The Argentaye Tract: Edited from Paris, BN, Fonds Français 11,464 9781487576134

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ALAN MANNING

The Argentaye Tract Edited from Paris, BN, fonds fran~ais 11,464

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

© University of Toronto Press 1983

Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada Reprinted in 2018 ISBN

0-8020-5590-7

ISBN 978-1-4875-7699-8 (paper)

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: The Argentaye tract Text in French, with introduction and notes in English. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-8020-5590-7/ 1 . Heraldry - France. 2 . Argentaye tract. 3. Brittany (France) - Nobility. 4. Brittany (France) - Genealogy. I. Manning, Alan, 1945-

ca1794.A73

929.6'0944

c83-098092-XE

Donnees de catalogage avant publication (Canada) Vedette principale au titre : The Argentaye tract Texte en fran~ais, avec introduction et notes en anglais. Bibliographie: p. Comprend des indexes. ISBN 0-8020-5590-7 Heraldique - France. 2. Argentaye tract. 3. Bretagne (France)- Noblesse. 4. Bretagne (France) - Genealogie. I. Manning, Alan, 19451.

ca1794.A73

Toronto Medieval Texts and Translations

:1

THE ARGENTAYE TRACT

The Argentaye tract, written some time in the early fifteenth century, is a little-known heraldic treatise of which there appears to be only one extant copy. In this book, the first scholarly edition of any such treatise, Alan Manning presents the original text with extensive notes elucidating difficult passages and points of interest. The text is preceded by an introduction dealing with the present state of heraldic studies and with the history of heraldic treatises in England and France during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It also gives a detailed description of the Argentaye tract's date, provenance, possible author, main divisions, social and psychological context, language, and influence. Manning shows that, by the middle of the fifteenth century, a classic pattern had been developed and that all subsequent treatises were modelled on it. The Argentaye trac.:, however, represents an original departure from this classic model, certain sections of which it reorganized and expanded significantly. Following the text of the tract itself are a glossary of heraldic terms, an index of proper names, and a bibliography. The fifty-six shield illustrations from the original text are reproduced. is a member of the Departement de langues et linguistique at Universite Laval.

ALAN MANNING

Figures 15-18 (from left to right)

Contents

vii Following p viii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTION l

The present status of heraldry 3 2

Medieval French heraldry 7 3 The Argentaye tract 17 4

Editorial principles 27 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 28

THE ARGENTAYE TRACT

5 The text 41 6

Textual notes 78

vi Contents

APPENDIX GLOSSARY

The Argenta ye tract's history of heraldry 99 103

ABBREVIATIONS 123 BIBLIOGRAPHY 12 5 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES INDEX

143

139

Acknowledgments

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I would like to express my grateful thanks to the Federation. My deepest appreciation likewise goes out to all those who have encouraged my work in this area, particularly Gerard J. Brault and Michel Pastoureau, both of whom have contributed extensively to the field of early heraldry. Publication has also been made possible by a grant from the Publications Fund of the University of Toronto Press.

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1 The present status of heraldry

HERALDRY ETERNAL

Heraldry has been characterized as a peculiar manifestation of our cultural heritage because it is at once an art and a science. 1 More significant, however, is the fact that, in contrast to all other artistic and scientific pursuits, it is a subject in which heredity plays a major role. Thus, a thirteenth-century coat of arms is as much a part of modern as it was of medieval heraldry. 2 Moreover, the criteria of simplicity and recognizability that prevailed in the Middle Ages are still preferred by good practitioners of armory today.3 Of course, heraldry has had its share of partisan quarrels, in particular the feud between medievalists (Barronians) and modernists (Fox-Davians) at the turn of this century; yet it has survived them all. Heraldists not only have noted the 'eternal' nature of heraldry, 4 but have continually alluded to the fresh interest in this field during recent years, as evidenced by the growing number of congresses5 and exhibitions 6 being staged on the one hand, and by the emergence of new heraldic clubs and societies on the other.7 Even more striking has been the upturn in the quality and quantity of armorial literature over the past decade or so, 8 particularly in the British Isles, which shapes much of the writing on the subject in the world today. CURRENT TRENDS IN LITERATURE ON HERALDRY

A number of older manuals and bibliographies dealing with early and modern heraldry are still useful and continue to be published either in revised editions9 or in their original form. 10 They are aimed at the beginner and amateur, and include works providing guidelines for introductory and further study in the field, or dictionaries containing definitions of terms as well as historical

4 Introduction considerations. a This type of literature is a popular extension of Boutell's Manual of Heraldry (1863) and therefore marks no new departure in the field. At the same time, new journals have appeared, the most noteworthy being The Coat of Arms (1950), Archivum heraldicum (1950), The Armorial (1960), Cahiers d'heraldique (1974), and Heraldry in Canada (1976). New books have also been written and, in combination with the journals, have contributed greatly to the expansion of current knowledge concerning the artistic, historical, and legal aspects of armory. 12 In fact, there is currently a clear trend away from the general toward the more specialized questions of heraldry. In addition, international heraldic literature has grown steadily. 13 THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD

Only of late has it been recognized that heraldry can contribute significantly to the history of medieval ideas and institutions. 14 The French scholar Pastoureau, in a 1976 study, 15 paved the way for a clearer grasp of the relationship between history and heraldry by delineating the potentially fruitful areas of research and, most important, by exploding the myths surrounding coats of arms, particularly the nobiliary perspective into which tradition has sequestered everything touching on this discipline. 16 Currently, scholarly writing on early heraldry tends to concentrate both on distinguishing clear-cut periods and the major developments associated with them, and rationalizing and improving the sources of armory. Broadly speaking, early blazon falls into four stages: the proto-heraldic age (pre-1130), the first age (1130-1230), the second age (1230-1300), and the final age (1300-1450). 1 7 Although few inroads have been made into proto-heraldry, the notion that coats of arms somehow derived from runes or the devices carried by classical heroes has been dispelled once and for all. 18 The origins of heraldry have been traced to the development of coat armour, which had rendered individual knights anonymous on the battlefields, thus necessitating an external system of identification. 19 Feudalism was also a contributing factor to the development of armory since banners gradually had become symbols of property, signalling that feudal tenants had succeeded in making those lands entrusted to them transferable to their descendants; that is, their property became inheritable. 20 Two other influences presiding over the origins of heraldry have been more or less overlooked, however. First, following the Crusades the nobility, fully aware that it could never enjoy the divinely inherited legitimacy of the clergy, as it were, maintained its coats of arms, which it transformed into the formal system of heraldry. This entailed making arms personal and hereditary, which

5 The present status of heraldry naturally restricted the number of those allowed to assume them. 21 Second, from the eleventh century on, genealogical writings flourished in all forms of literature in Europe. 22 The stress that this genre laid on primogeniture and on the importance of upholding and perpetuating family honour is surely reflected heraldically in the inheritability of arms solely through the male line and the existence of the family shield, the shield having in time become the preferred medium for displaying arms. It is at the junction of heraldry and genealogy that the institution of chivalry was later to emerge (see below, p 14). Indeed, like heraldry, genealogy continued to play an important political and social role throughout the Middle Ages, and it is to be hoped that one day it will attract greater scholarly attention than it is currently receiving. 23 True heraldry is connected with the earliest instance of arms being transferred from one generation to another within the same family during the second quarter of the twelfth century. 24 Little else is known so far about this stage in early blazon except that arms appear to have been adopted by all levels of the aristocracy, albeit somewhat later in the period in southern France and Scotland, and even later in Spain, Italy, and Scandinavia. 25 The second age of heraldry, more commonly known as the 'classical period,' has understandably been the focus of scholarly attention. The use of coats of arms filtered down to every class of society, rural and urban, including vassals, women, and ecclesiastics. 26 Arms served increasingly to denote ownership and can be found on many objects and possessions. 27 As a reaction against familial arms, a system of brisures developed that guaranteed a sense of individuality among the male offspring of each line. 28 The classical period also marked the beginning of regional heraldry to the extent that certain countries, provinces, and fiefs demonstrated a preference for particular signs and colours. 29 From the early thirteenth century on, canting arms (armes parlantes) enjoyed immense popularity, and in the Germanic regions of the Empire many families adopted them in addition to the arms of their fiefs. 30 Finally, the second age witnessed a rise in the authority of the heralds31 and the stabilization of heraldic language. 32 During the third and final age the advances in military warfare rendered coat armour obsolete,33 leading to the gradual disappearance from the battlefield of coats of arms, which now became an integral part of jousts and tournaments. The status of the heralds continued to grow, their responsibilities by this time including regulation and registering of arms, compilation of rolls of arms, and the writing of treatises. 34 In what seems to have been an attempt to counteract the rigidity of rules and regulations governing armorial designs, crests, supporters, and badges started to appear as additions to the heraldic shield. 35 The sources of medieval heraldry include rolls of arms, seals, documents, architecture, and literature. Of the some 350 known rolls, almost a third of

6 Introduction

English provenance, the earliest dates back to the mid-thirteenth century. 36 The rolls are classified according to internal evidence under the following headings: occasional, institutional, general, illustrative, and ordinary. 37 Some - very few - like the occasionals, were written for a particular event such as a battle, while others, the general rolls for example, have no real organizational principle and were compiled either to teach heraldry or as an embellishment to princely libraries.38 The authors of rolls of arms were most likely heralds, who appear to have worked in teams, judging by the extent of copying and plagiarizing they exhibit. 39 Although the rolls have yielded valuable information, particularly concerning the language of early blazon, which remained very close to the contemporary idiom, 40 their full potential as sources of armory will not be realized until more reliable editions of the existing armorials become available. 41 Poor cataloguing has tended to limit the use of seals in the study of medieval heraldry. 42 This deficiency has been compounded by the fundamental weakness of seals as a research instrument in this area. First, by their very nature they do not have tinctures or the indications of cadency characteristic of the rolls; second, they are invariably too fragmentary and small to dicipher clearly. 43 Yet seals have none the less proved invaluable in charting the spread of heraldry44 and in determining dates for coats of arms. 45 Diplomatic documents, chronicles, grants of arms and marriage contracts,46 sculpture, 47 painting,48 churches, 49 castles (mainly in France and Germany),50 tiles,5 1 everyday items, 52 and, increasingly, poetry and romance, 53 in particular the Arthurian cycle, which may turn out to be a caricatural representation of early heraldry, 54 are all being actively investigated as sources of early blazon. So far, however, little attention has been given to the medieval treatises as sources of early blazon. Yet the treatises have much to contribute, not only heraldically speaking, but in the broader cultural perspective, too. 55

2

Medieval French heraldry

The field of heraldic studies has grown in importance in recent years and become more socially oriented, less dominated by the purely antiquarian and genealogical approach. The number of well-edited treatises on late medieval heraldry is still relatively small, yet they are important since they exemplify the trend toward comprehensiveness, organization, and indeed ossification so characteristic of manuscripts of the later medieval period. Because the treatises generally repeat the same information with little variation and change, it is difficult to assign dates and derive relationships for them with any certainty. The earliest treatise dates back to the beginning of the fourteenth century. 1 The English tracts, the first one composed in the latter years of the fourteenth century,2 are better known to heraldists than their French counterparts, which were highly popular in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The discovery in 1967 by Ruth Dean of an early fourteenth-century Anglo-Norman tract upset traditional thinking that the first heraldic treatises were written in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries only. 3 The author of this short verse and prose work makes no mention of heralds or of their origins, as became standard in later English and French tracts. This omission may simply reflect the fact that when the Dean tract was composed the heralds did not enjoy the status which they subsequently acquired. The Dean tract deals with the purely technical aspects of tinctures, metals, and furs in fifty-three octosyllabic lines and turns to prose to discuss charges and their proportions and disposition on the shield. Illustrations are drawn from the arms of individuals of sundry rank and countries. 4 Most English treatises are based on Johannes de Bado Aureo's Tractatus de Armis (c1394). The variety of changes in order and content in relation to the Tractatus de Armis and the general mediocrity of these treatises may derive from the fact that their authors were amateurs or students of heraldry -

8 Introduction heraldry being part of the gentleman's educational curriculum in the late Middle Ages. 5 It is noteworthy that Bado Aureo claims that his mentor was a Frenchman, Francis de Foveis who, like Jean Errat (see below), historians have been unable to trace. Among the English treatises, Adam Loutfut's Boke is of interest since the eponymic author, himself a herald, declares that he translated his treatise from the French. 6 The early De insigniis et armis, by one Bartholus de Sassoferrato, written about 1354,7 immediately became popular all over Europe, and was copied and cited by writers on warfare and heraldry well into the seventeenth century. The De insigniis found its way into French heraldic treatises like the Argentaye tract by way of Bonet's Arbre des batailles, written about 1387. 8 The earliest full French treatise was composed in the latter half of the fourteenth century by one Jean Errat, of whom virtually nothing is known. 9 The anonymous Songe du vergierwas written about 1376, but it is curious that the heraldic section of the Songe did not begin to find its way into the tracts until the sixteenth century. 1 ° Chapter 148 of the 'Songe' deals with usurpation, alienation, transfer and confiscation of arms, and bastard arms, and its indebtedness to Bartholus de Sassoferrato is very clear. Between 1435 and 1458, the Sicily herald composed Le Blason des couleurs and a history of the heraldic office, both of which were subsequently either copied or closely adapted by nearly all other treatise writers. 11 Compared to their English counterparts, the French heraldic treatises are more uniform and orderly pieces of work. 12 There is no longer reason to doubt that Adam Loutfut's English Boke is a translation from the French. 13 In its plan it follows the French pattern (see pp 10-11 below) . Also, it comes as no great surprise to discover in a 'French' treatise the name of Jean Errat linked with the history of female heralds, 14 to hear it stated that a pursuivant must carry out his duties honestly and with integrity, 1 5 or to find the section on gyrons illustrated by a French coat of arms. Adam Loutfut was an active herald and his missions in Europe doubtless brought him into contact with the work of the French heralds. The chief source of his Boke appears to show common points with the Argentaye tract; in this sense the Boke constitutes a link between medieval writing on heraldry in England and France. Similarly, Nicholas Upton's late fifteenth-century work on military science, De studio militari, also shows some influence from the French treatises in its chapter dealing with heralds, and in its prologue on the three types of nobility. 16 No new editions of continental treatises have been made since the last century when Prinsault's Blason des armes (c1465), the Sicily herald's Blason des couleurs (c1435} and history of the heraldic office (c1458} all appeared in rapid succession - 1858, 1860, and 1867, respectively. 17 And apart from these, all

9 Medieval French heraldry French treatises of the late medieval period are still in manuscript form. I have examined closely five treatises derived from sources completely independent of the Prinsault and the herald of Sicily tracts, upon which the vast majority of French treatises are based, and six copies of the Prinsault tract it'self.

The ]ouvenceil tract (fifteenth century, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 24,381}: This work, named after its owner (folio 159v}, comes at the end of a general role of arms. The originality of the Jouvenceil tract lies in the version it gives of the origin of heraldry, which it places in the reigns of each of the nine Worthies rather than simply in the reigns of Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great - the norm in most other treatises on the subject. The Jouvenceil tract also describes the feats of the Worthies, male and female, and the manner of their deaths. 18 The Hongrie tract (fifteenth century, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 5242): The Hongrie tract, named after its author, the Hongrie herald, apparently derives its sections on charges - barruly patterns and the difference between leopards and lions - from the Prinsault tract. There is no strict order of presentation, and items follow pell-mell from the writer's pen. Three statements made by the herald deserve special note : (a} in the preamble the author identifies himself by name, which is not generally the case in many treatises; (b} heralds are said to be authors of 'beaulx livres,' which indicates that by the fifteenth century the heralds were a very literate class; (c} it is recommended that heralds know how to blazon using precious stones and virtues, and line drawings are given by way of illustration. 19 The influence of the highly popular Blason des couleurs is clear here. The Orleans tract (fifteenth century, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 5931} : This treatise appears to be a textbook designed to teach heraldry. It is of mediocre quality, particularly in its lack of clear organization. The author, the Orleans herald, first attacks the problem of charges, from which he breaks off abruptly to consider the symbolism of the fleurs-de-lis (found also in the Hongrie tract and at the end of a copy of the Prinsault tract, [Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 14,357]}. He also presents a curious and original method of blazoning fretty and cheeky patterns on square fields . The Anjou tract (fifteenth century, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson C. 399): The Anjou tract, the earliest treatise written by a herald, is the work of Nicolas Villart, Calabre herald, who was the king-of-arms of Anjou and Touraine in 1406. The tract takes the form of what appears to be an authentic

10 Introduction letter to a 'seigneur' who had asked Anjoy seven questions concerning the origin and duties of heraldic office. The answers to these questions became stock information in the treatises that followed. 20

The Le Boucq tract (sixteenth century, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 11,463) : The Le Boucq tract, so called after its author, one Noel Le Boucq, reproduces in truncated form the by now familiar 'Roman' origin of the heraldic office. His section on the various types of charges he takes from the Argentaye tract (or a similar treatise). He then goes on to discuss usurpation, alienation, transfer and confiscation of arms, and bastardy. This latter section is in fact reproduced verbatim from chapter 148 of the anonymous Songe du vergier (1376). Of significant interest is the technical discourse on the number and types of lines required to create linear field patterns, such as taille, parti, ecartele, and gironne. The Prinsault tracts : The differences between the individual copies of the Prinsault tracts, though minor, are worthy of note. They are discussed here in relation to Douet d'Arcq's edition of 1858, which appears to be of the master source. (a) Bibliotheque nationale (=BN), nouvelles acquisitions fran~aises 1075 : This copy contains twelve sixteenth-century shield additions (folios 6r, 7r-v, 9r) to the Prinsault tract. In the last chapter (12), the writer states that in honour of the seventy-two apostles, there are seventy-two shield illustrations (actually there are seventy-three). (b) BN, fonds fran~is 5939 : The final seven chapters of the Prinsault tract are missing. (c) BN, fonds fran~ais 25,184: This copy frames the treatise between parts of an heraldic poem entitled 'Le blason de la redempcion.' The end of the poem is followed by a short account of the aesthetic combination of metals and tinctures (or, argent, sable, and azure), visibly inspired by Sicily's Blason des couleurs. (d) BN, fonds fran~ais 14,357 : This piece differs from the Prinsault tract in the following ways : immediately preceding the prologue on the origins of the heraldic office there is the 'redempcion' poem, surmounted by a shield depicting the Passion of Our Lord and the Instruments of Crucifixion; 21 there are no chapter headings and new sections are set off by large initials; the copy is extremely defective, the scribe clearly not having grasped the meaning of the text he was reproducing. In the main, the French treatises observe the rules of classical blazon. At the same time they include a number of innovations - particularly specifying the number of charges on a field - that appeared in armorials in the fourteenth

11

Medieval French heraldry

century. However, the treatise writers carp about the number of pieces in a striped field and the number of items in a multiple charge, stipulations that were all but ignored by the more practical-minded compilers of the rolls of arms. In fact, the compilers of the rolls tended, particularly in describing multiple charges, to oscillate between the use of field designators (besante de) and a descriptive phrase ( aneuf besants de ... ). 22 This trend away from the simplicity of early blazon toward a system paradoxically seeking precision and clarity through complexity exists above all in the terminology. The new terms that emerge in the treatises are not numerous. Some, like the phrases lion leoparde and leopard lionne, ermine and its reverse, ermines, including the restriction of vair to an argent and azure pattern, have survived in modern French heraldry. Others have disappeared, illuminating a curious stage of flux and hesitation in early blazon. This latter group is therefore of greater interest to the historian. The contribution of the treatises in this regard is as follows. The Hongrie and Orleans tracts are comparatively richer in original terminology. The Hongrie tract describes a vairy pattern with triangular points as fessie de l' un en l' autre, as plumete the pattern usually designated as papelonne, and uses close as a curious synonym for ferme in the phrase escarboucle close et pommele. The verb armoier for blasonner is also encountered for the first time in early blazon. The Orleans tract contains a host of new items of which the following are representative: the edge of the shield is called the porpris (perimeter); two keys crossed in Saltire - the papal arms - are described as clefs confixtees au milieu. In describing what appears to be a Brabantine fleur-de-lis, the writer explains how to blazon such a charge when different parts of it are removed; thus, when only the foot of the fleur-de-lis remains, one must blazon it demi-losange; when only the centre piece remains, the charge becomes a fusil. The fleur-de-lis is even assimilated to a bell with its middle petal representing a tongue (bataille de cloche). A pale fitchy is a palleteau; and a pattern of more than six pales fitchy is described as pallete, or esmorse - derived from the Italian meaning a small piece of cloth. In a fretty pattern of more than ten pieces, yraigne is recommended, and for a cheeky pattern of more than ten pieces, haye. Other terms mentioned, but not defined, include aroge and verge, which may refer to striped patterns, and hante, apparently a manner of dividing the field. Most intriguing is a method of rationalizing fretty and cheeky patterns on a square field: for example, on a conventional fretty field, three by three, the field is said to be composed of four whole pieces and eight halves, giving a total of eight whole pieces; the number of pieces placed on the field is twenty-one. The difference between the number of pieces on the field and those that lie on the fretty pattern is said to be fifteen

12 Introduction (in fact thirteen), and the total number of pieces on the shield (square) is thirty-one, or twice the difference just indicated plus one. The writer may have had in mind instructions for heraldic painters. The Prinsault tracts are less innovative in this respect. Some designate the cross flory as an escalle (star), a cross moline as anille (crutch), and the designator coulourez (coloured) is used to describe the shading on an apple. On the other hand, the Argentaye tract, while borrowing extensively from Prinsault, adds notably to it. For example, an inverted pile, described in Prinsault as a pointe - a tailoring term - is designated in the Argentaye tract as parti en chevron (line 1314)- chape in modern French heraldry; umbre (1038), no doubt deriving from ombre (shadow), refers to the antlers of a stag; the border of a shield is an emuron (988); jarril (oak branch) occurs for the first time as a charge (1005); poins (969) occurs as a synonym for an escallop; small lions are said to be blazoned manans (1386), never passans; and there is an assortment of measuring cans - justes {1026), channes (1026) - and bells campannes (965), campenelles {965), clerons (965), and sonnetes (966) charges that give the list a regional flavour. The chief contribution of the Le Boucq tract to medieval blazon is its analysis of linear patterns on the field. The author classifies these patterns into three groups : (a) two divisions: flanchie (= tranchieltaillie) ; escartele (= party/

couppe); party tranchie de [' un en I' autre (= party ltranchie); party taillie de I' un en I' autre ( = party ltaillie); couppe et tranchie de I' un en I' autre ( = couppeltranchie); and couppe et taillie de l'un en I' autre ( = couppeltaillie). (b) three divisions: escartele et tranchie de l'un en l'autre (= partylcouppeltranchie) ; escartele et taillie de l'un en I' autre ( = partylcouppeltaillie); party et flanchie de l'un en I' autre (= tranchie/taillielparty); and couppe et flanchie de l'un en l'autre (= couppeltailleltranchie [flanchie]) . (c) four divisions: gironne (= partylcouppe = escartele and tranchieltaillie = flanchie) .

It is now understood that coats of arms in the Middle Ages were not the exclusive privilege of the aristocracy. 24 Towns, townspeople, and peasants alike are known to have had their own blazons. If the treatise writers are critical of them, it is not so much because they have arrogated to themselves an apanage rightfully belonging to the noble classes; they readily admit that there are different categories of coats of arms. 25 The problem, according to the treatise writers, is the number of infractions of the rules of classic blazon found in 'bourgeois' and rural arms. 26 The Argentaye tract distinguishes between three types of nobility : hereditary, natural, and acquired. 27 The implied link between arms and the observance of moral and ethical conduct developed later in the tract is clear at the outset. 28 The tract also adds two rules on bastardy and impaled arms not encountered

13 Medieval French heraldry before. (a) When a bastard son marries, he may impale his wife's arms with his own, with the proviso that his wife's arms occupy the dexter side of the shield. 29 (b) A gentleman marrying a heiress to a rich property is at liberty to impale his arms with those of his wife, or abandon his own and wear his wife's arms plain; his wife, provided she is of high rank, may continue to use her own coat of arms as opposed to those of her husband. 3° Until Jean-Bernard de Vaivre has completed his study of fifteenth-century and Renaissance blazon,3 1 and all the treatises are properly catalogued and edited, it is impossible to determine exactly to what extent the treatise writers and the compilers of rolls of arms contributed individually to the expansion of heraldic terminology. From a comparison of four fifteenth-century French rolls of arms attached to certain of the treatises already examined (BN, fonds fran-.ais 5931, 14,357, 24,381), and an independent armorial (BN, fonds fran~ais 32,751), the following tentative observations can be made: (a) BN, fonds fran~ais 32,751 contains no new terminology. (b) BN, fonds fran~ais 5931, an early ordinary based on the Berry Roll,3 2 contains a host of new terms not found in the tracts. (c) BN, fonds fran~ais 14,357, an armorial with many items derived ostensibly from the Walford Roll3 and an Arthurian roll, 34 is less inventive terminologically but distinguishes itself by the number of infractions to the rules of classic blazon, particularly in the descriptions of quartered coats of arms. (d) BN, fonds fran~ais 24,381 contains many new items, especially in the area of linear patterns, and in this respect it is more characteristic of a sixteenth-century tract, such as the Le Boucq tract, than a fifteenth-century roll of arms. Literature and heraldry meet at the junction of fictitious arms ( arm es imaginaires). Legendary heroes from the Bible, classical antiquity, and Arthurian literature were popular in Romance and poetry, the medium through which they found their way complete with coats of arms into late medieval armorials (general) and treatises. 35 Fictitious arms even became a feature of life itself, as is evidenced by the popularity of Arthurian tourneys, which lasted into the sixteenth century. 36 Moreover, the nine Worthies - Julius Caesar, Alexander of Macedon, and Hector of Troy in particular - appear in both Romance and chivalric and heraldic writings as symbols of a lost past full of glory, of human vanity echoed in the omnipresent ubi sunt refrain of classical and medieval literature.37 Fran~ois Villon's celebrated ballad 'Ou est le preux Charlemagne?', derives great pathos from this topos and his poem is constructed like a small general roll with its succession of legendary and contemporary figures, long and recently departed. Through poetry Villon thus reaffirms heraldry's identification with literature - an identification that is a feature of late medieval blazon and a fact increasingly familiar to heraldists in this field. 38

14 Introduction The late medieval treatises on heraldry contribute to our understanding of contemporary culture and civilization in a number of ways. The first is the relationship of literature to man, which exists on two levels, the political and the social. Like many other forms of literature in the later Middle Ages, the heraldic tracts are embedded with political theory and ideas current at the time. The Argentaye tract, and the Sicily and Prinsault tracts, each in varying degrees, contain much that was commonplace in political writings during the period: the duties and qualities appropriate to a ruler, the pursuit of the ideal of Latin Christendom, the origin of authority, the analogy of the state with the human body, and the concept of the nobility as the defender of the common weal.3 9 However, it is specifically through the Argenta ye tract that early heraldry makes an entirely new contribution to the history of political theory in the Middle Ages, namely the well-worn comparison of the human body is extended to describe the authority of the king-of-arms over the heralds within the jurisdiction of their respective provinces. 40 The heraldic treatises are also important social documents. They are an extension of the upsurge in chivalric literature that occurred in the fourteenth century, following the emergence of the great Orders of Chivalry.41 By this time the heralds were employed as minor officials and, on occasion, as envoys in the princely households of Europe. 42 With the advent of modern warfare at the turn of the fifteenth century heralds disappeared as a regular feature from the battlefields; heraldry endured solely for sport. 43 The tracts seemed to remind those interested how it should be done - much like books on horseback-riding and yachting today. Their authors were heralds, minor nobles, friars, and monks, but nearly all display a lack of first-hand knowledge, and many are obviously making up fables . The insistence by the treatise writers that certain rules and regulations should (doivent, debvent) be observed is a seeming indication that they were not. They also started the myths that their office was of ancient origin and that their place was with the nobles.44 Indeed, the tracts espouse the cultural view of this class, which tended to see all history through the feats of the nine Worthies and which extended into the life of its tournaments and pageants. This viewpoint may also explain why the French tracts are of superior quality to their counterparts in England, where the nobility was a much smaller caste. Therefore, aside from the fact that the heraldic treatises are works of fiction in every sense of the word, socially they testify for the first time that the heralds now looked upon themselves as having a distinct role and place in society. The treatises also contribute to our knowledge of the late Middle Ages through heraldic tables. These tables start to appear in the latter years of the

15 Medieval French heraldry fourteenth century and by the fifteenth are a firmly established feature of heraldic tracts in England and France. The early tracts 45 contain scanty tabulations, restricted to naming metals and tinctures and placing them in order according to their relative nobility. The later treatises - principally French are, on the other hand, clearly more ambitious in scope and purpose : retaining with little change the order of precedence of metals and tinctures, they interweave astrology, precious stones, humours, ores, elements, and days of the week with moral and religious symbolism in the manner of lapidaries and the great encyclopedias, especially the De proprietatibus rerum of Bartholomew the Englishman, 46 from which the heraldic tables patently draw their inspiration. Moreover, colour symbolism played an important role throughout the Middle Ages, and a handbook on the subject was written around 1435 by the herald of Sicily in his Blason des couleurs. In fact this work forms the junction between early science and heraldry. It is also significant in two other respects. First, it re-emphasizes the aesthetic importance of colour symbolism by relating the metals and tinctures of heraldry to recognized social qualities ( vertus mondaines) and costume. Second, it sets the pattern of heraldic tables endlessly reproduced by subsequent French treatise writers. Although one herald uses precious stones and social virtues in place of colour to blazon a shield, 47 symbolism cannot be shown to have played a significant part in actual heraldic practice, where colour continued, as it always had done, to be subordinate to regional fashions and trends. 48 Another aspect is numerical rationalization of ordinaries and subordinaries, which occurs for the first time in the early fourteenth-century Anglo-Norman Dean tract. 49 By the fifteenth century a similar system was being applied by the English treatise writers, albeit not uniformly. 50 On the other hand, the French tracts show a tendency to conform to one pattern. 51 The emergence of this classic standard of rationalization was no doubt influenced by contemporary heraldic practice, in which there was a growing tendency to specify the number of devices on a shield. 52 However, the reason why some numerical restrictions were preferred over others is still little understood. Two types of explanations for this are possible - number symbolism and regionality. Symbolic association was enormously popular in late medieval culture: 53 it was always based on an equality of number. Thus with the seven virtues corresponded the seven supplications of the Lord's Prayer, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, the seven Beatitudes, and, an innovation, the seven heraldic tables. Although one Prinsault tract does equate its twelve-chapter division with the twelve disciples and its seventy-two shield illustrations with the seventy-two apostles, 54 the treatises generally do not attach symbolic meaning to numerical rationalization.

