2005. Jahmad, Sultan, personal communication with Omari L. Dyson, February 2007. Jennings, Regina, interview by Omari L. Dyson, November 15, 2005. Keyes, M. Leroy, interview by Omari L. Dyson, March 3, 2007. McCutchen, Sam, interview by Judson L. Jeffries, April 27, 2006. McGriff, Milton, interview by Omari L. Dyson, November 1, 2005. Parish, Ethel, interview by Omari L. Dyson, October 26, 2005. Peterson, Clarence, interview by Omari L. Dyson, April 14, 2006. Saunders, Joseph T., interview by Omari L. Dyson, May 12, 2006. Saunders, Joseph T., interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 15, 2007. Schell, Reggie, interview by Omari L. Dyson, September 30, 2005. Schell, Reggie, interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 27, 2006. Schell, Reggie, interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 13, 2007. White, Erica, interview by Omari L. Dyson, December 10, 2007. Womack, Richard, interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 24, 2007. Womack, Richard, interview by Omari L. Dyson, January 18, 2008.

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JOURNAL AND MAGAZINE ARTICLES Apple, Michael W. “On Analyzing Hegemony (reprinted),” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 1, no. 1 (1979): 10-43. Asher, Nina. “Beyond ‘Cool’ and ‘Hip’: Engaging the Question of Research and Writing as Academic Self-Woman of Color Other.” Qualitative Studies in Education 14, no. 1 (2001): 1-12.

Asher, Nina. “At the Interstices: Engaging Postcolonial and Feminist Perspectives for a Multicultural Pedagogy in the South.” Teachers College Record 107, no. 5 (2005): 1079-1106. Asquith, Christina. “For Missing Civil Rights Hero, a Degree at Last.” Diverse: Issues in Higher Education 23, no. 6 (2006): 8-9. Baszile, Denise T. “Rage in the Interests of Black Self: Curriculum Theorizing as Dangerous Knowledge.” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 22, no. 1 (2006): 89-98. Blanchett, Wanda J. “Disproportionate Representation of African American Students in Special Education: Acknowledging the Role of White Privilege and Racism.” Educational Researcher 35, no. 6 (2006): 24-28. Carruthers, Iva E. “Centennials of Black Miseducation: A Study of White Educational Management.” Journal of Negro Education 46, no. 3 (1977): 291-304. “De Gaulle v. the Dollar.” Time, February 12, 1965: 81-82. Fairlie, Robert W. and William A. Sundstrom. “The Racial Unemployment Gap in Long-Run Perspective.” American Economic Review, 87, Issue 2 (May, 1997): 306310. Foley, Fred J. “The Failure of Reform: Community Control and the Philadelphia Public Schools.” Urban Education 10 (1976): 389-402. Giroux, Henry A. “Radical Pedagogy and the Politics of Student Voice.” Interchange 17, no. 1 (1986): 48-69. Hannon, Ginger, Martin, Don, and Maggie Martin. “Incarceration in the Family: Adjustment to Change.” Family Therapy 11, no. 3 (1984): 253-260. Higgins, John. “Panic Over Panthers: Philadelphia Boomerang.” Nation, October 12, 1970: 332-336. Jeffries, Judson L. and Omari L. Dyson. “Nobody Knows My Name: The Marginalization of Mark Clark in America’s Collective Consciousness.”International Social Science Review 85, no. 3&4 (2010): 124-140. Ladson-Billings, Gloria and William F. Tate. “Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education.” Teachers College Record 97 (1995): 47-68. Marshall, James D. “Foucault and Education.” Australian Journal of Education 33, no. 2 (1989): 99-113. Pinderhughes, Elaine B. “African American Marriage in the 20th Century.” Family Process 41, no. 2 (2002): 269-282. Rodriguez, Besenia. “Long Live Third World Unity! Long Live Internationalism: Huey P. Newton’s Revolutionary Intercommunalism.” Souls 8, no. 3 (2006): 119-141. Roy, Kevin. “Incarcerated Fathers: Reintegrating Men into Families and Communities.” Purdue Research Foundation Research Grant, Purdue University, 2000-2001. Strickland, William. “Taking Our Souls: The War Against Black Men.” Essence: 10th Annual Men’s Issue 22, no. 7 (1991). Tillman, Linda C. “(Un)intended Consequences? The Impact of the Brown v. Board of Education Decision on the Employment Status of Black Educators.” Education and Urban Society 36, no. 3 (2004): 280-303.

