The Beta Israel: Falasha in Ethiopia: From Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century 9780814763537

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THE BET A ISRAE L (FALASHA ) I N ETHIOPI A

STEVEN KAPLA N

T h e

B e t

a I s r a e

( F a l a s h a ) i From Earliest

l

n E t h i o p i

Times

to

the

Twentieth Century

n N E W YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S NEW YOR K AN D LONDO N

a

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London Copyright © 1992 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kaplan, Steven. The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia : from earliest times to the twentieth century / Steven Kaplan. p. cm . Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN0-8147-4625-X 1. Falashas—History . 2 . Ethiopia—Ethni c relations. I . Title. DS135.E75K35 199 2 963'.004924—dc2o 92-117 5 CIP New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured in the United States of America c1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

For Booshun and

Yona

Contents

Acknowledgments i x Introduction i i . Ethiopia n Jews: Obscur e Beginning s 1 3 2. Speculatio n an d Legen d 3

3

3. Fro m Ay hud t o Falasha: Th e Inventio n o f a Tradition 5 3 4. Resistanc e an d Defeat : 1468-163 2 7 9 5. Glor y an d Decline : 1632-185 5 9 7 6. A Mission t o the Jews 11 6 7. Kifu-qen: Th e Grea t Famin e of 1888-9 2 14 3 Conclusions: Befor e Faitlovitc h 15 Notes 16 7 Bibliography 21 1 Index 22 5

vii

5

Acknowledgments

This book , whic h mark s th e culminatio n o f almos t a decade' s researc h on th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israel , coul d neve r hav e bee n writte n withou t the suppor t an d assistanc e o f countles s individual s an d institutions . While i t i s impossible t o lis t al l o f thos e o n fou r continent s wh o hav e i n one wa y o r anothe r helpe d m e i n m y work , I mus t a t leas t attemp t t o acknowledge som e of th e mos t important . Since makin g aliyah i n 197 7 I have bee n affiliate d wit h th e Hebre w University o f Jerusale m an d mor e specificall y wit h th e department s o f African Histor y an d Comparativ e Religion . M y colleague s at th e univer sity hav e bee n unstintin g i n thei r encouragemen t o f m y work . Particula r mention mus t b e mad e o f Professor s Nehemia h Levtzio n an d Miche l Abitbol, wh o wer e director s o f th e Be n Zv i Institut e fo r th e Stud y o f Oriental Jewis h Communitie s durin g th e perio d fro m 1983-198 9 whe n I heade d it s researc h projec t o n Ethiopia n Jewry . I n th e fac e o f th e increasing politicizatio n o f researc h o n th e Beta Israel , they continue d t o maintain a polic y tha t mad e academi c excellenc e an d scholarl y integrit y the Institute' s sol e priorities . I n a simila r fashion , th e Harr y S . Truma n Research Institut e fo r th e Advancemen t o f Peac e unde r th e guidanc e o f Professors Zv i Schiffrin , Ben-Am i Shillony , an d Naom i Chaza n sup ported m y wor k lon g befor e researc h o n Ethiopia n histor y an d cultur e became fashionabl e an d continue d t o encourag e my interes t i n basi c IX

X ACKNOWLEDGMENT S research whe n mor e contemporar y wor k ma y hav e earne d mor e atten tion. During th e 1989-9 0 academi c yea r whe n mos t o f thi s boo k wa s written, I wa s o n sabbatica l an d receive d th e generou s suppor t o f a University Teacher' s Fellowshi p fro m th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanities. M y famil y an d I lived a t the Cente r fo r th e Study of Worl d Religions a t Harvar d Universit y an d wer e trul y mad e t o fee l completel y at home. A t th e sam e time , I was als o fortunat e t o b e a visiting schola r at the Africa n Studie s Cente r o f Bosto n University . The staf f an d schol ars ther e provide d m e wit h a war m an d stimulatin g environmen t tha t contributed immeasurabl y t o m y progres s durin g th e year . Th e Hil l Monastic Manuscrip t Librar y o f St . John' s Universit y i n Collegeville , Minnesota, an d th e Frobeniu s Institut e i n Frankfurt , Germany , als o kindly hoste d m e fo r shor t visit s an d generousl y mad e th e resource s o f their libraries available to me . Edward Ullendorff , Getatche w Haile , Ka y Kaufma n Shelemay , James McCaan, Iren e Eber , an d Chai m Rose n al l generousl y commente d o n portions o f m y manuscript. Thei r comments an d criticisms have enable d me to correc t man y o f th e deficiencie s o f earlie r drafts . They , o f course , bear no responsibilit y fo r those tha t ma y remai n i n the final version. A n earlier version of Chapte r 6 appeared in Jewish Social Studies 4 9 (Winte r 1987), pp . 27-42 , an d a n earlier version o f Chapte r 7 was publishe d i n Paideuma 3 6 (1990) , pp . 67-77 . I w * sri t o than k th e editor s o f bot h journals fo r permissio n t o includ e revise d version s o f thes e article s i n this book . Norma Schneide r assiste d throughou t al l stage s i n the preparatio n o f this boo k fro m th e presentatio n o f th e origina l proposa l t o th e submis sion o f th e final manuscript . Fo r many year s I had hope d t o work with Norma o n a book, an d I trust tha t th e experienc e wa s a s rewardin g fo r her as it has been for me. I hope less time will pass before we begin work on our next project. The eightee n month s durin g whic h thi s boo k wa s writte n involve d a period o f grea t persona l an d politica l upheaval . Certainl y whe n I began writing, I had n o ide a tha t th e final page s o f th e manuscrip t woul d b e completed i n a new hom e wit h a gas mas k a t m y side. Mor e tha n once , I impatiently waite d fo r the computer t o "save" a portion o f th e text, s o that I could hee d the warnings of th e air-raid sirens and enter my seale d room. Tha t I was abl e t o retai n m y focu s an d continu e m y work wa s

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS X I due i n larg e par t t o th e incredibl e suppor t I receive d fro m man y dea r friends includin g Vivienn e Burstein , Davi d Satran , Mind y Milberg , Ka y Shelemay, Dian e Baxter , Lind a Aronson , Sall y Zanger , an d Iri t Aver buch. Although rarel y the primary topi c of our many conversations, thi s book coul d no t hav e bee n writte n withou t th e reassuranc e an d affirma tion they offered . Finally, I wish to thank my children, Booshun and Yona, and dedicate this book t o them. Their patience, love, and humor have taught me more than I ever knew there was to learn .

THE BET A ISRAE L (FALASHA ) I N ETHIOPI A

Introduction

Despite th e existenc e o f a vast an d ever-expandin g literatur e o n th e Bet a Israel (Falasha ) o f Ethiopia , n o book-lengt h scholarl y stud y o f thei r history ha s ye t bee n published . Majo r work s o n thei r literatur e an d religion hav e generall y offere d onl y brie f survey s o f thei r history , an d most o f th e standar d book s i n Ethiopia n an d Jewis h histor y hav e deal t at bes t onl y briefl y wit h thei r particula r story . Thus , whil e recen t event s have focuse d attentio n o n th e Bet a Israe l t o a n unprecedente d degree , much o f thei r histor y remain s onl y diml y understood . Thi s boo k seek s to offe r a partia l remed y t o thi s proble m b y tracin g th e histor y o f Jew s and Jewish influence s i n Ethiopi a fro m earlies t time s unti l th e twentiet h century. The startin g poin t o f thi s boo k probabl y need s n o explanation . Any one with eve n a passing familiarit y wit h th e Beta Israe l will hav e notice d the extent t o which interes t i n their origin s has dominated discussion s of their historical , cultural , an d eve n nationa l identity . While mos t of thes e discussions hav e bee n singularl y uninformed , an d th e deart h o f source s places th e topi c itsel f mor e i n th e real m o f prehistor y tha n history , n o study o f th e Bet a Israe l woul d b e complet e withou t a detaile d examina tion o f th e evidenc e fo r an d th e impac t o f earl y Jewish influence s upo n Ethiopian culture . Althoug h ther e i s little reaso n t o assum e tha t a direc t link exist s betwee n th e Bet a Israe l an d thes e earl y elements , th e milie u i

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they helpe d creat e i s a n essentia l ingredien t fo r an y understandin g o f later events. This early histor y is , therefore, discusse d i n some detai l i n Chapter i . Chapter z i s concerned with events from the fourth to thirteenth century , a vas t perio d durin g whic h w e hav e n o reliabl e source s o n Jew s i n Ethiopia. Althoug h muc h o f wha t i s presente d i n thi s chapte r i s o f necessity ver y tentative , i n thi s cas e a t leas t a n overcautiou s approac h appears t o b e a necessary correctiv e t o th e bul k o f previou s speculation . In the nex t chapter , w e begi n recountin g th e history o f th e Beta Israe l i n earnest an d examine th e circumstances tha t led to th e transformation o f loosely affiliate d group s i n northwes t Ethiopi a int o a clearl y define d ethnic-religious entit y know n a s th e Falasha . Chapte r 5 consider s th e causes and consequences o f th e wars between th e Falasha an d the Christian ruler s o f Ethiopia . I n Chapte r 6 , w e describ e th e event s an d force s that changed th e Beta Israe l fro m a highly value d grou p o f artisan s an d builders t o a despised semi-cast e group . Th e final two chapter s examin e the impac t o f Protestan t missionar y activit y an d th e grea t famin e o f 1888—1892. I n the conclusions, w e consider the significance o f this book for the study of bot h Judaism and Christianity i n Ethiopia. The decisio n t o limi t thi s stud y t o th e perio d prio r t o th e twentiet h century ma y requir e more explanation tha n its starting point. Interes t in the mor e recen t histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l i s clearl y considerabl e an d probably exceed s tha t whic h exist s fo r mos t o f th e periods examine d i n this book . Unquestionably , event s tha t too k plac e afte r 190 0 includin g the activitie s o f th e Jewis h counter-missionar y Ya'aco v (Jacques ) Fait lovitch, th e Empero r Hail e Sellassie' s policie s o f modernization , Chris tianization, an d Amharization , th e Italia n Fascis t conques t o f Ethiopia , and th e growin g relationshi p o f th e Bet a Israe l wit h Worl d Jewr y tha t culminated i n th e massiv e aliyah (immigration ) movemen t o f th e 1980 s and 1990s , are all richly deserving of detailed study. Nevertheless, i t was decided t o exclud e the m fro m thi s work . Despit e th e abundanc e o f written an d ora l documentatio n o f thes e events , i n almos t ever y cas e even th e mos t preliminar y researc h ha s ye t t o b e undertaken . Thu s an y attempt t o exten d thi s volume t o includ e event s u p to an d includin g th e last decades of th e twentieth century would hav e involved a vast amoun t of preliminar y spadewor k an d identification o f source s fo r eac h o f thes e modern topics. The completion o f this volume with its analysis of earlier periods would have been delayed by at least several years.

INTRODUCTION 3 Even mor e important , th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l i n th e twentiet h century differ s substantiall y fro m tha t o f an y earlier period. A s we shal l discuss in greater detail below , prior to the twentieth century, the history of th e Jew s o f Ethiopi a i s th e stor y o f thei r lif e in Ethiopia. Event s outside tha t country and , i n particular, development s amon g othe r Jewish communitie s ha d virtuall y n o impac t o n thei r condition . Fro m th e twentieth centur y onward , however , th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l be came increasingly entwine d with that of Jews in the Diaspora an d Israel. While th e Ethiopia n contex t rarel y cease d t o b e decisive , numerou s external variable s cam e increasingl y int o play . Accordingly , I have de cided that rather than delvin g int o area s foreign t o me both with regar d to thei r perio d an d region , I woul d en d thi s volum e o n th e ev e o f Ethiopian Jewry's entry into World Jewish history. I t is to be hoped that in th e futur e a late r volum e o r volume s wil l tak e u p th e challeng e o f exploring this fascinating theme . Problems of Sources In part at least, the dearth o f historica l studie s on the Beta Israe l may be attributed t o th e peculia r natur e o f th e availabl e sources . Althoug h th e Beta Israel have for many centuries been literate and possess a significant corpus o f religiou s literature , non e of th e texts which have reached us to date are historical i n character. Indeed , seriou s question s mus t be raised as t o whethe r th e Bet a Israe l themselve s eve r wrot e history . Give n th e lack o f interna l writte n sources , scholar s of Bet a Israe l histor y hav e ha d little choic e bu t t o tur n t o tw o alternativ e form s o f documentation : external writte n material s an d ora l tradition s collecte d fro m bot h Bet a Israel and Christian Ethiopian informants . Well int o th e 1970 s almos t al l attempt s t o trac e th e histor y o f th e Beta Israe l reste d exclusivel y o n writte n sources . Th e problem s thes e posed fo r scholar s wer e considerable . Reliabl e mention s o f th e Bet a Israel or their ancestors only appear in these sources from the fourteent h century onward . Eve n then, none of th e texts written prior to the middle of th e nineteent h centur y i s concerne d wit h th e Bet a Israe l pe r se . In stead, the y offe r passin g reference s i n th e contex t o f discussin g th e miracles o f a hol y man , th e militar y exploit s o f a king , th e fat e o f th e Jews in exile, an d so on. Thus, the historical record , rather then offerin g a clearl y define d chronologicall y linke d narrative , provide s a disjointe d

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series of episodes , eac h o f whic h i s presented no t fo r it s inherent impor tance t o th e Bet a Israe l bu t fo r it s usefulnes s i n illustratin g on e o r another o f th e theme s o f rea l interes t t o th e author . T o thes e alread y substantial difficultie s mus t b e added the fact that the three languages o f the greatest importanc e fo r this subject—Ge'ez, Portuguese , an d Medie val Hebrew—are no t among the most commonly know n or most widely translated tongue s o n earth . Previous Research Not surprisingl y i n light o f thes e difficulties , th e bes t attempt s t o recon struct Bet a Israe l histor y o n th e basi s o f writte n source s hav e bee n bot h brief an d cautious . Mos t notabl e amon g thes e i s almos t certainl y th e American schola r Rober t L . Hess' s article , whic h appeare d i n tw o for mats in the 1960s. 1 Balance d an d judicious, thi s essay has long provide d a usefu l startin g poin t fo r an y seriou s studen t o f Bet a Israe l history . It s main faults, whic h ar e two-fold, ar e closely linke d to each other. Unabl e to consul t eithe r th e Ge'e z o r Portugues e contemporar y source s i n th e original, Hes s relie s fa r to o muc h o n late r works , i n particula r th e eighteenth-century Scottis h explore r Jame s Bruce . No t onl y doe s thi s mislead hi m o n occasio n i n matter s o f fact , bu t i t also tend s t o strongl y color th e genera l ton e o f hi s article . Whil e avoidin g th e highl y striden t tone o f som e authors , Hes s generall y present s a gloomy pictur e o f Bet a Israel history . Wars , persecutions , an d force d conversion s appea r t o b e the dominant not e o f thei r history i n Ethiopia. I n part, n o doubt , thi s is the resul t o f a widesprea d tendenc y tha t ha s continue d t o thi s day , t o emphasize the downtrodden conditio n of the Beta Israel (usuall y referre d to a s thei r "plight") , an d t o overemphasiz e th e exten t o f thei r isolatio n from thei r Christia n neighbors . T o som e extent , however , i t ma y b e attributed t o Hess' s inabilit y t o consul t a number o f Ge'ez , particularl y hagiographic sources , whic h offe r a far mor e nuance d an d overall mor e positive image of th e Beta Israel's position . Whatever th e fault s o f Hess' s essays , thes e appea r relativel y mino r when compare d wit h man y o f th e mor e recen t attempt s t o portra y th e history o f th e Bet a Israel . Ignoran t o f eithe r th e necessar y sourc e lan guages or Ethiopian history (an d often both) , a number of recent authors have sought to reconstruct Beta Israel history by synthesizing the existing written sources . B y fa r th e mos t ambitiou s o f thes e i s Davi d Kessler' s

INTRODUCTION 5 The Falashas: The Forgotten Jews of Ethiopia. 1 A s I have discussed thi s book an d some o f it s shortcomings i n some detai l elsewhere , thes e nee d not detain u s for too lon g here. 3 Althoug h clearl y the product of consid erable tim e an d effort , Kessler' s boo k suffer s fro m a numbe r o f basi c faults. Unable to consult the requisite source languages (and , in this case, Hebrew mus t b e adde d a s well) , h e relie s uncriticall y o n late r texts , principally Bruce , an d i n som e case s upo n questionabl e secondar y works . Moreover, unguide d b y a basi c familiarit y wit h Ethiopia n histor y an d culture, h e i s pron e t o misinterpretation s an d misreadings , man y o f which ste m from an unnatural attemp t to squeeze the history of the Beta Israel into his own concept s of Diaspor a Jewish history . Although publishe d i n 1982 , Kessler' s boo k i s a t it s bes t representa tive of scholarl y opinion fro m a decade earlier. During the 1970 s consid erable progress was made in our understanding of the Beta Israel, largely as a result o f work b y tw o America n scholars : Ka y Kaufma n Shelema y and James Arthu r Quirin. 4 Base d primaril y o n ora l source s collecte d i n Ethiopia betwee n th e year s 197 3 t o 1975 , th e work s o f Shelema y an d Quirin represen t a turnin g poin t i n th e reconstructio n o f Bet a Israe l history an d culture. Not onl y did their pioneering fieldwork enable them to fill i n man y o f th e gap s lef t b y th e haphazar d recor d o f th e externa l written sources , the y als o achieve d somethin g o f a revolutio n i n ou r understanding of the origins and genesis of Bet a Israel culture. Shelemay, a n ethnomusicologis t traine d a t th e Universit y o f Michi gan, focuse d he r attention primaril y upo n th e Beta Israe l liturgy . Throug h a multidisciplinar y approac h combinin g bot h ora l an d writte n source s and a detaile d compariso n wit h liturgica l material s fro m th e Ethiopia n Orthodox Church , sh e wa s abl e t o demonstrat e tha t th e Bet a Israel' s religious syste m fa r fro m derivin g fro m a n archai c Jewish sourc e is , i n the main , a n outgrowt h o f th e Christia n Ethiopia n tradition . Sh e date d it, moreover , n o earlie r tha n th e fourteent h o r fifteenth centur y an d traced it s origin s t o contac t i n tha t perio d wit h Ethiopia n Christia n monks. Originall y submitte d a s a Ph.D dissertation i n 1977 , Shelemay' s work wa s eventuall y publishe d i n her award-winning book , Music, Ritual, and Falasha History. I t i s a trul y impressiv e boo k an d wil l lon g remain a basi c tex t fo r anyon e seriousl y intereste d i n th e Bet a Israel . Although i t does perhaps minimiz e th e evidence fo r continued chang e in Beta Israe l traditio n afte r th e fifteenth century , thi s i s a comparativel y minor faul t whe n weighe d agains t it s overwhelmin g contribution. 5 O f

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greater immediat e relevanc e t o ou r present effort , i t remains, it s histori cal contributio n notwithstanding , primaril y a n ethnomusicologica l study . Thus, whil e it s discussion s o f histor y ar e amon g th e mos t precis e an d balanced publishe d t o date , i n th e en d the y tak e u p a relativel y smal l portion of he r book an d invite rather than preclude more detailed study . The basi c cor e o f suc h a stud y i s indee d foun d i n Jame s Quirin' s dissertation, "Th e Bet a Israe l (Felasha ) i n Ethiopian History : Cast e Formation an d Cultur e Change , 1270—1868. " Submitte d t o th e Universit y of Minnesot a i n 1977 , Quirin' s thesi s represent s th e first in-depth stud y of a major perio d i n Bet a Israe l histor y an d i s a seminal contributio n t o our understanding of their story. Unfortunately, publicatio n of this work has bee n lon g delaye d an d it s importanc e eve n i n scholarl y circle s ha s not bee n full y appreciated . Certainly , ha d i t no t existed , th e presen t book woul d hav e ha d a greatl y differen t form . Moreover , i t wa s only when seriou s question s bega n t o aris e concernin g it s timel y publicatio n as a book tha t I began to seriously conside r writing this volume. Obviously, tw o work s seekin g t o describ e th e histor y o f th e sam e people an d usin g man y o f th e sam e source s wil l shar e man y theme s i n common. However , i n th e form s familia r t o me , th e tw o work s ca n b e said t o diffe r i n severa l significan t ways . First , ther e i s th e matte r o f chronology. A s I hav e alread y noted , th e presen t volum e commence s with th e questio n o f earl y Jewis h influence s i n Ethiopia . Thus , i t onl y begins t o overla p wit h Quirin' s stud y fro m Chapte r 3 onward . I n a similar fashion , I have decide d t o conclud e m y stor y no t i n 186 8 wit h the deat h o f th e Empero r Tewodro s II , bu t t o devot e substantia l atten tion t o th e activitie s o f th e Protestan t missionarie s fro m i86 0 t o 188 8 and th e disastrou s famin e tha t struc k Ethiopi a fro m 188 8 t o 1892 . Second, an d perhap s mor e significant , althoug h th e tw o studie s shar e many o f th e sam e sources , the y diffe r appreciabl y i n thei r emphasis. While Quirin, quite naturally has emphasized hi s knowledge of Amhari c and hi s trailblazin g wor k i n th e collectio n o f ora l traditions , m y ow n work depend s t o a fa r greate r exten t upo n writte n sources , particularl y those i n Ge'ez . A t time s thi s ha s le d t o onl y mino r shift s i n interpreta tion, i n other cases it has produced substantia l difference s o f opinion . Perhaps mos t noteworth y amon g th e latter , I differ fro m Quiri n wit h regard t o bot h th e origi n an d exten t o f politica l centralizatio n amon g the Bet a Israel . Whil e ora l tradition s appea r t o collaps e mos t regiona l distinctions an d recoun t man y event s a s episode s i n th e histor y o f th e

INTRODUCTION J Beta Israe l a s a singl e people , writte n source s provid e a recor d o f re gional division s an d difference s i n almos t ever y period . Thu s whil e th e available sources do not often allo w us to reconstruct a complete picture, it ofte n appear s tha t w e ar e dealin g wit h a number o f distinc t regiona l histories rathe r tha n one history . Thi s i s particularly tru e fo r th e perio d prior t o th e sixteent h century . Althoug h i t ha s ofte n bee n assume d tha t there existe d throughou t thi s perio d a "Falasha " kingdo m whos e root s stretched deep into the distant past, my own work argues for the gradual coalescence o f a relativel y centralize d politica l grou p onl y towar d th e end of thi s period and in one region . Another significan t differenc e betwee n thi s stud y an d tha t o f Quiri n is tha t whil e I , primaril y o n th e basi s o f m y studie s o f Bet a Israe l literature an d othe r writte n sources , ten d t o emphasiz e th e ongoin g evolution o f Bet a Israe l cultur e afte r th e crucia l event s o f th e fifteenth century, Quiri n (an d her e h e i s largel y i n agreemen t wit h Shelemay ) tends to concentrat e o n thi s one period . Her e again , I would argu e tha t both author s hav e bee n somewha t misle d b y th e tendenc y o f th e ora l traditions t o trac e virtuall y al l significan t feature s i n Bet a Israe l societ y to the culture heroes Abba Sabra and §agga Amlak . Third, an d finally, while Quirin' s stud y display s a deep concer n wit h comparative an d theoretica l issue s an d draw s heavil y o n th e socia l sci ences, m y ow n stud y i s basicall y a narrativ e histor y i n th e humanitie s tradition. The Beta Israel in Their Ethiopian Context These difference s notwithstanding , th e presen t stud y ca n b e sai d t o b e closely aligne d t o thos e o f Shelema y an d Quiri n i n a numbe r o f ways . Most important , thi s book , lik e thei r earlie r studies , i s guide d b y th e view tha t th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l ca n onl y b e understoo d whe n analyzed i n th e contex t o f Ethiopia n histor y i n general . Studie s o f th e Beta Israe l ca n b e crudel y divide d betwee n thos e tha t hav e sough t t o understand them as Ethiopians and those that have viewed them primarily as Jews. I n the former category, beside s the recent works of Shelema y and Quirin , belon g amon g other s th e writing s o f Ullendorff , Strelcyn , and t o a lesse r exten t Leslau . Proponent s o f a n approac h emphasizin g their Jewish identity have included Wurmbrand, Halevy , Faitlovitch, and in some respects Aescoly. 6

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The presen t wor k unabashedl y belong s t o th e forme r group . I n at tempting t o situat e th e Bet a Israe l i n th e large r contex t o f Ethiopia n history an d cultur e i t i s no t m y intentio n t o rais e question s concernin g either thei r halachic o r lega l statu s a s Jews o r thei r right s t o immigrat e to an d b e accepte d a s equa l citizen s i n Israel . Thi s boo k i s abou t thei r past, no t thei r presen t o r future . Accordingly , ever y attemp t ha s bee n made t o avoi d th e tendenc y t o tak e thei r curren t situatio n o r thei r history a s it developed i n the twentieth centur y a s the starting points fo r an investigatio n o f earlie r periods . Muc h o f wha t ha s bee n popularl y written about the Beta Israel has contained more than a hint of determin ism and historicism an d has portrayed thei r story a s an inevitable recap itulation o f tha t o f othe r Diaspor a Jewis h communities . "Exile " an d "Return" are only th e most recent additions to a series of ke y terms such as "persecution," "martyrdom, " an d "Anti-Semitism, " which hav e been intended t o liken their history t o that of othe r Jewish groups. 7 I n writing this book, I have attempted t o tak e the events, themes , an d categories of Ethiopian histor y as my starting point. My intentio n t o plac e th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l firmly withi n it s Ethiopian contex t shoul d i n th e final analysi s b e hardl y surprising . In deed, i n a paradoxica l fashio n i t accord s wel l with som e o f th e mos t important trends in the evolution o f post World War II Jewish historiog raphy, and in particular with the growing realization tha t the best works in Jewis h histor y locat e thei r subjec t firmly withi n th e broade r frame work o f nationa l an d regiona l developments. 8 Mor e significantly , how ever, I have attempted to demonstrate that we must turn to the Ethiopian milieu eve n i n orde r t o formulat e th e categorie s throug h whic h thi s history i s t o b e understood . A s I shal l demonstrat e repeatedl y below , attempts t o reconstruc t th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israe l o n th e basi s o f external idea s of "Jews " and "Judaism" versus "Christians" and "Christianity" obscur e fa r mor e tha n the y illuminate . Indeed , onl y whe n w e leave suc h importe d concept s behin d ca n w e begi n t o forg e a histor y based on the sources rather than imposed upo n them . Beta Israel, Falasha, Ethiopian Jews?

9

Closely connecte d t o th e consideratio n o f th e Bet a Israe l i n thei r Ethio pian contex t an d t o th e entir e issu e o f th e categorie s t o b e use d i n reconstructing their history is the vexed question of what name or names

INTRODUCTION 9 to us e i n identifyin g them . A s i s alread y apparent , w e hav e chose n whenever possibl e t o us e th e ter m "Bet a Israel " rathe r tha n eithe r "Fa lasha" o r "Ethiopia n Jews. " Severa l consideration s hav e le d t o thi s decision. To thi s day , th e Jew s o f Ethiopi a ar e mos t familia r t o th e readin g public under the name "Falasha." Indeed, prior to the 1980s it is difficul t to find any substantial piec e of work that uses any other term to describe them. I n recen t years , however , member s o f th e communit y itsel f hav e objected to the term. In particular, they have argued that since the arrival of a larg e portio n o f thei r populatio n i n Israel , thei r continue d identifi cation b y wha t the y vie w a s a derogator y Ethiopia n nam e i s n o longe r appropriate. Thes e view s ar e certainly deservin g of respect , an d withou t question Ethiopia n Jew s i n Israe l hav e a s muc h righ t a s an y grou p t o choose th e nam e unde r whic h the y wis h t o b e known . Nonetheless , th e question remain s ope n a s t o whethe r thes e recen t expression s o f thei r preference shoul d dictat e th e manne r i n whic h the y ar e referre d t o i n historical writings . A t thi s point , however , ye t anothe r facto r mus t b e considered. Crucia l t o th e argumen t o f thi s boo k i s th e clai m tha t th e Falasha ar e i n a cultural sens e th e produc t o f event s tha t too k plac e i n Ethiopia betwee n th e fourteent h an d sixteent h century . Eve n th e ter m itself doe s no t appea r t o hav e bee n specificall y applie d t o Judaize d groups prio r t o th e sixteent h century . T o refe r t o group s fro m earlie r periods a s Falash a i s clearl y anachronisti c an d presume s a degre e o f continuity tha t th e researc h o f thi s boo k doe s no t support . I n th e final analysis, therefore, th e general us e of this term has been rejected on bot h historical an d "political" grounds. In contras t t o Falasha , th e ter m Ethiopia n Jew s (Hebrew : Yehud e Etiopiya) i s toda y universall y accepte d a s th e designatio n preferre d b y members o f th e community . I n Israe l toda y an d i n th e popula r Jewis h press, the y rarel y i f eve r are referre d t o b y an y othe r term . Historically , however, th e ter m i s extremel y problematic . I n medieva l Ethiopia , fo r example, Aybud (Jews ) wa s a derogatory ter m use d b y authors t o iden tify thos e the y viewe d a s Christia n heretics . Rarely , i f ever , ca n i t b e shown t o designat e Jews , i n th e mor e universall y accepte d sens e o f th e term. T o us e thi s term , therefore , woul d no t onl y distor t th e historica l record, but would als o impl y a similarity betwee n the contents o f Ethio pian "Jewishness " an d "normative " Judais m tha t i s no t supporte d b y the sources. A s with the aforementioned anachronisti c usag e of th e term

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Falasha i t would impl y a linkage, which the argument of thi s book i n no way supports. Moreover, i t must be remembered that prior to the second half o f th e nineteent h centur y th e Beta Israe l di d no t commonl y refe r t o themselves a s Jews . Indeed , ther e ar e few cleare r witnesse s t o th e dra matic changes the y hav e undergon e i n th e past centur y an d particularl y the pas t tw o decade s tha n th e developmen t o f a n almos t unanimou s preference fo r a term so far removed fro m the Ethiopian context . Finally, we turn to the term "Beta Israel." Here too, several difficultie s are apparent . First , i t mus t b e admitte d tha t th e nam e i s no t readil y recognized an d i s easil y confuse d wit h tha t o f othe r groups , mos t nota bly th e Ben e Israe l o f India . Second , i n th e Ethiopia n contex t th e desig nation (Beta ) Israe l wa s no t limite d t o thos e popularl y know n a s Fa lasha. Indeed , i n mos t context s th e ter m "Esra'elawiyan " i s mos t likel y to b e a referenc e t o a membe r o f th e imperia l dynasty , allegedl y de scended fro m Kin g Solomon, tha n t o a n "Ethiopia n Jew." 10 Third , i t is virtually impossibl e t o indicat e whe n thi s ter m cam e int o commo n use . These caveat s notwithstanding , severa l consideration s strongl y recom mend the use of thi s term. Not onl y i s it the name by which th e commu nity in Ethiopia mos t commonly referre d to itself, bu t it also carries none of th e political-polemical weigh t of eithe r Falash a o r Ethiopian Jews. It s relative neutrality , therefore , a s well a s its clear authenticity hav e le d u s to choose this as the most common nam e used throughout this book . Against Relevance It is impossible t o conclud e the introduction t o this book withou t sayin g at leas t a few mor e word s abou t it s allege d relevanc e t o th e circum stances of th e Beta Israel today. The Beta Israel's desire to come to Israel and th e recognitio n o f thei r Jewishness b y that country's rabbinica l an d political leader s wer e bot h wel l establishe d befor e I began m y researc h on thei r history. Nothin g tha t appears in this book wil l hav e any impac t on thos e decisions , no r shoul d it . Governmenta l polic y an d rabbini c halacha ar e base d upo n consideration s fa r remove d fro m thos e o f th e historian. Indeed , i n light of th e changes undergone b y the Beta Israel i n the past two decades , almos t an y discussion o f thei r identity i n previous periods is open to charges of anachronism . These consideration s notwithstanding , fo r severa l year s I hesitated t o express i n prin t (an d particularl y i n Hebrew ) m y view s o n th e cultura l

INTRODUCTION I

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identity o f th e Bet a Israel . I n thi s manner , I hope d t o avoi d bein g embroiled i n a pointles s controvers y an d t o preven t th e misus e o f m y findings by thos e wit h littl e genuin e interes t i n eithe r th e Bet a Israe l o r their history . Bot h m y ow n experienc e an d tha t o f othe r writer s ha d demonstrated tha t "pro-Ethiopian " organization s ha d littl e concer n fo r the nicetie s o f academi c freedo m whe n thei r mos t cherishe d myth s were being challenged. 11 I n the end, th e continued dela y i n the publication o f Quirin's thesis , couple d wit h th e realizatio n tha t th e immigratio n an d absorption o f Ethiopia n Jews i n Israe l involve d a long-term proces s du e to continue fo r man y years , move d m e in June 198 9 t o begi n this book . In i t I sought t o presen t a synthesi s o f al l m y previou s researc h o n th e Beta Israel . B y th e tim e th e writin g o f thi s boo k ha d bee n complete d i n early 1991 , it s "relevance " ha d ye t agai n bee n transformed . No t onl y had th e aliyah movemen t fro m Ethiopi a bee n renewed , bu t als o large scale immigratio n fro m th e Sovie t Unio n an d othe r forme r Communis t countries ha d presente d Israe l wit h a n unexpecte d challenge . Mos t sig nificantly, th e arriva l o f immigrant s fro m th e Easter n blo c clearl y re vealed tha t th e questio n o f "Jewishness " accordin g t o Israel i La w an d rabbinic halacha was no t solely o r even primaril y confine d t o th e Ethio pians. Indeed , th e conflict betwee n differin g definition s an d understand ings o f wha t constitute s Jewis h identit y i s on e tha t Israe l an d th e com munities of the Diaspora will continue to ponder for many years. In light of thi s mor e genera l controvers y ther e appear s eve n les s reaso n tha n before t o fea r tha t m y findings will i n an y wa y affec t th e Ethiopian s a s they com e forwar d t o pres s thei r legitimat e claim s t o b e completel y recognized b y th e Israel i stat e an d Worl d Jewr y o n a n equa l basis . Indeed, it is my hope that in time this book wil l provide a record of thei r history that they can point to with pride, and add to on the basis of their own traditions .

1

Ethiopian Jews:

Obscure

Beginnings

Anyone wit h eve n a passin g interes t i n th e Bet a Israe l wil l hav e note d the extent t o which th e question o f thei r origins has dominated th e stud y of thi s people. Although muc h of thei r moder n histor y remain s shroude d in obscurit y an d a first-rate ethnograph y o f th e grou p ha s ye t t o b e published, almos t everyon e wh o ha s writte n abou t Ethiopia n Jewr y ha s felt compelle d t o weig h i n wit h hi s o r he r contributio n t o th e "Falash a origins" debate . Politicians , journalists , rabbis , an d politica l activist s have al l succumbe d t o th e temptatio n t o pla y historia n an d hav e at tempted t o unrave l thi s intriguin g riddle . I n man y cases , thei r result s have bee n bot h presente d an d accepte d wit h a seriousnes s fa r beyon d what the y merit . There ar e without doub t a numbe r o f sociological , psychological, an d historical factor s tha t explai n th e continuin g obsessio n wit h th e origin s question. Few people can resis t a good mystery , and man y have probabl y been entice d b y th e possibilit y o f bein g th e first perso n t o presen t a complete solutio n t o thi s fascinatin g problem . I t is doubtful, however , if this issu e woul d hav e receive d s o muc h attentio n wer e i t no t fo r th e longstanding controvers y concernin g th e precis e relationshi p o f th e Bet a Israel t o th e res t o f Worl d Jewry. Fo r mor e tha n a century, th e questio n of th e Bet a Israel' s Jewishness an d o f th e bes t polic y t o pursu e o n thei r behalf ha s occupied a variety of Jewish organizations . Moreover , neithe r 13

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the decision o f th e Israeli Parliamen t t o recognize th e Beta Israel a s Jews under Israel' s "La w o f Return " no r th e recen t immigratio n o f clos e t o forty thousan d Ethiopia n Jews t o Israe l ha s ende d th e controvers y con cerning thei r precis e statu s unde r Jewis h religiou s law . The fine point s regarding thi s aspect of thei r Jewish identit y stil l remai n unresolve d an d are the subject of muc h bitte r debate bot h within an d outside th e Ethio pian community i n Israel. 1 As a resul t o f thi s situation , th e questio n o f Bet a Israe l origin s ha s long been invested with an aura of relevance rarely accorded to problems in ancien t history . No t surprisingly , onl y a smal l proportio n o f thos e drawn t o thi s subjec t hav e possesse d th e skill s necessar y t o pas s a n informed judgmen t o n th e matter . Man y hav e no t eve n succeede d i n correctly definin g th e proble m unde r discussio n an d hav e confuse d th e question o f origin s wit h variou s othe r issue s suc h a s halachic status , standing unde r Israel i law , an d th e Bet a Israel' s ow n self-image. 2 Thu s we find ultraorthodo x rabbinica l source s citin g wit h eviden t approva l the opinions o f secula r historians an d linguists; scholarly work s quotin g rabbinical opinion s a s i f the y wer e definitiv e historical documents ; an d the Bet a Israel' s dee p attachmen t t o thei r Israelit e identit y presente d a s proof of thei r origins. Clearl y some clarification i s long overdue. In this chapter an attempt will b e made to review the existing primary sources an d scientifi c theorie s concernin g th e origin s o f th e Bet a Israel . The questio n o f thei r halachic an d lega l statu s wil l no t concer n u s here or anywhere else in this book. No r wil l thei r self-image b e of immediat e interest t o u s i n thi s chapter , althoug h th e community' s ow n tradition s about it s origin s will , o f course , b e considere d alongsid e othe r source s on thi s subject. The questio n w e ar e seeking t o answe r i n this chapter i s not th e emotive , "Ar e th e Bet a Israe l Jews? " Rather , w e shal l giv e attention t o a serie s o f specifi c historica l inquiries : Whe n di d Jew s o r Judaism reac h Ethiopia ? Fro m wher e di d it/the y come ? Ar e th e Bet a Israel descendant s o f Jew s o r merel y a grou p shape d b y Jewis h infl u ences? Aksum The searc h fo r th e origin s o f Ethiopia n Jewr y begin s i n th e ancien t kingdom o f Aksum . Aksu m (th e name applie s t o bot h th e kingdom tha t ruled over th e Tigrea n platea u i n norther n Ethiopi a an d t o th e urba n concentration tha t forme d it s larges t are a o f settlement ) i s th e earlies t

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cradle of Ethiopia n civilization . A s a matter of course , an y discussion o f the manne r i n whic h Jew s o r Judais m reache d Ethiopi a mus t b e se t against th e genera l contex t o f wha t i s know n abou t th e histor y an d cultural development of th e Aksumite kingdom. 3 The origins of th e Aksumite state have yet to be completely unravele d by scholars . Ther e is , fo r example , n o clea r consensu s a s t o whe n th e transition fro m th e pre-Aksumite t o Aksumit e period occurred or abou t the subdivision s withi n eac h period . Nevertheless , th e majo r interna l processes an d externa l influence s tha t le d t o th e ris e o f a highl y devel oped civilizatio n an d politica l structur e i n norther n Ethiopi a appea r sufficiently clea r to enable u s to reconstruc t th e most importan t trends. 4 Roughly speaking, th e pre-Aksumite perio d ca n be said to begi n aroun d the fifth centur y B.C . Already a t th e outse t o f thi s period , ther e i s clea r archaeological evidenc e o f a stron g Sout h Arabia n influenc e o n th e northern par t o f th e Ethiopia n highland s an d th e predominantl y Aga w peoples o f th e region. 5 A t Yeha , th e mos t famou s o f pre-Aksumit e sites , researchers hav e uncovere d a templ e fro m th e fifth o r fourt h centur y that display s marke d similaritie s t o contemporar y Sout h Arabia n build ings, a s wel l a s a numbe r o f inscription s writte n i n a Sout h Arabia n language an d i n a Sout h Arabia n syllabary. 6 Simila r indication s o f th e impact o f Sout h Arabia n immigrant s ar e als o foun d i n th e religiou s beliefs an d social-politica l organizatio n o f thi s period . Indeed , s o pow erful doe s thi s Sout h Arabia n influenc e appea r a t first glance tha t som e scholars hav e depicte d pre-Aksumit e civilizatio n a s littl e mor e tha n a reflection o f influence s tha t arrive d fro m acros s th e Re d Sea. 7 Mor e recently, however , greate r emphasis ha s bee n placed upo n "th e origina l aspects of thi s culture, which represents a synthesis of variou s influence s and which , whe n i t draw s it s inspiratio n fro m sout h Arabia n forms , shows that it is superior to its models." 8 Whatever th e origina l characte r o f thi s civilization , b y th e thir d cen tury B.C . w e ar e clearl y dealin g less wit h externa l influence s an d mor e with indigenou s developments , whic h gro w ou t o f thi s earlie r founda tion. The language of loca l inscriptions , fo r example, i s less and less like the original Sout h Arabian language. 9 Politica l terminolog y als o appear s less directl y connecte d t o South Arabia n models . A t th e sam e time , cultural an d tradin g tie s see m t o hav e develope d wit h th e Nil e valley , particularly th e Nubian kingdo m o f Meroe . During th e first centur y o f th e Christia n Er a a variet y o f factors , including a favorable climate , easily protecte d natura l boundaries , prox -

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imity t o source s o f agricultura l an d natura l products , an d th e decline o f the Sout h Arabia n kingdoms , enable d th e ruler s o f Aksu m t o gai n con trol ove r muc h o f th e internationa l trad e i n th e Re d Se a are a an d establish a powerful an d highly organized kingdom . Durin g much of th e next seve n centurie s thei r influenc e wa s fel t no t onl y throughou t north ern Ethiopia (se e map), bu t also t o th e north a s far as Meroe an d acros s the Red Sea into large parts of South Arabia. In the third century, Aksum enjoyed s o grea t a reputation tha t th e Persia n prophe t Mani considere d it one of th e four greatest kingdoms i n the world. 10 The name Aksum appear s for the first time toward th e end of th e first century i n a commercia l guid e know n a s th e Periplus Maris Erythraei (Circumnavigation o f th e Erythrea n Sea) . Adulis , whic h serve d a s it s trading outle t an d i s sai d b y th e autho r o f th e Periplus t o b e five-days journey fro m Aksum , i s already mentione d b y Plin y aroun d th e yea r 6 0 A.D.11 I n part, a t least , Aksumit e cultur e ca n b e clearly see n t o preserv e the heritage o f th e earlie r pre-Aksumite period . "Certai n feature s o f th e language an d writing, a religious emblem , th e name of a god [Astar ] . . . architectural an d agricultura l tradition s . . . sho w tha t i n th e earl y cen turies of ou r era a n ancient heritag e was stil l alive. " 12 I n many respects , however, a ne w for m o f civilizatio n ca n b e see n t o hav e developed , which wa s fa r mor e roote d i n th e indigenou s culture . B y th e secon d century A.D. , fo r example , a distinctiv e Ethiopi c script , consonanta l i n form, ha d appeared. A t first it is employed only in short inscriptions, bu t over time it comes to be used in longer texts. Finally , between the fourt h and sixt h centuries , i t become s th e languag e o f th e newl y establishe d Ethiopian Churc h an d is used as the language o f scripture. 13 Durin g this period, Sout h Arabia n an d Gree k wer e als o used , wit h th e latte r proba bly th e primar y languag e o f internationa l trad e an d diplomacy . Alread y at th e en d o f th e first century , Zoscales , th e first Ethiopia n kin g men tioned by name, i s said to have known Greek. 14 In a simila r fashio n bot h th e architectur e an d th e potter y o f Aksu m show significan t difference s fro m tha t o f earlie r periods . Religio n to o appears to hav e changed dramatically . Onl y Asta r of th e South Arabia n gods survive s i n Aksumit e belief . The othe r pre-Aksumit e deitie s ar e replaced by a triad of indigenous divinities, Mahrem, Baher, and Medr. 15 In th e fourt h centur y a n eve n mor e dramati c chang e occur s wit h th e conversion t o Christianity of the Aksumite king Ezana.16 Hi s conversion, which completel y transforme d th e cultura l basi s o f th e Ethiopia n mon archy, i s perhap s th e mos t revolutionar y even t i n th e histor y o f ancien t

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Ethiopia. I t mark s th e beginnin g o f a cultural-politica l traditio n tha t survived for over 160 0 years. Yet even before this crucial transformatio n another earlie r religiou s tradition , tha t o f Jew s an d Judaism , ha d suc ceeded in striking roots in Aksumite culture . Jews and Jewish Influences In contras t t o th e ric h archaeologica l an d epigraphi c evidenc e o f th e South Arabia n impac t o n Aksumit e civilization , th e proof s o f Jewis h influences ar e almos t al l indirect . Non e o f th e contemporar y source s offers unequivoca l testimon y fo r a Jewish presence in the kingdom. Yet , as we shal l demonstrat e below , ther e can b e little question tha t prior t o the introductio n o f Christianit y i n th e thir d an d fourt h centuries , Juda ism had had a considerable impac t on Aksumit e culture . According t o som e Ethiopia n traditions , hal f th e populatio n o f Ak sum wa s Jewish prio r t o th e adven t o f Christianity . Whil e ther e ca n b e little doub t tha t thi s i s a considerabl e exaggeration , th e overwhelmin g impact o f biblica l an d Hebrai c pattern s o n earl y Ethiopia n cultur e i s undeniable. Indeed , wel l int o th e twentiet h century , muc h o f Ethiopi a remained embedde d i n "attitudes , beliefs , an d a genera l qualit y o f lif e . . . forcefull y reminiscen t of the Old Testament world." 17 Th e full rang e of thi s biblical-Hebrai c moldin g ha s bee n describe d an d analyze d i n detail b y severa l o f thi s generation' s leadin g Ethiopianists , an d ther e is , therefore, n o nee d t o full y explor e thi s phenomenon i n this chapter. 18 A brief consideratio n o f som e o f it s ke y element s is , however , necessar y both fo r a n understanding of Jewish influence s o n Aksumite culture and for a proper evaluation o f th e Beta Israel i n their proper context. For , as we shal l stres s repeatedly , a n intelligen t analysi s o f th e histor y an d culture o f th e Bet a Israe l mus t tak e a s it s startin g poin t th e fac t tha t biblical practice s an d a n Israelit e self-identit y ar e th e commo n heritag e of bot h Jews and Christians in Ethiopia. No churc h anywher e i n th e worl d ha s remaine d a s faithfu l t o th e letter and spirit of th e Ol d Testament a s the Ethiopian Orthodo x Church . Numerous biblica l custom s hav e survive d i n th e practic e o f Ethiopia n Christians. Thus , fo r example , mal e childre n ar e circumcise d o n th e eighth da y afte r birth. 19 Th e Saturda y Sabbat h lon g held swa y i n Ethiopia an d figured prominently i n th e ritual , liturgy , theologica l literature , and eve n politic s o f th e Church. 20 Traditiona l Ethiopia n dietar y law s conform closel y t o thos e o f th e Ol d Testament, 21 an d th e three-fol d

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division o f churche s in Ethiopia clearl y replicates the architectural struc ture of th e Temple in Jerusalem.22 O n the literary level, the biblical etho s of Ethiopia n Christia n cultur e i s epitomize d i n th e country' s nationa l epic Kebra Nagast (Th e glor y o f kings) , whic h depicts th e ruler s o f Ethiopia a s direc t descendant s o f Meneli k I , th e putativ e so n o f Kin g Solomon an d the Queen of Sheba. 23 The presence of thes e and other biblical form s i n the dominant Chris tian cultur e o f Ethiopi a raise s a numbe r o f seriou s issue s o f direc t relevance t o th e histor y o f th e Bet a Israel . I n particular , th e mutua l dependence an d clea r similaritie s betwee n Ethiopia n Christianit y an d Ethiopian Judais m wil l concer n u s throughou t muc h o f thi s book . O f more immediate concern , however , i s th e questio n o f whethe r thes e biblical characteristic s take n b y themselve s constitut e unambiguou s proo f of a Jewish presence in Aksum. Although th e terms "biblical" and "Jewish" are frequently use d interchangeably i n discussions o f Ethiopia n culture , i t is at times crucial tha t they b e distinguished. B y far the mos t articulat e proponen t o f thi s poin t with regar d t o th e questio n o f "Jewis h influences " i n Ethiopi a i s th e French scholar, Maxim e Rodinson . Rodinso n argue s that Ethiopian cul ture ha s bee n shape d fa r mor e b y th e imitatio n o f th e Ol d Testamen t than b y direc t Jewish influences . Indee d h e contends, i n agreement wit h the nineteenth-centur y Germa n scholar , Augus t Dillmann , tha t man y o f Ethiopian Christianity' s biblica l characteristic s wer e no t introduce d i n the Aksumit e period , bu t onl y i n th e reig n o f th e fifteenth-century re forming king Zar'a Ya'eqob. 24 Ethiopia n Christianity is, therefore, i n his opinion merel y on e mor e example , albei t a n extrem e one , o f th e com mon Christia n practic e o f adoptin g biblica l names , customs , symbols , and even genealogies . Given th e weigh t o f thei r contribution s t o th e subject , Rodinso n an d Dillmann's argument s deserv e to b e treated with th e utmost seriousness . Above all, they serve as a valuable warning against a simplistic approach that ignore s bot h cultura l influence s an d historical developments . I n the final analysis, however , thei r approac h doe s no t appea r t o satisfactoril y explain al l th e availabl e data . O f particula r significanc e i n thi s contex t are th e numerou s Jewish-Aramai c loanword s i n th e Ge'e z (Ethiopic ) version o f th e Bible . A s i s wel l known , th e Ge'e z versio n o f th e Ol d Testament, which was translated betwee n the fourth an d sixth centuries , is base d upo n a Gree k (o r a t leas t primaril y Greek ) Vorlage. 2S A s on e might expect , thi s resulte d i n a fai r numbe r o f Gree k term s enterin g

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Ethiopic at an early date. Mor e surprising , however , i s the presence of a significant numbe r o f work s dealin g wit h religiou s concept s an d prac tices tha t deriv e fro m Jewish-Aramai c o r Hebrew . Word s suc h a s meswat (alms) , tabot (Ark) , an d ta'ot (idol ) ar e al l distinctivel y Jewis h i n either for m o r content. 26 Similarly , i n Ethiopi c th e nam e fo r th e sixt h day 'arb, does not follo w th e system of namin g for th e other days of th e week: First (Sunday) , Second (Monday) , Third (Tuesday), etc. The name 'arb (Friday ) doe s no t mea n "sixth, " bu t "eve " or "evening" an d refer s to th e ev e o f th e Jewish Sabbath! 27 A s H . J. Polotsk y ha s observed , "I t seems hardl y possibl e tha t th e Aramai c word s shoul d hav e bee n intro duced b y Syria c speakin g missionaries . . . . Non e o f thes e word s i s dis tinctively Christia n i n meaning. Wha t they denot e belong s t o the Jewish leaven i n Christianity." 28 I n othe r words , i n th e vie w o f Polotsk y an d most other scholars, such loanwords coul d only have been introduced t o Ethiopia prio r t o th e introductio n o f Christianit y an d th e translation o f the Bible . "Th e Hebraic-Jewis h element s wer e par t o f indigenou s Ak sumite cultur e adopte d int o Ethiopia n Christianity." 29 Wit h regar d t o the loanwords, moreover , these are almost certainly the product of direct contact wit h Jew s and/o r Judais m an d canno t b e explaine d a s a n ex ample of imitatio Veteris Testamenti. Thus , the linguistic evidence would seem t o clearl y indicat e tha t Jewish influence s i n Ethiopia were , a t leas t in part, both early, i.e., Aksumite, an d direct. Additional suppor t fo r thi s vie w ca n b e gleane d fro m th e Ge'e z ver sions o f severa l Ol d Testamen t an d Apocrypha l books . Althoug h i n general agreemen t tha t the Greek version i s the primary source fo r mos t of thes e texts , scholar s hav e produce d numerou s example s o f th e Ge'e z version's direct dependence upon either a Hebrew or Aramaic Vorlage. 30 While th e precis e circumstance s unde r whic h suc h Hebrew-Ethiopi c o r Aramaic-Ethiopic element s entere d th e tex t canno t b e determined , an d some ma y eve n dat e t o late r recensions , muc h o f thi s materia l woul d seem to be associated with the original Ethiopi c translations. 31 On the basis of the cultural elements, loanwords, an d textual evidenc e cited above , i t appears possible t o offe r som e clea r suggestions concern ing the earlies t Jewish influence s o n Ethiopia n culture . Th e firs t carrier s of Judaism reache d Ethiopi a betwee n th e ris e of th e Aksumite kingdo m at th e beginnin g o f th e Commo n Er a an d conversio n t o Christianit y o f King Ezan a i n th e fourt h century . The y use d Aramai c fo r religiou s purposes an d probabl y brough t wit h the m text s i n tha t languag e an d perhaps Hebrew . Give n th e predominantl y literar y an d linguisti c evi -

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dence fo r thei r presence , ther e appear s t o b e n o reaso n t o assum e tha t they were particularly numerous . A relatively smal l numbe r of text s an d individuals dwelling i n the cultural, economic, an d political cente r could have ha d a considerabl e impact . Initiall y the y settle d i n th e Aksu m region an d mingle d wit h thei r paga n an d late r Christia n neighbors . Thus, thei r influenc e wa s diffuse d throughou t Ethiopia n cultur e i n it s formative period . B y th e tim e Christianit y too k hol d i n th e fourt h cen tury, man y o f th e originall y Hebraic-Jewis h element s ha d bee n adopte d by muc h o f th e indigenou s populatio n an d wer e n o longe r viewe d a s foreign characteristics . No r wer e the y perceive d a s i n conflic t wit h th e acceptance of Christianity . Although thi s summar y account s satisfactoril y fo r mos t o f th e mate rial presented above , i t leaves unanswered a number of crucia l question s concerning th e arriva l o f Judaism i n Ethiopia . I n particular, i t offers n o insight int o eithe r th e provenanc e o f th e Jewish influence s tha t reache d the Aksumite kingdom or the manner in which they reached Ethiopia. In fact, bot h thes e question s hav e bee n hotl y debate d b y scholars fo r mor e than a century an d a t leas t hal f a dozen theorie s hav e bee n propose d i n an attemp t t o answe r them . Th e expositio n an d evaluatio n o f thes e theories will occupy u s for most of th e remainder of this chapter. Ethiopia and the Bible The Land of Cush. W e begi n ou r searc h fo r th e source(s ) o f th e Jewish elements i n Aksumite cultur e with a consideration o f th e lan d known t o biblical writer s a s "Cush. " The Hebre w Bibl e contain s som e fifty refer ences to Cush or Cushites, most of which are translated in the Septuagint as "Ethiopia. " Sinc e th e ancien t Greek s use d th e ter m "Ethiopia " t o designate any southern land inhabited by people with "burnt-faces," this appears t o b e a generall y satisfactor y renderin g o f th e Hebre w term . Unfortunately, som e scholar s ignor e thi s usag e an d seriousl y confus e matters by simplistically identifyin g ancien t Cush/Ethiopi a wit h present day Ethiopia. 32 Thi s misreadin g no t onl y distort s th e intentio n o f th e biblical (an d later Greek) authors, bu t also, when applied to the question of Beta Israel origins, produces connections an d loci of Jewish settlemen t where non e existed . W e shal l hav e cause , therefore , a t severa l point s i n our discussion to return to this issue. In th e Hebre w Bible , th e ter m Cus h refer s t o a numbe r o f differen t

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locations. I n som e cases , particularl y th e genealogica l tabl e i n Genesi s 10:6-10, i t is extremely difficul t t o understand th e passages' intent. 33 In others, mos t notabl y Esthe r 1: 1 ("Fro m Indi a t o Cush") , i t seem s t o mean simpl y th e ends of th e earth. I n most instances , however , th e term "Cush" i s use d t o designat e th e "Nubia n kingdo m whic h wa s situate d along th e Nile , sout h o f Egypt." 34 Suc h reference s ar e especiall y com mon i n th e eight h an d sevent h centurie s B.C. , whe n th e twenty-fift h o r "Ethiopian" (i.e. , Nubian ) dynast y rule d Egyp t an d it s king s playe d a major role in the international politic s of the period. 35 As the references cited above and many others indicate, alread y in the pre-exilic perio d th e ancien t Israelite s wer e familia r wit h th e lan d o f Cush an d it s peopl e an d enjoyed , albei t primaril y o n a n indirec t basis , certain connection s wit h tha t distant land. Several verses appear to eve n offer som e suppor t fo r th e clai m o f a Jewish presence , eithe r individua l or communa l i n th e region . Isaia h 18:1—2 , whic h speak s o f papyru s boats sailin g beyon d th e river s o f Cush , ma y wel l b e base d upo n infor mation fro m eyewitnesses. 36 Isaia h 11:11 , Psal m 87:4 , an d Zephania h 3:10 al l see m t o indicat e tha t a diaspor a communit y existe d i n Cush, 37 and ther e appear s t o b e n o reasonabl e basi s fo r rejectin g thi s assump tion. Nevertheless, cautio n mus t be exercised concerning the significanc e of thes e allege d communitie s o n severa l levels . I t mus t b e stressed , fo r example, tha t the biblica l claim s of a n Israelit e presence i n Cush receiv e no suppor t fro m th e substantia l archaeologica l wor k undertake n i n th e region.38 A t th e leas t thi s coul d appea r t o indicat e tha t th e Israelit e cultural impac t wa s extremel y limited . Moreover , an d perhap s eve n more important , o n bot h chronologica l an d geographica l ground s non e of thes e references ca n be said to she d any light on the manner i n which Jewish influence s reache d Aksum. Al l of the m significantl y predat e bot h the crystallizatio n o f Judais m an d th e emergenc e o f civilizatio n i n th e Aksum region. 39 Mos t o f the m ar e clearl y concerne d wit h a Nubia n rather tha n a n Aksumit e milieu . Accordingly , eve n i f w e conced e th e existence o f a n Israelit e diaspor a i n som e region s sout h o f Egypt , i t i s difficult t o conceiv e o f i t a s th e primar y sourc e fo r th e Hebraic-biblica l characteristics that entered Ethiopian culture . Solomon and Sheba. O f al l th e explanation s offere d fo r th e biblica l influences o n Ethiopia n cultur e an d th e origin s o f th e Bet a Israel , non e has capture d th e imaginatio n a s muc h a s th e traditio n tha t associate s