16 Introduction References to actual coats of arms are rare except in those tracts with a strong regional character. Thus the arms alluded to in the Dean tract are mainly English. 55 The Argentaye tract adds Breton shields to the arms of Pully, Passavant, and Pressigny that had become stereotypes in the regionally anonymous Prinsault-derived treatises. 56 The illustrations of ordinaries and subordinaries in Banyster's early fifteenth-century treatise57 all originate from the area in which it was composed. It may one day be possible to identify the anonymous shields by comparing them with contemporary armorials; however, until such time as the latter have been properly classified and edited,58 any conclusions in this regard can only be tentative. It is clear that many of the treatise writers' boldest assertions had but a tenuous link with actual heraldic fact or practice. In this sense the treatises constitute a form of 'escapist' literature, and they were certainly read as such until the seventeenth century, when modern heraldic criticism begins with Menestrier. 59 Since then they have received scanty and spasmodic attention. 6o Yet the heraldic treatises are, as has been shown, of vital importance as a potentially rich source of information with regard to the culture and civilization of the later medieval period.

3

The Argentaye tract

THE TRACT

The Argentaye tract, named for its first presumed owner, Jan Guillemot of l' Argenta ye in Brittany, is preserved in a single manuscript at the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris. This manuscript, classified as Fonds fran~ais 11,464, contains in addition to the tract other miscellaneous items. The Paris manuscript has never been the object of close critical examination, though the Argentaye tract (folios u-39v} was referred to briefly by G.J. Brault. 1 In excellent condition, it consists of ninety-three folios of paper sewn together, each measuring 268 x :185 mm, and copied, it appears, in the last fifteen years of the fifteenth century. The highly legible 'bastarda' cursive script, characteristic of the period in which the manuscript was completed, is plainly the work of one scribe. 2 Apart from the heraldic tract, the manuscript contains the following items : instructions on the coronation of emperors and kings, and the creation of dukes, counts, viscounts, marquis, bannerets, bachelors, and knights (folios 43r-47r}; standard-raising and the function and comportment in battle of the constable, Marshal, Master of the Crossbowmen, kings, dukes, marquis, barons, bannerets, and captains (folios 47r-5or}; tactics in war and gages (folios 5or-58v); rolls of arms (folios 59r-7or}; model letters to popes, emperors, kings,) and requests for gages of battle (folios 7u-76r}; two poems, one entitled 'Libelle de Paix' by Alain Chartier, and the other, 'Louange de Paris' of unknown authorship (folios 76r-84r}; and, finally, a genealogy of the dukes and princes of Brittany (folios 84v-93v). The manuscript contains no illuminations, but the initial at the head of folio tr is embellished. The first five words or so of each chapter heading is set off by enlarged lettering. The ninety-three folios contain approximately sixty lines in

18 Introduction two columns of thirty lines each. The heraldic illustrations are presented in two ways: to the right and left and at the foot of the script, and later, on separate folios in columns of three with four shields per row. In the absence of any contemporary external reference to the Paris manuscript, we must have recourse to internal evidence to determine its history. Happily, this is fairly abundant. The excellent condition of the manuscript suggests that it did not circulate very much. This is confirmed by the comments in the margins, which indicate that, until the eighteenth century at least, the Paris manuscript had no more than four owners. The earliest presumed owner, about whom no biographical information has been found, was a Jan Guillemot of l'Argentaye in Brittany. On folio 5v Guillemot added two blazons to the local Breton roll, and the language appears to be contemporary with that of the manuscript, although caution must be exercised until the writing has been examined microscopically. It must also be borne in mind that it is exceedingly difficult to place a document written in Middle French using linguistic criteria only. The comments of the next two hands are almost certainly of sixteenthcentury origin, and may be by different owners of the manuscript or persons to whom the manuscript was lent. The lengthy remarks on the model letters, which the scribe relates to the reign of Charles VII, are unsigned. The note characterizing the genealogy of the dukes and princes of Brittany as a copy of the one made by Pierre le Baud in c14804 bears the signature Pontglas. According to Rietstap this is a Breton family name, like that of Guillemot. 5 The last owner, according to internal evidence, has profusely edited the local roll of Brittany, but left no signature. He did, however, leave a date, which is January 1691 (folio 66v}. His familiarity with Breton nobility confirms that up to the closing decade of the seventeenth century at least, the manuscript did not, as has been suggested, leave Brittany. G.J. Brault described the Paris manuscript as belonging to the fifteenth century. 6 This assertion was made on the basis of linguistic criteria, although, in the period in which the manuscript was copied, such an approach is subject to caution. Two kinds of items in the manuscript, however, make it possible to date the copy more accurately: various comments by the owners together with the textual evidence, and the general and local rolls. It must be borne in mind, however, that any conclusions reached particularly on the basis of opinions in the former category are tentative. A The owners' comments: The model letters, in the opinion of one owner, are derived directly from a compendium of such materials written in 1470. However, Pontglas' s statement that the genealogy of the House of Brittany was copied from that of the Breton historian, Pierre le Baud, who composed it c1480, provides us with a terminus a quo.

19 The Argentaye tract B Textual evidence: A terminus ad quern for the Paris manuscript may be inferred from textual and historical evidence. Pierre le Baud was historian to Anne of Brittany, and the appearance of the former' s genealogy of the House of Brittany suggests a link between the Sire Jan Guillemot's house and that of Anne. Anne of Brittany became queen of France in 1491 (Fonds fran~ais 14,357 has Charles vm's arms impaled with those of Anne in 1489), when the House of Brittany was absorbed into the House of France. The poem of unknown authorship entitled 'Louange de Paris' may have been inserted immediately before the Breton genealogy as a gesture by Guillemot in recognition of this event. If the manuscript is dependent on the 1481 printed version of Bonet' s L'arbre des batailles, this would confirm the terminus a quo.7 However, this is an ex silentio argument and must be treated as such. Thus the period in which the manuscript was composed would seem to be somewhere between 1481 and 1491 +. The general and local rolls provide further possibilities for dating the manuscript. A The general roll: In spite of their anachronistic quality, general rolls, through significant omissions and adjustments, do none the less furnish the scholar with a reliable set of dates within which to work. This being so, it is possible to refine the terminus a quo and terminus ad quern of the general roll in the Paris manuscript. That Saint-Pol de Chatillon is missing from the 'Vergier du Roi,' as he was executed for treason 19 December 1475,8 is important but does not undermine our present terminus a quo. More meaningful, however, is the fact that the count of Anjou's blazon ('de France a la bordeure de gueules') highlights the absorption of the House of Anjou by the crown in 1482. Hence, it is now possible to place the terminus a quo of the manuscript in or shortly after 1482. The fact that the count of Dampmartin, who figures in the 'Vergier,' died in 1488 (the same year as the duke of Brittany) constitutes an argument for bringing the terminus ad quern forward to that year or shortly after. Evidence from the local roll tends to lend weight to this date, too. B The local roll: In much the same way as the general roll, the local roll for Brittany contains startling anachronisms (the sires de Clisson died in 1407 and the House of the sires du Chastelier was extinct in 1480), but at the same time information can be adduced to influence, if not the terminus a quo, at least the terminus ad quern. Although approximately two-thirds of the counts, barons, and bannerets are identified by Rietstap, few biographical details are available at present. Hence any conclusions formulated at this time are open to clarification if new biographical evidence should come to light. The vicomte de Rohan was made baron in 1485, but this fact is not recorded in the roll. This is all the more surprising since Rietstap identifies the sire de Laneaux as a baron in 1485, a fact that is recorded in the list of barons. Thus the case of the vicomte de Rohan cannot logically be used for the purposes of dating. On the other hand it is

20 Introduction feasible to conjecture a new terminus a quo of 1485 + from the evidence offered by the example of the sire de Lanvaux. The absence of biographical data about the noblemen to whom the author alludes in the tract makes it impossible to use them to refine the date. The relationship between the Argentaye tract and other contemporary continental treatises 9 does offer possibilities for dating, although the evidence deduced is once again perforce a matter of conjecture. On the one hand, the affinity between the Prinsault tracts and the Argentaye item appears to indicate that the author knew the former pieces well. Since the original Prinsault item was composed c1466-7, this may be advanced as a possible date for the Argentaye piece. This date sets the composition of the Argentaye tract in the same period as the armorials and model letters in the same manuscript. However, this assertion loses much of its force in light of the knowledge that the Prinsault tracts enjoyed immense popularity at the end of the fifteenth and throughout the sixteenth centuries. The author of the manuscript may have known any number of these copies in the fifteenth century, and not necessarily the original manuscript. The Sicily herald's tract, written c1434-7, shows affinities with the Argentaye tract not in the Prinsault pieces; it was also widely popular and was very often included in the same book as the Prinsault tract at the height of its vogue. 10 Likewise, the author of the Argentaye tract may have known the original or any number of the copies of the Sicily herald's tract at the end of the fifteenth century. The Paris manuscript was therefore copied somewhere between 1482 and 1492. The popularity of the Prinsault and Sicily tracts at the end of the fifteenth century suggests that the Argentaye tract may have been composed in these years, too. However, no certainty can be entertained in this regard until more conclusive evidence can be found. THE AUTHOR

From the Argentaye author's concern with heralds and heraldry, it seems quite evident that he was a herald or moved in circles in which he came into frequent contact with them. He was a Breton and the internal evidence of the tract suggests that he had had a gentleman's education: he has a smattering of civil and canon law, and is familiar with aristocratic literature such as Raim6n Lull's Ordre of Chiualry, and Longuyon's poem on the nine Worthies, 11 as well as with diplomatic jargon and phrases. 12 Jan Guillemot is mentioned twice marginally as the owner of the Argentaye tract; 13 however, archival research has not turned up any mention of a Sire Jan Guillemot/Guillemet de l'Argentaye although it is now well attested that the Guillemots were actively involved in

21

The Argentaye tract

the military and diplomatic service of the dukes of Brittany in the fifteenth century. '- 4 There are several reasons for this. Guillemot may be a first name or a family name. If it is a first name, then it is the hypocoristic form of Guillaume (William). In this case the family name would be l'Argentaye. This hypocoristic Guillemot did exist; however, it was not a popular form and we would have to presuppose a double-barrelled first name, Jean-Guillaume, which was rare in the fifteenth century. If Guillemot is a family name, it is a perfectly feasible one. It tended to become confused with Guillemet in some handwritings of the Middle Ages and was very popular. Potier de Courcy indicates two families of ancient nobility by this name; one lived at Plouha during the Reformation (1441 and 1535) in the ancient bishopric of Saint-Brieuc, the other at Ploneis and Quenquis in Cornwall. '- 5 Lobineau'- 6 and Dom Maurice,'- 7 as well as Blanchard,'- 8 mention many Guillemots and Guillemets, some with Jean as a first name. Among the Guillemots, however, there is no mention of l' Argentaye. L' Argentaye could be a family name or the name of an estate - it did exist as a family name in the Middle Ages. '- 9 If it is the title of an estate, the most familiar one is situated in the parish of Saint-Lormel and belonged successively to the following families: l' Argentaye and de Malestroit in the fifteenth century; then to La Chapelle-Molac, de Rosmadec, de Clisson de Keralio, de Lesquen de Largentaye, de Chateaubriant, and finally to Rioust de Largentaye, who was still living on the estate in 1981 . There is no evidence of any Guillemots having lived there. 20 There was also a bailiwick of l' Argentaye in Ploubalay at the end of the fifteenth century. 21. Today there are the villages of l' Argentay at Saint-Cast le Guildo (three kilometres west of the hamlet of Notre-Dame du Guildo) and l' Argentaie at Quessoy (500 metres north of the hamlet of Quessoy). Ploubalay and Notre-Dame de Guildo are very close to Saint-Lormel, but Quessoy is farther away and lies between Saint-Brieuc and Moncontour. THE CONTENT OF THE TRACT

The following is a list of descriptive titles of each section of the Argentaye tract, with the number of the first line of each part. The divisions are made not according to detail but according to the general scope of the sections. (See also the appendix for a further analysis of lines 41-515 and 545-1434.) Prologue (1) Origins of heralds, pursuivants, and coats of arms (32) The right to arms (545) Tinctures and metals (552)

22 Introduction Ordinaries (732) Beasts and birds (826) Subordinaries (870) Cadency (1069) Concessions of arms and infractions to rules of blazon (1138) Illustrations (1305) Standards and ensigns (1354) Plain arms (1375) Further questions involving use in arms of small lions, metal on metal, abimes, bastards, marriage between people of different social castes, succession of arms in Spain, arms of Rome (1382) THE LANGUAGE OF THE TRACT

The present edition is based on a late fifteenth-century manuscript which bears all the linguistic characteristics of the period. These may be summarized as follows: 22 A regular appearance of final s as an indication of plurality ( vertus 28; viellars 55); 23 B persistence of demonstrative pronouns as adjectives (celui lieu 339; celle guerre 299) and demonstrative adjectives as pronouns (ceste est dite de generacion 22); c regular omission of subject pronouns, and use of the masculine plural subject pronoun ilz with feminine nouns (ilz [= les armes] sont faulses 712; la faczon dont ilz [= les macles] sont 918) and of the pronoun ii as a tonic element (ce fut ii qui plus exaulcza 281); o retention of relative que as both subjective and objective conjunction ( novice que est poursuyvant 142; par ce que est dessus 1134); E appearance of analogical feminine adjectives based on corresponding Latin -is forms (grandes 225; [vs grant 313]); F hesitation in use of masculine and feminine adjectives to form adverbs (pareilment 502; novellement 230; [vs nouveaument 1248]); G resistance of certain verbs to analogical change ( treuve 12; [vs trouve 782]); H absence of euphonic tin third person singular inversions (dira l' on 850; entre ii 890); I extensive use of relative pronouns [edit, lesdiz, etc., in conjunction with noun and verb phrases, particularly as a transitional device between sentences (Ledit empereur ... ne voulut 54-6; Laquelle chose faite .. . 62); J occasional preference for parataxis over subordination in syntactic expression of ideas (cf. lines 280-311); Ka number of binary structures at many grammatical levels (cf. lines 218-226); L several etymologically influenced orthographical forms (honour 6; publicque 8; elx [= illos] 17; recepvoir 96; debvroit 102; escript 165; soubz 192; exaulcza 282; dextre 306; falsaires 462; extroicte 685; sceit 1143; oupvraige 815, etc.); M considerable orthographical varia-

23 The Argentaye tract tion : 24 an/en (entendement 440/entandement 494; exellence 30/exellance 397; losenges 906/ losanges 924; endroict 999/ androiz 1211; rempant 838/ rampant 839); ae/e (maesmement 448/mesmement 470); aile (declaire 388/declere 517); alo (payens 169/poyens 190; delay 465/deloy 158); ail ei (aigle 872/eigle 1144); aulo (mauvese 1256/moveis 411); elei (lesser 501/leisser 56; ampres 379/ampreis 142); e/i (melieu 908/milieu 911; differance 1130/diffirance 1149); elie (chef! 709/chieffs 534; gueulles 695/ guieules 610); oilai (portoint 1155/portaint 356); olou (proesses 120/ prouesse 149; formes 118/fourmer 236; coleur 930/ couleur 931); oailoi (histoaires 12/histoires 312; coainton 1114/cointon 1116cf. also ouaiseaux 872); oiloue (croiz 664/crouez 738); ulo (numbre 655/nombrent 879); llll (apelent 10/apellent 26; souleil 567/souleill 576); mlmm (come 698/ comme 698); nlnn (planetes 603/plannetes 576); sic (faulses 712/faulce 700); and celcza in present participle endings (exercent 99/commanczant 786; see also vengent 296). Hence unusual infinitive forms with s endings (voirs 78; assoirs 792; jugez [z = rs] 539; nommez 936; departiz 666) emended in our text; second person present indicative forms with r endings (debver 553; prener 654; trouver 691; pourer 1102, 1343; see also apeler 464, evoquer 465, and aviser 483; uncommon second person singular present indicative forms with z endings (peuz 1383; doiz 1383); masculine and feminine past participle forms occurring with r endings (vuyder 1010; retirer 352) - emended in our text; confusion between singular and plural forms of the subject pronoun ii (il [= ilz] 77) - also emended; and finally non-agreement of a verb form with a singular and plural subject (autres choses ... n'apartient 441) - likewise emended. The scribe's spelling habits place the Argentaye tract in the mainstream of the French scripta tradition and show no particular regional characteristics. SOURCES AND INFLUENCE

The sources of the Argenta ye tract are twofold : heraldic and learned. The heraldic sources include a number of the items discussed in chapter 2; the most significant of these is the Prinsault tract. However, the Argentaye tract shows a high degree of independence and originality in relation to the latter. For instance, the ordering of items is considerably recast, some of the items are expanded, and a number of exempla and references from learned and biblical sources, as well as illustrations from contemporary coats of arms are introduced. 25 The extent of this structural reorganization can be best understood with the aid of Table 1 .

24 Introduction TABLE 1

Prinsault tract (chapter) II

w IVANOV

VI VII VIII

IX X

XI XII

Argentaye tract (lines)

33-551 552-6 557-703 730-91 [see note c below) 707-29 1013-40 842-64 798-842 867-9,906-16 930-2, 959-64 1300-53

A The furs , ermine and vair, in Prinsault, chapter m, have been placed in Argentaye at what corresponds to chapter IV in Prinsault. B The orle in Prinsault, chapter v, has been replaced in Argentaye by onde and placed in the extended list of subordinaries (996-1004). The crosses, to which Argentaye adds eleven more, appear first. c The numerical proportions and restrictions stipulated in Prinsault, chapter VI, are dealt with in Argentaye as each ordinary and subordinary occurs. o Thirteen of the shields listed in Argentaye between lines 1305 and 1353 are not derived from Prinsault. These have been indicated in the text with an asterisk. E Emphasis is given to the regional character of the Argentaye tract by adding new shields to the list of actual coats of arms already found in Prinsauli: (see lines 1325-53, and above, p 16). F In his discussion of ordinaries and subordinaries the Argentaye author shows a keen eye for the telling analogy drawn from real life. For example, a fess is compared to a bar across a door (773), bends and cotices are likened to shoulder scarves or straps (787, 899), and fusils are assimilated to rockets fired from a cannon (904-5). The entire section on metals and tinctures is derived from Sicily's Blason des couleurs. The Argentaye author's sole original contribution is the story of Joseph's betrayal by his brothers and the contemporary legend surrounding Our Lord's seamless robe. 26 The origins of the heraldic office are identical to the account given by Sicily in his history of heraldry,2 7 although the Argentaye author has given much more attention to style. 28 Of the sources, perhaps the single most important for the development of theoretical writing on heraldry is Bartholus of Sassoferrato' s De insigniis et armis, written about 1353. This treatise became popular immediately all over

25 The Argentaye tract Europe and was quoted and misquoted by writers on heraldry in England and France well into the seventeenth century. It found its way into the French heraldic tracts via Honore Bonet' s A rbre des batailles, written about 1.387. 29 It is curious, however, that the heraldic section of the anonymous Songe du vergier (1.376) did not appear in the tracts until the sixteenth ceritury. 3° Chapter 148 of the Songe deals with, among other things, usurpation of arms and bastardy, and its debt to Bartholus is very clear. Although the Argentaye author makes use of Bartholus through Bonet, there is evidence to suggest that he at least knew of the Songe.31 The contemporary Sicily history of heraldry and the Prinsault tract are also closely adapted by the same author.32 The Bible and ancient historians are shown to contain references to heralds. Maccabees, which recounts the successful revolt led by Judas Maccabaeus significantly one of the nine Worthies - against the Syrians (175-164 Be) mentions heralds. 33 Chronicles describes the singular punishment meted out to Amaon by David after his envoys had been insulted and abused by the former' s followers. 34 Finally, Japhet, son of Noah, is demonstrated to be the fount of all nobility. This episode, or exemplum, was popular in the many tracts on nobility written during the Middle Ages. 3s Ancient Roman historians - only Orosius is identified by name - provide the background for the description of the Four Kingdoms designated to hold sway over the world till Christ's coming, as well as the account of Julius Caesar's triumphs and assassination. 36 The description of Caesar's assassination is taken from Bonet. The Christian and pagan origins of heraldry are underpinned by references to both Canon and civil law, on which the sacredness and inviolability of the heraldic office are shown to rest.37 Political and philosophical literature is also turned to account. Aristotle provides the justification of the office of king-of-arms - a second-hand reference taken from Bonet·- and the ensuing analogy with the head derives from contemporary political writings and literature. 38 Aristotle is quoted in support of the desirability of knowledge, and of the importance of honesty even to the detriment of friendship. 39 Bartholus of Sassoferrato, better known for his legal treatise on heraldry, is the source of the discourse on the three types of nobility. 40 Finally, literature, specifically the literature based on the feats of the nine Worthies, provides the framework for much of the historical aspect of the Argentaye tract and similar treatises on the subject. There seems little doubt that Jacques de Longuyon' s early fourteenth-century poem, Les vreux du paon, is the source being used by the Argenta ye author since Longuyon includes in his piece the Cassebehan-Julius Caesar episode. 41 Although the arms of the

26 Introduction Worthies do not appear in Longuyon, they are found in many general rolls and at least one tract of the later Middle Ages. 42 In conclusion, all these heraldic tracts were copied over and over again until the middle of the seventeenth century, when critical heraldic studies began. The problem of relationships and the influence of the Argentaye tract is therefore almost insoluble.

4

Editorial principles

The edition is based on manuscript Fonds fran~ais 11,464, folios u-39r (Bibliotheque nationale); a partial collation of the text with other heraldic tracts (see above, chapters 2 and 3) showed that it was clearly superior and could be relied upon without addition to provide a succinct and meaningful reading. The text of the manuscript has been followed except where it has been necessary to make emendations based on internal scribal habits. Emended words are enclosed in square brackets. Abbreviations and contractions have been expanded normally without special indication; all names and initial words have been capitalized and modern punctuation introduced. Where the manuscript gives numerals, this has been done in the text; numbers written out in full are retained as such. The acute accent has been placed on final tonic e and es to avoid confusion with the corresponding atonic endings. i and j and u and v have been distinguished. Although the manuscript has its own division plan (see above, chapter J), which has been kept, further divisions have been made forthe sake of clarity of reading.

Notes to Introduction

CHAPTER ONE: 1

THE PRESENT STATUS OF HERALDRY

Sir Thomas Innes of Learney, Scots Heraldry: A Practical Handbook on the

Historical Principles and Modern Application of the Art and Science

2

3

4

5

6

7 8 9 10

Roger F. Pye, 'Continuity and change in English Armory' 50; Ottfried Neubecker and John P. Brooke-Little, Heraldry: Sources, Symbols and Meaning 42 Sir George Bellew, 'Modern Heraldry' 238; Pye, 'Continuity .. .' 46; John P. Brooke-Little, An Heraldic Alphabet ix; Whitney Smith, Flags through the Ages and across the World 45 Bellew, 'Modern Heraldry' 240; Roger F. Pye, 'A Return to First Principles: Heraldry Eternal' 337-40; Leslie G. Pine, The Story of Heraldry 148; John P. Brooke-Little, Boutell's Heraldry 238 International congresses devoted to genealogy and heraldry are held in Europe every two years and their proceedings gathered in a journal (see, for example, some of the items cited below in note 14). At most exhibitions (many sponsored by the Heraldry Society), brochures are available containing historical introductions to heraldry as well as detailed information about individual exhibits. See, for example, the following: Reading Exhibition of Heraldry ... Reading Museum and Art Gallery, introd. John P. BrookeLittle; Heraldry in Sussex; Ancient and Modern Heraldry: An Exhibition Devised and Collected by John Brooke-Little; Heraldry at the Fitzwilliam; Cyril E. Wright, English Heraldic Manuscripts in the British Museum; Heraldry 1974. Raymond C. Sutherland, 'Books about Heraldry' 159 Roger F. Pye, 'The Case for New Charges' 30; Sutherland, 'Books' 157; BrookeLittle, Boutell's Heraldry 279 See, for example, Brooke-Little, Boutell's Heraldry. The best example would be John W. Papworth's Ordinary of British Armorials, introd. G.D. Squibb and A.R. Wagner. See also Innes of Learney, Scots

29 Notes to introduction pp 3-4

11

Heraldry; Thomas Moule, Bibliotheca Heraldica Magnae Britanniae; Arthur C. Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry; Henry Gough and James Parker, A Glossary of Terms Used in Heraldry; John B. Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Peerage, Baronetage and Knightage; Herbert Cole, Heraldry and Floral Forms as Used in Decoration; Randle Holme, Academy of Armory; William P. W. Phillimore, How to Write the History of a Family; Anthony R. Wagner, English Genealogy; John B. Burke, The General Armory of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales; Gordon Campbell and Idrisyn 0 . Evans, The Book of Flags; Donald L. Galbreath, Papal Heraldry. Consult, for example, Julian Franklin, Shield and Crest; Hugh S. London, The Right Road for the Study of Heraldry .