Watkins, William. “Black Curriculum Orientations: A Preliminary Inquiry.” Harvard Education Review 63, no. 3 (1993): 321-338.

LECTURES, PAPERS, AND SPEECHES Brown, H. Rap. “Blacks Must Organize for Survival.” Speech delivered at the Free Huey Rally, Oakland, Calif., February 17, 1968. Carmichael, Stokely. “Black Power.” Speech delivered at the University of California, Berkeley Campus, Berkeley, Calif., 1966. Carmichael, Stokely. “Black Power: A Black United Front.” Speech delivered at the Free Huey Rally, Oakland, Calif., February 17, 1968. Clarke, John H. “The Historical Antecedents of Martin Luther King, Jr.” (unknown location and date). Douglass, Frederick. “West India Emancipation Speech.” Speech delivered in Canandaigua, N.Y., August 3, 1857. Dyson, Omari L. “The Village: Myth, Legend, or Re-Defined.” Invited Presenter for the 7th Annual 2013 Black, Brown & College Bound (BBCB) Summit at Hillsborough Community College, Tampa, Fla. February 23, 2013. King Jr., Martin L. “Where Do We Go From Here?” Speech delivered at the Southern Christian Leadership Council, Atlanta, Ga., August 16, 1967. KRS-ONE. “Hip Hop Beyond Entertainment.” Speech delivered at Temple University, Philadelphia, Pa., April 2004. Ogbu, John U. “Cultural Models and Educational Strategies of Non-Dominant Peoples.” Lecture delivered at Catherine Molony Memorial at New York City College Workshop Center, New York, N.Y., 1989. West, Cornel. “Forum on African American Issues Since 9/11 C-Span Archives Morning Session.” Philadelphia, Pa., February, 2002. Wise, Tim. “Race is Not a Card.” Speech delivered in West Lafayette, Ind., March 19, 2008. X, Malcolm. “Ballot or Bullet.” Speech delivered at Cory Methodist Church, Cleveland, Ohio, April 3, 1964. X, Malcolm. “Prospects for Freedom.” Speech delivered at Militant Labor Forum, New York City, N.Y., January 7, 1965.

MEMORANDA, GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS, AND REPORTS Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954). Briggs et al. v. Elliott et al., 342 U.S. 350 (1952). Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 357 F. Supp. 1289 (1973a). Council of Organizations on Philadelphia Police Accountability and

Responsibility (COPPAR), et. al. v. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., 60 F.R.D. 615 (1973b). Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, 103 F. Supp 337 (1952). Death Penalty Information Center. “State by State Database: Pennsylvania.” DeathPenaltyInfo.org. Accessed on May 25, 2012. http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/state_by_state. Frank L. Rizzo, et. al., v. Gerald Goode, et. al., 96 S. Ct. 598 (1976). Gaines v. Canada, 305 U.S. 337 (1938). Gebhart v. Belton, 33 Del. Ch. 144, 87 A.2d 862 (Del. Ch. 1952), aff’d, 91 A.2d 137 (Del.1952). Gerald G. Goode, et. al. v. James H. J. Tate, et. al., 357 F. Supp. 1289 (1973a). Gerald G. Goode, et. al. v. James H. J. Tate, et. al.,, 60 F.R.D. 615 (1973b). “New Sentencing Project Analysis of Incarceration 50 Years After Brown v. Board of Education.” The Sentencing Project. Accessed on May 4, 2005. http://www.sentencingproject.org/bvb.cfm. “Pennsylvania.” Prisoners of the Census. Accessed on January 4, 2007. http://www.prisonersofthecensus.org/pennsylvania.html. “Pennsylvania: Total corrections population.” The Sentencing Project. Accessed on October 20, 2010. http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm? abbrev=PA&mapdata=true. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). Proximity. “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4214160.htm. Proximity. “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160) –DP3 Economic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4214160.htm. Proximity. “Lower Merion School District, PA (4214160)—DP4 Housing Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4214160.htm. Proximity. “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4216860.htm. Proximity. “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP3 Economic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4216860.htm. Proximity. “New Hope-Solebury School District, PA (4216860)—DP4 Housing Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4216860.htm. Proximity. “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP1 General Demographic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012.