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them wit h Kin g Solomo n an d th e mysteriou s Quee n o f Sheba . Th e reservations of historians (and , more recently, the Beta Israel themselves ) notwithstanding, thi s stor y appear s t o clai m prid e o f plac e i n an y ac count of thei r origins, history, an d culture. 40 The story o f th e Queen o f Sheb a first appears in two slightl y differen t biblical versions : i King s 10:1-1 3 an d 2 Chronicle s 9 : i - i 2 . 4 1 I n bot h places th e tex t offer s onl y th e sparses t o f narratives : The Quee n o f Sheba, havin g hear d o f Solomon' s greatnes s travelle d t o Jerusale m t o test hi m wit h difficul t questions . Solomo n wo n he r ove r no t only b y answering he r questions, bu t als o through th e evidence o f hi s well man aged court , hi s palace , an d th e Temple . The Quee n blesse d Go d an d gave Solomo n gift s o f gold , spices , an d preciou s stones . Afte r Solomo n reciprocated, the Queen returne d to her land. As is often th e case, th e very brevit y o f th e biblical narrativ e seem s t o have encourage d th e developmen t o f a serie s o f legendar y elaboration s on the story. Muslim , Jewish, Medieva l Christian , and , of course , Ethio pian source s hav e adde d vivi d detail s t o th e concis e an d circumspec t biblical story. 42 Althoug h eac h o f thes e tradition s provide s it s ow n par ticular twists and variations to the story, the Ethiopian version i s unique in several respects . No t onl y is it the lengthiest and most elaborate of the Sheba legends, bu t also i t differs significantl y fro m th e others i n purpose and function . I f elsewher e th e primar y focu s o f th e stor y i s Solomon' s wisdom an d miraculou s powers , th e Ethiopia n tex t i s concerne d wit h the Queen , he r so n throug h Solomon , Menelik , an d th e transfe r o f th e mantle of God' s chosen peopl e t o the Ethiopians. I f elsewhere th e Sheba legend represent s a minor topi c within a vast corpu s o f legendar y mate rial, i n Ethiopi a i t stand s a t th e hear t o f th e country' s religio-politica l traditions. The classi c formulatio n o f th e Solomo n an d Sheb a legen d is foun d i n a boo k know n a s th e Kebra Nagast (Th e glor y o f kings). 43 Thi s work , which i s justl y recognize d a s th e Ethiopia n national epic , wa s probabl y first compose d som e time between th e sixth an d ninth centuries A.D. 44 In the fourteent h century , i t receive d it s definitiv e for m an d serve d a s th e "charter legend" for a new dynast y o f kings, who base d their legitimac y on a claim of descen t fro m Kin g Solomon an d the Queen of Sheba. 45 According t o th e Kebra Nagast, th e Queen o f Sheba , known a s Makeda, travelle d fro m Aksu m t o visi t Kin g Solomo n i n Jerusalem. Durin g her stay, Solomon no t only dazzled her with his wisdom, bu t also tricked her b y a cleve r rus e int o havin g sexua l relation s wit h him . Th e Quee n

ETHIOPIAN JEW S 2 3 conceived a son , who m sh e bor e upo n he r retur n t o Aksum . Whe n h e reached maturity , thi s son, Menelik , journeye d t o Jerusalem t o mee t his father. A t th e completio n o f Menelik' s visit , Solomo n commande d tha t the first-born sons o f th e priest s an d elder s o f Israe l accompan y hi m t o Aksum. Before setting out, however, Meneli k an d his companions le d by Azariah, th e so n o f th e Hig h Priest , stol e th e Ark o f th e Covenan t fro m the Temple . Thus , th e glor y o f Zio n passe d fro m Jerusale m an d th e Children o f Israe l t o th e ne w Zion , Aksum , an d th e ne w Israel , th e Ethiopian people . The stor y i s engaging , a t point s eve n amusing . Ye t it s occasiona l lightness o f ton e shoul d no t lea d on e t o underestimat e it s centralit y fo r an understandin g o f th e thought-worl d o f traditiona l Ethiopia . What ever th e initia l inten t o f th e earlies t compiler s o f th e Kebra Nagast, th e Solomon-Sheba legen d eventuall y becam e th e basi c metapho r fo r legiti macy an d authorit y withi n Ethiopia n culture . Fa r fro m bein g th e sol e possession o f a smal l rulin g elite , th e stor y wa s transforme d int o a crucial elemen t i n th e genealogie s o f numerou s regiona l an d ethni c groups.46 No t leas t among these were the Beta Israel. The eighteenth-centur y Scottis h explore r Jame s Bruc e wa s th e first author t o stat e tha t th e Bet a Israe l trace d thei r origin s t o Solomo n an d Sheba. The account the y giv e of themselves , whic h i s supported onl y b y tradition, is , that they came with Menile k fro m Jerusalem, so that they perfectly agre e with the Abyssinians i n the story of the queen of Saba.. .. The y agree also, in every particular, with the Abyssinians, about the remaining part of the story, the birth and inauguratio n o f Menilek , wh o wa s thei r first king; als o th e comin g o f Azarias, and twelve elders from the twelve tribes, and other doctors of the law, whose posterity they deny have ever apostatised to Christianity, as the Abyssinians pretend they did at the conversion.47 A littl e mor e tha n hal f a century late r i n 183 0 th e Anglica n missionar y Samuel Goba t brough t a simila r account , noting , however , tha t i t wa s not the only Beta Israel story concerning their origins. They do not know of what tribe they are; nor have they any adequate idea as to the period when their ancestors settled in Abyssinia. Some say that it was with Menelic, the son of Solomon ; others believe that they settled in Abyssinia after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.48 Two decade s late r th e Frenc h cleri c an d explore r Antoin e d'Abbadi e received a similar confusio n o f tradition s fro m th e mouth o f th e learned

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Beta Israe l mon k an d Hig h Priest , Abb a Yeshaq : "Nou s somme s venu s avec Salamon. . . . Nou s somme s venu s apre s Jeremie le prophete. Nou s ne compton s pa s l'anne e d e Parrive e d e Mi n Ylik . Nou s vinme s sou s Solomon." 49 The obviou s contradiction s i n thes e las t tw o testimonie s notwith standing, ther e ca n b e littl e questio n tha t th e clai m o f a connectio n t o Solomon an d Sheb a la y a t the heart o f a , perhap s the, majo r Beta Israe l tradition concernin g thei r origins . Man y late r authors , includin g twen tieth-century ethnologist s an d linguist s hav e state d unequivocall y tha t this versio n wa s reporte d t o the m b y thei r Bet a Israe l informants. 50 Indeed, onl y i n th e past decad e d o th e Bet a Israe l appea r t o hav e begu n to distance themselves fro m this legend. 51 Yet, despit e th e evidenc e o f thes e testimonies , ther e woul d appea r t o be no basi s fo r acceptin g th e Solomon an d Sheba legen d a s an historica l explanation fo r eithe r th e Jewis h element s i n Ethiopia n cultur e o r th e origins of th e Beta Israel. Fro m a chronological poin t of view , the Kebra Nagast present s a numbe r o f insurmountable difficulties . The reig n o f Solomon i s generally date d t o th e tent h centur y B.C. , at leas t five centuries befor e th e first glimmering s o f Aksumit e civilization . O n a simila r basis, man y o f th e majo r feature s o f th e Jewis h impac t o n Ethiopia n culture, both amon g the Christians and the Beta Israel, clearly dat e fro m a perio d lon g afte r Solomon' s time. 52 Indeed , t o thi s da y mos t scholar s continue t o vie w th e Quee n o f Sheb a a s a visitor fro m Sout h Arabia. 53 Thus while th e Solomon an d Sheba stor y i s certainly a major element of the biblica l moldin g o f Ethiopia n civilization , an d a carefu l analysi s o f its numerou s version s an d level s o f meanin g a fruitfu l directio n fo r research, it offers littl e by way of an historical explanation fo r the origins of the Beta Israel . The Lost Tribe of Dan. I n 197 3 whe n th e Sephard i Chie f Rabb i o f Israel, Ovadia h Yosef , publicl y declare d th e Bet a Israe l t o b e Jews ac cording t o halacba, h e stated tha t the y wer e descendant s o f th e los t tribe o f Dan. 54 I n ascribin g thi s lineag e t o th e Bet a Israe l h e invoke d a tradition tha t i n differen t form s ca n b e trace d bac k throug h Jewis h sources for over five hundred, perhaps even more than a thousand years . In a later section, w e shall examin e some texts that discuss this traditio n to se e what , i f any , informatio n the y contai n concernin g th e histor y o f the Bet a Israel . Fo r the momen t w e shal l b e concerne d exclusivel y wit h the allege d Danit e connection . Th e earlies t sourc e fo r a traditio n con -

ETHIOPIAN JEW S 1$ necting th e Jew s o f Ethiopi a wit h th e trib e o f Da n i s probabl y th e mysterious nint h centur y figure Elda d Ha-Dani . Elda d himsel f claime d to be from the tribe of Dan (hence the name Ha-Dani), which lived along with Naftali , Gad , Asher , an d th e "son s o f Moses " "beyon d th e river s of Cush." 55 T o thi s day scholars remain uncertain abou t his origins and motives. Whil e som e hav e dismisse d hi m a s a hoax, other s hav e viewe d him a s a Karaite , Arabian , o r eve n Ethiopia n Jew. 56 Abraha m Epstein , who almos t on e hundre d year s ag o published wha t remain s a definitiv e study o f Sefer Eldad, cas t grav e doub t o n Eldad' s Ethiopia n origins. 57 More recently, Ullendorff ha s argued that His language reveals no trace of Ethiopic nor does his narrative betray any firsthand knowledge of Abyssinia. He shows, however, more than a casual acquaintance with Arabia, and his Hebrew offers som e evidence of a n Arabic substratum. It is therefore likely that he was a Jew from South Arabia.58 Modern scholarl y opinio n notwithstanding , man y o f Eldad' s Jewis h contemporaries viewe d hi m a s a n authenti c representativ e o f th e los t tribes and accepted his claim of Danite s and other tribes living in distant lands.59 Eldad's narrative , whil e highl y influential , doe s no t a t an y poin t unequivocally lin k th e trib e o f Da n t o th e Jew s o f Ethiopia . The first source to explicitly mak e this connection i s a letter from the noted rabbi and talmudi c schola r Obadia h o f Bertinoro. 60 I n a lette r t o hi s fathe r written o n Augus t 15 , 1488 , Obadia h report s o n th e Jews wh o liv e i n the land of "Preste r John," including tw o h e me t in Egypt. Afte r briefl y discussing thei r religiou s practices , h e notes , "An d the y sa y tha t the y belong t o th e trib e o f Dan." 61 Thi s statemen t i s significan t no t merel y for its clarity, but also because i t is unique i n stating that the Ethiopian s themselves put forward a claim to a Danite origin . The most important sources fo r the Beta Israel-Danite connectio n ar e without questio n tw o responsa o f th e sixteenth-centur y Egyptia n tal mudic schola r an d halachi c authority , Davi d Be n Ab i Zimra , th e Rad baz.62 Writin g i n th e first hal f o f th e sixteent h centur y i n respons e t o questions concernin g th e halachic statu s of Bet a Israe l brough t to Egyp t as slaves, th e Radba z twic e affirme d thei r Jewishness an d Danite origin . "Those [Jews ] that come fro m th e land of Cus h are without doubt fro m the tribe of Dan." 63 Suc h was the authority of the Radbaz that his ruling established a halachic precedent that has retained its validity to this day. Thus beginnin g wit h hi s studen t Rabb i Ya'aco v Castr o (1525-1610 )

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and continuin g mor e recentl y wit h Rabb i Ovadia h Yose f an d Israel i Supreme Cour t Justic e Menache m Elon , Jewis h authoritie s hav e cite d the Radbaz and affirmed th e Danite lineag e of th e Beta Israel. 64 As wit h th e Solomo n an d Sheb a legend , th e traditio n associatin g th e Beta Israel with the tribe of Da n is long established an d may even have a basis i n thei r ow n ora l history . Onc e again , however , i t appear s t o b e seriously deficien t a s an historical explanatio n o f thei r origins . Externa l evidence fo r a Danit e presenc e i n Ethiopi a is , o f course , completel y lacking. No r d o an y o f th e source s tha t pu t forwar d thi s clai m attemp t to offer a plausible explanation a s to how th e Danites may have reached that country . Eve n within th e contex t o f rabbini c an d halachic opinion , the Bet a Israel-Danit e connectio n i s no t universall y accepted . Severa l important rabbinica l authoritie s hav e dismisse d thi s allege d triba l affili ation as erroneous, an d Jewish traditio n offers littl e support for a Danite migration t o Ethiopia. 65 O n th e basi s o f al l o f thes e difficulties , ther e appears t o b e littl e i f an y basi s fo r acceptin g th e ide a o f a lin k t o th e tribe o f Da n a s th e solutio n t o th e riddl e o f th e origin s o f th e Bet a Israel.66 As we have seen above, none of th e solutions examined thu s far offer s an adequat e explanatio n o f eithe r th e origin s o f th e Bet a Israe l o r th e presence o f biblical-Hebrai c element s i n Ethiopian culture . I n fact, bot h the Danit e an d Solomon-Sheb a account s mus t b e viewe d primaril y a s mythic o r legendar y tale s o f greate r interes t fo r thei r symboli c meanin g than fo r th e direc t insight the y offe r int o thes e historica l problems . Th e suggestion o f th e existenc e o f a Jewish presenc e i n ancien t Cush , whil e plausible, doe s not appea r to move u s markedly close r to a resolution o f these issues . No t surprisingly , non e o f thes e theorie s enjoy s stron g sup port amon g th e leadin g scholar s i n the field. These appea r t o b e divided between proponents o f a n Egyptian origin fo r Ethiopian Judaism o n th e one hand an d supporters o f a South Arabian source on the other. I t is to the first of these positions tha t we now tur n our attention . Egypt. N o featur e o f recen t scholarshi p o n th e Bet a Israe l i s mor e indicative of th e current state of researc h than the numerous attempt s t o press th e clai m tha t Egyp t wa s th e primar y sourc e o f Jewis h influence s on Ethiopia n culture . Thi s theory , whic h i n th e pas t wa s espouse d by , among others, the outstanding Italia n Ethiopianist Ignazi o Guidi and the respected schola r an d second Presiden t of Israe l Itzha k Be n Zvi ha s lon g been rejecte d b y mos t scholars. 67 Recen t advocate s o f thi s position hav e

ETHIOPIAN JEW S ZJ brought littl e tha t i s new t o th e debat e an d hav e usuall y faile d t o eithe r contend wit h o r overcom e th e numerou s objection s presente d t o thi s theory in the past. 68 The argument fo r an Egyptian origin fo r the Beta Israel can be briefl y summarized a s follows. 69 Egypt, a s i s wel l known , wa s alread y i n pre-exili c time s th e sit e o f a diaspora Jewish community . I n the Second Temple perio d (58 6 B . c - 7 0 A.D.) this community thrive d and represented one of th e premier center s of Hellenisti c Judaism . Th e Gree k translatio n o f th e Hebre w Bible , th e Septuagint, whic h serve d a s th e basi s fo r th e Ge'e z versio n wa s th e product o f Egyptian , particularl y Alexandria n Jewry . Give n th e geo graphical proximit y o f Egyp t to Ethiopia , i t seems reasonable t o sugges t that Jews followin g th e pat h o f th e Nil e coul d hav e mad e thei r wa y t o its source s i n Ethiopia . Significantly , perhaps , th e traditiona l area s o f Beta Israe l settlemen t wer e i n region s nea r th e sourc e o f th e Blu e Nile . Certain cultura l phenomen a woul d als o appea r t o lin k Egyptia n an d Ethiopian Jewry . O f particula r interes t i n thi s respec t i s th e Jewis h military garrison that existed betwee n the seventh- and fifth-century B.C. on th e islan d o f Elephantine , nea r present-da y Aswan . The religiou s practice o f thi s communit y wa s i n severa l way s simila r t o tha t o f th e Beta Israel , mos t notabl y i n it s inclusio n o f a sacrificia l cul t conducte d by priests. Finally , i t should als o b e noted tha t some o f th e Beta Israel' s own traditions mentio n Egypt as their country of origin. 70 At least wit h regar d t o som e o f it s mino r points, th e Egyptian theor y can be shown t o be based on misunderstandings. Thus , fo r example, th e fact that the Ge'ez versio n o f th e Old Testament i s based primarily on a Greek Vorlage i s of limited significance onc e it is recalled that it is almost certainly the product of Christia n translators. 71 A s we have noted above , it i s no t th e Gree k bu t rathe r th e Aramai c an d Hebre w tha t appea r t o reveal a distinctivel y Jewis h element . I n a simila r fashion , whil e th e hypothesis o f a Nil e rout e woul d appea r a t first glanc e t o explai n th e Beta Israel' s presenc e i n th e Lak e Tan a region, 72 i t completel y ignore s the fact that the Nile, fro m Egyp t to Ethiopia, ha s never been navigable . It does not, moreover, accoun t for the strong Jewish influences tha t were felt i n th e Aksumit e region . Ar e thes e t o b e see n a s th e produc t o f a different strea m of Judaism? Of even greater concern are the questions that must be raised concerning th e allege d tie s betwee n Elephantin e an d Ethiopia , whic h li e a t th e core of mos t argument s fo r a n Egyptian origin fo r th e Beta Israel. 73 Th e

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Jewish communit y a t Elephantin e wa s establishe d som e tim e i n th e seventh centur y B.C . an d survive d fo r approximatel y tw o hundre d an d fifty years. The site it occupied, a n island in the Nile a t the first cataract, the traditiona l souther n borde r o f Egypt , wa s o f considerabl e strategi c importance throughou t its history. The Elephantine garrison came to the attention o f scholar s a t th e beginnin g o f th e twentiet h centur y wit h th e discovery an d subsequen t publicatio n o f a larg e collectio n o f Aramai c papyri, which detaile d th e essential s o f th e community' s life. 74 Unfortu nately, no external source s on the Jews of Elephantin e have been discovered to date and our knowledge of the community's history and religiou s life remain incomplete . Since there is no direct evidence of a n association betwee n the Jews of Elephantine an d those of Ethiopia , proponents of thi s theory have relie d upon th e indirec t evidenc e o f geographica l proximit y an d share d reli gious practice to support their case. With regard to the former, relativel y little attemp t ha s bee n mad e t o develo p a detaile d migratio n theory . Since eve n th e mos t diehar d diffusionist s hav e recognize d tha t cultura l parallels d o no t themselves prov e contact , th e silence of scholar s o n thi s matter i s mor e tha n a littl e troubling . Whil e w e woul d certainl y no t claim that either the eight-hundred mil e overland journey fro m Elephan tine t o Aksu m o r th e two-thousan d (! ) mil e journe y vi a th e Nil e t o th e Lake Tan a regio n ar e impossibl e endeavors , furthe r discussio n o f suc h matters as route, timing, an d motive would b e welcome. In thi s context , i t i s particularl y distressin g t o not e th e tendenc y o f some author s t o minimiz e th e difficultie s the y confron t no t b y a mor e detailed explanation o f their theories, bu t by the geographical equivalen t of a shell game . Elephantin e islan d was , a s we hav e noted , locate d nea r the traditiona l borde r o f Egyp t an d Nubia . T o spea k o f i t a s bein g located o n th e border of Egyp t and the [modern ] Sudan i s both inaccur ate (by almost two hundred miles) and misleading. 75 I n a similar fashion , while i t i s certainly correc t t o locat e Elephantin e o n th e borde r of wha t the Greek s calle d "Ethiopia, " tha t is , th e are a sout h o f ancien t Egypt , too casual a use of this term is merely confusing. Thus , while it may well be tha t som e resident s o f Elephantin e kne w a n Ethiopia n languag e an d that certain garrisons revolted and fled to Ethiopia, neither report should be taken to refer to Aksum o r Ethiopia i n its present connotation. 76 Turning to the issue of a shared religious culture, here too, considerable difficulties ca n be shown t o exist. To begi n with, i t is not at all clear pre-

ETHIOPIAN JEW S 2. 9 cisely how one can demonstrate a n historical lin k between a little known group tha t disappeare d lon g befor e th e Christia n Er a and a communit y whose religiou s syste m ca n onl y b e documente d beginnin g i n th e fifteenth century. 77 Thes e difficultie s aside , i t mus t b e admitte d tha t a n Elephantine connectio n coul d explai n som e feature s o f Bet a Israe l cul ture. Th e Elephantin e an d Bet a Israe l communitie s ar e almos t uniqu e among Jewish group s i n thei r practic e o f a sacrificia l ritua l outsid e th e Land o f Israel . Eve n here , however , i t must b e admitte d tha t importan t differences als o exist . Whil e th e Jew s o f Elephantin e performe d thei r sacrifices i n a Temple , th e Bet a Israe l masgid (hous e o f worship ) wa s used primarily fo r prayer. Sacrifices wer e performed i n the open air. 78 In fact, when a careful compariso n i s made between the religious life of th e two communities , difference s ca n b e shown t o greatly outweigh similar ities. The attitude s towar d th e Sabbath presente d b y the tw o communi ties are , fo r example , a stud y o f contrast . Althoug h th e Elephantin e papyri contai n n o explici t mentio n o f Sabbat h observanc e i n tha t com munity, on e ca n easil y conced e Porten' s clai m tha t th e loca l Jew s wer e aware o f an d commemorate d th e da y i n som e way. 79 The Sabbath , h e concludes, "appear s t o hav e bee n honore d mor e i n th e breac h tha n i n the observanc e [a t Elephantine]." 80 Nothin g coul d b e furthe r fro m th e custom o f th e Beta Israe l amon g whom th e Sabbath is accorded tremen dous respec t an d celebrate d wit h grea t rigor. 81 Moreover , th e Sabbat h observance o f th e Bet a Israe l differ s substantiall y fro m tha t o f th e Ele phantine Jews not only in degree, but also in kind. The Beta Israel's rules concerning th e Sabbath, as well a s many other feature s o f thei r religiou s life, are strongly influenced b y the Book of Jubilees, a work compose d i n the middl e o f th e secon d centur y B.C. , lon g afte r th e Elephantin e com munity had ceased to exist. 82 Thus, the Sabbath a s observed in Elephantine can scarcely be said to have resembled tha t of the Ethiopians. Nor i s thi s th e onl y majo r differenc e betwee n th e tw o communities . The Aramai c text s foun d a t Elephantin e ar e i n a dialect quit e differen t from tha t o f th e Aramai c loanword s i n Ge'ez , an d accordingl y thi s colony coul d no t hav e bee n a sourc e fo r thes e linguisti c influences. 83 Supporters o f th e Elephantin e origin s o f Ethiopia n Judaism hav e gener ally preferre d t o ignor e th e clea r evidenc e o f religiou s syncretis m i n th e Egyptian community' s life . Whil e ther e ca n b e littl e questio n tha t Yah u (Yahweh), th e God o f Heaven , wa s th e primary focu s o f religiou s atten tion fo r th e Jewis h garrison , proo f als o exist s tha t othe r god s wer e

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rendered homag e a s well . "Ther e i s evidenc e fo r thi s devotio n [t o th e gods] o n bot h th e individua l an d communa l level." 84 Particularl y strik ing i n thi s contex t i s th e decisio n o f th e Jewis h leade r Jedania h b . Gemariah t o distribut e a portio n o f th e monie s collecte d fo r YH W t o the deitie s Anathbethe l an d Eshembethel. 85 Needles s t o say , neithe r o f these gods nor any gods like them are found among the Jewish influence s that reached Ethiopia . Finally, a wor d mus t b e sai d abou t th e religiou s literatur e o f th e Ethiopian Jews. N o cop y o f th e Pentateuc h wa s foun d a t Elephantine, 86 nor is it likely tha t the communit y possesse d one . I t is hardly likel y tha t the Jew s o f Elephantin e woul d hav e appeale d t o Jerusale m fo r hel p i n rebuilding their temple and renewing their sacrifices had they been aware of Kin g Josiah's refor m (ca . 62 2 B.C. ) an d th e Deutronomic prohibitio n of sacrific e outsid e o f Jerusalem. 87 Similarly , whil e the y ma y hav e pos sessed som e portion s o f th e Bible, i t must b e noted tha t even th e Torah , the first par t o f th e Hebre w Bibl e t o b e canonized , di d no t formall y receive tha t status unti l th e tim e of Josiah. 88 Thus , whatever th e literar y sources for the religious lif e o f th e Elephantine Jews, they coul d scarcel y have bee n th e sam e a s th e Ori t (Torah)-centere d Bet a Israel . Th e situa tion wit h regar d t o th e late r biblica l books , a s wel l a s th e apocrypha l literature, is even more striking. None o f thes e works could have been in the possessio n o f th e Elephantin e Jews , an d the y must , therefore , hav e reached the Beta Israel throug h other channels. We, therefore , se e tha t despit e th e effort s o f a numbe r o f recen t authors t o argu e t o th e contrary , clea r difference s exis t betwee n th e practice o f th e Jews o f Elephantin e an d thos e o f Ethiopia . Nothin g i n the recentl y publishe d literatur e provide s an y reaso n t o dissen t fro m Ullendorff 's succinct summar y o f th e subjec t publishe d mor e tha n twent y years ago: Such aspects of Elephantine religious life as emerge from the papyri are in sharp contrast to the entire cast of religious expression among the Falashas in particular and the Judaizing trends of the Abyssinian Church in general. This estimate remains true even when the fullest allowance s ar e made for the inevitable deficiencies in our knowledge of the Elephantine community.89 South Arabia. I n contrast t o proponents o f the Egyptian theory, who are concerned almos t exclusivel y wit h th e Bet a Israe l an d res t thei r cas e primarily o n allege d similaritie s i n religiou s practice , scholar s wh o sup port a South Arabia n origi n generall y begi n wit h th e large r questio n o f Jewish influence s o n Ethiopia n cultur e an d bas e thei r argument s o n

ETHIOPIAN JEW S 31 geographical proximit y an d th e lon g histor y o f contact s betwee n bot h sides of th e Re d Sea. I n the first part of thi s chapter we briefl y discusse d the earliest period of these contacts and noted that over time a characteristic Ethiopian culture , simila r but not identical t o that of Sout h Arabia , emerged i n the Aksum area . Th e developmen t o f a distinctive Ethiopia n civilization wa s neithe r th e resul t o f no r a caus e fo r a complet e brea k with Sout h Arabia . I n fact , commercial , military , an d politica l tie s be tween th e Re d Se a neighbor s remaine d strong , a t leas t unti l th e ris e o f Islam i n th e sevent h century. 90 Give n th e clea r indication s o f a Jewish presence i n th e Arabia n peninsul a throughou t mos t o f thi s period , i t i s difficult t o preclude the possibility that Jewish immigrants reached Ethiopia from thi s direction. Precisely ho w earl y Jews reache d Sout h Arabi a an d fro m wha t dat e their impact could have been felt in Ethiopia remains the subject of som e controversy. Maxim e Rodinson , fo r example , ha s questione d whethe r prior t o th e lat e fourt h centur y Judais m wa s sufficientl y entrenche d i n the Arabian peninsula t o have also influenced Ethiopia. 91 Ullendorf f ha s argued tha t a stron g Jewish presenc e existe d i n th e peninsul a fro m th e first century A.D . onward. 92 T o a considerabl e degree , one' s verdic t i n this dispute will depend on just how strong one feels the Jewish influenc e in Sout h Arabi a mus t hav e bee n fo r i t t o b e fel t i n Ethiopi a a s well . Certainly, ther e ca n b e littl e argumen t concernin g th e fac t o f a n earl y Jewish presence in the Arabian peninsula . Although th e biblica l text' s numerou s reference s t o "Arav " o r "Ara vim" reveals no great wealth of knowledge abou t the Arabian peninsula , later literatur e i s mor e informative . Jewis h soldier s wer e apparentl y among th e te n thousand troop s that Aelius Gallu s took t o Sout h Arabi a around the year 2 5 B.C. 93 More significantly, th e great sage Rabbi Akiba is said to have travelled fa r into Arabia, where he encountered a Cushite (black, Ethiopian ) kin g o f th e Arabs. 94 Th e repor t i s noteworth y no t only becaus e i t indicate s tha t a n Ethiopia n rule r reigne d over par t o f South Arabia ca. 130 , bu t also becaus e the journey itself must be viewed as evidenc e o f a sizeable Jewish communit y i n th e region . Onl y suc h a presence woul d justif y th e undertakin g o f suc h a length y an d difficul t journey.95 Whil e some Jews may, as some traditions claim, have reached Arabia i n th e Firs t Temple period , the y mos t probabl y arrive d afte r th e destruction o f th e Secon d Templ e i n 7 0 A.D . Thus ther e was a n impor tant Jewish presenc e i n Sout h Arabi a throughou t mos t o f th e perio d o f its contact s wit h Aksum . Som e Jews , althoug h almos t certainl y no t a n

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organized community , wer e probabl y amon g th e South Arabia n colo nists and merchants who came to Ethiopia. Other s may have had contact with citizens o f Aksum who crosse d th e Red Sea during various periods . Certainly, a stron g cas e exist s fo r acceptin g th e vie w o f man y scholar s that South Arabi a was the primary source of Jewish influence s o n Ethio pian civilization. 96 As w e hav e demonstrate d above , a numbe r o f factor s woul d appea r to indicat e tha t man y o f th e biblical/Hebrai c element s wer e i n plac e prior t o th e introductio n o f Christianit y i n th e fourt h century . This , o f course, would no t preclud e the strengthening o f thes e elements durin g a later period , eithe r a s th e resul t o f a growin g familiarit y wit h biblica l literature o r a s a consequenc e o f late r contacts . Severa l author s hav e suggested, fo r example , tha t Jew s ma y hav e reache d Ethiopi a a s pris oners o f wa r i n th e sixt h centur y followin g th e Aksumit e victor y ove r the Judaize d Arabia n kin g Joseph D u Nuwas. 97 Althoug h n o firm evi dence exist s i n support o f thi s supposition , neithe r ca n i t b e dismisse d out o f hand . I t appear s unlikely , however , tha t thi s coul d hav e marke d the earlies t Jewish contac t wit h Ethiopia . I n a similar fashion , whil e th e Arabian peninsul a i s mos t probabl y th e earlies t an d mos t importan t source o f Jewis h influences , ou r limite d source s mak e i t impossibl e t o completely rul e out the possibility o f late r and secondary influences fro m other sources. Finally, w e mus t clos e thi s chapte r wit h som e word s o f caution . A s we hav e attempte d t o demonstrate , th e mos t probabl e sourc e fo r th e biblical-Hebraic moldin g o f earl y Ethiopia n civilizatio n involve s ele ments tha t reache d Aksu m fro m Sout h Arabi a i n th e secon d an d thir d centuries A.D . Thi s clai m leave s ope n fo r th e momen t a question tha t i s crucial t o th e continuatio n o f ou r discussion : Ar e th e Bet a Israe l th e descendants o f thos e wh o brough t Judais m t o Ethiopi a o r ar e the y simply on e o f th e group s tha t emerge d throug h thei r influence ? A s w e shall attemp t t o sho w i n th e remainin g chapters , despit e th e vociferou s views of thei r political allie s and the learned pronouncements o f rabbin ical authorities , i t woul d b e simplisti c t o depic t th e Bet a Israe l a s direc t descendants of Jewish immigrants to Ethiopia. It is, moreover, even more problematic t o clai m tha t thei r religiou s syste m a s i t existe d i n th e lat e nineteenth an d earl y twentiet h centurie s wa s base d o n ancien t Jewis h practice. Immigration , intermarriage , acculturation , an d majo r religiou s upheavals al l playe d a part in the formation o f th e peopl e know n a s the Beta Israel or Falasha.

2 Speculation and

Legend

The Establishment of the Church in Aksum Given th e succes s an d influenc e Hebrai c element s enjoye d i n the Aksu m region, a Judaized fait h ma y eventuall y hav e ha d a chanc e o f becomin g the dominan t religio n i n th e region . Certainly , thi s i s wha t happene d briefly i n parts of South Arabi a durin g the sixth century . However, whil e Aksumite cultur e was still in its infancy, th e religious map of th e countr y was transforme d b y it s ruler' s acceptanc e o f Christianity . Throughou t all it s subsequen t histor y th e developmen t o f Judais m i n Ethiopi a wa s conditioned b y th e presenc e i n th e countr y o f a politicall y dominan t Christian element . I t i s wit h thi s element , therefore , tha t w e continu e our story . While various legends seek to trac e the introduction o f Christianit y t o Ethiopia t o th e Apostoli c period , scholar s ar e virtuall y unanimou s i n viewing th e arriva l o f th e Syria n brother s Frumentiu s an d Aedesiu s i n the fourt h centur y a s th e turnin g poin t i n th e Aksumit e kingdom' s religious history. 1 The story of thei r activities , which appear s with mino r variations i n bot h Ethiopi c an d non-Ethiopi c sources , offer s a vivi d picture o f th e process whereby Christianit y entere d Ethiopia . Arriving i n Ethiopi a a s refugee s fro m a plundere d ship , th e tw o Syrians becam e importan t official s i n th e cour t o f th e Ethiopia n king . 33

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When thi s monarc h died , hi s quee n aske d th e brother s t o assis t i n governing unti l he r infan t so n wa s ol d enoug h t o rul e th e kingdo m himself. Durin g thi s period , Frumentiu s too k advantag e o f hi s positio n to see k ou t an d suppor t Christia n merchant s residin g i n Aksum . Whe n the princ e ha d grow n u p an d assume d th e throne , th e tw o Syrian s lef t Ethiopia: Aedesiu s returnin g hom e t o Tyre an d Frumentiu s travellin g t o Alexandria, wher e h e me t th e Egyptia n Bisho p Athanasius . Apprise d o f the fac t tha t Ethiopia n Christian s lacke d bot h bishop s an d priests , Athanasius appointe d Frumentiu s a s th e first bisho p t o Ethiopia . Fru mentius then returne d t o Ethiopia an d preached Christianit y throughou t the country. 2 Corroboration fo r thi s episod e i s foun d i n a letter fro m th e Empero r Constantius t o th e Aksumit e ruler s Ezan a an d Shaizan a i n whic h th e Arian empero r advise s the m tha t Frumentius * consecratio n b y th e anti Arian Athanasiu s wa s no t vali d an d suggest s tha t the y retur n hi m t o Egypt t o b e reconsecrated b y th e Aria n Bisho p Georg e o f Cappadocia. 3 Since one o f thes e ruler s i s th e sam e Ezan a whos e inscription s testif y t o his conversio n fro m paganis m t o Christianity , th e establishmen t o f th e Church in Ethiopia i s unusually wel l documented . The newl y converte d Aksumit e king , Ezana , foun d himsel f i n a diffi cult position . O n th e on e hand , h e di d no t wis h t o startl e o r offend th e bulk o f hi s subject s wh o remaine d loya l t o thei r previous faiths . O n th e other hand , h e sough t t o presen t himsel f i n a s favorabl e a ligh t a s possible t o th e influentia l Christia n minority , whic h live d clos e t o th e capital, engage d i n trade , an d ha d extensiv e externa l contacts . H e wa s thus force d t o stee r a middl e pat h betwee n proponent s o f th e ne w religion an d traditionalists . T o th e foreig n communit y h e portraye d himself a s a devout Christian ruler, commencing a Greek inscription, "In the faith o f Go d an d the power of th e Father, and the Son, and the Hol y Ghost."4 I n a Ge'e z inscriptio n writte n a t th e sam e time , however , th e king attempt s t o presen t himsel f i n a manne r acceptabl e t o hi s non Christian subjects. In this text, he refers to God as the "Lord of Heaven, " a designation tha t would certainl y hav e bee n understoo d b y th e bul k o f the population a s a reference to a traditional Go d such as Astar.5 Indeed , as late as the seventh century , th e Christian translato r of th e Ecclesiasticus (Be n Sira ) refer s t o Go d a s "Astar " i n a t leas t tw o places. 6 Thu s Ezana wa s abl e t o presen t hi s ne w belief s i n term s compatibl e with th e traditional cosmology. 7

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 3 5 In light o f th e circumstance s o f hi s conversio n an d give n th e limite d resources commande d b y th e Churc h durin g th e nex t fe w decades , i t is unlikely that Ezana's decision was the cause of an y immediate change in the fortune s o f th e Judaized resident s o f Aksum . Initiall y th e numbe r o f local Christian s wa s probabl y smal l an d thei r fait h onl y vaguel y articu lated. Activ e persecutio n o r discrimination , a s ha s bee n suggeste d b y Rathjens an d Wurmbrand , appear s therefor e highl y unlikely. 8 More over, th e lack o f bot h traine d clergy an d books i n Ge'ez mus t have bee n major obstacles t o the spread of Christianity . Fo r many years the impact of th e ne w religio n wa s probabl y limite d t o th e roya l cour t an d th e resident foreign merchants . Taddesse Tamrat suggests that for more than a centur y afte r Ezana' s conversio n "th e effectiv e spher e o f influenc e o f the Church was limited to a narrow corridor between Adulis and Aksum along the main caravan routes." 9 Of course , eve n withou t th e us e o f coercio n Christianit y enjoye d a number o f advantage s tha t helpe d i t attrac t converts . A s th e religio n o f the kingdom' s politica l an d commercia l elit e i t almos t certainl y benefit ted fro m it s association with power an d wealth. I n addition, th e manner and timin g o f it s entr y als o enhance d it s chance s fo r success . No t only did Christianit y sprea d fro m th e top-down , tha t is , fro m rule r t o ruled , it als o cam e t o Ethiopi a comparativel y earl y i n th e proces s o f stat e formation an d thu s ha d a n excellen t opportunit y fo r becomin g a n inte gral par t o f th e country' s politica l institution s an d ritual . I n th e cours e of time , almos t certainl y b y the sixt h century , Ethiopi a ha d becom e no t merely a stat e rule d b y Christians , bu t a Christia n state ; on e i n whic h the organizin g principle s an d basi s fo r legitimac y wer e roote d i n Chris tianity. Membershi p i n the ruling elite and participation i n most govern ing institution s wa s als o limite d exclusivel y t o Christians . Thi s to o woul d have worke d t o dra w people , includin g loca l an d immigran t Jew s int o the Church. These converts were almost certainly the primary carriers of the Hebraic elements in Ethiopian Christianity. 10 It is difficult t o know fo r how lon g the Judaized groups in the Aksumite populatio n live d peacefull y alongsid e thei r Christia n an d paga n neighbors. Fourth-centur y Aksu m appear s to hav e provide d fertil e groun d for a variety of religiou s identities, non e of whic h necessaril y conforme d to idealize d notion s o f "normative " Judaism o r Christianity. Syncretis m was probabl y th e rul e rather than th e exception, an d it is probably bes t to vie w th e differen t faith s a s closely relate d rathe r than clearl y define d

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units.11 Th e element s hel d i n commo n ma y wel l hav e outweighe d thos e that differentiated betwee n th e various groups . The fortunes o f the young Churc h took a dramatic turn for the better toward th e en d o f th e fifth centur y wit h th e arriva l o f tw o group s o f Syrian missionaries, on e know n a s the $adqan an d the other as the Nin e Saints. Although th e precise reason s for their coming to Ethiopi a canno t be determined, severa l author s have suggested that they were monophys ites fleeing persecution. 12 Taddess e conjecture s tha t thei r arriva l wa s part o f a carefull y planne d progra m supporte d b y Aksu m an d Alexan dria.13 Whateve r thei r motives , thes e foreig n monk s wer e zealou s mis sionaries, wh o significantl y expande d th e are a unde r Christia n influ ence.14 I n addition to their missionary activities , they were probably als o responsible fo r majo r advance s i n the translatio n o f th e Bibl e an d othe r religious book s int o Ge'ez . Althoug h som e translation s mus t hav e bee n made shortl y afte r th e introductio n o f Christianity , an d smal l portion s may hav e eve n bee n translate d b y Judaized member s o f th e population , it appear s likel y tha t onl y wit h th e arriva l o f thes e missionarie s woul d there hav e bee n sufficien t traine d clerg y t o complet e th e project. 15 A s was indicate d i n the previous chapter , bot h th e vocabulary an d version s used b y th e translator s revea l acces s t o Hebre w an d Aramai c sources . There is , therefore , ever y reaso n t o assum e tha t the y wer e assiste d i n their wor k b y Jews o r thos e influence d b y Judaism i n Aksum. 16 Conse quently, thi s woul d appea r t o b e furthe r evidenc e fo r bot h a continue d Jewish presenc e i n Aksu m an d fo r cordia l rathe r tha n hostil e relation s with th e surrounding population . Kaleb and Du Nuwas The missionary, educational , an d literar y advance s o f th e lat e fifth century all contribute d t o th e growing self-confidence an d self-awareness o f the developin g Church . I f w e wis h t o searc h fo r a tru e turnin g poin t i n relations between th e Judaized population o f Aksu m an d their Christia n neighbors, however , th e logica l startin g poin t i s th e reig n o f th e earl y sixth-century Ethiopia n Empero r Ella-Asbeha , bette r know n a s Kaleb . There ar e a variety o f source s tha t woul d see m t o indicat e tha t Kaleb' s reign sa w significan t change s bot h i n th e characte r o f church-stat e rela tions in Aksum and in the monarchy's attitud e toward the Jews. Most of this informatio n i s concerne d eithe r directl y o r indirectl y wit h Kaleb' s

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 3 7 war i n 52 5 agains t th e Judaize d kin g o f th e Hiymarites , Yusu f D u Nuwas. In the first quarter o f th e sixt h centur y th e struggl e fo r supremac y i n South Arabia between Judaism and Christianity took the form of a series of persecutions , martyrdoms , an d militar y struggles , whic h eventuall y involved no t onl y th e loca l populatio n bu t als o Byzantiu m an d Ethio pia.17 Event s bega n t o mov e towar d a climax ca . 520 , whe n th e king of the Himyarites , wh o ha d converte d t o Judais m an d take n th e nam e Yusuf, massacre d th e Christian s i n th e importan t Sout h Arabia n cit y o f Najran. Th e tas k o f avengin g th e martyr s an d restorin g th e Christia n position i n th e regio n fel l t o th e Ethiopia n rule r Kaleb . I n the yea r 52 5 Kaleb le d a militar y expeditio n t o Sout h Arabia , whic h defeate d an d killed th e Judaize d Himyarit e ruler , an d establishe d Ethiopia n sover eignty over th e area . Befor e returnin g t o Aksum , Kale b establishe d a new law code and engaged in a variety of buildin g projects including the construction o f a number of churches . Even on th e basis of thi s brie f summar y o f thi s period it is possible t o suggest tha t thes e event s coul d easil y hav e le d t o a deterioratio n o f relations betwee n Jew s an d Christian s i n Aksum . A mor e detaile d ex amination reveal s numerou s additiona l reason s t o assum e tha t thi s wa s in fact th e case. D u Nuwas , fo r example, ma y well hav e taken th e name Yusuf a s par t o f a semi-messianic program , whic h als o include d a state run alon g biblica l lines. 18 Kaleb , fo r hi s part , wa s th e first Ethiopia n ruler to assum e a biblical name . Hi s choice , moreover , o f th e name of a progenitor o f th e Davidi c house wa s probably deliberate . Thus , th e tw o biblically named protagonists confronted eac h other . Yusuf the Jewish king of Himya r who scoffs a t the claims of on e who was for him only a Cushite pretender, not a genuine Israelite; Caleb who claims descent from Israel in the flesh,as the lineal descendant of Solomon's first-bornand also from Israel in the spirit, as the Christian king of the New Zion. 19 Kaleb was , however , bot h a n Israelit e an d a devou t Christian . Eve n i f one discount s som e o f th e hagiographi c exces s o f ou r sources , i t i s abundantly clea r tha t Christianit y wa s no t merel y a politica l too l fo r Kaleb. Hi s expeditio n t o Sout h Arabi a ha d th e clea r characte r o f a crusade; hi s policie s o f evangelization , legislation , an d churc h buildin g all witnes s hi s programmati c approac h t o hi s faith ; hi s destructio n o f idols, paga n temples , an d synagogue s al l bespea k a majo r transforma -

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tion o f policy . "Th e forme r broa d toleranc e an d moderat e protectio n o f Christians change d int o activ e propagatio n o f Christianity , whic h ha d been proclaimed a s the state religion." 20 As severa l author s hav e noted , Kaleb' s progra m o f simultaneousl y exalting hi s Israelit e descent whil e pursuin g vehementl y anti-Jewis h pol icies i s precisel y th e sam e seemingl y contradictor y combinatio n o f theme s one finds i n th e Kebra Nagast. 21 Indeed , thi s combinatio n ha s le d a t least on e autho r t o argu e rathe r convincingl y tha t thi s quintessentia l Ethiopian work originate d i n the time of Kaleb. 22 I n fact, a s we shall se e in later chapters, th e opposition betwee n ba d Jews an d good Israelite s is one tha t recur s throughou t th e histor y o f Ethiopi a i n genera l an d th e Beta Israel i n particular. On th e basi s o f th e informatio n presente d above , i t i s difficul t t o escape th e conclusio n tha t th e first quarte r o f th e sixt h centur y mus t have bee n a n especiall y tryin g tim e fo r th e mos t Judaized group s i n th e Aksumite kingdom . The extrem e politicizatio n o f religiou s identit y i n South Arabi a ma y wel l hav e mad e itsel f fel t b y a hardenin g o f distinc tions i n Aksu m a s well . Th e hithert o vagu e differentiatio n betwee n Judaized group s an d th e growin g numbe r o f Ol d Testamen t oriente d Christians ma y hav e becom e fa r sharper . Eve n i f the y wer e no t subjec t to overt persecution (an d it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopi a enjoye d a reputatio n fo r religiou s tolerance), 23 th e position o f th e forme r coul d no t hav e bee n a n eas y one . Precisel y ho w they responded i s not recorded, althoug h severa l tantalizing clue s permit us to engag e i n som e informe d i f ver y tentativ e speculatio n an d sugges t that the y bega n t o migrat e awa y fro m Aksu m t o mor e periphera l area s to the southwest . As is well known, during most of their recorded history the Beta Israel resided in the regions around Lak e Tana including Wagara, Sallamt, and the Semie n mountains . Exactl y ho w the y cam e t o b e i n thes e region s remains a mystery. Almos t certainl y thei r presence mus t b e the resul t of the migratio n o f Jew s o r Jewish influence s fro m th e Aksu m region . I n this context i t is interesting t o note som e o f th e earliest reference s t o th e Semien region . I n 52 5 th e Greek travelle r Cosma s Indicopleuste s (Sailo r of th e India n Sea ) visite d Ethiopia . Amon g th e valuabl e informatio n h e recorded wa s a n inscriptio n b y a n unknow n kin g foun d i n th e cit y o f Adulis. Know n a s th e Monumentwn Adulitanum, thi s tex t make s men tion o f th e king' s victorie s acros s th e Nil e agains t a numbe r o f people s

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 3

9

including th e Athagaus, Kalaa , an d Semena. 24 Th e las t o f thes e ar e said to resid e i n inhospitabl e mountain s covere d wit h dee p snow . Cosma s comments, "A s for the Semenai, where he says there are snow and ice, it is to that country th e King of the Axomites expatriate s anyone whom h e has sentence d t o b e banished." 25 Thus , writin g a t precisel y th e tim e o f Kaleb's expedition agains t Du Nuwas, Cosma s i s familiar wit h th e Semien, i n late r period s a n importan t are a o f Bet a Israe l settlement , a s a region o f exil e an d banishment . Migh t no t thi s hav e bee n th e fat e o f some o f th e Judaize d resident s o f Aksu m durin g th e tim e o f Kaleb' s campaign agains t their coreligionists i n South Arabia? Some support for this admittedly speculative suggestion may be found in th e enigmati c phrase , "Ba-zay a t'alelay a falas " ("A t thi s poin t th e Falash[a] were separated") , whic h appear s i n a medieval Ethiopia n doc ument.26 Whil e th e us e o f th e nam e "Falasha " certainl y date s thi s tex t to th e fifteenth o r sixteent h century , th e traditio n o f a Jewis h grou p separating itself o r being separated fro m th e bulk of th e population ma y be an ancient one. Certainl y th e text itsel f introduce s thi s phrase almos t immediately afte r a mention of Meneli k I , which would at least hint that it refers to the Aksumite period . Finally, on e las t piec e ma y b e adde d t o thi s picture . Accordin g t o many Ethiopia n traditions , Kale b abdicated , becam e a monk , an d wa s succeeded b y his son Gabr a Masqal . Gabr a MasqaP s ris e to powe r wa s not, however , unopposed . Accordin g t o som e sources , hi s pat h t o th e throne was almos t blocked b y his brother, Beta Israel. 27 The appearanc e of thi s name (th e designation use d by the Falasha t o refer to themselves ) in precisel y th e perio d i n whic h w e hav e suggeste d tha t th e Aksumit e Jews "wer e separated " i s trul y a remarkabl e coincidenc e an d ma y b e much mor e tha n that . Th e departur e o f th e Aksumit e Jew s (shoul d w e already sa y Bet a Israel? ) ma y hav e bee n provoke d b y a combination o f religious an d politica l rivalry . The growin g animosit y betwee n Judais m and Christianity in the kingdom might possibly have also been expressed in the struggl e o f riva l politica l leader s fo r th e throne. 28 Bet a Israel , th e defeated hea d of th e Judaized group, would than have departed wit h his followers t o a less hospitable regio n such as the Semien. In th e final analysis , i t ma y neve r b e possibl e t o completel y recon struct th e impac t o f event s i n th e sixt h centur y o n th e Jews o f Aksum . As w e hav e suggeste d above , i t appear s probabl e tha t a t leas t som e o f them lef t th e Aksu m regio n fo r mor e isolate d an d periphera l regions .

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This mov e ma y hav e bee n par t o f large r politico-religiou s conflict s i n Aksum a t the time , o r i t may hav e bee n a relatively isolate d occurrence . What is clear i s that in either case th e departure fro m Aksu m mus t hav e had major consequences fo r those who left . First, although settlemen t i n the Semien and other region s beyon d th e Takkaze rive r woul d no t hav e place d th e exil e beyon d th e politica l borders o f th e Aksumit e kingdom , i t woul d hav e seriously limite d thei r contact wit h th e politica l an d cultura l cente r o f th e Ethiopia n state . Thus, fo r example , i f thei r migratio n precede d Kaleb' s victor y ove r D u Nuwas, i t is doubtful i f the y woul d hav e com e int o contac t wit h an y o f the Judaized prisoner s brough t fro m Sout h Arabi a a t tha t time . I n th e longer term , residenc e i n suc h periphera l region s woul d hav e greatl y limited thei r acces s t o th e religiou s an d intellectua l elite s activ e i n Ak sum. Literary works translated fro m Gree k to Ge'ez would hav e reached them slowl y i f a t all . Overal l literac y mus t hav e decline d an d ma y eve n have disappeared . From a socia l poin t o f view , suc h a migratio n woul d hav e greatl y increased contac t wit h th e predominantl y Aga w populatio n o f th e re gion. Eve n durin g th e perio d whe n the y wer e concentrate d aroun d Ak sum th e Jewish par t of th e population wa s probabl y no t distinguishabl e on eithe r a racial o r ethnic basis . Rather , th e relativel y smal l numbe r o f Jewish immigrant s wh o reache d Aksu m fro m Sout h Arabi a ha d almos t certainly assimilate d member s o f th e surroundin g populatio n throug h conversion an d intermarriage . Thes e processe s o f intermarriag e an d ac culturation appear to have continued in the predominantly Agaw region s as well . Whil e a significan t portio n o f th e Aga w accepte d Christianity , others probabl y embrace d a mor e Judaize d faith. 29 Whil e thi s proces s cannot b e documente d i n an y detail , i t i s noteworth y tha t throughou t their recorde d histor y th e Bet a Israe l appea r closel y associate d wit h th e Agaw bot h geographically an d linguistically . In closing, on e final consequence o f th e departur e fro m Aksu m mus t be considered . Thu s fa r i n thi s boo k ou r attempt s t o reconstruc t th e earliest history o f Jews and Judaism i n Ethiopia hav e depended fa r more on ou r knowledg e o f Aksumit e histor y tha n o n an y specifi c dat a con cerning it s Jews. Workin g o n th e basi s o f hint s an d indirec t proof s w e have trie d t o sugges t th e manne r i n whic h Jewis h influence s reache d Ethiopia an d wha t thei r impac t ma y hav e been . Howeve r tentativ e ou r suggestions ma y hav e bee n t o thi s point , the y appea r solidl y base d i n

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 4 1 comparison t o ou r knowledg e o f Judais m i n Ethiopi a durin g th e nex t few centuries . I n part at least, thi s ma y b e due, a s we hav e indicated , t o the departur e o f portion s o f th e Jewish populatio n fro m Aksum . Eve n more important, however , i s the decline of th e kingdom itself . The Decline of Aksum The reign of Kale b an d his conquest on behal f o f th e Christian worl d o f South Arabi a mar k th e ape x o f Aksumit e power , prestige , an d interna tional fame . Althoug h hi s successor s soo n los t contro l o f Sout h Arabi a to one of thei r own generals , man y Ethiopian tradition s view the middl e of th e sixth centur y a s a prosperous perio d tha t saw importan t develop ments i n th e evolutio n o f bot h churc h an d state. 30 B y th e en d o f th e century, however, Aksu m had begun a long period of decline that would eventually culminat e i n its abandonment an d destruction. N o on e caus e would appear to explain the fall of Aksum. Rather , a variety of political , economic, social , an d ecologica l factor s combine d t o undermin e th e fragile bas e upon which Ethiopia n civilization ha d risen. In the last quarter of th e sixth centur y the Sassanid Persians seriousl y challenged Ethiopia n contro l o f Sout h Arabia , an d b y th e tur n o f th e century tha t regio n ha d bee n remove d fro m th e Aksumit e spher e o f influence.31 Fro m a politica l perspectiv e th e withdrawa l fro m Sout h Arabia marke d th e end of Aksum's brie f period a s a major player on the international stage . Economically , th e Persian s pose d a majo r threa t t o Byzantine an d Aksumit e contro l o f th e Re d Se a trade . Afte r 60 2 Ak sum's acces s t o expor t market s an d freedo m o f navigatio n wer e consid erably weakened . Finally , betwee n 70 2 an d 715 , th e Arab s eliminate d the Aksumit e flee t an d destroye d Adulis. 32 Thi s chang e i n tradin g pat terns, whic h lef t Aksu m isolate d an d landlocked , wa s a majo r blo w t o the economi c basi s o f Aksumit e politica l power . A t th e sam e time , th e rulers of Aksu m wer e encounterin g ever-increasin g difficultie s i n retain ing contro l ove r th e hinterlan d region s o n whic h the y depende d fo r export items such a s wood, ivory , cattle, an d gold. I n the north the Beja, a powerfu l pastoralis t people , gaine d contro l o f muc h o f th e coasta l plain whic h toda y comprise s moder n Eritrea. 33 T o th e West , area s be yond th e Takkaz e river , whic h ha d lon g bee n conquere d an d incorpo rated int o th e kingdom , regaine d thei r independenc e an d cu t of f th e Aksumites fro m th e mai n goldbearin g districts. 34 Th e gol d conten t o f

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Aksumite coins declines steadily throughout this period, being eventually replaced by copper and in some cases silver. 35 Deprived o f th e wealt h generate d b y trade , th e Aksumites wer e in creasingly force d t o intensiv e agricultur e a s a mean s o f feedin g thei r sizeable population . Soi l erosio n an d a declin e i n rainfal l subsequentl y produced a further deterioratio n o f th e region' s economi c base. 36 Even tually, a larg e portio n o f th e populatio n abandone d th e regio n i n favo r of mor e fertil e land s furthe r south . Withi n a few generations th e cluste r of town s an d village s tha t ha d previousl y forme d metropolita n Aksu m had virtuall y disappeared. 37 B y 80 0 A.D . Aksu m ha d probabl y com pletely los t it s economi c an d politica l hegemony , retainin g only som e ritual and symbolic functions . The declin e o f Aksu m di d no t immediatel y resul t i n eithe r th e disap pearance o f it s king s o r th e wanin g o f Christia n influenc e i n th e high lands of Ethiopia . Numerou s tradition s appea r to indicat e that from th e seventh centur y onwar d th e cente r o f gravit y o f th e Christia n kingdo m moved southward . Althoug h i t is impossible t o follo w thi s expansion o f the kingdo m an d church i n an y detail , bot h Arabi c an d Ethiopia n source s portray th e ninth centur y a s a time of militar y campaigns , churc h build ing, an d evangelizatio n a s fa r sout h a s th e Amhar a region. 38 Thus , Aksumite cultur e survive d an d eve n sprea d int o region s no t unde r it s influence durin g its heyday. Wit h regar d to the internal histor y o f Ethio pia, th e perio d fro m th e sevent h t o twelft h centur y remain s on e o f th e most obscur e an d leas t understood . Hardl y an y contemporar y source s have survive d an d thos e tha t hav e ar e frequentl y fragmentar y and/o r legendary i n character. Nonetheless , muc h of thi s material ca n be examined wit h som e profit , i f onl y t o recogniz e th e limit s o f ou r knowledg e and the hazards involved in building too far-reaching an historical recon struction on such shaky foundations . The obscurit y tha t characterize s muc h o f Ethiopia n histor y fro m th e seventh centur y onwar d i s onl y multiplie d whe n w e tur n t o th e mor e specific question of Jews or Judaism during this period. Eve n the indirect sources of th e kind use d to mak e the tentative reconstructions suggeste d thus fa r i n thi s boo k are , fo r th e mos t part , lacking . W e ar e forced , therefore, to rely on semi-legendary account s of extremely limite d historical value. Amon g the most importan t o f thes e are the traveller's report s of Elda d Ha-Dan i an d Benjami n o f Tudela , th e letter s o f Preste r John , and th e tradition s concernin g Quee n Gudi t (Yodit/Judith) . Whil e th e