12 Sutherland, 'Books about Heraldry' 158; George D. Squibb, The High Court of

Chivalry; Anthony R. Wagner, Heralds of England; Robert Gayre, Heraldic Standards and Other Ensigns : Their Development and History; idem, Heraldic Cadency; The Development and Differencing of Coats of Arms for Kinsmen and Other Purposes; idem, The Nature of Arms: An Exposition of the Meaning and Significance of Heraldry with Special Reference to Its Nobiliary Aspects; Charles W. Scott Giles, Looking at Heraldry; Winifred Hall, Canting and Allusive Arms of England and Wales; Henry H. Trivick, The Craft and Design of Monumental Brasses; Geoffrey Briggs, comp., Civic and Corporate Heraldry : A Dictionary of Impersonal Arms of England, Wales and North Ireland; James Woodford and Harold E. Priestley, Heraldic Sculpture; Robert Innes-Smith, Scottish Burg and Country Heraldry; Smith, Flags; Neubecker, Heraldry 13 Anthony R. Wagner, Royal and Princely Heraldry in Wales ; Vincente de Cadenas y Vicent, Caballeros de la Order de Alcantara que effectuaron sus pruebas de ingreso duranta el siglo XIX; Julian Alvarez Villar, De Heraldica Salamantina; Guillermes S. Fernandez de Recas, Caciacazgos y Nobiliaro Indfgena de la Nueva Espana; Hanns Jiiger-Sustenau, Osterreichischer Wappenalmanach; Aristides Rojas, Enrique B. Nun.as, and Gillermo Meneses, El Escudo de Armas de la Ciudad de Caracas; Abdon M. Salazar, El Escudo de Armas de Juan Luis Vives; Juan A. Codazzi Aguirre, Escudo para las Islas Malvinas y Adyacencias; Mostyn Lewis, Stained Glass in North Wales Up to 1850; Rosemary Pinches and Anthony Wood, A European Armorial; Adolf M. Hildebrandt, Wappenfibel: Handbuch der Heraldik; Brigitte Schroeder, Mainfriinkischer Klosterheraldik; Cornelis Pama, Heraldry of South African Families; Joseph Novak, Slovenske metske a obecne erby; Heinrich Hussmann, Uber deutsche Wappenkunst: Auszeichnungen aus meinen Vorlesungen; Braamcap Freire Anselmo Brasoes de la Sala de Scuta de Sintra; Morris Schnapper, American Symbols: The Seals and Flags of the Fifty States; Nikolai Speransov, Coats of Arms of Russian Principalities; Carl von Volborth, Heraldry of the World. The periodical, The Coat of Arms, among others, devotes a regular section to new books on heraldry, national and international.

30 Notes to introduction p 4 14 Gerald J. Brault, Early Blazon: Heraldic Terminology in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries ... 3; Jacques M. de Tupigny, 'Heraldique' 741-67; Robert Delort, Introduction aux sciences auxiliaires de l'histoire 256-73. Research on specific areas is as follows: on the relationship between fluctuation in arms and medieval man, consult Hugh S. London, 'Some Medieval Treatises on English Heraldry' 180; Paul Adam-Even, 'Armoiries braban~onnes medievales d'apres des sources inedites.' On the link between fashion in armory and the medieval mind, consult essentially Michel Pastoureau, Les armoiries 53-5; idem, 'Vogue et perception des couleurs dans l'Occident medieval: le temoignage des armoiries.' See also Olivier Clottu, 'Meprises ou fantaisies heraldiques ?'; idem, 'L'heraldique paysanne en Suisse'; Colin Campbell, 'Scottish Arms in the Armorial Equestre' 58-68, 115-23, 170-5; Sven T. Aachen, 'La similarisation: un cote oublie des etudes heraldiques' 329-40. On the relationship between arms and social history, consult Noel Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry, 1254-1310 1-17 (but see G.J. Brault's review in Speculum); idem, The Country Gentry in the Fourteenth Century, with Special Reference to· the Heraldic Rolls of Arms; Hans Kliiui, 'Die genealogische Bedeutung von Wappen und Taufnamengleichheit bei Ministerialengeschlechtern; Jean-Claude Loutsche, 'Origine des armes de la maison de Luxembourg'; Anthony R. Wagner, English Genealogy; Colin Campbell, 'The Lion of Angus.' On the use of arms for determining date and geographic provenance of documents, manuscripts, and household property, see Elisabeth Pellegrin, La bibliotheque des Visconti et des Sforza, dues de Milan, au xve siecle; Pastoureau, Armoiries 67-8. The meaning and significance of charges and tinctures in coats of arms are now better understood. In this connection consult essentially Michel Pastoureau, 'Le bestiaire heraldique au moyen age' 300-1; idem, Les armoiries 49-52; Brault, Early Blazon 23-6; idem, Eight Thirteenth-Century Rolls of Arms in French and Anglo-Norman 40-64; Gustav A. Seyler, Geschichte der Heraldik 146-8. Concerning symbolism in coats of arms, see Robert Viel, Les origines symboliques du blason. But see also Pastoureau's corrective to Viel in Armoiries 75-6. On recent classification of charges on the heraldic field, consult Hugh S. London, 'Senois, an Heraldic Tincture' 206-7; Roger F. Pye, 'Honourable Ordinaries'; Gerard J. Brault, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry'; idem, 'The Old French Heraldic Term Cotice, Narrow Bend'; Erich Kittel, 'Wappentheorien'; Edward M. Kandel, 'The Origin of Some Charges.' On the classification of charges in the Middle Ages see Allen Barstow, 'A Lexicographical Study of Heraldic Terms in Anglo-Norman Rolls of Arms for the Study of Medieval Blazon' cxvicxvii, and Brault, Early Blazon 3-5. 15 le, Les armoiries. This work is superseded by a new manual of heraldry by Pastoureau - Traite d'heraldique. 16 It was thought that in the Middle Ages the right to bear arms was restricted to the

31 Notes to introduction pp 4-5

17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24

25 26

27 28

29

nobility. In fact this right was customary and belonged to every social class, the sole restriction being that individual arms were inviolable and could only be assumed with their owner's permission. Restrictive legislation began in the fifteenth century, and even then grants of arms tended to confirm arms that had already been taken by the applicant. See Remi Mathieu, Le systeme heraldique fran,ais 39-53; Paul Adam-Even, 'De !'acquisition et du port d'armoiries; armes nobles et bourgeoises: etude d'heraldique comparee'; Anthony R. Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages 73-6; Reading Exhibition of Heraldry ... Nos 81-9; Neubecker, Heraldry 38. Pastoureau, Les armoiries 23, 29, 33 See Kathleen Briggs, 'Heraldic Beasts in Folk Tradition'; Walter Berger, 'Heraldik and Volkskunde.' See T.R. Davies, 'Heraldry in Medieval Warfare'; Pastoureau, Armoiries 25; Neubecker, Heraldry 54. Brian Jenkins, 'Medieval Armorial Pendants' and Louis Miihlermann, 'L'histoire et la politique revelees par !es etendards et pavilions des chefs d'etat.' The greatest authority on this question is, however, the late Paul Adam-Even ('Les enseignes militaires du moyen age et leur influence sur l'heraldique.' See also Hans Horstmann, Vor-und Fruhgeschichte des europiiischen Flaggenwesens; Neubecker, Heraldry 226-7. Smith, Flags 44; Neubecker, Heraldry 66 Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society 149-57, and Marc Bloch, La societe feodale 456, 460 For an outline of this aspect of medieval culture, see especially Leopold Genicot, Les genealogies 35-44, and Leslie G. Pine, The Genealogist's Encyclopedia 46-70. See Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 13-17; Robert Viel, 'Naissance du blason'; idem, 'Les origines normandes du blason'; Brault, Early Blazon Ji Ian A. Mackay, 'Whence Armory?' Leon Jequier, 'Le debut des armoiries en Suisse romande'; Faustino M.P. de Navascues, 'Los comienzos de la heraldica en Espana' Pastoureau, Les armoiries 29-33; Vladimir J. Sedlak, 'Uber den Ursprung der Stiidtewappen.' On ecclesiastical heraldry, see L.A. Hough, 'English Medieval Religious Heraldry'; Cecil R. Humphery-Smith, 'Heraldry Associated with the Martyrdom of Archbishop Thomas Becket.' On women and medieval heraldry, consult Roger F. Pye, 'Husband and Wife.' Horstmann, Flaggenwesens 50 Gayre, Heraldic Cadency. Add Hugh S. London, 'Glover's Roll, c.1253-1258 and Walford's Roll, c.1273' 111. See also the Due de la Force's 'Les brisures de Montmorency' and Neubecker, Heraldry 96-8 Consult in particular Michel Pastoureau, 'L'heraldique bretonne: des origines a

.32 Notes to introduction pp 5-6

30 31 32 33 34

35

36

37 38 39

40

la guerre de succession de Bretagne,' Bulletin de la Societe archeologique du Finistere; idem, 'Le bestiaire heraldique au moyen age. ' Seyler, Geschichte der Heraldik 1-63, and Brault, Early Blazon 52-4 Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry x-176, and infra, Appendix Brault, Early Blazon 3-18 Consult T. R. Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare'; Noel Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 41-62; Reading Exhibition of Heraldry ... Nos 27-80 Paul Adam-Even, 'Les fonctions militaires des herauts d'armes et leur influence sur le developpement de l'heraldique'; Egon Freiherr Berchem, Donald L. Galbreath, and Otto Hupp, Beitriige zur Geschichte der Heraldik 116-218; Brault, Eight ... Rolls of Arms 3 See Seyler, Geschichte der Heraldik 104-6, 331-3; Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 245-62; Barstow, Lexicographical Study cix-cx; Hugh S. London, Royal Beasts; idem, 'Official Badges'; and Neubecker, Heraldry 150-8, 186-200, 208-14. On early rolls, see Paul Adam-Even, 'L'armorial universe! de Gelre.' Add Hanns Jiiger-Sustenau, 'Wappenbiicher in Wiener offentlicher Sammlungen.' On the dating of rolls of arms, consult Jean-Bernard G. de Vaivre, 'Orientations pour I' etude et !'utilisation des armoriaux du moyen age'; Pastoureau, Les armoiries 68-9; and, for an excellent analysis of the best-known rolls, see Neubecker, Heraldry 268-72. See Brault, Eight ... Rolls of Arms 3, and Wright, English Heraldic Manuscripts 8-10; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 46-56; Pastoureau, Les armoiries 27. See above p 13, and Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 1-16. See especially Gerard J. Brault, 'Heralds and Copyists: The Relationship between Three Thirteenth-Century Rolls of Arms'; idem, 'The Relationship between the Herald's Roll, Grimaldi's Roll, and the Dean Tract.' See also Paul Adam-Even, 'Role d'armes de l'ost de Flandre.' Brault, Early Blazon 108, 130, 147-8, 168-70, 183, 189-90. See also Hugh S. London, 'Paty and Formy'; idem, 'Pattee, Patonce and Formee'; Gerard J. Brault, 'The Emergence of the Heraldic Phrase in the Thirteenth Century'; idem, 'On the Nature and Diversity of Separators in Early Blazon'; idem, 'The Use of Plain Arms in Arthurian Literature and the Origin of the Arms of Brittany'; London, 'Glover's and Walford's Rolls' 103-6, 108-9; Gerard J. Brault, 'Heraldic Terminology and Legendary Material in the Siege of Caerlaverock (c.1300)'; idem, 'Ancien fran~ais de l'un en l'autre.' Superseding Gough and Parker's A Glossary of Terms Used in Heraldry, G.J. Brault's glossary in Early Blazon (pp 59-287) can be used for the whole medieval period. Also Allen M. Barstow, 'The Importance of the Ashmolean Roll of Arms for the Study of Medieval Blazon.' Work on early blazon outside these regions has not yet been attempted (Bou tell, Boutell' s Heraldry 2-3).

33 Notes to introduction p 6 41 For what is now regarded as an ideal edition of a roll of arms, see London, 'Glover's and Walford's Rolls' 87-207. But see also Brault, Eight ... Rolls of Arms 31-67; Pastoureau, Les armoiries 38-9; Leon Jequier, 'Armorial des souverains et grands feudataires du moyen age.' Generally, regional inventories tend to be more precise and scholarly than national or international catalogues. See, for example, Jacques Marilier, 'Essai d'armorial bourguignon des families feodales des xn• et xm• siecles.' In addition, few recently published catalogues of arms, particularly of the Middle Ages, have heraldic tables. The only exception in this respect is Leon Jequier's 'Tables heraldiques de dix-neuf armoriaux du moyen age.' See also Papworth's Ordinary of British Armorials. On identification of anonymous coats of arms in rolls, consult Pastoureau, Les armoiries, 40-2. Regarding the advantages of classification of arms by computer, see Thomas Stothers, 'Identification of Ensigns Armorials by Computer'; Rene Dubuc, La codification systematique des armoiries europeennes; Norman M. Brooke, 'The Computer and Heraldry'; Pastoureau, Armoiries 63-5. 42 Pastoureau, Les armoiries 49 43 Leon Jequier, 'A-t-on, au xm• siecle, cherche a indiquer les emaux sur les sceaux?'; Brault, Early Blazon 3-4. See also Neubecker's useful bibliography in Heraldry 275. 44 Erich Kittel, Siegel; Giacomo C. Bascape, Sigillografia : II sigillo nella diplomatica, nel diritto, nella storia, nell' arte, I, Sigillografia generate (Milan 1969); Claude Lapaire, 'Les plus anciens sceaux communaux de la Suisse'; Hans Rindlisbacher, 'Die Stellen iiber Siegeln und Besiegelung in Spatmittelalterlichen Rechtsquellen'. Wright, English ... Manuscripts 4-5, Nos 1-40; Pastoureau, Les armoiries 30-3, 46; and Adrian Ailes, 'Heraldry and the First Armorial Great Seals.' 45 Yves Metman, 'Sigillographie' and Boutell's Heraldry 270-1 46 Werner Eichhorn, 'Schweizer Chroniken aus den 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts und ihre heraldische Bedeutung'; Rene Goeldlin, 'Contrats de mariage'; Enzo Carli,

Les tablettes peintes de la 'Biccherna' et de la 'Gabella' de l'ancienne republique de Sienne; Neubecker, Heraldry 26-38 47 Macklin's Monumental Brasses, and Neubecker, Heraldry 252-60 48 Pastoureau, Les armoiries 51 49 Arthur Sabin, 'The 14th-Century Heraldic Glass in the Eastern Lady Chapel of Bristol Cathedral'; David J. Hawke, The Mediaeval Heraldry of York Minster; and Donald L. Galbreath and Leon Jequier, Manuel du blason 263, 320-1 50 Madeleine Laloy, 'La salle aux ecus de Ravel' and Ales Zelenka, Der Wappen-

fries aus dem Wappensaal zu lauf

51 The Reverend J. Masson, 'Heraldic Tiles in France and England' 52 Reading Exhibition of Heraldry, nos 1-26, 106-201. 53 Brault, Early Blazon 37-52; idem, 'Arthurian Heraldry and the Date of Escanor'; Robert Viel, 'L'influence du cycle Lancelot-Graal sur le symbolisme du Leopard et

34 Notes to introduction pp 6-8 du lion'; idem, 'La "Panthere heraldique" et le "Parzival" de Wolfram d'Eschenbach'; Paul Adam-Even, 'Les usages heraldiques au milieu du xne siecle d'apres le "Roman de Troie" de Benoit de Sainte-Maure et la litterature contemporaine'; Charles W. Scott Giles, 'Some Arthurian Coats of Arms'; Gerard J. Brault, 'The Use of Plain Arms in Arthurian Literature and the Origin of the Arms of Brittany'; Ottfried Neubecker, 'Realitatsgehalt der sogenannten Phantasienwappen'; Manfred Zips, 'Tristan und die Ebersymbolik'; Seyler, Geschichte der Heraldik 1-63; Norman J.R. Crompton, 'Medieval Symbolic Heraldry'; Charles W. Scott Giles, 'Ariosto's Heraldry'; Stephanie C. Van d'Elden, 'In a "Blazon" of Glory: Three Tournament and Siege Poems'; Michel Pastoureau, 'Les armoiries de Tristan dans la litterature et l'iconographie medievales'; idem, 'Introduction al'heraldique imaginaire (x1f-xvf siecles).' 54 Pastoureau, Les armoiries So 55 See below, chapter 2. CHAPTER TWO: 1 2

3 4

5

6 7 8 9 10 11

12

13 14 15 16

MEDIEVAL FRENCH HERALDRY

Ruth J. Dean, 'An Early Treatise on Heraldry in Anglo-Norman' Hugh S. London, 'Some Medieval Treatises on English Heraldry.' See also Rodney Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 59-71 1 and Evan J. Jones, ed., Medieval Heraldry: Some Fourteenth-Century Heraldic Works 95-212. Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 61 Dean, 'An Early Treatise in Anglo-Norman' 28-9 London, 'English Heraldry' 174 and Cecil R. Humphery-Smith, 'Heraldry in School Manuals of the Middle Ages' See above, p 8. Bartholus of Sassoferrato, 'De Insigniis et armis,' in Jones, Medieval Heraldry Honore Bonet, The Tree of Battles See the Argentaye tract, line 352 and note. See below, the Le Boucq tract version of Prinsault's Blason des armes 10. See Alan Manning, 'The Relationship of the Fifteenth-Century Argentaye Tract to Other Medieval Treatises and Rolls of Arms.' Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 72-86; Gaston Saffroy, Bibliographie genealogique, heraldique et nobiliaire de la France 1: 62-7. See also below, chapter 3, 'Sources.' For this tract, see Terence O'Neil, 'Adam Loutfut's Book.' See the Argentaye tract, lines 352-66 See the Argentaye tract, lines 117-25 See Nicolai Uptoni, De studio militari, libri quatuor ed. E. Bysshe and also notes to lines 20-7 and 41-515 of the Argentaye tract.

35 Notes to introduction pp 8-13 17 See Louis C. Douet d' Arcq, 'Un traite de blason du xv• siecle' 322-32; Hippolyte Cocheris, Le blason des couleurs en armes, devises et livrees, par Sicile, heraut d' Alphonse V; Lepere Roland, ed., Parties inedites de I' reuvre de Sicile, heraut d'Alphonse V (Mons 1867). 18 See Argentaye tract, lines 330-50. 19 See the heraldic tables in the Argentaye tract, lines 552-677, and notes to these lines. 20 See the Argentaye tract, lines 44-164, 436-515 . 21 On this quasi-heraldic portrayal of the Passion, see Rudolf Berliner, 'Arma Christi.' 22 Brault, Early Blazon 16-20 23 In modern French blazon, the term designated here as a descriptive phrase functions as the field designator ermine de sable. 24 See the Argentaye tract, lines 1172-1219. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid., lines 1189-90 27 Ibid., lines 20-30 28 Ibid., lines 1138-1294. The Le Boucq tract deals with the legal aspects of heraldry (usurpation, alienation, transfer and confiscation of arms, and bastardy) that are familiar to heraldists through the work of the late French scholar, Remi Mathieu (Le systeme heraldique franfais 133-95), to which the interested reader is referred. 29 Argentaye tract, lines 1409-14. 30 Ibid., lines 1375-81, 1415-1421 31 Pastoureau, Les armoiries 55, n4 32 See BN, fonds fran~ais 4895. 33 See London, 'Glover's and Walford's rolls' 207-27. 34 See BN , fonds fran~ais 1435. 35 See the Jouvenceil tract, above p 9, and notes to lines 41-515, 42-3, 46, and 179-89 of the Argentaye tract. It is well established that fictitious arms developed principally through the Uffenbach (1440), Donaueschingen (1450), Griineberg (1483), and Miltenberg (1500) rolls, all composed east of the Rhine. The French Sicily-Urfe roll (1450) expanded the list of legendary arms in the Wijnbergen armorial (1270-80). 36 Brault, Early Blazon 15-83, and Edward Sandoz, 'Tourneys in the Arthurian Tradition' 37 Italo Siciliano, Franfois Villon et les themes poetiques du moyen age 259-61, and Ruth Mohl, The Three Estates in Medieval and Renaissance Literature 33-5, 261-3. 38 See above, chapter 1, 'The Medieval Period.'

36 Notes to introduction pp 14-17 39 Ewart Lewis, Medieval Political Ideas 1: 140-93; Otto F. Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages 22-37; Daniel Poirion, Le poete et le prince 615-22; and Jean-Philippe Genet, ed. Four English Political Tracts of the Later Middle Ages i-xiii 40 See notes to lines 269-72 of the Argentaye tract. 41 Sidney Painter, French Chivalry 76-84; John Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages 74-7; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 25-38; Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 47; Neubecker, Heraldry 10-26. 42 See notes to lines 114-16 of the Argentaye tract, and Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 22. 43 See notes to lines 41-515, 90-1, and 498 of the Argentaye tract. 44 Eg, Argentaye tract, lines 44-5 45 For a useful discussion of these, see Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 59-71. 46 Alistair C. Crombie, Medieval and Early Modem Science 1:9-35, and Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 67-8 47 Cf. above, the Hongrie tract, p 9. 48 Pastoureau, Les armoiries 75-6 49 Dean, 'An Early Treatise in Anglo-Norman' 28-9, lines 128-45 50 See Humphery-Smith, 'School Manuals,' 118-19, and idem, 'The Ashmolean Tract.' 51 For this pattern, see the Argentaye tract, lines 557-688. 52 There is evidence to show that Barstow's conclusions for the Anglo-Norman region also apply to French heraldry. 53 Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages 182-94, and Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages 503-9 54 See BN, Nouvelles acquisitions fran~aises 1075, fl. 9v. 55 Dean, 'An Early Treatise in Anglo-Norman' 26-7, lines 42-99. 56 See the Prinsault tract, above, p 10. 57 For a summary, see Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 73-4. 58 See above, chapter 1, p 33 fi42. 59 Pastoureau, Les armoiries 56, n8, and below, notes to lines 42-3 of the Argentaye tract. 6o Neubecker, in his recent manual on heraldry, makes no mention of the tracts in his list of sources for the study of early blazon. CHAPTER THREE : THE ARGENTAYE TRACT

1 Gerald J. Brault, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry' The Antiquaries Journal 214-23 2 The last two shield illustrations are in a different hand. One cannot be sure whether they are contemporaneous with the writing of the manuscript.

37 Notes to introduction pp 17-25 3 See the Argentaye tract, notes to lines 1-32. 4 Pierre le Baud (or Lebaud), died 19 Dec. 1505, was counsellor and chaplain to Anne of Brittany, and was also author of Histoire de Bretagne avec les Chroniques des maisons de Vitre et de Laval and a Breviaire des Bretons, a manual in verse of the ancient history of Brittany. 5 AG,1:851,2:467 6 See note 1. 7 Cocheris, Blason des couleurs 18 8 Pierre Larousse, Grand dictionnaire universe[ ... 10:810, cols 2-3 9 See above, chapter 2. 10 Saffroy, 1:66-7, no. 2026 11 Kings-of-arms and heralds are known to have been recruited from the minor nobility at this period (see Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 55-8; Mathieu, Le systeme heraldique fran,ais 63). 12 See notes to lines 1-32. 13 Ff. 5v and 14v 14 Guy Alexis Lobineau, L'Histoire de Bretagne 1:index, sv 'Guillemot' 15 Pol Potier de Courcy, Nobiliaire et armorial de Bretagne 1: index, sv 'Guillemot' 16 Lobineau, 1:index, sv 'Guillemot' 17 Hyacinthe Morice, Memoires pour servir de preuves al'histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Bretagne 1: index, sv 'Guillemot' 18 Rene Blanchard, ed., Lettres et mandements de Jean V, due de Bretagne 19 Rene Mathurin-Marie Pocard du Cosquer de Kerviler, Repertoire general de bio-bibliographie bretonne 1 :257 20 See Archives des Cotes-du-Nord, serie J, fonds Frotier de la Messeliere, 'Catalogue des circonscriptions et des monuments des Cotes-du-Nord,' t1. 21 L'abbe Auguste Lemasson, Un coin du Poudouvre: la chatellenie du PlessisBalisson 49, 221 22 For a more exhaustive analysis of the Middle French period, see Peter Rickard, Chrestomathie de la langue fran,aise au quinzieme siecle 26-35. 23 On less usual singular forms like pipeurs line 1273 and trompeux line 1273, see Fouche 3 :699 sv 'remarque.' 24 The essential texts on this aspect of French in the Middle Ages are Gossen, Beaulieux, Fouche, Bourciez, and Pope. The reader is also referred to the major dictionaries covering the language of the period - FEW, GFR, and HT. 25 See the Argentaye tract, lines 545-856 and notes. 26 Ibid., lines 658-60 and 661-8 27 Oeuvres inedites 40-119, and Argentaye tract, notes to lines 41-515 28 See above, p 37, n12. 29 See the Argentaye tract, notes to lines 30-1, 546, 549, 558, 562, 610, and 1248-52. 30 See Le Boucq tract, above p 10.

38 Notes to introduction pp 25-6 31 See the Argentaye tract, notes to lines 1401-2. 32 See above, chapter 2, p 10 and Argentaye tract, notes to lines 545-856 and 1354-1434. 33 See the Argentaye tract, line 165. 34 Ibid., lines 193-202 35 Ibid., line 14 36 Ibid., lines 311-29, 330-50 37 Ibid., lines 37, 90-1, 105,205, and 1164 38 Ibid., lines 269-72 39 Ibid., lines 33 and 154-5 40 Ibid., lines 20-7 41 Ibid., lines 179-89 and 283-311 42 See above, chapter 2, p 9 sv 'Jouvenceil tract.'