http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp1_4218990.htm. Proximity. “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP3 Economic Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp3_4218990.htm. Proximity. “Philadelphia City School District, PA (4218990)—DP4 Housing Characteristics.” Proximity. Accessed on June 16, 2012. http://proximityone.com/acs/dppa/dp4_4218990.htm. Shadow Government Statistics. “Alternate Inflation Charts.” Accessed on October 3, 2012. http://www.shadowstats.com/alternate_data/inflation-charts. The General Assembly of Pennsylvania. “House Bill No. 29 Session of 2007.” Accessed on August 16, 2012. http://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/legis/PN/Public/btCheck.cfm? txtType=HTM&sessYr=2007&essInd=0&billBody=H&billTyp=B&billNbr=0029&pn=0054. “Total Corrections Population.” The Sentencing Project. Accessed on October 20, 2010. http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/inc_Trends_in_Corrections_Fact_sheet.pdf. “Trends in U.S. Corrections,” The Sentencing Project, accessed on May 20, 2012, http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/statedata.cfm? abbrev=NA&mapdata=true . U.S Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Population: 1960. Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population. Part 40, Pennsylvania. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1963. U.S Bureau of the Census. 1970 Census of Population and Housing. Vol. III, General Demographic Trends for Metropolitan Areas 1960-1970. Final Report. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971. U.S Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Population: 1970. Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population. Part 40, Pennsylvania—Section 1. U.S. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1973. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Alternate Measures of Labor Underutilization.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t15.htm. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Employment Situation Summary.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.nr0.htm. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Employment Situation Summary: Table AHousehold Data, Seasonally Adjusted.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/print.pl/news.release/empsit.a.htm. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Economic News Release: Table A-2Employment Status of the Civilian Population by Race, Sex, and Age.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t02.htm. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Labor Force Statistics From the Current Population Survey.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Pennsylvania: Local Area Unemployment

Statistics.” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://data.bls.gov/PDQ/servlet/SurveyOutputServlet? data_tool=latest_numbers&series_id=LASST42000003. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Unemployment Rates by County in Pennsylvania (December 2012-March 2013).” Accessed on August 13, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/ro3/palaus.htm. U.S. Census Bureau. “Bucks County, Pennsylvania.” Accessed on June 19, 2012. U.S.Census Bureau. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42017.html. U.S. Census Bureau. “Demographic Profile Highlights: Black or African American Alone or in Combination with One or More Other Races.” Accessed on July 14, 2007. http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/SAFFIteratedFacts? _event=&geo_id=16000US4260000&_geoContext=01000US%7C04000US42%7C16000US4 U.S. Census Bureau. “Demographic Profile Highlights: White Alone or in Combination with One or More Other Races.” Accessed on July 14, 2007. http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/SAFFIteratedFacts? _event=&geo_id=16000US4260000&_geoContext=01000US%7C04000US42%7C16000US4 U.S. Census Bureau. “Median Household Income in the Past 12 Months in 2010 Inflation—Adjusted Dollars 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates.” Accessed on July 21, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_B19013&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. “Montgomery County, Pennsylvania.” Accessed on June 19, 2012. U.S. Census Bureau. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42091.html. U.S. Census Bureau. “Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania.” Accessed on May 24, 2012. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/42101.html. U.S. Census Bureau. “Selected Economic Characteristics: 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates.” Accessed on June 18, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_5YR_DP03&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. “Selected Economic Characteristics—2006-2010 American Community Survey Selected Population Tables.” Accessed on July 21, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. “State and County QuickFacts.” Accessed on August 5, 2010. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/4260000.html on August 5, 2010. U.S. Census Bureau. American Fact Finder. Accessed on June 17, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml? pid=ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. State and County QuickFacts. Accessed on June 17, 2012. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/42/4260000.html. U.S. Census Bureau. American Fact Finder. Accessed on June 17, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?

pid=ACS_10_SF4_B19301&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. American Fact Finder. Accessed on June 17, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?pid =ACS_10_5YR_B19013&prodType=table. U.S. Census Bureau. Selected Economic Characteristics—2006-2010 American Community Survey Selected Population Tables. Accessed on June 18, 2012. http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?pid =ACS_10_SF4_DP03&prodType=table. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. HHS Poverty Guidelines. Accessed on July 18, 2012. http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/12poverty.shtml.