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 4 3 hard dat a t o b e gaine d fro m thes e document s ar e a t bes t minimal , thi s has no t prevente d som e scholar s fro m drawin g upo n the m t o suppor t major these s wit h importan t implication s fo r ou r understandin g o f th e Beta Israel . Thus , muc h o f ou r discussio n i n th e remainde r o f thi s chapter wil l o f necessit y b e devote d t o a critica l reevaluatio n o f thes e sources an d a considerabl e rethinkin g o f som e o f th e mor e grandios e reconstructions tha t claim to be based upon them . Eldad Ha-Dani As we note d i n our earlier discussion o f th e alleged Danit e origins of th e Beta Israel, Eldad Ha-Dani wa s a mysterious Jewish traveller who visite d several Jewis h communitie s towar d th e en d o f th e nint h century . Al though some rabbini c authorities viewed Eldad as an authentic representative o f th e "Los t Tribes, " scholar s hav e cas t grav e doubt s upo n th e view tha t h e cam e fro m Ethiopia . Fa r mor e complex , however , i s th e question o f whethe r Eldad' s narrativ e contain s an y authenti c informa tion concernin g th e Jew s o f Ethiopia . Whil e Aescoly , Ullendorff , an d Beckingham ten d t o answe r i n th e negative, 39 Baron , Borchadt , Cont i Rossini, an d Kobishchano v ar e only a fe w o f th e scholar s wh o vie w Sefer Eldad a s th e earliest know n referenc e t o th e Falasha. 40 Eve n i f w e ignore fo r th e momen t th e latte r group' s anachronisti c us e o f th e rela tively lat e ter m "Falasha, " Eldad' s boo k i s problemati c a s a historical geographic work . Hi s broa d familiarit y wit h aggadic literatur e enable d him t o construc t a narrativ e o f considerabl e literar y interest . I t i s diffi cult, however , t o determin e wher e th e legendar y materia l end s an d th e "kernel o f truth " (i f any ) begins . Borchad t appear s t o hav e th e highes t opinion o f Eldad' s reliability an d identifies th e "rivers of Cush " with the Takkaze an d Abay , th e "sea " Elda d travelle d o n wit h Lak e Tana , an d the "Romornos" with th e Oromo (Galla). 41 Cont i Rossini , in a typically learned analysi s o f th e sources, offer s a similarly detaile d explanation o f places mentione d b y Eldad. 42 Significantly , perhaps , a t n o poin t d o h e and Borchadt appea r to b e in agreement . Aescoly , whil e generall y skep tical o f thei r positiv e evaluatio n o f Eldad' s reference s t o Ethiopia , finds the Romornos/Oromo connectio n reasonable. 43 Unfortunately , th e reading "Romornos" i s quite problematic, and , i n any event, th e Oromo di d not enter Ethiopia prior to the sixteenth century. 44 More important than any of Eldad's specific identifications, o f course ,

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is th e genera l portrai t h e offer s o f Jewis h lif e "beyon d th e river s o f Cush." Here too, seriou s question s mus t be raised. A s one recen t surve y has shown , hi s halachot (religiou s laws ) displa y onl y th e mos t casua l resemblance t o thos e o f th e Bet a Israel. 45 Hi s portraya l o f a Jewis h kingdom shoul d als o no t be accepted uncritically . I n the next chapter of this boo k w e wil l analyz e th e evidenc e fo r th e existenc e o f a Jewis h "kingdom" i n Ethiopia i n some detail . Ther e we shal l argu e that suc h a kingdom, i f i t existe d a t all , wa s a comparativel y lat e phenomenon ; a claim o f crucia l importanc e fo r ou r understandin g o f th e trajector y o f Beta Israe l history . O n fac e value , Eldad' s ninth-centur y testimon y woul d appear to contradict thi s claim, but, when criticall y assessed , hi s witness appears t o b e ope n t o seriou s question . First , i t mus t b e remembere d that Elda d reveal s little , i f any , firsthand knowledg e o f Ethiopia . I n addition, i t shoul d b e note d tha t a description o f a n independen t king dom wa s on e o f th e mos t commo n theme s i n legendary account s o f th e lost tribes . Thi s idea , fo r example , recur s in th e Letters of Prester John, a medieva l (originally ) Christia n corpu s tha t share s man y motif s wit h Eldad's writings. 46 Thu s Eldad' s depictio n o f a kingdom , eve n i f i t i s assumed t o refe r i n som e wa y t o th e Jew s o f Ethiopia , shoul d no t b e given too muc h credence. His ai m wa s probably t o rais e the spirit s of th e Jews b y giving them new s of tribes o f Israe l wh o live d i n freedom.. . . The repor t o f th e existenc e o f suc h Jewish kingdom s undoubtedl y encourage d an d comforte d Eldad' s hearers , by contradicting the Christian contention that Jewish independence had ceased after the destruction of the Second Temple.47 These report s wer e not , however , necessaril y base d o n fact , an d receiv e no clear support fro m the Ge'ez or Arabic sources of th e period. Queen Yodit As th e resul t o f a rathe r remarkabl e coincidence , Elda d Ha-Dani' s ap pearance i n th e Jewish worl d occurre d a t approximatel y th e sam e tim e as th e activitie s i n Ethiopi a o f th e similarl y name d Hadan i Dan'el. 48 I n three inscriptions dating fro m the end of th e ninth century, Dan'e l offer s some insight int o th e turbulen t politica l condition s o f th e period. I n the first tw o he reports on victorious campaigns against the Baria and Walqay it, who threatene d th e Ethiopian kingdo m fro m th e north an d west respec -

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 4 5 tively. I n the third and most significant tex t Dan'el describe s the manner in whic h h e subjugate d th e Aksumit e kin g an d reduce d hi m t o vassa l status.49 I t appears, therefore, tha t while a king continued to reign in the name o f th e ancien t Aksumit e dynasty , rea l powe r reste d with th e hadani, who reside d furthe r south. 50 This was not the last time in Ethiopia n history tha t a warlord gained precedenc e ove r the imperial house . Thus , by th e outse t o f th e tent h century , littl e o f th e forma l structur e o f th e Aksumite kingdo m appear s t o hav e survived . The king , a s we hav e jus t noted, had apparently lost most of his power to the hadani. The political and economic cente r of the kingdom ha d deteriorated and shifted south ward a s a result o f th e Beja's incursions an d Muslim contro l o f th e Re d Sea. During the tenth century, moreover, the church was seriously weakened whe n ove r fifty year s passe d withou t th e consecratio n o f a ne w Bishop fro m Egypt. 51 Whil e each o f thes e elements contribute d it s share to th e declin e an d turmoi l characterizin g th e final perio d o f Aksumit e history, non e o f the m ha s capture d th e plac e i n Ethiopia n traditio n accorded the legendary Queen Yodit . Although w e lac k an y authenti c interna l source s fro m tenth-centur y Ethiopia, th e overthro w o f th e country's Christia n ruler s by a powerfu l non-Christian quee n appear s wel l substantiate d fro m externa l sources . The History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church reports , fo r ex ample, that during the reign of th e Patriarch Philotheus (989-1004) , The kin g o f al-Habes h sen t t o th e kin g o f Nubia , a youth whos e nam e wa s Girgis (George), and made known to him how the Lord had chastened him, he and th e inhabitant s o f hi s land . I t wa s tha t a woman , a quee n o f Ban i al Hamwiyah had revolted against him and against his country.52 Ibn Hauka l (943-77 ) i n a reference tha t woul d appea r t o dat e thes e important events somewhat earlier notes: The country of the habasha has been ruled by a woman for many years now: she has killed the king of habasha who was titled Hadani. Until today she rules with complete independence on her own country and the frontier areas of the territory of the Hadani in the southern part of [the country of] the habasha. 53 For many year s scholar s hav e sough t t o determin e th e identity o f th e queen an d the regio n fro m which sh e came. Cont i Rossini , with charac teristic perspicacity , suggeste d tha t th e quee n wa s probabl y o f Damot i (Sidama) origin, a view that has been echoed by several scholars in recent years.54 Thi s identificatio n ha s considerabl e merit , sinc e i t i s i n agree -

46 SPECULATIO

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ment wit h bot h a souther n local e an d well-documente d tradition s o f female ruler s i n th e Sidam a region. 55 Nevertheless , o f fa r greate r rele vance t o ou r immediat e purpose s ar e th e numerou s attempt s t o depic t the quee n a s th e beautifu l an d powerfu l Quee n Yodi t (Judith) , rule r of the Falasha. Although certainl y no t th e originato r o f th e Judit h legend , Jame s Bruce appears mos t responsible fo r it s dissemination int o bot h scholarl y and popula r Wester n writings . I n his Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, h e describe s ho w th e beautifu l Judith , als o know n a s Esthe r and Sa'a t (Fire ) se t ou t t o destro y Christianit y an d eliminat e th e Solo monic line . Takin g advantag e o f th e weaknes s o f th e Aksumites , sh e massacred mos t o f th e roya l hous e an d establishe d a Jewis h dynast y which rule d for man y generations. 56 Here , a s elsewhere, Bruce' s reliability a s a historia n shoul d no t b e exaggerated. 57 Onc e proclaimed , how ever, th e legen d o f a Jewis h quee n prove d difficul t t o shake . Ignazi o Guidi, afte r correctin g the queen's origin t o Bani-al Yahoudya , accepte d her Jewishness, a s did Basset an d Rathjens. 58 Moreover , althoug h Cont i Rossini demonstrate d a s earl y a s 192 1 tha t significan t reason s exis t fo r rejecting th e queen' s allege d Jewis h identity , man y recen t author s con tinue t o offe r vivi d description s o f th e Falash a queen' s conques t o f Aksum.59 Despite th e Judith legend' s popularit y an d it s prominen t positio n i n the traditions of bot h Jews and Christians to this day, there appear to be several goo d reason s fo r rejectin g th e depictio n o f th e tenth-centur y queen o f th e Ban i al-Hamwiya h a s a Falasha . Although som e Ethiopi c sources d o portra y Yodi t a s a Jewess, thes e generall y identif y he r a s a convert rathe r tha n th e produc t o f a well-entrenche d indigenou s reli gious community. 60 Th e materia l recorde d by Bruce, which contain s th e earliest complet e accoun t o f th e legend , mus t b e considere d suspec t o n several grounds . I n general , th e stor y h e present s appear s t o hav e bee n heavily shape d b y event s afte r th e tent h centur y includin g late r battle s between th e Christia n kingdo m an d th e Bet a Israe l an d th e sixteenth century Musli m conques t o f Ethiopi a b y Ahmad Gragn. 61 Mor e specifi cally, Bruce' s clai m tha t Judith intente d t o extirpat e th e Solomoni c lin e is highly questionable in light of contemporary evidence that her primary adversary was the hadani, wh o had already sharply curtailed the Aksumite king' s power . Bruce' s depictio n o f Judit h a s a Jewes s als o leave s unanswered th e questio n o f wh y he r five successors al l ha d "barbarou s

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 4 7 [i.e., pagan] names" (to use his term), and how the y came to pass power on t o th e militantl y Christia n king s o f Lasta. 62 Thus , whil e Bruc e ma y well, i n this case, have only bee n faithfully transmittin g the traditions he collected, seriou s doubts must exist concerning their reliability. The suggestio n tha t th e Falash a quee n Yodit , putativ e conqueror o f Aksum, i s i n fac t th e paga n quee n o f th e Sidama , vanquishe r o f th e hadani, i s not as startling as it might appear at first glance. By transforming the queen fro m a pagan t o a Jewess and her primary area of activit y from th e sout h t o Aksum , Christia n traditio n neatl y place s he r withi n the primar y categorie s o f Ethiopia n political-religiou s discourse . O n some levels, the Judith traditions ca n be said to mirror the themes of th e Kebra Nagast. Bot h th e Quee n o f Sheb a an d Judit h ar e depicte d a s converts t o Judaism . However , whil e th e forme r i s credite d wit h a crucial rol e in the establishment of the Solomonic dynasty in Aksum, the latter is said to have conquered the city and deposed its legitimate rulers. In bot h stories , th e oppositio n betwee n evi l Jew s an d goo d Israelite s figures prominently, wit h th e tenth-centur y Judit h i n particula r bein g identified b y late r tradition s wit h th e "Falasha " (Jews) , medieva l ene mies of th e Solomonic (Israelite ) kings. 63 Fo r the Beta Israe l th e identifi cation o f Yodi t a s on e o f thei r ow n ruler s no t onl y place s he r i n th e context o f thei r late r war s agains t th e Christian s an d thu s give s thei r struggle a greater antiquity , bu t als o allow s the m t o clai m a rare, albei t temporary, victory . Thus , th e Judit h tradition s muc h lik e th e Kebra Nagast ar e most valuable to the historian when rea d not at the level of a simple historica l narrative , bu t a s a symboli c statemen t concernin g th e interconnections an d tensions betwee n religion , legitimacy , an d politica l power in Ethiopia. The Zagwe Dynasty (1137-1270) The identit y an d activitie s o f th e Quee n o f th e Ban i al-Hamwiyah' s successors ar e eve n mor e o f a myster y tha n he r own . Whil e the y ma y have exerte d politica l contro l ove r som e part s o f th e Ethiopia n high lands, there appears to be no reason to assume that they ruled effectivel y over al l Ethiopia . Judaize d group s livin g i n periphera l area s suc h a s Semien wer e probabl y relativel y unaffecte d b y th e politica l upheaval s happening aroun d them . Christianit y continue d t o surviv e an d eve n consolidated it s positio n i n th e region s o f Last a an d Amhara . I n th e

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former regio n i n particula r th e local , predominantly Aga w populatio n not onl y converted , bu t als o participate d "activel y i n th e economic , administrative, political an d military affairs o f the state." 64 I n the course of tim e the y too k ove r th e political leadershi p o f th e country an d estab lished a new dynasty know n a s the Zagwe. 65 Although we still lack a n authoritative histor y o f th e Zagwe, researc h conducted durin g th e pas t centur y enable s u s t o reconstruc t a fairl y accurate pictur e o f th e mai n theme s o f thei r history . Rathe r paradoxi cally, th e Zagwe ar e depicted i n Ethiopian hagiographie s an d chronicle s as a n illegitimate (i.e. , non-Solomonic ) dynasty , whos e individua l ruler s were frequentl y saintl y figures. Despit e th e attempt s o f som e earl y au thors to claim that they were Jews, i t is today generally accepted that the Zagwe were committed Christian s who both preserved and strengthened the religiou s tradition s the y inherited . Th e mos t concret e expressio n o f their religious devotio n cam e in the form o f rock-hew n churches , partic ularly thos e i n thei r capita l cit y o f Lalibala. 66 Built , accordin g t o tradi tion, b y th e earl y thirteenth-centur y rule r o f th e sam e name , Lalibal a represents a deliberate attemp t t o riva l Aksu m a s a replacement fo r th e Holy Cit y o f Jerusalem. 67 Significantly , th e eleve n churche s o f Lalibal a focus almos t exclusivel y o n Ne w Testamen t an d Christia n figures, events, and values , a n indicatio n perhap s tha t th e Zagw e wer e les s committe d to Hebraic elements than their "Israelite" Aksumite predecessors . Although undoubtedl y th e mos t powerfu l ruler s i n Ethiopia fo r clos e to 13 5 years , th e Zagwe' s contro l o f man y part s o f th e countr y wa s extremely limited. 68 I n Tigre province and the Aksum regio n man y loca l rulers an d churc h official s questione d thei r legitimac y an d challenge d their authority. T o th e south i n Shawa an d Amhara, the Zagwe's inabil ity t o protec t th e populatio n an d contro l th e lucrativ e trad e route s tha t passed throug h th e regio n deal t the m a cripplin g blow . T o th e bes t o f our knowledge, th e Zagwe di d no t exer t effective contro l over th e Semien, Dambeya , an d Wagar a regions , whos e populatio n probabl y in cluded importan t Judaize d groups. 69 Th e fe w hagiographi c source s o n this perio d (al l probabl y compose d decade s o r eve n centurie s afte r th e fact) mak e n o mentio n o f Jews o r Judaism i n Ethiopia , an d th e remain ing source s bot h interna l an d externa l offe r onl y th e bares t o f hint s o n the subject. Certainly th e most reliable of thes e sources is a fifteenth- or sixteenthcentury manuscrip t o f th e Book of Isaiah whic h i n a colopho n report s

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 4 9 that "i n th e day s o f th e Zagw e king s ther e cam e ou t o f th e countr y o f Aden a man , a Jew calle d Joseph.... An d h e settle d i n th e countr y o f Elawz in land of Amhara." 70 Whethe r this Joseph was a lone immigran t or par t o f a large r proces s i s impossibl e t o determine . H e wa s almos t certainly no t th e only Adenite to mak e the journey, and perhaps not th e only Jew . Ther e is , however , n o basi s t o conclude , a s ha s on e author , that "th e Zagw e king s welcome d Jewis h immigrant s fro m Yemen." 71 More important , i t i s unclea r what , i f any , relevanc e suc h immigratio n would hav e ha d fo r indigenou s Jewis h groups . Josep h i s sai d t o hav e settled i n Amhar a wel l sout h o f th e Lak e Tan a region . Hi s family , moreover, converte d t o Christianit y afte r severa l generations . (Th e aforementioned manuscrip t represent s thei r gif t t o a church. ) Thus , while th e story of th e Adenite Jew who settle d i n Ethiopi a i s one of ou r earliest explicit reference s t o Jews in the country, i t is difficult t o se e any connection t o the history of th e Beta Israel. While th e story of Joseph fro m Aden is of limite d value because of it s geographical focus , th e weaknes s o f th e Letters of Prester John's lie s i n their heavil y legendar y character . Fo r a s Beckingha m ha s commented , "From th e ver y first mention o f Preste r John mos t o f wha t w e ar e tol d about hi m coul d no t possibl y b e true , an d mos t o f th e littl e tha t coul d conceivably b e tru e i s inconsistent." 72 The nam e o f Preste r Joh n first appears in 114 5 i n a German chronicle describin g him as a pious Chris tian kin g reigning in the Fa r East. Durin g different period s hi s kingdo m was identifie d wit h India , China , Centra l Asia , and, particularl y i n later years, Ethiopia. Fro m about 116 5 onwar d letter s began to circulate tha t purported t o b e copie s o f Preste r John' s correspondenc e wit h variou s Christian Europea n leaders . S o popular were these texts that versions in Latin, Romance, Teutonic, Slavonic, and even Hebrew were soon extant . Although frequentl y referre d to as "forgeries," the letters generally make little effor t t o convinc e th e reader of thei r authenticity, an d were probably recognize d b y man y reader s fo r wha t the y were : work s o f fiction. 73 Moreover, whil e the y ma y contai n som e kerne l o f truth , o n th e whol e they share much mor e in common with the previously discussed work of Eldad Ha-Dani.74 On e of th e themes shared with Sefer Eldad i s the claim of th e existenc e o f a Jewish kingdo m beyon d a great river . Whil e som e authors hav e sough t t o se e i n such reference s a veiled descriptio n o f th e Jews o f Ethiopia , thi s i s fa r fro m certain. 75 Althoug h i n late r year s th e connection betwee n th e figure o f Preste r Joh n an d Ethiopi a solidified ,

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and reference s t o Jews i n the land o f Preste r John wer e usuall y intende d to depic t th e Beta Israel , thi s i s certainly no t the case i n this period. No t only ma y th e imaginar y autho r o f th e letter(s ) no t hav e bee n a n Ethio pian ruler , the description o f th e Jews in his kingdom ma y be little mor e than th e presentatio n o f a familia r legendar y motif . An y historica l con nection betwee n thes e texts an d the Jews of Ethiopi a must , therefore, b e viewed a s extremely tenuous . The thir d an d final sourc e fro m th e Zagw e perio d tha t ma y b e con cerned wit h th e Jew s o f Ethiopi a i s Sefer Ha-massa'ot (The Book of Travels) o f Benjami n o f Tudela . Benjami n o f Tudel a (Toledo ) wa s th e greatest medieva l Jewis h traveller. 76 Hi s journey s bega n sometim e be tween 115 9 an d 116 7 an d concluded wit h his return to Spain in 1172/3 . His boo k i s a n invaluabl e accoun t o f th e Mediterranea n basi n an d th e Middle East in the second hal f o f th e twelfth century . In what is for our purposes a crucial passag e Benjamin report s that in the area of th e Red Sea and Indian Ocea n ther e is India which i s on the mainland which i s called Aden and it is Eden which is in Thelasar [cf . 2 K g 19:12] . An d ther e ar e high mountain s ther e an d ther e are Israelites there and the Gentile yoke is not upon them. And they have cities and towers i n th e top s o f th e mountain s an d the y g o dow n t o th e plain-countr y called Lubia [or Nubia] which is ruled by Edomites [Christians]. Largely on th e basis of th e similarity betwee n thi s description an d the later war s o f th e mountain-dwellin g Bet a Israe l agains t th e Christia n rulers o f Ethiopia , man y author s hav e argue d tha t Benjamin' s tex t rep resents a n earl y referenc e t o th e Jews o f Ethiopia. 77 I n fact , th e passag e in question i s extremely problematic . Benjami n himsel f di d no t visi t th e region an d thu s hi s repor t i s a t bes t a n attemp t t o faithfull y recoun t what h e ha d bee n tol d b y others . Th e confuse d reportin g o f severa l crucial name s includin g Eden , Nubia, an d others, whic h appea r in sharply variant reading s i n differen t manuscripts , mak e i t extremel y difficul t t o decide wit h an y certaint y precisel y wha t regio n i s bein g discussed . Fi nally, we mus t also conside r Benjamin' s propensit y t o tailor hi s descrip tions to suit the "truth" of th e Bible. 78 In light of al l o f th e abov e i t i s difficult t o reac h an y conclusio n wit h a grea t dea l o f confidence . Whil e som e commentator s believ e tha t th e reference t o Ade n indicate s a Re d Se a locale , the y plac e th e Jews a t the Arabian no t th e Ethiopia n sid e o f th e water. 79 Other s accep t th e Ethio pian setting , bu t believ e th e peopl e i n questio n t o b e th e Bej a no t th e

SPECULATION AN D LEGEN D 5

1

Falasha.80 If the Jews of Ethiopia ar e in fact being discussed, it is curious that Benjami n doe s no t mentio n tha t the y ar e black. 81 No r i s there an y external suppor t fo r th e vie w tha t th e Bet a Israe l wer e bot h mountai n dwellers an d a t wa r wit h th e Christia n (Zagwe ) i n thi s period . Perhap s most important , a t a later point i n the same passage Benjami n discusse s the "Cushites who have a king and they call him Sultan El-Habesh," but does no t appea r t o connec t thi s relativel y clea r referenc e t o Ethiopi a with th e aforementione d Jews . O n balance , therefore , whil e Benjamin' s report ma y indee d hav e bee n influence d b y th e presenc e o f Judaize d groups i n Ethiopi a durin g th e perio d o f Zagw e rule , i t i s difficul t t o accept the view that his is a clear reliable reference to the Beta Israel. Summary As w e note d a t th e outse t o f thi s chapter , i t i s virtuall y impossibl e t o construct a detailed histor y o f th e Jews o f Ethiopi a fo r th e perio d fro m the sixt h t o thirteent h century . Whil e th e source s tha t concer n th e Em peror Kaleb' s wa r i n Sout h Arabi a enabl e u s t o offe r som e hypothese s concerning the fate of som e of the Judaized groups in Aksum, even these must b e treate d wit h considerabl e caution . A t bes t the y woul d see m t o offer u s a possibl e explanatio n fo r th e manne r i n whic h element s o f a Judaized fait h bega n t o reac h peoples an d area s outsid e o f Aksum . The situation wit h regar d to later periods i s even less promising. Th e declin e of Aksum and the movement of some of its Jewish elements to peripheral areas have lef t u s with a complete deart h o f historica l source s on Ethio pian Judaism durin g thi s period . Despit e th e credenc e give n hi s report s by rabbini c authoritie s an d som e scholars , Elda d Ha-Dan i doe s no t appear to have had any firsthand knowledge concerning Jews or Judaism in Ethiopia . I n a simila r fashion , late r tradition s notwithstanding , th e queen wh o conquere d Aksu m o r a t leas t defeate d th e hadani doe s no t appear t o hav e bee n a Jewess , eithe r b y birt h o r throug h conversion . Nor d o an y o f th e source s concernin g Ethiopi a i n th e Zagw e perio d appear to offer firm evidence concerning the Beta Israel. Lest the summary offered abov e appear too pessimistic and hypercritical o f th e sources , i t i s usefu l t o clos e with a fe w mor e positiv e com ments. Ther e i s every reaso n t o believe , i n ligh t o f th e evidenc e o f bot h earlier an d late r periods , tha t th e Hebrai c element s tha t entere d pre Christian Aksumit e cultur e survive d no t onl y i n th e Ethiopia n church ,

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but amon g othe r group s a s well . A s w e hav e seen , i t i s possibl e t o combine th e existin g sources , howeve r limite d the y ma y be , i n suc h a way a s t o support th e suggestio n tha t som e Judaize d group s departe d Aksum i n th e sixt h centur y an d settle d i n th e are a aroun d Lak e Tan a and th e Semie n mountains . Whateve r one' s verdic t o n thi s hypothesis , beginning with th e late thirteenth an d early fourteent h centur y w e ente r a new period not only in the history of th e Beta Israel, but in the country at large . Th e hithert o obscur e reference s an d legendar y source s ar e gradually replace d b y a collection o f historica l document s tha t enable us to bot h locat e th e Bet a Israe l an d trac e thei r development . W e are , i n other words , abl e fo r th e first tim e t o trul y writ e thei r history . I t i s t o this all important period tha t we now tur n our attention .

3 From A y h u The Invention

d to

of

Falasha: a

Tradition

The Rise of the Solomonic Dynasty The Zagw e dynast y rule d Ethiopi a fo r nearl y on e hundre d fifty year s from 113 7 t o 1270 . Almos t fro m th e outse t thei r rul e wa s a trouble d one, a s various problem s serve d t o weake n an d eventuall y t o completel y undermine them . Althoug h th e Zagw e ruler s wer e apparentl y devou t Christians an d preside d ove r a majo r reviva l o f th e church , thei r ene mies, includin g th e nobilit y o f Tigr e provinc e an d th e clerg y o f th e Aksumite region , dismisse d the m a s usurper s wh o ha d seize d th e thron e of th e legitimat e Aksumit e "Solomonic " rulers . Th e Zagw e sough t t o counter suc h claim s b y wooin g th e clerg y o f othe r region s an d engagin g in a massiv e progra m o f churc h buildin g i n thei r hom e provinc e o f Lasta.1 Thei r effort s were , however , significantl y weakene d b y th e inter nal dissensio n tha t plague d the m throughou t thei r history . Rarel y d o th e Zagwe appea r t o hav e achieve d a bloodles s succession , an d th e deat h o f the reignin g monarc h wa s usuall y th e occasio n fo r violen t clashe s be tween riva l claimant s t o th e throne. 2 Suc h infightin g greatl y limite d th e rulers' abilit y t o guarante e th e securit y an d loyalt y o f souther n region s such a s Shaw a an d Amhara . Whe n thes e area s bot h gre w i n economi c 53

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importance because of their proximity to southern trade routes and came under th e influenc e o f dissiden t Tigrean-traine d clergy , th e Zagw e posi tion became completely untenable. The person who benefitted mos t from the combinatio n o f religious , political , an d economi c factor s describe d above wa s a n Amhara n warlor d name d Yekunn o Amlak . Backe d b y troops fro m Amhar a an d Shaw a an d wit h th e suppor t o f a n importan t local monasti c leader, he first established a n independent kingdom i n the southern region s and later, in 1270 , depose d th e last Zagwe ruler. 3 Although th e ascensio n o f Yekunn o Amla k i s generall y viewe d a s a turning point i n Ethiopian history , it s immediat e impac t o n th e existin g political realitie s shoul d no t b e overestimated . The problem s tha t con fronted hi s heir s were no t markedl y differen t fro m thos e tha t ha d trou bled his Zagwe predecessors . The nobilit y o f Tigre, fo r example, appea r to hav e bee n littl e impresse d b y thi s upstar t Amhara n dynasty . More over, th e earl y Amhara n ruler s suffere d fro m successio n problem s simi lar t o thos e tha t ha d weakene d th e Zagwe . Thu s th e first decade s o f Amharan rul e were a period o f intens e interna l conflict . Whil e Yekunn o Amlak i s remembere d a s the founde r o f a new dynasty , Amd a Seyo n (r . 1314-44) i s recognize d a s th e founde r o f th e Solomoni c state. 4 Havin g inherited a relativel y stabl e situatio n fro m hi s father , Wede m Ra'a d (r . 1299-1314), Amd a Seyo n wa s th e first rule r o f th e ne w dynast y i n a position t o grappl e wit h th e threat s t o roya l authorit y pose d b y th e kingdom's militar y an d economic vulnerabilit y an d the dynasty's lac k of a clea r clai m t o legitimacy . Althoug h hi s attempt s t o solv e thes e prob lems wer e onl y partiall y successful , hi s reig n di d mar k th e beginnin g o f two centurie s o f roya l ascendanc y an d a majo r shif t i n th e balanc e o f power i n Ethiopia. Onl y i n the reig n o f Amd a Seyo n (1314—44 ) di d the Amharan king s mak e thei r presenc e fel t upo n th e whol e Ethiopia n pla teau, including the Judaized group s aroun d Lake Tana. The Problem of the Ayhud : 13 3 2-1527 The appearanc e i n our sources fro m th e fourteent h centur y onwar d o f a number o f relativel y unambiguou s reference s t o Judaized group s i n th e Lake Tan a regio n presen t th e historia n wit h a numbe r o f interestin g questions. I n particular , tw o issue s o f historica l continuit y emerg e a s being of majo r significance. First , we must consider whether such groups were i n an y sens e the descendant s o f th e earlier carriers o f Jewish tradi -

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tions discussed i n the previous chapters. Second , th e precise relationshi p between thes e medieva l group s an d thos e referre d t o i n late r text s a s Falasha must also be defined . The second o f thes e question s will b e examined i n considerable detai l below. Wit h regard to the first, while a definitive answe r appears elusive, several importan t point s ca n b e established. I n considering th e questio n of historica l continuit y ove r a period o f man y centuries , i t i s importan t to avoi d to o heav y a concentratio n o n th e issu e o f physical-biologica l descent. Nothin g i n th e writte n source s ca n b e interprete d a s reliabl e evidence fo r th e surviva l o f a distinct well-define d Jewis h communit y i n Ethiopia fo r th e perio d fro m th e sevent h t o th e fourteent h century . Nothing o f wha t w e kno w fro m Ethiopia n histor y o f thi s perio d make s the existenc e o r surviva l o f suc h a grou p see m probable . Accordingly , the searc h fo r a lin k betwee n th e Judaized population s o f th e differen t periods must focus no t on the issues of genealogy or communal survival , but o n th e surviva l o f specifi c idea s an d variou s Jewish ritua l elements . In thi s regard , ther e appear s t o b e littl e questio n tha t th e presenc e o f Judaized group s i n the Lak e Tana regio n i s the result of th e diffusion o f Hebraic-biblical characteristic s fro m th e Aksu m region . Th e onl y alter native would b e to sugges t th e existence o f a second independen t sourc e for these elements. There appears , however , t o b e n o reaso n t o assum e tha t thos e wh o brought Jewis h form s t o th e Lak e Tan a regio n cam e exclusivel y fro m groups outsid e th e Ethiopia n church . Give n th e previousl y discusse d biblical-Hebraic characte r o f Ethiopia n Christianity , suc h element s ma y well hav e reache d group s i n th e Lak e Tan a regio n fro m mor e tha n a single source . Indee d a single channe l o f transmissio n wa s probabl y th e exception rathe r tha n th e rule . A s w e shal l se e late r i n this chapter, thi s was no t th e las t time i n which th e Churc h itsel f wa s t o b e an importan t vehicle for the transmission o f Jewish traditions . The earlies t clea r referenc e i n an y Ethiopi c sourc e t o th e Judaize d groups i n the Lak e Tana regio n appear s i n the chronicl e o f th e war s o f Amda Seyon . Thes e group s ar e sai d t o hav e offere d stif f resistanc e t o Amda Seyon' s attempt s to consolidate hi s rule, and, although temporar ily subdued , the y ros e i n revolt ca . 1332 . I n response, Amd a §eyo n sen t troops comprise d o f soldier s fro m Damot , Seqelt , Gondar , an d Hady a to fight the rebel s i n "Semien , Wagara , Sallamt , an d Sagade . Originall y these peopl e wer e Christian s bu t no w the y denie d Chris t lik e th e Jew s

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who crucifie d him . Fo r this reaso n h e [th e king] sent an army to destro y them."5 Thi s expedition wa s apparentl y a success an d the way wa s thu s opened fo r th e evangelizatio n (o r i n th e vie w o f th e chronicler , th e re evangelization) o f thes e regions. 6 Although a numbe r o f cleric s activ e i n th e regio n aroun d Lak e Tana may have had contact with the Judaized portions of the local population , a mon k name d Gabr a Iyasu s is the first to receiv e special mention . A s a member o f th e Ewostatia n movement , a monasti c "house " tha t cham pioned a numbe r o f biblica l observances , mos t notabl y th e Saturda y Sabbath, Gabr a Iyasu s migh t wel l hav e bee n particularl y attracte d t o and attractiv e fo r suc h groups. 7 H e establishe d hi s community o f Dabr a San in the Enfraz region and is said to have enjoyed considerable success . "And man y peopl e cam e t o him , an d h e tol d al l o f the m th e wor d o f God, an d al l of the m believe d an d wer e baptized , [even ] the childre n o f the Jews accepte d hi s teaching." 8 The extent t o which hi s pronouncedl y biblical for m o f Christianit y differe d fro m th e vaguel y articulate d Ju daized fait h o f th e resident s o f Enfra z mus t remai n a n ope n question . Certainly, i f th e experience s o f othe r monasti c missionarie s fro m thi s period ar e an y indication , th e acceptanc e o f Christianit y involve d mor e the additio n o f ne w belief s an d ritual s tha n th e abandonmen t o f ol d ones. Another mon k wh o ha d quit e a different impac t o n th e ayhud wa s a renegade cleri c name d Qozmos . Accordin g t o Gadla Yafqeranna Egzi\ Qozmos wa s a n extrem e asceti c wh o lef t th e clerg y o f th e Lak e Tan a region whe n the y attempte d t o curtai l hi s rigorou s self-mortification. 9 Because of hi s miraculous powers and his ability t o write, he was readily accepted b y thos e wh o practice d th e "religio n o f th e Jews " i n Semie n and Sallamt . H e i s sai d t o hav e writte n th e Orit (Pentateuch ) fo r them , and they are alleged to have viewed him as a semi-divine, even messiani c figure.10 With Qozmo s a t their head th e ayhud rebelle d onc e again , an d defeated th e Kantiba (governor ) o f Dambeya , wh o wa s force d t o joi n them.11 Perhaps because of his bitter memories, Qozmo s appears to have singled ou t th e clerg y a s specia l target s o f th e rebellion . "H e burne d numerous churches, cam e to the road of Enfraz, an d killed Abba Qerlos , Abba Yohanne s Kama , an d Abb a Tanse' a Madhe n wit h thirty-si x o f their disciples." 12 Th e Emperor Dawi t (1380—1412 ) wa s force d t o sen d fresh troops fro m Tigre to subdue the rebel forces. 13 Until th e reig n o f Yeshaq , whic h commence d i n 1413 , th e ayhud o f

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the Lake Tana regio n appea r to hav e been of onl y periphera l concer n t o the Solomonic kings. Neithe r Amda Seyon nor Dawit intervened personally t o quas h thei r rebellions , no r wa s th e defeate d populatio n treate d with specia l severity . Amd a Seyon , fo r example , deal t fa r mor e harshl y with th e challenge s t o hi s authorit y i n Tigr e province , an d appear s t o have bee n mor e concerne d wit h dissiden t Christian s tha n wit h th e ayhud. Neithe r o f thei r defeat s resulte d i n eithe r th e confiscatio n o f lan d nor a widesprea d dispersa l o f th e people . Yeshaq , i n contrast , move d ruthlessly agains t th e rebe l ayhud b y personall y leadin g th e expeditio n against the m and , followin g hi s victory , imposin g Christianit y upo n them.14 What were th e factor s tha t brough t abou t this change i n policy? Th e rich economi c resource s i n Wagar a an d Dambey a ha d probabl y bee n coveted b y th e Christia n king s fo r som e time . Onl y i n th e beginnin g o f the fifteenth century , however , followin g Dawit' s successe s agains t th e Muslim kingdo m o f Ifat , d o th e king s appea r t o hav e bee n abl e t o giv e these potentiall y lucrativ e area s thei r ful l attention. 15 Similarly , Dawit' s temporary settlement of the Ewostatian controversy, which had troubled the Ethiopia n churc h fo r almos t a century , mad e th e ayhud threa t t o religious unit y al l th e mor e prominent. 16 Finally , Yeshaq' s generall y harsh treatmen t o f religiou s dissident s shoul d als o b e considered . Maqriz i charges Yesha q wit h "th e objec t o f rootin g ou t utterl y al l th e Muslim s living i n Abyssinia." 17 Yesha q als o abandone d hi s father' s moderat e policy towar d th e Ewostatian s an d sough t t o rene w th e persecutio n o f this northern monastic movement. 18 These external factor s notwithstanding, i t is doubtful i f Yeshaq would have achieve d suc h rapi d succes s ha d th e ayhud bee n unifie d i n thei r opposition t o his policies. Eve n in the best of times , however, th e ayhud did no t constitut e a singl e centrall y organize d group . Man y decade s o f pressure and encroachment b y the Christian kingdom appear , moreover , to hav e produce d shar p division s a s t o ho w bes t t o respon d t o thi s threat. Yeshaq, fo r example , appear s t o hav e bee n greatl y assiste d b y a split tha t ha d develope d betwee n thos e wh o advocate d a polic y o f ac commodation towar d th e Solomoni c ruler s an d other s wh o favore d rebellion. Mos t prominen t amon g th e hardliner s wa s th e Bet-Ajer , a strong leader , who m Yesha q ha d appointe d a governo r o f Semie n an d part o f Dambeya. 19 Immediatel y beneat h him, an d fa r mor e accommo dating, wa s hi s nephe w Badagosh , th e roya l appointe d liaiso n t o th e

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Imperial court. Whe n Badagos h berate d hi s uncl e fo r hi s failur e t o pa y his tribute s o n time , th e Bet-Aje r punishe d hi s impuden t nephew . Sum moned t o appea r befor e Yesha q t o explai n hi s behavior , th e Bet-Aje r refused—a clea r act of rebellion . Yesha q responde d wit h alacrity . "An d the king came and struck his tent in Wagara. The Bet-Ajer did not notice his arrival. The y mad e war fro m mornin g to evening . Afte r tha t the BetAjer escaped ; bu t th e soldier s o f th e kin g surrounde d him, an d cu t of f his head." 20 Those ayhud wh o remaine d loya l t o Yesha q an d fough t o n hi s sid e against the Bet-Ajer were rewarde d with grants of land . Hi s nephew, fo r example, receive d a larg e fief i n Wagara. 21 Yeshaq' s treatmen t o f hi s enemies was , however , totall y i n keepin g wit h hi s genera l polic y o f dealing harshl y wit h dissidents . Fo r the first time, a group o f Bet a Israe l were deprive d o f th e righ t to ow n land . Yesha q i s said t o hav e decreed , "He who is baptized i n the Christian religion , may inherit the land of hi s father; otherwis e le t hi m b e a Falasi" 22 Whil e th e immediat e impac t and universality o f thi s decre e shoul d no t b e exaggerated, ther e appear s to b e littl e questio n tha t Yeshaq' s victor y ove r th e Bet-Aje r marke d th e beginning of th e disenfranchisement o f the ayhud an d the gradual trans formation o f thei r status and identity. 23 Despite Yeshaq' s decre e an d hi s decisio n t o buil d "man y churche s i n Dambeya an d Wagara," 24 th e issu e of th e ayhud remaine d largel y unre solved. Whil e som e ayhud di d conver t an d eventually ma y hav e becom e committed Christians , man y other s wer e eithe r nominal Christian s o r continued i n thei r ol d ways . Considerabl e informatio n o n th e religiou s situation of the ayhud i n the years immediately afte r Yesha q is contained in som e relativel y neglecte d passage s i n th e gadl o f th e fifteenth-century holy ma n Abb a Takl a Hawaryat. 25 Thi s material , whic h i s of relevanc e not onl y fo r thei r history , bu t als o fo r a genera l understandin g o f th e process of ethnic and religious interaction i n Solomonic Ethiopia, reveal s that in the middle of the fifteenth century the ayhud wer e only temporar ily subdued , a t bes t superficiall y converted , an d minimall y integrate d into the Christian kingdom . Abba Takla Hawaryat's first encounter with the ayhud occurre d when he confronted on e o f thei r leaders , th e seyum o f Sallamt , leadin g a n army o f bot h ayhud an d Christian s t o wa r agains t th e Solomoni c king . The sain t succeede d i n bot h preventin g th e battl e an d strengthenin g th e Christianity o f th e nomina l convert s i n th e region . A t th e seyum's invi -

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tation h e wa s permitte d t o preac h t o th e loca l population , "An d whe n they hear d th e sweetnes s o f hi s speec h an d th e beaut y o f hi s teachin g they sai d t o him , 'W e ar e Christian s no t fro m ou t heart s bu t [because ] we feared the command of the king and governors. But [now] we believ e in the word. Baptize us.' " 26 Not surprisingly, such activities were challenged by more traditionall y oriented resident s o f th e region and , as in the time of Yeshaq , the rulin g family wa s split . A relativ e o f th e seyum himsel f appear s t o hav e bee n among thos e unwillin g t o accep t th e authorit y o f th e Christia n hol y man.27 Th e Christianizatio n o f th e ayhud wa s hindered , moreover , no t only b y th e action s o f thei r Jewish brethren , bu t als o b y th e attitud e o f more vetera n Christians . Yessahal o Krestos , a Jewis h "prophet " con verted by Abba Takla Hawarayt , wa s denied entrance to a church b y its deacons becaus e h e wa s a catechume n an d a recen t convert . Onl y th e saint's intervention gaine d him admission. 28 Thi s episode, i f i t was a t all typical, woul d see m t o indicat e tha t recentl y converte d ayhud wer e no t always welcomed wit h open arms by the Christian population. 29 After a sta y o f twent y months , Takl a Hawarya t lef t Sallam t an d continued o n t o Semien . I n thi s regio n a s wel l h e sough t t o strengthe n the fait h o f th e converte d an d comba t th e oppositio n o f thos e wh o remained Jews. The Emperor Zar'a Ya'eqob (1434-68) , th e greatest of the Solomonic rulers, als o ha d experienc e wit h th e limit s o f th e ayhud ys incorporatio n in th e kingdom . Durin g hi s reig n h e wa s compelle d t o d o battl e wit h rebels i n Sallam t an d Semien , wh o "becam e Jews , abandonin g thei r Christianity."30 This rebellion, which was apparently connected to political unres t tha t centere d aroun d th e Emperor' s ow n daughters , wa s no t easily quashed . Zar' a Ya'eqob' s so n an d successor , Ba'ed a Marya m (1468-78) sen t troop s agains t th e sam e rebel s and , initiall y a t least , enjoyed little success. 31 Onl y after a protracted struggle was Marqos, the azmach (commander ) o f Bagemeder , abl e t o subdu e them . Th e defeate d rebels were brutall y massacred , churche s i n the region wer e rebuilt, an d new troops moved in to maintain order. 32 Marqos's victor y wa s a seriou s blo w t o th e ayhud an d coul d wel l have prepare d th e groun d fo r thei r final demis e ha d no t othe r mor e serious problem s demande d th e attention o f th e Solomonic rulers . Afte r Ba'eda Maryam' s deat h i n 1478 , th e proble m o f roya l successio n resur faced, weakenin g th e dynast y an d openin g th e wa y fo r a reassertion o f

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local autonomy . Fo r half a century, conflict s i n the cour t an d province s occupied th e Solomoni c king s an d sappe d th e strengt h o f thei r king dom.33 I n 1484 , les s tha n a decad e afte r thei r defea t b y Marqos , th e ayhud wer e onc e agai n capabl e o f goin g t o war , an d the y probabl y enjoyed considerabl e autonom y durin g th e trouble d reign s o f th e em perors Eskende r (1478-94) , Amd a Seyo n I I (1494 ) an d Na'o d (1494 1506). 34 B y th e tim e Lebn a Denge l cam e t o th e thron e i n 1508 , th e frontier defense s o f th e Solomoni c kingdo m wer e i n tatters . Th e mai n threat, however , cam e no t fro m th e ayhud aroun d Lak e Tana bu t fro m the Muslim s i n th e southeast . I n 1527 , th e Musli m warrio r Ahma d Gragn le d hi s troop s int o Ethiopia . Thi s perio d o f decline , Gragn' s invasion, it s consequence s fo r th e Christia n kingdom , an d th e rol e played in i t b y th e Bet a Israel , wil l b e discusse d i n detai l i n th e nex t chapter . This, however, mus t be preceded b y both a more detailed analysi s of th e sources presented thu s fa r and the introduction o f bot h ora l an d writte n evidence from th e Beta Israel themselves . As th e carefu l reade r wil l hav e doubtles s noted , th e surve y o f pre 1527 source s offere d abov e ha s almos t completel y omitte d an y mentio n of th e ter m Falasha . Ou r us e o f th e lesse r know n ter m ayhud ha s no t been accidental . No t onl y i s this the term foun d i n virtually al l th e text s from th e period, bu t also it s us e raises a number of importan t historica l questions. Who wer e th e ayhud an d wha t i f an y connectio n d o the y hav e wit h the Falash a o f late r texts ? Scholar s remai n sharpl y divide d a s t o th e answers t o thes e questions . O n th e on e han d ar e thos e wh o wis h t o associate virtuall y ever y referenc e t o th e ayhud wit h th e Bet a Israe l (Falasha).35 O n th e othe r ar e thos e wh o clai m tha t ayhud shoul d b e viewed no t a s a n ethni c o r religiou s designation , bu t a s a political ter m referring t o rebel s agains t the Solomonic kings. 36 The truth, no t surpris ingly, lie s somewher e i n th e middle . Whil e no t ever y mentio n o f th e ayhud shoul d b e automaticall y accepte d a s a referenc e t o th e ancestor s of th e Falasha , i n man y cases , includin g al l o f thos e cite d above , jus t such a connection seem s to have existed. Perhaps th e mos t commo n usag e o f th e ter m ayhud i n medieva l Ethiopia wa s a s a descriptio n o f Christia n group s viewe d b y a n autho r as heretical . Thi s usag e wa s especiall y popula r i n th e tim e o f Zar' a Ya'eqob, wh o sough t t o purg e th e Churc h o f man y o f it s dissiden t elements a s par t o f hi s progra m o f religiou s nationalism. 37 I n on e text ,

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for example , h e outline s th e punishment s mete d ou t t o thos e wh o con sult magician s befor e settin g ou t t o battle : "I f yo u ar e a priest , you r priesthood shal l b e strippe d o f you ; an d i f yo u ar e [just ] a Christian , you shal l b e calle d a Jew." 38 Moreover , sinc e politica l an d religiou s rebellion wer e frequentl y synonymou s i n medieva l Ethiopia , th e ter m ayhud wa s ofte n applie d t o th e king' s politica l enemies . A t time s i t i s difficult t o ascertai n whethe r i t wa s th e religiou s deviatio n tha t occa sioned th e charg e o f treaso n o r th e reverse . I n th e instanc e o f th e Em peror Zar' a Ya'eqob' s so n Galawdeyos , wh o participate d i n a faile d coup agains t hi s father , th e latte r appear s t o b e th e case . Galawdeyo s and hi s fello w plotters , w e ar e told , consulte d paga n magician s an d sorcerers "an d late r betraye d th e king , breakin g thei r oat h whic h the y swore to [him ] that they would never revolt against him . .. Galawdeyo s became a Jew, abandonin g hi s Christianit y an d denyin g Christ." 39 Take n literally, th e clai m tha t Galawdeyo s becam e bot h a pagan an d a Jew i s quite problematic . Although thi s seemin g contradictio n coul d perhap s be explained if we accep t the designation "pagan " as equivalent to non Christian, whe n i t i s remembere d tha t h e wa s als o closel y allie d t o th e previously mentione d Christia n saint , Abun a Takl a Hawaryat , ther e seems littl e alternativ e bu t t o vie w hi s allege d "Jewishness " a s politica l in character. 40 Given thi s remarkabl y broa d usag e o f th e ter m ayhud, i t migh t wel l be asked why we believe that any of the usages of the term are associated with th e Bet a Israel . Severa l argument s ca n b e pu t forwar d i n favo r o f this contention. Firstl y it must be pointed out that it is a virtual certainty that non e o f th e groups designate d i n our texts a s ayhud use d thi s ter m to refe r t o themselves . Ayhud wa s almos t invariabl y a pejorativ e ter m applied b y a Christian autho r t o a despised o r feared "other. " As in the Kebra Nagast an d th e legend s concernin g Yodi t discusse d above , th e "bad Jews" (ayhud) wer e frequently contraste d to their good "Israelite " opponents. Th e vaguenes s o f th e term , therefore , i s o f littl e i f an y rele vance to the questions o f certai n groups' internal coherenc e or historica l continuity.41 Member s o f th e Stephanit e monasti c movemen t wer e re ferred to as ayhud b y their enemies; they, in turn, joined other Christians in referrin g t o th e Bet a Israe l a s ayhud. Ye t clearl y th e Stephanite s di d not conside r themselve s a s eithe r ayhud o r a s member s o f th e sam e group a s th e Bet a Israel. 42 Th e existenc e o f a larg e numbe r o f widel y divergent groups all identified b y the contemptuous designation ayhud i s

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essentially th e creatio n o f thei r opponents , rathe r tha n evidenc e fo r a lack o f clear distinctions betwee n member s of th e different groups . There are , moreover , severa l reason s t o specificall y associat e a t leas t one o f th e group s designate d a s ayhud wit h th e Bet a Israel . Clea r evi dence exists , fo r example , o f a certai n geographi c continuity . I n al l th e cases cite d i n ou r surve y o f source s above , th e ayhud i n questio n ar e associated wit h the area around Lake Tana, an d in particular the regions of Semien, Sallamt, Dambeya, an d Wagara. In later years it is in precisely this area that we find the Falasha. Simpl e logi c would appea r to indicat e that som e historica l lin k ma y hav e existe d betwee n th e tw o group s tha t occupied th e sam e regio n a fe w generations apart , particularl y sinc e both appea r t o hav e bee n characterize d b y thei r rejectio n o f bot h roya l rule an d Christia n doctrine . Indeed , th e recognitio n o f jus t suc h a con nection i s implie d b y th e manne r i n whic h severa l o f th e late r source s treat thes e earlie r episodes . Th e chronicle r o f Sars a Denge l (1563-97) , to cit e on e example , refer s t o th e ayhud i n Semie n an d Sallam t wh o confronted Ba'ed a Marya m (an d befor e hi m Zar' a Ya'eqob ) a s "Fa lasha," thu s positin g a historica l lin k betwee n thes e ayhud an d th e Falasha o f hi s day. 43 Whil e suc h anachronism s shoul d no t b e give n to o much weight , the y d o appea r t o indicat e tha t barel y a century afte r th e events, Ethiopia n historiography ha d equated th e two groups . Finally, i t shoul d als o b e note d tha t a t leas t i n th e hagiographi c sources, th e ayhud o f th e Lak e Tana regio n ar e credited wit h distinctiv e ethnic or religiou s characteristics . Accordin g t o Gadla Gabra Iyasus th e "children o f th e Jews, " who m th e sain t confronte d i n Enfraz , ha d mi grated t o Ethiopi a fro m Jerusale m afte r th e destructio n o f th e Secon d Temple.44 Th e peopl e o f Semie n an d Sallam t wh o welcome d th e rene gade monk Qozmo s ar e said to have observed "th e religion of th e Jews" and t o hav e welcome d th e receip t o f th e On/. 45 Whe n Abun a Takl a Hawaryat baptize d thos e i n Sallam t wh o ha d previousl y only bee n su perficially converted , h e had them promise that they would no t return to their ol d religion . "An d h e mad e the m swea r b y th e Orit o f Mose s because the y feare d th e Orit a s in Judaism."46 Thu s there appear s to b e little reason to question the conclusion that the fourteenth- an d fifteenthcentury ayhud o f the Lake Tana region , lik e the Falasha of late r periods, were practitioner s o f a particularl y Hebrai c for m o f religion. 47 O f course , the cul t the y maintaine d shoul d i n n o wa y b e see n a s identical t o eithe r "normative" Judais m o r late r Falash a religion . Rather , the y shoul d b e

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regarded a s bein g amon g th e mor e Judaized group s i n th e spectru m o f medieval Ethiopia n belief . However , geography , historiography , an d religion al l seem to link the two groups. This connectio n shoul d not , however , b e exaggerated . The ayhud o f the earlier source s ar e not identica l t o th e Falash a o f late r texts . Impor tant cultural , social , an d religiou s difference s exis t betwee n th e two . Indeed, a s indicate d b y it s title , a major portio n o f thi s chapte r wil l b e devoted to the attempt to prove that the shift in terminology fro m ayhud to falasha reflect s no t onl y th e passage o f time , bu t substantial political , religious, an d economi c changes . A t leas t a portio n o f th e ayhud fro m the Lak e Tana regio n appea r t o hav e forme d th e nucleus fo r wha t late r became know n a s th e Falasha . I n a moment w e shal l tur n our attention to th e force s tha t se t thi s proces s i n motion . Befor e this , however , w e must furthe r clarif y a number o f point s abou t th e ayhud a s they appea r prior to the sixteenth century . In th e source s fro m th e fourteent h an d fifteent h century , th e ayhud are no t depicte d a s havin g a unifie d politica l system . No r i s religio n portrayed a s th e crucia l organizin g principl e upo n whic h thei r societ y was based . The various ruler s of th e ayhud mentione d i n these texts are viewed no t a s powerfu l king s rulin g ove r a distinctl y define d religiou s group, bu t a s regiona l governor s whos e subject s include d bot h ayhud and Christians. 48 Onl y i n the second half of th e sixteenth centur y do th e Beta Israe l appea r t o hav e achieve d a relativel y hig h degre e o f politica l centralization an d religious articulation. Onl y in this period do the rulers of th e Falasha , a t leas t i n Semien , appea r t o hav e governe d a wel l organized community wit h a clearly articulated religious system. In ligh t o f th e highl y diffuse d characte r o f ayhud society , grea t car e must be taken when generalizing concerning their experience during this period. Almos t withou t exception , scholar s have tende d t o interpre t th e scattered references foun d in chronicles and hagiographies as testimonies to event s tha t affecte d al l th e Falasha . I n particular, th e first half o f th e fifteenth centur y ha s recentl y bee n depicte d a s a tim e o f rapi d an d overwhelming change. 49 I n fact, a more cautiou s an d gradua l approac h is almos t certainl y preferable . The defea t o f on e grou p o f ayhud b y th e Emperor Yesha q was , n o doubt , a majo r turnin g point i n thei r history . During hi s reig n a proces s o f disenfranchisemen t bega n tha t eventuall y deprived mos t o f th e Bet a Israe l o f thei r lan d an d radicall y altere d th e economic basi s of thei r society. 50 I t must b e remembered, however , tha t

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not al l th e ayhud suffere d unde r Yeshaq . Whil e those who oppose d hi m lost thei r lan d right s i f the y di d no t convert , hi s allie s adde d t o thei r holdings. I n fact, th e Bet a Israel' s los s of lan d too k plac e graduall y an d its consequences sprea d unevenly . Similarly , th e process of Christianiza tion amon g th e ayhud wa s als o no t uniform . A s Gadla Takla Hawaryat clearly indicates , no t onl y di d it s pac e var y fro m regio n t o regio n (Sal lamt versu s Semien) , i t als o differe d withi n eac h region . I n ligh t o f thi s diversity it is difficult t o accept reconstructions of Beta Israel history that depict its transformation a s both rapi d and uniform . A recognitio n o f th e decentralize d characte r o f Bet a Israe l societ y during th e period i s als o o f crucia l importanc e t o th e prope r analysi s o f the dynamic s o f Bet a Israe l politica l history . I f on e take s a s a startin g point the existence o f a n ancient Jewish kingdom with its origins shroude d in the undocumented past , th e rest of Bet a Israe l histor y appear s almos t automatically t o be little more than an account of thei r decline fro m thi s mythical peak . I n fact , th e stor y i s muc h mor e complex . Accordin g t o the extan t source s th e ayhud di d no t posses s a centralize d politicall y unified society . The effective military-politica l structur e society describe d in Ethiopia n roya l chronicle s fro m th e sixteent h an d earl y seventeent h century wa s no t a n aborigina l characteristi c o f th e Bet a Israel . I t developed relatively late , probably i n response to the external threa t posed by the Christian empire. Their history i s not, accordingly, a story of contin uous and unremitting decline, bu t rather a gradual proces s of consolida tion and unification followe d b y a series of catastrophi c defeats . No les s importan t tha n th e acknowledgmen t o f th e decentralize d character o f Bet a Israe l societ y i n th e fourteent h an d fifteenth century i s a recognitio n o f it s politica l openness . Whateve r th e natur e o f ayhud religion at the outset of this period (an d our sources, unfortunately, offe r virtually n o informatio n o n thi s subject) , i t doe s no t appea r t o hav e precluded the m fro m makin g contact s an d alliance s wit h othe r groups . Indeed, whil e i t i s common , particularl y amon g popula r authors , t o depict the Beta Israel's conflicts wit h the Ethiopian Emperors as religious wars, ther e appear s t o b e littl e basi s fo r thi s interpretation. 51 Althoug h the clerica l author s o f th e roya l chronicle s ofte n attempte d t o portra y their heroes ' exploit s i n religiou s terms , th e compositio n o f th e force s aligned i n battl e raise s seriou s doubt s abou t thi s view . Eve n whe n th e soldiers wh o face d eac h othe r o n opposit e side s o f th e battlefiel d wer e from differen t religiou s communities , economi c an d politica l considera -