5 The text

[Folio tr] A l'oneur et louange de la tressaincte et individue Trinite, le Pere, Filz et Sainct Esprit, de la benoiste Vierge Marie, et de toute la court celestielle estante la sus en paradis; et consequantement a l'oneur et louange de touz roys, dues, princes, comtes, barons, chevaliers, escuiers; et a toutes gens nobles auxquelx apartient savoir l' estact et gouvernement de faiz nobles et qui, pour leur honour et leaute acquiter, se exposent en obeissant a leurs princes et souverains aux batailles et faiz d'armes pour le bien de la chose publicque; et en ce faisant gardent justice; et se gouvernant honorablement sont diz et reputez et se apelent nobles, et en intresigne de ceste noblesse portent armes desquelles l'intencion est troicter en ce present livre. Pour quoy je treuve aux anciennes histoaires que le premier homme qui jamais se dist ne portast noble fut l'un des filz de Adam nomme Japhel. Lequel fut eleu de ses freres pour regir et dominer entr'elx, car ii estoit rempli de toutes bonnes meurs et usant de parfaite roison, [1v] et en lui estoint toutes bonnes vertuz. Pour quoy ii fut honore de ses freres et sur elx avoit seigneurie et jugeoit et determinoit de leurs affaires. Si aparest que par la divine providence, noblesse et seigneurie vint par election. De cest estat de noblesse est trois manieres: les uns se dient nobles pour qu'ilz sont yssuz et extroiz de gens anciennement nobles; et ceste est dite de generacion. L'autre noblesse vient de vertuz et bonnes meurs, comme un homme yssu de petite generacion sera [f]ourny de belles vertus et sera vaillant aux armes, ou aura aprins science, par quoy ii sera receu entre les nobles. II ya autre noblesse que aucuns philosophes apellent anciennes richesses, qui bien et sagement ont este de pere a filz bien troictees et gouvernees. Et de cez

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42 The Argentaye tract trois noblesses celle est a louer et honorer qui habunde en vertus et bones meurs, dont Aristote determine bien au long en son livre de Politiques. Et pour tant que aux nobles apartient l' exellance de porter armes, des quelles est troicte en ce livre, nous dirons cy apreis des arrnes et des officiers d'icelles. [u] Omnes homines naturaliter scire desiderant. Aristote, qui est dit le prince des philosophes en bonnes et vroies oppinions, a dit que touz hommes desirent naturelment a savoir et aprandre science, et principalment les choses qui sont soubz l'exercice de leurs offices, car la Loy dit que lede chose est de ignorer les droiz desquielx l'on doit user. Pour ce est ii que la noble exercice de la chevalerie et des heraux qui les servent aux armes come aux plus haultes et dignes choses doivent faire veiller et estudier les ders en leurs volumes pour savoir se aucune fondacion on porroit trouver des armes et des officiers d'armes, dont aucuns afferment diverses choses et dient et soubstiennent diverses oppinions et loys. Pour venir a la droite fondacion de officier d'armes, les loys des anciens dient que ce n'est pas petite autorite ne a mespriser. Car aux escriptures et volumes des faiz des Romains est trouve comment le tresnoble, vertueux et victorieux empereur Julius Cesar, qui conquist les parties occidentalles, meridionalles, et l'isle de la Grant Bretaigne par Jes batailles [2v] et faiz des Romains, et les subjuga a ]'empire o ]' aide de pluseurs chevaliers nobles et puissans en arm es. Lesquielx des coups et horions donnez sur leurs corps aux batailles, et aussi de viellesse estoint moult debilites et de vertu destituez, et tellement qu'ilz estoint contrains de delesser les armes et exercice de chevalerie. Ledit empereur cez choses considerant tresnoblement et saigement, que [i]l estoit ja dispose prandre veaige et marcher vers Jes parties de Occidant, ne voulut point leisser icelx povres viellars chevaliers et defoulez en misere et povrete. Mais, considerant qu'ilz avoint acoustume de aler en compaignie de consolacion et en faiz de batailles, ordonna et fist faire et construire un beau et sollempnel coliege, treslargement fonde et garni de previleges et de revenues, ouquel ii ordonna celx vielx chevaliers avoir leurs vies honestement et contemplativement. Laquelle chose faite, ]edit empereur s' en ala es parties de Medee et de Barbarie, ou ii se combatit vaillanment et tant qu'il eut la victoaire. Et de ce lesdiz vielx chevaliers furent tres joieux et moult dolens de son absence et qu'ilz n' estoint avecque lui contre les Barbariens, ou ilz desirassent plus mourir que ailleurs vivre en paix et repos. Et [3r]

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43 The text tantost d'un commun assentement firent suplier audit empereur par un sien messaige qu'il lui pleust que avecques lui en l'exercice d'armes ilz fineissent leurs jours honorablement. Et ledit empereur considerant sagement que, ja soit que leurs corps fussent de petite vigueur et de vertu ancienement destituez, toutesvoies leurs conseill et jugemens estoint grandement proufitables en faiz chevalereux avecques les autres conseilz qu'il avoit; et ordonna estre fait aucuns chasteaux de boais portatiffs, esquielx ii fist meptre lesdiz anciens chevaliers pour seurte de leurs personnes; et les faisoit se tenir hors le dangier de la bataille, en lieu ou ii peussent bien voi[r] et juge[r] de la merite ou demerite d'icelle bataille, et que a chascun ilz atribuassent ce qu'il avoit deservi. Et par ceste ordonnance estoint presens a aviser la prouesse et vaillance des chevaliers bataillans et en faisoint raport veritable a l'empereur; et par grant honeur estoint assis a disner ou davent de sa table, et pour donner exemple a touz · autres de se porter honorablement. Et estoint celx vielx chevaliers apelez heraux, car her en grec est a dire en latin puissant, saige et ancien ou her, qui vault autant a dire come fort et chevalereux. Et par ainsi apiert clerement que par les faiz des Romains est prouvee l'autorite et fondacion des heraulx. Car ou lieu des anciens chevaliers autorisez comme [3v] dit est, les heraulx ont succede et tenu celui lieu par dignite. Et sellond l'usaige des saiges et grans princes, et sellond les docteurs aux droiz, les heraulx sont diz et tenuz generaulx legaz, ordonnez par l'empereur en faiz d'armes et establiz des autres princes, chascun en sa province, pour estre refferans et avidezans la verite des choses de l'un prince a l'autre, sans faulte ne mensonge y faire . Et pour ce doit estre foy ajoustee a leur raport. Et a celle cause on leur doit porter honeur, et les recepvoir et troicter de[ub]ment sans mal ne aucune injure leur faire. Et s'il avenoit que aucun desroisonne et ignorant de la dignite de cest office feroit ou diroit injure a ugn herault exercent sa charge et legacion, celui injurieux ou malfaicteur en debvroit estre reproche et repute violateur de honeur, et pugny come offenseur contre bonnes meurs et contre droit naturel, commun et civil; et lui debvroit ce ceder en reproche et villipende perpetuel, come contredisant aux saincts et aux choses commandees garder inviolablement, comme contenu est en la loy finalle If De lega. Et ce est bien approuve, pour ce que chascun prince, en creant herault, lui impose et mept nom par grant dignite. Laquelle chose signifie convercion de sanguin[i]te,

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44 The Argentaye tract puissance et autorite, et pour ce apartient la dignite de celx [4r] previleges. Et roison se y acorde que les heraulx soint preferez aux honeurs et previleges et tellement fondez et sustantez qu'ilz ne mendient, car ce ne seroit pas l'oneur de chevalerie que les officiers representans et conservans l' estat de chevalerie fussent indigens. Et adfin que ledit office de herault ne fauseist, l'empereur Julius Cesar ordonna et fist tel estat sur celui office que les roys et autres princes a qui ii promist liberte de faire et croier heraulx, que tout premier ilz se pourveussent de hons et suffizans personnaiges bien condicionez, bien moriginez, homes nez et bien formes, habilles, prodommes feables usans de bonne vie, congneuz et approvez, errans et alans par le monde ace qu'ilz o'issent et congneussent les proesses et noblesses par my le monde, et leur donner gaiges et entretenement suffizant pour ce faire, et les faire jurer hon serment que feablement et lealment de tout leur pouair ilz laboureroint et encercheroint a avoir vroie congnressance des dignites de chevalerie et noblesse, et en feroint leal raport. Item, l'empereur Julius Cesar ordonna que les roys et princes donnassent leurs lettres recommandatoires et espicialles portantes en elles nom de poursuyvant qui est moins que herault, pour porter a leurs reaulmes et provinces et aux autres roys et princes (4v] par leurs provinces, et d'icelx princes et provinces raporter lettres testimoniales a l'empereur ou a leur prince pour aprandre et estre domptes de ce que poursuyvant doit faire . Lesquielx seigneurs ou princes, ordonnans et creans poursuyvans, leur debvent donner et bailler tables insignees de leurs propres armes, ainsi qu'il est acoustume, en signe qu'ilz puissent avoir la congnressance de la chevalerie et dignite des faiz honorables, et non pas de commencement leur bailler costes de armes comme on fait a present. Car, avent les avoir, ii debvent servir en aprenant comme novices, et par sept ans labourer et exercer cestui office de poursuyvant, affin que leur vaillance et prouesse puisse estre sceue et congneue. Et icelles congneues et approuvees par l' empereur en office de novice que est poursuyvant, ampreis ilz peuent estre receuz comme saiges expers et professeurs a la dignite de l' office des anciens chevaliers, et la commence a estre herault dont sainct Jerresme dit que l'interpretacion de herault est defficile car l'interpretacion est vaillant. Pour quoy est signifiee sapience, prudence et darte de engin a discuter et examiner que le herault est interprete tres der. Car de

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45 The text l'office a elx enjoainte ilz ont a clarifier [sr] et a dire verite de toutes batailles lealment et des prouesses par elx veues, sans fabler ne fau~r porter a nuli, mais raporter la pure verite et non plus pour leur propre prince qu[e] pour un autre. Toutesfoiz, si le fait de leur maistre estoit aucunement charge, ilz le debvent et peuent celer jucques a l'estroit serment passer, dont l'empereur ou le prince ont la congncessance. Car, comme Aristote a dit en son livre de Ethiques, la verite est a preferer a amitie. Et pour ce, chascun prince creant son herault lui donne ses propres armes, et lui baille son nom sans aucune differance, en signe que sans differance, fiction, intervalle ne deloy, en touz faiz d'armes et de batailles ii dira pure verite. Car ainsi que le prince, a qui sont les armes que son herault porte, ne vouldroit qu' on feist honte ne reproche a ses armes ne a celui qui les porte, aussi celui officier ne doit raporter ne affermer chose qui ne soit juste et vroie. Et a ceste fin sont ils telz ordonnez des roys et des princes, car la noblesse de celui qui use de mensonges, insanetes, et vices ou fables, n' est belle, louable ne approuvee. Pour ce est ii escript ou livre des Macabees que hons et vrois heraulx debvent [5v] estre francs en leurs faiz et en l'exercice de leurs offices comme vroiz legaz, car le fruit d' elx est en legitime legacion. Et ceste legacion est office de legaz ou herault, institue non pas seulement par les Romains payens, mais par toutes autres nacions tant juys que par crestiens roys et princes. Mais par Julius Cesar fut exauke le fait d'armes et des officiers d'icelles que jamais n'avoit este par avent. Et comme devant est touche, Julius Cesar, le tres victorieux empereur de Romme, apreis le decei.x de ses chevaliers vielx, sages et anciens qui moult avoint veu et esprouve, ordonna que nul ne fust mis ne acepte roys d' armes ou herault sinon que tout premier par sept ans ii eust este en office de poursuyvant et laboure par le universel monde a congncestre et aprandre le fait des armes et batailles. Et en fist faire et sceller lettres, lesquelles ii envoia a Cassebehan roy de la Grant Bretaigne, quel retint la teneur de ceste lettre, come est recite es anciennes croniques de la Grant Bretaigne: Et y avoit un Romain nome Hercules, qui disoit en ses lettres : 'Nous Romains et Bretons suymes d'une lignee. Car apreis la destrucion de Troie, Eneas, qui vint de Troie, fut nostre premier pere et aux Bretons Brutus filz de Silvius, quel Silvius estoit de Ascamius lequel issit de Eneas.' Et alors ledit roy de la Grant Bretaigne envoia autres lettres a Cesar, [6r] confirmatoaires de ladit ordonnance, et

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46 The Argentaye tract commenczoint: Cassebehen, roy des Bretons, et cetera. Adonc, les heraulx raporterent icelles lettres avecques grans dons, a Julius Cesar. Par quoy ii apert que de long temps aux poyens et Juiffs estoint gardees les libertes et honeurs de cest office, et mresme en la loy divine soubz le tres sainct roy David. Et de ceste office de herault est fait mencion ou Livre des roys, ou est trouve que apreis que le roy David eut envoie telz messaigiers au roy Amoon, icelui roy leur fist moult de injures. Car ii leur fist roire la moitie de la barbe, et couper et acourcir la moitie de leurs robes jucques aux nages, et les envoia ainsi ledement. Et quant ce vint a la congnressance de David que ses messaigiers estoint ainsi ledement confus, ii leur manda qu'ilz s'en alassent demourer en Gerico jucques a temps que la barbe leur fust creue, et lors retournassent devers lui. Et pour ceste cause, par vengence, le roy David gasta et mist a totalle destrucion le reaume d'icelui Amoon. Par quoy ii apert qu'ilz estoint en la loy des Juiffs en honeur et libertes reputes. Lequel office est conferme en la loy des crestiens car ilz sont nomez legaz des provinces, come ii apert en If I.ii. de lega. Ne ii n'est aucun qui de sa propre autorite doit ordonne[r] heraux, £ors l'empereur, les roys et [6v) princes qui sont puissans de leur ordonner et maintenir leurs estaz et substantacions et les relever de indigences, adfin qu'ilz puisse[nt] vivre et honestement exercer leurs offices sans mendicite ou povrete qui les pouroit mouvoir a raporter ou tesmoigner autrement qu'il n'affiert audit office, qui est de congnrestre et dire verite des notables faiz d'armes, et savoir auxquelx honeur se doit atribuer, et raporter de chascun la merite, a l'exemple des notables et anciens chevaliers meurement et vertueusement, ainsi que le dit sainct Jaque le mineur. Et lesdiz heraux debvent savoir la moralite des escheffs, car de leur commencement en racontant et remonstrant ilz prouffitent a elx et aux autres. Le tresverteux et victorieux empereur Julius ordonna que en sa court les heraux fussent mis en hault degre honorable et assis davent sa table honorable en lieu eminant, sellond les dignites des princes a qui ilz sont heraux, a ce qu'ilz puissent mielx racompter et dederer les dignites de pluseurs parties du monde. Et pour ce, et non sans cause, celx qui sceuent diviser et parler de telx choses, et pour l'oneur des princes a qu'ilz sont, debvent estre honorez par dons et autres grandes remuneracions, ad ce que l'affection [7r] de la noblesse soit monstree et croisse touz jours en honeur. Dont, par les reaumes les roys et princes, a la creacion d'elx

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47 The text nouvelle, leur debvent donner toutes les choses de quoy ilz sont vestuz et couvers et les baptizer et imposer nom. Et les chevaliers novellement faiz leur doivent donner tout ce qu'ilz portent sur elx a la recepcion de l' ordre de chevalerie. Par lesquelles choses est monstre ledit office estre honorablement fonde a l' oneur et prouffit de la dignite de chevalerie soubz l'empereur, roys, princes, paiens, crestiens et juiffs. Dont, ii est a noter qu'il ne fut pas chose licite aux roys et aux princes de ordonner et, de leur propre autorite, construire et fourmer heraux, legaz generalx et messaigiers espicialx par tout le monde, sinon de l'autorite de l'empereur, lors seigneur de tout le monde. Qui, bien considerant qu'il estoit expediant telz heraux faire et ordonner, ordonna icelx passer et aler par touz reaumes pour le bien de la chose publique, tant en temps de paix comme de guerre, franchement, sans contradicion. Et premierement, ii les ordonna en sa propre court, et par grant deliberacion et partout, donnant autorite aux roys et aux princes des provinces de croie[r] et fourmer, baptizer en leurs noms ou sournoms ou des provinces d'icelx, en leur donnant et meptant sur leurs robes leurs propres armes figurees, en maniere que la distincion de chascun fust congneue [;7V] des autres. Et par la distincion desdiz robes l' affinite de noblesse est intimee a amitie fraternelle. Item, les ordonnans et instituans icelx heraulx, les debvent faire jurer, non pas seulement a icelx instituans, mais aussi a touz autres roys et princes, qu'ilz garderont feablement leurs secrez, augmenteront leurs honeurs, prouesses et louanges, tant d'elx que d'autres nobles. Item, l'empereur ordone que lesdiz roys et princes pourveissent honorablement et ordonnassent auxdiz heraux a avoir convenable vie et honeste. Et aussi, l' empereur, en leur octriant telz libertes, ordonna par le universel monde qu'ilz fussent honorablement et paisiblement receuz, et pourveuz en leurs necessite comme a generaulx legaz apartient. Item, pour que humanite est fragile et inclinee a ma!, et en grant multitude sans ordre s' ensuilt confusion, et adfin que l'institucion desdiz heraulx et tant expediant a la chose publique et a I' oneur de chevalerie ne fust bleczee et moins prisee par la multiplicacion dudit office, l'empereur ordonna queen chascun reaume et chascune province et marche, soit ordonne un herault saige et honeste, discret et couronne par le prince, comme par le premier et principal qui ait

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48 The Argentaye tract nom de roy et dominer. Car ainsi dit Aristote en son livre de Physiques : In omni pluralitate menbrorum necesse est ut unum principeter et cetera fiant subiecta, qui est a dire que, en tout [Sr] ordre et genre ou ii a pluseurs membres, necessaire chose est qu'il y a ugn chef£ gouverneur a qui touz obeissent, autrement ce seroit confusion. Et pour ce, en chascune province est necessaire un chef£ et gouverneur. Et si comme l'empereur est principal ou monde, aussi le premier par lui institue est imperial et doit preferer aux roys et aux autres ordonner par elx. Item, l'empereur ordonna et establit que les roys, chascun en son reaume ou province, ait un marechal pour l' oneur et gouvernement dudit office sa presence ou absence nonobstant. Combien que par les histoaires romaines soit plus fait mencion de l'empereur Julius Cesar que de nul autre, pour ce que ce fut ii qui plus exaulcza et clerifia les armes et officiers d'icelles, comme par cy devant est contenu, toutesfoiz par avent lui, fut le grant Roy Alixandre, qui subjuga et mist a son obeissance quasi tout le monde, et fut empoisonne et mourut ou xxxe an de son aage et fut avant Julius Cesar deux cens saixante et ouict ans. Et se porta en faiz d' arm es grandement et vaillanment, et avoit officiers d'armes. Et lui-maesme portoit armes et ses gens de guerre, insculpez et insignez par tenicles, que nous disons cotes d'armes, et par escuz, ou le signal des armes de chascun estoit figure. [8v) Et encore plus long temps precedentement avent Alixandre de ouict cens saixante et deux ans fut le roy Priam roys de Troie la Grant, duquel et de sa secte on dit toute noblesse estre venue et procedee, et en sont les livres et rommans touz plains, qui portoit armes, et lui et ses gens de guerre. Laquelle cite de Troie fut destruite par le roys de Grece nomme Agamenon et de ses aliez, en vengent le ravissement que Paris, filz de Priam, avoit fait en Grece de la belle Helaine seur dudit roy Agamenoon, et par mer la avoit emmenee a Troie. Et en celle guerre mourut Estor de Troie, le plus vaillant chevalier qui jamais seignit espee, et estoit filz aesne de Priam. Et mourut en l'an devant la Passion Nostre Seigneur, uinze cens saixante et doze ans. Et est le premier des preux, et portoit en ses armes: d' asur a

deux lions d'or envisaiges (configurez) l'un contre l'autre et faisans esme de combatre [figure 1). Et toutesfoiz, ii ne portoit pas les armes de son pere, le roy Priam, lequel portoit d' argent a un lion d' or assis en une chere de gueules, en sa pate dextre tenant une hache d'armes [figure 2) .

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49 The text Par quoy peut evidentement aporoir et par le laps du temps que a Troie a este anciennement et avent touz les roys dont mencion est faite, use et esploite estat de noblesse. Et pitie est de voir et ouir le livre de la destrucion d'icelle Troie, qui par grande troison fut faite. [9r] II est trouve aux anciennes histoires que jadis toute la terre fut dividee par quatre grans reaulmes dont le premier et le plus grant fut es parties de Orient. Et fut le reaume de Babilonie qui fut commence ou temps d'Abraham et fut de longue duree, de grant pouair et noblesse, et enfin destruit par un roy nomme Cyrus. Le second reaume fut es parties meridionales. Et fut apele Cartaige, et commence par les Latins ou temps des Juges que re[g]noit le roy Cella. Et enfin fut destruit et mis au neant par les Rommains. Le tiers reaume fut es parties de Septentrion, et fut dit Macedonie et commence par le grant roy Alixandre et ou temps des Macabiens, lequel roy mourut par poisson. Le quart reaulme fut es parties occidentalles, nomme Rommanie et commence par Romy et Rome! qui elx descenduz estoint de la lignee de Troie. Et fut commencee et edifiee Romme, sellond Orose, apreis la creacion du monde, quatre mil quatre cens quatre vingts et quatre ans. Lequel reaume a porte et souffert tant de guerres et de batailles que a grant paine pouroint estre bien recitees; mais les croniques romaines en font a plain mencion. [9v] Et par aucuns endroiz de temps se trouva Romme bien fort au bas et en tres grande necessite. Mais ou temps du tres victorieux empereur Julius Cesar ii la remist en grant triomphe, car ii subjuga toutes les parties et provinces de environ Romme. Et estoit craint et redoubte a mervoilles, et les Romains le doubtoint et creignoint comme la brebiz fait le loup. Et aucuns se mutinerent contre lui, par quoy ii mourut piteusement. Car a un jour que le conseill estoit aterme a tenir en la maison ordonee a ce faire, nomme la Capitol, et estoit ainsi apelee pour que en celui lieu quant on voulut y edifier celle maison, ii y fut trouve un corps sans teste. Et a conseill home ne porte dague, espee, ne autre baston, et celx qui leans estoint entrez par moveise conspiracion avoit chascun un grant et long clou mucze en leurs chausses. Et sitost que Julius Cesar fut entre, la porte fut fermee, et chascun tira son clou et de toutes pars coururent sus et fraperent des clous Julius Cesar, qui se mist en deffance o piez et o mains. Mais ii receut tant de coups et fut si tresperce de clous qu'il tumba a terre mort. Puis apreis les Romains le firent ensevilir et meptre en terre. Et sur lui firent meptre

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50 The Argentaye tract

une pierre de marbre qui avoit seix vingts piez de hault, et fut apelee Julienne. Et encore de present elle est a Romme en celui lieu pour memoire de l'empereur Julius Cesar. [1or] Mes tres redoubtes seigneurs, vous plaise savoir que, es volumes que le vaillant docteur maistre Jehan Errata retir[es] et faiz sur les anciennes histoires, on trouve que le tres noble et honorable office d'armes fut jadis et tout premier commence et exerce par notables pucelles sans renom de nulle ville taiche, lesquelles pucelles portaint et raportaint les messaiges d'armes de l'un prince a l'autre, toutesfoiz que moitier en estoit, et n'estoint trouvez en elles nulz faulx rapors ne nules mensonges, mais toute juste prudence et leaulte. Et en ce temps, comme dient les histoires, ledit office fut notablement gouverne, exerce, garde et prise, et dura ceste chose moult longuement en bonne transquilite et honeur. Or avint que, en celui temps, ii y eut aucuns ribaux gloutons, qui par moveise volunte se prindrent a vouloir violer et deshonorer lesdiz pucelles par force et malgre elles. Et pour ceste cause y eut entre les seigneurs tres grande division, et fut ledit office pour ce fait par long temps en tres grant ruyne et orphante et comme tout anichille. Et, a parler veritablement, ii n'estoit roy, prince, seigneur ne baron qui ousast envoier l'un devers l'autre, mais ilz meptoint l'un l'autre a mort et execucion. Si fut regarde des plus nobles princes qui pour lors estoint que si ceste maniere de faire duroit longuement, ce seroit a la confusion et deshoneur de tout gentilesse [10v] et grant vitupere, tant d'une part que d' autre. Pour ce fut ii ordonne entre les princes par bonne et meure deliberacion que touz celx qui avoint mesfait et offence vers lesdiz pucelles, par tout ou ilz pouroint estre trouvez, seroint prins et detenuz prisonniers, tant d'un coste que d'autre, et finablement pugniz desdiz offences davent touz celx qui les vouldroint voi[r] pour monstrer exemple a touz autres. Et ainsi comme ii fut devise, fut fait et acorn ply. Et tantost ampres ceste pugnicion faite, ordonnerent les princes touz d'un commun acord qu'ilz feroint nouveaux officiers d'armes. Et fut conclud et fait estat que, pour l'avenir, les nobles et anciens chevaliers, qui plus ne pouaient hanter les armes, joustes, tournoiz, bouhours et champs de bataille, feroint ledit office d' arm es en alant et venant de prince a autre, moyennant qu'ilz feroint les foiz et sermens a touz princes, seigneurs et barons, chevaliers et escuiers de nom et de armes, dammes et damoiselles, sur les sainctes evangiles de Dieu, que bien et leaument ilz exerceroint l'office d'armes, sans

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51 The text ce que par elx fust descouvert, declaire ne descele par raport ne autrement, la discrecion, estat ou condicion d'un parti a autre. Ains seroint hons et leaux raporteux et messaigiers de tout ce que charge 390 [11r] leur seroit, dit ou repondu et, ce faisant, ilz pouront aler et venir par touz pays, sans ce que ii leur fust fait ne donne empeschement en corps ne en biens, et avecque garderont de tout leur pouair l'oneur, le bien et discrecion de toutes dammes et damoiselles. Et vroyment, tant que l'office fut exercee par elx, ainsi que dient les ancien395 nes histoires et rapors des nobles, elle regna en moult grant honeur et exellence, et furent lesdiz princes crains et doubtez les uns des autres. Et furent lesdiz officiers apelez, pour leur grant leaute, prodommie et discrecion, les voirdisans et, comme dient les anciens, encore 400 deussent ilz estre ainsi nommez et apelez. Car en raportant la verite de ce que trouve est aux anciennes escriptures, un roy, prince, ou baron estoit adoncques bien pare, quant ii avoit un de celx voirdisans a son conseil, et les amoint plus que nulz autres officiers pour les grans biens qui estoint trouvez en elx. Car s'il fust avenu que, par aucune aventure, l'un desdiz officiers eust descouvert ou raporte 405 l'estat et gouvernement d'un parti a autre, ou des aversaires de son maistre ou seigneur, icelui seigneur eust bien tost et sans delay assemble son conseill, et celui officier eust este pugny tant et si largement que touz autres y eussent prins exemple, et eust tantost envoie devers ses aversaires un autre officier d' armes en elx avertis410 sant de [11v] la deloiaute, troison et moveis raport que icelui officier avoit fait d' elx, et leur signifiant que en icelui ne eussent jamais ne foy ne creance, atandu qu'il avoit dit et descele la discrecion et estat d'elx, ce que faire ne debvoit. Et par ainsi estoint les seigneurs bien serviz et leaument, et les hons chevaliers anciens honorez et prisez 415 de toute noblesse, et ainsi se doit gouverner l'estat de herault qui en veult leaument user. Or avint, comme dient les histoires, que un peu de temps ensuyvant que on ne peut recouvrer tant de vaillans chevaliers pour faire ledit office, si fut ordonne entre les princes et seigneurs par bonne 420 deliberacion de conseil, que on en feroit d'autres, lesquielx feroint sermens come cy devant est touche. Si en fut fait de gens de pluseurs condicions et estaz, dont les uns en userent bien et leaument et les autres non. Et pour dire verite, celx qui bien userent furent tres noblement honorez et exaulcez, et les autres, au contraire, et, comme 425 lesdiz histoires racomptent par les rapors des saiges et anciens, qui en ont use moveisement.