NEWSPAPERS “23 Groups Here Pledge Panthers Their Support.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 13, 1969. “Atlantic City Black Police Charge Own Department With Racism, Bias and Brutality.”Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), August 15, 1970. “Black Panthers Unit Brands Branche and Jeremiah X ‘Fronts.’” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 12, 1968. “Black Panthers: Little Left.” Philadelphia Daily News (Philadelphia, PA), March 24, 1975. Brown, Elliot. “Gang Problems Linked to Poverty.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), August 1, 1970. Caldwell, Earl. “Lawyer Names 19 Panthers He Says Were Slain.” New York Times, December 21, 1969. Cassell, James. “1969-Gang Violence At Home, Nixon in Washington.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), January 3, 1970. “Charges of Police Brutality Lodged Against Commissioner.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 28, 1967. “City Removes 9 Centers From Free Lunch List.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), July 29, 1972. “City’s Poor Children Fed by Black Panthers.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), July 8, 1969. “Cop Brutality Protests Flood Tribune Office.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 21, 1967. Cross, Tommy. “Local Panthers Assail Gangs; Call for ‘Bloodless Community.’” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 1, 1970. Dillon, Clay. “Panthers Run for Council.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 9, 1969. Dillon, Clay. “Gang Members Told to Stop Killings Here.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 11, 1969. Dillon, Clay. “125 Youngsters Given Free Clothing by Black Panthers.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 9, 1969.

Elias, Marilyn. “Racism Hurts Kids’ Mental Health. USA Today (McLean, VA), May 6, 2009. Fidati, B. “Special Council Races Almost Unpredictable, Even Without Women.”Philadelphia Daily News (Philadelphia, PA), November 1, 1969. Gans, Herbert J. “Riots! Causes—And What Must Be Done to Prevent Them, Part I.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 26, 1967. Gans, Herbert J. “Riots! Causes—And What Must Be Done to Prevent Them, Part IV.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 30, 1967. Geller, Lawrence H. “1000 Whites Protest Brutal Treatment of 3500 Negro Students.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 25, 1967. Geller, Lawrence H. “White Citizens Flock to Sign Petition Backing Commissioner Rizzo’s Action.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 21, 1967. Geller, Lawrence H. “Coleman on Committee Probing Slaying of Two Black Panther Members.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 20, 1969. Geller, Lawrence H. “Panthers’ New Medical Clinic Attracts ‘Active’ Idealists.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), March 24, 1970. Geller, Lawrence H. “Many Criticize Police Raid on Black Panthers’ Center.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 1, 1970. Geller, Lawrence H. “22 Community Groups Seek Order to Restrain Police.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 10, 1970. Geller, Lawrence H. “Police Restraining Case Here Rested by Complainants.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 8, 1970. Geller, Lawrence and John B. Wilder. “7th White Face on School Board is Resented, Survey Reveals.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 26, 1967. “GPM Urban Group Praise Rizzo’s ‘Restraint’ During Panther Parley.” Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia, PA), September 11, 1970. Graham, Theodore W. “Record Half-Million Expected to Enter Public Schools in Sept.; Black Majority to Comprise 59 Percent of Students Enrolling.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), August 26, 1969. Gregory, Dick. “Responsible Sisters Insure Our Survival.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), May 9, 1970. Gregory, Dick. “Wallace is Whistle on Kettle of Racism.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), June 27, 1970. Gregory, Dick. “White Bad Checks Starting to Bounce.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), April 11, 1970. “Group to File Suit to Halt Police Raids on Panthers.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 1, 1970. Haynes, Pamela. “100 Slain by Gangs Here Since 1967, U.S. Congress Crime Probers are Told.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), July 18, 1970. Haynes, Pamela. “Panthers’ Captain Gets Community: Schell’s Bail Case is Continued; Convention Slated to Open Today.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 5, 1970.