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tions appea r t o hav e predominated . Certainly , th e Ethiopia n king s o f this period value d politica l loyalt y fa r more than religious conformity. 52 For thei r part , th e Bet a Israe l see m t o hav e alway s bee n eage r t o joi n forces with othe r dissident elements in their battles against the Christia n empire. Th e ayhud, wh o fough t th e soldier s sen t b y Dawit, wer e le d b y the rebe l mon k Qozmos , an d th e rule r of Sallam t confronted b y Abun a Takla Hawarya t ha d bot h Jews an d Christian s amon g hi s soldiers. 53 I n the earl y sixteent h centur y th e Stephanit e mon k Gabr a Masi h wa s res cued b y on e o f th e ayhud. SA O n th e othe r sid e o f th e politica l fence , i t must als o b e recalled tha t the Empero r Yesha q wa s assiste d b y some o f the ayhud. I n medieva l Ethiopia , therefore , ther e appear s t o b e littl e question tha t th e division fo r th e Emperor/agains t th e Emperor hel d fa r more weight than the division rty/?wd/Christian. Despite thei r limitations , th e pre-sixteenth-centur y source s o n th e ayhud ar e vital t o ou r understandin g o f th e later history o f th e Falasha . Through a remarkabl e strok e o f luck , the y provid e u s wit h a crucia l glimpse int o th e regio n aroun d Lak e Tana o n th e ev e o f a major trans formation. Wer e these sources no t available, w e would hav e little choice but t o describ e Falash a cultur e an d societ y i n a n essentiall y ahistorica l manner, dating many of their characteristic features to either an indiscernible pre-histori c pas t or , a s ha s bee n common , t o th e tim e o f thei r alleged migratio n fro m Israel . Instead , b y examinin g ou r source s a s a series o f before-and-afte r pictures , w e ar e abl e t o trac e th e manne r i n which a distinctive Falasha culture came into being. Falasha: A Landless Person Perhaps th e mos t tellin g indicatio n o f th e majo r change s tha t occurre d among the ayhud o f the Lake Tana region in the fourteenth an d fifteenth century i s thei r acquisitio n o f a ne w name : Falasha . Unti l recently , scholars wer e virtuall y unanimou s i n translatin g thi s ter m a s "exiles, " and man y cite d i t a s evidenc e tha t th e Falash a wer e no t indigenou s t o Ethiopia.55 I n the past two decades , however , ne w evidenc e an d a more careful readin g of existin g sources has prompted a major reevaluation o f this term , whic h place s i t mor e clearl y i n it s prope r historica l context . Despite attempts to depict the name "falasha " as an ancient designatio n for th e Bet a Israel , ther e i s n o evidenc e fo r it s existenc e prio r t o th e fifteenth century . Indeed , severa l point s woul d appea r t o indicat e tha t

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only fro m th e sixteent h centur y onwar d wa s thi s ter m widel y use d t o designate Jewish elements i n the Ethiopian population . As w e hav e alread y noted , th e reig n o f th e Empero r Yesha q wa s a particularly significan t perio d i n the history o f th e ayhud an d appears t o have marke d th e beginnin g o f thei r dislocatio n an d los s o f landrights . Following his victory over the governor of Dambeya and Semien, Yeshaq is sai d t o hav e decreed , "H e wh o i s baptize d i n th e Christia n religio n may inheri t th e lan d o f hi s father , otherwis e le t hi m b e a Falasi" [ = a landless person , a wanderer] . T o thi s decre e a late r scrib e adde d th e comment, "Sinc e then, th e House o f Israe l [Bet a Israel ] have bee n calle d Falashoch [ = exiles]." 56 Althoug h i t is tempting to join this anonymou s scribe i n attributin g th e designatio n Falash a fo r th e Bet a Israe l t o th e time of Yeshaq , the evidence of the texts, however, points to a somewhat later date. None o f th e sources fo r the remainder of th e fifteenth century us e the term Falasha . I n the early sixteenth century , however , i t appears almos t simultaneously i n Ge'ez , Hebrew , Arabic , an d Portugues e sources . Gadla Gabra Masih, whic h wa s writte n i n th e secon d quarte r o f th e sixteenth century, an d recount s it s hero' s encounte r wit h a falasa who m i t als o calls an ayhudawi, i s apparently th e first Ge'ez sourc e t o explicitly mak e this connection. 57 A letter written i n Jerusalem i n 152 8 b y the Kabbalis t Abraham Ben Eliezer Halevi i s the first Hebrew text to use the term: And from there [Suakin] some say it is three days and some say it is five days to Falasa and the journey is very difficult. An d Falasa is a strong kingdom of Jews who are valiant.. .. an d it is situated on high mountains and peaks and no one can ascend there to make war."58 Only slightl y late r th e Ara b chronicle r o f Ahma d Gragn' s conques t o f Ethiopia noted , "Th e Semien Provinc e wa s rule d b y the Jews o f Abyssi nia wh o ar e calle d Falasha s i n thei r ow n language ; the y recogniz e on e God onl y an d nothin g els e i n th e wa y o f faith : neithe r prophe t o r saint."59 While ther e can , therefore , b e n o doub t tha t th e ter m Falash a wa s used to refer to some o f th e ayhud i n the early sixteenth century , indica tions are that it was no t yet universally recognized . The autho r of Gadla Gabra Iyasus, wh o wrot e afte r th e sixteenth-centur y Muslim conques t of Ethiopia , report s tha t th e "childre n o f th e Jews" encountere d b y hi s hero had emigrated (falasa) from Jerusalem, bu t does not connect this to

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the ethni c designatio n Falasha. 60 H e was , therefore , almos t certainl y ignorant of thi s sense of th e term. Nor doe s i t appea r t o hav e bee n applie d exclusivel y t o th e ayhud o f the Lak e Tana regio n durin g thi s period . Thi s i s clearly indicate d b y a n episode i n th e gadl o f Ezr a o f Gund a Gunde , anothe r membe r o f th e Stephanite movement . Travellin g o n pilgrimag e t o Jerusalem a group of Stephanite monk s wer e accuse d a s follows : "Ther e ar e Falash a her e hidden b y th e disciple s o f Abb a Yonas ; the y d o no t bo w t o Mar y an d the Cross of th e Unique [Son]." 61 In light of al l o f th e above references , i t is difficult t o accep t the vie w that the equation ayhud equal s falasha was firmly established in the time of Yeshaq . Mor e tha n a hundred years later the connection betwee n th e two term s existe d bu t doe s no t see m t o hav e bee n completel y estab lished. The chie f significanc e o f Yeshaq' s decre e appears , therefore , no t to li e i n it s creatio n o f a ne w ethni c identification , bu t rathe r i n th e reminder i t provide s a s t o on e o f th e primar y meaning s o f th e ter m Falasi. Fa r fro m bein g a n allusio n t o a foreig n "Israelite " origin , th e designation seem s t o b e strongl y associate d wit h th e Bet a Israel' s statu s as a landless people . As note d above , on e o f th e majo r source s o f th e Ethiopia n ruler' s power was his right to distribute fiefs (gult) to loyal subjects . The owne r of a gult (bala-gult) acquire d th e righ t to ta x th e peasants wh o live d o n the lan d i n orde r t o provid e fo r hi s ow n maintenanc e an d tha t o f hi s dependents. Throughou t th e fourteent h an d fifteenth centuries vast parcels o f lan d wer e conquere d an d place d unde r imperia l rule , providin g incomes fo r a growin g numbe r o f roya l retainer s fro m th e army , th e court, an d th e church . Yeshaq' s victor y was , fo r example , followe d b y the distributio n o f gult t o a number o f hi s allies . I n one crucia l respect , however, his treatment of his enemies appears to have departed from the usual norms . I n th e Ethiopia n lan d tenur e syste m th e bala-gult ha d n o actual right s t o th e lan d itself . Thes e remaine d th e hereditar y propert y (rist) o f th e peasant s fro m who m h e collecte d hi s taxes . I n contrast , t o the right s o f a bala-gult, whic h wer e b y definitio n dependen t o n th e quality o f hi s relationshi p wit h th e empero r o r som e othe r powerfu l figure, right s t o rist wer e generall y fa r mor e stable . R/s£-holder s onl y rarely saw thei r land alienate d an d redistributed. 62 Thi s appear s t o have been precisel y th e fat e tha t befel l a portio n o f th e ayhud. Whil e thos e who were willing to convert to Christianity were able to retain their rist,

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the other s becam e falasi. Colonist s wer e move d i n to tak e ove r th e land they vacated. 63 Although w e possess n o detaile d informatio n o n the subject, th e Beta Israel may have adopted a number of strategies in response to the decline in thei r acces s t o land . A significan t numbe r were , a t leas t superficially , converted t o Christianit y i n a n attemp t t o retai n thei r economi c posi tion.64 Other s probabl y continue d t o wor k thei r traditiona l lands , n o longer a s independen t agriculturalists , bu t a s tenan t farmer s fo r th e recently arrive d colonists. 65 Ye t a thir d grou p appea r t o hav e migrate d to regions, whic h ha d not been affected b y Yeshaq's decree or where the quality o f th e farmlan d wa s lo w enoug h t o discourag e th e immediat e arrival o f covetou s settlers . Whil e th e inhospitabl y col d mountain s o f Semien immediatel y com e t o mind , lowlan d regions , traditionall y de spised b y highlan d Ethiopians , ma y als o hav e bee n included . Althoug h probably no t th e first ayhud t o settl e i n thes e regions , thes e migrant s would hav e significantl y increase d th e loca l population , creatin g ne w economic and political demand s on its leadership. Whether as a result of tenancy , th e low productivity o f thei r lands, or the demand s o f migration-induce d populatio n pressures , th e Bet a Israe l probably bega n t o see k way s t o supplemen t thei r incom e fro m agricul ture. O n th e basi s o f th e existin g sources , bot h writte n an d oral , i t i s impossible t o determin e with an y certainty precisely whe n the y began t o engage commerciall y i n handicraft s suc h a s pottery , weaving , building , and, mos t important , smithing . A s wit h s o man y o f th e change s i n thi s period, th e process wa s probabl y gradua l an d uneven, takin g place ove r generations or even centuries. Nevertheless , ther e would seem to be little question tha t th e majo r catalys t fo r thi s economi c transformatio n wa s their loss of nsf-rights , whic h bega n in the time of Yeshaq. 66 The fifteenth centur y appears , therefore , t o hav e marke d th e begin ning o f a series o f change s tha t transforme d th e ayhud o n man y levels . Singled ou t an d deprive d o f thei r rist, the y responde d b y bot h concen trating themselve s i n periphera l area s an d assumin g a special economi c identity eithe r a s landless tenant s o r craftsmen. Whicheve r strateg y the y pursued, they adde d new dept h t o their previously vagu e group identity , and bega n t o distinguis h themselve s fro m th e various othe r group s des ignated a s ayhud. Ho w fa r this process o f redefinitio n woul d hav e gon e simply a s a consequence o f geographica l an d economic force s i s difficul t to determine . The questio n is , i n an y event , completel y hypothetica l fo r

FROM Ayhud T O FALASH A 69

almost immediately a major religious-ideological componen t came to the fore. Falasyan: A Monk Until recentl y th e existenc e o f monasticis m amon g th e Bet a Israe l wa s just one o f th e man y enigmati c element s i n their histor y an d culture. I n recent years , however , researc h b y a numbe r o f scholar s workin g wit h oral tradition s gathere d fro m Bet a Israe l informant s ha s enable d u s t o better understan d thi s phenomeno n an d plac e i t firmly i n it s correc t historical context. 67 Thei r researc h ha s enable d u s t o se e tha t i n th e religious sphere no less than in the political-economic real m the first half of th e fifteenth century marke d th e beginning of a series of majo r trans formations o f th e Beta Israel. According t o Bet a Israe l tradition , th e majo r catalyst fo r thes e change s was th e arrival i n their midst of a charismatic holy ma n known a s Abba Sabra. Although generally believed to have been a Christian, Abba Sabra is sai d t o hav e clashe d wit h th e reignin g monarc h an d t o hav e sough t refuge i n the isolated region s inhabite d b y the Beta Israel. 68 Rathe r than converting th e Bet a Israe l t o Christianity , h e eventuall y joine d them , bringing with him the Christian institutio n o f monasticism . Aide d by his students an d disciples, mos t notabl y Sagg a Amlak (wh o supposedl y wa s a son o f th e Emperor Zar'a Ya'eqob) , h e irreversibly altered the basis of Beta Israel religious life. I n fact, almost every major feature of Beta Israel religion a s know n toda y i s attribute d t o th e monasti c heroe s o f thi s period.69 While there is obviously a strong hagiographic element in these traditions, the essential story of a renegade monk joinin g forces with the Beta Israel i n th e fifteenth centur y an d influencin g thei r religiou s practic e i s eminently plausible . Indeed , i n ligh t o f wha t w e kno w o f thi s perio d from other sources, the Beta Israel traditions offer a remarkably accurat e picture o f th e religiou s milie u and , i n particular, th e crucia l rol e playe d by monasticism. Ethiopian monasticism traces its origins to the end of th e fifth century and th e arriva l o f tw o group s of monk s fro m Syria . The impac t of thei r activities o n th e understaffe d an d underresource d churc h o f th e perio d can scarcel y b e overestimated. 70 Ye t despit e th e crucia l rol e playe d b y these foreig n missionaries , teachers , an d translators, i t was no t unti l th e

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end o f th e thirteent h centur y tha t th e monasti c ideal s an d institution s they represented becam e the dominant forc e i n Ethiopian Christianity . During the earl y Solomoni c perio d (1270-1 5 2.7), four majo r monas tic movements arose. Eac h represente d a n attempt by regional group s t o oppose th e encroachmen t o f th e Solomoni c king s o n traditiona l right s and privileges . A s th e king s expande d thei r domai n an d reduce d loca l autonomy, member s o f loca l nobl e familie s abandone d th e politica l arena an d too k u p th e monasti c life . Althoug h Ethiopia' s monasterie s had probabl y serve d a s refuge s o r prison s fo r politica l failure s an d malcontents prio r to this period, th e changing political condition s o f th e time dramatically increase d the numbers of those assumin g the monasti c garb. Althoug h th e differen t monasti c movement s differe d significantl y in th e tim e an d local e o f thei r development , an d eac h ha d it s ow n distinctive ritua l practic e an d theologica l tenants , al l fou r wer e charac terized b y a n initia l perio d o f anti-monarchica l activit y durin g whic h their members defied an d denied the authority of th e Solomonic kings . It wa s Shaw a provinc e tha t first cam e unde r Solomoni c dominatio n and i t wa s her e to o tha t w e witnes s th e earlies t developmen t o f a ne w militant monasti c movement . The rebe l cleric s of Shawa , an d to a lesser extent Amhara , refuse d roya l gifts , denounce d roya l polygamy , an d denied roya l jurisdictio n ove r thei r monasteries . Th e secon d o f th e mo nastic movements , tha t name d fo r th e fourteenth-centur y hol y ma n Ewostatewos, flourishe d i n the northern provinc e o f Tigre . Th e Ewosta tian movemen t champione d traditiona l Ethiopia n religiou s practice s suc h as th e Saturda y Sabbat h i n oppositio n t o th e dictate s o f th e Solomoni c kings an d th e Egyptia n bishops . A t th e heigh t o f thei r conflic t wit h th e official leader s o f th e Church , th e Ewostatian s di d no t eve n recogniz e the right of the Abuna t o consecrate clergy. In the middle of the fifteenth century, jus t a s th e Ewostatian s wer e bein g reconcile d t o th e centra l Church, ther e aros e onc e again , i n norther n Ethiopia , th e Stephanit e movement. Member s o f thi s thir d movement , founde d b y Abb a Esti fanos, wer e distinguishe d b y thei r refusa l t o bo w befor e Mar y o r th e cross. Sinc e bot h thes e cult s wer e strongl y supporte d b y th e court , th e Stephanites' heteroprax y wa s t o a considerabl e exten t symptomati c o f their opposition t o royal dominatio n o f the church, especially durin g the reign of the powerful empero r Zar'a Ya'eqob. 71 The ris e o f monasticis m amon g th e Bet a Israe l wa s i n man y way s a similar phenomenon t o it s flowering in Shawa and Tigre. While it is true

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1

that th e Bet a Israe l differe d fro m th e Christia n group s insofa r a s the y probably lacke d an y monasti c traditio n prio r t o th e fifteenth century , this differenc e doe s no t appea r t o b e crucial. 72 Although Tigr e provinc e had a lon g traditio n o f monasticis m prio r t o th e fourteent h century , i n Shawa th e institutio n wa s unknow n befor e th e middl e o f th e thirteent h century. Mor e important , amon g th e Bet a Israe l a s i n th e othe r thre e cases, the development o f monasticis m seem s to be intimately connecte d to th e encroachmen t o f th e Solomoni c kingdom . A s Quiri n ha s noted , "the institution o f monasticis m wa s developed a s a means of revitalizin g the mora l an d ideologica l basi s o f thei r societ y afte r thei r defea t b y Yeshaq."73 B y adopting an d adapting the Christian practice of monasti cism, th e Bet a Israe l wer e able , i n a manne r simila r t o thei r Christia n counterparts, t o articulat e element s o f a distinctiv e regionall y base d religious identit y an d expres s thei r opposition t o th e centra l institution s of the Christian empire . In addition t o th e obvious structura l resemblance s betwee n Christia n and Bet a Israe l monasticism , ther e i s ampl e evidenc e i n suppor t o f a historical lin k simila r to tha t suggeste d b y Beta Israe l oral traditions . A s we hav e alread y seen , rebe l cleric s suc h a s Gabr a Iyasu s (Ewostatian) , Gabra Masi h (Stephanite) , an d Qozmo s al l ha d contac t wit h and/o r cooperated wit h th e ayhud. I n a tex t fro m th e Miracles of Mary, a Christian mon k i s said to hav e joined a community o f Jews living in the mountains durin g th e reig n o f Zar' a Ya'eqob. 74 The clai m tha t Abb a Sabra joine d th e Bet a Israe l i n the aftermat h o f hi s difficultie s wit h thi s Emperor is , therefore , eminentl y plausible . He , lik e others , ma y hav e sought a purer , mor e traditiona l for m o f religio n tha n tha t offere d b y the zealou s reformin g emperor . Eve n th e assertio n tha t on e o f Zar' a Ya'eqob's sons was amon g his disciples cannot b e rejected totally ou t of hand i n ligh t o f tha t ruler' s politica l difficultie s with som e o f hi s chil dren.75 In on e majo r respect , however , th e ris e o f monasticis m amon g th e Beta Israe l woul d appea r t o hav e differe d fro m th e developmen t o f similar movements elsewher e i n Ethiopia. Crucia l t o the development o f each o f th e Christia n movement s wa s th e displacemen t o f loca l noble s and thei r subsequen t recruitmen t int o th e rank s o f th e monasti c leader ship. In both Shawa and Tigre the emergence of the monastic movement s coincided wit h th e en d o f serious politica l oppositio n t o imperia l rul e and a shar p curtailmen t o f loca l autonomy. 76 I t ha s i n th e pas t bee n

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common to offer a similar interpretation o f th e factors behind the rise of Beta Israe l monasticism . Quirin , fo r example , ha s stated tha t Beta Israel monasticism "provide d a ne w practica l leadershi p afte r th e demis e o f the secula r leaders." 77 However , a carefu l readin g o f th e source s raise s serious question s concernin g thi s interpretation . Ther e is , a s w e hav e seen, littl e evidenc e tha t th e ayhud possesse d a centralize d politica l structure prio r t o th e sixteent h century . Alread y b y th e time o f Yeshaq , moreover, the rule r of Dambey a an d Semien i s said to have been a royal appointee. Indeed , th e Falash a ruler s o f th e sixteent h an d seventeent h century appea r t o hav e bee n fa r stronger an d t o hav e enjoye d a greater deal o f autonom y tha n thei r predecessors . Accordingly , fa r fro m bein g the substitut e fo r a faile d an d wanin g politica l elite , th e Bet a Israe l monks appea r t o hav e precede d th e emergenc e o f a clearl y define d an d well-organized secula r leadership. I n a society face d wit h military , polit ical, an d economi c challenge s o n a n unprecedente d scale , the y provide d the religious ideological basi s around which to organize . According t o Bet a Israe l tradition , virtuall y ever y majo r elemen t o f their religious syste m originate d a s part of th e "monastic revolution " of the fifteenth century. O f course , allowance s mus t b e made here , a s with most ora l traditions , fo r a certai n degre e o f telescoping . Th e religiou s changes i n questio n almos t certainl y too k shap e over a n extende d pe riod, rathe r tha n i n a singl e brie f episode. 78 Thi s cautio n shoul d not , however, lea d u s t o minimiz e th e significanc e o f thi s perio d fo r th e cultural developmen t o f th e Bet a Israel . Althoug h i t i s tempting t o vie w the contribution of the monks as an essentially conservative one, preserving o r revivin g a n ancien t tradition , thi s woul d appea r t o drasticall y underestimate thei r rol e i n th e emergenc e o f th e Falasha . Althoug h th e Beta Israe l hav e frequentl y bee n depicted a s heir s t o a particularl y ar chaic for m o f Judaism , thei r religiou s syste m develope d i n Ethiopi a independent of direct contact with earlier Jewish groups. Far from acting primarily a s guardians o f th e status quo , th e monks wer e major innova tors, graduall y definin g an d articulatin g a religiou s syste m wit h muc h greater dept h tha n tha t o f th e earlie r ayhud. 79 Moreover , thi s religiou s system provide d th e ideologica l foundatio n fo r th e organizatio n o f a society tha t differe d significantl y fro m it s predecessors . T o a consider able extent the Beta Israel monk s can be said to have created a society in their ow n image—on e i n whic h religiou s identity , physica l isolation , and concept s o f purit y playe d a centra l role . Accordingly , th e monk s

FROM Ayhud T O FALASH A 7

3

must b e credite d wit h bein g th e crucia l catalyst s i n th e "invention " o f the Falasha , an d i t ma y wel l b e mor e tha n a coincidenc e tha t on e meaning of the term falasyan i s monk. 80 Falasha Literature Thus fa r i n our consideratio n o f th e change s tha t took plac e amon g th e Judaized populatio n o f Ethiopi a i n the fourteent h an d fifteenth century, we hav e considere d primaril y th e evidenc e o f th e Christia n Ethiopi c sources an d th e Bet a Israel' s ora l traditions . Furthe r support fo r th e thesis argued abov e i s found i n a third, somewhat surprisin g source, th e literature o f th e Bet a Israel . Althoug h religiou s rathe r tha n historica l i n character, thes e text s whe n properl y analyze d offe r a number of impor tant hint s a s t o th e cultura l histor y o f th e Bet a Israel , and , a s w e shal l demonstrate, offe r rathe r strikin g confirmatio n fo r th e testimonie s pro vided by the two previously examined types of sources . No aspec t of Bet a Israel culture has been the subject of a s continuou s a recor d o f first-rate scholarship a s the community's religiou s literature . As th e resul t o f th e effort s o f scholar s suc h a s Josep h Halevy , Carl o Conti Rossini , A . Z . Aescoly , Wol f Leslau , Stefa n Strelcyn , Mordecha i (Max) Wurmbrand , an d Edwar d Ullendorf f i t i s possibl e t o provid e surprisingly detailed descriptions of man y Beta Israel compositions. 81 T o be sure , muc h wor k stil l remain s t o b e accomplishe d i n thi s field. I t i s possible, nevertheless , t o sugges t a numbe r o f characteristic s generall y typical o f Bet a Israe l literatur e an d o f considerabl e relevanc e fo r th e reconstruction of their history. Almost withou t exceptio n th e literatur e o f th e Bet a Israe l neithe r originated withi n thei r communit y no r reache d the m directl y throug h Jewish channels . Rather , th e majorit y o f Ethiopia n "Jewish " texts reache d the Bet a Israe l throug h th e mediatio n o f Ethiopia n Christia n sources . Perhaps the most striking example of this phenomenon is the best known of al l Bet a Israe l texts , Te'ezaza Sanbat (Th e commandment s o f th e Sabbath), lon g considered th e mos t origina l o f Bet a Israel compositions . Te'ezaza Sanbat i s in fact a composite work that draws from a variety of sources. The first section o f th e publishe d edition s o f thi s wor k (whic h does no t appea r i n al l manuscripts ) i s dependen t o n a n Arabi c (Chris tian?) source. 82 Th e nex t sectio n i s a skillfull y edite d an d censore d version o f a Christian homil y o n th e Sabbath {Dersana Sanbat). 83 Afte r

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a shor t interlud e thi s i s followe d b y a lis t o f law s an d commandment s for th e Sabbat h tha t draws heavil y o n th e boo k o f Jubilees, particularl y Chapter 50 . A similar interweavin g o f source s continue s throughou t th e book. 84 Accordin g t o Bet a Israe l tradition , Te'ezaza Sanbat i s on e o f a number o f text s an d othe r innovation s tha t ca n b e attribute d t o th e fifteenth-century monasti c leader , Abb a Sabra . Eve n i f w e withhol d judgment o n hi s persona l rol e i n th e work' s composition , ther e seem s little question that Te'ezaza Sanbat wa s created from a variety of source s by someone familia r with Ethiopia n Christia n literature . I n this, i t is not substantially differen t fro m mos t other Beta Israel compositions . With on e o r tw o exceptions , th e Bet a Israe l appea r t o hav e chose n works whose Christia n version s alread y displayed a clear biblical Jewish tone.85 Th e death s o f majo r biblica l figures, th e celebratio n o f th e Sab bath, an d th e fat e o f th e sou l afte r deat h ar e al l theme s devoi d o f an y exclusively Christia n content. Thus the Christian versions could be adapted for Bet a Israe l us e withou t th e necessit y o f majo r rewriting . Indee d i n most cases only the most minimal and obvious changes were introduced : the "Sabbath " becam e th e "Jewis h o r First Sabbath," Egzi'abher (God ) was substitute d fo r Jesus , th e sig n o f th e cros s becam e simpl y a sign . Only i n rar e instance s wer e mor e substantia l attempt s mad e t o rewrit e or edi t th e sources . I n thi s contex t i t i s wort h rememberin g tha t th e previously discusse d Hebraic-biblical characte r of Ethiopia n Christianit y must have greatly assiste d th e Bet a Israe l i n their searc h fo r appropriat e works t o adapt . I t should , moreover , b e note d tha t th e reig n o f th e Emperor Zar' a Ya'eqob , whic h i s remembere d b y the Bet a Israe l a s th e period of Abb a Sabr a and Sagga Amlak , wa s a time of bot h remarkabl e literary productio n an d o f stron g Jewish influence s withi n the Ethiopia n Orthodox Church. 86 I n short , i t wa s a perio d extremel y wel l suite d t o the kind of adoptio n an d adaptation of literary works undertake n b y the Beta Israel. The powerfu l impac t o f Ethiopia n Christia n literatur e o n tha t o f th e Beta Israe l nee d no t hav e bee n accompanie d b y a major influ x o f Chris tians o r eve n a considerabl e numbe r o f texts . Th e presenc e o f severa l "units" i n th e Bet a Israe l corpu s suggest s tha t th e tota l numbe r o f manuscripts tha t reache d th e Bet a Israe l wa s probabl y no t large . Fou r works, th e gadlat (Testaments ) o f Abraham , Isaac , an d Jacob , an d th e Homily o f Abraha m an d Sara h i n Egypt , appea r t o hav e com e t o th e Beta Israel as a single group. No t onl y do they appear together in almost

FROM Ayhud T O FALASH A 7

5

all th e Bet a Israe l version s discovere d t o date , bu t a fourteenth - o r fifteenth-century Christia n manuscrip t preserve s th e sam e arrange ment.87 Th e Bet a Israe l text s ma y wel l hav e bee n copie d fro m jus t suc h a manuscript . Thre e Bet a Israe l texts , (Te'ezaza Sanbat, Mashafa Mala'ekt, an d Mota Avon) incorporat e materia l fro m homilie s b y Jacob o f Sarug, an d her e agai n a singl e manuscrip t ma y wel l hav e bee n th e source.88 Perhaps eve n mor e significant , a t leas t seve n o f th e approximatel y twenty Bet a Israe l text s wer e translate d fro m Arabi c sources. 89 Sinc e translation fro m Arabi c to Ge'e z di d no t begi n i n earnest unti l th e early fourteenth century , non e o f thes e work s ca n predat e thi s period. 90 In deed, several author s have suggested that most of these texts came to the Beta Israe l i n th e fourteent h o r fifteenth century , a vie w tha t accord s well wit h muc h o f th e othe r materia l presente d above. 91 I n fact , thi s period is probably bes t viewed as the terminus post quern for these texts. One of them , Nagara Muse, date s to the eighteenth century! 92 On th e basi s o f ou r presen t stat e o f knowledge , i t appear s tha t Bet a Israel literatur e offers stron g support fo r the view that the early fifteenth century wa s a crucia l perio d i n th e emergenc e o f a distinctiv e Falash a culture. Despit e it s overwhelmingly biblical/Jewis h character , thi s literature offer s n o evidenc e i n favo r o f th e vie w tha t thei r religio n i s a n ancient for m o f Judaism . Archai c element s an d ancien t form s i n Bet a Israel text s ca n almos t alway s b e show n t o hav e reache d the m throug h the Ethiopia n Orthodo x Church . Man y o f these , moreover , coul d no t have entere d Bet a Israe l cultur e prio r t o th e fourteent h century . Tha t some o f thes e text s entere d considerabl y late r serve s a s a n importan t caution agains t viewin g th e processe s o f adoptio n an d adaptatio n a s having taken place with tremendous rapidity in a few short years or even decades. Give n the ritual-cultic importance of book s such as the Arde'et, Mota Muse, an d Gadla Abraham, whic h ar e read respectively a t purifi cation ceremonies , funerals , an d o n Ne w Year's , thes e findings hav e a significance beyon d th e real m o f literatur e pe r se. Funerals , purificatio n rituals afte r childbirth , an d holida y observance s tha t incorporat e suc h texts coul d onl y hav e assume d their present form afte r th e composition , translation, an d transmissio n o f thes e works t o th e Beta Israel . What (i f any) for m suc h ritual s ha d prio r t o th e introductio n o f thes e text s remains ultimatel y unknowable ; th e relativel y lat e dat e o f thei r curren t structure appear s certain. The association , moreover , of crucia l rites des

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passage an d annua l observance s wit h th e heroe s o f Biblica l Israe l mus t have contributed significantl y t o the Beta Israel' s sense of legitimac y an d peoplehood. One final point connecte d t o th e subject of Bet a Israe l literatur e mus t be considere d befor e w e summariz e th e findings o f thi s length y an d wide-ranging chapter . The possibilit y canno t b e exclude d tha t i n th e course of thei r transformation fro m a n ill-defined grou p of ayhud t o th e far mor e clearl y delineate d Falasha , th e Bet a Israe l acquire d no t onl y literature, but literacy. Ou r sources offer onl y the briefest of hint s in this respect, but they are nevertheless worth som e attention . For a variety o f reason s i t i s difficul t t o credi t th e ide a tha t th e Bet a Israel wer e fro m antiquit y a literate culture . Scholar s ar e virtually unan imous in the view that the Beta Israel were never familiar with Hebrew. 93 The variou s Aga w language s the y spok e an d use d i n som e o f thei r prayers di d no t exis t i n a writte n for m independen t o f thei r us e o f Ethiopic script. 94 Moreover , give n th e limit s o f literac y i n traditiona l Ethiopia (eve n many Christian priests were illiterate), it is hard to believe that th e isolate d ayhud o f th e Lak e Tan a regio n wer e literat e fro m a n early date. Indeed , th e failur e o f scholar s t o rais e the issue of whe n the y became literat e woul d appea r t o b e yet anothe r exampl e o f th e manne r in whic h Bet a Israe l cultur e ha s bee n treate d i n a static an d ahistorica l fashion wit h man y o f th e element s tha t ca n b e documente d onl y fro m the fifteenth centur y onwar d treate d a s i f the y mus t hav e existe d fro m antiquity. As noted above, the fourteenth-century rebe l monk Qozmo s is said t o hav e writte n th e Orit fo r them . Perhap s onl y throug h hi s inter vention di d th e ayhud gai n possessio n o f writte n scripture . Give n wha t we have learned about their religious, economic, an d social developmen t from th e fourteent h centur y onward , i t certainl y appear s plausibl e tha t only in this period did they become a literate culture. As a number of recen t studies have shown, th e acquisition o f literacy , even o n a limited scale , ma y have far-reachin g consequence s fo r a traditional society. 95 Religiou s belief s becom e mor e clearl y articulate d an d more open t o reflectio n an d critique . Grou p social identit y ca n b e better defined an d border s betwee n group s mor e explicitl y delineated . A clas s of religiou s specialist s ofte n emerg e wh o functio n a s custodian s an d interpreters o f th e writte n sacre d texts . Indeed , man y o f th e processe s that transforme d th e ayhud int o th e Falasha ar e precisely thos e tha t are commonly associate d wit h th e impac t of literacy . Thus, whil e n o defini -

FROM Ayhud T O FALASH A yj

tive proo f ca n b e offere d i n favo r o f th e clai m tha t th e Bet a Israe l acquired no t onl y literatur e bu t literac y fro m th e fourteent h centur y onward, th e suggestio n i s a n attractiv e on e an d i s in genera l agreemen t with the available data. Summary and Conclusions As i s abundantl y clea r fro m th e precedin g discussion , th e fourteent h through sixteent h centurie s wer e a crucia l perio d i n th e histor y o f th e Beta Israel. Prior to this time we are able to offer onl y th e most specula tive reconstructions concernin g th e histor y o f Judaized group s i n Ethio pia. From the fourteenth centur y onward, however, Ge'ez chronicles and hagiographies begi n t o presen t scattere d report s concernin g group s o f ayhud i n th e region s aroun d Lak e Tana. Eve n these seemingl y straight forward report s present the historian with a number of interestin g problems. Whil e it is tempting, fo r example, t o view the ayhud o f thi s period as the descendants o f earlie r Judaized group s fro m th e Aksumite perio d and later , th e historica l realit y i s probably mor e complex . The presenc e of Judaize d element s aroun d Lak e Tan a i n th e perio d o f th e so-calle d Solomonic dynast y wa s probabl y th e resul t o f influence s o n th e regio n from group s bot h withi n an d outsid e th e Ethiopia n Orthodo x Church . A further difficult y foun d i n the interpretation o f thes e reference s t o th e ayhud result s becaus e thi s term , fa r fro m referrin g t o a singl e clearl y defined group , wa s primaril y a pejorativ e term s use d b y author s t o denigrate thei r enemies . Onl y a smal l portio n o f thos e identifie d i n th e sources ayhud appea r to have a direct historical connection to the people later identifie d a s th e Falasha. Eve n thos e ayhud wh o o n th e basi s o f beliefs an d geograph y ca n b e identifie d a s constitutin g "proto-Falasha " population wer e no t politicall y unite d o r sociall y isolate d fro m thei r non-Jewish neighbors . A variet y o f factor s appea r t o hav e combine d t o brin g abou t th e transformation o f thes e vaguel y define d ayhud o f th e fourteent h an d fifteenth centur y int o th e falasha o f late r periods . First , th e gradua l disenfranchisement o f group s o f ayhud, wh o los t the righ t to ow n (rist) land, had several importan t consequences. Thos e who did not convert to Christianity wer e force d t o either become tenan t farmer s or concentrat e themselves i n peripheral area s where the agricultura l qualit y o f th e land was low. I n both cases, a need developed to supplement their diminished

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income from farmin g with crafts such as pottery, weaving, and smithing. Their previous inchoat e grou p identit y bega n t o tak e o n ne w socia l an d economic overtones . A t abou t th e sam e tim e w e witnes s th e emergenc e of a ne w for m o f religiou s leadershi p a s monk s (falasyan) becom e th e primary carrier s an d interpreter s o f a far riche r and mor e clearl y articu lated religious identity than had previously existed. These monks, severa l of who m wer e originally Christian , ar e credited with introducin g almos t every majo r elemen t o f th e Bet a Israe l religiou s system . Unde r thei r leadership biblical-Hebrai c element s foun d i n Ethiopia n Christianit y wer e adopted an d adapted t o develop a distinctive Jewish group identity. This process, whic h i s clearl y atteste d t o i n th e Bet a Israel' s ow n traditons , can als o b e ampl y documente d throug h th e stud y o f thei r religiou s literature. Thus , a combinatio n o f social , political , economic , an d reli gious factor s fro m th e fourteent h t o sixteent h centur y helpe d transfor m a numbe r o f vaguel y define d an d politicall y disparat e group s o f ayhud into a fa r mor e centralize d an d distinctiv e grou p know n a s th e Falasha. In th e nex t chapter , w e shal l analyz e th e consequence s o f thi s ne w cohesiveness an d examin e th e perio d o f thei r mos t importan t conflict s with the Christian Ethiopia n emperors .

4 Resistance and

Defeat:

1468—1632

During th e perio d fro m 146 8 t o 163 2 th e Bet a Israe l displaye d thei r most sophisticated political-militar y organization , wer e involved i n som e of thei r mos t dramati c conflict s wit h th e Ethiopia n emperors , an d suf fered som e o f thei r mos t seriou s defeats . Althoug h mos t aspect s o f thei r cultural, economic , an d socia l developmen t remai n obscure , thei r rol e i n the war s an d successio n struggle s tha t characterize d thi s er a ar e un usually wel l documented . Onc e agai n w e ar e able t o clearly demonstrat e that th e event s shapin g th e Bet a Israe l ca n onl y b e properly evaluate d i n the general contex t o f thei r times . The Falash a describe d i n th e roya l chronicle s o f th e sixteent h an d seventeenth centur y diffe r significantl y fro m th e ayhud describe d i n th e previous chapter . Th e are a unde r thei r contro l ha d shrun k significantly . If i n th e pas t Semien , Sallamt , Dambeya , Sagade , Waldebba , Walqayit , and Wagar a al l ha d sizeabl e Bet a Israe l populations , b y th e middl e o f the sixteent h centur y onl y Semie n an d t o a lesse r exten t Dambey a an d Wagara stil l harbore d a n organize d Jewis h presence. 1 Scattere d Bet a Israel live d elsewhere , bu t the y probabl y di d no t hav e an y forma l orga nization beyon d th e villag e level . On e featur e associate d wit h th e con striction o f th e are a densel y settle d b y th e Bet a Israe l wa s a ris e i n th e degree o f politica l organization . Fro m th e middl e o f th e sixteent h cen tury unti l th e los s o f politica l autonom y ca . 1625 , th e Bet a Israe l o f 79

8o RESISTANC

E AN D DEFEA T

Semien wer e rule d b y member s o f a single family , on e o f who m serve d as paramoun t rule r an d militar y leader . Despit e th e appearanc e o f a relatively high degree of politica l centralization , som e caution shoul d b e exercised befor e w e refe r t o eve n thi s for m o f governmen t a s a "king dom." First , a s ou r source s mak e abundantl y clear , durin g al l o f th e period i n questio n th e resident s o f Semie n wer e i n a tributar y relation ship t o th e Christia n Ethiopia n emperor . Whil e o n occasio n thei r ruler s tried t o withhol d thi s tribute , thes e act s o f defianc e represen t typica l examples o f th e manne r i n whic h regionall y base d vassal s sough t t o exploit th e weaknes s o f individua l emperor s an d no t seriou s assertion s of absolut e independence. 2 S o to o th e prominen t rol e o f Gedewon , governor o f Semien , i n support o f a serie s o f challenger s t o th e rul e o f the Emperor Susenyos (1607-32 ) appear s to b e not a n indication o f th e Beta Israel's continued independenc e bu t rather a sign that they had been reduced t o attemptin g t o achiev e th e mos t favorabl e term s possibl e within th e framewor k o f th e Christia n empire . B y the sixteent h centur y the issu e o f Bet a Israe l independenc e ha d largel y bee n decide d i n th e negative. Th e Bet a Israe l o f Dambey a see m t o hav e bee n almos t com pletely subdued , an d althoug h occasiona l victorie s wer e achieve d i n Semien, onl y th e cowardly an d incompetent Mina s (1559-63 ) wa s trul y stymied i n hi s attemp t t o defea t th e Bet a Israel . Finally , i t shoul d b e noted tha t th e Bet a Israel' s relativel y lon g perio d o f resistanc e i n th e Semien wa s muc h mor e th e produc t o f th e region' s hars h physica l con ditions than of eithe r sophisticated militar y technique s o r large number s of troops. 3 Symptons of Imperial Decline: 1468—1527 Even th e difficul t condition s o f th e Semie n regio n woul d probabl y no t have delaye d th e incorporatio n o f th e Bet a Israe l ha d al l Ethiopia n emperors pursue d th e aggressiv e policie s o f governmen t centralizatio n and religiou s nationalis m displaye d b y Zar' a Ya'eqob. 4 I n fact , hi s rul e emerges a s somethin g o f a n exception , an d i n mos t o f thi s perio d th e Ethiopian emperor s mad e littl e effort t o penetrat e th e periphery o f thei r empire an d radicall y reorganiz e th e principle s tha t guide d it s societies . Thus, immediatel y upo n assuming th e throne , hi s son, Ba'ed a Maryam , reversed hi s father' s administrativ e reforms. 5 Althoug h h e attempte d t o continue Zar' a Ya'eqob' s policie s i n the religious spher e an d achieve d a

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l

victory ove r the Beta Israe l tha t had eluded hi s father, i n general h e was not a s successful a ruler. The nex t fifty years, moreover , witnesse d a far more seriou s deterioratio n o f imperia l control . Whe n Ba'ed a Marya m died in 1478 , hi s son and successor Eskender was only six years old. The first eigh t years of his reign were most notable for the struggles that took place betwee n th e variou s regent s wh o sough t t o exercis e powe r i n th e name o f th e infan t king. 6 Althoug h th e nex t eigh t year s sa w somewha t more stability , Eskender' s sudde n deat h i n 149 4 a t th e ag e o f twenty two onc e agai n plunge d th e kingdo m int o turmoil . Eskender' s son , Amda Seyo n II , wa s a t mos t seve n whe n h e cam e t o powe r an d die d within hal f a year. The nex t claimen t t o th e throne , Eskender' s brothe r Na'od, wa s crowne d a t ag e twent y i n 1494 , bu t onl y bega n t o rul e effectively abou t a year later , afte r h e ha d subdue d a numbe r o f rival s and rebels . Na'od' s reign , whic h laste d unti l hi s deat h i n 150 8 wa s on e of th e longest of the period. Not surprisingly , th e successio n struggle s an d interna l battle s tha t characterized th e last quarter of the fifteenth century produced a marked weakening o f imperia l contro l ove r frontie r areas . Thus , Ba'ed a Mar yam's previousl y mentione d victor y over th e Bet a Israe l wa s n o mor e successful a t resolvin g th e issu e o f thei r statu s i n th e empir e tha n thos e of hi s predecessor . B y 148 4 th e Bet a Israe l wer e onc e agai n i n conflic t with th e Christia n Empero r (Eskender) , wh o too k a t least fou r year s t o subdue them. 7 A recentl y publishe d passag e fro m th e Life o f Abun a Habta Maryam , indicate s tha t Na'od' s troop s ma y hav e als o clashe d with the Beta Israel . I n it we read that God "mad e Na'od kin g when th e Jews wh o den y [Christ's ] birt h [becam e powerfu l i n Ethiopia] , thes e who, sinc e ancien t times , live d leadin g me n an d wome n astray." 8 Thi s episode ma y perhap s b e th e sam e a s tha t referre d t o b y th e sixteenth century Jerusale m kabbalis t Abraha m Halevi . Accordin g t o a lette r h e wrote i n 1517 , on e o f severa l report s he authored o n th e Jews of Ethio pia, a succession struggl e erupted in 150 4 betwee n the sons of a recently deceased Bet a Israe l ruler . Eventuall y on e so n aske d th e Ethiopia n em peror to come to his assistance. And in the year which the men of the sinful kingdom , the kingdom of Portugal rose agains t th e Marrano s i n tha t ver y yea r an d tha t tim e ther e aros e a war between the Habeshites and the Israelites. And because the star of Jacob sank, and fell and was dark and blacked out at that time, the hand of Samael [a n evil angel] triumphed over the Jews and the Habeshites defeated them. And the hand

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of th e Habeshite s wa s severe , sever e an d har d o n th e Jews wh o wer e i n thi s kingdom unti l the y eliminate d thei r nam e fro m th e kingdom . An d thos e wh o remained fle d t o th e mountain s an d ther e the y strengthene d themselve s an d defended themselves. 9 Indeed, perhap s th e cleares t testimon y t o th e continue d struggle s between th e Bet a Israe l an d th e Christia n emperor s o f thi s perio d i s th e regular mentio n i n Hebre w source s o f Ethiopia n Jews brough t a s slave s to th e market s o f th e Middle East . Th e appearanc e o f thes e "J e w s fro m the land o f Preste r John" marks their first serious encounter with Worl d Jewry an d i s noteworth y i n a numbe r o f respects . Thes e source s estab lished th e basi s fo r late r rabbinica l opinion s affirmin g th e Bet a Israel' s status a s Jews. 10 Moreover , thei r interes t i n describin g th e heroism , military prowess , an d politica l autonom y o f th e Bet a Israe l make s the m (their tendenc y t o exaggerat e notwithstanding ) a usefu l supplemen t t o existing Ethiopian source s of th e wars of this period. 11 Despite th e emphasi s o f thes e Jewish sources , fo r mos t o f th e perio d from th e mid-1400 s unti l the y achieve d victor y with th e hel p o f th e Portuguese i n 1543 , th e Christia n emperor s o f Ethiopi a wer e preoccu pied no t wit h th e Bet a Israe l bu t wit h a majo r Musli m threa t t o thei r control o f th e Ethiopia n highlands . Bot h Ba'ed a Marya m an d Eskende r suffered seriou s militar y reverses in their campaigns against the Muslims of th e southeaster n regio n o f Ada l an d probabl y ha d onl y limite d re sources t o devot e t o th e Bet a Israel. 12 I n fact , Eskende r an d Na'o d los t their live s i n battle s agains t th e Muslim s o f Ada l an d Ifa t respectively , and i n th e earl y sixteent h centur y a n eve n mor e seriou s challeng e face d their successors . Na'od's deat h i n 150 8 le d t o ye t anothe r mino r assumin g th e thron e as his son, Lebna Dengel, age twelve, came to power. Rathe r predictably, the successio n o f a serie s o f youn g an d inexperience d prince s ha d re sulted no t onl y i n a weakenin g o f th e country' s frontie r defences , bu t also in a general declin e o f roya l powe r a t court. I n many respect s roya l courtiers appea r to have welcomed th e ascension of mino r candidates as an opportunit y t o retai n powe r i n thei r ow n hand s fo r a s lon g a s possible.13 B y fa r th e mos t formidabl e cour t figur e o f th e lat e fifteent h and earl y sixteent h centur y wa s Quee n Helena , a wido w o f Ba'ed a Maryam. Wit h mino r interruption s sh e exercise d he r influenc e over political struggle s an d foreig n affair s fo r almos t hal f a century. 14 Wit h the ascension of Lebna Dengel, she once again served as regent, and with

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 8 3 characteristic perspicacit y sough t t o tak e advantag e o f th e Portugues e offer o f a n anti-Muslim alliance. 15 Unfortunately , b y the time the Portuguese wer e finally abl e t o respon d t o thi s reques t th e politica l situatio n was dramatically altered . No t onl y had Lebna Dengel ende d the regency and assume d power , bu t hi s devastating victor y i n 151 6 over th e Mus lims o f Ada l a s wel l a s othe r successe s ha d lef t hi m brimmin g wit h confidence. Fo r th e first time i n half a century th e empero r appeare d t o be o n th e verg e o f assertin g hi s authorit y over hi s rival s bot h a t cour t and i n th e provinces. 16 B y th e tim e th e Portugues e embass y arrive d i n 1520, Quee n Helena' s offe r wa s onl y a vagu e memory . Whe n the y departed six years later no agreement had been reached. The Muslim Conquest and Its Aftermath: 1527-63 Lebna DengeP s victor y ove r th e Muslim s o f Ada l i n 151 6 damage d th e prestige o f th e sultanate' s rulin g Walasm a dynast y a s muc h a s i t en hanced hi s own . Followin g a perio d o f interna l struggle , Ahma d ib n Ibrahim, a resourcefu l militar y commande r popular y know n a s Gragn , "the left-handed, " emerge d a s th e rule r o f Adal. 17 Havin g assume d th e title o f Imam , h e le d his army i n a series of raid s along th e periphery o f the Christia n kingdom , whic h culminate d i n 152 7 wit h a two-pronge d attack agains t th e frontier province s o f Dawar o an d Ifat. I n 152 9 Gragn' s seasoned an d well-arme d troop s me t an d defeate d Lebn a Dengel' s nu merically superio r force s i n a battle a t Shembra Koure . The futuh (con quest) o f Ethiopi a ha d begun. 18 Durin g th e nex t twelv e year s highlan d Ethiopia witnesse d devastatio n o n a n unprecedente d scale , a s churche s were burnt , monasterie s destroyed , an d numerou s Christian s forcibl y converted t o Islam . Onl y i n thos e area s "wher e a ver y lon g histor y o f ethnic an d religiou s fusio n ha d bee n effected , namely , i n Tigre , Lasta , Amhara, Bagemder , easter n Gojjam , an d i n smal l isolate d pocket s i n Shawa" di d Christia n cultur e surviv e an d retai n enoug h resilienc e t o begin th e slo w proces s o f rejuvenation. 19 I n man y respect s th e Churc h never completely regaine d the vitality of it s earlier golden period . Initially th e Bet a Israe l appea r t o hav e welcome d th e Muslim disrup tion o f imperia l rul e an d viewe d i t a s a n opportunit y t o reasser t thei r independence. Accordin g t o Gragn' s chronicler, the y served as guides t o the Muslim troops who invade d Semien and fought agains t the troops of Lebna Dengel. 20 B y 1542 , however , the y ha d discovere d tha t Musli m

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rule als o presente d clea r disadvantages . Thus , whe n th e Portuguese , le d by Do m Cristova o (Christopher ) d a Gama , bega n t o mov e inlan d i n order join u p with th e troops of Lebn a Dengel's successor, Galawdewo s (Claudius), th e Beta Israel allie d themselves with the European Christia n forces. A Beta Israe l wh o ha d bee n i n command o f a strategic highpoin t in Semien know n a s Amba Ayhud helpe d Do m Cristova o t o conque r i t from th e Muslims. 21 I n retur n fo r hi s assistance , h e was restore d t o hi s command. Indeed , followin g th e initia l defea t o f th e Portugues e b y Gragn an d d a Gama' s death , th e Empero r Galawdewos , hi s mothe r Sabla Dengel , an d th e remainin g Portugues e too k refug e a t Amba Ayhud.22 I n February 154 3 the y set out from ther e for their final victorious campaign agains t Gragn . I n return fo r thei r suppor t th e Bet a Israe l ha d many o f thei r traditiona l right s i n Semie n restored. 23 Indeed , Galawde wos's entir e reig n (1540-59) , a perio d mos t notabl e fo r hi s valien t attempts t o reconstruct th e institutions o f imperia l government , appear s to hav e offere d th e Bet a Israe l a welcom e respit e fro m th e earlie r year s of war and conflict. 24 Following Galawdewos ' deat h i n 1559 , h e wa s succeede d b y hi s youngest brothe r Minas. 25 Fro m th e outset , Mina s showe d himsel f a n ineffectual, eve n cowardl y leader . Rathe r tha n personall y rallyin g hi s troops to defen d th e country's frontier s an d confront th e Muslim troop s led by Nur, he delegated this crucial tas k to his cousin Hamalmal. Mina s himself chos e to spen d th e rain y season o f 155 9 i n Emfraz, a mountain ous are a overlookin g th e northeaster n shor e o f Lak e Tana . Minas' s personal motive s aside , his selection of thi s area as a site for the imperial camp is representative o f a n important tren d in the geopolitical develop ment o f sixteenth-centur y Ethiopia . A s a resul t o f th e campaign s o f Ahmad Grag n an d the subsequent migratio n o f th e Oromo, th e politica l center o f th e Ethiopia n empir e graduall y move d northward . The grow ing imperia l presenc e i n th e Lak e Tan a regio n wa s probabl y th e mos t important facto r behin d th e Ethiopia n emperors ' frequen t clashe s wit h the Bet a Israe l durin g thi s period. 26 Th e incessan t demand s fo r demon strations o f loyalt y an d financial suppor t place d a n intolerabl e burde n on th e governor s an d peopl e o f Dambeya , Wagara , Semien , an d othe r surrounding regions. 27 Th e shif t o f th e country' s politica l cente r t o th e region aroun d Lak e Tan a als o mad e i t imperativ e tha t thi s are a b e militarily subdued . No t surprisingly , th e perio d fro m th e beginnin g o f the reig n o f Minas' s successor , Sars a Denge l (1563-97 ) t o th e en d o f

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 8 5 Susenyo's rul e in 163 2 als o sa w a series of campaign s agains t th e Aga w populations t o th e sout h (Agawmeder ) an d the southwest (Metekkel ) o f the lake. 28 Onl y afte r th e subjugatio n o f th e Bet a Israe l ca . 162 5 di d these othe r campaign s becom e mor e determine d an d brin g lastin g re sults.29 I n retrospect, th e wars against the Beta Israel from 156 0 t o 163 2 can b e see n t o hav e bee n th e first stag e i n a mor e extende d struggle , which lasted until 1683 , b y the Christian emperors of Ethiopia to subdue the peoples of th e Lake Tana region . When Mina s se t ou t t o wa r i n Octobe r 1560 , however , i t wa s i n a futile an d unnecessar y campaig n agains t th e Bet a Israe l o f Semien . Al though th e Bet a Israe l ha d agree d t o submi t t o imperia l rul e an d wer e willing t o continu e t o pa y regula r tribute , Mina s demande d tha t the y convert to Christianity. 30 Whe n the y refused t o comply, Mina s gathere d his troops, including regiments from Tigre, and set out to conquer them. Unfortunately fo r Minas , h e greatl y underestimate d th e force s an d re sources necessary t o wage a successful campaig n agains t the Beta Israel's mountain strongholds , an d suffere d a n ignominiou s defeat . Despit e th e attempts of hi s clerical supporter s t o gloss over this episode b y claiming that i t merel y showe d tha t th e tim e fo r th e final defeat o f th e Jews ha d not yet arrived, taken together with hi s previous failure s to demonstrat e leadership, i t was a major embarrassmen t an d significantl y undermine d his legitimacy. 31 Althoug h Mina s manage d t o hol d o n t o power , th e remainder o f hi s brie f reig n sa w fe w noteworth y achievements , an d h e died of feve r in 1563 .