52 The Argentaye tract II est vroy que, depuis que les roys, princes, et barons en eurent mis a leur volunte, sans regarder sur icelx s'ilz estoint gens de bien et de honeur, et ayans en elx sens, prudence, discrecion, leaute et prodommie pour bien garder et exercer lesdiz office avecque l'oneur de touz gentilzhommes tant d'un parti que d'autre, avecques les [12r] droiz, usaiges, stilles et previleges qui a ce apartiennent, affin de non trangresser les droiz dessurdiz, et aussi sans evoquer ne apeler les anciens roys d'armes et heraux qui en ce se congncessent, et qui a ce debvent estre presens. Mais nenny ! Ains les ont faiz ailleurs, et a leur singulier plaisir et volunte, de gens de petite valeur, come de azulateurs, flacteurs, jangleurs, ribaux, maquereaux, de paiges, de mudriers, de gens sans sens et clergie, et sans hon memoire et entendement, et a qui icelx seigneurs ont charge de faire autres choses qui n'apartient pas audit office, et demandent l'esta et discrecion de leurs aversaires, ce que faire ne debvent, et icelx officiers, pour et affin d'estre a leurs seigneurs plus agreables, leur raportent l'estat et discrecion de leurs ennemis et tout le gouvernement de ce qu'ilz ont veu, sans garder les ordonnances de celui office, et aucunefoiz ont plus raporte qu'ilz ne ont veu pour plus complaire a leurs maistres, qui est chose contre droict et roison, et a la confusion de l'[e]xercice dudit office, et m.esmement de touz gentilz homes de nom et d'armes. Car, par telles manieres de gens, a este abuze des droiz d'armes, et les hons officiers deboutez sans cause et sans roison, et telz gens, a proprement parler, ne debvent estre apelez heraux, mais debvent estre pub[l]iez davent touz et apelez espies et faux raporteurs, menteurs et desloiaux, et debvent estre de touz nobles princes, de touz chevaliers privez, deboutez, [12v] fortraiz et comdempnez de tout honeur et, par espicial, de l'ordre du noble office d'armes. Mais pour que les princes et barons en ont fait a volunte, comme dit est, tout va ce davent darriere. Et nul prince, tant soit grant ne autre, ne doit croier, ne faire herault ne poursuyvant sans soy informer de[ub]ment de la suffizance de lui, affin que, au temps a venir, ne puissent estre trouvez falsaires, come celx dont j'ay cy devant parle. Mais si la personne de celui que on veult faire et croier est trouvee bonne, lealle, plaine de prudence, de prodommie et de leaute, apeler et evoquer tantost et sans delay les nobles roys d'armes et heraux, qui a ce se congncessent, pour estre a la creacion d'icelui en recepvant les sermens en tel cas acoustumez. Et, depuis les sermens faiz et

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53 The text receuz, nulz princes ne autres ne debvent charger a celui herault chose qui ne se puisse bien dire, l'oneur de toute gentilesse garder et les droiz de }'office et mesmement de sa personne, et par ainsi faire leaument, sans frauder ledit office et les droiz d'icelui avecque les noms de touz gentilzhomes de nom et d'armes. En brieff, ledit office seroit grandement et noblement exauke et garde et mis a son premier estat et debu, et lesdiz officers honorez et prisez de toute gentillesse. Mais certainement on en fait [13r] pluseurs au jour d'uy sans y regarder ne aviser. Dont c'est une grande faulte, car s'il avenoit que un prince, seigneur ou baron ou autre gentilhome eust a faire pour son honeur en cas de gaige de bataille, en apelant ou deffandant semblanment, tant qu'il conveneist pour celle cause apeler les roys d' armes et heraux, pour trouver les moyens de son honeur estre garde sans vitupere, come a }'office apartient, et ouquel roy d'armes toutes roisons d'armes debvent estre trouvees, aviser comme icelui herault ainsi fait a volunte, sans apeler ne evoquer celx qu'ilz apartient et sans savoir les instrucions dubit office, saura discuter et determiner par bonne roison et chapitre alegu[er] pour trouver maniere de garder et tant faire tant que l'oneur de son maistre ou d'autre, soit bien noblement sans deshoneur garde affin de issir de la querelle honorablement, sans reproche. Mais, certes, il n'en chault au jour d'uy a pluseurs. Veritablement, c'est pour qu'ilz ne congncessent riens de }'office, et qu'ilz n'en ont riens aprins, et pour ce n'en sceuent riens determiner, ne que de la queue de leur cheval, et, come dient les anciens, c'est pour qu'ilz ont plus mis leur entandament a mentir et jangler que a savoir quelque chose dudit office, non pas tant seulement la maniere de blasonner armes, qui est petite chose au regard des autres cas qui touchent querelles de batailles les uns contre les autres, comme cas de joustes, de tournoiz et de bourhours et [13v] avecques ce, dient les anciens, qu'ilz ne peuent ne ne pouroint riens savoir pour qu'ilz n'ont daigne le demander, et n'ont crainte de mentir et faire faulx rapors, et avecque ce veulent bien estre, bien vestuz, bien montez, et lesser }'office soubz le pie. Et pareilment, il est pluseurs heraux qui ne sceuent riens monstrer aux poursuyvans, pour qu'ilz sont ignorans des droiz et libertes dudit office, et ont este si orgueilleux qu'ilz n'ont daigne aprandre des nobles anciens roys d'armes, et par telles choses est ledit office diminue et abesse, et gentilesse foulee et abessee.

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54 The Argentaye tract Et, comme dient les anciennes histoires, nul, de quelque estat qu'il soit, ne doit faire heraut s'il n'est roy, due, prince, comte ou baron de si grant anciennete, que a paine soit memoire de la lignee dont ii est descendu. Et encore ne le peut ii faire de droit, si ce n'est par le conge et licence de son prince. Mais Dieu sceit comment pluseurs en font au jour d'uy. Dont, l'office est petitement gouvernee et conduite, dont pluseurs et diverses choses s'en ensuyvent, desquelles je me veil deporter de parler a present. [14r] Ampreis que par cy devant nous avons devise de la fondacion des armes et des officiers d'icelles, consequantement sera dedere de la maniere de blasonner armes, et de quoy armes sont faites et en quelle maniere, en reprenant l' oneur et exellance de celx qui plus les ont de long temps honorees et mises en avant, comme le trespreux Estor le Troien, le tres grant roy Alixandre, roy de Macedonie et le tres victorieux empereur de Romme, Julius Cesar, lesquielx ont plus fait de belles ordonnances sur le fait d' armes que nulz autres princes, combien que chascun roy ou prince a garde et observe au plus preis que peu a l'ordre desdiz nommez. Mais le darrain qui est Julius Cesar a plus besongne ou fait desdiz armes et des droiz et devises d'icelles que nul des autres. Et pour ce, et qu'il est le darrain a memoire recorder, tient on plus de lui en fait d'armes que des autres. Et icelx, chascun en sont temps, et pluseurs autres roys et princes, desirans savoir comme leurs vassaux et subgez se porteroint vaillanment aux faiz d'armes, et affin de approuver et rescompancer chascun d'elx sellond sa desserte, et pour leur donner plus grant couraige de valoir, ordonnerent aux chieffs, capitaines et autres nobles de leur compaignie, enseignes, bannieres, pannons, tenides, qui de present se apelent cotes d'armes et escuz, insculpez, figurez et intresignez chascun du [14v] signal qui leur fut donne et impose, que de present on dit armes. Lesquelles armes ont este assignees par lesdiz princes a touz nobles frequantans les armes, pour plus derement discerner, congnrestre et juge[r] de leurs vaillans et preux faiz, et non pas seulement a icelx vaillans hommes, mais a toute leur posterite, affin que, en memoire et recordacion desdiz vaillances, ilz soint plus indinez et amminez a ensuyvre et imiter les beaux faiz, prouesses, et vaillances de leurs predicesseurs. Or, demande le poursuyvant: comment aprandroy-je le droict d'armes? Tu l' aprandras en un livre que l' on apelle L' arbre des batailles. Et pour tant, ii convient que toy et tout officier d'armes soit derc et lettre pour entendre les anciennes histoires et escriptures des

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55 The text

docteurs, qui sur ce ont fait pluseurs volumes, et que tu soies diligent pour suyvir les guerres et aprandre des jugemens qui sourviennent de jour en jour, qui touz ne sont pas en L' arbre des batailles. Apreis demande : de quoy l'on fait armes, et que c'est a dire de blasonner? Yous debver savoir que toutes armes sont faites de neuff choses, c'est assavoir de deux metaulx qui sont or et argent; cinq couleurs, qui est [15r] asur, gueulles, sable, sinople, pourpre; et deux pannes, savoir ermines et vair. Le premier metal est or [figure 3) qui monstre couleur jaune, qui, sellond les anciens maistres, est le plus noble des metaux. La roison si est car ii est plus precieux. II reluist et donne clarte comme le souleill et donne souveraine lumiere. Et dit la loy qu'il n' est si belle chose que clarte a le regarder. II resjoi[t) le cueur des humains. Aun malade pour souveraine medicine on lui donne l'or. La Saincte Escripture dit que le juste est compare a l'or et au souleil. Aussi, quant Nostre Seigneur se transfigura ou mont de Thabor, ii se monstra a ses Apostres reluisant comme le souleil, et en couleur d'or. Et pour que l'or est compare a pluseurs autres dignes choses, le[s] loys anciennes disent que l'or apartient seulement a porter aux roys ou a celx qui sont descenduz de lignee realle ou aux vaillans chevaliers, qui l'ont merite par leurs beaux et vaillans faiz. En armoirie or signifie: Des estaz humains : seigneurie et haultesse. Des vertus: noblesse et hon vouloir et foy. Des plannetes: le souleill. Des doze signes: le Leon. Des elemens : le feu . Des complexions : le sanguin. Des pierreries : l'escarboucle. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le dimenche. [15v] Argent [figure 4) est le second metal en armoirie, et est un metal pur et net et de quoy on fai[t) les beaux et plaisans oupvraiges qui tant sont plaisans aux mondains, et a la couleur blanche qui est la plus prochaine a darte. Et dit l'Escripture, que les vestemens de Nostre Seigneur aparurent aux Apostres blancs comme naige. Argent en armoirie signifie: Des estaz humains: virginite et innocence.

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Des vertus: netete et purite et esperance. Des plannetes: la lune. Des doze signes: l'Escrevisse, le Scorpion, les Poissons. Des elemens: l' eau. Des complexions : le flumatique. Des pierreries: la perle. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le lundi. Asur [figure 5) est la premiere couleur en armoirie, et est couleur perse resemblant au ciel, et represente le firmament ouquel toutes plannetes, cometes, signes, et estoilles sont assises par ordre, lequel firmament incessanment et justement sans faillir tourne et en XXllII heures fait un tour. Asur en armoirie signifie: Des estaz humains: juridicion. Des vertus: justice. Des planetes: Venus. Des doze signes: Gemini, Libra et Aquarius. [16r] Des elemens: le aer. Des complexions: le sanguin. Des pierreries: le saphir. Des metaux: l'argent fin de quoy on fait l'asur. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le vendredi. Guieules [figure 6) est la seconde couleur, qui denote prresse et vaillance et honeur a qui la porte, et dite vermoille ou rouge cler, qui est une tres fine et plaisant couleur, et de ceste couleur sont une legion d' angres en Paradis que on apele Cherubins. Et en armoirie guieules signifie: Des estaz humains: chevalerie. Des vertus: honeur et vaillance et charite. Des plannetes: Saturnus. Des doze signes : le Mouton, le Lion, le Sagitaire. Des elemens: le feu. Des complexions: le colerique. Des pierreries: le rubi. Des metaux: le leton de quoy on fait la rouge. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le sabmadi. Sable [figure 7) est la tierce couleur, qui est noire et denote tristesse et douleur. Et pour tant celx qui sont en douleur de la mort de leurs ·

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57 The text amys, on les fait habiller et vestir de couleur noire, en signe [16v] de douleur. Et pourtant que c'est une couleur basse denotant humilete, touz religieux et gens tendens a devocion en habit ou en chappe se vestent de noir pour la plus grant partie. En armoirie sable signifie : Des estaz humains: religion. Des vertus : verite et leaute et prudence. Des plannetes : Mars. Des doze signes : le Toreau, la Vierge, le Capricorne. Des elemens : la Terre. Des complexions: le melancolique. Des pierreries: le dyament. Des metaux : le £er dont l'on fait le noir. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le mardi. Sinople [figure 8] est la quarte couleur, qui est verte, et represente les aabres et herbes de sur la terre et toute joieusete. Et en armoirie sinople signifie: Des estaz humains : la plaisance mondaine et jeunesse. Des vertus : amour et courtoisie, force. Des plannetes: Mercurius. Des doze sign es: Gemini. Des elemens : l'air. Des complexions : le sanguin. Des pierreries: la esmeraude. Des metaux : le viff argent dont l'on fait le vert. [17r] Et des jours de la sepmaine: le mercredi. Pourpre [figure 9] est la cinque couleur, qui proprement entre couleurs ne se dit pas vroie couleur, mais couleur mistionnee, car prener des quatre couleurs cy davent nommees autant de l'une que de l'autre, ce sera pourpre. Mais en armoirie elle est du numbre des couleurs. Et de ceste couleur anciennement se vestoint les empereurs et roys, et leur chiers enfens, comme fut Joseph, filz de Jacob, roy de Israel. Et quant ses freres l' eurent vendu, ii aporterent au pere sa robe, qui estoit de ceste couleur, et lui donnerent a croire que les bestes sauvaiges l'avoint devore. Item, Nostre Seigneur estant en terre estoit vestu de robe de pourpre que la Vierge Marie, sa mere, lui avoit subtillement faite de sa propre main. Et comme ii croissoit, la robe croissait. Et quant ii fut

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58 The Argentaye tract mort en croiz pour nous, celle robe fut jouee aux diz entre celx qui l'avoint crucifie. Car par permission divine ii ne la volurent point departi[r], car ii n'y avoit nulle cousture. Et encore a present celle robe est en France gardee en reliquaire a la prioure d' Argentoill sur Saine, preis Sainct Denis en France. En armoirie pourpre signifie: Des estaz humains: l'imperial et les reaux. Des vertus: largesse et habundance. [17V] Des plannetes: Jupiter. Des doze signes: le Cancre et Libra. Des elemens: le feu et la terre. Des complexions: sanguin et melancolique. Des pierreries: le balay. Des mestaux: l'estain. Et des jours de la sepmaine: le jeudi.

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S'ensuilt des pannes. Ermines [figure 10) est la premiere panne, qui est d'argent et de sable, et ya plus de blanc que de noir. Et toutes foiz, l'on ne dit pas en blason: d'argent ermine de sable, car c'est une panne, qui se blasonne tout a un molt, et dit on : de ermines. Et ceste panne est de grant dignite pour tant qu'elle represante le manteau de la Vierge Marie, qui est de ermines. Et ceste panne est si previlegiee que nulle damme ne la doit porter, si elle n'est royne ou extroicte de sang real. Vair [figure 11) est la seconde panne, qui est autant blanche que perce ou bleue, et est vairee l'un par my l'autre. Et ne se blasonne ne de bleu ne d'argent, mais en un molt: tel seigneur porte de vair. Et ceste panne est plus commune que les ermines, car toutes nobles femmes la peuent porter. [18r) Et s'il avient que vous trouver armes qui soint figurees en maniere de vair, et soint d'autre coleur et metal que argent et asur, en blasonnant on doit dire, si c'est or et asur, vaire d' or et d' asur, ou s'il ya or et guieulles, on doit dire: vaire d' or et de gueulles. Et ainsi des autres vaireures, fors celles qui seront vaires d'argent et d'asur, ce sera panne, et dira l'on: de vair. Et est bien a savoir que, par le droict du blason d'armes, jamais metal comme or et argent ne se meptent sur panne, come qui vouldroit: d' ermines a une fesse d' or, ou dire: de vair a une bande d' argent [figure 12). La ou cela aparestra, c'est fauke armoirie. Mais pannes et couleurs se mistionnent bien les unes parmy les autres,

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59 The text

come qui diroit : d'asur a un pal d'ermines, ou : de vair a une croiz de guieules, ou: de guieules a une bande d' ermines ou de vair [figure 1.3), et ainsi des autres couleurs. Et aucunesfoiz, on treuve bien panne sur metal, qui n'est pas fauke armoirie, mais ii ne se trouve en guere de lieux. Mais jamais metal ne se doit meptre sur panne. Toutes armes qui sont figurees en escu ou autrement debvent estre de metal et de couleurs ou de panne, ou de l'un ou de l'autre, (18v] comme qui diroit: tel seigneur porte d'or au chef! de gueulles, ou: de asur a une bande d' argent, et ainsi des autres qui sont en vroy blason. Autrement, si les armes estoint de metal sur metal, ou de couleur sur couleur, ilz sont faulses. Et par ce moien on peut congnrestre les armes de gens de bas estat et de marchans habitans aux villes, qui sans discrecion prannent armes a leur volunte, comme quant un a nom Jehan du Melle il portera: une merlete, et le plus souvent sera de couleur sur couleur, et l'autre aura nom Pierre du Chesne et portera: d' or a un chesne d' argent, ou semblables, qui sont fauces. Et generalment toutes armes qui sont de metal sur metal ou de couleur sur couleur sont fauces, exepte Ies armes du roy de Jherusalem, qui sont : d' argent a une crouez potencee et quatre crcesettes d'or (figure 14). Toutesfoiz, ne sont fauces, et la roison si est car quant Gotdefroy de Billon, roy de Jherusalem, eut victorieusement conquise la Terre Saincte, fut avise et ordonne par Ies anciens preux et vaillans qui en sa compaignie et host estoint, que en memoire et recordacion de celle exellente victoire luy seroint imposees armes differantes du commun cours d'armes, affin, quant aucun les verroit, ii cudast que fussent fauces et s'enqueroit pour quoy un si grant roy porte telz armes, et ii lui sera touzjours respondu les roisons de ladit victoire. [19r] Ampreis est a voi[r] et savoir de quoy se doyvent faire armes. Ilz se font et y mept on pluseurs choses et devises. Mais, entre autres, il y a neuff choses principales et preallables de quoy on doit faire le signal d' armes: le premier, c' est la crouez, le iie le chef£, le iiie Ia fesse, le iiiie la bande, le ve la onde, le vie le chevron, le viie le pal, le viiie le giron, le ixe le saultouer. Et en cest ordre sont plus dignes et preferent l'un l'autre. Et chascun par soy et seul en l'escu doit faire et contenir Ia tierce partie de I' escu. Premier, nous dirons de la crouez, pour que c'est la plus digne chose desur la terre. Elle soubstint le precieux corps de Nostre Seigneur a la Passion ou ii mourut pour la redempcion humaine, qui est le plus grant bien qui oncques fut.

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60 The Argentaye tract Quant on a quelque necessite ou de mal ou de soudaine peurs, pour meilleur remide on fait le signe de la crouez. Si un homme veoit ou savoit le deable venir a lui, pour de meilleur et souverain garant ii fait le signe de la crouez pour le plus commun cours. L' on ne mept en un escu que une crouez. Mais ii y a petites crresettes de quoy on en mept pluseurs en l'escu sellond la devise des armes, et se debvent blasonner sellond le nombre qui y est. Crouez figuree est en armoirie en pluseurs manieres. Savoir: Crouez plaine [figure 15) Crouez potencee [figure 16) Crouez patee [figure 17) Crouez pommetee [figure 18) [19v] Crouez recrresetee Crouez vuydee et remplie d' autre metal ou couleur Crouez fretee Crouez empeschee, et fault dire de quoy elle empeschee. Crouez fourchee et retornee ou sarcelee Crouez flouronnee, qui en armoirie ne se dit pas crouez mais escalle Crouez guyvree Crouez engralee Crouez au pie fiquet Crouez double Crouez de oultremer Crouesetes qui se blasonnent sellond que le numbre qu'elles sont. Ampreis la crouez est le chef£ qui contient la tierce partie de l' escu, et est assis ou hault de l'escu. Et ne peut avoir en un escu que un chef£, que une crouez ne que un saultouer. Mais des petites crresetes, ii peut y en avoir pluseurs, et aussi fait ii des autres seix choses. La fesse est la tierce chose en armoirie, et va au travers de l'escu comme une barre au travers d'un huys. Et, mise seule en l'escu, elle doit faire la tierce partie de l'escu. Mais on y peult meptre pluseurs fesses. Et, quant en un escu ii y aura seix fesses, les [20r] trois d'or et les autres trois de asur, en blasonnant l'on dira: fessey d' or et de asur, car en celui cas, c'est le droit, et s' en tent de seix pieces, sans autrement le dire. Et autant est de la bande et du chevron. Come qui verra escu bande d'or et de gueules de seix pieces, ii dira seulement en blasonnant: bande d'or et de gueules, car par le son de

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61 The text celui blason est bien entendu qu'il est de seix pieces. Mais on trouve bien escu qui est d' or a trois fesses de sable, ou d' argent a deux fesses de sable, ou de asur a deux ou a trois fesses d'or o[u] d'argent, sellond qu'il est figure aux armes, et on doit blasonner ainsi qu'il aparest. La bande est assise en l'escu au biays commanczant a la corniere en venant, en maniere de cherpe, devers le bas de l' escu. Et une bande seule doit faire et contenir la tierce partie de l'escu. Et peut y avoir bande de seix pieces, ou pluseurs bandes, de metal, de couleur ou de pannes, sellond les armes, et les doit l'on blasonner sellond qu'ilz sont, come cy devant est dit des fesses. Onde en armoirie se peut assoi[r] en l'escu, en fesse ou en bande et autrement non. Mais, le plus commun cours, l'onde se assiept en bande. Et en sa figure contient le tiers de l'escu, et retourne et recongne d'un coste et d'autre en maniere de endenteis, et [est] encore de beaucoup plus gros et plus large que endente, et pour ce n' en doit avoir que une en l'escu. [20v] Le chevron est la vje chose mise aux armes, et sont de metal ou de couleur sellond les armes. Chevron est en maniere de deux bandes qui vendroint contremont des deux costes de l' escu, et ou melieu de l' escu sont assemblez et joains a pointe contremont. Et se blasonnent par seix pieces, si tant y en a ou autrement, sellond le nombre comme les fesses et bandes. Aussi ya de[s] chevrons jumellez, qui n'ont d'espace que le tiers du chevron, et vont ensemble deux et deux comme les jumelles. Mais ilz se assemblent a pointe vers le hault de l'escu, et se blasonnent :

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chevrons jumelez.

Le pal est la vW chose de armoirie, qui est en l'escu sur bout tirant de la pointe au chef£, et seul en l'escu ii en fait la tierce partie, et se blasonne par seix s'il yest mis, comme la fesse, bande ou chevron, ou en autre numbre, sellond les armes. Le giron est la viiie chose aposee en armoirie. Et le giron a trois pointes dont l'une est longue et ague, et les deux sont egales an quare, en la maniere que un tailleurs taille le bas d'un cion, et ce que ii apelle pointes en son oupvraige, en armoirie se apelle giron. Quant un escu est gironne egalment ii ya ouict pieces. Et s'ilz sont d'argent une moitie et l'autre moitie, qui est quatre de gueules, on les blasonnera [21r] touz ensemble, en disant: gironne d' argent et de gueules. Et si en l'escu ii ne aparest que un giron, ou deux, ou trois, on les blasonnera sellond le numbre.

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62 The Argentaye tract

Saultoue[r] est le ixe et darrain des neuff choses cy dessur devisees. Et n'en peut avoir que un en l'escu, car ii est en maniere de la crouez Sainct Andre, ataignant a toutes les pars de l'escu duquel ii contient la tierce partie, et se fait de metal ou de couleur ou de panne, sellond les armes. Armes se font de pluseurs autres choses, et premier de bestes, secondement de oaiseaux, et tiercement de pluseurs autres choses diverses, dont cy apreis sera fait mencion. Et, pour proceder par ordre, nous dirons des bestes. Le lion est le roy de toutes les bestes desur la terre, et pour ce, par exellance on mept le lion en armoirie. Et apreis le lion on mept en armoirie le lepart. Et sont les deux principalles bestes qui entrent en armoirie, combien qu'il yen entre d'autres, mais non pas si communement come le lion et le lepart. Aussi sont ilz !es plus dignes et exellantes. [21v] En armoirie toutes bestes se nomment et blasonnent sellond qu'elles sont, ou de metal ou de couleur. Mais quant on blasonne le lion comme qui diroit: de asur a un lion d'or, on ne dira point rempant, car tout lion de sa nature est rampant. Et s'il est couronne et arme, c'est assavoir qu'il ait les dens et oingles, on dira de quoy ii est couronne et arme, come qui diroit: d' asur au lion d' or couronne et arme de sable. Et est bien a savoir que en toute armoirie la couronne du lion prefere, et se doit blasonner avent l'armeure. Le lepart en armoirie est touz jours passant. Quant on blasonne le lepart, ii ne fault point dire passant, comme qui diroit: d' argent au

lepart de gueulles.

Oultre ce que [est) dessur, ii ya en armoirie leons lepardez et lepars leonnez, c'est assavoir que le lion sera figure en l'escu passant comme un lepart. Et pour ce en blasonnant on dira: d'or au lion leparde de sable. Et ne dira l'on pas: au lion passant mais, leparde. En ceste maniere de figure ne fault point dire couronne ne arme, car lepart ne doit avoir couronne ne armeure, et pour ce, lion leparde ne doit estre couronne ne arme. Les lepars leonnez sont en l' escu figurez rampans comme le lion. Et pour tant en blasonnant, on ne dira pas: au lepart rampant, mais: au

lepart leonne.

[22r] lei peut avoir belle question, car par ce que [est) dessur on pouroit dire que dificille chose seroit de congnrestre les lions de avecques les lepars. A quoy, pour en oster le doubte, la roison est assignee; car en quelque faczon ou figure que soit le lion, ii n'en doit parestre que un eill et une oreille. Et le lepart en quelque faczon

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63 The text qu'il soit, ou a son droit, ou leonne, on en doit touzjours voi[r] les deux yeulx et les deux oreilles, et doit touz jours faire contenance come s'il regardoit les gens en retournant sa face contre elx. Et pour ce, la teste de lepart separee du corps et mise en armoirie ne se dit pas: teste, mais se blasonne: rencontre de lepart. Aussi y a en armoirie de petiz lionceaux qui ne se dient pas lions. Et sont par numbre come trois et au dessus sellond les armes, et a difference des lions, ilz n'ont couronne ne armeure. Ouaiseaux. En armoirie, quant le bee, les piez et les jambes sont d'autre metal ou couleur que le corps, on dit: menbres. Et commenczon par l' aigle qui est le roy des oaiseaux. Et si l' aigle a la teste partie en deux, on le doit dire, comme ii apiert aux armes de l'empereur, qui porte: d'or a l'aigle, la teste partie en deux de sable, menbree de gueules. Et de touz autres oaiseaux qui ont bee, piez et jambes d'autre metal [22v) ou couleur que le corps, on dit: menbrez. II y a en armoirie petites aigletes qui se peuent nommer alarions ou aigletes, lequel que on veult, et n'ont bee, pie, ne jambe, et se nombrent jucques a saize et au desoubz sellond le numbre. Et au dessus de saize on dit: seme. Ce apiert aux armes de Montmorency et de Laval, ou ii a : d' or a saize aigletes d' asur, ou celles de Puli, ou l'on dit: d'or seme de aigletes de asur. II ya en armoirie merletes, qui se font de metal ou de couleur, et se nombrent an dessoubz de saize. La merlete n'a bee, pie, ne jambe, et pour ce elle ne se dit point menbree. II y a en armoirie papegaux et hupes. Les papegaux portent leur couleur, c'est assavoir de sinople, et sont menbrez de gueules, et les hupes se congnressent a ce qu'ilz ont une hupe en maniere de creste sur la teste. Aussi entre ii en armoirie pluseurs autres manieres de oaiseaux qui se blasonnent en metal ou en couleur, sellond les armes et le numbre, come cy dessur est dit. Besans et tourteaux, que on dit gastelez, entrent en armoirie, et sont rons et se numbrent [23r] jucques a ouict. Les besans sont de metal, savoir d'or et d'argent, et les tourteaux ou gastelez sont touzjours de couleur, et par ce se congnressent les uns de avecques les autres. II ya en armoirie cotices, qui sont de metal ou de couleur, et sont au travers de l' escu en maniere de bande qui se assiept en escherpe. Mais la cotice ne contient que la tierce partie de la bande, car ii n'y a seulement que le trect. Fusees mises en armoirie se numbrent jucques a sept, et sont de

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64 The Argentaye tract metal, de couleur ou de panne, et se figurent longues et larges ou melieu, en apointant vers les bouz, comme une fusee que font les cannoniers. Losenges en armoirie se font de metal ou de couleur et se numbrent jucques a vingt cinq, et sont plus longues que larges, pointues es deux bouz et a equiere endroit le melieu, et ne sont pas si longues comme fusees. Et ont l'une pointe a mont et l'autre vers le bas. II ya en armoirie hamedes, qui sont de la faczon d'une losenge, mais ilz sont percees en ront ou milieu. Aussi ya de[s] losenges vuydees, et la vuyderie se perce a pointes et a equierre de la propre faczon de la losenge, et quant on blasonne losenge vuydee, ii fault dire de quoy elle est remplie. [23v] Aussi en armoirie ya macles, lesquelles se font de metal ou couleur. Et sont environ comme a quatre equieres la pointe sur bout et contremont, et sont un peu plus haultes que larges, et sont percees ou milieu en quarreure comme la faczon dont ilz sont, et se blasonnent a numbre, comme ii apiert aux armes de Rohan. Aucuns veulent dire que on peut dire macles vuydees. Mais, sauff leur grace, jamais macles ne se debvent dire vuydees, mais macles sont percees de la maniere dessurdite, autrement ce ne seroint pas macles. Mais losenges se peuent vuyder et se blasonner losenges vuydees, comme cy devant est devise ou chapitre des losanges, et comme ii apiert aux armes de Montaulban, qui porte: de gueules a

neuff losenges d' or vuydees et remplies de m;esme le premier au lambeau per.