Haynes, Pamela. “Bail Money for Panthers Put Up by Quakers Group.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 8, 1970. Haynes, Pamela. “Panthers’ Meeting Began Closed on Peaceful Note.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 8, 1970. Howard, Danielle. “The Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party.” Panther Special International Edition (Los Angeles, Calif.), Summer, 1995. “Huey Newton to Speak at Black Panther Unit Conference at Temple.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), August 15, 1970. Hunter, Joe. “Negroes, Whites Join Hands in Blasting Police Tactics.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 21, 1967. Kirkland, Dennis and John P. Clancy. “Panthers Refuse Goods Returned by City Policemen.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 3, 1970. Kirkland, Dennis and William Thompson. “Hundreds Gather in Phila. For Panthers’ Convention.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 5, 1970. Kirkland, Dennis, Umansky, David, and Cliff Linedecker. “Words Hot, People Cool at Temple.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 6, 1970. Lame, Anthony and Ken Shuttleworth. “Panther Captain Released After Bail is Cut to $2500.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 5, 1970. Lear, Len. “Segregation in Housing Also Ripped.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 25, 1967. Lear, Len. “White Students Join Demonstration; Demand Rizzo Ouster, Better Schools.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 25, 1967. Lear, Len. “Panthers Don’t Teach Racism, Leader Says.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), January 27, 1970. Lear, Len. “Fanatical Panthers, Police Trying to Provoke Each Other to Bloodshed, ACLU Insists.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 8, 1970. Lear, Len. “Gov’t Attacks on Panthers Called a Cover Up for its Own Racism.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 26, 1970. Lear, Len. “Vietnam War Cost People Billion From 1966 to 1969.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 3, 1970. Lear, Len. “Police Brutality Suit is Postponed.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 3, 1970. Lear, Len. “Daily Papers and Police Conspire to Hide Truth, Researchers Find.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 5, 1970. Lear, Len and John B. Wilder. “Negro History Courses Demanded by Students.”Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 4, 1967. “Local Citizens’ Group ‘Investigates’ FBI After Taking All Their Files.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), March 13, 1971. “Low Crime Image Shot Up Here as Murders Increase.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 26, 1970. Madden, Thomas J. “Newton Hails ‘New Day Dawning.’” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), September 6, 1970.

McKelvey, Gerald. “Rizzo’s Critics Hum Different Melody, Praise Police Handling of Convention.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 9, 1970. Moore, Acel. and John Clancy. “Revolutionaries Reassert Goals as Parley Ends.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 8, 1970. “More Support For Panthers.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 16, 1969. “NAACP to File Brutality Suit Against Rizzo.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), May 5, 1970. “Needy Given Food by Black Panthers.” Urban Archives (Philadelphia, PA), July 23, 1972. “Nightstick Control.” New Republic, August 25, 1979. “Northwest Group Hosts Panthers; Are ‘Impressed.’” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 1, 1969. “‘Organizers’ Wanted Riot, Cop Charges.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 11, 1967. “Panther Candidate Bares Claws in Letter to Tate.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 18, 1969. “Panther Leader Calls Bombing ‘Sneak Attack.’” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), March 17, 1970. “Panthers Kept the Peace, Says Heroine of Gang Attack.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), March 20, 1971. “Panthers to Begin Giving Free Clothing to Children Sunday.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 21, 1969. “Panthers to Hold Clothing Program Sun.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), October 10, 1970. Reiim, Barbara. “Teen Gang Members Say Police, Schools, Press Incite ‘Wars.’” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), August 12, 1970. “Report of Panther Weapons Led to Raids, Rizzo Says.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 4, 1970. “Riots Ended Invisible Man Act, Says Young.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 18, 1967. “Shame of the City.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), July 29, 1969. Speers, William J. “A Week of Violence: The Facts and the Meaning.” Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 6, 1970. “Suit Charges City Ignores Repeated Brutality of Police.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), February 21, 1970. Terry, Robert and Charles Gilbert. “3 Policemen are Wounded in N. Philadelphia.”Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, PA), September 1, 1970. “The Negro Must Shake Inferiority Image, Father Washington Advises.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 18, 1967. Wilder, John B. “School Board Accused of Acting to Defeat Integrated Education.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 11, 1969. Wilder, John B. “Students Tabbed ‘Retarded’ By Teachers May Be Normal.”

Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 14, 1970. Wilder, John B. “Most Pupils Classified as Retarded-Educable by School Board are Black.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 17, 1970. Wilder, John B. “130,000 Black Kids Attend Segregated Schools, HRC Says.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), March 9, 1971. “Woods Demands Rizzo Firing: Disc Jockey Asks Mayor Tate to Act.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), November 21, 1967. Young Jr., Whitney M. “White Dropout Better Off Than Negro Graduate.” Philadelphia Tribune (Philadelphia, PA), December 5, 1967.

THE BLACK PANTHER NEWSPAPER Black Community News Service. “Fallen Comrades.” Black Panther (Berkeley, Calif.), Spring, 1991. Black Community News Service. “Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party.” Black Panther (Berkeley, Calif.), February, 1991. “Bozo Rizzo Runs For Mayor.” Black Panther, February 20, 1971. “‘Brotherly Love’ Can Kill You.” Black Panther, December 11, 1971. “Free Clothes in Philly.” Black Panther, October 18, 1969. Newton, Huey P. “Educate to Liberate.” Black Panther, March 27, 1971. “No Knowledge, No Freedom.” Black Panther, November 20, 1971. “Not to Believe in a New World After Philadelphia is a Dereliction of the Human Spirit.” Black Panther, September 26, 1970. “Philadelphia’s Gangs Organizing to Serve the Community.” Black Panther, June 12, 1971.

VIDEO AND AUDIO TRANSCRIPTS 1984. Directed by Michael Radford. 1984. United Kingdom:Umbrella-Rosenblum Films Production, 1997. VHS. American Gangster: The Complete Second Season. Produced by Anthony Storm, Arthur Smith, Chris Mortensen, Curtis Scoon, and Frank Sinton. 2007. Hollywood, Calif.: Paramount Pictures. 2008. DVD. Eye of the storm. Directed by William Peters. 1970. New York, N.Y.: ABC News Production, 1970. VHS. FBI’s War on Black America. Directed by Denis Mueller and Deb Ellis. 1989. Orland Park, Ill.: Maljack Productions, Incorporated, 2001. VHS. Frontline: A Class Divided. Directed by William Peters. 1984. Washington, D.C.: PBS Video, 2003. DVD. On the Prowl: The Black Panther Party in Philadelphia. Directed by Cecilia Clinkscale. 1994. Colorado Springs, Colo.: Taurus Production, 1994. VHS. Quiet Rage: The Stanford Prison Experiment. Directed by Ken Musen and Produced by Philip Zimbardo. 1971. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Instructional Televison

Network ByVideo Incorporated, 1988. DVD. Yeshitela, Omali. “The Economic Crisis of the United States, Part 1”. Accessed on June 15, 2009. RBG Tube. http://www.rbgtube.com/play.php?vid=1917.

Index A Abu-Jamal, Mumia, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 Action Research, 1 , 2 , 3 Africa, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 African, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 African American, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 Africana Womanism, 1 African Diaspora, 1 , 2 African Episcopal Church, 1 African Methodist Church, 1 African Free School, 1 African Free Society, 1 , 2 Allen, Richard, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 American Colonization Society, 1

B Baker, Ella, 1 Baldwin, James, 1 Baszile, Denise, 1 Benezet, Anthony, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Black Community Information Centers See Survival Programs Black Nationalism, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Black Panther Party, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 Black Panthers, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Black Panther Newspaper, 1 , 2 Black Power, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Black Power Conference, 1 , 2 , 3 Black Power Movement, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Board of Education, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Bobby Seale, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Black Philadelphians, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 Black United Liberation Front, 1 Brooks, Kevin L., 1 , 2

Brown v. Board of Education (Topeka, Kansas), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 Brown, Elaine, 1 , 2 Brown, H. Rap, 1 , 2 , 3 Brown, Harold, 1 , 2 Brown, William, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 Bucks County, 1 Lower Merion School District, 1 Busing-to-Prisons Program See Survival Programs