Sarsa Dengel 1563-97 Following Minas' s death , hi s mother , Sabl a Wangel , move d quickl y t o place he r grandso n th e thirteen-year-ol d Sars a Denge l o n th e throne . Although regiona l leader s fro m bot h Amhar a an d Tigre , includin g sev eral who had earlier rebelled against Minas, opposed his accession, Sarsa Dengel retaine d power . I n fact , hi s reig n (whic h laste d unti l 1597 ) wa s one of the longest in Ethiopian history. Rathe r surprisingly, his extended period o n th e thron e contribute d littl e t o th e consolidatio n o f imperia l power an d th e repressio n o f regiona l forces . Indeed , a s severa l scholar s have recentl y pointe d out , hi s reig n wa s characterize d b y weaknes s an d vacillation, compromis e an d appeasement . H e dismantle d importan t

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frontier defense s an d pursue d policie s tha t disrupte d peacefu l province s and reduced the morale of hi s soldiers. 32 No aspec t o f Sars a Dengel' s reig n wa s mor e characteristi c o f hi s shortcomings the n hi s thre e campaign s agains t th e Bet a Israel , whic h began i n 157 9 an d laste d fo r almos t a decade. 33 B y fa r th e bes t docu mented of an y of thei r clashes wit h th e Christian emperors, thes e battle s have probabl y receive d fa r mor e attentio n tha n the y intrinsicall y merit . As Quiri n ha s astutel y noted , "the y wer e rathe r les s significan t i n thei r causes o r thei r consequence s fo r th e Bet a Israe l tha n eithe r thos e o f Yeshaq i n th e fifteenth centur y o r Susinyo s i n th e earl y seventeenth." 34 Ironically, the most meaningful featur e of these campaigns was probably the ver y fac t tha t the y wer e undertake n a t all . B y settin g ou t t o wa r against th e Bet a Israe l a t a tim e whe n th e Orom o pose d a majo r chal lenge t o hi s empire' s souther n frontiers , Sar§ a Denge l wa s guilt y o f a major miscalculatio n tha t weakene d no t onl y hi s rule , bu t tha t o f hi s successors.35 Like hi s fathe r befor e him , Sars a Denge l chos e th e regio n o f north west Ethiopia aroun d Lak e Tana a s the site fo r severa l of hi s camps an d spent considerabl e time , particularl y i n th e rain y season , i n th e area. 36 Guba'e i n Emfraz , wa s a specia l favorit e o f his, an d som e tim e befor e 1586 h e buil t th e first Gondar-style castl e there. 37 A s always , th e roya l presence i n a region place d a major burde n o n th e surrounding popula tion, wh o wer e largel y responsibl e fo r provisionin g th e imperia l entou rage.38 Thus, the royal court, rather than serving as an integrating factor , was perceive d b y muc h o f th e populac e a s a predator y forc e tha t lef t them stripped of thei r resources . According t o hi s chronicler , Sar§ a Dengel' s initia l campaig n agains t the Bet a Israe l i n 157 9 wa s provoke d b y th e refusa l o f Radai , chie f o f Semien, t o delive r hi s tributes. 39 Whil e ther e appear s to b e n o reason t o doubt thi s testimony , th e timin g o f Radai' s ac t was , t o sa y th e least , peculiar. Ha d h e waite d a fe w month s more , Sars a Denge l woul d hav e been occupie d wit h hi s war s agains t th e Orom o an d unabl e t o respon d in force . Rada i almos t certainl y mus t hav e assume d tha t th e Empero r would personall y ignor e his challenge an d delegate responsibility fo r the region t o on e o f hi s generals. Instead , th e Emperor abandone d hi s plan s to fight th e Orom o an d committe d himsel f t o a difficul t an d costl y campaign i n Semien . Eve n i f w e remembe r tha t Radai' s refusa l t o pa y taxes wa s couple d wit h othe r provocativ e acts , includin g th e renamin g

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 8 7 of mountain s i n Semie n afte r thos e o f biblica l Israel , i t i s difficul t t o accept Sarsa DengeP s decisio n uncritically. 40 The economic resource s of this region, renowne d fo r its impassable roads , cold weather, and devastating hails , coul d scarcel y hav e bee n crucia l t o th e short-ter m financial well-being o f th e state. 41 No r doe s th e political threa t posed b y the Beta Israel appea r t o hav e warrante d th e neglec t o f th e fa r mor e seriou s challenge fro m th e Oromo. Nevertheless , Sar§ a Dengel devoted almost a decade t o subduin g th e peopl e o f Semien , an d eve n the n th e tas k re mained largely incomplete . Perhaps th e greates t obstacl e t o th e speed y subjugatio n o f th e Bet a Israel wa s thei r strateg y o f retreatin g int o well-defende d mountai n strongholds. Fro m th e height s o f thes e loft y plateaus , th e Bet a Israe l could easily rol l large stones down upo n the royal troops who sough t t o ascend alon g th e treacherou s an d narro w paths. 42 Th e resistanc e o f th e Beta Israe l t o capture , enslavement , an d conversio n was , moreover , remarkably fierce. Whil e Rada i an d hi s famil y eventuall y surrendere d and were sent into exile in Waj,43 othe r Beta Israel martyred themselves . One woma n i n particula r i s remembere d fo r leapin g of f th e edg e o f a great precipic e shouting , "Adona i hel p me, " an d draggin g he r capto r with he r t o hi s death. 44 A s i n th e past , th e defea t o f th e Bet a Israe l resulted i n deaths, conversions , enslavement , an d the los s of mor e land . Several o f th e regiment s drafte d t o fight i n Semie n appea r t o hav e bee n settled i n th e region , rathe r tha n bein g allowe d t o retur n t o thei r hom e provinces. Thi s polic y wa s no t onl y costl y t o th e Bet a Israel , bu t als o lowered troo p moral e an d remove d much-neede d soldier s fro m region s being overru n b y th e Oromo. 45 I n the final analysis, moreover , non e o f these policie s restore d peac e i n Semien . Thre e year s later , som e tim e after th e rain y seaso n o f 1582 , Radai' s brothe r Kalef , wh o ha d escape d capture i n th e previou s war , le d ye t anothe r insurrectio n agains t th e king.46 Althoug h littl e is known abou t thi s campaign, Sar§ a Dengel wa s ultimately n o mor e successfu l tha n i n hi s earlie r campaign , fo r th e Bet a Israel rebelled yet again in December 1587 . Sarsa DengeP s thir d campaig n agains t th e Bet a Israe l cam e i n re sponse t o a raid led by their leader Gushe n o n th e people of Wagara . I n response, th e empero r ros e fro m hi s cam p a t Guba' e an d marche d through Wagar a t o Semie n an d th e Bet a Israe l stronghol d o f Warq Amba. Initially , th e Bet a Israe l enjoye d a certai n degre e o f success , scoring a majo r victor y agains t th e imperia l troop s campe d a t th e foo t

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of th e nearb y Sakana Amba. Th e emperor , however , quickl y recoupe d by stationin g ne w troop s a t th e site , wh o lai d sieg e t o th e amba an d starved it s occupant s int o submission . Th e capture d Bet a Israe l wer e settled alongside th e camp of thei r conquerors, bu t when they attempte d to escap e a massacr e ensued . Losse s amon g th e Bet a Israe l wer e heav y and th e empero r alon e i s sai d t o hav e receive d almos t tw o hundre d widows an d numerou s orphan s a s par t o f hi s shar e o f th e captives. 47 According t o a traditio n preserve d b y th e Ethiopia n church , s o muc h blood was split when Sars a Dengel ha d the Beta Israel killed that his tent had t o b e move d thre e time s t o avoi d bein g soile d b y it. 48 Warq Amba was speedily subdue d an d by the end of January 158 8 Gushen and many of hi s supporter s ha d died , flingin g themselve s t o thei r death s fro m th e heights o f thei r fortresses. 49 Rathe r mysteriously , Gedewon , a n impor tant member of th e Beta Israel rulin g family, escaped unharmed. 50 Despite th e ferocit y tha t characterize d Sars a Dengel' s thre e cam paign's agains t th e Bet a Israel , hi s victorie s d o no t appea r t o hav e produced any dramatic long-term changes in the status of the Beta Israel. The loss of life , enslavement , an d force d conversion s mus t all hav e bee n severe blow s fo r th e survivin g population . Moreover , th e settlemen t o f some o f th e victoriou s troop s i n th e regio n probabl y increase d th e Bet a Israel's financial burde n and fostered resentment. They did not, however, lose thei r autonom y i n th e Semie n regio n fo r lon g an d eve n receive d official confirmatio n o f their position in the province following th e death of Sars a Dengel i n 1597 . Dynastic Struggles 1597—1607 Maryam Sena , th e wife o f Sars a Dengel , bor e the emperor thre e daugh ters, bu t n o sons . A s a result , h e designate d Zadengel , th e so n o f hi s brother, Lessan a Chrestos , a s hi s heir . Sometim e later , however , h e changed hi s min d an d cam e t o favo r Zamaryam , hi s son b y hi s Bet a Israel mistres s Harago. Whe n Zamaryam die d shortly after his introduc tion t o the court, Sars a Dengel reinstate d hi s nephew a s his presumptiv e heir. Th e birt h o f anothe r son , Ya'eqob , t o Harag o i n 159 0 produce d yet another chang e of min d with th e advantage fallin g once agai n to th e half Beta Israel son. 51 Ya'eqob wa s onl y seve n year s ol d whe n hi s fathe r die d an d h e wa s crowned a s emperor . The selectio n o f thi s smal l bo y rathe r tha n th e

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 8 9 older and abler Zadengel wa s less a reflection o f a desire to comply wit h the late emperor's choice of a n heir than a shrewd political mov e on the part o f th e nobles , th e warlords , an d th e Empress , Marya m Sena . B y placing Ya'eqo b o n th e thron e a s regent , the y wer e abl e t o retai n thei r hold on th e rein s of power . Zadenge l wa s sen t into exile on a n island in Lake Tana. 52 Althoug h Ya'eqob' s mother , Harago , receive d n o officia l position a t court , he r brothe r Gedewo n wa s confirme d a s governo r o f Semien. Not surprisingly, n o serious attempt was made to challenge Ya'eqob' s rule during the seven years of hi s regency. However , when he decided in 1603 a t ag e fourtee n t o activel y assum e powe r th e coalitio n o f group s who ha d place d hi m o n th e thron e ha d littl e interes t i n seein g hi m discard hi s rol e a s figurehead. Becaus e o f hi s youth , moreover , h e ha d neither le d no r wo n th e loyalt y o f th e variou s roya l militar y units , wh o were chaffin g a t their relatively lon g period o f inactivity . This combine d lack o f experience , allies , an d trustworth y advisor s mad e i t eas y fo r Maryam Sen a an d the nobles t o overthrow Ya'eqo b an d replace him o n the throne with Zadengel . Althoug h Ya'eqo b tried to escape to his uncle Gedewon i n th e Semien , h e wa s capture d an d place d o n tria l fo r usur pation.53 Ya'eqo b wa s charge d wit h bein g a pagan , a practitione r o f Oromo divinatio n techniques , a sexual deviant, an d not the son of Sar§a Dengel. Ho w muc h hi s half-Bet a Israe l antecedent s influence d th e pro ceedings i s difficul t t o reckon . Certainl y th e fac t tha t i n hi s momen t o f need he turned to his uncle, the ruler of the Beta Israel of Semien , woul d appear to indicate that his link to his maternal ki n remained strong. The charge of paganism , moreover , while a common accusatio n i n Ethiopian court intrigues , ma y als o have bee n base d o n hi s "non-Christian" back ground. Befor e th e proceeding s agains t Ya'eqo b ha d reache d thei r ob viously preordaine d conclusion , Zadenge l intervened . Rathe r then bein g maimed or disfigured, which would have permanently ended his political ambitions, Ya'eqo b was sent into exile in Enarya. 54 Zadengel becam e Empero r a t age twenty-six an d assumed th e thron e name o f Galawdewos . H e wa s a n honest , courageous , an d educate d ruler who mad e a serious attemp t t o rectif y som e of th e damage cause d by th e neglec t an d error s o f hi s predecessors . H e tried , fo r example , t o stop the advance of th e Galla by leading his troops into Gojjam. He als o made a serious attemp t t o curtai l th e power o f th e nobilit y an d reasser t imperial authority . This latter program, which included th e creation of a

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powerful "king' s army " (rnalak hard) an d th e armin g o f th e peasantry , ultimately le d t o hi s downfall . A s note d above , alread y i n 159 7 th e nobles and the empress Maryam Sena had placed Ya'eqo b on the throne because the y feare d tha t Zadengel woul d limi t thei r freedo m o f action . When their worst fear s were confirmed, the y wasted littl e time in acting. Some sought to restore Ya'eqob to the throne. Others favored the aspirations o f th e warrio r chief , Susenyos , wh o a s a great-grandso n o f th e Emperor Lebn a Denge l coul d legitimatel y stak e a clai m t o th e throne . Not surprisingly , Zadenge l receive d littl e support fro m eithe r th e nobil ity o r th e militar y elites . Hi s assiduou s courtin g o f th e Portuguese , including a ban on th e observance o f th e Saturday Sabbath an d an offe r to conver t t o Catholicism , los t hi m muc h popula r support . Eventually , the Abun a absolve d th e populatio n o f thei r oat h o f allegianc e t o th e monarch an d excommunicated him . I n October 1604 , a little mor e than a yea r afte r assumin g power , Zadengel wa s kille d i n Dambey a b y rebe l forces.55 Although Susenyo s appeare d assure d o f th e thron e an d wa s backe d by muc h o f th e nobilit y an d th e army , hi s suppor t largel y evaporate d when Ya'eqob reappeared. Onc e again, the nobility an d warlords sough t to place on th e throne th e younger an d weaker candidate. Susenyo s wa s forced t o flee an d becom e a shifta (bandit) . Ya'eqo b sough t t o appeas e him b y offerin g hi m th e governorshi p o f Shawa , Amhara , an d Walaqa . Susenyos, however , viewe d himsel f a s th e legitimat e hei r an d sa w littl e reason t o settl e fo r a secondar y role . H e was , moreover , a n excellen t general an d a skille d tactician . I n Marc h 1607 , followin g tw o year s o f turmoil, he defeated an d killed Ya'eqob and claimed the throne. 56 Defeat and Adaptation 1607—26 More than a decade of successio n struggle s provided the Beta Israel with an extende d respit e fro m thei r war s agains t th e Ethiopia n emperors . From 159 7 t o 160 7 al l th e contender s fo r th e thron e ha d mor e impor tant matter s t o dea l wit h tha n th e fat e o f th e resident s o f Semie n an d Dambeya. Ya'eqob' s deat h an d th e ris e o f Susenyos , moreover , di d no t immediately resul t in a universally accepte d monarc h assumin g the throne. Rival claimant s an d disgruntle d noble s continue d t o plagu e Susenyo s throughout th e earl y year s o f hi s reign . On e o f th e mos t seriou s wa s a Tigrean monk , who , hidin g his fac e i n a veil, claimed t o b e the half Bet a

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 9 1 Israel Empero r Ya'eqob . Larg e part s o f th e population , includin g th e prestigious monaster y of Dabr a Bizan , supported him and Susenyos wa s forced t o lea d hi s troop s t o Tigr e an d personall y subdu e th e rebel. 57 While ther e he took th e opportunity t o hav e himsel f crowne d yet again , this time in the ancient Ethiopian capital o f Aksum. While Susenyos was occupied wit h th e Tigrea n challeng e t o hi s reign , larg e part s o f Bagem der, Wagara , an d Dambey a ros e u p i n support o f Arzo , a grandso n o f Minas. The Emperor's brother, Yemane Chrestos, put down this threat. 58 The reviva l o f imperia l interes t i n th e Bet a Israe l o f Semie n wa s directly relate d t o th e numerou s challenge s t o Susenyos ' rule . I n 161 4 the dispossesse d nobilit y o f Sallamt , Wagara , an d Semie n ros e u p i n support o f ye t anothe r pretende r t o th e thron e claimin g t o b e th e lat e Emperor Ya'eqob . Amon g th e supporter s o f "Ya'eqob, " wh o i s identi fied in th e Ge'e z source s a s Taklu y an d b y Bruc e a s Amdo , wa s Gede won, leade r o f th e Bet a Israe l o f Semien. 59 Whe n Taklu y wa s capture d by Walda Hawaryat , th e governo r o f Sallamt , Gedewo n free d hi m an d offered hi m refug e i n th e mountain s o f Semien . Fro m ther e Takluy wa s able t o rais e a larg e arm y an d challeng e roya l contro l o f muc h o f th e surrounding territor y b y raidin g th e plain s o f Shewad a an d Sallamt . I n response, Susenyos appointed Yolyos, the husband of his favorite daugh ter, one of hi s most loyal follower s an d until then the governor of Tigre , as governo r o f Wagara , Semien , §allamt , Wag , a s wel l a s th e souther n parts o f Tigre . Yolyo s promise d t o subdu e th e rebel s saying, " I shal l vanquish an d kil l thi s pretende r an d Gedewo n th e Falash a an d plan t onions o n Segenet." 60 Despit e Yolyos' s boasting , hi s troop s wer e no t immediately successfu l an d he was forced t o ask th e Emperor to person ally interven e afte r Taklu y kille d Abraham , th e governo r o f Sallamt . Marching fro m Wagar a t o Semien , Susenyo s joine d Yolyo s an d lai d seige t o th e Bet a Israe l fortres s o f Amb a Misraba . Thei r soldier s con quered th e amba an d kille d al l it s inhabitants . A simila r fat e awaite d those Bet a Israe l wh o sough t refug e o n a n amba calle d Hotch . Finally , Gedewon an d Taklu y wer e surrounde d a t Segenet . Fo r tw o month s Susenyos's troop s lai d seig e t o th e amba, inflictin g heav y losse s o n it s defenders. Gedewo n himsel f wa s only saved by the bravery of on e of hi s chiefs, Wod Qematra , who was killed by a musketeer. Finally , Gedewo n handed Takluy over to the Emperor in exchange for a pardon and peace. The false Ya'eqo b was crucified a s punishment fo r his rebellion. 61 Gedewon's surrende r t o Susenyo s ma y well hav e guaranteed hi s ow n

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safety, bu t i t offere d n o suc h promise s t o th e bul k o f th e Bet a Israe l population. I n punishment fo r th e support the y offere d hi s rival, Susen yos ordered his governors t o massacre the Beta Israel men wherever they found them . Their wives and children were sold into slavery. Onl y a few escaped.62 Th e Beta Israe l o f Dambey a an d perhaps others wh o ha d no t participated i n the rebellio n wer e spare d o n conditio n tha t they conver t to Christianity . Indeed , Susenyo s i s sai d t o hav e spen t th e whol e o f th e rainy seaso n a t Gorgor a o n th e north-wes t shor e o f Lak e Tana i n order to insur e complianc e wit h hi s decree. 63 Virtuall y al l o f the m complied , and a s a tes t o f thei r sincerit y th e Empero r demande d tha t the y plo w their fields on the Sabbath. 64 Susenyos' pronouncement s ar e o f interes t i n severa l respects . First , they clearl y indicat e tha t eve n prio r t o thei r fina l defea t th e Bet a Israe l were geographicall y disperse d an d politically divided . I n addition t o th e two larg e concentration s o f Bet a Israe l in Dambeya an d Semien, smalle r groups, perhaps not even organized communities , existe d in a number of other regions. 65 Onl y a smal l portio n o f thes e appea r t o hav e followe d Gedewon i n supportin g th e pretende r Takluy/Ya'eqob' s aspiration s t o the throne . Second , Susenyos ' policie s appea r t o indicat e a clear depar ture fro m previou s attempt s t o dea l wit h th e Bet a Israel . Whil e earlie r rulers includin g Yesha q an d Mina s ha d sough t t o impos e Christianit y on th e Bet a Israel , wholesal e exterminatio n outsid e th e hea t o f battl e had no t previousl y bee n attempted . Moreover , wit h th e exceptio n o f Minas' ill-advise d attemp t t o forc e th e Bet a Israe l t o convert , th e em perors had usually bee n satisfied wit h professions o f political loyalt y and prompt payment o f tributes . Susenyos ' decrees mar k a dramatic attemp t to settle once and for al l the problem o f th e Beta Israel. Despite th e severit y o f hi s proposals , thei r impac t o n th e Bet a Israe l was almos t certainl y les s tha n on e migh t initiall y expect . Susenyos ' control o f hi s real m wa s neve r ver y stron g an d i t i s probabl e tha t i n many region s loca l ruler s simpl y chos e t o ignor e hi s edicts. The continued surviva l o f th e Bet a Israe l o f Semie n i s th e mos t obviou s evidenc e that Susenyos ' cal l fo r thei r exterminatio n wa s no t completel y carrie d out. I n othe r regions , th e deman d tha t th e Bet a Israe l labo r o n th e Sabbath mus t hav e bee n especiall y problematic . The issu e o f th e Satur day Sabbat h ha d lon g bee n a bon e o f contentio n withi n th e Ethiopia n Church an d betwee n th e Ethiopia n Christian s an d th e Portugues e Je suits.66 Th e Tigrea n "Ya'eqob " wh o challenge d Susenyo s earl y i n hi s

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 9 3 reign dre w muc h o f hi s suppor t fro m th e traditionall y pro-Sabbat h monastery o f Dabr a Bizan . Moreover , Susenyos , lik e Zadengel befor e him, ha d sough t t o remed y th e weaknes s o f hi s interna l positio n b y relying increasingl y o n th e Portugues e fo r support . Graduall y h e als o moved towar d hi s ow n persona l conversion. 67 B y th e tim e Susenyo s sought t o quas h th e rebellio n o f 1614 , relation s wit h th e Orthodo x clergy ha d deteriorate d t o suc h a n exten t tha t the y withhel d thei r sup port for his campaign. 68 I n this context Susenyos' prohibition of Sabbath rest for th e Bet a Israe l ca n scarcel y b e viewed a s simply a demand fo r a visible sig n o f thei r conversion . T o man y Orthodo x Christian s Sabbat h labor wa s a n anathema , an d Susenyos ' demand s mus t hav e increase d their concer n regardin g hi s attitud e towar d thei r ow n observance . The singling out of so problematic an issue for the Beta Israel may, moreover, raise legitimat e question s a s t o whic h churc h th e Empero r sough t t o incorporate them . It i s als o agains t th e backgroun d o f th e interna l religiou s division s that plague d Ethiopi a durin g hi s reig n tha t w e mus t understan d Susen yos' continue d difficultie s wit h Gedewo n an d th e Bet a Israel . I n 161 7 Yolyos, th e king' s son-in-la w an d hithert o loya l supporter , joine d a group o f nobles , courtiers , an d th e Abun a i n a n attemp t t o overthro w Susenyos an d hi s Catholi c younge r brothe r Sel a Krestos . Bot h Yolyo s and the Abun a die d i n battle. 69 Fa r from servin g a s a warning to Susen yos, hi s victor y i n 161 7 merel y mad e hi m eve n mor e determine d t o establish Catholicis m a s th e stat e religion . I n Jun e 162 0 h e issue d a proclamation condemnin g th e Ethiopia n church' s allege d monophysit e theology an d prohibitin g th e observanc e o f th e Sabbath . Althoug h th e initial respons e t o thes e decree s cam e fro m th e clerg y o f Tigre , b y th e fall a fa r mor e widesprea d oppositio n ha d surfaced . I n Octobe r 162 0 Yona'el, th e governo r o f Bagemde r wh o ha d himsel f playe d a crucia l role in quelling the rebellion o f 1617 , declare d himself a defender o f th e Orthodox church . I n the same month a popular uprising of th e peasants in Damo t furthe r demonstrate d th e dept h o f feelin g surroundin g thes e issues. No t t o b e deterred , Susenyo s publicl y converte d t o Catholicis m in Marc h 162 2 an d bega n a wholesal e transformatio n o f th e tie s be tween churc h an d state . B y 162 4 vas t area s o f Ethiopia n custo m wer e under attack includin g the right to divorce, the tradition of weekl y fasts , and the observance of biblica l dietary laws. The hours of Mass and other services followe d th e practice of th e Catholic Churc h an d the Gregoria n

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calender ha d bee n introduced. 70 No t surprisingly , oppositio n t o Susen yos and the Portuguese was widespread with peasants, clergy, and nobility joinin g force s agains t th e impositio n o f Catholicism. 71 Thei r effort s reached a climax in June 163 2 when the primacy of Ethiopian Christian ity was restore d and Susenyos was force d t o abdicat e i n favor o f hi s son Fasiladas. It i s i n th e contex t o f thi s genera l dissatisfactio n wit h th e Empero r that we ca n begi n t o understan d Gedewon' s decisio n i n 162 4 t o partici pate in yet another rebellion against imperial rule. Although the Emperor responded speedil y an d sen t on e o f hi s mos t abl e an d experience d gen erals, Gedewo n initiall y enjoye d considerabl e success . Th e imperia l troop s were defeate d an d thei r pac k animal s an d provision s seize d a s booty . Susenyos ha d littl e choic e bu t t o engag e i n a holdin g actio n an d orde r his governor s t o preven t th e sprea d o f th e insurrection. 72 Gedewon' s rebellion soo n gaine d momentum , however , a s he succeeded i n develop ing his movement int o a more general challeng e to Susenyos' rule . While the populatio n o f Shaw a an d Amhar a unite d behin d th e claim s o f on e Walda Gabrie l t o th e throne , Gedewo n le d larg e part s o f Bagemde r i n supporting th e aspiration s o f a great-grandso n o f Minas , whos e father , Arzo, ha d als o challenge d Susenyos ' rule. 73 Fo r mor e tha n tw o year s Gedewon an d his candidate succeede d i n thwarting imperia l attempt s t o subdue them . Aide d by disaffected clerg y angr y at Susenyos' attempts t o impose Catholicism , Gedewo n ha d th e so n o f Arz o name d a s kin g an d together the y se t ou t t o conque r th e Semie n region . Onl y aroun d 162 6 did the imperial governo r of Semien , Malke'a Krestos , succeed in defeat ing them . Th e so n o f Arz o wa s hun g fro m a cedar tree . Gedewo n wa s decapitated an d his head sent to Susenyos . Following Gedewon' s death , Susenyo s sough t t o exterminat e th e res t of th e Bet a Israe l i n Semien . Leadin g a larg e bod y o f troop s t o th e province, he divided up his army and commanded his generals to seal off the provinc e s o tha t n o on e coul d escape . Whil e h e wa s onl y partiall y successful i n thi s genocida l policy , h e di d succee d i n puttin g a n en d t o close to three hundred years of conflic t betwee n Judaized groups and the Christian emperor s o f Ethiopia . Althoug h th e Bet a Israe l continue d t o form a recognizabl e group , afte r thi s final defea t neve r agai n di d the y represent a political-militar y threa t t o imperia l rule . Thus , thei r resis tance t o assimilatio n an d thei r strategie s fo r preservin g thei r identit y took othe r forms than that of arme d conflict .

RESISTANCE AN D DEFEA T 9 5 Epilogue Given the abundance of documentation concerning the Beta Israel's wars with Sars a Denge l an d Susenyos , i t i s temptin g t o focu s exclusivel y o n these dramati c episode s i n describin g thei r histor y durin g thi s period . Other mor e subtl e trend s an d events remai n almos t totall y hidde n fro m our gaze . Nevertheless , a numbe r o f processe s ar e clearl y worth y o f comment bot h i n thei r ow n righ t an d becaus e the y foreshado w large r tendencies in later years. Once agai n i t mus t b e remembere d tha t althoug h th e Semie n regio n held th e mos t visibl e an d bes t organize d groupin g o f Bet a Israel , i t wa s by n o mean s th e onl y regio n i n whic h the y resided . Dambeya , fo r example, hel d a considerabl e concentratio n o f Bet a Israel . Wagara , Tigre , Jenfekera, an d severa l othe r region s containe d smalle r populations. 74 Although n o clea r evidenc e exist s o n thi s point , thes e disparat e group s were probabl y linke d throug h a commo n religiou s syste m an d kinshi p ties. The y wer e almos t certainl y no t politicall y united, fo r ther e i s littl e indication tha t Bet a Israe l i n othe r region s activel y supporte d th e rebel lions base d i n Semien. I n all likeliehood , moreover , the y differe d signifi cantly wit h regar d t o thei r economi c bas e an d th e extent o f thei r incor poration into and accommodation wit h the dominant society . Thus whil e i n th e sixteent h an d earl y seventeent h centur y th e Bet a Israel o f Semie n stil l exercise d a degre e o f politica l autonom y an d pre sumably possesse d a diversified economy , i n othe r region s occupationa l specialization wa s fa r more developed. The association o f th e Beta Israel with weavin g an d smithing , whic h ma y dat e t o a s earl y a s the fifteent h century, wa s certainl y wel l establishe d b y th e tim e o f th e Portuguese. 75 So to o thei r activitie s a s mason s an d carpenters , whic h wer e t o becom e so importan t wit h th e developmen t o f th e cit y o f Gondar , als o see m t o have their roots in this period. Indeed, one of the most striking testimon ies to th e complexity tha t characterize d imperia l relation s with th e Beta Israel i s the oral traditio n statin g that Susenyos wa s th e first king to us e them a s builder s an d rewarde d the m wit h lan d a t Azez o an d Abb a Samuel.76 At th e least , suc h tradition s rais e seriou s question s concernin g an y attempt to explain imperial attitude s to the Beta Israel on the basis of an overriding racia l animu s o r othe r monolithi c motives . The y appea r t o indicate, rather , tha t thos e Bet a Israe l whos e occupationa l skill s wer e

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cherished b y the Christian ruler s received bette r treatment the n thei r coreligionists i n othe r regions . Thi s consideration , fo r example , woul d explain Susenyos ' decisio n t o spar e th e Falash a o f Dambey a (albei t a t the price of thei r conversion), whil e th e rest of thei r brethren wer e to be executed.77 I n thes e illustrations o f th e tru e complexit y tha t character ized Susenyos' policy towar d th e Beta Israel, we find, moreover, ou r first hints o f a patter n tha t cam e t o predominat e i n late r periods . Durin g periods o f stron g centra l rule , thos e Bet a Israe l wh o throug h economi c specialization mad e themselve s valuabl e t o roya l patron s survive d an d even improve d thei r standing. I n contrast, a lack o f marketabl e skill s or a reduction i n central contro l pave d the way fo r decline and exclusion . In the nex t chapte r we shal l examin e thes e processe s i n greater detai l as the y appea r i n th e Gonda r perio d (16 3 2-1769) an d th e Er a o f th e Princes (1769—1855) . Fo r th e moment , i t i s sufficien t t o not e tha t th e roots of thes e trends significantly preced e either of thes e periods. Durin g the period discusse d i n this chapter an d particularly i n the late sixteenth and earl y seventeent h century , differen t Bet a Israe l group s pursue d dif fering strategie s fo r survival . Whil e thos e i n Semie n protecte d b y th e harsh geographi c condition s o f thei r homelan d continue d t o exercis e a military-political option , othe r group s pursue d les s dramati c (an d les s well-documented) socia l an d economi c accommodations . Wit h th e final defeat o f th e Bet a Israe l o f Semie n i n th e 1620s , th e latte r cours e o f action was t o serve a s a precedent fo r th e next generations o f Bet a Israel life. Th e successes an d failure s o f thi s era will b e th e subject of ou r nex t chapter.

5 Glory and

Decline:

1632—1855

Susenyos' final victory over the Beta Israe l of Semie n was unquestionabl y one o f th e majo r landmark s i n th e histor y o f thei r people . I n retrospect , however, i t appear s t o hav e bee n les s a radica l turning-poin t tha n th e culmination o f mor e tha n tw o centurie s o f conflict . Fro m th e tim e o f Yeshaq i n th e fifteenth centur y onward , thos e Christia n emperor s wh o possessed sufficien t militar y powe r ha d sough t t o limi t th e politica l autonomy o f th e ayhud an d late r th e Falasha . Ove r th e cours e o f time , more an d mor e o f th e Bet a Israe l wer e dispossesse d an d remaine d eco nomically viabl e onl y throug h supplementin g thei r agricultura l wor k a s tenant farmer s wit h incom e earne d a s craftsmen. Thi s economi c special ization couple d wit h th e emergenc e o f a distinctiv e Bet a Israe l religiou s tradition unde r th e leadershi p o f monasti c clerg y enable d thos e Bet a Israel wh o n o longe r enjoye d independenc e t o preserve thei r identity . By the en d o f th e sixteent h century , onl y thos e i n Semie n retaine d a signifi cant degre e o f autonom y an d continue d t o offe r militar y resistanc e t o the Christia n king . Othe r group s ha d previousl y reache d a n accommo dation wit h th e dominan t societ y i n whic h the y retaine d limite d right s due t o thei r economi c skills . Followin g thei r final defeat , th e Jew s o f Semien regroupe d an d followe d a similar course . Thus, contrary t o wha t we migh t expect , Susenyos ' victor y di d no t mar k th e beginnin g o f a n inexorable downwar d spira l fo r th e Beta Israel . 97

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To b e sure , th e perio d immediatel y afte r thei r defea t wa s on e o f th e most tryin g i n thei r history. No t onl y di d the y hav e t o conten d wit h hi s punitive treatment of eve n thos e who ha d not taken a n active role in the wars, bu t als o the y face d hars h natura l conditions . I n 163 4 locusts , famine, an d epidemic s struc k th e region s o f Semien , Dambeya , an d Wagara. So difficult wer e conditions tha t the Emperor Fasiladas (1632 67) wa s force d t o wande r fro m regio n t o regio n i n searc h o f sufficien t provisions to support his court. The pestilence entered through Dambeya and soon assailed the camp and court at Danqaz wit h suc h fiercenessthat it was necessary t o move the site to Libo. There the attacks continued in such a manner that they did not spare the imperial tents: within them the pestilence killed some pages of the emperor, forcing him to g o runnin g awa y an d changin g t o variou s places , wanderin g lik e anothe r Cain. Fro m Danqaz th e disease passed to Wagara, to the mountains of Samen and t o th e famou s Lamalmo... . Th e great armie s an d swarm s o f locust s . . . mowed dow n wit h th e teet h al l th e crops , brough t wit h the m hunge r a s they usually do , followe d b y such scarcit y an d shortage o f crop s that many peopl e died from sheer hunger.1 Many o f th e alread y devastate d Bet a Israe l doubtles s die d of starvation . In time, however, condition s improved , an d the next century an d a half, known a s th e Gonda r perio d becaus e o f th e establishmen t o f a ne w imperial capita l i n the city given that name, is remembered i n Beta Israel tradition a s an era when they lived "in peace and welfare." 2 The Establishment of Gondar Throughout al l o f th e earl y medieva l period , fro m th e ris e o f Yekunn o Amlak i n ca . 127 0 t o th e conques t o f Ethiopi a b y Ahma d Grag n i n the second quarte r o f th e sixteent h century , th e emperor s o f Ethiopi a buil t no cities, but lived in mobile tent cities which served them as "wandering capitals."3 Fro m the middle o f th e sixteenth centur y onward a tendency developed t o establis h imperia l camp s o f greate r permanenc y i n north west Ethiopi a i n th e regio n aroun d Lak e Tana . Sar§ a Dengal , fo r ex ample, returne d repeatedl y t o Emfra z (Guba'e ) an d eventuall y buil t a stone castl e (th e first suc h buildin g i n th e country ) o n th e site. 4 A s w e noted i n the previou s chapter , th e growing roya l presenc e i n this regio n was probabl y th e primar y contributor y facto r t o th e increasingl y fre quent clashe s wit h th e nearb y Bet a Israel . The tendenc y towar d a mor e

GLORY AN D DECLIN E 9 9 permanent typ e o f settlemen t an d th e erectio n o f palace s an d churche s of ston e accelerate d durin g th e reig n o f Susenyos . I t culminate d i n th e reign o f hi s so n an d successo r Fasilada s wit h th e establishmen t o f th e city o f Gondar , th e country' s first permanen t capita l sinc e th e Zagw e had reigned in Lalibala i n the thirteenth century . Unfortunately, th e deart h o f source s fro m th e perio d immediatel y following th e Portugues e expulsio n fro m Ethiopi a make s i t difficul t t o reconstruct th e realit y behin d th e numerou s legend s tha t surroun d th e founding o f Gondar. 5 Certainly , th e mentio n i n the short chronicle tha t in the fourt h yea r of hi s reign (1635/36 ) Fasilada s establishe d a madina (town o r residence ) a t Gonda r appear s significant. 6 B y th e tim e th e Yemenite ambassado r Hasa n ib n Ahma d al-Haym i visite d Ethiopi a i n 1648, Gondar was well established with Fasiladas' castle its most imposing feature. 7 Ove r th e nex t tw o decades , a numbe r o f castle s an d n o fewer than seven churches were also constructed in the city. 8 Over th e cours e o f tim e Gonda r gre w fro m a smal l villag e t o a cit y whose populatio n ha s bee n estimate d a s betwee n fort y t o eight y thou sand.9 I t served a s the political, economic , religious , an d cultural capita l of th e kingdom . Durin g th e Gonda r perio d Ethiopia n art , architecture , and technology reache d previousl y unattaine d heights. 10 Ne w tradition s of biblical interpretatio n an d liturgical chan t were developed and consolidated.11 Ye t i n retrospec t i t almos t appear s a s i f thi s vas t explosio n o f creative energ y i n an d aroun d Gonda r lef t littl e t o spar e fo r th e sur rounding provinces . Durin g th e Gonda r perio d th e powe r o f th e kin g atrophied an d th e are a o f effectiv e roya l authorit y gre w smalle r an d smaller. Eventually , provincia l noble s i n th e nort h an d sout h wer e abl e to asser t thei r contro l ove r crucia l economi c resource s an d militar y prerogatives and reduce the rulers of Gonda r to mere figureheads. 12 Economic Specialization and Social Mobility The most striking featur e o f Bet a Israe l life in the Gondar period is their identification wit h a numbe r o f specialize d craft s an d occupations , in cluding smithing , weaving , pottery , building , an d soldiering . B y thei r very nature such pursuits, particularly th e latter two, were largely dependent upon patronag e fro m roya l o r noble figures interested i n exploitin g these skills . Accordingly , th e typ e an d exten t o f specializatio n amon g those Bet a Israe l (quit e probabl y a majority ) residin g i n isolate d rura l

IOO GLOR Y AN D DECLIN E areas wer e probabl y fa r differen t tha n i n an d aroun d Gonda r itself . Once again our sources only permit us to speculate on this matter. What is clear, however, i s that it was on the basis of thes e skills that some Beta Israel wer e abl e t o gain favo r wit h th e Gondari king s an d enhance thei r economic an d political standing . As w e hav e alread y noted , th e economi c specializatio n o f th e Bet a Israel during the Gondar period was not a completely ne w phenomenon . Rather, i t grew i n two distinc t ways fro m th e base of earlie r attempt s t o supplement thei r agricultura l incom e throug h crafts . O n th e on e hand , the Gonda r perio d sa w th e continuatio n o f th e Bet a Israel' s associatio n with suc h relativel y lo w statu s occupation s a s smithin g an d pottery. 13 On th e other hand , thei r proximity t o th e cour t owin g t o thei r previou s service as craftsmen facilitate d thei r introduction t o such jobs as masons, carpenters, and , i n th e cas e o f women , paintmakers. 14 Thei r rol e a s soldiers wa s apparentl y a natural outgrowt h o f th e reputatio n fo r brav ery the y ha d acquire d durin g thei r lon g year s of conflic t wit h th e Ethio pian kings. 15 T o th e exten t tha t th e Bet a Israe l wer e abl e t o substitut e highly value d occupation s fo r les s prestigiou s ones , thei r socia l statu s improved. The Gonda r period , fo r example , sa w a significan t declin e i n thei r employment a s weavers . Whil e i n th e earl y seventeent h centur y the y were "almost th e only weavers of cotton, " a century later they had bee n replaced, a t leas t i n Gondar , b y Muslims. 16 I n contrast, the y continue d to pla y a majo r rol e a s blacksmith s an d potter s an d ma y hav e eve n expanded their involvement i n these occupations . Already i n th e tim e o f th e Portugues e th e Bet a Israe l ha d enjoye d a reputation a s "excellen t smiths, " value d fo r thei r abilit y t o mak e an d repair agricultura l implement s an d weapons. 17 I t wa s probabl y thei r connection t o toolmakin g tha t le d mos t directl y t o the m bein g amon g the first Ethiopians t o b e traine d a s mason s an d carpenters . Thu s whe n the Jesuit Pero Paes directed the building of Susenyos ' palace at Gorgora ca. 1614 , h e gave Directions for making Hammers, Mallets Chizzels, and all other Necessary Tools, handling them himself, an d teaching the new workmen to dig, hew, and square stone s fo r th e Fabrick ; an d th e sam e h e di d t o al l th e Joyner s an d Carpenters.18 However the y first cam e t o thes e professions , th e Bet a Israe l rapidl y acquired a reputation a s skilled masons and carpenters. Tradition credit s

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them with a n important rol e in almost al l the major building projects of the Gonda r period. 19 Thus , the y ar e sai d t o hav e contribute d t o th e construction o f castles , churches , bridges , an d walls during the reigns of both Fasilada s an d Yohanne s I (1667-82). Hal f a centur y later , i n th e reign o f Iyas u I I (1730-55) , the y participate d i n th e redecoratio n o f Fasiladas' palace. O n their work Bruc e noted, The roof, in gaiety and taste, corresponded perfectly with the magnificent finishing of the room; it was the work of the Falasha, and consisted of painted cane, split an d dispose d i n Mosai c figures, which produce s a gaier effec t tha n i t is possible to conceive.20 Beside thei r positio n a s artisan s an d craftsmen , th e Bet a Israe l als o enhanced thei r prestig e an d socia l mobilit y b y servin g a s soldiers i n the imperial army . The emperors o f Ethiopi a ha d fo r centuries strengthene d the cor e o f troop s wh o owe d the m persona l loyalt y b y incorporatin g soldiers fro m previousl y hostil e regiona l armie s int o th e imperia l ser vice.21 Fo r th e king s thi s polic y assiste d the m i n maintainin g a larg e professional army , whos e troop s di d no t ow e allegianc e t o an y loca l noble ruler . For the conquered people , particularl y non-Christians , mili tary servic e represente d thei r mos t importan t avenu e o f socia l advance ment. Followin g thei r defea t b y Susenyos , severa l unit s o f Bet a Israe l soldiers wer e adde d t o th e existin g imperia l troops. 22 I n th e reig n o f Yohannes I , Beta Israe l troop s know n a s Kayla fough t alongsid e hi m in his war s agains t th e Oromo. 23 Accordin g t o on e tradition , on e o f th e Gondar king s ha d five hundred Bet a Israe l soldier s i n his army. 24 Give n the Beta Israel' s long history o f warfar e an d the accompanying marshal l ethos, i t is hardly surprising that many would hav e chosen t o pursue the opportunities availabl e in a military career . In retur n fo r th e service s the y rendere d th e Gondar i king s a s bot h artisans an d soldier s th e Bet a Israe l wer e rewarde d i n th e standar d manner wit h title s an d land . Althoug h no t accorde d titl e o f sufficien t importance t o gai n mentio n i n th e variou s roya l chronicle s o f th e Gon dar period , th e individual s an d circumstance s unde r whic h the y wer e awarded thei r positions ar e vividly remembere d i n Beta Israel oral tradi tions.25 Accordin g t o these , prominen t Bet a Israe l wer e designate d a s either azmach (general ) o r azaj (commander) , a title that carrie d with i t administrative an d miliar y connotations , a s well a s bajerond (treasurer) , which referre d t o a chie f o f th e workers. 26 Durin g th e earl y Gonda r

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period, th e forme r o f thes e (azmach), whic h wa s als o mor e prestigiou s since i t involve d authorit y ove r bot h non-Bet a Israe l an d Bet a Israel , i s said t o hav e predominated . I n late r yea r an d particularl y i n th e lat e eighteenth an d early nineteenth century , the conditions of th e Beta Israel declined an d only th e mor e limite d ethnic-occupationa l titl e of bajerond appears to have been awarded . The significanc e o f thes e title s fo r a n understandin g o f Bet a Israe l history i n this period i s at leas t twofold . First , insofa r a s the Beta Israe l were appointe d t o th e title of azmach wit h relativel y broa d responsibili ties, w e ca n clai m tha t a genuin e tren d t o incorporat e the m int o th e kingdom wa s a t work . I n contrast , th e emergenc e o f th e bajerond a s their primar y for m o f appointmen t bespeak s a tren d towar d economi c and ethnic differentiation. 27 Second , the appearance of Bet a Israel office holders i n bot h positions , bu t particularl y th e azmach, i s indicativ e o f the formation o f a new externally create d form of leadershi p that gained its authority not through interna l criteri a of religious or political author ity, but via recognition b y the dominant society. 28 What , i f any, tension s surrounded th e emergenc e o f thi s ne w elit e canno t b e documented . Certainly, i t shoul d b e remembere d tha t i n rura l societ y o n th e villag e level th e traditiona l leadershi p o f elder s an d th e monasti c clerg y mus t have continue d t o function . Indeed , wit h th e demis e o f th e traditiona l secular ruler s an d their replacemen t b y "foreign " governor s an d imperi ally appointe d titleholders , th e prestig e o f th e Bet a Israe l monk s a s internally legitimate d group s an d th e primar y carrier s o f th e communi ties' distinctive traditions ma y well hav e increased substantially . The secon d noteworth y benefi t tha t derive d t o th e Bet a Israe l fro m the militar y an d particularl y th e artisana l service s rendere d th e king s was a limite d reversa l o f th e polic y o f disenfranchisemen t tha t ha d affected thei r existence fo r over two centuries . The effects o f thi s shift i n policy shoul d no t b e exaggerated . Landlessnes s an d tenancy remaine d a major fac t o f Bet a Israe l lif e i n mos t region s throughou t thi s period . Nonetheless, a s their traditions ampl y attest , i n the are a around Gonda r some Bet a Israe l wer e abl e t o acquir e goo d agricultura l lan d eithe r through grant s or official recognitio n o f thei r right s t o liv e an d work i n the region. 29 T o th e exten t tha t thi s occurre d i t marke d a significan t departure fro m earlie r trend s an d represente d a decide d normalizatio n of Bet a Israel life . I n some cases, mos t notably Kayl a Med a (Kayl a field) and Abvorra , thei r residenc e a t th e sit e appear s t o predat e th e Gonda r

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period, an d th e king s simpl y recognize d thei r claim s t o th e area. 30 I n many others , thei r connectio n t o a specifi c local e seem s t o dat e fro m their participatio n i n th e erectio n o f a churc h o r castl e a t th e site . I n either case , thi s recognitio n o f lan d right s couple d wit h th e acquisitio n of prestigious title s offers a clear indication o f the manner in which thei r skills as artisans and soldiers created the possibility o f substantia l politi cal and economic mobility fo r some Beta Israel in the Gondar period. Social and Religious Trends Beta Israe l craftsme n wer e jus t on e o f a larg e numbe r o f peopl e draw n to th e cit y o f Gondar . Economi c specialization , densit y o f population , and ethnic diversit y wer e al l importan t characteristic s o f th e new Ethio pian capital. 31 Foreigners , Muslims , Bet a Israel , an d representative s o f numerous regiona l group s wer e al l foun d i n th e city . Fo r thos e Bet a Israel residin g i n an d aroun d Gondar , thei r proximit y t o an d dail y interaction wit h th e predominantly Christia n populatio n mus t have pose d a challenge. Clearl y it was impossible to observe ideal standards of socia l purity unde r condition s tha t dictate d repeate d contac t wit h outsiders. 32 While th e geographi c separatio n o f th e Gondarin e populatio n o n th e basis o f socia l status , religion , an d economi c functio n int o separat e quarters pu t som e limit s o n contac t betwee n th e separat e groups , thes e quarters wer e no t ghettos . Th e populatio n flowe d freel y i n an d ou t o f the sections o f th e cit y an d representative s o f differen t faith s ofte n live d side b y side . I t was i n respons e t o thi s situatio n tha t a religiou s counci l convened by the Emperor Yohannes I in 166 8 decree d that the Afreng [i.e. , Franks ] must return to their country and leave ours; but those who hav e joine d ou r fait h an d hav e receive d ou r baptis m an d eucharis t ca n remain here with us or leave if they wish. As for the Muslims, they must remain separate and live apart, formin g a separate village of thei r own; no Christians may enter their service, neither as a slave nor servant, neither husband nor wife may live with them . Th e Falasa, called Kayla, who are of th e Jewish religion, must not live with the Christians, but must separate themselves from them and live apart, forming a village.33 Despite thi s pronouncement , th e separatio n betwee n th e group s wa s only partiall y implemented , s o tha t a decad e late r i n 167 8 Yohanne s found i t necessar y t o repea t th e decree. 34 Les s formal , bu t probabl y a t least a s importan t a s a practica l barrie r t o contact , wer e th e popula r

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beliefs tha t identified Bet a Israe l smith s an d potters a s dangerous being s to be feared an d avoided. 35 While thes e common prejudice s an d superstitions ma y have given the Beta Israe l leader s som e concern , the y probabl y viewe d th e legislate d segregation wit h mor e tha n a littl e approval . Althoug h present-da y in formants ar e at pains to stres s that conversion t o Christianit y wa s mini mal an d separatio n fro m outsider s voluntary , a t th e leas t th e threa t o f assimilation mus t hav e bee n eve r present. 36 Giacom o Baratti , a n Italia n traveller wh o visite d Ethiopi a i n th e seventeent h centur y reporte d tha t among the Beta Israel in Tigre, great numbers have embraced that profession tha t did teach lov e and kindness to stranger s [i.e. , Christianity] , hopin g t o mee t wit h greate r advantage s whe n they should become brothers, for there is no invitation more powerful upo n the spirits o f a ma n t o oblig e hi m t o imitat e himsel f i n Religio n tha n a sincer e affection expresse d b y th e expressor s o f i t . . . . Th e Jews hav e her e thei r Synagogues, but they are at present so little frequented , tha t I think th e name will be one day lost by reason of their great numbers that daily turn Christians.37 It mus t b e remembere d tha t wit h thei r complet e los s o f politica l auton omy, th e Bet a Israe l forfeite d whateve r coerciv e powe r the y ma y hav e used in the past to maintain group solidarity. Thus, Abba Yeshaq reports that i n th e day s o f Bet a Israe l self-rul e a person wh o violate d th e Pass over coul d b e stone d t o death . I n late r days , onl y a sacrific e wa s de manded.38 I n reality, eve n thi s sanctio n coul d onl y b e enforced throug h group pressur e an d th e threa t o f ostracism , whic h i n th e relativel y flui d state of Gondarin e society probabl y carrie d little weight . Whatever th e exten t o f assimilation , th e processe s o f religiou s accul turation begu n i n earlie r period s clearl y continued . Thi s i s bes t illus trated b y th e exampl e o f th e tex t know n a s Nagara Muse (Th e conver sation of Moses) . Nagara Muse purports to be a record of a conversation between God and Moses on Mt. Sinai. In response to a series of inquirie s God outline s th e reward s tha t resul t fro m certai n type s o f goo d deed s and the punishments mete d out for specific sins. This is then followed b y a secon d mor e philosophica l set o f question s concernin g th e natur e o f God.39 The tex t i s o f Syria c origi n an d th e Ge'e z versions , bot h tha t o f the Ethiopia n churc h an d th e Bet a Israel , ar e derive d fro m a n Arabi c source.40 A s i s usual , th e Bet a Israe l tex t i s a n adapte d an d censore d version of th e Christian. Wha t is particularly noteworth y fo r the present discussion i s tha t th e translatio n i s explicitl y state d t o hav e take n plac e

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in the 1750s , towar d the end of th e Gondar period. 41 Thus , even though we ar e unabl e t o sa y precisel y whe n thi s tex t reache d th e Bet a Israel , i t stands a s clear evidenc e tha t thei r religious syste m continued t o develo p and absorb new material well int o the eighteenth centur y and beyond. 42 Of course , non e o f th e change s tha t too k plac e durin g thi s perio d were comparabl e i n magnitud e t o thos e o f th e fifteenth an d sixteent h century. The Beta Israel clergy, prayerhouses, an d schools in the Gondar region existe d t o preserv e thei r religiou s value s an d institutions , no t radically transfor m them . Thus , th e monasti c clerg y retaine d thei r lead ership rol e an d thei r liturg y survive d i n it s traditiona l form. 43 Ge'ez , probably understoo d onl y b y the clergy, continued t o be the language of prayer an d scripture . The strengt h o f al l thes e aspect s o f traditiona l lif e were, however , t o b e sorely teste d whe n th e "peac e an d welfare" of th e Gondar perio d gav e wa y t o th e chao s an d insecurit y o f th e Er a o f th e Princes. TLemane Masafent Although Iyas u I I (1730-55 ) an d th e dowage r empres s Mentewwa b continued th e Gondar i traditio n o f large-scal e construction , durin g hi s reign th e centrifuga l force s loosenin g th e province s fro m imperia l rul e accelerated a t a n alarmin g pace. 44 Fo r mos t o f th e period , hi s effectiv e control wa s limite d t o th e province s immediatel y aroun d th e capital. Shawa, Lasta , an d Tigre , fo r example , wer e fo r man y year s onl y nomi nally parts of th e kingdom. Eve n in Gondar itself, Iyas u was only grudgingly accepte d b y th e traditiona l nobility . Thu s hi s powe r reste d o n th e fragile coalitio n o f hi s mother' s kinsme n fro m Qwar a an d a n increas ingly importan t coteri e o f Orom o (Galla ) officials , guards , an d soldiers . It wa s apparentl y i n a n attemp t t o gai n suppor t fro m th e latte r grou p that Mentewwa b arrange d he r son' s marriag e t o th e daughte r o f a n important Orom o chie f fro m Woll o province . I n fact , sh e succeede d i n doing little but stiffening th e opposition to Iyasu from the Amhara ruling classes an d increasin g hi s dependenc e o n others , mos t notabl y Ra s Mi ka'el o f Tigre . Nonetheless , whe n Iyas u die d i n 175 5 h e wa s widel y mourned. "Fro m Gonda r t o th e end s o f th e earth , Muslim s an d Chris tians, Qeman t an d Falash a soldier s arme d wit h shield s . . . al l crie d an d wailed."45 Mentewwab an d he r brothe r Wald a Le'u l place d Iyasu' s mino r half -

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Oromo son Iyo'a s on th e throne. 46 B y this time, however, th e balance of power betwee n th e provinces an d the court had swung s o muc h in favo r of th e forme r tha t Iyo'as ' ris e t o th e thron e coul d onl y b e secure d wit h the consent of an d at the price of majo r concessions to a number of loca l governors. S o lon g a s hi s uncl e Wald a Le'u l directe d th e state , Iyo'as (and i n hi s nam e Mentewwab ) clun g t o power . Followin g hi s deat h a t the en d o f 1766 , repeate d attempt s wer e mad e t o dethron e Iyo'as . I n January 176 9 h e was assassinate d o n th e order of Ra s Mika'el o f Tigre . An elderl y brothe r o f th e Empero r Bakaff a (1721--30 ) wa s take n fro m the roya l priso n o f Amb a Wahn i an d enthrone d a s Empero r Yohanne s II. The Zemane Masafent (lit . The Era of th e Judges) ha d begun. 47 After a fe w month s Yohanne s I I wa s poisone d an d hi s so n Takl a Haymanot I I succeede d him . I n reality , th e identit y o f th e reignin g incumbent an d hei r t o th e imperia l titl e wa s o f littl e consequence . Th e ruling "Kin g o f Kings " wa s littl e mor e tha n a figurehead t o b e "en throned an d dethrone d a t th e whim s o f governors , wh o fough t amon g themselves fo r th e positio n o f ras o f th e kingdo m o r ras bitweded y lit . 'the favorit e duke. ' " 48 Althoug h th e prestig e o f th e Solomoni c dynast y lingered on and no attempt was made to usurp the throne itself, effectiv e power reste d i n th e hand s o f loca l governor s an d militar y leaders . A s they vie d wit h eac h othe r fo r supremac y an d t o increas e thei r domain s the countr y wa s plunge d int o a stat e o f almos t constan t small-scal e warfare. For th e populatio n i n genera l an d th e peasant s i n particula r th e Zamane Masafent wa s a period o f sever e hardship . I n the bes t o f time s the lo t o f th e peasant s an d i n particula r thos e wh o labore d a s tenant farmers wa s no t a happy one . Fo r them th e endles s militar y conflict s o f the Zamane Masafent aggravate d a n alread y difficul t situation . Th e soldiers of th e different regiona l armie s lived off th e land, ravagin g bot h enemy territorie s an d thos e o f thei r masters. 49 Insecurity , poverty , an d depopulation wer e characteristi c o f th e period , especiall y i n th e are a around Gonda r tha t wa s repeatedl y conquere d an d pillaged . Smal l wonder that , a s w e shal l discus s below , th e conditio n an d statu s o f th e Beta Israel , wh o ha d depende d o n roya l patronag e an d protection , de clined. The Zamane Masafent als o mark s th e en d o f a comparativel y lon g period o f isolatio n followin g th e expulsio n o f th e Jesuits durin g whic h few outsid e observer s visite d th e country . I n 1769 , th e sam e yea r tha t

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7

Iyo'as was assassinated. The Scottish traveller James Bruce arrived at the coastal city of Massawa an d began his justifiably famou s travels through Ethiopia. Much of the credit for reawakening European interest in Ethiopia i n genera l an d i n th e Bet a Israe l i n particula r mus t res t wit h Bruce . Although mor e than thirty years were to pass before furthe r exploratio n was attempte d i n Ethiopia , hi s arriva l ca n b e sai d t o hav e begu n a ne w era.50 I n th e first hal f o f th e nineteent h century , a numbe r o f foreig n visitors journeyed throug h Ethiopia an d it is largely on the basis of thei r accounts tha t we ar e able t o reconstruc t som e aspect s o f Bet a Israe l lif e in this period. 51 Economic Decline and Religious Challenges While th e politica l instabilit y an d incessan t warfar e o f th e Er a o f th e Princes brough t hardshi p t o mos t o f th e Ethiopia n society , fe w group s were a s vulnerabl e t o it s depredation s a s th e Bet a Israel , wh o ha d depended on royal patronage fo r employment, politica l recognition , an d political security . No t surprisingly , therefore , th e perio d wa s on e o f th e bleakest i n their history an d it s effects lingere d o n lon g afte r centralize d government had been restored. Iyasu II was the last of th e Gondarine king s to engage in monumenta l construction. O f his successors, only Takla Haymanot I I (1769-77) wa s able to undertake a substantial buildin g program. The seven churches he founded i n or aroun d Gonda r were , however , mino r project s compare d to those of earlier kings, and he erected no castles or palaces.52 Onl y tw o other emperor s o f th e perio d wer e abl e t o buil d eve n a single church. 53 The impoverished emperor s o f thi s period live d not in fine stone palace s and castles , bu t i n smal l thatch-roofe d woode n house s "erecte d lik e a pigeon-house."54 Th e declin e o f ne w constructio n was , moreover , ac companied b y a general neglec t o f man y existin g buildings . Alread y b y the tim e Bruc e visite d Gonda r i n 1771 , Fasiladas ' palac e wa s i n disre pair.55 Hal f a century late r it was in an advanced stag e of disintegratio n and al l bu t uninhabitable. 56 O f th e city' s churches , onl y a handful wer e in good condition. 57 Thu s despit e a steady nee d fo r repairs as a result of both fires and warfare, muc h o f th e cit y wa s allowe d t o fal l int o a state of ruin . For the Bet a Israel , wh o ha d playe d a majo r rol e i n th e constructio n and maintenanc e o f th e Gondarin e castles , fortresses , an d churches , th e

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abandonment o f thi s traditio n wa s a considerabl e setback . T o b e sure , for man y year s numerou s Bet a Israe l continue d t o wor k a s mason s an d carpenters, an d retaine d thei r reputatio n fo r excellence. 58 However , th e decline i n bot h th e numbe r o f large-scal e project s an d th e qualit y o f skills demanded gradually le d to a corresponding decrease in the number of Bet a Israe l engage d a s builder s an d th e leve l o f experienc e required . Neither the limited constructio n of privat e residence nor the increasingl y infrequent mino r repair s mad e o n large r edifice s utilize d tremendousl y sophisticated buildin g techniques. 59 A s th e nee d fo r skille d mason s an d carpenters diminished , fewe r an d fewe r Bet a Israe l wer e abl e t o suppor t themselves i n this manner. At the same time a s their economic bas e in construction wa s reduced , the Bet a Israe l witnesse d a simila r declin e i n thei r potentia l a s agricul turalists. A s w e hav e alread y noted , th e internecin e warfar e an d insecu rity o f th e Zemane Masafent mad e th e alread y difficul t lo t o f th e peas ants eve r harde r t o bear . I n th e cas e o f th e Bet a Israel , severa l factor s appear t o hav e combine d t o shif t a disproportionat e burde n ont o thei r shoulders. First , th e are a i n and aroun d Gonda r wa s on e o f th e hardes t hit b y th e frequen t depredation s o f rovin g armies. 60 Despit e it s clea r deterioration, contro l o f th e capita l wa s stil l investe d with importan t symbolic significance, an d the various rases (princes) an d warlords regu larly clashed over right s t o th e city . Resident s o f bot h th e cit y itsel f an d the surroundin g countrysid e suffered . Second , i t mus t b e remembere d that despite their limited successes of th e Gondar period, th e vast major ity o f Bet a Israe l di d no t posses s rist, bu t rathe r worke d th e lan d o f others a s tenan t farmers . A s suc h the y wer e particularl y vulnerabl e t o economic exploitatio n an d dislocation. 61 Third , ther e ar e indication s that fro m th e middl e o f th e eighteent h centur y onward , th e Bet a Israe l not onl y foun d i t difficul t t o acquir e land , bu t als o sa w thei r existin g holdings encroache d upon. 62 Thus , service s rendere d a s builder s an d soldiers wer e rewarde d no t b y grants of land , bu t by monetary compen sation o r paymen t i n th e for m o f slaves . A t th e sam e time , deprive d o f the protectio n o f a stron g centra l government intereste d i n preservin g the security of valuable artisans , the Beta Israel were placed in a defenseless position i n which thei r lands and goods wer e liabl e t o b e seized an d redistributed. Bruce' s accoun t o f "Heap s o f platter s an d pots , tha t ha d been use d b y Mahometan s o r Jews, " bein g brough t fo r purification , would appear to indicate that the Beta Israel often fel l prey to maraudin g