II ya en armoirie eschequete, qui se fait en la maniere qu'est la tablier de l'eschequier sur lequel on joue aux escheffs ouquel lxiii places. Et se fait l' eschequete de metal et de coleur place de l'un place de l'autre en eschequier, et se peut faire de couleur et de panne, et se blasonne sellond qu'il est come qui diroit: eschequete d'or et de asur, comme ii apiert aux armes de Dreux. Ou si autrement y a, on blasonnera sellond les armes, come qui diroit: eschequete de argent et de gueules. Et ce apiert [24r] aux armes du seigneur de Tremerrent. Et en eschequier, le metal se doit touz jours nomme[r] avent la couleur. II y a en armoirie frete, qui se fait de cotices mises et aposees en maniere de bande l'une par sur l'autre des deux costes de l'escu. Comme qui diroit: cotice et recotice au contraire I' un de I' autre, ce sera: frete et ne doit estre que de seix pieces. Et quant on dit: d' asur frete d' or, on ne dit point de quantes pieces, car son droict est

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65 The text de estre de seix pieces, et se peut faire de metal et couleu[r] ou de panne. Jumelle est une des chose[s] de armoirie et va au travers de l'escu comme la fesse. Jumelle ne contient que la tierce partie de la fesse, et vont touz jours deux ensemble a un peu d' espace entre deux, et pour ce se dient jumelles. Et se font de metal ou de couleur, et se blasonnent sellond le numbre. Burle est un des blasons de armoirie. Burlete ne contient que la tierce partie d'une fesse, et encore moins, et va au travers de l'escu comme la fesse. Et quant un escu est tout burle, ii doit estre de diz pieces. Et se fait d'argent et de asur, car c'est son droict. Et en celle figure, en le blasonnant on dira seulement: burle. Mais [24v) s'il est an desoubz de diz pieces, on blasonnera sellond le numbre. Et s'il y avoit en l'escu burlete d'autre metal ou couleur que le droict de burle, qui est argent et asur, on blasonnera, sellond les armes, de quel metal et de quelle couleur. Billettes sont du droict d'armoirie. La billete est quaree et est un peu plus longue que large, et se font de metal ou de couleur, et se peuent numbrer jucques a saize, et si font toutes menues choses qui se meptent en armoirie. Et depuis billette arive au numbre de diz, on dit: billete, comme ii apiert aux armes de Beaumanoir, qui est:

de asur billete d' argent.

II ya en armoirie campannes et campenelles, et cloches, clerons et sonnetes. Les campannes et campenelles se font de metal ou de couleur, mais les cloches et sonnettes sont touz jours de metal, et se blasonnent sellond le numbre. II ya en armoirie poins et quoquilles que on dit: creusilles, et se font de metal ou de couleur, et se blasonnent sellond le numbre. Bretheque se mept en armoirie en faczon [25r] d'une guerite ou du creneleis d'un chasteau, mais elle se nomme bretheque, et se fait de metal ou de couleur, et le plus souvent ii n'en ya que une en l'escu, et se mept en fesse ou en bande, mais le plus souvent en fesse. II ya en armoirie, croissans, estoilles et molettes, et se font de metal ou de couleur, et se nombrent jucques a saize. Les estoilles sont a seix pointes sans estre percees, et les molettes sont a cinq brocs, et sont percees ou melieu. II y a en armoirie manches mautaillees, qui se font de metal et de couleur, enmenchez l'un en l'autre en fesse en maniere d'un grant endenteis, et du bas de l'escu ne va que deux pointes contremont, et du hault de l'escu ii descent trois pointes contre bas.

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66 The Argentaye tract Endente en armoirie est endente par pointes assez grosses les unes dedans les autres, et de touz costes se enclave l'un en l'autre a pointes, et se mept endente, en fesse, en bande, en pal, et, aussi a l'emuron de l'escu, sellond la devise et blason des armes. Engralle en armoirie est beaucoup plus [25v] menu et plus douge que l'endenteure, et se mept l'engraleure a l'emuron du bort de l'escu, et aussi se peut meptre a fesse, a bande et aux autres choses qui font le tiers de l' escu. L' engraleure se vuyde par dedans en ront, et par dehors les pointes sont assez menues et dougees. 11 y a en armoirie trect, tiret ou tretouer qui est tout un, et se meptent a l'emuron de l'escu assez preis du bort, et gresles et estroiz comme cotice ou moins, et se font de metal ou de couleur, et se peut numbrer jucques a saize. 11 y a en armoirie ourle qui se fait pour le plus commun de merlettes, et se peut faire de autres choses. Mais ourle a son droict est de merletes qui se assient a l'emuron de l'escu assez preis du bort, et yen a neuff: savoir, quatre ou hault de l'escu, deux endroict le milieu, et trois devers la pointe. Quant ilz sont sans autre mistion en l' escu les armes sont plaines. Mais quant il ya autre chose en l'escu, puis le ourle est assis comme dessus est dit, c' est une maniere de differance. Ourle apiert aux armes de Passavant et de Medrignac, qui portent: de gueules a deux fesses pommelees ourle de merlettes d'or. [26r] 11 ya en armoirie jarril qui est un rameau de chesne, et ya du tronc, de la feille et le glan, et en armoirie se apelle jarril. A ce propos il y a des maisons nommees la Jarriaie, et des boais nommez les jarriaies, qui vault autant a dire, comme qui diroit, la chesnaie regacee, car jarril est chesne ragaz. 11 ya en armoirie annelez, qui sont rons et vuyd[es] et percez en ront comme annelez, et se font de metal et de couleur et se numbrent jucques a diz. 11 y a en armoirie roses et quintesfeilles. Les roses se numbrent jucques a diz. Roses sont, pour le plus commun cours, et pour estre a leur droict, de rouge cler que on dit gueules, et s'en peut faire d'argent, pour tant qu'il est de roses blanches: la rose differe de la quintefeille, car, combien queen la rose ait aussi bien cinq feilles, come en la quintefeille, toutesfoiz la rose touz jours ses feilles [a] doubles, et ne sont point pointues mais rondes et retires a maniere de rose. La quintefeille en armoirie a cinq feilles come la rose et sont simples. Mais chascune feille est apointee. Et se peut numbrer come

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67 The text les roses, et se font de couleur, d'argent ou de panne, et ce peut aparoir aux armes de Ancenis, qui porte: de guieules a trois quintes-

feilles de ermines.

[26v] II ya en armoirie justes et channes, qui touz deux sont en faczon de poteaux d'argent, et se font de metal et de couleur, et ne s'en mept que trois en l'escu. Les jutes sont touz plains de metal ou de couleur sellond qu'il sont en armoirie. Mais les channes sont vuydees qu'il n'y a que le tiret a l'emuron et l'ance, et sont remplies de mresme le champ de l'escu. Et oultre les jutes, les channes sont empietees de trois pies. Jute vault autant a dire comme mesure o quoy l' on part le vin. II ya en armoirie bade, qui se fait et mistionne l'un par l'autre de metal et de couleur en maniere de vaire, £ors que le vaire se mept l'un par l'autre en root, et le bade se mistionne a pointes en maniere de endente, et va au travers de l'escu. II ya en armoirie umbre. Savoir, toute beste a come qui a la come d'autre metal ou couleur que le corps ne se dit pas: cornu, mais: umbre de tel metal ou de telle couleur. On mept en armoirie le griffon qui est my oaiseau et my beste. Car par davent ii ressemble al' aigle, et par darriere au lion. Et, en tant que oaiseau, ii se dit : menbre, et en tant que lion, ii se dit : arme, come qui diroit tel porte : de asur au griffon d' argent menbre et arme

de guieules.

[27r] Ampreis est devise de la maniere de blasonner, car tout premier on doit nommer le champ, et de quoy ii est avent que dire le signal et choses qui sont dedans. Et quant un escu est escartele de metal ou de couleur, on doit premier nommer le premier quartier qui est devers la main destre. Et ne dira l'on pas : escartele, comme si un escu est escartele d'or et d'asur, on dira seulement: d'or et

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d'asur.

Si l'escu est parti en deux parties egales de metal et de couleur, et

ii soit parti en pal, ou en fesse ou en bande, en blasonnant ii fault dire la maniere come ii est parti. Et s'il est endente, ii le fault dire. En apreis, si un escu est tout de fesses, de bandes, de ondes ou d'autres choses qui seront de metal et de couleur, et ya autant de l'un comme de l'autre, on doit commencer a blasonner devers la pointe de l'escu et nommer le premier celui qui fait la pointe de l' escu, et puis dire le parsus sellond la devise des armes. Aussi, si en un escu escartele y a en chascun quartier armes diverses et differantes les unes des autres, on doit commencer a

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68 The Argentaye tract blasonner au premier quarrier et prochain de la main destre, et dire tout ce qui y est, et puis apreis blasonner les autres quartiers come ilz sont en ordre, et dire ce que est en chascun quartier. Et si en [27v] oultre, ii y avoit un autre petit escu qui fust assis ou milieu des quatre quartiers portant sur chascun egalment, on le doit blasonner, et de quoy ii est le dire. II y a quelque seigneur qui est chef£ de ses armes et les porte plaines, comme lui apartient, et est ainsi qu'il a pluseurs jouveigneurs ses freres et jucques a neuff jouveigneurs; et chascun de cez jouveigneurs portera pareilles armes de son resne, sauff qu'il y meptra differance de quelque chose, car ii ne apartient que a le resne a les porter plaines; et chascun jouveigneur meptra sa differance, differante chascun l'un de l'autre. Comment pouron nous congnrestre parses differances, quant on les verroit toutes paintes a un coup, lequel de cez jouveigneurs est le premier, second, tiers, quart et ainsi des autres 7 L' assiepte de cez differances se doit meptre par ordre chascun a son droict, come cy ensuylt. Le premier jouveigneur qui est le proche du sang de son resne, doit porter icelles armes comme son resne, et par dessus, ou hault de l' escu, ii doit meptre les lambeaux, et ceste differance est le droict du premier jouveigneur. Le second jouveigneur doit porter une bordeure toute plaine, car la bordeure qui est couponnee ou besantee, ou semee de gastelez, de molettes ou d'autres [28r] choses, signifie diminucion de ceste differance, et se monstre estre jouveigneur d'un jouveigneur. Le tiers jouveigneur doit porter l' engraleure a l' en tour de l' escu tenante o le bort de l' escu, et est son droit. Le quart doit porter par sur les armes de son resne une bande toute plaine, car s'il y a quelque chose sur la bande, ii se monstre jouveigneur d'icelui quart jouveigneur. Le quint doit porter une onde. Le seixe doit porter une cotice. Le septe doit porter un trect ou filet que l'on dit: tretouer. Le ouicte doit porter un croissant. Et le neuffme doit porter la molette. II ya d'autres differances, comme ourle qui est la plus digne des autres differances. Et au parsus chascun mept ou ajouste aux armes telle differance qui hon lui semble. Mais qu' elle soit en vroy blason, elle est partinante. Ainsi par les neuff differances cy devant declerees pourer congnrestre le ranc et ordre des neuff jouveigneurs.

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69 The text Bastart qui est avoue de noble personne, soit prince, comte, baron, chevalier, ou escuier, quiconque soit la mere, si ii se troicte et gouverne noblement et honorablement, sellond l' estat de la maison dont ii est avoue [28v] bastart, ii sera receu entre les nobles, et portera les armes de la maison ou du pere dont ii est avoue o la differance que bastart doit avoir. C'est assavoir que par sus l'escu et les armes dont ii est avoue, ii portera un baston de metal ou couleur qui sera mis en l'escu au revers de la bande, car la bande commence a la corniere senestre en venant au travers de l' escu, a revers de maniere de bande. II y a autre differance de bastart, car bastart peut prandre escu de metal ou de couleur come si l'escu estoit d'or ou d'argent, ou de asur ou de gueules, ou autre couleur. Le premier coainton de l'escu doit estre figure des armes dont ii est avoue bastart, et ceste differance n'est pas si commune comme le baston. Mais elle [est) bien aussi honeste, et chascun n'en a pas la congncessance. II ya differance entre quartier et cointon. Car le quartier contient droictement la quarte partie de l'escu, et arive par le hault jucques a la moitie de l'escu. Et le coainton ne contient que les deux pars du quartier, et ne ataint que a la tierce partie de l'escu. II y a aucuns, qui sans discrecion ne apeler ou demander le conseil des hons et entenduz heraux, et sans ce qu'ilz soint bastars, font paindre et meptre en l'escu de leurs armes un coainton de quelque [29r] blason, et assis en la premiere corniere ou quartier de leur escu. C' est grant ignorance et deffault de bon entendement, car par telle figure ilz se monstrent estre bastars. II y a autre differance. Comme si un bastart avoue de lieu noble et sa mere soit gentifemme de nom et portante armes, ii peut prandre et porter telz et pareilles armes, comme sa mere les porte, a un coainton de la maison et des armes du lieu dont ii est avoue bastart. Et par tant, par ce que [est) dessus aux armes on peut congncestre les bastars. En tout degre de lignaige, bastart ne se doit dire ne apeler filz ne frere, oincle ne nepveu ne parent ne cousin, mais seulement se doit dire bastart de tel lieu ou de tel seigneur ou gentilhomme. Question d' armes a savoir si un homme peut et doit prandre et porter armes a son plaisir et volunte. A quoy les maistres et docteurs ont en leurs volumes ainsi respondu que d' armes sont deux manieres: savoir, les unes propres et particulieres, et les autres generalles et communes. Propres armes ne se debvent prandre ne porter par nul a qui de droict ilz ne apartiennent. Comme l' on sceit assez que pour l'empereur le signal [29v] de l'eigle est ordonne, la fleur delis pour

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70 The Argentaye tract

l'ostel de France, le lepart pour l'ostel d' Angletere, }'ermine pour l'ostel de Bretaigne, la crouez blanche pour l'ostel de Savoie, et ainsi de touz autres roys et princes a qui leurs armes sont proprement deputees par roison de leur principaulte, et que nul ne porte s'il n'est yssu et de droicte ligne extroit de celle maison et o diffirance partinente. Cez armes, nul ne doit se avancer a prandre ne porter qui n'en soit reproche et digne de grant pugnicion. Autres armes y a que les marquis, comtes, vicomtes, barons et anciens chevaliers portent, pour que anciennement leurs predicesseurs, et desquielx ilz sont legitimement descenduz et leur ont sucede, portoint telz et pareilles arrnes que on doit entendre et anciennement avoir este par donacion de empereur ou par previlege de roys. Et cez arrnes ne doit nul porter s'il n'est de leur propre sang, et que ce soit ou reaume en la province ou principaute dont ilz sont subgez. Car si autresfoiz le roy de France a donne a mon predicesseur ugn lion d' or pour armes et ugn chevalier alment porte pareilles arrnes, certes ii ne me fait nul tort, ne n'en doit estre reproche ne pugny, car ii est d'autre region et principaulte. Mais en un reaume soubz un mcesme prince, nul ne doit prandre ne porter les armes d'autry. If de iuri.om .iudi.l.ultima.de consti.ij.l.vj. [)or] Autres arrnes sont propres a celx qui les portent par roison de leurs offices, et durant qu'ilz exercent icelles offices et non autrement, comme les eleuz et gouvemeurs d'une bonne ville durant leur office, ilz portent les arrnes d'icelle ville, comme le consulat de Montpellier du rant son office porte: une pomme de gueules. Et cez arrnes icy, nul ne doit prandre ne porter, qu'il n'en soit reproche et pugny comme faulsoire. Autres manieres d' armes sont que chascun a prinses a son plaisir et volunte. Et come communement touz gentilzhommes portent arrnes chascune par soy differantes les unes des autres, affin que chascun soit congneu l'un de avecques l'autre, comme anciennement fut ordonne par l'empereur, et les autres roys ainsi le faire, ace que, en la bataille, chascun fust congneu par le signal de ses armes qui debvent estre differantes les unes des autres. Et cez armes cy, ainsi generalles, chascun homme d'estat qui anciennement les a prinses et portees les peut bien meptre et faire paindre ou ii lui plaira, mais que ce soit sur le sien, et non sur pocessions d' autri. Et ne les doit nul prandre ne porter s'il n'est extroit et yssu de la lignee de celui qui les porte plaines; et encore celui puisne ou extroit doit meptre differance partinente; autrement ii en debvroit estre reproche et pugny comme faulsaire.

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71 The text [30v] II ya armes que chascun noble ou rural veult prandre et porter a son plaisir et volunte, et ceste maniere d'armes se trouve le plus souvent aux cites et bonnes villes, ou chascun prant et porte armes a son plaisir et volunte, aucunefoiz en assez vroy blason, aucunefoiz le contraire. Et telz armes se font sans bonne discrecion et ne sont pas guere loables, mais chascun citoien qui aura acquis du bien veult monstrer qu'il est homme d'estat et qu'il porte armes pour en estre plus honore. Et sur cez armes est sourdu debat en la ville de Paris entre deux bourgeoys d'icelle, l'un nomme Jehan des Halles, et l'autre Gautier Dupont, car Jehan des Halles a prins et fait paindre pour ses armes : une vache de gueules a trois estoilles par dessus et les a portees sans debat, et Gautier Dupont a prins et fait paindre pour lui icelles mresmes armes. Sur quoy des Halles lui donne empeschement de les porter, et le veult contraindre de les leisser, et Dupont dit que, ainsi comme pluseurs gens sont d'un nom que tout aussi pluseurs gens peuent porter unes armes, et que que soit de cez armes ainsi communes que chascun prant a sa volunte. Et sur ce debat noz maistres ont dit et determine qu'il est des choses plus communes les unes que les autres, comme les oaiseaux et bestes champestres et sauvaiges qui n'ont point de propre refuge, lesquelles sont a celui qui premier le peut prandre et lui debvent demeurer. Ainsi, si Jehan des Halles [3u] a premier prins lesdiz armes et portees sans debat, et fait paindre en sa maison aux aparoilz l'androis ou [d]errieres d'icelle en la ville de Paris, Gautier Dupont, qui est de celle mresme ville, ne les doit prandre ne porter. Caril sembleroit que ce fust pour mouvoir question et debat, ce que ne se doit souffrir. Et le gouverneur de la ville ne le doit souffrir mais y meptre la provision, car il doit tenir les citoiens en paiz. Mais si un bourgeois de Orleans avoit prins icelles armes, Jehan des Halles, qui est de Paris, ne l'en debvroit empesche[r], car ce n'est pas en une mresme ville ou cite. Et de droit nul ne se doit avancer a prandre ne porter armes de nouveau si le prince ne les lui donne, ou sans le conge et licence du seigneur de la terre. Autre question d' armes: Un chevalier alment vient a Paris pour voi[r] la court du roy et congnrestre la seigneurie de France, et a Paris treuve ugn chevalier frani;ois qui porte telles et pareilles armes come le Alment. Et le Alment lui dit que mal porte icelles armes et qu'il ne lui souffrira point et qu'il ne lui apartient, pour que le Alment dit estre de plus grant lignaige et de plus grande extracion que le chevalier frani;ois; et que s'il veult dire le contraire, pour ce qu'il n'a

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72 The Argentaye tract preuve partinente, ii le veult prouver par son corps, et en offre et [31v] veult bailler gaige de bataille, disant qu'il n'est point de son lignaige. Et le roy ou son marechal differe la baitaille leur estre a l'un et a l'autre. Sur quoy pluseurs roisons d'une part et d'autre sont apliques, et aucuns disent que, en tant que le Alment a dit et maintient, qu'il est de plus grant lignaige que le chevalier fran~ois, ii y peut en celui egart avoir champ de bataille. Et le chevalier fran~ois respont courtoisement, et dit a l'Alment: 'Pour quoy vous couroussez-vous ainsi legierment, car je suis atroit de noble et ancienne lignee? Et mon pere et [mes autres predicesseurs] ont touzjours porte les armes que je porte et par tant et si long temps que memoire de homme n'est du contraire; par que je ne vous fais nul tort, car je n' ent[ r]eprans ne esleve riens de nouveau.' Et le Alment maintient son propos comme devant. Sur quoy le roy, bien conseille, leur rent sentence que pour tout ce que [est) dessus, ii n'y a cause de reproche ne roison de bailler champ de bataille, pour tant qu'ilz sont de deux reaumes et provinces, et que l'un ne prejudicie point a l'autre pour porter pareilles armes. Mais, en cas qu'ilz seroint d'un mresme reaume ou province, le roy y debvroit tenir justice et faire informacion, a savoir mon auquel premierment icelles armes estoint et apartenoint plus anciennement et les lui leisser, et l'autre, qui les auroit nouveaument prinses, le debvroit amender et les leisser. [32r] Et sur ce, et par l'avis des grans conseilliers du roy, les maistres et docteurs convoquez et apelez, les roys et heraux d'armes, a este par icelx discerne et baille pour loy et estat a estre garde et observe au temps a venir, que, se aucun se avance en un mresme pais, reaume ou principaute, de prandre et porter armes d'autri, en les voulant usurpe[r], qu'il en doit estre pugny come faulsoire. Item, si un chevalier fran~ois, qui seroit de assez mauvese vie, estradeur de guerre et pillart prenoit les armes d'un hon chevalier et prodomme de Almaigne, et a tout icelles armes s'en iroit sur les marches de Bourgoigne, Loranne, ou Lombardie, faisant pilleries et oppressions, si le hon prodomme alment s' en plaignoit et le Fran~ois fust prins et ataint du cas pour avoir prins armes d' autri pour mal faire, ii debvroit perdre le chef£. Et pour la pillerie sans autre cause ii debvroit estre pendu au gibet. En exemple de ce, ii a, a Paris, un tres hon forgeurs de espees et qui les sceit faire bien bonnes, et a sa merche qu'il mept a son oupvraige. Et a Troys en Champaigne a un autre forgeurs de espees. Et

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73 The text pour mielx vendre son oupvraige, ii y mept le poinson et la merche de l'oupvrier de Paris qui est mielx renomme en celui oupvraige que nul autre. A roison semblable, un quidem contrefait le signe et passement d'un hon notaire, et le mept en contraz ou lettres, ainsi que a sa malice esploiter hon lui semble. Et pareillement un pipeurs, [J2v] ou trompeux qui veult abuser ou decepvoir les marchans, et par malice contrefait le signet ou la merche d'un marchant, et la mept sur quelque marchandie, peut estre pour la embler et derober. En touz cez trois cas, celui qui ce fait est digne de estre pugny et le doit estre come faulsoire. Item, si un Alment de petit estat s'en vient en France, et pour estre mielx recuilli du roy et avoir plus grant pancion et meilleurs gaiges, ii aura prins les armes d'une bonne et ancienne lignee de Almaigne et bien renommee de y avoir eu de hons chevaliers et vaillans aux armes, si l'un de la lignee dont ii se dit d'Almaigne l'en reproche et ataint, ii en doit estre pugny come faulsoire. Champ de bataille est du droict des armes, et nul n'en doit avoir la congnressance fors le roy ou prince souverain, et a juger et faire champs de bataille est bien requis a avoir hon et discret conseil tant de gens de science que des prodes et hons chevaliers, et aussi des roys d' armes et heraux qui se y debvent congnrestre, et par elx se doit mannier et conduire un tel oupvraige; duquel champ de bataille et des regles qui sur ce sont a garder [33r] est bien a plain fait mencion ou livre nomme L'abre des batailles. Et celx qui en vouldront savoir en celui livre en trouveront la decleracion tout a leur plaisir. Pour quoy, en ce petit livre, me passe pour breffvete et de peurs de trop ennuyer de plus en dire. Ampreis pour l'instrucion des jeunes et nouveaux officiers d'armes qui pas encore n'ont peu voi[r] et aprandre tout le fait d'armes et ce que y apartient, et aussi pour complaire a toutes gens de bien, et que que soit au gentil estat de noblesse et a touz celx qui ont vouloir de aprandre et valoir, icy apreis sera declere le blason de pluseurs escuz et manieres d'armes qui ne sont pas guere communes. Et celx qui verront ce blason et les diverses choses qui y sont figurees, en y meptant leur entendement, pourront plus facillement et plus veritablement blasonner armes en quelque lieu qu'ilz se puissent trouver, qui leur cedera a pris et grant honeur. [J3v] De pourpre diapre, de lionceaux et aigletes d'or [figure 19] Enmanche d'or et de asur [figure 20]

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74 The Argentaye tract De sable a une escarboude d' argent persee, flouronee et pommetee [figure 21) D'argent a deux bandes de guieules engralees de sable [figure 22) Pale et contrepale d'argent et de sinople [figure 23) D'argent a deux jumelles de sable a un pal de guieules [figure 24) [34r] De guieules a deux ailes d'or a un pal de sinople [figure 25) De guieules a une crouez fourchee et sarcelee d' or [figure 26) D'or a une bande de guieules crenelee de sable [figure 27) D'or a un gonfanon de guieules [figure 28) Parti en chevron d'or et de guieules [figure 29) De guieules a une crouez d' or a la bordeure couponnee d' argent et d'asur [figure 30) [34v) D'argent en chief£ de sable a un lion de guieules issant sur le chef£ [figure 31) D'or et de asur au chief£ pale au quoain tout gironne, fesse contre fesse, au pie parti, a un escu d'argent parmy. Estant les armes de Presigny [figure 32) D'or a un escu de asur a un filet de guieules [figure 33) De asur a une escale d'or et par dessur un escu de pourpre" [figure 34) De sable au chief£ endente d'argent [figure 35) Barle d' or et de asur" [figure 36) [35r] De guieules a une bande d'or vuydee et remplie de maesme le premier" [figure 37) D'argent a une breteque de guieules" [figure 38) Parti et endente en pal d'or et de guieules" [figure 39) D'argent a une crouez de guieules vuydee et remplie d'or" [figure 40) D'or a une crouez patee et gironnee de vair et de guieules" [figure 41) Parti en pal le premier d' argent a une bande de sable et l' autre de vair [figure 42] [35v] D'or a deux jumelles de sable [figure 43) De guieules a un lion d'or arme de sable [figure 44) D'asur au lion d'or couronne et arme de guieules [figure 45) D'asur au lion leparde d'argent [figure 46) De guieules au lepan d'or [figure 47) De guieules au lepan leonne d'argent [figure 48) (36r] D'argent au lion de guieules a la queue fourchee et passee en saultouer" [figure 49) D'argent au cerff de sable umbre d'or" [figure 50) De sable frete d'or [figure 51)