C Carmichael, Stokely, 1 , 2 Chicago, Illinois, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 Church of the Advocate, 1 , 2 , 3 City Council Campaigns, See Survival Programs Civil Rights Commission, 1 Civil Rights Movement, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Colonialism, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 anti-colonialism, 1 colonization, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 de-colonial, 1 , 2 de-colonization/decolonization, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 post-colonial(ism), 1 , 2 Identity, 1 Lens, 1 post-colonial studies, 1 , 2 neo-colonialism, 1 Clark, Mark, 1 , 2 , 3 Clarke, John Henrik, 1 , 2 Cleaver, Eldridge, 1 Cleaver, Kathleen, 1 Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Consciousness, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 critical consciousness, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 conscientizacão, 1 , 2 social consciousness, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 unconsciousness, 1 Council of Organizations for Philadelphia Police Accountability and Responsibility (COPPAR), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Cox, Barbara Easley, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 Cox, Donald, 1 , 2 , 3 Culture, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 cultural studies, 1

culture of fear, 1 culture of silence, 1 dominant culture, 1 , 2 , 3 gang culture, 1 sub-culture, 1

D Darity, William, 1 , 2 Declaration of Independence, 1 , 2 Delany, Martin, 1 , 2 Dilworth, Richardson, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Domhoff, G. William, 1 Douglass, Frederick, 1 , 2 Du Bois, William E.B., 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Dunmore, Lord, 1

E Education(al), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 American/U.S. education, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 authentic education, 1 Black Education, 1 , 2 , 3 colonial education, 1 , 2 dis-education, 1 educational curriculum, 1 educational approach/process, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 educational system, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 educational ideology, 1 Individualized Education Programs (IEP), 1 inequitable education, 1 mis-education, 1 moral education, 1 place-based education, 1 poor education, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 public education, 1 remedial education, 1 , 2 special education, 1 , 2 teacher education, 1 true education, 1 , 2 , 3

Economy, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 economic(al), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 poverty, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 poverty level, 1 , 2 poverty rate, 1 employment, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Employment Situation, 1 socioeconomic, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 underemployment rate, 1 , 2 real unemployment rate, 1 unemployment rate, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 resources, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 El-Shabazz, El-Hajj Malik, See also see Malcolm X Elliott, Jane, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Equity(able), 1 , 2 , 3 inequity(able), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9

F Fanon, Frantz, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 Federal Reserve, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Forten, James, 1 , 2 Franklin, Benjamin, 1 , 2 Free Breakfast for Children Program See Survival Programs Free Clothing Program See Survival Programs Free Huey Rally, 1 , 2 Freedom, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 Freire, Paulo, 1 , 2

G Gangs, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 Gans, Herbert, 1 Garvey, Marcus, 1 , 2 United Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, 1 Gini Index/Coefficient, 1 , 2 Gold, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Great Depression, 1 Great Recession, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Gregory, Kia, 1

H Hampton, Fred, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Hawkins, Herbert, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Hilliard, David, 1 Hilliard, June, 1 , 2 Hinton, Harvey, 1 Homicide, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 Hoover, J. Edgar, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Humanity(ization), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 humanism, 1 dehumanization/ize, 1 , 2 , 3 Hutton, Bobby, 1 Housing, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 foreclosure, 1 , 2

I Identity, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 African identity, 1 American identity, 1 cultural identity, 1 , 2 hybrid identity, 1 International identity, 1 postcolonial identity, 1 racial identity, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 sexual identity, 1 social group identity, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 sociopolitical identity, 1 Ideology, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 dominant ideology, 1 , 2 , 3 educational ideology, 1 , 2 , 3 racial ideology, 1 Incarceration, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 crime, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 criminal(ity), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 incarcerated, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 imprisonment, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 jail(ed), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 political prisoner, 1 prison(er), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 Inflation, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 Intercommunalism, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8

J Jackson, Curtis, 1 Jeffries, Judson L., 1 Jennings, Regina, 1 , 2 Jones, Absalom, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4

K Keyes, Leroy M., 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 King, Martin Luther, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 King, Yvonne, 1 Kozol, Jonathan, 1 , 2 Kunstler, William, 1

L Lancaster, Joseph, 1 Lancasterian System/Approach, 1 , 2 , 3 Love, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 Brotherly Love, 1 , 2 , 3

M Malcolm X, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Mark Clark Memorial Clinic See Survival Programs Market Street East Project, 1 , 2 , 3 Marginalization, 1 , 2 , 3 Martin, Michel, 1 , 2 McGriff, Milton, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 McHarris, Terry, 1 , 2 , 3 Media, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 media representation, 1 Montgomery County, 1 Muhammad, Elijah, 1

N Nation of Islam, 1 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Newton, Huey P., 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 Huey P. Newton Intercommunal Youth Institute, 1 New Hope-Solebury School District, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4