GLORY AN D DECLIN E IO 9 armies.63 A s Goba t reported , "Thei r cattl e ar e ofte n take n fro m them . They carry no arms, either for attack or defence." 64 In the wake o f th e reductio n o f thei r incom e fro m bot h constructio n and agriculture , th e Bet a Israe l ha d littl e choic e bu t t o increas e thei r involvement i n wha t t o th e dominan t societ y wer e less prestigiou s pur suits suc h a weaving, pottery , and , i n particular , smithing . Virtuall y al l the reports concerning their occupational statu s from the first part of the nineteenth centur y giv e prominen t attentio n t o thei r associatio n wit h despised profession s an d th e stigm a attache d t o them. 65 Althoug h i n some case s th e designatio n o f th e Bet a Israe l a s buda (possessor s o f th e "evil eye" ) wa s applie d primaril y t o thos e wh o worke d a s smith s o r potters an d wa s mor e closel y associate d wit h certai n occupation s tha n with an y on e ethni c group , i n man y instance s th e labe l appear s t o hav e come t o refe r t o al l Falasha . Certainly , whateve r th e wide r referent s o f the term , th e Bet a Israe l wer e b y fa r th e ethni c grou p mos t closel y identified wit h th e phenomenon o f buda. 66 Indeed , as we shall discuss in greater detai l below , thi s associatio n wit h supernatura l power s largel y shaped th e attitud e o f Christia n societ y t o th e Bet a Israe l an d offere d them a limited amount of privac y and protection. 67 The economi c declin e an d socia l isolatio n experience d b y th e Bet a Israel in the Era of the Princes was accompanied b y grave threats to their religious system . A t times , thei r ver y surviva l appeare d i n danger , bu t toward th e en d o f th e perio d the y experience d a revival. I n some cases , the changes engendered i n their religious practice ca n b e directly relate d to th e genera l deterioratio n i n thei r condition . Thus , whe n increase d poverty create d a shortage o f animal s fo r sacrifice , change s wer e intro duced int o som e rituals . I n th e cas e o f th e purificatio n ceremonie s per formed fort y day s after th e birth of a boy and eighty days after tha t of a girl, th e readin g o f th e Mashafa Arde'et (Boo k o f th e disciples ) wa s substituted fo r th e sacrifice. 68 Thes e adjustments , however , appea r a s only minor difficulties whe n considered in the light of a major crises that struck the Beta Israel i n the late eighteenth an d early nineteenth century . Under pressure fro m Orom o princes, themselves only recently converte d to Christianity , larg e numbers o f Bet a Israe l abandone d thei r faith. A s a unique document reports : "At the time of the princes called ras Mariyya, ras Gugsa, an d ras Ali, th e religion o f Israe l disappeare d again , an d this decline laste d twent y years. 69 I n fact , give n th e date s o f th e ruler s con cerned and in light of som e oral traditions , th e period of crise s may wel l

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have bee n close r t o fort y years. 70 I n the 1830s , fo r example , th e Frenc h travellers Combe s an d Tamisie r commente d tha t th e Ethiopia n Chris tians, "detes t th e Jews ou t o f habit , an d th e latte r expose d t o continua l harassment, ar e rather inclined t o abandon thei r faith." 71 The surviva l o f Bet a Israe l religiou s lif e wa s du e i n larg e measur e t o the energetic response o f thei r monastic leader s and the surprising resili ence o f som e o f thei r religiou s institutions . Whe n Antoin e d'Abbadi e and hi s brothe r Arnaul d visite d Ethiopi a i n th e 1830s , th e outstandin g Beta Israe l leade r o f th e Hohuar a (Janfekera ) regio n wa s Abb a Yeshaq , a venerate d mon k an d priest . So widesprea d wa s hi s reputatio n fo r learning, tha t Christia n clerg y would visi t him with inquirie s o n matter s of biblica l interpretation. 72 I n the 1840s , Abb a Wedaje , th e chie f mon k of Qwara , le d a religious reviva l tha t "brough t hi s peopl e bac k t o thei r religion."73 Danger and Purity Of al l th e materia l w e posses s concernin g th e religiou s situatio n o f th e Beta Israe l i n th e earl y nineteent h century , non e woul d appea r t o b e a s representative o f th e manne r i n whic h thei r socia l statu s wa s evolvin g than a decre e b y a n importan t Ethiopia n officia l concernin g th e obser vance o f th e monthl y celebratio n i n hono r o f th e Archange l Michael . Troubled tha t th e Bet a Israe l wer e observin g th e holida y a t th e sam e time (an d together with?) thei r Christian neighbors , h e required them t o move their celebration fro m th e eighteenth da y of the solar month to the same day of th e lunar month. 74 While this decree itself is of comparatively mino r significance, i t serves to neatl y defin e on e o f th e centra l dilemma s o f th e relationshi p betwee n the Beta Israel an d Christian Ethiopians : over the course of th e centuries the combinatio n o f a commo n biblica l etho s an d a lon g histor y o f contact an d mutual acculturatio n betwee n th e two societies ha d resulte d in thei r possessin g religiou s system s an d cultura l identitie s tha t wer e remarkably similar. As we have already discussed in some detail, the two groups shared biblica l elements in their religions, a clear correspondenc e between thei r religiou s hierarchie s o f monk s an d priest , a corpus o f literature, a common Israelit e self-image . I n some cases , moreover , eve n blatantly Christia n element s appea r t o hav e linke d th e tw o groups . Samuel Goba t aske d a Beta Israe l "Rabbi " t o sho w hi m hi s books : hi s

GLORY AN D DECLIN E I I

I

copy of Psalm s was foun d t o includ e Weddasse Mary am(Th e Praises of Mary), "whic h th e Christian s hav e adde d t o them , wit h al l th e repeti tions o f 'I n th e nam e o f th e Father , an d o f th e Son , an d o f th e Hol y Ghost.' " 75 A t th e leas t thi s woul d see m t o poin t t o a certai n laxit y i n the checkin g an d censorin g o f work s receive d fro m Christia n scribes . I t can, however , no t b e ascribe d t o mer e ignoranc e o f on e priest . Abb a Yeshaq, th e mos t learne d o f Bet a Israe l monks , include d i n hi s lis t o f Beta Israel works, Fekkare lyasus (Th e teachings of Jesus), a work whos e Christian provenanc e an d content s ar e undeniable. 76 Thus , i n practic e the tw o religiou s system s overlappe d no t onl y wit h regar d t o share d biblical elements , bu t als o t o a muc h lesse r exten t with som e share d Christian themes . No r di d th e tw o group s diffe r significantl y i n lan guage, dress, or physical appearance. 77 Yet, a t th e sam e tim e an d wit h th e over t encouragemen t o f thei r religious an d political leadership , bot h group s remained sociall y distinc t and economicall y identifiable . Whil e day-to-da y contact s existe d be tween member s o f eac h group—indee d fo r man y Bet a Israel suc h inter actions wer e probabl y a n economi c necessity—neithe r viewe d thes e a s desirable. Moreover , th e stereotyped image s that members of eac h com munity hel d o f eac h othe r create d a picture o f opposin g attribute s tha t could easil y mak e on e questio n i f th e tw o group s belonge d t o a singl e society, muc h les s th e sam e natio n an d cultura l heritage . Popula r belie f among man y Ethiopian s closel y associate d th e Bet a Israe l wit h th e no tion o f buda ("evi l eye" ) an d accuse d the m o f harmin g thei r victims b y transforming themselve s int o hyena s a t nigh t an d drawin g ou t thei r blood o r lif e force. 78 Fo r thei r part , th e Bet a Israe l viewe d Ethiopia n Christians a s polluting apostate s borderin g o n superstitio n an d polythe ism. Althoug h thi s seemingl y paradoxica l situatio n i n whic h th e tw o communities shared an impressive array of cultural traits and yet viewed each othe r as foreign an d "wholl y other " almost certainly di d not origi nate in the Era of th e Princes. It is only i n this period that we are able to fully document it and explore its implications . While almost all commentators on the Beta Israel have given attention to bot h thei r statu s a s a despise d caste-lik e grou p an d thei r abhorrenc e of contac t wit h non-Bet a Israel , i n man y case s thes e tw o phenomen a have bee n treate d i n isolatio n fro m eac h other , a s separate systems . O n the one hand, it is claimed, we have the Beta Israel desire to limit contact and contamination b y outsiders i n order to preven t assimilation ; o n th e

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other, th e Ethiopia n Christia n fea r o f th e dangerou s magica l power s o f smiths i n genera l an d b y associatio n th e Bet a Israe l i n particular. 79 I n fact, a s w e shal l demonstrat e below , ther e i s ampl e justificatio n fo r viewing th e tw o set s o f belief s an d prohibition s a s closel y interrelated . Both, i t woul d appear , ar e attempt s t o creat e symboli c boundarie s be tween the two culturally simila r groups. 80 The interrelationship betwee n the two sets of belief s and practices can best be demonstrated b y examining th e manner in which Bet a Israe l an d Ethiopian Christia n stereotype s o f eac h othe r revolv e aroun d a smal l number o f interconnecte d ke y symbols . On e se t o f thes e ideas , fo r ex ample, revolv e aroun d th e concep t o f magica l transformation . A s w e have alread y noted , Christia n prejudic e an d superstitio n abou t th e Bet a Israel i s intimately connecte d t o the latter's identification wit h a number of a despised profession s mos t notabl y a s smith s an d potters . Commo n to bot h thes e occupation s i s th e "magical " transformatio n o f matte r (earth/ore) throug h th e use of fire. This same theme of magica l transfor mation i s on e o f th e dominan t metaphor s i n th e Ethiopian imag e o f th e buda s o ofte n applie d b y Christian s t o th e Bet a Israel . The buda, i t was claimed, coul d chang e him/hersel f int o a hyena. 81 H e could , moreover , alter th e for m o f hi s victi m t o tha t o f a hyena , ass , cow , cat , o r othe r animal.82 To b e sure , no t al l Christian s accepte d thes e beliefs . On e o f thos e encountered b y Plowden, fo r example, objecte d t o the concept, notin g I findit impossible to believe that God has given such superior powers to some men, that they should be able to convert themselves from a human being, as He formed them, into a quadruped, or to render themselves invisible, as this would entirely pervert and endanger the order of creation. 83 Gobat note s a simila r objectio n fro m th e mout h o f a Falash a wh o argued that, "I f boudas exist , you are obliged t o believe that they can do nothing contrar y t o th e wil l o f God." 84 I n fact , whil e som e Bet a Israe l appear t o hav e accepte d th e possibilit y o f th e buda, othe r viewe d i t a s yet anothe r exampl e o f th e superstitiou s Christia n belie f i n magica l transformations. Whil e som e of thes e such a s the Eucharis t an d baptis m were relate d t o universa l Christia n beliefs , other s wer e associate d wit h the particula r circumstance s o f Ethiopia . Thus , th e fac t tha t Bet a Israe l smiths an d carpenter s wer e calle d upo n t o mak e bot h crosse s an d th e tabot (ark ) fo r the Church le d them t o mock th e Christian "worship " of

GLORY AN D DECLIN E 11

3

these object s a s virtuall y idolatrou s i n character. 85 Thu s th e Christia n Ethiopian feare d th e Bet a Israe l smit h becaus e o f hi s "magical " abilit y to creat e meta l object s fro m or e an d fire ; th e sam e smit h mocke d th e Christian for his superstitious belie f in the cross's transformation int o an object of veneration. 86 Yet another even more developed syste m of belief s existed around the key symbol of blood . As we have already noted, one aspect of the buda\ power wa s hi s abilit y t o drai n th e bloo d o f hi s victim. 87 Thi s coul d b e accomplished, moreover , no t onl y b y vampire-lik e means , bu t als o b y creating th e nee d fo r th e victim t o b e treated b y the recognized medica l technique o f bleeding . "Th e drawin g o f bloo d b y th e cupping-machin e is peculiarly favourabl e t o hi s [th e buda's] operations , an d enable s hi m more firmly t o kee p possessio n o f hi s victim." 88 I n par t a t least , th e association o f th e buda wit h bloo d ma y b e connecte d t o th e smith' s involvement i n a wide variet y o f impur e activitie s tha t may resul t in th e drawing of blood . These include the creation of weapons, punishment of prisoners an d criminals , an d treatmen t o f diseases. 89 Thi s linkag e ap pears t o b e mad e explici t i n th e clai m tha t th e Bet a Israe l wer e th e descendants o f th e smith s wh o mad e th e nail s fo r Christ' s crucifixio n and wer e thu s referre d t o b y a name meanin g "ma y hi s bloo d b e upo n us." 90 Mentio n i s als o mad e o f th e Bet a Israe l practic e o f performin g blood (animal ) sacrifices. 91 Significantly, th e treatmen t o f bloo d als o playe d a majo r rol e i n th e Beta Israel' s depictio n o f ho w the y differe d fro m th e impure Christians . Thus, whil e th e Christian s accuse d th e buda o f vampire-lik e behavior , the Bet a Israe l viewe d th e Christian s a s consumer s o f bloo d no t merel y because o f th e theolog y o f th e Eucharist, 92 bu t particularl y wit h regar d to th e Ethiopia n practic e o f eatin g ra w mea t (Brundo) , whic h the y viewed wit h specia l abhorrence. 93 Th e missionar y Flad , fo r exampl e reports that , "I n cooking mea t the y ar e extremel y particular , eac h littl e bit i s cu t of f separately , an d washe d agai n an d agai n i n water , until every trace of blood disappears" 9* 4 I n a simila r fashion , th e Bet a Israe l custom of isolatin g a woman in a special hut when she menstruated may have ha d a s muc h t o d o wit h distinguishin g themselve s fro m th e Chris tians, as with issues of interna l order. 95 Finally, it should be noted that mutual avoidance is a central leitmotif that governe d Bet a Israel-Christia n perception s o f eac h other . Fo r thei r part, th e dominan t Christian s sough t t o avoi d contac t wit h th e Bet a

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Israel buda, who m the y viewed a s essentially nonhuma n an d dangerous . Similarly, th e Bet a Israe l sough t a s muc h a s possibl e t o limi t contac t with outsider s who m the y viewe d a s polluting . T o thi s en d the y ha d developed a wide ranging series of purit y behaviors that included taboo s on th e acceptanc e o f object s particularl y foo d fro m outsiders , rigorou s laws o f exogamy , extremel y stric t Sabbat h observances , an d rigi d sanc tions against those who violate d these rules. 96 On th e on e hand , on e group' s tota l rejectio n o f th e othe r mean t tha t i t was extremely difficult t o render the other group's cultural ideas acceptable; and on the other hand, sanctions wer e employed . . . t o deter anyone fro m attempting to bridge the gap or mitigate the cultural cleavage. Such sanctions were justified on physica l a s wej l a s mora l ground s designe d t o protec t th e surviva l o f th e people and their culture.97 In the final analysis, of course, the functional an d symbolic similaritie s between Beta Israel an d Christian images of each other should no t cause us t o overloo k th e basi c inequalit y tha t governe d th e relationship s be tween th e tw o groups . Fo r al l thei r cultura l an d religiou s affinities , th e Beta Israe l an d Ethiopia n Christian s di d no t compet e fo r recognitio n a s true Israelite s o n a leve l playin g field. Politica l powe r an d economi c prestige, particularl y i n th e for m o f landrights , wer e almos t exclusivel y in the hands of th e Christians. A s the Era of th e Princes drew to a close, the Bet a Israe l wer e politicall y powerless , economicall y impoverished , and socially marginalized . The perio d fro m 16 3 2-185 5 i s on e o f th e mos t comple x i n th e histor y of th e Bet a Israel . Indeed , a s w e hav e note d above , i t has , i n fact , tw o distinct phases . Fro m 163 2 t o 1769 , unde r th e patronag e o f Emperor s and courtiers base d i n the newl y buil t capital a t Gondar, th e Beta Israe l enjoyed a considerabl e degre e o f economi c succes s an d socia l mobility . By servin g th e need s o f thei r imperia l an d nobl e benefactor s th e Bet a Israel wer e abl e t o revers e earlie r processe s o f decline . I n som e cases , they wer e rewarde d wit h lan d an d titles . Althoug h thei r constan t inter action wit h th e surroundin g populatio n doubtles s le d t o instance s o f conversion an d assimilation , mos t appea r t o hav e preferre d t o remai n within the boundaries of thei r own community . A s in the past, however , acculturation continue d an d ma y hav e eve n accelerate d i n th e area s around Gondar . I n general, the y can be said to have lived in "peace an d welfare."

GLORY AN D DECLIN E II

5

The assassinatio n o f th e Empero r Iyo'a s i n 176 9 marke d th e culmi nation of a long process of imperia l declin e and ushered in the Era of the Princes. A s differen t governor s an d loca l ruler s vie d fo r supremacy , th e situation o f th e peasant s i n genera l an d th e Bet a Israe l i n particula r declined dramatically . A s the demand fo r skilled builder s decreased, th e Beta Israe l wer e force d i n growin g number s int o suc h despise d profes sions a s smithin g an d pottery . Moreover , th e lac k o f a stron g centra l government mad e the m increasingl y liabl e t o th e depredation s o f th e various armies that sought to control th e Gondar region. No less signifi cantly, thei r religiou s syste m cam e under serious attac k an d went int o a downspin, whic h onl y th e interventio n o f som e outstandin g monasti c leaders halted . The reviva l o f Bet a Israe l religio n thes e monk s sparke d could no t hav e com e a t a mor e opportun e time , fo r fro m th e mid nineteenth centur y onwar d th e Bet a Israe l cam e t o fac e ye t anothe r threat to their existence i n the form of European Protestant missionaries .

6 A Mission

to

the

Jews

Throughout th e Zamane Masafent individua l loca l ruler s sough t t o ris e above thei r peer s an d asser t dominan t contro l ove r th e Ethiopia n high lands. Onl y i n th e middl e o f th e nineteent h century , however , wa s on e of the m successful . Durin g th e period fro m Novembe r 185 2 to Februar y 1855, Dejjazmac h Kas a o f Qwar a fough t fou r majo r battle s tha t effec tively remove d hi s majo r rival s i n centra l an d norther n Ethiopi a fro m the politica l scene . Hi s coronatio n i n Februar y 185 5 a s Kin g o f King s Tewodros I I marke d th e en d o f th e Er a o f th e Prince s an d ushere d i n a new perio d i n Ethiopia n history. 1 Suprem e authorit y an d political-mili tary powe r wer e unite d i n a singl e person fo r th e first tim e i n mor e tha n a century . Althoug h man y province s remaine d onl y partiall y subdued , and Shaw a wa s effectivel y independent , centralizatio n had , t o a signifi cant degree , bee n restored . Even befor e th e ris e o f Tewodro s reintroduce d a measur e o f centrali zation t o Ethiopia n politics , Protestan t missionarie s bega n t o tak e a n interest i n th e country . Relyin g heavil y o n th e writing s o f Bruce , th e Church Missionar y Societ y bega n t o mak e plan s fo r a n Ethiopia n mis sion.2 Th e arriva l o f Samue l Goba t an d Christia n Kugle r i n Ethiopi a i n early 183 0 heralde d i n th e er a o f th e moder n missions . Whil e Kugle r confined himsel f largel y to Tigre, Gobat continue d o n t o Gondar. Durin g the next seve n years, three of which h e spent i n Ethiopia, Gobat reveale d 116

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7

himself t o b e a sensitiv e an d skillfu l representativ e o f th e Protestan t cause.3 I n late r years , afte r illnes s force d hi m t o leav e Ethiopia , th e Protestant mission s ofte n suffere d du e t o thei r lac k o f someon e wit h comparable tac t an d understanding . Goba t me t o n severa l occasion s with Bet a Israel , an d strongl y supporte d th e establishmen t o f a missio n to them. Gobat's immediat e successor s took comparativel y littl e interest in the Beta Israel , an d i t wa s onl y i n 185 5 wit h th e arriva l o f J . Marti n Fla d that th e possiblit y o f a missio n t o th e Bet a Israe l appear s t o hav e bee n seriously considered. 4 Eve n Flad did not arrive intending to work amon g the Jews . However , a n extende d perio d o f inactivit y i n th e Gonda r region, whil e th e missionarie s attempte d t o reac h a n accommodatio n with Tewodros , place d hi m i n contac t wit h th e loca l Bet a Israe l an d began a lifelon g involvemen t wit h thei r evangelization . B y May 1858 a school fo r th e Bet a Israe l ha d bee n establishe d i n Gonda r an d i n i86 0 the Londo n Societ y fo r Promotin g Christianit y amongs t th e Jews estab lished a missio n t o th e Falasha , heade d b y a converte d Germa n Jew , Henry Aaro n Stern . Withi n i n a shor t time , Flad' s difference s wit h hi s fellow missionarie s ove r thei r metho d o f operatio n i n Ethiopi a ha d le d him t o brea k compan y wit h the m an d devot e himsel f completel y t o th e Falasha mission. 5 The Ethiopian Context Although i t i s temptin g t o conside r th e activitie s o f th e Londo n Societ y in Ethiopia within the context of the countless other missions established in Africa i n th e nineteent h century , suc h a n approac h i s of onl y limite d value. T o b e sure , th e missionarie s activ e amon g th e Bet a Israe l wer e motivated b y much the same spirit as their contemporaries elsewher e o n the continent. 6 Their arrival was, moreover, symptomati c of the growing European involvemen t i n Africa durin g thi s period . Indee d muc h o f th e early histor y o f th e Londo n missio n mus t b e viewe d agains t th e back ground o f growin g Ethiopia n concer n wit h foreig n encroachmen t o n it s soil. The setting in which th e London Societ y operated , however , wa s in a number o f way s unique. 7 The presenc e i n Ethiopi a o f a n ancien t an d well-established national churc h wa s a n issu e o f continua l concer n t o the missionaries . Owin g t o th e political-ecclesiastical situatio n i n Ethio -

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pia, i t wa s unthinkabl e t o attemp t t o pursu e missionar y activitie s with out th e approva l o f bot h th e Empero r an d th e Abuna . Accordingly , when th e leade r o f th e Londo n mission , Stern , arrive d i n Ethiopi a i n March i860 , h e immediatel y se t ou t t o obtai n a n audienc e wit h th e Emperor Tewodro s II. 8 Althoug h th e king' s reactio n wa s generall y fa vorable, h e insiste d tha t Ster n obtai n th e consen t o f Abun a Salama , th e Egyptian bisho p wh o heade d th e Ethiopia n Church. 9 Whil e scarcel y a n admirer o f th e Abuna , Tewodro s wa s to o shrew d a politician t o ris k a disagreement o r misunderstandin g wit h hi m over wha t appeared , a t th e time, t o b e a mino r issue . Despit e som e initia l reservation s (h e though t "the missio n t o th e Jews a pretex t fo r interferin g wit h th e belie f o f th e Christians"), Salam a eventuall y gav e hi s "permissio n t o preac h [t o th e Jews] an d hol d assemblie s i n ever y villag e an d tow n o f hi s vas t dio cese." 10 Two importan t limitations , however , wer e place d upo n missio n act ivity. First , th e missionarie s wer e t o proselytiz e onl y amon g th e non-Christian inhabitant s o f Ethiopia . N o attemp t wa s t o b e mad e t o "convert" local Christian s t o Protestantism . Second , whil e give n limite d freedom t o practic e thei r religio n a s the y chose , al l convert s wer e con sidered members of the Ethiopian Orthodox church. In short no separate Protestant church wa s t o b e established. 11 In acceptin g thes e conditions , Ster n wa s consciousl y attemptin g t o make the best of a highly unsatisfactor y situation . Neithe r he nor any of his fello w missionarie s believe d th e Ethiopia n churc h t o b e a prope r vehicle fo r spreadin g thei r message . The y wer e horrifie d a t wha t the y viewed as ignorant clerics exploiting a superstitious population . The whole of the village, together with their priests, a stupid, ignorant, viciouslooking lump of humanity, crowded around us. We asked them many questions about their religious belief and their hopes of salvation. The ignorant and poor people naturally turne d to thei r priest for a reply, but they migh t as well have expected an answer from the fragments of rock which lay strewn over the turf, as from this self-conceited, proud, and bigoted minister of the Church.12 In practice, th e missionarie s appea r t o hav e exploite d an y laps e i n royal vigilanc e i n orde r t o mee t wit h an d preac h t o loca l Christians . I n addition, the y genuinel y questione d th e willingness o f an y Bet a Israe l t o join a church that had treated them so poorly i n the past. One great stumbling-block to the Jews is the entering into the Abyssinian Church, and I believe it must be so to every right-minded Israelite. If in this country there

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were a free toleration for every creed, so that everyone could openly confess the pure Gospel, I have no doubt that some would have joined us; but as now there is nothing fo r it, bu t to b e incorporated with the so much abhorred Amharas, they take no step.13 Under suc h circumstances , i t i s hardl y surprisin g tha t relativel y fe w o f their convert s wer e trul y prepare d fo r integratio n wit h th e nationa l church. Rather , i t was hoped that such "English Protestants" (or as they became know n i n late r year s "Yat o Flad-Lessotch " [Mr . Flad' s Chil dren]) would for m th e basis for a Reformed Churc h in Ethiopia. 14 Another aspec t o f th e Londo n mission' s developmen t directl y relate d to the influence o f th e Ethiopian situatio n was the emergence of a native ministry. Althoug h conventiona l historie s o f th e Londo n Societ y hav e frequently tende d t o giv e th e lion's shar e of attentio n t o suc h Europea n missionaries a s Ster n an d J. Marti n Flad , durin g mos t o f it s histor y th e mission wa s actuall y ru n b y the so-calle d nativ e agents , Debter a Beroo , Michael Aragawi , Hio b Negoosie, an d so forth. 15 Indee d throughout the period fro m 186 4 t o 1922 , n o Europea n representativ e o f th e Londo n Society was active in Ethiopia fo r more than a few month s at a time. The overwhelming responsibilit y give n to the native agents was less a consequence o f an y commitmen t t o the m o n th e par t o f th e Londo n Society tha n a simple product of Ethiopia n political realities . In October 1863, respondin g t o a variet y o f slights , bot h rea l an d imagined , th e gifted bu t errati c Tewodro s I I imprisone d th e missionarie s Ster n an d H. Rosenthal. 16 Severa l month s late r th e remainin g missionarie s t o th e Beta Israe l wer e als o incarcerated . Onl y i n Apri l 186 8 di d a Britis h expeditionary forc e le d b y Si r Rober t Napie r succee d i n freein g th e captives. (Face d with ignominious defeat , Tewodros committed suicide. ) The missionarie s returne d hom e t o Europe . Neithe r o f Tewodros' s suc cessors, Yohanne s I V or Meneli k II , encouraged th e retur n of th e Euro pean agents . I n fact, o f th e captive s onl y Fla d returne d t o Ethiopi a an d for only shor t periods. 17 Thus, while he remained the titular head of th e mission unti l hi s deat h i n 191 5 an d proudl y suggeste d i n hi s autobiog raphy that his work ther e was ove r sixty years , mos t of thi s period wa s served in abstensia. 1* Th e London Society's Ethiopia n mission was Ethiopian therefor e no t onl y i n it s local e an d targe t population , bu t als o with respect to its staff .

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The Missionary Appeal Without doubt th e central question s fo r any analysis of th e mission-Bet a Israel encounte r concer n th e manne r i n whic h th e missionarie s sough t to attrac t th e Bet a Israe l an d th e element s t o whic h th e Bet a Israe l themselves responded . Befor e w e procee d t o ou r ow n examinatio n o f these issues, it is necessary t o consider previous attempts to answer these questions an d i n particula r th e oft-repeate d clai m tha t th e missionarie s primarily use d physica l coercio n an d financia l inducement s t o procur e converts.19 Whil e i t is , o f course , impossibl e t o totall y disprov e suc h accusations, an d instance s o f coercio n an d briber y ma y actuall y hav e taken place , i t i s difficul t t o accep t tha t eithe r practic e represente d a characteristic featur e o f missionar y activit y durin g th e perio d w e ar e concerned with . Certainl y neithe r techniqu e forme d par t o f approve d missionary policy . Als o i n ligh t o f th e evidenc e availabl e an d th e condi tions under which the London Society operated, it does not appear likely that eithe r practic e coul d hav e bee n a majo r weapo n i n th e missionar y arsenal. Of th e tw o charge s levelle d agains t th e missionaries , tha t o f usin g physical coercio n seem s t o res t upo n th e weakes t foundation . Th e mis sionaries themselves , whethe r th e earl y European s o r th e Falash a con verts, ha d no direc t mean s of forcin g th e Beta Israel to accep t Christian ity. Indeed , i f their testimonies ar e to b e believed, convert s and "inquirers " were fa r mor e likel y t o b e abuse d b y irat e relative s tha n vice-versa. 20 Certainly, th e missionaries d o no t appea r to have been abl e to prevent a number o f thei r convert s fro m "backsliding " an d returnin g t o thei r previous faith. 21 I n a similar fashion, whil e i t is tempting t o assum e tha t the missionarie s ha d acces s t o th e resource s o f th e Christia n Ethiopia n state in their struggle to convert the Beta Israel , this assumption receive s little support fro m th e evidenc e a t han d fo r th e perio d i n question . Tewodros II , his successors , an d th e loca l governor s o f hi s tim e appea r to hav e bee n fairl y scrupulou s i n ascertainin g tha t al l conversion s wer e made freely, or at least not under conditions of obvious duress. 22 I t must be remembere d tha t neithe r th e politica l no r ecclesiastica l leadershi p o f Ethiopia wa s overflowin g wit h sympath y fo r th e "Englis h Protes tants."23 I n general , permissio n t o operat e appear s t o hav e represente d the limi t o f loca l suppor t fo r thei r cause . A t times , eve n thi s minima l concession wa s difficul t t o procure , an d th e missionarie s complaine d o f harassment by soldiers and other officials. 24

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A second majo r objection t o the accusation of coercio n is based upo n the consideratio n o f th e theologica l assumption s tha t motivate d th e mission. Contrar y t o th e commo n stereotyp e o f th e missionary , th e representatives o f th e Londo n Societ y appea r t o hav e bee n deepl y com mitted t o achievin g genuin e conversions. 25 Baptis m an d acceptance int o the Churc h represented , i n thei r view , th e culminatio n o f a proces s o f inner transformation : o f turnin g t o Christ . The y spok e scornfull y o f Orthodox convert s wh o ha d not bee n properly taugh t an d hence lacke d any rea l understandin g o f Christianity. 26 Accordin g t o thei r ow n testi mony, the y lobbie d (successfully ) agains t th e Empero r Yohanne s IV' s attempts to convert the Beta Israel by decree. 27 At least in some cases the missionaries' cautious attitude toward baptism resulted in a considerable degree o f tensio n betwee n the m an d potentia l converts . A t an y give n time the mission had, in addition to those already baptized, a substantial number o f "inquirers " learnin g th e principle s o f Christianity. 28 Th e circumstances of suc h trainees were especially difficult. Eve n though they had made a significant brea k with their Beta Israel kin, they were not yet Christians. No t surprisingly , th e missionarie s occasionall y foun d them selves unde r pressure t o normaliz e th e situatio n o f suc h inquirer s throug h a speeded u p baptism an d conversion ceremony. 29 Here , a s elsewhere in Africa, the y resisted such pressures with only limited success. Although we see that there was an underlying pressure to convert that flavored the atmosphere in Christian Ethiopia, this cannot be considered evidence that the missionaries of the London Society depended primarily upon overt coercion t o win new adherents. Their theology of conversio n and th e mean s a t thei r disposa l di d no t inclin e the m t o emplo y suc h a procedure. The situatio n wit h regar d to th e procuring of convert s through financial inducement s is , however , somewha t mor e complex . Onc e again , i t can be stated with confidence tha t the mission was theologically oppose d to an y attemp t t o "buy " converts. Tewodros ' attemp t t o wi n over Bet a Israel mason s employe d i n Gonda r b y offerin g the m mone y was , fo r example, th e subjec t o f muc h critica l commen t o n th e par t o f th e mis sionaries.30 Th e missio n i n Ethiopi a als o di d no t posses s substantia l resources fo r th e subventio n o f th e Bet a Israe l ha d thi s bee n it s goal . Nevertheless, i t woul d b e a mistak e t o totall y discoun t th e economi c factor in evaluating the mission's impact upon the Beta Israel. Almost from its inception, the London Society sought to provide some financial assistance t o thos e incline d t o conside r it s message . Stern , fo r

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example, report s buyin g cor n an d clothin g fo r th e inquirer s wit h fifty Maria Theresa dollars. 31 Durin g crises, most notably th e great famine of 1888-92, suc h sums could mea n the difference betwee n life and death. 32 Salaries were als o pai d durin g mos t o f th e mission' s histor y t o th e loca l agents an d nativ e teachers . I n 1871 , Debter a Beroo , th e missio n leader , received a n annua l salar y o f twenty-on e pounds . Hi s assistant , Kind y Fanta, wa s pai d fifteen pound s pe r annum , an d tw o teacher s receive d four pound s te n shilling s each. 33 Prio r t o thi s period , however , al l th e missions' nativ e agent s appea r t o hav e primaril y supporte d themselve s through crafts an d handiwork. 34 Mention shoul d als o be made of th e fact that a number of th e earliest converts, includin g severa l wh o becam e nativ e agents , cam e fro m back grounds of extrem e poverty and vulnerability. Th e brothers, Samani and Sanbatu Daniel , wer e fatherles s an d entere d th e missio n throug h Theo philus Waldmeier' s orphanage. 35 Agash y Schelo o ha d los t hi s mothe r and was placed unde r the protection o f Beta Israel monks. 36 Beroo , lon g the effectiv e hea d o f th e mission, ha d seen his family reduce d t o rui n by persecution an d disaster. 37 A blin d yout h i s als o mentione d amon g th e mission's earlies t converts. 38 Fo r thes e "Falash a Christians " an d per haps fo r other s th e missio n offere d i f no t wealth , a t leas t security . Th e record thu s appear s o n th e whol e inconclusive . Whil e n o clea r evidenc e exists tha t th e missionarie s emphasize d th e materia l benefit s o f conver sion, thei r relativ e wealt h an d comman d o f outsid e resource s mus t cer tainly hav e bee n source s o f attraction. Nonetheless , i t seems difficul t t o believe tha t thi s alon e wa s th e facto r tha t le d mos t Bet a Israe l t o convert. More generally , i t shoul d b e note d tha t conversio n t o Christianit y may a t first have seeme d t o offe r Bet a Israe l convert s th e possibilit y o f removing the stigma o f thei r caste-like despise d status. 39 I n practice, thi s scarcely appear s t o b e th e case . Bet a Israe l convert s whethe r t o th e mission or the Orthodox Churc h largel y retained thei r ethnic identity a s Falasha and the former carried the added burden of bein g identified wit h the foreig n Protestants . Many , moreover , continue d t o work a s smith s and potters. 40 The first step i n th e missionaries ' progra m t o conver t th e Bet a Israe l was a concerte d effor t t o undermin e thei r fait h i n bot h thei r religiou s practice an d leadership . Onc e agai n fro m a n Africa n perspective , th e Jews o f Ethiopi a offere d thei r opponent s a uniqu e challenge . Whil e

A MISSION T O TH E JEWS I2. 3 countless othe r Africa n group s confronted Christia n missionarie s wit h "superstitions" the y sought t o uproot , n o other grou p was a s consisten t in claimin g biblica l legitimac y fo r it s religiou s system . Eve n withi n th e framework o f th e mission s t o th e Jews , th e monk s an d priest s o f th e Beta Israe l represente d a n unparallele d phenomenon . O n th e on e hand , they lacke d th e Talmud, whic h member s o f th e Londo n Societ y viewe d as the chief sourc e of Jewish unbelief. O n the other hand, they possesse d a numbe r o f decidedl y un-Jewis h (an d nonbiblica l institutions ) suc h a s monasticism. No t surprisingly , the missionary attac k was also in its own way unique . According t o th e missionaries , th e proble m wit h th e Bet a Israe l reli gion wa s no t merel y it s failur e t o acknowledg e Christ , bu t als o it s distorted an d degenerat e for m o f Judaism. Ove r an d over agai n i n thei r disputes with the Beta Israel clergy the missionaries returned to the same theme: you r claim s o f biblica l authorit y ar e false becaus e muc h o f you r religion is nonbiblical i n character. Sacrifices , monasticism , an d the laws of purit y wer e th e element s mos t frequentl y single d ou t fo r condemna tion. The following conversatio n ha s been recorded: When he [a young Beta Israel] had asserted that the Lord had given the law in Egypt, and I had corrected his errors, he exclaimed impatiently , "Yes , and this law we keep, and no other will we hear." I.—What wa s th e la w tha t the Lor d gave t o th e children of Israe l o n Moun t Sinai? "The ten words," he replied quickly, looking round victoriously on the assembly. I.—Do you know them? Again he blundered. When h e ha d repeate d the m aloud , i n orde r tha t al l shoul d hea r it , I asked, "Now tel l me , is ther e anything i n these te n words about washing , abou t the separation rules , abou t abstainin g fro m defile d things , whic h yo u jus t befor e affirmed was the religion of the children of Israel?" 41 The Pentateuc h i n th e Ethiopi c languag e wa s the n brough t forwar d an d they began t o rea d som e par t of a passage tha t was interpolate d afte r th e book of Deuteronomy wa s finished. Upon thi s I called hi s attentio n t o a fe w word s immediately precedin g the interpolated passage , namely, "Here endeth the law of Moses"; upon this they were silent, and I said, "You who pretend to keep the law, are great transgressors of the same since you add to it, in direct contradiction to Moses's command." They—We keep the law. We—How i s tha t possible ? Wher e i s th e blu e fring e o n th e border s o f you r

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garments? Where is your tabernacle? Where is your altar? Where are your priests of the sons of Aaron?42 In addition to critiquing Beta Israel religious practice, the missionarie s also complaine d frequentl y abou t thei r religiou s leadership , th e priest s and monks. 43 Thes e cleric s attracte d th e ir e o f th e missionarie s fo r a variety o f reasons . First , a s evangelica l Protestant s th e missionarie s ha d a deepl y ingraine d aversio n t o a religiou s hierarch y staffe d b y monk s and priests. The y were, fo r example, n o less bitter in their denunciation s of th e clerg y o f th e Ethiopia n Orthodo x Church. 44 Th e Bet a Israe l religious leaders were in their opinion doubl y blameworth y becaus e they claimed biblical sanctio n fo r their office . To b e sure , no t eve n th e missionarie s wer e totally immun e t o th e attraction o f th e greatest o f th e Beta Israe l religiou s leaders . I n one trul y extraordinary passage , Stern , reportin g o n hi s meetin g wit h th e famou s monk an d prophet, Abb a Mahari , wrote , "Ther e was somethin g impos ing and majestic in the appearance of th e man, which on e could scarcel y behold withou t admiratio n an d reverence." 45 Fa r more typical , a t leas t in hi s opinion , wa s hi s encounte r wit h a "wild fanatica l lookin g monk , with a grin of contemp t whic h imparte d to hi s black fac e an d capaciou s mouth a most repulsive expression, wit h an air of pride and self-compla cency."46 Stern and his colleagues no t only attacke d the priesthood an d monas ticism a s institutions , bu t als o exploite d ever y opportunit y t o engag e individual cleric s i n disputation s i n orde r t o demonstrat e thei r oppo nents' ignorance. 47 Thei r tas k wa s no t a difficul t one . The Bet a Israe l monks wer e honore d i n thei r communit y becaus e o f thei r piety an d th e communal an d ritual roles they filled, not for their skill as debaters. They conceived of their religion more as a tradition of communal an d personal obligations passe d o n b y wor d o f mout h an d throug h ritua l practice s than as a clearly articulated, logicall y developed , scripture-base d system . Few, i f any , Bet a Israe l clerg y possesse d a complet e Bible . The ar t o f citation an d argumentation , a t whic h th e missionarie s wer e s o skilled , was totally foreig n t o them. Inevitably , the y came out second bes t in the confrontations engineere d b y th e missionaries . Increasingly , the y cam e to cit e "tradition " rathe r tha n biblica l precedent s i n thei r discussion s with the missionaries. 48 The missionar y strateg y o f provokin g clashe s wit h th e Bet a Israe l clergy wa s ideall y suite d t o thei r work amon g thes e people . T o thi s da y

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most Bet a Israe l posses s onl y a rudimentar y understandin g o f th e sym bols an d ritual s tha t mak e u p thei r religiou s traditions . Thei r clergy , especially th e monk s an d priests , wer e no t onl y th e paramoun t ritua l experts, bu t also the chief guardian s of th e community's historical tradi tions and beliefs. Mos t Beta Israel had no pretensions to such knowledg e and, whe n the y encountere d th e missionaries , simpl y referre d the m t o the priests. With our fellow-traveller, th e Falasha, we had on the way a religious conversation, whic h w e continued til l i t was late . W e tried to convince hi m that Jesus Christ is th e promised see d of Abraham , i n whom al l nation s ar e blessed... . Next da y we travelled togethe r unti l w e reached Ferka , where our ways separated. Before we parted, he said: "You have told me a great many things I did not kno w before ; and , bein g a n unlearne d man , I invite yo u t o visi t m e a t Fentsha. If you convince our Kahen (priest), that Jesus is the son of God, and the promised Messiah, I will believe in him."49 Under suc h circumstances , th e missionar y assaul t o n clerica l prestig e and statu s ca n b e see n t o hav e hel d th e promis e o f totall y underminin g the Bet a Israe l religiou s system . I n fact , th e missionarie s see m t o hav e been confident tha t this was happening . Respecting the Jews, or Falashas, one remarkable feature is at present observable, namely , tha t they have been greatly divide d i n their religious opinions , a s also i n respec t o f thei r adherenc e t o th e monks... . The y fee l ou r superiority over their teachers, they perceive our acquaintance with the work of God ; and comparing i t wit h th e ignoranc e o f thos e teachers , the y ar e astonished... . Hence a grea t divisio n ha s arisen , an d althoug h w e mus t no t a s ye t b e to o sanguine, yet we may freely say that the balance is in our favour.50 The Bet a Israel , the y believed , wer e rip e fo r a mini-reformatio n an d the abandonmen t o f th e monasti c system. 51 I n fact , a s w e shal l discus s in the next chapter, demograph y appear s to have played at least as large a role as theology i n encouraging the decline of Bet a Israel monasticism . The missionar y appea l t o th e Beta Israel was not , of course , confine d to attacks on their clergy and their religious practices. Nor was it limited to preaching th e Gospel an d spreading th e Christian message . Fo r many Beta Israe l thei r first contac t wit h th e mission s resulte d neithe r fro m their desire to acquire a new faith nor from their attempt to defend thei r tradition, bu t fro m thei r interes t i n obtainin g a cop y o f th e Bibl e i n Amharic. From the perspective of the missions to the Jews, the Ethiopian experience wa s once again rathe r unusual. Th e production o f Bible s and

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even the mass circulation of inexpensiv e copies of the Hebrew Scripture s were commo n undertaking s o f th e Londo n Society . I n Ethiopia , how ever, th e mission s wer e bot h th e first and , fo r man y years , th e onl y source of suc h literature . Printe d book s o f an y kind remained a rarity in Ethiopia wel l int o th e twentiet h century . Certainl y th e Bet a Israe l ha d no means of mas s producing religiou s literature, no r was the productio n of scripture s i n th e vernacula r a tas k the y wer e capabl e o f pursuing . Thus, whe n th e Londo n Societ y bega n t o distribut e Amhari c Bibles , n o rival Jewish source for such books existed . It is difficult t o overestimate th e impact of th e mission's "generosity " on th e Bet a Israel . I n a singl e ste p printe d book s and th e Scripture s i n the vernacula r reache d them . A limite d numbe r o f hand-copie d parch ment manuscript s o f th e Orit i n Ge'e z wer e suddenl y supplemente d b y hundreds o f Amhari c Bible s (includin g Ne w Testaments , Christia n par ables, an d missionary tracts). 52 Initially , th e number of Bet a Israe l capa ble o f readin g th e book s the y receive d wa s ver y limited. 53 Muc h o f th e attraction o f th e text s mus t accordingl y hav e lai n i n thei r novelt y an d the simple prestig e o f ownership . Th e missionarie s quickl y followe d th e distribution o f book s wit h th e secon d stag e i n thei r pla n t o attrac t th e Beta Israel : th e establishmen t o f schools. 54 The Londo n Societ y was , o f course, i n no wa y uniqu e i n establishing schools o r using education a s a lure fo r potentia l converts . Throughou t th e Africa n continent , th e edu cational endeavor s o f th e mission s wer e amon g th e mos t positiv e sid e effects o f thei r religiou s activities. 55 Moreover , school s wer e a regula r feature o f th e missio n t o th e Jew s whereve r i t existed . Yet , her e again , the missio n t o th e Bet a Israe l wa s somewha t remarkabl e a t leas t i n th e African context . I n othe r part s o f Africa , th e task s facin g th e mission aries included reducing the local language s to a written form , translatin g the Bibl e int o tha t language , familiarizin g potentia l convert s wit h th e Bible, an d teachin g the m t o rea d an d write. 56 Amon g th e Bet a Israel , written language s (Amhari c an d Ge'ez) , biblica l text s (Ge'ez) , a basi c familiarity wit h muc h o f th e Ol d Testament , an d limite d degre e o f literacy alread y existed . The mission s thu s foun d a muc h firmer bas e upon which t o work an d face d a much simpler task. True, the Bible had to b e translate d int o Amharic , bu t thi s ha d alread y bee n accomplishe d by 1840. 57 Mor e significant , th e teachin g containe d therei n represente d not a strang e novelt y introduced t o th e Bet a Israe l b y th e missionaries , but a mor e accessibl e versio n o f thei r mos t revere d text . I n a simila r

A MISSION T O TH E JEW S IZJ fashion, th e educationa l opportunitie s create d b y th e missio n appeare d not a s an unheard o f an d hence unappreciate d innovation , bu t rather as the offer o f a n already prestigious skill on an unprecedented scale . Small wonder tha t throughou t th e history o f th e mission, educatio n prove d t o be one of "Christianity's " most attractive features. 58 Beta Israel Converts Of course , an y discussion o f th e Beta Israel-mission encounte r would b e incomplete withou t a discussio n o f thos e Bet a Israe l wh o converte d t o Christianity. Befor e presenting our conclusions on this subject, however , it is necessary to add a few prefatory remark s by way of a caution. As we hav e noted i n previous chapters , onl y i n the last quarter of th e twentieth centur y d o w e begi n t o hav e reliabl e demographi c dat a con cerning the Beta Israel. I t is, therefore, impossibl e t o give anything but a general figure as to thei r total populatio n durin g the first decades of th e mission's presence . Contemporar y estimate s o f betwee n fifty an d on e hundred thousan d Bet a Israe l appea r fairl y reasonable , although , a s w e shall discus s i n the next chapter, eve n the lower figure may b e a bit high for th e perio d immediatel y afte r th e grea t famin e o f 1888—92 . Ob viously, an y figures given fo r th e numbe r o f convert s ca n onl y b e prop erly evaluated i n the context o f th e tota l targe t population an d thus our general ignoranc e o n thi s subjec t severel y limit s th e usefulnes s o f th e missionary data . A secon d facto r tha t mus t b e considere d concern s th e nature of th e missionar y report s themselves. A s noted above , th e Ethio pian missio n o f th e Londo n Societ y wa s unusua l i f no t uniqu e i n tha t converts entere d a n existin g national churc h rathe r tha n th e mission' s own denomination . Whil e thos e baptize d unde r th e auspice s o f th e mission coul d b e easily counte d an d registered, thi s was not the case fo r those Bet a Israe l who sough t t o enter directly int o the Ethiopian Ortho dox Church . The figures presente d i n th e variou s missionar y publica tions concern th e number of individuals baptize d by the mission, no t the total numbe r o f convert s t o Christianity . Bet a Israe l wh o wer e le d t o Christ throug h th e mission' s influenc e bu t di d no t accep t it s organiza tional framewor k di d no t figure i n missio n reports. 59 The figures the y offer are , therefore , th e minimu m numbe r o f thos e converte d durin g a given period. The numbe r o f Bet a Israe l baptize d b y th e missio n wa s neve r large .

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More tha n tw o year s passed befor e th e Society achieve d it s first conversions.60 Neithe r th e 6$ claime d unti l 1868 , no r th e 147 0 unti l 189 4 represent overwhelmin g success . Rarel y di d th e numbe r converte d i n a single yea r excee d fort y an d thi s figure wa s achieve d onl y whe n mino r dependents o f adul t convert s wer e counted. 61 Thus , i n mos t years , th e rate of conversio n achieve d b y the mission did not exceed 0. 1 percen t of the tota l population . Eve n so , thi s relativel y smal l figure represente d a constant sourc e o f concer n t o th e Bet a Israel . Onc e i t wa s firmly established, th e communit y o f "Falash a Christians " wa s self-sustainin g an d not dependen t o n th e traditiona l Bet a Israe l fo r eithe r ne w member s o r spouses. Her e agai n th e limitation s o f th e missionar y report s ar e appar ent. N o attemp t wa s made , fo r example , t o recor d th e numbe r o f chil dren bor n t o converts . Onl y rarel y wer e attempt s mad e t o estimat e th e total numbe r o f livin g Falash a Christians . I n 188 5 a figure o f eigh t hundred t o nin e hundre d wa s cited. 62 A s tim e passed , however , an d converts scattered over wider and wider areas of Ethiopia, such estimates became even mor e difficult t o make . A t the turn of th e century, mission aries repor t "finding " group s o f previousl y unrecorde d convert s o n sev eral occasions. 63 Mission convert s wer e no t draw n equall y fro m al l sector s o f th e Beta Israel population . A s w e hav e note d above , ther e ar e som e indication s that th e mission' s relativ e wealt h an d securit y mad e i t especially attrac tive t o th e poo r an d disadvantaged . The youn g appea r t o b e anothe r group particularl y ope n t o th e missionaries ' appeals . Fo r it s par t th e mission wa s especiall y intereste d i n attractin g youths , wh o migh t serv e as teachers or missionaries. 64 Moreover , it s educational activitie s gave it a natura l bas e fro m whic h t o proselytize . Man y o f th e Bet a Israe l wh o accepted baptis m wer e minor s o r youn g adults. 65 I n contrast , olde r adults prove d extremel y resistan t t o th e mission' s entreaties . Fe w con verted, an d man y o f thos e wh o di d wer e followin g i n th e footstep s o f their children or other younger relatives. 66 Another grou p tha t deserve s specia l mentio n a s particularly suscepti ble t o conversio n ar e th e debterotch (sing , debtera). Amon g th e Bet a Israel, a s wit h thei r Christia n neighbors , th e debtera represente d a sec ondary unconsecrate d clerica l grou p responsibl e fo r performin g th e lit urgy. I n general , a debtera wa s a perso n wh o wa s prevente d fro m continuing i n or seeking elevation t o a higher religiou s position b y som e personal, physical , o r familia l flaw. 67 A s a grou p the y wer e generall y

A MISSION T O TH E JEWS 12. 9 well educated an d often serve d as scribes. 68 Amon g the Ethiopian Chris tians th e combinatio n o f th e value d skil l o f literac y wit h limite d recog nition an d opportunitie s fo r advancemen t wa s a frequen t sourc e o f tension between the debtera an d the higher clergy. The tendency of many debtera t o engag e i n officiall y forbidde n magica l practice s wa s on e o f several sources of tensio n betwee n the m and the church establishment. 69 A similar situation may well have existed among the Beta Israel. 70 Moreover, Fla d note s tha t man y Bet a Israe l debterotch studie d i n Christia n schools.71 I t is therefore hardl y surprisin g tha t the debterotch prove d t o be amon g thos e mos t eage r t o acquir e Amhari c Bible s an d t o suppor t the missionary criticis m o f th e monastic clergy. They als o appear prominently among those who eventually accepte d Christianity. 72 Finally, we must recognize the importance played by family ties in the spread of Christianity . To a considerable degree, the achievements of the London Societ y amon g th e Bet a Israe l reste d o n it s abilit y t o conver t entire famil y group s rathe r tha n singl e individuals . Repeate d mentio n i s made o f th e baptis m o f severa l member s o f a singl e family. 73 I n othe r cases, relative s wh o initiall y oppose d Christianit y wer e late r baptize d themselves.74 Debter a Bero o eventuall y converte d no t onl y hi s mothe r and brother bu t also two o f hi s mother's brothers. 75 Gosh u Mersh a wa s joined i n th e missio n b y hi s wife , tw o brothers , an d a sister. 76 Man y converts wer e thu s abl e t o transfe r thei r religiou s allegianc e withou t a notable disruption of thei r social, particularly kinship, ties. 77 Beta Israel Responses Given the relatively smal l numbe r of Bet a Israel who converted to Christianity durin g th e perio d fro m i86 0 t o 188 8 an d th e limit s o f th e missionaries' success among many groups in the population, it is perhaps tempting to minimize th e overall impac t of th e mission. Thi s would b e a serious error. Although th e Falasha Christian s were the group by far the most influenced b y the mission, i t is a mistake to consider them th e only group affecte d b y th e encounter . Man y o f thos e wh o responde d mos t tellingly t o th e missionar y initiativ e di d s o fro m withi n th e framewor k of traditiona l Bet a Israe l societ y an d religion . A s wil l b e demonstrate d below, som e wh o rejecte d Christianit y underwen t transformation s n o less dramatic than those who converted. During the first two year s of th e London Society' s activitie s i n Ethio -

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pia, relations between the missionaries and the Beta Israel were tense but cordial. Despit e th e warning s o f th e clergy , th e Society's agent s encoun tered littl e organize d oppositio n t o thei r presence . Th e turnin g poin t i n Beta Israe l relation s wit h th e missio n cam e not , a s migh t b e expected , with th e firs t conversions , bu t rathe r a mont h earlie r i n 1862 . Signifi cantly, th e immediate caus e o f th e crise s wa s no t th e action s o f th e an y of th e European missionaries , bu t rather the eruption o f tension s withi n Beta Israel society itself. Kind y Fanta, one of the mission's inquirers, was accused b y th e clerg y o f hi s villag e o f havin g becom e a Christian . To gether wit h th e youn g man' s parent s the y curse d an d excommunicate d him. I n response, h e abjured them i n the name of th e Emperor (Ma y th e Emperor die , i f yo u d o s o an d so ) no t t o sacrifice . A s a resul t o f hi s action a centra l featur e o f Bet a Israe l traditiona l religio n wa s suddenl y in morta l danger. 78 Fo r th e Bet a Israel , a s fo r man y people s challenge d by Christian missionaries , th e attempts of th e missionaries to regulate or abolish aspect s o f thei r traditiona l religio n an d cultur e ha d a decisiv e impact o n thei r attitud e towar d th e missio n an d it s representatives. 79 Their hitherto passive hostility towar d th e London Society wa s radicall y transformed. Almos t immediatel y the y bega n t o initiat e a series of step s in a n attemp t t o resis t th e missionar y challenge . The Bet a Israe l em ployed a variety of technique s and policies to minimize Christian inroad s into thei r communities. Althoug h non e of thei r efforts totally succeede d in removing the Christian threat , limited gains were made. Initially, th e Bet a Israe l sough t t o fight th e ba n o f sacrifice s (an d a month late r th e first baptisms ) throug h th e Ethiopia n lega l system . A s numerous studie s hav e documented, imperia l Ethiopi a ha d a well-developed lega l syste m wit h a variet y o f level s o f court s concluding , a t leas t in theory , wit h final appea l t o th e Emperor. 80 The Ethiopian s were , moreover, a particula r litigiou s peopl e muc h enamore d wit h th e verba l give an d tak e o f th e lega l process . Withi n thi s context , th e Bet a Israe l search fo r a legal remed y t o thei r problem s was , eve n considerin g thei r relatively lo w social , political , an d economi c position , natura l an d pre dictable. The Bet a Israe l bega n thei r campaign agains t th e ba n on sacrifice s a t the cour t o f th e governo r o f Dambeya . Althoug h generall y sympatheti c to thei r claim s (h e requested tha t th e missionarie s rescin d th e ba n an d himself suspende d i t prio r t o th e hearing) , th e governo r reache d n o verdict and referred th e disputants on to the king. 81 The appearance of a number o f importan t Bet a Israe l religiou s leader s befor e th e Empero r

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1

Tewodros I I in Octobe r 186 2 remain s on e o f th e most famou s an d bes t documented event s i n thei r history . No t onl y d o tradition s concernin g this even t stil l surviv e i n th e memor y o f communit y members , i t i s als o the subjec t o f th e earlies t survivin g historica l tex t writte n b y th e Bet a Israel themselves. 82 Although officiall y o n th e subjec t o f sacrifice , th e cas e befor e th e Emperor appear s t o hav e encompasse d othe r issues . Bet a Israe l tradi tions depict thi s incident as primarily a n argument concerning th e Unity or Trinit y o f God ; a vie w tha t finds som e suppor t i n th e missionar y literature.83 The argument s presente d a t Tewodros ' cour t di d no t pro duce a clear-cu t verdict . The Bet a Israe l wer e not , a s the y ha d feared , forced t o convert . Nevertheless , i t appear s likel y tha t thei r righ t t o sacrifice wa s suspende d o r a t leas t limited. 84 Eve n thi s disruptio n was , however, short-lived an d ceased with the death of Tewodros in 1868. 85 In mos t cases , th e Bet a Israe l resorte d t o th e Ethiopia n court s no t with regar d t o society-wid e concern s suc h a s th e ba n o n sacrifices , bu t rather in an attempt to prevent or at least hinder individual conversions . I'aasoo, one of the firstinquirers, [has] had great trouble with his father-in-law, who wished t o persuade his daughter to leav e her husband. H e [th e father-inlaw] had challenged him to appear with him before the governor. The latter [the governor] was not able to decide in a matter of divorce, as this is generally done by the priests. But still, he said, he was of the opinion that if his daughter wished to remain with he r husband, th e king would no t permit him to take away his daughter by force.86 Such lega l harassmen t o f th e earlies t convert s wa s apparentl y quit e common, an d th e missionar y Rosentha l complaine d i n November 186 3 that convert s ha d t o conten d wit h thei r converte d brethre n wh o "brin g them before governors and princes to injure their lives." 87 Rather surprisingly , despit e thei r genera l lac k o f succes s th e Bet a Israel continue d t o resor t t o lega l attempt s t o preven t conversions . Ac cording to the mission's Annual Report o f 1883 , Bet a Israel priests were temporarily successfu l i n convincin g th e governo r o f Qwara t o ba n th e missionaries fro m hi s province . H e cease d t o interfer e onl y whe n th e missionaries coul d prov e the y ha d th e king' s permission. 88 I n fact, hav ing received the permission o f Ethiopia' s political an d ecclesiastical lead ership, th e missionarie s wer e i n a n excellen t political-lega l situation . A s long a s the y use d neithe r violenc e o r coercion , thei r Bet a Israe l oppo nents had little hope for a legal remed y to their problems. Of cours e th e majo r weapo n availabl e t o th e Bet a Israe l i n thei r

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struggle agains t the missionaries was not the Ethiopian lega l system , bu t their ow n abilit y t o enforc e communa l sanctions . T o thi s en d the y employed tw o techniques : (i ) th e isolatio n o f foreig n missionaries ; (2 ) the expulsio n an d excommunicatio n o f Bet a Israe l converts . Neithe r practice represente d a totall y ne w phenomeno n amon g th e Bet a Israel . As w e hav e seen , fro m th e fifteenth centur y onwar d th e custo m know n as attenkugn ha d dictated that any member of th e community who cam e in contac t wit h a n outside r ha d t o underg o ritua l purificatio n befor e rejoining society. It remains unclear to what extent the laws of attenkugn were applied prior to the nineteenth century. In all probability th e degree of observanc e amon g th e genera l populatio n varie d i n differen t period s and unde r differen t conditions , whil e th e clergy , especiall y th e monks , were stricter in their behavior. Beta Israel laboring as builders and living in Gonda r were , fo r example , probabl y rathe r casua l i n thei r attitud e toward thi s custom . Certainly , mos t Bet a Israe l d o no t appea r t o hav e avoided contac t wit h th e foreig n missionarie s durin g th e first year s o f missionary activity . I n contrast , fro m 187 0 onwar d representative s o f the Londo n Societ y foun d a n increasin g numbe r o f village s close d t o them.89 It is difficult t o avoid the conclusion tha t while attenkugn existe d long prior to the missionary "invasion, " it was mobilized an d intensifie d in an attempt at resistance. In this context, i t must be remembered tha t the Beta Israel , unlik e the Ethiopian nationa l authorities , ha d neithe r th e powe r no r authorit y t o physically exclud e missionarie s fro m preachin g i n th e country . The y could, however, deny them entry into their villages and refuse all contac t with them . The y coul d als o attemp t t o exclud e loca l convert s fro m contact with other Beta Israel. The pattern tha t emerges her e is worthy o f comment , fo r i t marks an area o f significan t contras t betwee n th e Bet a Israe l an d mos t Africa n targets o f missionar y action . I n general Africa n people s appea r t o hav e adopted a decidedl y inclusiv e attitud e towar d convert s t o Christianity . Faced wit h defections , the y wer e usuall y quit e read y t o abando n thei r customary toleranc e an d opennes s i n favo r o f coercio n an d persecu tion.90 Christia n convert s wer e frequentl y force d t o participat e i n tradi tional rituals , an d even Christia n corpse s were , o n occasion , hijacke d t o ensure the m a traditional burial. 91 Th e Bet a Israel , i n contrast , devote d most o f thei r energ y t o th e exclusion o f loca l converts. 92 T o b e sure , "Falasha Christians " wer e encourage d t o recan t an d retur n t o th e fold .