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75 The text D'asur a une bande d'argent a trois alarions de guieules" [figure 52) D'or a une bande et deux cotices de guieules [figure 53) Burle" [figure 54) [36v] D'asur frete d'ermines" [figure 55) D'or au chevron jumelle au lion leparde de sable" [figure 56) [37r] En armoirie bannieres sont plus nobles que estendars, en batailles et journees assignees estandars sont plus nobles que bannieres, gonffanons plus que guitons, pannonceaux plus que guitons, ciglatons plus que pannonceaux, panonceaux plus que banderolles, banderolles plus que couvrecheffs, couvrecheffs plus que jarretiere, jarretiere plus que langues. Bannieres, pannons, tenides, ciglatons sont pains et figurez des propres armes du seigneur ou cappitaine. Estendars et touz autres dessur nommez sont des couleurs qu'il porte en sa livree. Et en l' estandart doit estre paint et figure la beste ou autre chose que le seigneur porte sur le tymbre de ses armes, et ne se doit muer ne changer en plus que les propres armes. Ou guiton doit estre la livree comme en l'estandart, et par dessur en escript en grosses lettres, le port ou dit du seigneur ou capitaine, comme au due de Bretaigne son port ou dit est: a ma vie. Si un seigneur ou capitaine, en bataille, rencontre ou autre fait et espleot de guerre, pert sa banniere, enseigne, guiton ou autre des choses dessur nommees, jamais n'en doit porter, tant qu'il la ait recouvree par fait d' armes. l37V] Toutes armes de roys, princes, grans seigneurs, ou bannieres, en armoirie debvent estre plaines et £ranches. Si par autant qu'il y a second ne, lequel peut et doit avoir quelque differance es armes de l'ostel dont ii est parti; le resne les doit porter toutes plaines, sinon que par succession d' autre heritaige, par principaulte comme duche ou comte, par femme et aliance en montant plus hault et non pas en ravalant, ii peut my partir les armes de son dit hostel o celles de sa femme, et si sa femme est heritiere et chef£ de plus grande et honorable maison que lui, les armes de la femme en celui cas debvent preferer et estre mises ou premier party. Toutesfoiz et quantefoiz tu trouveras en armoirie une bande par directe ligne, et en icelle y aura lionceaux, tu peuz et doiz dire que sont: passans. Quant en armoirie trouveras saultouers, et esdis saultouers y aura leonceaux, tu peux et doiz dire que sont: lionceaux manans et non passans. Quant en armoirie trouveras metal sur metal, ou couleur sur

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76 The Argentaye tract couleur ou metal sur panne, l'armoirie est fauke, sinon que par prouesse et vaillance ilz l'eussent conquise et que les roys, (38r] en recordacion d'icelle prouesse, leur eussent donne et impose telz armes. Et aussi si un homme combat en champ de bataille pour autri, et [il]gaigne la querelle par quoy ii le delivre de mort et du crime dont ii estoit acuse, ii lui est loisible, et peut prandre et porter les armes de celui qu'il a vaincu et conquis par honeur, car par droict le vaincu demeure infamme et deshonore, ergo non digne de porter armes. En toute armoirie peut avoir abismes £ors que de sinople et de metal. Touz roys crestiens ou autres peuent avoir bastars qui peuent porter nom et tiltre de la couronne dont ils sont avouez. De ce est exeptee la maison de France ou jamais bastart n'est avoue; et pour tant elle est pure legitime, bien y a de filles bastardes. Et cez bastars avouez desdiz autres roys ou seigneurs debvent vivre et tenir leur estat du panaige d'icelle couronne, si par pancion ou autre, estat ne leur est pourveu; et peuent porter le armes de la couronne ou maison dont ilz sont avouez, c'est assavoir, sur celles armes au baston escoty, mais rabote, mau basti, et fait a haste. Tout bastart real, previlegie et legitime peut avoir aliance et mariaige a fille heritiere [J8v] d'autre couronne. Et pour ce qu'il soit previlegie a suceder, ii aura celui heritaige par cause de sa femme. Et quant aux armes qui seront parties de lui et de sa femme, la femme aura l'oneur, et seront les armes d'elle mises les premieres et devers la main dextre. Tout gentilhomme qui se marie a femme heritiere de plus grant maison que lui peut, et lui est loisible sans reproche, changer ou deleisser son nom et ses armes, et peut prandre le nom et armes de la maison dont sa femme est heritiere, et les portera pures. Mais s'il ne avoit leisse les siennes, ii porteroit armes my parties de lui et sa femme. Mais, si la femme est de si grant lieu et estat, les armes d'elle debvent preferer celles de son mari. Tout bastart noble qui est legitime et constitue ecdesiaste en dignite de prelacion ou autre, peut et doit sans reproche porter les armes pures de la maison dont ii est avoue, sans aucune differance. Au royaume d'Espaigne, et aux autres royaumes d'icelle Espaignes, en deffault de heritier masle les filles des maisons realles debvent suceder et de fait, par droict et ancien previlege de [39r]icelles maisons realles, sucedent a la couronne et heritaige du reaume dont ilz sont

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77 The text filles, et en portent les armes pures et plaines, comme roynes, et usent de touz droiz de principaulte, et imposent et levent tailles et subcides, et font ordonnances et souldoiers, et peuent donner journee et faire combatre, et ce faire toutesfoiz que bon leur semblera. La cite de Romme porte pour armes : d'or a une bande de guieules, en icelle une crresete d' or, et quatre lettres d'argent, savoir: SPQR .

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6 Textual Notes

1-32 A l'oneur ... d'icelles: The use here of salutationes (lines 1-7) and sententiae (lines 24-33) is reminiscent of the Ars dictaminis. Significatio (lines 9-14) is in the general accessus tradition of medieval grammatical commentaries. The salutationes formula was common in diplomatic correspondence of the period (see James J. Murphy, comp., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages 171-2, 191, and 217; Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages 86, 490-4; Recueil general des anciennes lois franfaises 9: 332-3; above, chapter 3, p 20. 12-19 Japhel: le, Japhet. Japhet was in fact the son of Noah, not of Adam. The idea of nobility as beginning in election from virtue is a commonplace of moralist literature in the Middle Ages. According to this concept nobility began with Japhet and extended through the reigns of the nine Worthies: Hector of Troy, Alexander of Macedon, Julius Caesar, Joshua, David, Judas Maccabaeus, Arthur, Charlemagne, and Godefroy of Bouillon. By the fifteenth century collections of exempla are legion. The Japhet exemplum is developed in toto in Jacques de Valere's treatise on nobility (see Robert H. Lucas, 'Ennoblement in Late Medieval France'; Mohl, The Three Estates 287; Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages 70-3; Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages 179; TB 36-47; J.-Th. Welter, 'L'exemplum' dans la litterature religieuse et didactique du moyen age; BN, fonds fran~ais 1280, f. 3v). 20-7 estat de noblesse ... trois manieres : This definition of virtue found its way into the heraldic tracts and military manuals by way of the many treatises on nobility. The work can be read in full in Bartholus de Saxoferrato, Opera 9: ff. 46ra-48va, and Vatican Library, Barb. lat. 1642, ff. u-12v (see also BN, fonds fran~ais 1280, ff. 17r-194; Uptoni, 'De officio militari,' lib. 1, cap. 1, pp 3-6). 24 [f]ourny: Ms ourny 30-1 nobles ... armes: For Bartholus de Sassoferrato the right to bear arms could not be dissociated from the right to bear family names. Arms functioned not as an

79 Textual notes p 42 indication of status but as a means of identification. While no one had exclusive right to a name, Bartholus realized that arms, like names, could be more easily recognized if they were protected. Hence he stated that public insignia of dignity or office, insignia of doctors or bishops, and insignia of title or rank should be protected by law. Likewise private insignia, such as royal arms or banners, could not be borne by others except by subjects of their owners; this applied also to the arms of provincial or territorial rulers. Private insignia included seals as well as the marks of notaries, and even trade marks and signs. Anyone who felt injured could petition for redress before the law. However, such protection did not extend to foreign arms. According to Bartholus the advantage of arms received from a ruler was that they were protected by publicity and prestige. Such grants of arms established an adoption date and appropriate priority, important factors in any legal dispute. In due course, this idea was distorted so that it became necessary to obtain a grant of arms to be able to bear arms. The first attempt to restrict arms in England was made by Henry v in 1417. Later, the Roman emperors issued prohibitions against adopting arms except by Wappenbrief. The English kings delegated their usurped authority to the royal heralds and kings-of-arms, the emperors to imperial vicars and counts palatin. In France, restrictive legislation in the matter of arms began in the sixteenth century. Yet all these attempts to limit the bearing of arms proved unsuccessful. The principles framed by Bartholus made their way, initially through legal and military treatises, learned and popular, into heraldic tracts in England and Europe, where they continued to be quoted almost without change and to dominate heraldic practice (see Leo Mladen, 'Arms and Names: Bartholus on the Right to Bear Arms' 290-3; Bartholus de Sassoferrato, 'De insigniis et armis' 228-9; SHF 47-8; notes to lines 1138-1294, below). 33 Aristotle, Metaphysics 98oa1 37-8 q1.8.2 41-515 fondacion ... present. See Appendix. 42-3 diverses choses ... diverses opinions et lois: Tracts on heraldry belong to five distinct categories. Some (Hongrie, Orleans, Prinsault, and Le Boucq) tend to give more emphasis to the technical aspects of armory. Others (Argentaye, Anjou, and Sicily) dwell equally, sometimes totally, on the history and status of the heraldic office. There does not appear to be significant disagreement among the treatise writers; any differences arise from faulty copying from, or additions to, the original source or the fact that the original model is of an independent nature. In one fifteenth-century heraldic tract, Julius Caesar and Alexander or Macedon are replaced by Moses and other Jewish potentates. Jacques de Valere's Spanish heraldic tract, translated by one Hugues de Salve, prevot de Fumes, shows striking similarity to the Argentaye tract. Critical writing on heraldry is generally considered to begin around 1650, and at least one writer in the sixteenth century shows that the by now

So Textual notes pp 42-3 traditional ' Roman' origin of the heraldic office has no substance - although his own explanation is no less fanciful (see Paul Adam-Even, 'Traite du blason et armorial catalan de Steve Tamburini,' Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona; BN, fonds fran~ais 1280, ff. 13r-69v; Bodleian Library, Rawlinson B. 120, ff. 197r-v). 46 faiz des Romains: See notes to lines 311-27. 50 pluseurs chevaliers : According to the Anjou tract, there were twelve knights by analogy with the twelve Apostles of Christ (see Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 41) . 55 que [i]l : Ms quel 6o coliege: A college of heralds was founded by Charles VII on 9 January 1407 in the Chapelle de Saint-Antoine in Paris (see SHF 63). 77 juge[r] : The end of the word is partially obliterated in the manuscript. 78 voi[r] : Ms voirs 75-9 chasteaux de boais: Heralds viewed battles from a vantage point away from danger. They were expected to count the dead on each side, determine the victor, and inform next of kin, apart from carrying messages and reconnoitering (see Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare' 252). 81 raport veritable: Heralds were expected to report honestly and without bias to the enemy of their master under pain of punishment in the presence of other heralds and the entire army (see Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare' 250; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 43-4) . 81-2 assis a table : A typical medieval anachronism, since in ancient Rome people ate in a reclining position. It is of interest that when Bartholus de Sassoferrato was sent with other envoys from the city of Perugia to Rome shortly after the coronation of Charles v as Roman emperor in 1355, he was granted the title of table companion of the Emperor (see Mladen, 'Arms and Names' 245, n17) . 90-1 docteurs aux droiz : le, Justinian. This exposition of the ambassadorial duties of heralds is anchored in the Codex ]ustiniani, De legationibus 10.65 . Some heralds, like Maximilian of Austria's Toison d'Or, are known to have acted as ambassadors on certain missions and were accorded the same rights and privileges extended to all regular ambassadors. Generally, however, heralds did not have the training or social background to become successful ambassadors. Froissart and Monstrelet give many examples of kings-of-arms and heralds who were dispatched on important missions in Europe. Both writers have to be treated with caution, however, since they are not always reliable reporters of fact (see Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy 32-3; Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 33-5; Donald E. Queller, The Office of Ambassador in the Middle Ages 3-25, Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages 264; Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 8198, ff. 188v-186r). 95-109 recepvoir et troicter: This provision for safe passage is understandable given the precarious conditions of travel in the Middle Ages. The historical record

81 Textual notes pp 44-6 shows that such a guarantee of immunity for heralds did exist (see Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare' 254-5; SHF 62). 96 de[ub]ment: Ms debument 105 CJ 10.65.6 107 sanguin[i]te: Ms sanguinte 114-16 liberte de faire et croier heraulx: Heralds were not the exclusive preserve of the royal households of Europe in the Middle Ages. It is known that militaty commanders, even humble captains and castellans, abbots, towns, and tournament societies had heralds during this period (see Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 54; Davies, 'Heralds in Medieval Warfare' 255-6; Neubecker, Heraldry 10-17). 133-78 poursuyvans: This idealization of types like the perfect herald, with its insistence on ideal qualities rather than practical qualifications, is in tune with early Renaissance trends (Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy 211; Antoine de la Sale,

Jehan de Saintre).

134 tables: le, tabards, or short surcoats worn by officers of arms. The distinction drawn here between a tabard and a coat of arms is interesting. In the fourteenthcentury Gelre and Bellenville rolls, heralds are depicted wearing loose-fitting coats of arms. By the fifteenth century, heralds and pursuivants wore tabards, the latter with wide epaulettes (see Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 60-1; Neubecker, Heraldry 18-23). 144-7 Saint Jercesme : The reference here is obscure. 151 qu[e]: Ms quel 151-4 Toutesfoiz ... congncessance: le, In the event that his master's conduct is questioned, a herald can and may remain silent until he is made to break that silence under a solemn oath known only to the emperor or prince (ie, ruler of the land). 154-5 Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics 1096a12-17 165 Macabees: le, Macabees 10:65. This use of autoritas - the mixture of Christian and pagan elements - could well stem from the sermon practice of the time (see Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages 350). 167-8 car le fruit ... legacion: le, for they [the heralds] reap their rewards by faithfully discharging the missions entrusted to them 179-89 Cassebehan: This episode, along with the accounts of the deaths of Hector and Alexander (see lines 280-311 of the Argentaye tract) is derived from Jacques de Longuyon's early fourteenth-century poem about the nine Worthies, 'Les vreux du paon' (see Parlement of the Three Ages, 'Appendix,' item VI, np). 193-202 Rois: le, Chronicles 19, 1-9 205 CJ 10.67.2 206 ordonne[r] : Ms ordonnez 207 empereur: See note 274. 209 puisse[nt]: Ms puisse

82 Textual notes pp 46-8 215-17 Et lesdiz heraux ... aux autres: le, heralds must known the rules of their profession (lit. morality of the game of chess) since by expounding its principles ('commencement') they benefit themselves and others. 218-76 Julius Caesar instituted no such ordnances. The ordnances described in this section are modelled closely on those outlined by Raymond Lull in relation to the ideal knight (see Appendix). 231 recepcion .. . chevalerie. See Appendix. 244 croie[r]: Ms croiez 268 roy: le, a king-of-arms. 'This office was conferred by the ruler of a kingdom or province who crowned the king-of-arms. The jurisdiction of a king-of-arms was limited geographically to his own province, and extended not only over the junior of its owner, but in some measure at least, over the heralds of other rulers when within its boundaries; by custom he enjoyed a specially large share of the fees and prerequisites belonging to the officer of arms as a body.' The duties of a king-of-arms also included officiating at tournaments and duels and even giving advice on heraldic matters in courts of law (see Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 39; Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 10-11; SHF 63; Roland, Parties inedites de l'reuvre de Sicile, heraut d'Alphonse V 90-3; Charles du Fresne du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinatis ... auctum a monachis 4: sv 'haraldus'). 268-70 Aristotle, Physics 1254a12-14 269-72 menbrorum : The analogy of the state with the human body is commonplace in the literature of the Middle Ages. Derived ultimately from the Bible, the analogy was first popularized by John of Salisbury and spread throughout Europe. During the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it was altered to include the idea that the monarch was like the head within his own realm; this made for a very complicated set of analogies to accommodate emperor, kings, dukes, counts, et al. (see Lewis, Medieval Political Ideas 1 :197; Corinthians 11:7 and 12:12). 274 empereur: Despite the grave internal conflicts and schisms between king and king and class and class in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the West still thought of itself as one society. Though this sense of a common bond never achieved real political expression, it did bring about a body of international law upon which diplomatic principles - with which the herald now felt himself associated - were based (see Mattingly, 'Arms and Names' 17-25; Peter Shervey Lewis, Later Medieval France 84). 278 marechal: le, marshal-of-arms. The marshal-of-arms was immediately below the king-of-arms in rank, whom he replaced whenever he was absent. Both officers were ultimately responsible to the marshal or constable of the kingdom or province (see Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 12-22; Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 124; Roland, Parties inedites .. . 92-3). 283-311 Alixandre: See notes to lines 179-89.

83 Textual notes pp 48-52 299-307 Hector ... Priam: It is significant that in the Donaueschingen roll Hector is depicted wearing the arms attributed to his father, Priam. Generally, nine Worthies heraldry was unstable, as is evidenced by this example. 301 devant la Passion: Medieval historians saw the birth and death of Christ as the central point of history; hence this method of dating. 312-27 anciennes histoires : le, Orosius. This entire section is an interpolation from Bonet. The idea of the kingdoms of Babylon, Carthage, Macedonia, and Rome as holding sway over the world in anticipation of Christ's coming is essential to historical thought in the Middle Ages (See TB, pt 2, ch. 1). 318 re[g]noit: Ms renoit 329 chroniques romaines: le, romance and the popular compilation Li fet des Romains (see Lit fet des Romains, ed. L.F. Flutre and K. Sneyders de Vogel). 330-50 Romme : This incident is an interpolation from Bonet, but is well attested elsewhere in romance (see Arturo Graf, Roma nella memoria et nelle immaginazione def Medio Evo ... 193-230; TB, pt 2, ch. 16). 352 Jean Errat: Little is known about this writer, except that he is thought to have lived in the fourteenth century - a fact that has important implications for the beginning of heraldic writing. The episode of the female heralds described here is probably inspired by the fable according to which there were female judges at the Olympic competitions in ancient Greece. At the same time it pays lip-service to the inspirational role of women in chivalric literature. There is also evidence that there may have been female heralds in the Middle Ages. For example, a copy of a helmet display at a tourney from Konrad Griinenberg's Wappencodex is reproduced by Fox-Davies: upper centre shows a herald garbed in a plain green tabard with an email collar supervising the rows of crested helmets; on the far right is a lady wearing an identical emblazoned collar rejecting a helm without a crest. The question is whether she is a herald or the wife of a herald (see Roland, Parties inedites ... 28-31; Barber, The Knight and Chivalry 95-118; Charles d'Orleans, 'Rondeau IV,' CEuvres, ed. Pierre Champion [Paris 1923] 292-3; Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 161). 353 retir[es]: Ms retirer 376 voi[r] : Ms voirs 386 dammes et damoiselles : According to their oath of office heralds were expected to act on behalf of lovers. The influence of Geoffroi de Charny's treatise on chivalric love and possibly the role of women at pageants and tournaments, where they bestowed prizes, are evident in the shaping of the herald's concept of his duties (see Miller, Chaucer 208-9; O'Neil, 'Adam Loutfut's Book' 309; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 42; below, Appendix) . 436-58 Handbooks on chivalry also echo this theme of a lost golden age. While this may be merely a literary device to justify the subject, it is well established that in France, the status of heralds, despite all the writings proclaiming the 'nobility' of their

84 Textual notes pp 52-5 calling, declined during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and their armorial duties were assumed by a 'juge d'armes' in 1615. In other countries of the Empire, heralds continued to serve as ambassadors and officials at important ceremonies well after the sixteenth century (see Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare' 258; Berchem et al. Beitrage zur Geschichte ... 115-228; Christophe Butkens, Trophees tant sacres que profanes du duche de Brabant 4:361-99; idem, Supplement aux Trophees ... 1:13-19; Barber, The Knight and Chivalry 330-40; Roland, Parties inedites ... 72-3; Mohl, The Three Estates 257-63; Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages 23-4; TB 29 n 64; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 44) . 447 l'[e]xercice : Ms l'xercice 453 publiez : Ms pubiez 460 de[ub]ment: Ms debument 466-7 recepvant ... sermens: Kings-of-arms appear to have been able to create heralds in the fifteenth century. The heraldic oath itself remained unchanged till the seventeenth century (see Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 31, 43; Appendix) . 479-81 gaige de bataille ... roys d'armes et heraux: Heralds did act as officials on such occasions. The harness and broken armour of the defeated knight were generally considered to become the property of the heralds present (see Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 20; SHF 66-7; Barber, The Knight and Chivalry 175-7, plate 28). 486 alegu[er]: Ms alegue 498 joustes, tournoiz, bouhours: After the Hundred Years War, heralds were to be found increasingly as officials at all kinds of tournaments and pageants. In 1434 Rene d'Anjou wrote a treatise on the conduct of tournaments, which remained popular for the next two hundred years (see Barber, The Knight and Chivalry 171-3, plates 26-38). 545-856 This section is taken from the Sicily herald's Blason des couleurs (see Cocheris, Le blason des couleurs en arm es .. . 55-8). 546 L'arbre des batailles: The reference is to TB, pt 4, chs 124-8. 549 docteurs : le, Bartholus de Sassoferrato and Honore Bonet 552-677 metaulx ... couleurs : This discourse on the nobility of the metals and tinctures ( =colours) of heraldry is derived from Bartholus de Sassoferrato's treatise, De insigniis et armis. The commentaries on the two metals, or and argent (chs 24 and 27), appear to be reproduced almost verbatim. The scheme of rationalizing metals and tinctures around the figure seven, first encountered in the herald Sicily's Blason des couleurs, is borrowed from the lapidaries and encyclopedias of the time. Actual heraldic practice as regards the use and popularity of specific metals and tinctures tended to conform to regional fashions and trends (see Rawlinson B.120, ff. 24r-28v; Charles-Victor Langlois, La vie en France au Moyen Age 3:391-5; Machaut, ' Remede de Fortune,' CEuvres, ed. E. Hoepffner [Paris 1911] 1:14-15 nn38-9; Pastoureau, 'L'heraldique bretonne' 121-57; idem, 'La perception des couleurs' 81-102).

85 Textual notes pp 55-8 558 anciens maistres: le, Bartholus, ch. 24 562 la loy: The allusion here is obscure. It may well be an oblique reference to Bartholus, who makes this statement in his section on the metal or (ch. 24). 563 resjoi[t]: Ms resjoient 564-5 La Saincte Escripture dit : le, Matthew 13 : 43 569 le[s]: Ms le; 570 loys anciennes: See note to line 685 583 fai[t] : Ms faiz 585-6 vestemens de Nostre Seigneur ... Naige: le, Matthew 17:2 596 Asur, 'azure': le, blue. Derived from Arabic word for 'blue' (see EB, 113 sv 'asur'; Bartholus, ch. 26) 610 Guieules, 'gules': le, red. This tincture has been associated with a fur of reddish tint to explain its origin (see EB 215 sv 'gueule'; Pastoureau, 'L'heraldique bretonne' 132; Bartholus, ch. 25) 624 Sable, 'sable': le, black. Derived from an eastern European word for a 'fur' (see EB 271 sv 'sable') 640 Sinople, 'sinople' : le, green. Latin sinobis 'red.' The shift in meaning from red to green can be partially explained by a concern to eliminate the homonymic clash between vair and vert. It is also possible that this shift, which was first encountered in the Urfe armorial (1375-80), stemmed from the fact that sinople was used to designate a red or green dye (see EB 275 sv 'sinople'; Ronald E. Latham, A Revised Medieval Latin Word-List from British and Irish Sources 144 sv 'sinobis' ; Pastoureau, 'L'heraldique bretonne' 132-3). 652 Pourpre, 'purpure': le, purple. In the thirteenth century pourpre was used to designate a brown-green colour; by the fifteenth it was being used to designate the colour violet. (EB 263 sv 'pourpre'; Pastoureau, Les armoiries 81 n34) 661-8 This story enjoyed great popularity throughout the Middle Ages. The robe was given by Charlemagne to the convent of Argenteuil, to which his daughter, Theodrades, had retired. 667 departi[r]: Ms departiz 679-96 Ermines ... Vair. The furs, 'ermines' and 'vair,' do not appear in Bonet or Sicily (Le blason des couleurs) . But they are found in the Prinsault tract. Since both Bonet and Sicily are based on Bartholus, who does not mention furs, this omission is not surprising. 679-81 Ermines ... Ermine de sable, 'ermine .. . ermines.' le, black tails on a white surface. Other French treatise writers also use the phrase ermine de sable to describe the reverse pattern of the one mentioned here, ie, white tails on a black surface. It is interesting that the English heraldic tracts use ermine to denote black tails on a white surface and ermines when describing the reverse (see Wagner, Historic heraldry 107; EB 76, fig. 3, p 186 sv 'ermine'). 682-4 panne ... Vierge Marie: This association is repeated in the opening lines of

86 Textual notes pp 58-9 the genealogy of the dukes and princes of Brittany of the Argentaye manuscript (f. 86v). If the parallel here does derive from this source, it tends to suggest that the treatise was copied sometime after 1480, ie, the date of composition of the genealogy by Pierre Le Baud. 697-729 droict du blason d' arm es : It is well established that the metal-metal, tincture-tincture rule stated here goes back to the dawn of heraldry in the early twelfth century. The origin of the rule, though still uncertain, may, as Galbreath has remarked, be associated with the use of flags and banners on the battlefield and in tournaments, where colours had to be clearly distinguishable from a fair distance approximately three hundred yards. The rule was observed practically in all cases throughout Europe. The rare exceptions, like the arms of Godfrey of Bouillon, are referred to by heraldists as armes a enquerre, because the spectator, by implication, was being invited to enquire why such arms did not conform to the general rule. However, the metal-metal, tincture-tincture rule did not apply to quartered arms, since each quarter was regarded as a separate entity. It did not apply either to arms bearing a difference (see Glossary: 'difference'), to minor features on figures or charges - eg, tongues, claws, plant stems and leaves, crowns - or charges such as lions that were placed on a field of alternating metals or tinctures. Although metal and tincture may be juxtaposed with a fur, the practice in the medieval heraldic period, perhaps for clarity or aesthetic reasons, was for a tincture - generally gules (red) - to be used in combinations with one of the two furs - ermine or vair (see Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 42; Pierre-Barthelemy Gheusi, Le blason heraldique 31-4; Bruno B. Heim, 'Kritische Betrachtungen iiber die heraldische Farben- und Metallregel'. 722 Gotdefroy de Billon : One of the nine Worthies (see note to lines 179-89; EB 153 sv 'crois '). 730 voi[r]: Ms voir 731-2 Ampreis ... armes : This arrangement of tinctures and metals first, followed by the ordinaries (733-5) and the subordinaries (beasts, birds, etc.) is continued in modern manuals on heraldry (see EB 3-5, 59-73). 732 neuff choses: From evidence extant it appears that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, numbers had no significance in heraldry. By the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, blazon shows a tendency to specify the number of charges, although it never conformed to the rules set out in the rest of the section that follows. Medieval writers, chroniclers, and poets took delight in number symbolism (see Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages 501-9; Mohl, The Three Estates 133-4). 738 crouez, 'cross': By being placed first, the cross, one of the earliest charges in heraldry, conforms to the medieval hierarchy of values. Johannes de Bado Aureo also places the cross at the head of his list of ordinaries. In early heraldry, some of the terms used to blazon a cross were synonymous, and shape was unimportant. By the