Nixon, Richard M., 1 Nutter, Michael, 1 , 2 , 3

O Oakland, California, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Obama, Barack, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 Oppression, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 oppressive, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12

P Parish, Ethel, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 People’s Free Library See Survival Programs Peterson, Clarence “Stretch”, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (Philly), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 North Philadelphia/Philly, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Germantown, 1 , 2 , 3 South Philadelphia/Philly, 1 , 2 West Philadelphia/Philly, 1 , 2 Philadelphia County, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Philadelphia County School District, 1 Philadelphia Bulletin, 1 Philadelphia Inquirer, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Philadelphia Tribune, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 Philadelphia Daily News, 1 , 2 , 3 Pinar, William, 1 , 2 Police (officers/officials), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 abuse by, 1 brutality by, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 harassment by, 1 , 2 misconduct by, 1 , 2 mistreatment by, 1 Philadelphia Police Department, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 raids by, 1 repression, 1 Political Education Classes. See Survival Programs. Power (ful), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 ,

19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 abuse of, 1 , 2 empower(ment), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 exchange of, 1 Purdue University, 1 , 2 , 3

Q Quakers, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8

R Racism, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 White supremacy, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Ramsey, Charles, 1 , 2 Red Book, 1 , 2 , 3 Repression, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 agents of, 1 , 2 Governmental/political, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 psychological, 1 , 2 victims of, 1 Resistance, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 Denmark Vesey’s Rebellion, 1 Rebellion, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Stono Rebellion, 1 urban rebellion, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Revolution, 1 , 2 , 3 American Revolution, 1 , 2 cultural revolution, 1 revolutionary(ies), 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 revolutionary act, 1 , 2 self-revolution, 1 technological revolution, 1 , 2 Revolutionary Action Movement, 1 , 2 Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Riots, 1 , 2 , 3 Rizzo, Frank, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 Robbins, Larry, 1 Mary Robbins Bookstore, 1 , 2 , 3

S Saint Dominique, 1 Sandoval, Chela, 1 Saunders, Joseph, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Schell, Reggie, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 Seale, Bobby, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Self-actualization, 1 , 2 Segregation, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 de-segregation, 1 , 2 Shedd, Mark, 1 , 2 Shoatz, Russell, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Sickle-Cell Anemia, 1 , 2 , 3 Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, 1 , 2 Slavery, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 chattel slavery, 1 , 2 Social Transformation, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 social change, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 Survival Programs, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Black Community Information Centers, 1 , 2 Busing-to-Prisons Program, 1 City Council Campaigns, 1 , 2 , 3 Community Protection, 1 Free Breakfast for Children Program, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 Free Lunch Program, 1 Free Clothing Drive, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 People’s Free Library, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 Political Education (P.E.) Class, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 Mark Clark Memorial Clinic, 1 , 2 , 3 Standard & Poor 500 Index, 1 , 2 Stewart, Mariah, 1 Subjectivity, 1 , 2 , 3

T Tate, James, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Ten Point Program and Platform, 1 , 2 Tillman, Linda, 1 Tyler, Ralph, 1 Turner, Henry McNeal, 1 , 2

U

U.S. Constitution, 1 , 2 , 3 Constitutional Rights, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 New Constitution, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5

V Vietnam War, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5

W Walker, David, 1 Washington, Paul M., 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 Watkins, William, 1 West, Cornel, 1 White, Erica, 1 Wolfe, Alan, 1 Wolff, Edward N., 1 , 2 , 3 Womack, Richard, 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11

Y Yeshitela, Omali, 1 , 2

About the Author Omari L. Dyson is an assistant professor in the Department of Education at South Carolina State University (SCSU). In 2008, he attained his doctorate in Curriculum and Instruction with an emphasis in Curriculum Studies from Purdue University. Since that time, his research has focused on developing and implementing Rites of Passage programs that target youth self-efficacy. In addition, he has dedicated his time to address and combat the impact that factors such as obesity and incarceration play in the lives of low-income youth and families. While serving the SCSU community, Dr. Dyson has published and co-published various works that attend to: power, post-colonialism, the Black Power Movement, the Black Panther Party—Philadelphia branch, cultural studies, social transformation, action research, and enslaved resistance in film.