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3

No evidenc e exists, however , tha t they wer e either expected o r urged t o participate i n traditiona l ritual s s o lon g a s the y remaine d Christians . While th e Bet a Israe l d o no t appea r t o hav e bee n a s extrem e a s som e Jewish communitie s wh o excommunicate d an y membe r wh o mad e us e of missionar y services , neithe r di d the y attemp t t o hol d o n t o lapse d members by force. 93 Of course , i n practice , neithe r o f th e method s describe d abov e wa s completely successful . Althoug h th e missionarie s wer e repeatedl y con fronted b y individuals , villages , an d eve n entir e region s i n whic h the y were no t welcome d becaus e th e Bet a Israe l clerg y ha d threatene d t o excommunicate thos e wh o me t wit h them , suc h sanction s wer e rarel y 100 percen t effective . A numbe r o f factor s woul d appea r t o li e behin d the Beta Israel's relative lack of success . First, it must be stressed ye t again tha t however convenien t i t may be to tal k abou t th e Bet a Israe l "community, " th e Jew s o f Ethiopi a pos sessed neithe r centralize d communa l institution s capabl e o f makin g de cisions fo r th e grou p a s a whole no r efficien t mechanism s fo r enforcin g decisions mad e a t anythin g othe r tha n th e villag e level . The exercis e o f sanctions wa s therefor e totally dependen t o n th e abilit y o f th e clerg y t o mobilize popula r opinio n i n suppor t o f suc h a step . Consensus , no t compulsion, wa s the name of th e game. 94 At thi s point , a second importan t facto r cam e int o operation . Thos e members of th e community whos e cooperatio n wa s mos t crucial fo r th e successful applicatio n o f sanctions , namel y th e relative s o f converts , were als o thos e mos t tempte d t o violat e suc h measures . Moreover , a s previously noted , the y wer e th e individual s mos t vulnerabl e t o conver sion. T o excommunicat e a Jewish Bet a Israe l becaus e h e o r sh e insiste d on maintainin g contac t wit h hi s converte d so n o r daughter , brothe r o r sister, wa s t o d o nothin g les s tha n pus h hi m int o th e arm s o f th e Christians. I t is therefore scarcel y surprisin g tha t the only trul y effectiv e sanctions were those supported (an d even initiated) by the convert's ow n kin. Kind y Fanta , on e o f th e first Beta Israe l converts , wa s excommuni cated not by the priests but by his parents. 95 Severa l of th e first group of Falasha Christian s ha d t o tak e refug e fro m thei r angr y relative s i n th e houses of the missionaries. 96 Man y of those who refused to convert cited their hesitation t o break of f thei r relationship with a parent or spouse as the excuse for deferring their decision. 97 A third reaso n fo r the relative inefficiency o f th e communal sanction s

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related directl y t o th e compositio n o f th e Londo n Society' s staff . The Falasha Christian agents enjoyed much easier access to their unconverted brethren than their European counterparts: neithe r race, language, dress, or culture separate d the m fro m thei r Beta Israel . I n addition, the y ha d a vast networ k o f kinshi p tie s an d a n intimat e knowledg e o f communit y life upo n which to bas e their activities. Mos t important, becaus e of thei r continued ethnic identificatio n a s Bet a Israel , th e law s o f attenkugn d o not appea r t o hav e bee n use d t o exclud e the m fro m participatio n i n rituals an d celebrations . The y wer e therefor e abl e t o continu e thei r involvement i n communa l life , an d als o t o exploi t ritua l occasion s t o preach their message. In 188 2 missionarie s Debter a Alam y an d Debter a Len a me t with th e priests o f th e villag e o f Abe a i n Qwar a o n th e da y o f " a grea t annua l sacrifice."98 On e yea r late r Michae l Aragaw i an d Gosh u Mersh a wen t on a n extensiv e missionar y tou r durin g whic h the y staye d wit h th e latter's Jewish relative s an d attende d severa l weddings . Th e sam e yea r Gebra Heiwo t attende d an d participate d i n th e Seged, a pilgrimag e festival. Hundreds o f Falashas , me n an d wome n wer e gathere d together . Al l arrive d carrying a big stone o n thei r neck , cryin g " O God , hav e mercy o n us : Elohe, Elohe, gracious God, forgive us." The priest asked Gebre Heiwot to read to the people certain parts of the Pentateuch in Ethiopic, which one of them translated into Amharic. After this , your Agent read in Amharic all the Messianic prophecies, and preached Christ . Whereupo n th e priests becam e the opponents, and ordered hi m t o leav e th e place , forbiddin g hi m t o com e again . A numbe r of Falashas followed him , to whom he spoke freely: all accepted tracts, promising to read them, to see who was in the right way." Other nativ e missionarie s ar e reporte d t o hav e entere d Bet a Israe l monasteries, talke d wit h monks , attende d harves t (Ma 9rat) celebrations , and preached on the Sabbath i n the masgid. 100 The experienc e o f th e nativ e missionarie s woul d therefor e appea r t o indicate tha t th e Bet a Israe l law s o f purit y wer e no t alway s applie d a s strictly o r a s comprehensivel y a s som e contemporar y author s woul d seem t o hav e believed. 101 I n fact, th e mos t probable explanatio n fo r th e continued acces s of convert s to their brethern is probably tha t such law s were applie d fa r mor e strictl y agains t non-Bet a Israe l tha n agains t "Fa lasha Christians. " Indeed , i n contras t t o wha t ha s commonl y bee n as sumed, i t may wel l b e that a t least in th e nineteent h centur y th e laws o f

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5

attenkugn wer e as much an ethnic barrier as a religious one. 102 Whatever the reasons, th e laws of attenkugn represente d only a minimal barrie r to the "contamination" of traditional believer s by their converted brethren . Migration as Resistance Not surprisingly , som e Beta Israel religious leaders believed more drastic remedies were in order. During the first two decade s of the missionaries ' activity i n Ethiopia, a t least three attempts were made by large numbers of Bet a Israe l t o leave Ethiopia. The first ended in disaster, the results of the others remain unclear. 103 In 1862 a large group of Beta Israel drawn from almost all the regions in whic h the y reside d attempte d t o reac h th e Hol y Lan d b y marchin g through norther n Ethiopi a t o th e Re d Sea . A t thei r hea d stoo d severa l prophets, th e bes t remembere d o f who m i s th e hol y monk , Abb a Ma hari. The y faile d t o reac h thei r goa l an d b y the time they reache d Tigr e province man y ha d die d o f hunge r an d disease . Som e o f thos e wh o survived remained in Tigre, while a remnant straggled back to the south, suffering furthe r lose s alon g th e way. The missionary Fla d offers a vivid account o f thei r journey an d the tragedy that befell th e participants. Hi s report i s largel y echoe d b y Joseph Halevy , wh o appear s t o bas e himsel f on oral traditions still graphically recalled b y the Beta Israel. 104 Despite thi s wealth o f documentation , th e precise relationshi p o f thi s episode t o th e mission' s presenc e i s th e subjec t o f som e controversy . According t o Halevy , th e decisio n t o se t ou t fo r th e Lan d o f Israe l wa s made i n th e wak e o f th e disputatio n befor e Tewodros . H e claim s tha t after th e debate , durin g whic h th e kin g wa s greatl y impresse d b y th e courage o f th e Bet a Israel , the y wer e grante d a repriev e fo r fou r years . As a result, Some of the priests who had been ordered to appear at Gondar to assist at the controversy, an d who ha d feare d a fata l termination , fel l subsequentl y int o a singular stat e o f religiou s exaltatio n . . . the y believe d . . . tha t th e tim e ha d arrived for a return to Jerusalem.105 This sequenc e o f event s als o appear s i n man y ora l tradition s an d ha s been echoed b y some recen t scholars. 106 Thi s evidence notwithstanding , a numbe r o f reason s exis t fo r questionin g thi s chronolog y an d th e at tempt t o dra w a direc t connectio n betwee n th e migratio n an d th e ap -

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pearance before Tewodros. First , Flad, who was a contemporary witnes s to bot h event s an d i s generall y mor e reliabl e tha n Halev y o n suc h matters, draw s n o connectio n betwee n th e tw o events . Second , ora l traditions clai m tha t th e attempte d journe y wa s ove r b y th e en d o f th e rainy season , tha t is , n o late r tha n Septembe r 1862 , whil e th e debat e before Tewodro s wa s i n Octobe r o f tha t year . Third , th e absenc e fro m the disputatio n o f Abb a Mahari , on e o f th e Bet a Israel' s outstandin g leaders, i s probably bes t explained a s a consequence o f hi s participatio n in the journey during the same period. Indeed, at least one contemporar y source appear s t o confir m th e suggestion tha t a t th e sam e tim e a s som e members o f th e communit y remaine d i n plac e an d sough t t o fight th e missionaries throug h th e Ethiopia n lega l system , other s sough t t o leav e the country . Writin g t o th e rabbi s o f Jerusale m i n th e fatefu l yea r o f 1862, Abb a Sagga , on e o f th e partie s t o th e disputatio n a t Tewodros ' court, note d There is come among us a great stir in our hearts. For some say that the time is come for our people and we shall be separated from the Christians and go up to your country, Jerusalem, and be united with your brethren and offer sacrifices to the Lord, the God of Israel, in the Holy Land. 107 On th e whole , i t appear s fa r mor e plausibl e t o sugges t tha t th e attempted journey preceded the disputation a t the court by several months . It may wel l hav e bee n se t off b y the conversion o f th e first Beta Israe l in June 186 2 o r th e almos t simultaneou s ba n o f sacrifice s impose d o n th e community. However , a t th e roo t o f thi s dramati c episod e la y no t onl y these "push " factors , bu t als o suc h "pull " factor s a s th e Bet a Israel' s attachment to the Holy Land , their growing realization that other Jewish communities existe d outsid e Ethiopia , an d th e genera l messiani c fervo r in Ethiopia associate d wit h the figure of Tewodros II. 108 In contrast t o th e attempted exodu s o f 1862 , th e reporte d migration s of 187 4 an 519—52.5 . 41. Fo r a similar problem see the comments of Michael Heyd on the use of the designation enthusiasm. "The Reaction to Enthusiasm in the 17th Century: From Antistructure to Structure," Religion 1 5 (1985) : 279 , " 'Enthusiasm' was primarily a derogatory label, not a neutral designation of any homogeneous group in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. It was applied to a broad and diversified spectrum of movements and individuals." 42. O n th e Stephanite s se e Taddess e Tamrat , "Som e Note s o n th e Fifteent h Century Stephanite "heresy " in the Ethiopian Church, " Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 22 (1966) : 103-115 ; an d Getatche w Haile , "Th e Caus e o f th e 3stifanosites: A Fundamentalist Sect in the Church of Ethiopia," Paideuma 29 (1983) : 93-119 . Fo r a reference t o a Falasha as ayhud in a Stephanite text see Kaplan, "Gadla Gabra Masih," 280. 43. Cont i Rossini , Sarsa Dengel; cf . Perruchon , Zar'a Ya'ecob, 96-97, 142 143, 176-177 . 44. Cont i Rossini, "Gabra Iyasus," 445. 45. Cont i Rossini, "Appunti," 571-573. 46. Cont i Rossini, Takla Hawaryat, 105 . 47. I n acknowledgin g th e existenc e o f Jewis h element s i n th e religio n o f th e ayhud during thi s period, w e ar e not, o f course , denyin g th e existence of other components. Cf. ibid., 104 , for the usage of an Agaw term "Yadera" for God. See also our discussion of the later development and crystallization of Beta Israel religion below. 48. Eve n James Bruce, who perhaps more than any other writer deserves credit for popularizing the exploits of the Falasha Kings, makes no mention of a monarchy i n this period. O n this and other aspects of Bet a Israel political organization see my article, "Leadership and Communal Organization among the Beta Israel (Falasha): An Historical Study," Encyclopaedia Judaica Yearbook 1986-87 (Jerusalem : Keter, 1988): 154-163, esp. 155-156 . 49. Quirin , "The Beta Israel," 54-67; Shelemay, Music, 208-216 . 50. Quirin , "The Beta Israel," 58-61. 51. Kessler , Falashas, 94—105 ; Rapoport, The Lost Jews, 144. Cf. Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 53 , "Thoug h th e new political-economic demand s o f th e encroaching state were significant causa l factors, th e conflicts were expressed mainly in religious terms." 52. Kaplan , Holy Man, 91. 53. Althoug h i t has bee n claimed tha t Qozmos converted t o Judaism, there is no evidence for this in the sources. Cf. Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 52. Given the fluidit y o f religiou s identit y durin g thi s perio d an d th e lac k o f clea r borders between different forms of Judaism/Christianity, the move from one group to another need not have necessitated any radical change or conversion. 54. Kaplan , "Gabr a Masih. " On the Stephanites se e note 4 2 above . Man y of the ayhud mentioned i n the reign of Zar' a Ya'eqo b were members of thi s dissident Christian sect. 55. Aescoly , Falashim, 1 ; Leslau, Anthology, IX; Halevy, "Rapport au comite

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. FROMi4yWTOFALASH A

central d e PAllianc e Israelit e Universelle, " Bulletin de VAlliance Israelite Universelle (1868): 90. Cf., however, Ullendorff, Ethiopia, 29 , who suggests that the term dates to the sixteenth century. 56. Taddesse , Church and State, 201. Th e final bracket i s i n Taddesse's pub lished translation; the previous two are my own addition. Getatchew Haile (oral communication, May 1990 ) has informed me that he is very sceptical of the historicity of this alleged decree. If he is correct, the "decree" may be a product of later oral traditions that associated th e decline of the Falasha with Yeshaq' s period . Hi s reservation s als o strengthe n th e vie w tha t th e name falash a di d no t originat e wit h thi s decree . Dr . Getatche w ha s als o expressed his doubts concerning the alleged derivation falasi:falasha, a s has Professor Robert Hetzron (oral communication, October 1990). 57. Kaplan , "Gadla Gabra Masih." 58. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 61-64. Fo r a translation o f a portion o f thi s text see Steven Kaplan, "Some Hebrew Sources on the Beta Israel (Falasha)," Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Cambridge, Frankfurt: ELM, Frobenius Institute, 1988), I, 205. It is significant t o not e tha t i n earlier writing s (1517 , 1521 , 1525 ) tha t concern the Jews of Ethiopia, Ha-Levi does not use this term. 59. Quote d in Ullendorff, Ethiopia, 28 ; cf. Basset, Futuh al-Habasa, 34 2 (tr.). 60. Britis h Library , Orient . Ms . 705 , f . 149 . Cont i Rossini , "Gabr a Iyasus, " published only an Italian translation of this portion of this gadl. 61. Andr e Caquot, "Le s actes d'Ezra de Gunda Gunde," Annales d'Ethiopie 4 (1961)175. 62. O n the Ethiopian land tenure system see, for example, Richar d Pankhurst, State and Land in Ethiopian History (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopia n Studies an d Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1966) ; Ala n Hoben , Land Tenure among the Amhara of Ethiopia (Chicago an d London : Universit y o f Chi cago Press, 1973). 63. Quirin , "The Beta Israel," 59-60. 64. See , for example, the reference in Gadla Takla Hawaryat, 104, to those who had converted becaus e the y "feare d th e command o f th e kin g and governors." Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 83, n. 42, views the testimony of Elijah of Ferrara concernin g Ethiopians , wh o "mak e a show o f Christianity, " a s a reference to this phenomenon. Elijah is, however, almost certainly discussing the public demonstrations of Ethiopian Christians. Corinaldi, Tradition and Identity, 103. 65. Quirin , "The Beta Israel," 60. 66. Ibid. , 60-61 . Whil e i n basi c agreemen t with Quiri n o n th e timing of thi s transformation, I findit difficult to view the evidence he marshals as conclusive. Amon g th e earliest writer s t o not e th e associatio n o f th e Beta Israel with crafts was the Portuguese Almeida, Book II, Chapter 25. 67. Wol f Leslau , "Taamra t Emmanuel' s Note s o n Falash a Monk s an d Hol y Places," i n Salo Wittmayer Baron Jubilee Volume (Jerusalem: America n Academy fo r Jewish Research , 1974 ) II , 623-637 ; Quirin , "Th e Bet a Is-

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7

rael," 61-63 ; Shelemay , Music, 78-88; Kaplan , Holy Man, 39-41; Sho shana Ben-Dor, "The Holy Places of Ethiopian Jewry," Pe'amim 22 (1985): 32-52 (Hebrew). 68. Th e traditions vary widely as to the precise details of Abba Sabra's biography. While most claim he was originally a Christian, som e view hi m as a Jew; hi s reaso n fo r fleeing the kin g i s variousl y reporte d t o hav e bee n a murder he committed, his involvement i n idolatrous practices, or his position as a Beta Israel leader. Cf. Ben Dor, "Holy Places," 41-45. 69. Shelemay , Music, 79-80. Thes e includ e sacre d music , religiou s literature , laws of social purity, the liturgical cycle , and the architecture of the prayer house. 70. Cont i Rossini, Storia, 156-165. 71. Fo r a more detailed discussio n o f eac h o f thes e movement s se e Taddesse, Church and State, 156-174, 206-220 , 226 ; Kaplan, Holy Man, 36-44. 72. Severa l author s have claimed tha t Qozmo s introduce d monasticis m t o the Beta Israel in the fourteenth century, but this receives no explicit support in the sources. Cf . Hess, "History, " 113 ; "Outline," 102 ; Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 62; Shelemay, Music, 32 , 81. 73. Quirin , "The Beta Israel," 61. 74. Getatche w Haile has speculated that this may be an account of the fate of Zamika'el, a notorious hereti c fro m th e tim e o f Zar' a Ya'eqob , wh o no t only denied Mary, but Christ himself. A s such he was one, albeit the most extreme, of numerous Christians who appear to have reacted strongly against this emperor' s imposition o f th e cult of Mar y and other religious innova tions. Getatchew Haile , "The End of a Deserter of the Established Church of Ethiopia," Sixth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Tel Aviv, 14—17 April 1980 (Rotterdam: A. P. Balkema, 1986): 193—203. 75. Perruchon , Zar'a Ya'eqob, 5, 10-13 , 94-95 , 98-100 ; Taddesse , "Succession," 518-526. On e of Zar'a Ya'eqob's sons, Galawdeyos, is even accused of having become a "Jew," and while it is tempting to try to connect this to the traditions abou t Sagg a Amlak, th e referenc e almos t certainl y refer s to his rebellious political behavior. Cf. Getatchew, "Tomara Tdsbd't," 219. 76. Kaplan , Holy Man, 32-44. 77. "Th e Beta Israel," 61. Quoted in Kaplan, Holy Man, 40 , and for a similar interpretation see also Ben-Dor, "Holy Places," 36. 78. Kaplan , " 'Falasha' Religion," 58. 79. I t is, unfortunately , impossibl e t o reconstruct the religious system of these ayhud. I n al l probability , however , thei r religiou s syste m wa s probabl y closer to that of the "Hebraic-pagan" Qemant than that of the later Falasha. Cf. Gamst, Qemant. 80. Dillmann , Lexicon, 1342. Cf. the prayer in the Monastic ritual, "Mawas'et za-falaseyan." Thi s connectio n was , I believe , first suggested b y Ka y K. Shelemay, "Historical Ethnomusicology : Reconstructin g Falasha Liturgical History," Ethnomusicology 24 (1980): 246. 81. Fo r a detaile d discussio n o f Bet a Israe l literatur e se e m y article , "Th e

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Literature of the Beta Israel" Retrospect and Prospect," Pe'amim 41 (1990): 90-111 (Hebrew) . 82. Leslau , Anthology, 11-16. Bot h manuscript s o f Te'ezaza Sanbat foun d in the Faitlovitch collection (Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Israel) omit this section and begin with Leslau, 16 , line 3. This section, which is probably a later addition to the text, shows certain similarities to the Arabic Christian, later Christian Ethiopic work known as Qalamentos. 83. Leslau , Anthology, 16-19; Steve n Kaplan, "Te'ezaza Sanbat: A Beta Israel Work Reconsidered," Gilgul (Supplements to Numen 50), ed. Shaul Shaked et al. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987), 107-124 . 84. Fo r a summar y o f thi s comple x wor k se e Leslau , Anthology, 3-8 . 85. On e clea r exceptio n t o thi s rul e i s th e Arde'et (Disciples) . Th e Christia n version concerns Jesus and his disciples, th e Beta Israel version transform s this into Moses an d his disciples, i.e. , th e leaders of th e twelve tribes . See Mordechai Wurmbrand, The Falasha Arde'et (Tel Aviv: Chug Nemanei Beit Faitlovitch, 196 4 (Hebrew) ; Ren e Basset, "Enseignement de Jesus Christ a ses Disciples et Prieres Magiques," Apocryphes Ethiopiens 8 (Paris: Librarie de Tar t independent , 1896) ; Enn o Littmann , "Th e Magi c Boo k o f th e Disciples," Journal of the American Oriental Society 25 (1904): 1-48 . 86. Dillmann , Zar'a Jacob; Taddesse , Church and State, 220-231; Getatchew , "Tomara," 208, n. 14. 87. O f these works only a badly fragmented version of the Testament of Abraham has been published. For a more complete edition and translation of this text as well as the other two Testaments see Maurice Gaugine, "The Falasha Version of th e Testaments of Abraham , Isaac , and Jacob," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manchester, 1965. See also Kaplan, "Literature," 97-98. 88. Kaplan , "Te yezaza Sanbat"; Ma x Wurmbrand , The Death of Aaron (Tel Aviv: Chug Nemanei Beit Faitlovitch, 1961 , Hebrew). 89. Mota Muse, Mota Aron, the Gadlat of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Dersana Abreham wa Sara, Nagara Muse. 90. Enric o Cerulli , Storia della letteratura etiopica (Milan: Nuov a Accademi a Editrice, 1956), 31-33, 67-70 . 91. Leslau , Anthology, 10 , 96 , 106 ; Shelemay , Music, 57-59; Quirin , "Bet a Israel," 63-64. 92. Kaplan , "Literature," 101; "Falasha Religion," 63—64. 93. Wol f Leslau , "A Falasha Religiou s Dispute," Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research 26 (1946-47): 89-95 . 94. Bender , et al., eds., Language, 13—18 . 95. See , for example, Jack Goody, ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies (Cam bridge: Cambridg e University Press , 1968) ; The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 4. Resistance and Defeat: 1468—1632 1. Merid , "Southern Ethiopia," 33. 2. Cf . Abir , Red Sea, 43, "Th e struggl e o f th e Solomoni c monarch s agains t

4. RESISTANC E AN D DEFEA T 18

9

autonomous tendencie s o f subordinat e govvernor s an d othe r centrifuga l forces in their kingdon is a dominant theme in the history of mediaeval and post-medieval Ethiopia." 3. I t is, of course, not my intention to argue that the failure of the Beta Israel to assimilate can b e explaine d purel y o r eve n primaril y a s a produc t o f geographic conditions. Rather, I seek to simply draw attention to the crucial role played by their region's rugged conditions in prolonging their military resistance. Cf. Quirin, "Beta Israel," 11-12, 37 , n. 25. Although some have argued (Kessler, p. 93) tha t prior to their defeat by Susenyos in the seventeenth century the Beta Israel numbered as many as half a million souls, this figure appear s grossl y exaggerated . I t is , i t mus t b e noted , base d o n a n extrapolation from a statement of James Bruce who visited Ethiopia almost a century and a half after the finaldefeat of the Beta Israel. So high a figure is, moreover, greatly suspect in light of all we know about both world and Ethiopian demographics in the pre-modern period. In Ethiopia, for example, recurrent wars, epidemics, and famines must have severely limited population growth . A pea k figure of abou t 100,00 0 Bet a Israe l appear s mos t reasonable. See Baron, History, 379—382 . 4. O f course, the development of a unique Beta Israel identity and the manipulation o f element s of Christia n Ethiopia n cultur e as discussed i n the previous chapter was crucial to the survival of the group. 5. Perruchon , Zar'a Ya'eqob, i n. 6. Taddesse , Church and State, 286-291. 7. Th e note d rabb i an d talmudi c schola r Obadia h o f Bertinor o report s o n these war s in bot h 148 8 an d 1489 . I n the forme r lette r he notes tha t the conflict has been going on for four years. Cf. Corinaldi, Identity, 106-107; Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 41-44. 8. Getatchew , "Deserter," 194. Getatchew does not view this as a reference to the "Falasha " who were "to o fa r fro m th e central administratio n t o b e a threat." Even if we concede this point, the Hebrew sources from this period offer clear indications of continued clashes between the Beta Israel and the Christian rulers. 9. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 60-61; Corinaldi , Identity, 109-115. Thi s is in a letter from 1517. A more detailed version appears in a letter from 1525. 10. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 36-92; Corinaldi , Identity and Tradition, 102 128. Althoug h concerne d wit h th e religiou s practice s o f th e Bet a Israel , these sources are generally so determined to place these within the context of contemporary debates between Rabbinates and Karaites that they ignore all other features . Thus , n o mention i s made of monasticism , purit y laws, sacrifices, and other important features of Beta Israel religion. 11. Fo r a brief discussion an d English translation of som e of thes e documents see Kaplan, "Hebrew Sources," 199-208. 12. O n Ba'eda Maryam's defeat in 1474 and its consequences as well as Eskender's similar difficulties se e Perruchon, Zar'a Ya'eqob, 180-182; "Histoir e d'Eskender, d'Amda-Seyo n I I et d e Na'od, roi s d'Ethiopie," Journal asiatique, ser. 9, 3 (1894): 343-345; Taddesse, Church and State, 295-296.

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13. Lebn a Dengel had an older brother who was passed over as "unsuitable for the position." Cf. Abir, Red Sea, 70 . Other minors to be crowned emperor during this period include, Eskender, Amda Seyon II, and Ya'eqob (1596 1603, 1605-1607) . Ya'eqo b clearly appears to have been chosen in preference to an older and more able candidate. 14. Taddesse , Church and State, 287-289. Helena' s period o f influenc e bega n in the reign of Ba'ed a Maryam and although interrupte d b y Eskender, did not conclude until Lebna Dengal assumed power ca. 1516. 15. Alvarez , I, 276—279. 16. Accordin g to the aforementioned Abraha m Halevi, the Falasha rebelled yet again i n 152 0 an d enjoye d considerabl e success . "An d i n th e yea r 528 0 [1519-20] th e Jew s wer e strengthene d an d the y raise d u p a banne r an d broke the yoke of the Gentiles from upon them and succeeded against them in thei r wars. " No othe r support exists fo r thi s claim . Corinaldi , Identity and Tradition, 113 ; Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 61. 17. Abir , Red Sea, 77-88; Josep h Cuoq , L'Islam en Ethiopie des origines au XVIe siecle (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1981): 218-223 . 18. Se e Futuh al-Habasha, tr . and ed. Rene Basset (Paris: Ernst Leroux, 1897 1901). 19. Taddesse , Church and State, 302 . 20. Basset , Futuh, 455-46 0 (tr.) ; Cf . however , Bruce , Travels, III, 188 , wh o claims tha t the y onl y allie d themselve s wit h Grag n afte r a long perio d of resistance. Hess , "Towar d a History," 114 . Fo r evidence of th e assistance rendered to the Muslims by predominantly pagan Agaw see Enrico Cerulli, "Gli atti di Tekle Alfa," Annali II (1943): 3721. R . S . Whiteway , The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541-1543 (London: Hakluy Society, 1902), 56-65, esp. 57-60, and see the important discussion of this episode by C. F. Beckingham, "A Note on the Topography of Ahmad Gragn's Campaigns in 1542," Journal of Semitic Studies 4 (1959): 362-373. 22. Basset , "Etudes," 19; Beckingham, "Topography," 368. 23. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 70. 24. Quirin , ibid., 71, suggests this may also have been due to Galawdewos' need for Bet a Israe l worker s t o rebuil d churche s an d othe r building s an d hi s overriding nee d fo r interna l peace . O n Galawdewos ' reig n se e Willia m Conzelman, ed. and tr., Chronique de Galawdewos (Claudius) roi d'Ethiopie (Paris: Bouillon, 1895) . Fo r an important and extremely positive revalua tion of Galawdewo s se e Merid, "Southern Ethiopia," 107—118 , 159—194 , 23 off. 25. Anothe r brother , Ya'eqob , th e childles s Galawdewos' s presumptiv e heir , had died in 1555. 26. Richar d K . Pankhurst, A History of Ethiopian Towns (Wiesbaden : Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982): I, 94; Quirin, "Beta Israel," 73. 27. Alread y i n th e reig n o f Galawdewo s th e Bet a Israe l o f Wagar a "wer e growing restless, probably because they were unwilling to pay taxes." Gon-

4. RESISTANC E AND DEFEA T 19

1

$ala Rodrigues , lette r o f Februar y 3 , 1556 , quote d b y Merid , "Souther n Ethiopia," 165; see also 177-178 . 28. Taddesse , "Agaw," 12-13. 29. Ibid. , 13-15 . 30. Lette r o f Fulgenic o Freir e t o Nune s Barreto , Augus t 12 , 1560 . Beccari , Rerum, X, 105. 31. Kropp , Geschichte, 54-55; Francisc o Mari a Esteve s Pereira , Historia de Minas, Rei de Ethiopia (Lisbon : 1888) , 28 , 45-46 ; P . Petr i Pae z S.I. , Historia da Etiopia, Livro III, Capitulo VI, i n Becarri, Rerum, II, 54-55 ; Jules Perruchon , "Note s pou r l'histoir e d'Ethiopie . L e regne de Minas ou Admas-Sagad (1559-1663), " Revue semitique 4 (1896) : 283 ; Cont i Ros sini, Sarsa Dengel, 86 ; Merid, "Southern Ethiopia," 178. 32. Merid , "Souther n Ethiopia, " 230-232 , an d see th e followin g page s until 287 fo r details. Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 91, n. 97, and Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea (London: Fran k Cass , 1980) , 167-170 , largel y follow Merid in their evaluation of Sar§a DengePs rule. 33. Fo r this chronology see Merid, "Southern Ethiopia," 285-287 an d Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 92, n . 107 . Carl o Conti Rossini , Sarsa Dengel; Halevy , Sarsa-Dengel. Popula r authors, particularly thos e who have relied on Halevy's excerpted version of Sars a DengePs chronicle rather than Conti Ros sini's complet e edition , hav e generall y faile d t o vie w thes e battle s i n th e general context of thi s emperor's policies, an d have overestimated the role the king's alleged anti-Jewish animus played in provoking these clashes. Cf. Kessler, The Falashas, 98-100 , wh o als o incorrectly state s on p. 12 7 that the original text is in Amharic. 34. "Th e Beta Israel," 73. 35. Abir , Red Sea, 167, "Sers e Dingils' s decisio n i n 157 9 t o consolidat e hi s government i n th e Falash a province s rathe r tha n t o confron t th e Gall a [Oromo] coul d b e considered th e turnin g point o f hi s reign , i f no t a watershed of Ethiopian history. This disastrous decision, part of the emperor's misguided policy, opened the plateau to Galla migration and sparked off a chain reaction which led to the finaldecline of the Solomonic kingdom." 36. Pankhurst , Towns, 94-96. 37. Ibid. , 96. 38. Althoug h they date from a much later period, the words of the clergy to the Emperor Tewodro s I I ar e probabl y applicabl e t o ou r period . "Sta y fou r months i n Gondar an d eat Armacheho, Segeded , Welqayit, Simen , Tegre; stay fou r month s a t Aring o an d ea t Begemdir , Last , Yehu , Werehimano , Wello, Shewa, stay four month s at Tibaba an d eat Mecha, Agew , Damot, Gojjam as of yore," Sven Rubenson, King of Kings, Tewodros of Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, 1966), 69. 39. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 96-97 ; Halevy, "Sar§a Dengel," 392. See also Paez, Historia, Livro III, Capitulo XIV, in Beccari, Rerum, vol. II, 141-144, for a Portuguese account that closely follows that of the royal chronicles. 40. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 112-113; Halevy , "Sar§a Dengel," 412. Both

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Radai's decision t o rename the mountains and his choice of name s appear significant. Th e act of renamin g itself ma y be seen as a symbolic statement of hi s sovereignt y ove r th e region . Hi s choic e o f name s ma y hav e bee n intended as a challenge to Sarsa DengePs claim to be an Israelite (Solomonic) ruler. Sar§ a Denge l i s als o sai d t o hav e bee n motivate d b y hi s desir e t o avenge an earlier victory (in the reign of Minas) by Radai over Harbo, who commanded troops from Tigre. According to traditions recorded by Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 74, 92 , n . 108 , a Beta Israel azmach at Sar§a Dengel's court incurred his wrath by (1) insulting his wife or (2) refusing to convert to Christianity. 41. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 95-96 , 98-99 ; Halevy , "Sarsa Dengel," 406, 411. The chronicler makes special mention of the meager property possessed by the Beta Israel leader, Radai. 42. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 88 , 107 ; Halevy, "Sar§a Dengel," 405. I n one crucial episod e th e Bet a Israe l o n th e amba (plateau ) ar e sai d t o hav e panicked and failed to roll four enormous stones down upon the Christian troops. 43. Cont i Rossini , Sarsa Dengel, 95; Halevy, "Sars a Dengel," 406; Perruchon, "Sars. aDengel," 180. 44. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 88—89 , see also n o; Halevy , "Sarsa Dengel," 399; Paez, Historia, Livr o HI, Capitulo XIV, in Beccari, Rerum II, 141. 45. Merid , "Southern Ethiopia," 287. 46. I n the chronicle of Sarsa Dengel, Conti Rossini, 93-100; Halevy, 399-414 , the campaigns agains t Kale f and Radai ar e intermingled. Hess , "History, " 115, and "Outline," 104, treats these as a single episode. The shorter royal chronicles (cf . Perruchon , "Sar§ a Dengel, " 180) , however , clearl y distin guish between these two installments of the Beta Israel-imperial struggle. 47. Cont i Rossini , Sarsa Dengel, 100-106, esp . 106 ; Halevy, "Sars. a Dengel," 414-421, esp. 421; Paez, Historia, 143-144. 48. Roge r W. Cowley, The Traditional Interpretation of the Apocalypse of St. John in the Ethiopian Church (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1983), 314. 49. Bruce , Travels, III, 251 , date s Gushen' s defea t t o January 19 , 159 4 (sic) , and claims that four thousand Beta Israel soldiers died at the time. Cf. Conti Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 106—112; Halevy, "Sar§a Dengel," 423; Paez , Historia, Livro III, Capitulo XIV, in Beccari, Rerum, 144 . 50. Cont i Rossini, Sarsa Dengel, 108 ; Halevy, "Sar§a Dengel," 423-424; Paez, Historia, Livro III, Capitulo XIV, in Becarri, Rerum, 144. Although Hess , "History," 116; "Outline," 105; and Kessler, The Falashas, 100 , claim that Gedewon an d hi s follower s eventuall y committe d suicid e thi s doe s no t appear to be the sense of either the Ge'ez or Portuguese sources. Gedewon, moreover, reappears almost immediately as the royal appointed governor of Semien and the brother of Sar§a DengePs mistress Harago. The chronicle of Susenyos explicitly mentions that Gedewon oppossed four Ethiopian rulers, Sarsa Dengel , Ya'eqob , Zadengel , an d Susenyos . F . M . Esteve s Pereira , Chronica de Susenyos, Rei de Ethiopia (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1892 )

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I, 282 . Th e Sar§ a Dengel's chronicler' s nee d t o convinc e hi s reader s that Gedewon escaped by chance rather than as a result of an intentional decision t o le t hi m pas s ma y be , a t leas t i n part , connecte d wit h hi s sister' s prominent position and his own later rise to power. The precise relationship between th e variou s Bet a Israe l ruler s remain s unclear . Rada' i an d Kalef were brothers. Merid, "Southern Ethiopia," 356, n. 2, suggests that Gushan and Gedewo n wer e thei r brother s a s well , an d tha t a fifth sibling—their sister Harago—was the mistress of Sar§a Dengel. Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 92, n. 109 , suggests that there may have been two pairs of brother s (Kalef and Radai/Gushan and Gedewon). 51. Merid , "Southern Ethiopia," 356-360; Almeida , Historia, 41-42 . Beside s Zamaryam an d Ya'eqob, Harag o ha d two othe r sons, Kefl a Marya m and Matako; both were probably also sons of Sar§a Dengel and were killed by Susenyos when he came to power. 52. Jule s Perruchon , "Note s pou r l'histoir e de'Ethiopie : Regne s de Ya'qo b et Za-Dengel (1597-1607), " Revue semitique 4 (1896) : 356-361 . 53. Basset , Etudes, 124 . 54. Ibid. ; Merid , "Souther n Ethiopia, " 361-370 . Girm a an d Merid , husoEthiopian Relations, 70-71 ; Esteves Pereira, Susenyos, I, 49. 55. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I, 50-53; Merid, "Southern Ethiopia," 371-387; Girma and Merid, huso-Ethiopian Relations, 71-73 . Fo r a far more negative evaluatio n o f Zadenge l se e Abir , Red Sea, 181-184. Cf . Perruchon , "Ya'qob," 359-362. 56. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I , 53-94; Perruchon, "Ya'qob," 360-363; Abir, Red Sea, 184-185 ; Merid , "Souther n Ethiopia, " 388—394 ; Girm a an d Merid, huso-Ethiopian Relations, 73-75. 57. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, 110-132 ; Jules Perruchon, "Notes pour l'histoire d'Ethiopie: Regn e de Susenyos ou Seltan-Segad (1607-16 3 2), Revue semitique 5 (1897): 79. 58. Perruchon , "Susenyos," 79; Esteves Pereira, Susenyos, 132-141 . 59. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I , 150 ; Bruce, Travels, III , 304-306; Perruchon, "Susenyos," 173-174 . 60. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, 150—151 ; Bruce, Travels, 305—306 ; Segenet was the name of one of Gedewon's major strongholds. 61. Bruce , Travels, III , 306; Perruchon , "Susenyos, " 174 ; Esteves Pereira, Susenyos, I, 151-153; Basset, Etudes, 26 . Quirin, "Beta Israel," 76, states that Takluy was hung, but this appears to be a misunderstanding of the texts. 62. Bruce , Travels, 307-308; Esteve s Periera , Susenyos, I , 155 . Thos e wh o escaped ar e said t o have fled to Phineas , a Beta Israel leader. Hess , "His tory," 117; "Outline," 105, claims that Phineas replaced Gedewon, but this appears to be based on Bruce's mistaken report of Gedewon's death at this time. 63. Perruchon , "Susenyos, " 173 ; Esteve s Pereira , Susenyos, I, 155-156 ; cf . Pankhurst, Towns, 102. Some chronological difficulties exist with regard to the precise timing of this episode. 64. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I , 155—156; Bruce, Travels, III, 308.

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65. Whil e Wagara and Janfekera ar e easily recognizable among the areas mentioned, other regions are more difficult to identify. Cf. Quirin, "Beta Israel," 93, n. 114. 66. Girm a and Merid, Luso-Ethiopian, 72 , 86. 67. Althoug h Susenyos did not receive the sacraments and publicly convert until March 1622 , he is said to have secretly converted as early as 1618 . Perruchon, "Susenyos," 174; Girma and Merid, Luso-Ethiopian, 88 . 68. Girm a and Merid, Luso-Ethiopian, 84 . 69. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I , 190. 70. Girm a and Merid, Luso-Ethiopian, 94-95 . 71. Ibid. , 97-104. 72. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, 221-222 . Malk'e a Krestos, who commanded the imperial troops, had previously played a crucial role in subduing the rebellion of Yona'el. 73. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I , 271-272, 278-279 , 280-284 ; Perruchon, "Susenyos," 177 . Rathe r surprisingly, Hes s makes no mention of thi s episode in either of his surveys. Throughout the Susenyos' chronicle this claiment to the throne is referred to as "the son of Arzo," with no personal name given. The shorter chronicle identifies him as Za-Manfas Qeddus. 74. Giacom e Barrati, The Late Travels ofS. Giacome Baratti, an Italian Gentleman, tr. G.D. (London : Benjami n Billingsly, 1670) , 108-109 ; Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I, 154-156; Almeida, History, 54-55; Quirin, "Beta Israel," 93, n. 114. 75. Almeida , Historia, Ch . 12, 54-55 . 76. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 181, n. 12. 77. Esteve s Pereira, Susenyos, I, 155—156. 5. Glory and Decline: 1632-185 5 1. Almeid a quoted in Richard Pankhurst, The History of Famine and Epidemics in Ethiopia (Relief and Rehabilitation Commission: Addis Ababa, 1985), 45; see also 46—47. 2. Leslau , "A Falasha Religious Dispute," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 16 (1947): 80. 3. Pankhurst , Towns, 41-48, 94-112 ; Ronal d J. Horvath, "Th e Wandering Capitals of Ethiopia," Journal of African History 10 (1969): 205-219 . 4. Pankhurst , Towns, 94-100, and see 100— 112 for a discussion of other such sites in the region. 5. Ibid. , 117—121. 6. Jule s Perruchon , "Note s pou r Phistoir e d'Ethiopie : L e regne d e Fasilada s (Alam-Sagad) d e 163 2 a 1667, " Revue semitique 5 (1897) : 363 ^ 366 , 6 (1898): 86,88 . 7. E . Van Donzel, A Yemenite Embassy to Ethiopia 1647-1649. Al-Haymi's Sirat al-Habasha. Newly Introduced, Translated and Annotated (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1986). 8. Pankhurst , Towns, 122-125.

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9. Pankhurst , Towns, 168. 10. Se e Jules Leroy, "Ethiopian Painting in the Middle Ages," in G. Gerster, ed., Churches, 66—67. Stanislav Chojnacki, Major Themes in Ethiopian Painting (Athiopische Forshunge n 10 ) (Fran z Steiner: Wiesbaden, 1983) , 134 , dis agrees with Leroy' s analysis, bu t still comment s on th e important stylisti c developments of this period. n . Se e Cowley, Interpretation, 23-34 . Th e histor y o f Ethiopia n chan t i s the subject of an important study by Kay Kaufman Shelemay and Peter Jeffries, Ethiopian Christian Chant; An Anthology, 3 vols . (Madison , WI : A- R Editions, Inc., in press). 12. Fo r a useful analysi s of this period see Laverle Bennette Berry, "The Solomonic Monarchy at Gondar 1630-1755: An Institutional Analysis of Kingship i n th e Christia n Kingdo m o f Ethiopia, " Ph.D . dissertation , Bosto n University, 1976. 13. Bot h smiths and potters were suspected of magic because of their ability to transform objects by placing them in fire.Alvarez reported (Prester John II, 442-444, tha t i n the sixteenth-centur y roya l camp s smith s reside d i n the area of th e prostitutes an d strangers. Ludol f wa s tol d [A New History of Ethiopia, Being a Full and Accurate Description of the Kingdom of Abessinia (London: J. P . Gent , 1682) , 390-391) ] tha t "Th e silly vulga r people could not endure Smiths as being a sort of Mortals, that spit fire, and were bred up in Hell." For a fuller discussion of such beliefs see the end of this chapter. 14. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 165-167. 15. Thi s is remembered in a folktale i n which one Beta Israel soldier is said to be worth one hundred Christians. 16. Ludolf , History, 390; Quirin, "Beta Israel," 166. 17. Ludolf , History, 390-391; Almeida, 54-55 . 18. Balthaza r Telles , The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, tr . (London : J. Knapton, 1710) , 206 . Although n o explicit mention is made here of the Beta Israel, their own traditions associate them with work as builders in the time of Susenyos. Given their role as smiths, they would certainly have been among thos e who m Pae s taugh t t o mak e tool s an d would logicall y hav e been involved in the other aspects of the work. 19. Quirin , "Bet a Israel, " 166 , 169-172 . Althoug h th e contemporary source s usually make no specific mention of the role played by the Beta Israel, their own traditions and later sources a quite explicit concerning their role. For a discussion o f th e politica l significanc e o f th e castle s an d churche s o f thi s period see Berry, "Gondar," 174-183, 192-199 . 20. Bruce , Travels, II, 633-634. 21. Taddesse , Church and State, 91; Berry, "Gondar," 260. 22. Merid , "Southern Ethiopia," 565. This process may have already begun in the time of Susenyo s himself, bu t it is more likely that it occurred only in the reig n o f hi s son Fasiladas , wh o appear s t o hav e cancelled hi s father' s harshest decrees against the Beta Israel. 23. Ignazi o Guidi, Annales Iohannis I, Iyasu I et Bakaffa, Corpus Scriptorum

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Christianorum Orientalum Script. Aeth. 5 (Paris : 1903) , 21 . Earlie r th e same kin g ha d mediate d a violen t conflic t betwee n th e "Kayla " an d th e Tulama on the Wallo-Begemder border. Of all the names used for the Beta Israel Kayla is b y fa r th e mos t puzzling . Accordin g t o Abb a Yeshaq , a nineteenth-century Bet a Israe l mon k an d hig h priest , th e nam e refer s t o those who "did not cross the sea" when Menelik I and his men crossed the sea o n Saturda y (d'Abbadie , "Reponses, " 240 ; cf . als o th e curiou s state ment, ibid., 268, "Je respecterai le sabbat jusqu'a la mer"). Since this Agaw term does not appear as a designation of the group prior to the seventeenth century, it s derivatio n fro m s o earl y a n even t i s a s doubtfu l a s fo r th e previously discussed Falasha. The term could perhaps be related to the Beta Israel practice of not crossing a river on the Sabbath (cf. Leslau, Anthology, xi), but this too is not certain. 24. d'Abbadie , quoted by Quirin, "The Beta Israel," 167. 25. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 172-177. 26. See , for example, the apparent reference to a Beta Israel official i n the royal chronicles as Bajerond Isayyas, the chief of the carpenters who served during the reig n o f Iyas u II . Ignazi o Guidi , Annates Regum Tyasu II et Tyo fas, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 67 (Louvain : Imprimeri e Orientaliste, 1954) , 91. 27. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 176. 28. Kaplan , "Leadership," 157 ; Quirin, "Beta Israel," 176 , report s a tradition that the bajerond was chosen by his fellow workers but had to receive royal confirmation. Fo r an interesting discussion of the role of externally created middlemen in a modern Ethiopian case see Uri Almagor, "Institutionalizing a Fringe Periphery: Dassanetch-Amhara Relations," in Donald Donham and Wendy James , eds. , The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 96-115 . 29. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 168-172 . 30. Ibid. , 169 . Pankhurst , however, appear s to connect th e existence of Kayla Meda with a later separation of the Beta Israel. See Towns, 127. 31. Thes e were , i n fact , standar d characteristic s o f urba n center s an d wer e found to a lesser extent in Ethiopia's "wandering capitals" as well. 32. Th e Beta Israel laws of social purit y known a s attenkugn (don' t touch me) are attribute d t o th e fifteenth-centurymonastic leade r Abb a Sabra . (Se e Chapter 3.) Given the tendency in oral traditions to date virtually all important religiou s institution s t o hi s time , som e cautio n mus t b e exercise d i n dating these laws . I t is difficult t o discer n an y period i n which they could have bee n observed strictl y b y all Bet a Israel . Indeed , tenan t farmers , sol diers, and craftsmen woul d al l have found them an onerous burden. In all probability suc h law s represen t a n idea l fo r behavio r practice d i n realit y primarily by only the monastic clergy. 33. Guidi , lohannis I, 9; trans. Pankhurst, Towns, 127 (emphasis added). 34. Ibid. , 36. See, however, Berry, "Gondar," 16, who claims that following the earlier decree the Beta Israel and others were forcibly resettled. 3 5. Ludolf , History, 390—391.

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36. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 178—179. Such traditions must be viewed with more than a littl e skepticis m particularl y i n ligh t o f contemporar y report s o f conversions. 37. Baratti , 109-110 . 38. d'Abbadie , "Reponses," 235. 39. Fo r the Beta Israel version of this text see, Steven Kaplan, Les Falashas, 97— 105. For the Christian version see Lazarus Goldschmidt, Die abessinischen Handschriften der Stadtbiobliothek zu Frankfurt am Main (Berlin: S. Calvary and Co., 1897) , 91-101. 40. O n the Syriac version see I. H. Hall, "The Colloquy of Moses on Mt. Sinai," Hebraica, 7 , 3 (1881): 161-177 . 41. Tw o manuscript s i n the Faitlovitc h collectio n dat e th e wor k t o th e years 1 757/58; th e tex t publishe d b y Goldschmid t date s th e translatio n t o I754/5542. Kaplan , " 'Falasha' Religion." 43. Shelemay , Music, 199-203. I t is important to note that the Beta Israel do not appea r t o hav e incorporate d man y o f th e change s tha t entere d th e Christian liturg y i n the Gondar period, most notably th e Ethiopian Christian syste m o f musica l notation . Ora l communication , Shelemay , Augus t 1990. 44. Mordecha i Abir , "Ethiopia an d the Horn of Africa, " The Cambridge History of Africa IV, ed . Richar d Gra y (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1975), 564-571; Berry, "Gondar," 49-56. 45. Guidi , lyasu I, 170 . O f course , som e allowanc e shoul d b e mad e fo r th e stereotyped panegyric tone of the chronicler. 46. Fo r a description of Gondar and its court during this period see V. Nerssian, tr., an d Richar d Pankhurst, ed . an d annot., "Th e visit to Ethiopi a o f Yo hannes T'ovmacean, an Armenian Jeweller in 1764-66," Journal of Ethiopian Studies 1 5 (1982): 79-104 . 47. S o called because it resembled the biblical period of the Judges when "There was no king in Israel: every man did what was right in his own eyes" (Jud. 17:6). I n recent historiography i t has been common to call this period the "Era o f th e Princes " becaus e effectiv e powe r reste d wit h variou s loca l military leader s an d chiefs . Mordecha i Abir , Ethiopia: The Era of the Princes (London: Longman , 1968) , xxiii , bu t cf . hi s comment s i n Cambridge History, 571. 48. Sve n Rubenson , "Ethiopi a an d th e Horn, " i n The Cambridge History of Africa, V , ed . Joh n E . Flin t (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , i97*)> 5749. Ibid. , 70; cf. Abir, Cambridge History, 573-574. 50. Ullendorff , Ethiopians, 12-14 . 51. Thes e include Henry Salt, Samuel Gobat, and Antoine d'Abbadie. Ibid., 14 20; Rubenson, Survival, 16-20 ; on the French explorers see Georges Malecot, Les voyageurs franqais et les relations entre la France et VAbyssinie de 183s a i8yo (Paris : Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geunther, 1972). 52. Pankhurst , Towns, 178-179.

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53. Ibid. , 179. Salomon II (1777-79); Takla Giyorgis (1779-84, etc.). 54. Pankhurst , Towns, 254. 55. Travels, II , 622-623; 3 , 380; 4, 112. 56. Nathanie l Pearce , The Life and Times of Nathaniel Pearce (London : Colburn an d Bentley , 1831) , I , 234 ; Eduar d Ruppel , Reise in Abyssinien (Frankfurt am Main: Schmerber, 1835-1840), II, 91, both claim that it was no longer in use. Gobat, Journal, 90 , however, found three large rooms and some smaller ones in good condition except for dust and filth, and claimed that the Emperor still used one of them. 57. O f Gondar's churches, popularly numbered as forty-four but probably greater in number , nearl y hal f (Pearce , Life, II, 234) , perhap s a s fe w a s nineteen (d'Abbadie, journal, 160) were still in use. 58. Pearce , Life, I, 244 (best builders); Gobat, journal, 468. 59. O n the decline in the population of Gondar see Pankhurst, Towns, 257. 60. Ibid. , 173—179 , 147—245 . Cf . Gobat , journal, 112 , wh o whil e visitin g Gondar reporte d tha t th e Etcheg e (a n importan t Churc h official ) "mad e many excuses for not being able to furnish me with everything that I want, because the armies, passing and repassing this year, have ruined his fields." 61. Rubenson , Cambridge History, 70. 62. Quirin , "Beta Israel," 205-206. See, for example, the purchase by a Tigrean noble of twenty-five (and not fiveas appears in Huntingford, Land Charters, 67) parcel s o f Falash a lan d o r i n Falash a territory . Cont i Rossini , Liber Axumae, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalum Script. Aeth. 2 4 (Louvain: 1962): 53. 63. Travels, V, 13; cf. Hess, "Outline," 107; "History," 119. 64. journal, 122. 65. Fo r example, Edmond Combes and Maurice Tamisier, Voyage en Abyssinie, dans le pays des Galla, de Choa et DTfat, 1835-1837 (Paris : Desessart , 1838), I: 350; Gobat, Journal, 310 ; Henry Dufton, Narrative of a Journey Through Abyssinia in 1862—63 (London : Chapma n &c Hall , 1867) , 165 , 169-171. 66. Quirin , "Bet a Israel, " 212-219 . Althoug h Quiri n seek s t o argu e fo r a historical process whereby the term was increasingly identified with the Beta Israel (se e esp . 214) , th e evidenc e fo r thi s sor t o f evolutio n i s no t totall y supported by the sources. Interestingly, a similar development fro m a term designating a particular status, to one almost exclusively associate d with a single grou p doe s appea r t o hav e occurre d wit h th e nam e Falasha. Fo r a further discussio n o f th e designation o f buda and its implications , se e the final sectio n of this chapter. 67. Gobat , Journal, 122 , 310. 68. d'Abbadie , "Reponses," 264. 69. Leslau , "Dispute," 80. 70. Ras Ali I a Yejju Galla emerged as kingmaker and founder of a dynasty in the 1770s . Amon g his successors wer e Ras Gugsa (ca . 1803-25 ) an d Ras Marye (1828—31). Cf. Quirin, "Beta Israel," 220.

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71. Voyage, l, 34972. Aescoly , "Notes," 100-101 . 73. Leslau , "Religious Dispute," 81. 74. Ibid. , 235 . Whethe r thi s refor m wa s eve r enforced mus t b e questioned in light of Flad' s testimony tha t in the mid-nineteenth centur y the Beta Israel and Christians celebrated St. Michael's feast on the same day. The Falasbas (Jews) of Abyssinia (London: William Macintosh, 1869), 50. 75. Journal, 120 . 76. "Reponses, " 239. See 268, where a learned Beta Israel mentions his knowledge of "le nouveau Testament des Chretiens." 77. O n Language see Grinfeld, "Languages," 50—73. 78. Althoug h the Beta Israel were not the only group identified as buda, by the nineteenth centur y th e comple x equation s tha t associate d buda, black smiths, and the Beta Israel were firmlyentrenched. Gobat met a Beta Israel woman wh o wa s considere d t o b e th e "Quee n o f th e boudas " (Journal, 176-177). Plowden reports somewhat later that "Fellashas or Jews are also universally said to be Bouddhas." Walter Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country with an Account of a Mission to Ras Ali in 1848 (London: Longmans, 1868) , 121 . Among the many modern discussions of the buda complex see Quirin, "Beta Israel," 212-218; J. Abbink, "A SocioStructural Analysis of the Beta Esra'el as an infamous Group' in Traditional Ethiopia," Sociologus 37 , 2 (1987): 140-154 ; Ronal d A. Reminick, "The Evil Eye among the Amhara," in C. Maloney, ed., The Evil Eye (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 85-101 . 79. Cf . Messing, "Falashas," 24-26. Th e connection between these two sets of beliefs i s mad e mor e explicit i n Abbink, "Infamou s Group, " and particularly in Quirin, "Beta Israel," 212-232. 80. Thes e beliefs as well as many other aspects of Beta Israel-Christian relations are the subject of a doctoral dissertation currently being researched by Ms. Hagar Salamo n o f th e Hebre w University . Fo r a similar cas e o f negativ e stereotypes "centre d on simila r spheres and (used ) similar images and idioms" se e Almagor , "Dassanetch, " 106-112 . I n th e Bet a Israe l case , o f course, th e duratio n an d intensit y o f th e contact s a s well a s th e obviou s cultural similarities are far greater than that of th e Dassanetch, a southern Ethiopian people. More generally, see James A. Boon, Other Tribes, Other Scribes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 112-114, es P- IX 4» "Cultures produce beliefs in cultural others." 81. Plowde n Travels, 121, state s tha t "Man y hav e assured m e that they have killed or seen killed hyaenas with an earring in their ears, the inference being that they are females who have forgotten to take them out on assuming the brute form." 82. Gobat , Journal, 178 ; Dufton, Narrative, 169-170, cite s Parkyns ' account of a woman changed into an ass. 83. Travels, 123 . 84. Gobat , Journal, 181 .

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. A MISSION T O THE JEWS

85. Example s o f thi s mockin g o f Christia n belief s a s idolatrou s appear s i n reports of th e missionaries [Cf . Jewish Missionary Intelligence (Septembe r 1908): 133], and in modern testimonies of informants. Oral communication Hagar Salamon. 86. Ironically , th e Bet a Israe l themselve s see m t o hav e share d man y o f th e Christians' ideas about the transformative capacit y of immersio n i n water, whether a s baptism or fo r the sake of purity . I t is also interesting to note that this belief has continued in Israel where the Beta Israel feared that the Israeli rabbinate would trick them into accepting ritual immersion. 87. Gobat , Journal, 178 . 88. Plowden , Travels, 117 , 120. Toward the close of his discussion of the buda, Plowden notes that "The bloodstone is considered a great cure for haemorrhage." It is unclear if this is related specifically i n the context of the buda or more generally. 89. Krempel , "Falascha," 141; Abbink, "Infamous Group," 150. 90. Jewish Missionary Intelligence (September 1933), 108. 91. Annual Report [LSPC]) (1903) : 96. 92. Cf . from a later period the Beta Israel who argued, "We shall never accept a religion which eats men's fleshand drinks men's blood," Jewish Intelligence (November 1899): 170. 93. Flad , Falashas, 18 ; Halevy, "Travels," 219. Cf. Almagor, "Dassanetch," 108. 94. Ibid. , 16, emphasis added. 95. Moder n informant s voic e disgus t a t th e Christia n (an d moder n Jewish ) failure to isolate a woman when she bleeds. This interpretation departs from that o f Abbink , "Infamou s Group, " 147 , wh o view s thi s custo m a s a n internal purit y rule , irrelevant t o Christian-Beta Israe l relations . I n part at least th e differenc e fro m m y interpretatio n lie s wit h hi s emphasi s o n th e functional, as opposed to mine on the symbolic. 96. Abbink , "Infamous Group," 147. As with most of their major institutions, the Bet a Israe l attribute d thi s patter n o f behavio r t o th e fifteenthcentury and the figuresof Abba Sabra and Sagga Amlak. In fact, they may well have developed in a much later period. 97. Almagor , "Dassanetch," 109.

6. A Mission to the Jews 1. Rubenson , Survival, 173—174 ; Tewodros, 15 -45. 2. Fo r this and much of what follows see Crummey, Priests, 10-13 , 29ff . 3. O n Gobat, includin g his later tenure as Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem, see Samuel Gobat, Journal, an d Samuel Gobat, Bishop of Jerusalem (London : 1884). 4. O n Gobat' s successors , mos t notabl y C . W. Isenber g an d J. L . Krapf , see Crummey, Priests, 40-57 ; Rubenson, Independence, j\—j6 y 150-159 , 176 178. Flad originally travelled to Ethiopia in 1855 with Krapf. 5. Crummey , Priests, 122-129.

6. A MISSION T O THE JEWS 20

1

6. Ma x Warren, The Missionary Movement from Britain in Modern History (London: S.C.M. Press, 1965). 7. Se e the discussion in Crummey, Priests, 2-6 . 8. O n the beginning of missio n activit y se e Jewish Intelligence (hereafter : /I) (1 Novembe r i860) : 358-360 ; ( 1 June 1869) : 141 ; ( 1 Septembe r 1869) : 218-219; W. T. Gidney, The History of the London Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews (London : Londo n Societ y fo r Promotin g Christianity amongst the Jews, 1908), 370. 9. / / ( 1 November i860): 360 . 10. //(Apri l 1861) : 89. 11. Ster n initially describe s the permission as "unqualified," bu t this contrasts with hi s own statement s concerning th e Abuna's concerns as well a s with other missionaries' statements and actions. Cf.// ( 1 September 1869): 218. The London Society faced similar difficulties i n much of North Africa and the Middle East where work among local Muslims was prohibited. 12. / / ( 1 July 1961): 202. 13. Jewish Review (hereafter JR) (January 1862): 2-3 ; cf. JR (November 1874) : 143;// ( 1 May 1864): 105. 14. "Th e Abyssinia n Churc h an d th e Difficultie s t o Effec t a Reform, " // ( 1 February 1868) : 25-33 , esp . 32 . "Fift y individual s forme d int o a nucleus for a future Reformed Church in the heart of Abyssinia. Here was a band of believers baptize d int o a falle n Church , an d ye t no t absorbe d int o tha t Church—virtually adherent s to the creed of the Protestants, and yet nominally attached that of the Abyssinians—avowedly follower s of our infallible and Divine Revelation , an d yet apparentl y leanin g to erroneous error and human traditions." "English Protestants," JR (May 1871): 19; "Flad's Children," Annual Report (hereafter AR) (1885): 121-122; cf.// (1 May 1866): ii2;/R (Jun e I88I):24 . 15. F . G. (Eric) Payne, Ethiopian Jews: The Story of a Mission (London : Olive Press, 1972) and Kessler, Falashas, 106-120 . While adopting greatly differing perspectives to the mission, both neglect the native agents. Useful biographies o f thes e figures are scattere d throughou t th e missio n literature , fo r example,// (Octobe r 1893) : 154-155;/ / (Decembe r 1873) , 288-294 . I n Ethiopia, a s elsewhere , man y o f th e Londo n Society' s missionarie s wer e themselves Jewish converts. Cf. Robert Michael Smith, "The London Jews' Society and Patterns of Jewish Conversion in England, 1801—1859," Jewish Social Studies 43, 3-4 (Summer—Fal l 1981): 276—286. 16. Thi s episode, one of the most discussed in Ethiopian history, will not detain us here, since its direct relevance to the study of th e Beta Israel is limited. From the vast literature on this incident see Rubenson, Tewodros, 67-89; Crummey, Priests and Politicians, 115-144 . 17. Se e J. Marti n Flad , 6o—Jahre'in-der-Mission-unter-den~Falachas~in-Abessinien (Giessen: Brunnen Verlag, 1922) , 252-155; (1874) , 264-296; (1881) , 320-350. 18. Fla d die d o n 1 April 1915 ; hi s autobiograph y (60-Jahre) was publishe d posthumously.

202 6

. A MISSION T O THE JEWS

19. / / ( 1 Octobe r 1869) : 244 ; AR (1880) : 127 ; cf. Rapoport , The Lost Jews, 168-169. The claim of forced tattooing of crosses on Ethiopian Jews resurfaced i n th e Jewish Chronicle (London) i n earl y 1985 , bu t wa s late r re tracted. 20. JR (April-May 1863) : 15-16;//(Jul y 1880) : 184. 21. JR (May 1871): 18 ; JR (April 1878) : 15-16 . 22. JR (April-May 1863) : 15. 23. //( i Octobe r 1869): 244;//* (Ma y 187I): 19; AR (1889): 121. 24. JR (November 1874): 45; AR (1876): 107 ; AR (1883): 117 , 119 . 25. JR (January 1862) : 19;/ / ( 1 September 1869): 220; JR (February 1881) : 7. Cf. M . Louis e Pirouet , Black Evangelists (London: Collings , 1978) : 23 , "Evangelicals hav e alway s bee n characterize d b y a horro r o f wha t the y describe as 'nominal' Christianity." 26. //(Februar y 1900) : 184. 27. / / (Jul y 1880): 185 . Of course, their opposition to such moves was based in large part on the realization tha t once converted th e Beta Israel would not be fair game for the Protestant mission. 28. JR (April-May 1863) : 15-16;/] * (Novembe r 1874): 48. 29. JR (April-May 1863) : 15. 30. / / ( 1 Ma y 1866) : 113 ; JR (Apri l 1878) : 15-16 . I n th e earl y twentiet h century the missionaries remarked pointedly on the Jewish counter-missionary Faitlovitch' s propensit y t o distribut e larg e sum s o f money . / / (Jul y 1906): 107. 31. / / ( i Marc h 1863): 67. 3 2. O n this crucial episode in Beta Israel history see the next chapter. 33. JR (Ma y 1871) : 18-19 . Cf . JR (Novembe r 1863) , wher e Ster n suggest s paying nativ e agent s 5 pounds eac h pe r yea r includin g clothing— a tota l expenditure of 20 pounds; cf.// (Septembe r 1899): 130. 34. / / (Apri l 1871): 81; AR (1870): 76. 35. //(Decembe r 1873) : 290-291 . 36. Ibid. , 289-290 . 37. //(Octobe r 1893) : 154-155 . 38. / / ( 1 Novembe r 1863) : 280 ; JR (Novembe r 1874) : 46 . O n th e Londo n Society's concern fo r th e "temporal distress " of Jews, se e Smith, "London Jews' Society," 276, 283. 39. / / (Februar y 1983) : 23 , "Man y Abyssinia n Christian s believe d tha t th e Falashas are Budas, but they have given it up now, seeing so many Falashas becoming good Christians. " // (Januar y 1901) : 8 , "W e were baptized because we wished to avoi d th e shame of bein g called Falashas. " But see / / (February 1893): 26, "Formerly you were Falashas, now you are 'Budas'." 40. //(Decembe r 1900) : 185. 41. JR (April-May 1863) : 17. 42. JR (January 1862): 3. 43. JR(i Jul y 1861)1177-178 . 44. / / ( 1 March 1863): 67;// ( 1 July 186I): 181.

6. A MISSION T O THE JEWS 20

3

45. / / ( 1 July 1861): 188. Stern continues by describing Abba Mahari's haggard appearance and his fanatic gaze; the overall impression is, nevertheless, that he was much impressed by this monk. On Abba Mahari, see Shoshana BenDor, "The Journey to Eretz Israel: The Story of Abba Mahari," Pe'amim 33 (1987): 5-31 (Hebrew) . 46. / / ( i Jul y 1861): 189. 47. Ibid. , 190-191 ; / / ( 1 Novembe r i860) : 358 ; // ( 1 July 186I) : 175-176 , 182, 202. 48. JR (April-May 1863) : 18;// ( 1 November 1863): 296. 49. //(Apri l 1898) : 53. 50. JR (January 1862): 2. 51. /J R (April-May 1863) : 17. 52. / / ( i Novembe r 1869): 358;//* (Ma y 1871): i8;/ R (Novembe r 1871): 18; JR (November 1874) : 41 , 43 ; Ya'aco v Faitlovitch, Journey to the Falasha (Tel Aviv: Devir, 1959): 88 (Hebrew). 53. / / ( 1 July 1861): 179, 186, 194, 195. See, however, the comments below on one major literate group, the debtera. 54. / / ( 1 Marc h 1863) : 67 ; JR (April-Ma y 1863) : 15 ; / / ( 1 Novembe r 1863): 276. 55. Cf . Charle s Pelha m Groves , "Missionar y an d Humanitaria n Aspect s o f Imperialism fro m 187 0 t o 1914, " i n Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, L. H . Gan n an d Pete r Duignan , eds . (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1969) I, 462-496. 56. Cf . Eric Fenn, "The Bible and the Missionary," in Cambridge History of the Bible, Stanley Lawrence Greenslade, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963 ) HI , 383-407 ; Lami n Sanneh , Translating the Word (Mary knoll, NY: Orbis, 1989). 57. Ullendorff , Ethiopia, 62-72 . According to Gidney, History, 480, Flad completed a new translation o f th e Bible in 1888 . Th e Society's Hebre w New Testament (Smith, "London Jews' Society," 283) was, of course, of no use in Ethiopia. 58. See , for example,// (1 November 1863): 276-277. On the London Society's schools, see Smith, "London Jews' Society," 276, and Yehoshua Ben-Arieh, Jerusalem in the 19th Century (New York , Jerusalem: St . Martin's Press, Ben Zvi Institute, 1984), 335-336 . 59. Gidney , History, 616 , estimate s thes e a s numberin g onl y tw o t o thre e hundred, but this appears to be an unrealistically low figure,especially for the period after 1888. 60. I n July 1862 , twenty-tw o "inquirers " wer e baptised . A furthe r ninetee n followed shortly after. JR (April-May 1863) : 15;// ( 1 October 1969): 244. 61. / / ( 1 October 1869) : 245;// (Jun e 1894): 85. Gidney, History, 616, claims a figureof 151 3 converts by 1908. Payne, Ethiopian Jews, 68, cites a figure of 160 0 b y 1909 . Eve n thes e figures must b e viewe d wit h considerabl e suspicion. While the missionaries quote 1470 converts by 1894 ( a n average of abou t forty-three baptism s a year for thirty-four years) , it is difficult t o

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. A MISSION T O TH E JEW S

find even a singl e yea r i n whic h tha t man y adul t baptism s ar e reported . Gidney, History, reports only forty-three baptism s from 190 0 to 1909 . 62. ;4R(i885) : 122 . 63. JI (Novembe r 1893) : 163 ; // (Apri l 1898) : 53-55 ; / / (Novembe r 1899) : 169-170; AR (1904) : 122 . I n th e las t o f thes e cases , th e nativ e agent , Sanbato Daniel , reporte d discoverin g three t o fou r hundre d previousl y un reported converts! 64. / / ( 1 October 1869) : 245; Gidney, Sites, 20 . 65. Cf . AR (1878) : 119 ; AR (1879) : 124 . 66. JR (May 1871) : 19 ; JR (November 1874) : 47; JR (1882): 42. 67. Cf . Leslau, Anthology, xxiii. 68. Josep h Halevy , "Travels in Abyssinia," tr. James Picciotto i n Miscellany of Hebrew Literature, ed . A . Low y (London : Wertheimer , Lea , an d Co. , 1877), 79. 69. Donal d N . Levine , Wax and Gold (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1965), 171-173 70. O n th e involvemen t o f Bet a Israe l debterotch in magi c see Halevy, "Trav els," 47. 71. Johan n M . Flad, The Falashas (Jews) of Abyssinia, tr. S.P. Goodhart (Lon don: William Macintosh, 1869) , 32. 72. / / ( 1 May 1864) : 101 , n o ; /R (Novembe r 1882) : 42; AR (1876) : 108 ; AR (1877): 108 ; and cf. the list in//(March 1891) : 33. 73. JR (November 1874) : 44, 46, 47. 74. AR (1876) : 108;//(Septembe r 1884) : 239. 75. JR (May 1871) : 19 , but cf. on his wife,/R (Novembe r 1974) : 43,47. 76. / / (Septembe r 1884) : 239. jy. Cf . however,// (Jul y 1880) : 183 ; JR (Ma y 1884) : 19 , for instance s of Beta Israel who claimed that they could not convert lest they sever their relationship wit h famil y members . Bot h pattern s clearl y indicat e th e centralit y o f kinship tie s amon g th e Bet a Israel , wh o lacke d an y forma l politica l o r communal organization . 78. JR (April—Ma y 1863) : 16-20 ; on sacrifice among the Beta Israel see Deborah Lifchitz, "Un sacrifice chez les falachas, juif s d'Abyssinie," La terre et la vie 9 (1939): 116-123 . 79. Cf . Bonar A . Gow, Madagascar and the Protestant Impact (London: Afri cana Publishin g Co. , 1979) , 95 ; E . Ilogu , Christianity and Ibo Culture (Leiden: E . J. Brill , 1974) , 65 ; Feli x K . Ekechi, Missionary Enterprise and Rivalry in Iboland (London: Frank Cass, 1972): 37—41. 80. Cf . Edward Ullendorff , The Ethiopians (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , *973> 3r d' ec U, 178—180 , esp. 178 , n. 1. 81. JR (April-May 1863) : 14 . 82. Ibid. , 18-20 ; / / ( 1 Octobe r 1869) : 245 ; Leslau , "Dispute, " 71-95 . Ora l traditions concernin g thi s episod e hav e bee n collecte d an d prepare d fo r publication b y Ms. Shoshana Ben-Dor. 83. Cf . JR (April-Ma y 1863) : 14 . The Bet a Israe l reluctanc e t o emphasize th e

6. A MISSION T O THE JEWS 20

5

issue of sacrifice probably reflects their later recognition that even in Jewish eyes this practice was unique and problematic. 84. Fo r some of the differing versions concerning the outcome of th e case see Leslau, "Dispute," 82; Halevy, "Travels," 72-73;/R (April-Ma y 1863) : 18-20. 85. O n the threat of a renewed ban on sacrifices cf. JR (May 1871): 19. 86. JR (April-May 1863) : 15. 87. / / ( 1 November 1863): 284. 88. AR (1883): 117 . Cf. AR (1878): 119 ; AR (1892): 150. 89. AR (1872) : 92 ; JR (November 1874) : 43; JR (April 1878) : 15-16 . Thi s phenomenon wa s eve n furthe r intensifie d i n th e earl y twentiet h centur y following th e visi t o f th e Europea n Jewis h counter-missionar y Jacque s (Ya'acov) Faitlovitch in 1904. Cf.// (Augus t 1906): 118 ; (October 1906): 155; (July 1908): 107; (September 1908): 133, etc. 90. G . O. M. Tasie, Christian Missionary Enterprise in the Niger Delta (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978) , 44; Elizabeth Isichei, Varieties of Christian Experience in Nigeria (London: Macmillan, 1982) , 64, 6j\ Ekechi , Iboland, 37 . 91. Matthe w Schoeffeleers an d Ian Linden, "The Resistance of the Nyau Societies t o Roma n Catholi c Mission s i n Colonia l Malawi, " i n Terenc e O . Ranger an d Isari a N . Kimambo , eds. , The Historical Study of African Religion (Berkeley: Universit y o f California , 1974) , 268 ; Tasie , Niger Delta, 61. 92. JR (April-May 1863) : i5-i6;/R (Apri l 1878): 15. 93. Ben-Arieh , Jerusalem, 335 . 94. Kaplan , "Leadership": 157-159 . 95. JR (April-May 1863) : 14 ; cf. JR (May 1884) : 19;/ / (Jul y 1880) : 183 184; AR (1885): 121. 96. JR (April-Ma y 1863) : 15 ; cf . AR (1878) : 119 ; AR (1879) : 124 ; AR(i885): 120 . 97. / / (Jul y 1880): 183; JR (May 1884): 19; AR (1885): 121. 98. AR(i88$): 117-118 . 99. JR (May 1884) : 17-19 . Se e also AR (1884): 121 . O n the Seged see BenDor, "Seged," and Shelemay, Music, 48—50. £00. JR (November 1874): 47;//(July 1889) : 105-106;//(April 1898) : 55;/ / (June 1900) : 12 ; // (Januar y 1901) : 9 ; // (Marc h 1901) : 44. Also representative of thi s trend is the development o f mixe d housing with Falasha Christians and Jews side by side. Cf. JR (November 1882) : 41. 101. I n part, at least, the failure to exclude the missionaries may have been due to a fear tha t the y would attemp t t o rene w th e ba n of sacrifices . Cf . JR (May 1871): 19. 102. Thus , the European Jew Halevy was treated as more of a n outsider than some Beta Israel converts. 103. Fo r a detailed discussion of these episodes see Ben-Dor, "Abba Mahari." 104. Ibid. ; cf. Flad, Falashas, 37-38 ; Halevy, "Travels," 72-73. 105. Halevy , "Travels," 72.

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106. Se e Quirin, "Beta Israel," 225; but cf. Ben-Dor, "Abba Mahari," 18-26 . 107. Herman n Zotenberg, "U n document sur les Falachas," Journal asiatique, sixieme series, 9 (1867): 265-268. Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 127-128; Corinaldi, Identity and Tradition, 146-148. 108. Ben-Dor , "Abba Mahari,*' 26. On Ethiopian traditions concerning a messiah named Tewodros, see Herbert Weld-Bludell, The Royal Chronicle of Abyssinia 1-769-1840 (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1922) : 5I5-5I7. 109. / / (Novembe r 1874): 292. n o . AR (1877): 119. i n . AR (1880): 127 . This migration may, at least in part, have been a response to the religious policies of the Emperor Yohannes IV. 112. I n particular, th e migratio n o f 186 2 i s commonl y depicte d a s a second attempt t o reac h th e Hol y Lan d vi a th e Re d Sea . Cf . Flad , Falashas, 37-38. 113. Se e the reports of Eliezer Sinai Kirschbaum, Solomon Judah Rapoport, and Louis Marcus excerpted in Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry; 104-108; Mordecai Eliav , "Th e Awakening of West-Europea n Jewry to the Assistance of the Falashas, " Tarbiz 35, 1 (1965): 66 (Hebrew) . I n part, at least, these authors may have been misled by Bruce's claim that kings and queens still ruled the Falasha. 114. Luzzato , "Falashas"; d'Abbadie, "Reponses"; Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 109-116. 115. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 130-132 ; Eliav , "Awakening, " 66-67 . 116. Corinaldi , Identity and Tradition, 144-145 ; Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 125. 117. Der Israelit, 26, Septembe r 26 , 1864 ; Jewish Chronicle, Septembe r 26 , 1864. Schwart z ha d earlie r bee n a n importan t supporte r o f attempt s t o send an emissary to the Jews of Ethiopia. 118. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 127. 119. Zotenberg , "U n document"; Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 127-128; Cor inaldi, Identity and Tradition, 146-148. 120. Amon g the early travellers were Israel Joseph Benjamin and Dr. Yehezkel Asche. Cf. Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 120-122,132-138; Eliav, "Awakening," 66-69. 121. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 138-139; Eliav, "Awakening," 69-70. At the same time, he wrote to Rabbi Solomon Judah Rapoport of Prague. 122. Eliav , "Awakening," 70-73 esp . n. 71; Corinaldi, Identity and Tradition, 154-155; Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 144-148 , an d particularl y 144 146 for the text of this proclamation. 123. Eliav , "Awakening," 71-73; Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 144—156; Corinaldi, Identity and Tradition, 155-158. Th e response was not, however, unanimous. Of particular note were the article by Rabbi Joseph Schwartz of Jerusalem, who argued that the Beta Israel were not Jews (cf. Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 140-143) an d the decision not to fund a mission taken

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7

by the Alliance Israelite Universelle on October 10 , 1864 , the day before Hildesheimer composed his letter. 124. Th e letter appeared o n Februar y 8 , 1865 , i n the Jewish paper Hamagid. Waldman, Ethiopian Jewry, 15 6-160. 125. Halevy' s accoun t o f hi s journey appeare d i n numerous versions and languages. Th e bes t known ar e "Travels " and "Excursion, " bu t see Steven Kaplan and Shoshana Ben-Dor , Ethiopian Jewry: An Annotated Bibliography (Jerusalem: Be n Zvi Institute , 1988) , 73-76 , fo r a more complete listing. 126. See , for example, Rubenson, Survival; Tewodros, Crummey, Priests. 127. Halev y initially identified himself as a "white Falasha," "Travels," 39, not knowing that Henry Aaron Stern had used a similar form of introduction. 128. Se e "Travels," 47, where Halevy criticizes Beta Israel practice by refusing the offe r o f a protectiv e amule t offere d b y a dehtera. An exampl e o f Halevy's shaping of hi s account are his attempts to downplay the importance of Beta Israel monks. 129. Cf . "Rapport," 101-102. 130. Waldman , Ethiopian Jewry, 166. In 190 8 th e Alliance responde d t o the successful missio n b y Halevy's student, Jacques (Ya'acov ) Faitlovitch , by organizing a counter-mission b y Rabbi Haim Nahoum, who delivered an overwhelmingly negative report on the Beta Israel. Cf. ibid, 189-197 . 7. Kifu-qen : The Great Famine of 1888-92 1. Richar d Pankhurst, "The Great Famine of 1888-1892, " in The History of Famine and Epidemics in Ethiopia prior to the Twentieth Century (Addi s Ababa: Relie f an d Rehabilitatio n Commission , n.d.) , 57 ; Richar d Pankhurst and Douglas H. Johnson, "The Great Drought and Famine of 1888 92 in Northeast Africa," in Douglas H. Johnson and David M. Anderson, eds., The Ecology of Survival: Case Studies from North African History (London: Lester Crook Academic Publishing, 1988), 48, 67. 2. Pankhurs t and Johnson, "Famine," 51. 3. //(Jul y 1889) : 107. 4. / / (Septembe r 1892): 148. 5. Interview , Webe Akala, 9 December 1986. 6. Interviews , Qes Yemanu, 25 November 1987; Mika'el Adamas 18 December 1987. Informants from Tigre (Adamas, Abba Yeshaq Iyasu, 18 December 1987 ) tende d t o stres s th e importanc e o f Yohannes' s death . Thos e from other regions put a greater emphasis on the Mahdists. 7. JMI (Februar y 1893) : 22 , 28 ; JMI (Novembe r 1893) : 164 ; JMI (May 1894): 66* Durin g at least part of this period, the Mahdist army's purpose was probabl y a search fo r food , rathe r tha n a n attemp t t o achiev e any major political objectives. Cf. Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 60-61. 8. I n this respect, at least, these regions appear to more closely resemble the Sudan, where political factors played a larger role in the development of the

zoS 7

. Kifu-qen: TH E GREA T FAMIN E

famine than other areas of Ethiopia. Cf. Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 67-68. Guebr e Sellassie, Cbronique du regne de Menelik II (Paris: Masionneuve Freres , 1930—31) , II , 487 , note s tha t Bagemde r an d Semie n wer e badly misgoverned during the period after Yohannes. 9. Pankhurst , "Famine," 58-59. 10. Cite d in Pankhurst, "Famine," 62; Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 50. n . Cbronique II , 487. H e also notes that the sounds of neithe r fowl no r dogs were heard. 12. Interview , Abba Yeshaq, 18 December 1987. 13. JI (April 1901) : 50 ; Cf. Alaqa Lamma Haylu quoted by Pankhurst, "Famine," 67-68 ; Pankhurs t an d Johnson, "Famine, " 50 , "Th e chief caus e of the famine wa s th e deat h o f cattle , becaus e peopl e could no t plough they left their land fallow." 14. Flad , 60 Jahre, 405. (Translation, Pankhurst, "Famine," 69.) 15. JI (April 1891): 50; JMI (November 1893): 164; JMI (February 1893): 27. 16. JMI (January 1893) : 3 . Cf . Pankhurst , "Famine, " 70-74 ; Pankhurs t and Johnson, "Famine," 51, report the grain price rose by 1 to 200 percent and that of cattle between thirty to forty times. 17. Interview , Qes Hadana, 5 February 1988. 18. T o this day certain roots are remembered by the Beta Israel for the lifesaving role the y filled during th e famine . Virtuall y al l informant s mentione d th e search for these roots. 19. JMI (February 1893) . 20. Pankhurst , "Famine," 86-87; Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 53. 21. AR(i89z): 148 . 22. JMI (February 1893) : 23 ; interviews, Mikael Adamas, 1 8 December 1987 ; Alazar, 14 January 1988. 23. Interviews , Alazar, 14 June 1988; Mikael Adamas, 18 December 1987 . 24. JMI (February 1893) : 27 . Guebre Sellassie, Cbronique, II , 487, reports that the vultures thrived on human flesh. 25. Interviews , Qes Yemanu, 25 November 1987; Alazar, 1 4 January 1988. 26. / / (Novembe r 1892): 178 ; JMI (January 1893): 3. 27. JI (November 1892): 178 . 28. Pankhurst , "Famine," 88-90; Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 54. 29. Salimbeni , an Italian observer, quoted in Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 54, and cf. 60-61 . 30. Guebre-Sellassi e Cbronique, II , 487—488. Among these, potters are specifically mentioned. 31. AR(i885) : 122 . 32. //(Jul y 1890) : 107. 33. JMI (May 1884)166 . 34. //(Marc h 1891) : 33. 35. //(Februar y 1892) : 20; JMI (1894): 84. 36. / / (Februar y 1892) : 20 ; JMI (February 1893) : 27 ; JMI (November 1893) : 163. Cf . Guebre Sellassie, Cbronique, II , 488, o n royal assistance to Christian nobles from Bagemder and Semien.

j . Kifu-qen: TH E GREA T FAMIN E 2 0

9

37. Chronique, II , 487. H e also note s (488 ) tha t following th e famine potters had to been imported into the region. 38. Jacque s Faitlovitch , Quer dutch Abessinien. Meine zweite Reise zu den Falaschas (Berlin: Poppelaur, 1910). 39. Halevy , "Travels/* 98; Flad, Falasha, 14 ; Stern, Wanderings, 194 . 40. JMI (December 1900): 185. 41. /M J (July 1903): 108. 42. Pankhurst , "Famine," 93-98; Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 52-53 . 43- JI (June 1889): 82;// (Septembe r 1892): 149. 44. AR (1892): 148 , 149 ; // Ma y (1891): 65. Several of the areas mentioned by Flad, Falashas, 11 , a s places of refug e durin g the famine of 186 3 recu r in both oral tradition s an d missionary source s concerning th e Great Famine. This may be an indication that the flight of refugee s wa s not random, but rather followed certain traditional patterns. 45. Interview , Abba Yeshaq, 18 December 1987. Pankhurst, "Famine," 93-97; Pankhurst and Johnson, "Famine," 53. 46. Interview , Qes Hadana, 5 February 1988. 47. JMI (December 1900): 84. 48. JMI (February 1893): 24; interview, Abba Yeshaq, 18 December 1987. 49. JMI (December 1900) : 18 4 an d all informants . Som e oral tradition s als o report a number of conversions to Islam. 50. JMI (December 1900): 184. 51. Interviews , Alazar, 14 January 1988; Qes Hadana, 5 February 1988. 52. Messing , Story, 93-99. Messin g traces the origin of the Maryam Wodet to forced conversions during the reign of Yohannes IV (1871-1889). Contemporary evidence, however, offers little indication that large-scale conversions of the Beta Israel took place at this time (AR 1880: 127) . Alazar (interview, 14 January 1988 ) state d tha t the Maryam Wodet were converts fro m the time o f th e famine . Qe s Hadan a (interview , 5 Februar y 1988) , however , claimed that they had existed even earlier. 53. AR (1891): 139 ; AR (1892): 151. 54. AR (1890): 131. 55. AR (1891) : 139 ; JMI (Novembe r 1899) : 169-170 ; JMI (Januar y 1901): 8-10 . 56. / / (Jul y 1890): 104; AR (1890): 134. 57. AR (1891): 139-140 ; AR (1892): 151. 58. / / (Novembe r 1892); JMI (February 1893): 23. 59. Interviews , Abb a Yeshaq , 1 8 Decembe r 1987 ; Qe s Hadana , 5 Februar y 1988. 60. Flad , Falasha, 29 . 61. JMI (July 1896) : 84. d'Abbadie was told that only twenty monks resided at Horhawa ("Reponses," 261). In 1908 Faitlovitch reported that eight monks resided at Gouraba. Leslau found only three. 62. Interview , Abba Yeshaq, 18 December 1987. 63. Interviews , Alazar, 14 January 1988; Qes Hadana, 5 February 1988. 64. Interviews , Qes Yemanu, 2 December 1987; Qes Hadana, 5 February 1988.

2IO CONCLUSIONS

: BEFOR E FAITLOVITC H

65. Interview , 18 December 1987. 66. Cf . th e testimon y o f Abb a Gette , 1 7 Novembe r 1986 , "I n th e Kifu-qen many died. So they had no wives, husbands were also scarce. So they would come, the y woul d com e t o u s [t o Chelga ] . . . t o loo k fo r a wife, a man would look for a wife." 67. Leslau , Anthology; xxvi; Shelemay, Music, 87 . 68. Th e previous hal t fro m 1862-6 8 cam e about a s th e resul t of th e ba n on sacrifices initiated by the missionaries, which was discussed in the previous chapter. 69. d'Abbadie , "Reponses," 264. On the relationship between the frequency of sacrifice and the quantity of potential sacrificial victims see Raymond Firth, "Offering an d Sacrifice: Problem s of Organization, " Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 92 (1963): 12-24 . 70. Flad , Falasha, 52-54 , Jacque s Faitlovtich , Notes d'un Voyage chez les Falachas (Juifs d'Abyssinie) (Paris : Ernest Leroux, 1905) , 2 ; cf. Emanuela Trevisan Semi , "L e Sriet : U n rit e d'investitur e sacredotal e che z le s Bet a Esrae'el (Falashas)," Revue des etudes Juives 14 1 (1987): 101-124 . 71. I n additon to Faitlovitch's own accounts of his journeys see Itzhak Grinfeld, "Jacques Faitlovitch—'Father' of the Falashas," in Yossi Avner et al., eds., The Jews of Ethiopia—A Community in Transition (Te l Aviv: Beth Hatefutsoth, 1986) , 30-35 ; "Taamra t Emanuel—Harbinger o f th e Renascence of Ethiopian Jewry," Pe'amim 2 2 (1985): 59—74 ; Messing, Falashas, 62-79 . 72. Emanuel a Trevisan Semi, "The Beta Israel (Falashas): From Purity to Impurity," Jewish Journal of Sociology 25 (1985): 103-114 . Conclusions: Before Faitlovich 1. "Notes, " 27. For a similar quote from Faitlovitch see Shelemay, Music, 26 . 2. Mor e recently, of course, the popular writing of Beta Israel history has been largely focused upon the modern Jewish themes of "exile" and "return," with the arrival in Israel depicted as the culmination of a universal Jewish vision. 3. Cf . Kaplan , " 'Falasha' Religion, " fo r a detailed refutatio n o f thi s view, as well as Chapter 3. 4. Shelema y ha s note d thi s tendenc y i n th e stud y o f synagogu e music , fo r example. "Discussions of synagogue music in the past have often been preoccupied with tracing continuity, while ignoring or disparaging change." "Music in the American Synagogue: A Case Study from Houston," in Jack Wertheimer, ed., The American Synagogue. A Sanctuary Transformed (CambridgeCambridge University Press, 1987), 411. 5. O n the Qemant see Gamst, Qemant. 6. Halevy , "Travels," 37.

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Wendt, Kurt , ed . Das Mashafa Mildd und Mashafa Sellase des Kaisers Zar'a Ya'qob. CSCO Script. Aeth. 41 and 43. Wintermute, Oscar . "Cush, " Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible: Supplementary Volume. Nashville: Abingdon, 1976 . Whiteway, R . S. The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541-1543. Lon don: Hakluyt Society, 1902 . Wurmbrand, Max. "Falashas," Encyclopaedia Judaica, VI, 1143-1154 . . The Death of Aaron. Te l Aviv : Hu g Ne'men e be t Faitlovitz , 196 1 (Hebrew). . The Falasha Arde'et. Tel Aviv: Hug Ne'mena be t Faitlovitz, 196 4 (Hebrew). Yaari, Abraham. Letters from the Land of Israel, 2n d ed. Ramat Gan: Masada, 1971 (Hebrew). Zimra, David Ibn Abi (RadBaz). Responsa. Venice . Zotenberg, Hermann . "U n document su r les Falachas," Journal asiatique y six ieme series, 9 (1867): 265-268 . Oral Sources Interviews with Ethiopian immigrants were conducted by Shoshana Ben-Dor in 1986, and by me and Dr. Chai m Rosen in 1987-88 . Copie s and transcripts of the Kaplan-Rosen interviews have been deposited at the Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Abba Gette Asress, interviewed by Shoshana Ben-Dor, November 17 , 1986. Ato Wube Akale, interviewed by Shoshana Ben-Dor, September 12, 1986. Qes Qasata Menasse, interviewed by Shoshana Ben-Dor, December 22, 1986. Qes Yimanu Tamayt, interviewe d b y Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen on November 25, 1987 , and December 2, 1987. Abba Yishaq Iyasu, interviewed by Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen on December 18, 1987. Ato Mikael Adamas, interviewed by Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen on December 18, 1987. Ato Muchene h Alaza r interviewe d b y Steve n Kapla n an d Chai m Rose n o n January 14, 1988. Qes Hadana Tekuyo interviewed by Steven Kaplan and Chaim Rosen on February 5, 1988.

Index

Alliance Israelite Universelle, 140-42, 207 d' Abbadie, Antoine, 23, 110, 139, 197, d' Almeida, Manoel, 172, 186 209 Amba Ayhud, 84 d* Abbadie, Arnauld, 110 Abraham. See Dersana Abraham wa-Sara, Amba Qwalit, 151 Amba Warq, 87-88 Gadla Abraham Amda §eyon I, Emperor, 54-55, 57, 161, Abuna Salama, 4th century. See Frumen182-83 tius Amda §eyon II, Emperor, 60, 81, 190 Abuna Salama, 19th century, 118 Amhara, 42, 47-49, 53, 54, 70, 83, 85, Adal, 82-83 Aden, 49-50 90, 94, 105 Adulis, 16, 35, 38, 41 Amharic, 6, 125, 129, 140, 191. See also Aedesius, 33-34 Bible, Amharic Aescoly, A. Z., 7, 43, 73 Arabian Peninsula, 50. See also Aden, Agashy Scheloo, 122 South Arabia, Yemen Agaw peoples and languages, 15, 39, 40, Arabic, language, 25; literature, 73, 75, 104, 159, 188; sources, 42, 44, 57, 66, 48, 76, 85 , 161, 169, 177-79, 182-83 , 83 185, 190-91, 196 Aragawi, Michael, 119, 134, 145-48, 150 Ahmad ibn Ibrahim (Gragn), 46, 60, 66, Aramaic, language, 19, 28, 36; loan83, 84, 98, 180, 190 words, 18-19, 27, 29, 171 Aksum, city, 14, 16, 18, 22-24, 34, 42 Arde'et (Book of the Disciples), 75, 109, Aksumite kingdom and period, 14-24, 159, 188 27-42, 45-48, 51, 52-53, SS, 77, 91, Ark, 19, 23 169, 171, 177-78 Astar, 16, 34 Alamy, Debtera, 134, 150 Athanasius, Bishop, 34 Alexandria, 27, 34, 36 Attenkugn, 132 , 134-35, 149, 196. See Aliyah (immigratio n to Israel), 2, 8-10, also Purity laws 14, 143, 155, 163 225

22.6 Ayhud, meaning, 9, 60, 61, 62, 77; references to, 53-68, 71, 72, 76-77, 157, 165, 181-82, 184-85 , 187 Azaj (commander), 101 Azmach (general), 59, 101-2, 192 Ba'eda Maryam, Emperor, 59, 62, 80-82, 184, 190 Bagemder, 59, 83, 91, 93, 94, 144-45, 147, 191, 196, 208 Bajerond (treasurer), 101-2, 196 Baptism, 121, 127-30, 137, 149, 200, 203-4 Baron, Salo W., 43, 179 Barrati, Giacomo, 104 Baruk, Abba, 151 Basset, Rene, 46, 183 Beckingham, C. F., 43, 49 Beja, 41, 45, 50, 180 Benjamin of Tudela, 42, 50-51, 180 Ben Zvi, Itzhak, 26 Beroo (Debtera), 119, 122, 129, 137, 148, 150 Beta Israel, name, 8-10, 39, 165; prince, 39, 177. See also Origins, theories of Bet-Ajer, ruler, 57-58, 182-8 3 Bible, Amharic, 125, 126, 129; Ge'ez, 18-19, 27, 123, 124, 126; translations, 18, 19, 27, 36, 69, 125-26, 171 , 203. See also Orit Blood, 88, 113, 200 Borchadt, P., 43 British expedition, 119, 141 Bronkhurst, S., 140 Bruce, James, 4, 5, 23, 46, 47, 91, 101, 106, 108, 138, 156, 172, 180, 183, 185, 189-90, 193 , 206 Buda, 109 , 111-14, 168, 195, 199-200, 202 Builders, 2, 68, 95, 99, 107-9, 115 , 132, 162, 190, 195 Carpenters, 95, 100, 101, 108, 112, 196 Caste, 122, 154. See also Economic specialization Catholicism, 90, 92-94, 106 Chelga, 144, 210 Christianity. See Catholicism; Conversion and converts; Ethiopian Christianity; Missions and missionaries; Protestants

INDEX Chronicles, 48, 55, 56, 62, 64, 77, 79, 99, 101, 145, 191, 194 Circumcision, 17 Claudius, Emperor. See Galawdewos Combes, Eduard, 110 Conti Rossini, Carlo, 43, 45-46, 73, 179 Conversion and converts, 4, 15, 16, 3335, 49, 55-59, 64, 66-68, 85, 87-88, 92, 96, 104, 109, 114, 118-22, 127 34, 136-38, 146-47 , 149 , 150-51, 153, 162-64, 184 , 192, 197, 203-4, 209. See also Missions and missionaries Cosmas Indicopleustes, 38-39 Cross, 70, 74, 112-13 Cush and Cushites, 20, 21, 25-26, 31, 37, 43-44, 51, 169, 171 da Gama, Dom Cristovao, 84 Dambeya, 48, 56-57, 62, 66, 72, 79, 80, 84, 90-92, 95-96, 98, 130, 144, 148, 161-62, 164, 184 Damot, 45, 55, 93, 179, 191 Dan, tribe, 24-25, 43-44, 165 , 173-74 Dan'el, Hadani, 44-45 Daniel ben Hanina, 139 David ben Abi Zimra (Radbaz), 25-26, 140 Dawaro, 83 Dawit, Emperor, 56-57, 65, 18 2 Death of Aaron. See Mota Avon Death of Moses. See Mota Muse Debtera, 128 , 138, 162, 203-4 Demography. See Population de Rothschild, Baron Edmond, 155-56 Dersana Abraham wa-Sara (Homil y on Abraham and Sarah), 74 Dersana Sanbat (Homily of the Sabbath), 73 Dervish. See Mahdist Dillmann, August, 18 Du Nuwas, Joseph (Yusuf) King, 32, 37, 39-40, 177 Economic specialization, 2, 68, 78, 95— 97, 99-103, 107-9 , 111, 115, 122, 152, 154, 157-58, 160-62 , 186. See also Builders, Carpenters, Potters, Smiths, Weavers Egypt, 21, 25-30, 34, 45, 123, 169, 171, 174

INDEX 22

7

Eldad Ha-Dani, 25, 42-44, 49, 51, 179 Gabra Masqal, Emperor, 39, 172, 177 Elephantine, 27-30, 174-7 5 Gabra Sellassie, 145, 148 Elijah of Ferrara, 18 6 Gadl (hagiography), 4, 37, 48, 62, 77, 81, Emfraz, 56, 62, 84, 98 183-84 Gadla Abraham, 74-75 , 159, 188. See Ephraim Isaac, 173, 176 also Gabra lyasus, Gabra Masih, Habta Epstein, Abraham, 25 Era of the Princes. See Zemane Masafent Maryam, Takla Hawaryat, Yafgeranna Eritrea, 41, 145, 148 Egzi Eskender, Emperor, 60, 81, 190 Galawdewos (Claudius) Emperor, 84, 190 Galawdeyos, prince, 61, 187 Estifanos, 70. See also Stephanites Galla. See Oromo Ethiopia (Greek term), 20, 28 Ethiopian Christianity, 15-20, 33-40, 42, Gebra Heiwot, 134, 150 Gedewon, governor of Semien, 80, 88-89, 47, 49, 53, 55-57, 69, 83, 90, 93-94, 91-94, 161 , 180, 192-93 112-13, 117-19 , 121-22 , 124, 127, Ge'ez: language, 4, 16, 18, 19, 25, 36, 40, 129, 157, 159-60, 163, 179, 201; in76, 105; sources, 4, 6, 33-34, 39, 42, fluence o n Beta Israel, 4, 55, 56, 57, 44, 46, 48, 55, 60-67, 73, 77, 81, 85, 69-78, 110-11 , 114, 157-60, 182, 91, 104, 159, 192 189 Ethiopian Christians, relations with, 4, 20, Getatchew Haile, 177, 183, 186-87, 189 Glory of Kings. See Kebra Nagast 36-40, 56-58, 63-65, 103, 109-14, Gobat, Samuel, 23, 108, 110, 112, 116133-34, 147, 149, 160-62, 172, 199201, 205 17, 139, 197-99 Ethiopian Jews, discussion of name, 8—10, Gojjam, 83, 89, 144-45, 191 Gondar: city, 86, 95, 98-101, 103, 105, 165 107-8, 114, 121, 132, 135, 147, 160, Ethiopic. See Ge'ez 197-98; period, 96-105, 197 ; region, Ewostatewos, 70 55, 102, 105, 106, 108, 114-15, 117, Ewostatian movement, 56-57, 70-71, 182 144, 151, 160, 168 Gorgora, 92, 150 Ezana, Emperor, 16, 19, 34-35, 176 Goshu Mersha, 129, 134 Ezra, Abba, 67 Gragn. See Ahmad ibn Ibrahim Greek, 16, 19, 20, 27, 34, 38, 40 Faitlovitch, Jacques (Ya'acov), 2, 7, 143, Guba'e, 86-87, 98 151-57, 163, 202, 205, 207, 209-10 Gudit (Yodit), Queen, 42, 44-47, 61, Falasha, the term, 8-10, 39, 43, 55, 58, 60, 62-63, 65-73, 77-78, 157 , 165, 179-80 183-84, 186, 189 Guidi, Ignazio, 26, 46 "Falasha Christians." See Conversion and Gult. See Land rights converts Gushen, Beta Israel leader, 87-88, 192Famine, 2, 6, 98, 164, 189, 209. See also 93 Kifu-qen Habta Maryam, 81 Fasiledes, 94, 98-99, 101, 107, 195 Fekkare lyasus, 11 1 Haiani (king), 44-47, 51, 179 Flad, Johannes Martin, 113, 117, 119, Hadya, 55 129, 135-37, 145-47, 152, 199, 201, Hagiographies. See Gadl Haile Sellasie, Emperor, 2 203 Halachic status of the Beta Israel, 8, 10, Frumentius, 33, 34 11, 14, 24-26, 82, 139-40, 168-6 9 Gabra lyasus, Abba, 56, 62, 66-67, 71, Halevi, Abraham, 66, 81, 82, 186, 190 182 Halevy, Joseph, 7, 73, 135-36, 138-43 , Gabra Masih, Abba, 65—66, 71 152-53, 156, 165, 191, 205, 207

228 INDE Harago, 88-89, 192-9 3 Harbo, 192 al-Haymi, Hasan ibn Ahmad, 99 Hebraic-Jewish elements. See Jewish influences Hebrew, Beta Israel's knowledge of, 76, 203; language, 19, 25, 27, 36, 126; loanwords, 19, 27; sources, 4, 5, 24, 25, 42-44, 49, 66, 81-82, 138-42 , 156, 186, 189-90 Helena, Queen, 82-83, 190 Hess, Robert, 4 Hildesheimer, Azriel, 140, 142, 207 Hiob Negussie, 119, 150 Hohuara, 110, 151,209 Homily on the Sabbath. See Dersana Sanbat Ifat, 57, 82 Immigration to Israel. See Aliyah Israel, immigration to; and Aliyah, 8 , 10, 14; and recognition of Ethiopian Jews, 11, 168-69 Israelites, ancient, 21, 165 Italian invasion, 2 lyasu II, Emperor, 101, 105 lyo'as, Emperor, 106-7, 115 Jacob (J ames) of Sarug, 75 Jenda, 149-50 Jenfekera, 95, 110, 194 Jeremiah, 24 Jerusalem, 18, 22-23, 48, 62, 66, 136 , 138-40 Jewish history, categories of, 2, 5, 7-9, 155-66, 168, 176, 210 Jewish influences: on Beta Israel in modern period, 1-3, 8, 10-11, 136, 13842, 153-56, 163, 165-66, 168-69; on Ethiopian Christianity and culture, 1, 6, 9, 13-24, 26-40, 48, 51-52, 55, 74, 93, 110, 156-57, 173-74, 176 , 178 Jews: Beta Israel's contact with, 3, 8, 1011, 13, 24-26, 82; in South Arabia, 25, 31-33, 35, 37, 40, 175. See Ayhud Jubilees. See Kufale Judaism, "normative," 9, 62, 162. See also Religion , Beta Israel

X

Judaized groups, 35-40, 47, 48, 51-52, 54-56, 62, 73, 77, 94, 157, 178 Judith. See Gudit Kaleb (Ella-Asbeha), Emperor, 36-41, 51, 177 Kalef, Beta Israel leader, 87, 192-93 Karaites, 25 Kayla (name of troops), 101-3, 184 , 196 Kebra Nagast (The Glory of Kings), 18, 22, 23, 24, 38, 47, 61, 165, 172, 177 Kessler, David, 4, 5, 173, 175, 184, 189, 191 Kifu-qen, 2, 6, 122, 127, 138, 143-54, 163-64 Kindy Fanta, 122, 130, 133 Kingdom, "Falasha." See Political structure Kobishchanov, Yuri, 43, 179 Kufale (Jubilees), 29, 74 Kugler, Christian, 116 Lalibala, 48, 99, 180 Land rights, 57-58, 63, 65, 67-68, 77, 87, 97, 101-3, 108, 114, 137, 157, 161, 198 Lasta, 47-48, 53, 83, 105, 145, 148, 180, 191 Lebna Dengel, Emperor, 60, 82-84, 90, 190 Leslau, Wolf, 7, 73 Liena, Debtera, 134, 150 Literature: Beta Israel, 3, 6-7, 73-78, 104, 105, 110-11, 158-59 , 187; Ethiopian Christian, 3, 17, 73-78, 104, 110-11, 159 , 188 Liturgy: Beta Israel, 5, 105, 158-59, 187; Christian, 5, 17, 99, 195, 197 London Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, 117-37, 147, 153, 163, 201, 203 Luzzatto, Philoxene (Filosseno), 139 Magdala, 141 Mahari, Abba, 124, 135-37, 140 , 203 Mani, 16 Marqos, commander, 59, 60, 184 Mary, 67, 70-71, 149 , 187 Maryam Sena, Empress, 88-90

INDEX 22 Maryam Wodet (Lovers of Mary), 149, 209 Mashafa Mala'ekt, 75 Masgid, 29 , 134, 187 Masons, 95, 100-101, 108, 121 Massawa, 107 Menelik I, Emperor, 18, 22-24, 39, 196 Menelik II, Emperor, 119, 144-45 Mentewwab, Empress, 105-6 Meroe, 15-16, 173 Michael, archangel, 110, 199 Migration, 135-38, 140 , 148-49, 164, 206. See Aliyah Mika'el, Ras, 105-6 Minas, Emperor, 80, 84, 91-92, 94, 192 Missions and missionaries, 2, 6, 36, 42, 56, 69 , 115-41, 143, 146, 150-53, 162-63, 200-205, 209-10. See also Samuel Gobat, Johannes Martin Flad, Henry Aaron Stern, Christian Kugler Monasticism, Ethiopian Christian, 5, 6, 36, 39, 54, 56-57, 61, 67, 69-73, 78, 90-91, 110, 124, 158, 162, 185; Beta Israel, 24, 69-73, 78, 102, 105, 11011, 115, 123-25, 129 , 132-33, 13538, 150-51, 153-54, 158, 162-63, 187, 189, 196, 203, 209. See also Ewostatian movement, Ezra, Gabra Iyasus, Gabra Masih, Mahari, Sabra, Sagga Amlak Moses. See Mota Muse, Nagara Muse Mota Aron (Deat h of Aaron), 75 Mota Muse (Death of Moses), 75, 159 Muslims, 60, 82-84, 100, 103, 105, 108, 160, 177, 190, 209 Na'od, Emperor, 60, 81 Napier, Robert, 119, 141 Nagara Muse (The Conversation of Moses), 75, 104, 105, 159 New Testament, 48, 203 Nile, 15, 21, 27-28, 38, 169, 171 Nubia, 15, 21, 28, 45, 50, 171 Obadiah of Bertinoro, 25, 173, 189 Old Testament: influences, 17-19 , 21-24, 123; text, 20-22, 27, 30-31, 50, 171 Oral traditions, 2-3, 5-7, 17 , 26, 60, 68-69, 71-73, 95, 99, 101, 103, 109,

9

131, 135-36, 155-48, 158, 164, 187, 192, 195-97, 204-5, 208 Origins, theories of, 1, 2, 13-32, 156, 173-74 Orit (Torah, Old Testament), 18, 30, 56, 62, 76, 126, 182 Oromo (Galla), 43, 84, 86-87, 89, 101, 105-6, 109, 191, 198 Paes, Pero, 100, 195 Pankhurst, Richard, 143, 196 Persia, 16, 41 Periplus Maris Erythraei, 1 6 Pliny, 16 Plowden, 112, 199 Political structure, Beta Israel, 6-7, 44, 63-64, 71, 72, 77, 79-80, 82, 94-95, 97, 102, 104, 133, 139, 161-62, 164, 179 Polotsky, H. J., 19 Population, Beta Israel, 127, 128, 143, 146-50, 153, 189 Portuguese, 81; contacts with Beta Israel, 84, 100; in Ethiopia, 82-84, 90, 9295, 99, 100, 165, 172; sources, 4, 66, 192 Potters, 68, 78, 99-100, 104, 109, 112, 115, 122, 148, 157, 195,208 Prester John, 25, 50, 82; letters of, 42, 44, 49, 50, 180 Protestants, 2, 6, 115-20, 122, 149, 153, 163-64, 201-2 Psalms, 111 Purity laws, 72, 75, 103, 109-11, 11314, 123, 138, 149, 153-54, 158, 16263, 187, 189, 200 Qemant, 105, 160, 178 Qozmos, 56, 62, 65, 71, 76, 182, 185, 187 Quirin, James, 5-7, 10 , 71-72, 86, 18283, 185-86, 196, 198 Qwara, 105, 110, 116, 131, 134, 144, 148 Radai, Beta Israel leader, 86, 192-93 Radbaz. See David ben Abi Zimra Rathjens, Carl, 35, 46

2.30

Red Sea, 15-16, 30-32, 41, 45, 50, 135, 206 Religion, Beta Israel, 9, 27-30, 56, 62, 64, 68-76, 78, 104-5, 109-10, 115, 122-26, 130-31, 137-39, 141 , 143, 149-52, 154, 156-60, 162-64, 187, 189 Rist. See Land rights Rodinson, Maxime, 18, 31 Rosenthal, H., 119, 131 Sabbath, 17, 19, 29, 56, 70, 74, 90, 9293, 114, 134, 149, 153, 175, 182, 196 Sabla Dengel, Queen, 84-85 Sabra, Abba, 7, 69, 71, 74, 158, 187, 196, 200 Sacrifices, 27, 29-30, 109 , 113, 123, 130-31, 136, 138, 151-54, 162-63, 174, 189, 204-5, 210 Sagade, 55, 7 9 Sagga, Abba, 136, 139-40, 158 Sagga Amlak, 7, 69, 74, 187, 200 Sallamt, 38, 55-56, 62, 64-65, 79, 91, 148, 184 Samani Daniel, 122 Sanbatu Daniel, 122, 204 Sarsa Dengal, 61, 84-89, 95, 98, 161, 163, 184, 191-93 Schools, 126-28, 153 , 203 Schwarz, Joseph (Yosef), 139 , 206 Seged, 134 Semien, 38-40, 47-48, 52, 55-57, 59, 62-66, 68, 72, 79-80, 83-92, 94-98, 161-62, 164, 177, 180, 184, 191-92, 208 Septuagint, 20, 27 Seqelt, 55, 148, 150 Shawa, 48, 53-54, 70-71, 83, 90, 94, 105, 116, 145, 191 Sheba, Queen of, 18, 21-24, 26, 47, 165, 173, 180 Shelemay, Kay Kaufman, 5-7, 187 , 197 Sidama, 45-47 Slaves, 82, 87-88, 92, 103, 108 Smiths, 68, 78, 95, 99-100, 104, 109, 111-13,115,122, 157,19 5 Soldiers, Beta Israel, 99-101, 105-106 , 108, 160, 189, 196; Ethiopian, 120;

INDEX Jewish, 31-32; Mahdist, 144, 147-49, 207. See also Wars Solomon, King, 11, 18, 21-24, 26, 37, 165, 173 Solomonic dynasty, 22, 46-48, 53-54, 57-60, 70, 77, 106, 157, 172, 188-89 South Arabia, 15-16, 24-25, 30-33, 3741, 51. See also Jews, in South Arabia South Arabian: influences, 15-17 , 26, 32-33, 168-69, 175; language, 15-16 Stephanites, 61, 67, 70 Stern, Henry Aaron, 117-19, 121 , 124, 141, 201-3, 207 Strelcyn, Stefan, 7, 73 Sudan, 28, 144, 147, 168, 207 Susenyos, Emperor, 80, 85-86, 90-97, 99, 101, 139, 161-63, 189 , 192-95 Syriac, 19, 104 Syrian Christians, 33-34, 36, 69 Taddesse Tamrat, 35-36, 186 Takkeze river, 40-41, 43 Takla Haymanot II, Emperor, 106 Takla Hawaryat, 58-59, 61-62, 64, 65, 186 Talmud, 123, 156, 158 Tana, Lake, 27-28, 38, 43, 49, 52, 5457, 60, 62-63, 65, 67, 76-77 , 84-86, 89, 92, 98, 144, 147, 149, 157, 161, 174 Te'ezaza Sanbat, 73-75 , 187 Temple, 18, 22-23, 29, 31, 44, 62, 165, 174 Tewodros II, Emperor, 6, 116, 118-21, 130-31, 135-36, 141, 191 Tigre, 14, 48, 53, 56-57, 70-71, 83, 85, 90-93, 95, 104-6, 116, 135, 144-45, 148, 151, 191-92, 198 Tribes of Israel, 25, 43-44, 156 . See also Dan, tribe of Ullendorff, Edward , 7, 31, 43, 73, 17778 Wagara, 38, 48, 55, 57-58, 62, 79, 84, 87, 91, 95, 98, 137, 148, 161, 164, 183, 190, 194 Walda Le'ul, 105-6 Waldebba, 79

INDEX 23 Waldmeier, Theophilus, 122 Walqayit, 44, 79, 151, 191 Warq Amba. See Amba Warq Wars, Aksum-South Arabia, 32, 36-37; Beta Israel-Christian Emperors, 2, 4, 50-51, 55-58, 64-65, 79-98, 101, 160-62, 182-85, 188-94 Weavers, 68, 78, 95, 99-100, 109, 148, 157 Wedaje, Abba, 110 Wedem Ra'ad, Emperor, 54 Wollo, 105, 148, 196 Wurmbrand, Max (Mordechai), 7, 35, 73 Yafqeranna Egzi, 56 Ya'eqob, Emperor, 88-92, 190 , 192-93 Yekunno Amlak, Emperor, 54, 98 Yemen, 49, 99

1

Yeshaq, Abba, 24, 104, 110-11, 161, 196 Yeshaq, Emperor, 56-59, 63-68, 71-72, 86, 92, 97, 161-62, 183, 186 Yodit. See Gudit Yohannes I, Emperor, 101, 103, 160 Yohannes II, Emperor, 106 Yohannes IV, Emperor, 119, 121, 137, 144, 205, 207-9 Yosef, Ovadiah, 24, 25 Zadengel, Emperor, 88-90, 93, 192-93 Zagwe dynasty, 47-51, 53-54, 99, 180 Zemane Masafent, 96 , 105-16, 161 , 197 Zamaryam, prince, 88, 193 Zamika'el, 187 Zar'a Ya'eqob, Emperor, 18, 59, 60-62, 69-71, 74, 80, 168, 184-85, 187 Zoscales, Emperor, 16

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