87 Textual notes pp 59-61 fifteenth century, there were (according to the Argentaye tract) fifteen kinds of crosses. However, more are to be found in the contemporary armorial Fonds fran~ais 24,381, ff. 174r-179v, where there are ten types of cross not recorded in G.J. Brault's seminal article, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry' 54-64 (see TR 123-7; EB 153-63; LS 164-203; Neubecker, Heraldry 104-6; Robert Norton, 'Stopham Arms, Strange Arms and Crosses Flowered at the Tips' 49; London, 'Pattee, Patonce and Formee' 26-33, 358-64). 756 Crouez vuydee et remplie d'autre metal ou couleur, 'cross voided' : le, a cross hollowed out, and the hollow filled with a different metal or tincture (see EB 84, fig. 104, p 163 sv 'crois vuidiee'). 757 Crouez fretee, 'cross fretty' : This cross is not recorded in either Early Blazon or Lexicographical Study ... Its exact meaning is obscure. It may refer to a double saltire (ie, St Andrew's cross) that interlaces at the centre of the shield, forming a fretwork pattern. 758 Crouez empeschee, 'cross impeded': Obscure 759 Crouez fourchee et retornee ou sarcelee, 'cross fourchy': le, a cross with ends anchor-shaped and curling back. 'Sarcele' means 'curly' and was a commonplace in descriptions of a popular male hair-do of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The second item is added to distinguish this cross from the cross patonce, which has three pieces splaying out from each end. This meaning was applied to the expression crouez fourchee from the middle of the fifteenth century (see EB 84, figs 101 and 102, p 126 sv 'recercelee', p 158 sv 'crois fourchie2'). 763 Crouez engralee, 'cross engraled': le, a cross with continuous sawtooth edges (see Brault, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry' 54, fig. 2) 764 Crouez au pie fiquet, 'cross fitchy': le, a cross whose vertical piece tapers off to a point at the base (see Brault, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry' 55, fig. 9; LS 165 sv 'crois fichee') 765 Crouez double, 'patriarchal cross'(?) : le, a cross with a transversal bar surmounted by a smaller one (see Brault, 'The Cross in Medieval Heraldry' 56, fig. 12) 766 Crouez de oultremer, 'a cross from beyond the seas'; Obscure 768 chef!, 'chief' : le, the upper part of the shield set off by a horizontal line and a different tincture. Although the chief is said to occupy one third of the shield, it is often depicted as being somewhat wider (see EB 81, fig. 69, p 145 sv 'chief''; 1s 116-30; Brault, 'The Chief in Early Blazon' 82-6). 783 o[u]: The second letter is obliterated in the manuscript. 786 comiere: le, the top right comer - left for the spectator 792 assoi[r]: Ms assoirs 795 [est] : not in ms 8o4 de[s]: Ms de 808 pal, 'a pale': le, a vertical stripe. The earlier confusion between the pale and the

88 Textual notes pp 61-3 pile (a wedged-shaped pale) has disappeared (see EB 83, fig. 88, p 253 sv 'pal'; LS 450 sv 'pel'). 821 saultoue[r]: Ms saultouez 826-92 The birds and beasts in this list are derived in the main from Aristotle, Pliny, and Isidore and appear in all medieval Latin and vernacular bestiaries. Interestingly, these also contained listings of precious stones, and both animals and stones were used to illustrate Christian dogma (see Florence McCulloch, Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries; Neubecker, Heraldry 106-40; Pastoureau, 'Le bestiaire heraldique'). 838 rempant, 'rampart': le, with the left hind paw on the ground and the other three in a climbing attitude with the front paw higher than the left front paw. This was generally the lion's characteristic attitude in early heraldry (see EB 135, fig. 87, p 227 sv 'lion,' p 232 sv 'lion rampant'). 839-40 couronne et arme, 'crowned and armed' : le, wearing a crown and depicted with teeth and claws. Reference to the lion's crown has been overlooked in this definition. 844-5 lepart ... passant, 'leopard ... passant': le, a leopard stands on all fours, this being its characteristic attitude in heraldry (see EB 89, fig. 162, p 225 sv 'liepart'). 847-8 /eons lepardez, lepars leonnes, 'lions lepardized, leopards lionized': This distinction has survived into modern French heraldry. The lion lepardized has its tail curling back toward its back, whereas the tail of the lion passant has an extra loop parallel to the first. The same distinction applies to the leopard lionized and the leopard rampant (see Gheusi, Le blason heraldique 115-17). 847 [est]: not in ms 857 [est] : not in ms 862 voi[r]: Ms voirs 867 lionceaux, 'lioncels': le, lions diminished in size, not lion cubs, as ordinarily would be understood by this term 871 menbres, 'membered': le, depicted with feet and legs. The author's definition is inaccurate since an animal depicted with teeth or beak is heraldically speaking armed (see above, note 839-40). In painted rolls of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, eagles are nearly always depicted with claws of a different colour from that of their body. The colour of the claws of lions and leopards are never indicated (see, for example, Paul Adam-Even and Leon Jequier, 'Un armorial fran~ais du XIII" siecle, l' armorial Wijnbergen. '), 880-2 apiert aux arm es ... : These are standard examples in all the Prinsault tracts. 893 Besans et tourteaux que on dit gastelez, 'bezants or tourtels, called gastells' : Bezants were flat circular figures, always yellow and also larger than tourtels. In nine cases out of ten, tourtels (ie, gastells) were red (see London, 'The Heraldic Roundel' 288-90, 311 and EB 85, fig. 112, p 127 sv 'besant'). 898 cotices, 'cotices': le, narrow stripe. Cotices were usually found in pairs traversing

89 Textual notes pp 63-5 the shield diagonally on either side of a bend - a wider stripe running from right to left (see EB, p 91, fig. 61, pp 150-1 sv 'cotices'). 902 fusees, 'fusils' : le, figures shaped like spindles. The term was often confused with macles and losenges in the fourteenth century, but in the fifteenth acquired the above meaning, which it retains to this day (see LS, 333 sv 'fusele'). 910-11 hamedes, 'hamedes' : le, bars (usually in groups of three) running horizontally across the shield with their ends couped so that they are parallel to the perimeter of the shield. The writer is in fact describing a rustre, not a hamede, a distinction that a practising herald would have known (see EB 97, fig. 261, p 218 sv 'hamede'; Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 115). 912 de[s] : Ms de 912 losenges vuydees, 'voided (hollowed-out) lozenges, the hollow being the same shape as the losenge': (see EB 83, fig. 87, p 236 sv 'losenge2 ') 915 mac/es, 'macles' : le, voided lozenges. Mades and voided lozenges were synonyms in early blazon. This confusion is therefore an interesting one (see EB 239 sv 'masde"). 919, 925-7, 932-3, 934-5, 962-4, 1003-4, 1203-5 Rohan, Montaulban, Dreux, Tremerenc, Beaumanoir, Passavant ... Merdrignac, Ancenis : All were families of the House of Brittany. The arms of Rohan were de gueulles a neuf mac/es d'or. Those of Montauban, a younger branch of Rohan, bore the same arms with a label as a difference. The arms of Dreux are well attested in seals and rolls of the period. Those of Tremerenc appear in fact to have been cheeky of or and gueulles, not argent and gules, as the writer describes them. The arms of Tremerenc were also charged with a difference - a baton ermines - as an indication that the family was allied by marriage to that of Matignon, also of the house of Brittany. The arms of Beaumanoir are well attested. It is interesting that in copies of the Prinsault tract, the arms of Passavant appear frequently as an example of the orle; this is the first time it occurs in conjunction with other arms. The arms of Merdignac were two fesses knotted, an orle of martlets - the same as those of the family of Goyon-Matignon, to which it was allied by marriage. The arms of Ancenis are well attested and are those of the town of Ancenis today (see AG 2:36; Lucien Bouly de Lesdain, Les variantes dans les armoiries 34; London, Rolls of Arms Henry III 172; AG 2:935; Brault, Eight Rolls of Arms 83; Pierre Barthelemy De Guibours [Lepere Anselme], Histoire genealogique et chronologique de la Maison royale de France 5:376; note to lines 880-2 and 1069-1101. 936 nomme[r] Ms nommez 940-1 cotice ... recotice, 'cotised .. . recotised' : le, referring to a pattern composed of T shapes whose bases are in apposition. The shield illustration (see line 1647) illustrates a fretwork pattern in which the stripes alternately cross each other at right angles. This is unusual since, generally, lines in this charge cross at oblique angles (see EB 76, fig. 9). 943 couleu[r] Ms couleu

90 Textual notes pp 65-7 945 chose[s]: Ms chose 950 burle ... burlete, 'barruly': le, referring to a pattern of alternate coloured stripes running horizontally across the field. It is interesting that in modern English heraldry, if the number of stripes is numerous - say ten or more - then the field is described as barruly; if less, barry (see EB 76, fig. 5, p 135 sv 'burele de ... de .. .'). 965-6 campannes ... campenelles ... cloches, clerons et sonnetes: With the exception of the fourth figure (clerons, 'trumpets'), these are all types of bells worn by hunting birds and livestock (see Gay, 1 : 268 sv 'carnpagne'). 969 poins et quoquilles que on dit creusilles, '?and shells called escallops' : The escallop, the pilgrim's badge; was a popular difference (see Glossary: 'difference') in many rolls of arms of the period (see EB 93, fig. 21, p 149 sv 'coquilles'). 979-82 manches mautaillees ... contre bas, 'maunches erased ... dancetty': The author is describing not maunches erased - old-fashioned ladies' sleeves - but dancetty, a deep sawtooth line (see EB 287 sv 'vuivre de travers et chief' and p 98, fig. 269, p 238 sv 'manche'). 983-91 Endente ... Engralle, 'Indented .. . Engrailled' : le, a continuous sawtooth line and a continuous line of curvilinear notches with the points facing outward. It is interesting that till the fourteenth century both terms were treated as synonyms (see EB 77, fig. 64, p 179, sv (engresle'). 992 Trect, tiret ou tretouer, 'line, cord or tressure' : le, a narrow stripe running inside and parallel to the edge of the shield. Tretouer is the usual term for this charge. Trect and tiret appear to be the first occurrences of these synonyms. Tiret seems to be an error for filet (thread) a more usual synonym for the tressure (see line 1622, EB 86, fig. 126, p 283 sv 'tre~oir'; Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 109-10). 1002 differance, 'difference': le, a cadency mark (see note to lines 1069-1101) 1005 ;arril, 'oak-branch, oak-tree': A canting charge. le, a figure recallng some aspect of its owner's origins (see FEW 4 :1589 sv 'jarris') 1009 regacee ... ragaz, 'gnarled': The two adjectives appear to be related to the southern French word rascagnut; 'stunted' (see FEW 10, 86 sv 'rascagnut'). 1010 vuyd[es]: Ms vuyder 1013 roses, quintesfeilles, 'roses, cinquefoils': Both figures, generally synonymous in early blazon, were two of the most popular charges everywhere in the period. They are often found as differences (see Glossary: 'differance') (see EB 95, fig. 234, p 267 sv 'quintefeille'). 1018 [a) : not in ms 1026 ;ustes et channes, 'urns and cans' : Possibly canting charges, but so far unattested in early heraldry 1034 barle, 'vairy indented': le, a vairy pattern with the wavy line replaced by a sawtooth one. It is mentioned by the Hongrie herald, who describes it as bande endente (sic), but it is not attested so far in the rolls of arms of the period.

91 Textual notes pp 67-8 1038 umbre, 'attired': le having antlers. The term appears to have been created by the author (see P 16 sv 'Acorne,' and p 21 sv 'Attire') . 1046-8 tout premier ... le champ: The rule is in perfect harmony with that of classic blazon (see EB 9). 1048-52 escartele ... d'asur : The rule stated here is incorrect. Even simple quarte~ arms - as is the case here - must be blazoned as such. The metal - or (yellow) or argent (white) - is usually in the top right corner since it is considered the more honourable part of the shield (see EB 192 sv 'esquartele de ... de ... '; Bartholus, ch. 31). 1056-60 En apreis ... : This rule of counting from the bottom upward appears in the thirteenth century in France. It is also found, for example, in a fifteenth-century copy of the thirteenth-century 'Armorial du herault Vermandois' (see London, 'Medieval Treatises' 180). 1061-5 escu escartele, 'quartered shield': le, a shield divided into four parts by two lines crossing the centre point of the shield at right angles to each other. The rule, stated incompletely here, governing the description of complex quartered arms in which each quarter is different from the other three, is as follows: always as if standing behind the shield and looking over the shield, one begins blazoning in the top right corner and proceeds to the quarter in left base; then one blazons the quarter in the top left corner, and so on. The metal (yellow or white) is usually in the top right corner, considered to be the more honourable side of the shield. The earliest quartered arms are believed to be of Spanish origin (see Neubecker, Heraldry 230-1; d . notes to lines 697-729). 1066 petit escu, 'escutcheon, small shield': The escutcheon was placed en abfme, or in the centre of the shield in early heraldry, and as such, it served as a difference. It was particularly popular in the north of France (see Pierre Feuchere, L' ecusson en abfme

et ses brisures dans le nord de la France au moyen age). 1069-1101 chef! ... armes plaines: The head of the family - always male - wore

his arms plain; that is, without a difference or cadency mark. During the military campaigni: of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, differences were a necessary and consequently a widespread feature of blazon. Subsequently, the use of differences declined, particularly in the area between the Loire and the Rhine, though they tended to remain in use in England and the area between the Meuse and the Loire. It is rare to find a treatise writer mentioning cadency. There was in fact no hard and fast rule governing differencing and the only rigid attribution of a single charge was the label, which was always worn by the eldest son of the family. The label was also by far the most popular difference in early heraldry and represents one-third of all those ever worn at the time (see Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 367-9; Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 237; London, 'Medieval Treatises' 181; EB 110 sv 'armes plaines1 '; SHF 109; Bartholus, chs 3 and 10).

92 Textual notes pp 69-70 1104-10 Bastard ... baston: In the fifteenth century the term baston (baton) was restricted in meaning and designated a bend sinister, a sign of bastardy. Bastards of royal households as well as those of the nobility at large were entitled to bear arms but with a baton (see EB 118 sv 'baston"; LS 45 sv 'baston'; Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 389-401; Gayre, Heraldic Cadency 100-12; Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 240-1; SHF 115-23; T.R. Davies, 'The Glory of Being a Bastard'; Bartholus, ch. 11). 1114-37 coainton : In modem French and English heraldry the canton, which is always placed in the upper right comer of the shield, occupies less than a quarter of the field, approximately the stipulation being made by the writer here. In early blazon the canton was also called a franc-canton; the modem equivalent term, a francquartier, first appeared in the seventeenth century. It is now established that in the Middle Ages there were no differences restricted to bastard arms, as had been generally thought. Until the fifteenth century the most popular bastard cadency was a francquartier bearing the father's arms placed in dexter chief on a plain shield. Sometimes the mother's, and not the father's arms were borne placed on ordinaries such as a pale, a fess, or a chevron - cf. the arms of the dukes of Bourbon and Burgundy. The difference borne by a bastard son was in all cases distinct from those of the legitimate male offspring of the same family. By the middle of the fifteenth century, the baton had become the most popular bastard difference, although it did not automatically denote illegitimacy. More often than not bastard sons bore the arms of the father or mother plain (see Herve Pinoteau, Heraldique capetienne, tables 2 and 3; EB 85, fig. 117, p 136 sv 'canton'; LS 487 sv 'quartier"; SHF 121). 1118 [est]: not in ms 1124-9 aucuns ... coainton: The statement is inaccurate since in the area north of the Seine it was usual even for legitimate sons to difference with a franc-quartier containing the arms of the mother (see Pastoureau, 'L'heraldique bretonne' 133-4). 1134 [est]: not in ms 1138-1294 Question d' armes: This entire section is an interpolation from Bonet, who based it on Bartholus's De insigniis (see TB, part 4, chs 124-8; Bartholus, chs 1-10). 1164 CJ 2.1.20 and Sext. 1.2.2. Bartholus, ch. 6 appears to be based on these two references from canon and civil law. 1169 Montpellier: The seals of the consuls of Montpellier are charged with a ball (see Maurice Oudot de Dainville, Sceaux conserves dans les archives de la ville de Montpellier 6-7). 1174 armes ... par soy differantes ... ordonne par I' empereur: Differences were an important aspect of French, English, Scottish, and Lowlands heraldry in the Middle Ages. In the Roman Empire, however, they were not found; a father and his sons carried identical shields (see for example the Ritter von Winli illustration in Galbreath and Jequier, Manuel du blason 238-9).

93 Textual notes pp 71-5 1210 [dJ errieres: Ms verrieres 1209-10 fait paindre .. . ville de Paris : The meaning here appears to be: ' [Jehan des Hailes] has had painted on signs ("aux aparoilz"] the front and back of this house in the city of Paris.' 1216 empesche[r] : Ms empeschez 1220-63 Autre question d'armes: According to Bartholus the German comes to Rome; Bonet adapts the anecdote so that the German knight comes to Paris (see SHF 156-7; Bartholus, ch. 6). 1221 voi[r] : Ms voirs 1236 [mes autres predicesseurs] : Ms autres mes predicesseurs 1242 [est) : not in ms 1255 usurpe[r]: Ms usurpez 1295-1304 instrucion des jeunes et nouveaux officiers: There is some similarity here with La Sale's chivalric novel (see Petit Jehan de Saintre 86, 103). 1296 voi[ r]: Ms voirs 1305-53 See above, ch. 3, p 24. 1312 deux ailes: Curiously, the wings have been painted upside down in the manuscript. 1314 bande crenelee, 'bend crenelated': le, a wide stripe traversing the shield diagonally from right (dexter) to left (sinister) - the reverse for the spectator - one side of which has a rampart-shaped edge facing inward. 1321-3 The Pressigny arms are well attested in the other French heraldic tracts and armorials of the period (see EB 147 sv 'coignet', and p 77 fig. 15). 1322 parmy, 'in the central part (of the shield)' : (see EB p 255 sv 'par mi 1 ' ) 1325 par dessur un escu de pourpre, 'all over an escutcheon purple' : le, a purple escutcheon in the central part of the shield, generally serving as a difference (see also note to 1398) 1354-1434 bannieres ... SPQR : This entire section is an interpolation from the Prinsault tract (see Douet d' Arcq, 'Un traite du blason du xve siecle' 333-42). 1354-67 bannieres ... a ma vie. This short discourse on the relative nobility of a knight's colours or livery clearly owes its inspiration to the herald of Sicily's popular Le blason des couleurs. 1354-9 bannieres ... estendards ... Gonffanons ... guitons, Pannonceaux ... banderolles ... panons, 'banners .. . standars ... Gonfalons .. . guidons. Pencels .. . bannerols .. . pennons' : A banner was a square flag under (or after) which an emperor, king, lord, or knight marched into battle. A standard, which, as the writer correctly states, contains the owner's badge, motto, and livery colours, was considerably longer than it was wide; it was in use chiefly in the fifteenth century. The gonfalon was a small banner with two or three streamers or tails, and was fixed in a frame made to turn like a vane, so that it was conspicuous to its followers. A guidon was a small rallying banner,

94 Textual notes pp 75-6 and like the standard, bore its owner's colours, badge, and motto. A pencel (sometimes called a pennoncelle) is the diminutive of a pennon, the pennon being a small, narrow flag, forked or swallow-tailed, which was carried on a lance; it bore the arms of the knight so emblazoned as to appear in the proper position when the lance was held horizontally. A bannerol was a square funeral banner (see Smith Flags through the Ages 32-55; Gay 2:194 sv 'PANONCEAU, PANONCEL,' 1:802 sv 'GUIDON,' 1:113 sv 'BANNEROLE'; WB 654-5). 1357 ciglatons, 'sigleton, ciclatouns': le, a mantle or robe, usually made of scarlet or some other rich material (see Gay 2:348-9 sv 's1GLATON,' especially note 1399; P 79 sv 'Mantle'; Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 41-3, 46, 300). 1363 tymbre, 'crest': le, a device placed above the shield or coat of arms, consisting of a helmet, mantle, and a charge that also appeared on the banner of the owner. Crests were very popular in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but their use declined in the sixteenth (see Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry 228-359; Neubecker, Heraldry 158-63). 1367 port, ou dit, 'device or motto': It is significant that the writer once again uses a Breton illustration in that this lends weight to the argument that the Argentaye tract originated in Brittany (see EB 183 sv 'Enseigne 2 ' ; Paul Adam-Even, 'Cris d'armes des rois chretiens'). 1379-81, 1415-17 femme heritiere, gentilhomme ... heritiere: See above, ch. 2, pp 12-13. 1382-4 This is the first instance of these rules in early blazon. 1382-3 bande par directe ligne, 'bend on a straight line' : le, a straight bend as opposed to a bend wavy (=undulating), for example. The distinction made here is valid since this figure could assume a variety of forms (see EB 63-6; Argentaye tract, lines 751-67, 1305-53). 1386 manans, 'motionless': le, standing on all fours or, heraldically, statant (see FEW 6, 194 sv 'manoir'; EV 257 sv 'passant''; p 106 sv 'statant'). 1388-92 See note to lines 697-729. 1393 i[ij: Ms ilz 1393-7 champ de bataille ... honeur: Arms acquired in this way were known as 'armes assomptives.' They are discussed by the anonymous author of the Songe du vergier (see SHF 157). 1398 abismes, 'fess points' : le, the central part of the shield. The rule expounded here is obscure. The author may be referring to the escutcheon, in which case the tincture/ metal rule being described is wrong since, like the quarters in a quartered shield, the escutcheon is considered as a separate entity (see EB 182 sv 'enemi'; note to lines 697-729). 1400 bastars: See notes to lines 1104-10 and 1114-37.

95 Textual notes pp 76-7 1401-2 Perhaps a reference to the Songe, in which the author says that the House of France should not have bastard sons (see SHF 113) 1402-3 Cf. Marie de France, daughter of Louis XI, who, upon her marriage to Aimar of Poitiers, impaled her own arms, complete with baton, with those of her husband (see SHF, 127; Pinoteau, Heraldique capetienne table 1). 1407-8 baston ... a haste: The writer is referring to the short baton, or what is known in modem French blazon as the baton peri (see note to lines 1104-10). 1409-14 bastard real: A bastard son could be legitimized by marriage or letters of legitimization issued by a prince or sovereign (see SHF 121). 1422-4 bastard ... differance : Cf. the seal of Jean of Neuchatel, abbot of St Jean de Cerlier (see Leon Jequier, 'Sigillographie neuchateloise' 56). 1425-32 royaume d'Espaigne: The source of this rule may be a contemporary Spanish heraldic tract (see SHF 117 n5) . 1433-4 cite de Romme .. . SPQR: These arms are well attested in the seals and rolls of the period (see Neubecker, Heraldry 97).

APPENDIX GLOSSARY BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX OF PROPER NAMES ABBREVIATIONS

Appendix

THE ARGENTAYE TRACT'S HISTORY OF HERALDRY

41-515, 545-14.34 fondacion ... armes ... officiers d' armes: The writer's history of heraldry falls under five main headings : the origin of the heraldic office (lines 45-87, 168-72, 190-202, 218-.38, 280-.329, .352-78, 516-44; its nature and position (89-107, 165-8, 215-17, 255-6o, .381-94, 4.36-58); its function (105-9, 240-2, 250-4, 467-72); the qualities requisite for a herald (117-25, 141-51, 207-15, 46.3-7); the training of apprentice-heralds, ie, pursuivants (126-54, 508-12, 545-14.34).

The origin of the heraldic office In an age that traced the descent of the English and French from Troy and biblical times, it is no surprise that the origin of heraldry should be mythical. The central event of history for medieval saints, doctors, and writers was the Birth and Passion of Our Lord - this was the famous doctrine of the seven ages of history. Closely connected with this doctrine was that of the four kingdoms or empires, based on Daniel and the Book of Revelation: the four kingdoms were generally described as being Babylon, Carthage, Macedonia, and Rome, which last had been elected to hold lordship till the coming of Christ - medieval man's sense of pride in his 'Roman' origins is felt in Romance and political writings (see note to line 274 of the Argentaye tract). It is within the framework of the second of these doctrines that the Argentaye author allows the 'Roman' origin of heraldry to emerge. The obvious anagogical parallel is heightened by that of the twelve worthy ('noble') knight-heralds with the twelve apostles. Against this exotic background, the treatise writer anachronistically develops his propaganda.

100

Appendix

The nature and position of the office By the fifteenth century, heralds had become officers-of-arms attached to the princely households and were being dispatched on missions and envoys throughout Europe. In this sense, Errat's dismal picture of the decay of the office during the Hundred Years War is by all accounts exaggerated and may owe its inspiration to literary stereotypes (see note to lines 436-58 of the Argentaye tract. It is surely this promotion that explains the Argentaye author's insistence that the herald is an ambassador or general legate, protected by civil and canon law alike and maintained in financial security as a necessary support of and ally to chivalrous society.

The function of the herald The herald's duties are spiritual and secular. As a member of a Christian society, his devotion to the Church requires that he protect its special charges: women, widows, orphans, and the weak - the final three categories are omitted by the Argentaye author for reasons that are not dear. However, the heraldic oath, which is a recapitulation of this aspect of a herald's duties, seems to confirm that the omission is a slip. The secular functions of the herald include defending the common weal in his capacity as a public official (legate), officiating at tournaments, jousts, and pageants, offering expert advice in cases of dispute over the right to carry certain arms, and finally striving to uphold and further the reputation of the household whose arms he bears on his cloak or tabard, and the two great institutions he represents: heraldry and chivalry.

The qualities requisite for a herald The qualities considered appropriate for heralds and pursuivants are a combination of martial and spiritual virtues. As an associate of the military class, he should be brave and strong and show skill in the use of arms ('prouesse'). As a Christian, he should be courteous to all, discreet, and dressed soberly. He should be loyal, humble, and chaste, and abjure perjury and lies. But such virtues are not sufficient. Although implicitly men of exceptional qualities could become heralds (see lines 12-19 and the legend of the twelve knight-heralds), the importance of noble birth is emphasized - a clear indictment of royal policy allowing townspeople to occupy high administrative functions in government. Beauty or normality of physique ('bien fourmes') is another qualification. Above all, the herald and pursuivant should be motivated

101 Appendix by a spirit of unselfish dedication, without which neither is worthy of the office of arms.

The training of aspirants (pursuivants) In dealing with the heraldic apprenticeship, the Argentaye author, by implication, is highly critical of the lack of discrimination in choosing and training heralds. Jean Errat, in particular, paints a vivid picture of the chaos that the absence of control caused in France during the Hundred Years War, and argues that no one should be able to create a herald unless he be of proven noble descent - a very dear attempt to restrict responsibility for and supervision of the heraldic office to the noblesse (cf. also the same writer's comments on the relative merit of arms taken freely and those granted by a monarch at lines 1186-93, 1217-19). A pursuivant who has satisfied his patron that he has the qualities to be a herald serves his apprenticeship with him for seven years - in reality, there are cases where men were created heralds or pursuivants when necessity arose. During this training period the pursuivant, through a combination of diligence, study (the heraldic college and tracts), and travel (with his master as well as on assignments) is expected to perfect those qualities and develop to the full his knowledge of every aspect of his office, from the registration of arms to the legal considerations governing them. Consequently, heraldry is placed on the same footing as the great professions of law, religion, and medicine, thereby acquiring some element of formal study. In short, the treatise writer has two objectives: he wishes to promote among heralds and noblesse alike the reading of his textbook; he also desires to propagate an ideal that he thinks would reflect what he deems to be the herald's true status. The chief interest in the ceremony attending the pursuivant' s reception into the office of herald is once more the part given to the Church: the candidate, his hand laid on the Bible, pledges observance of the heraldic oath (seep 100 above) and is baptised. It is culturally very significant that the Argenta ye author's discourse on the origin, function, and training of heralds is closely adapted from Lull' s Book of the Ordre of Chivalry. The Argenta ye tract in this light constitutes a powerful form of social flattery that ranks alongside other forms of aristocratic literature. (See Uptoni, lib. 1, cap. 12, pp 17-21; Roland, Parties inedites ... 70-8, 88-107; Paul Zumthor, Histoire litteraire de la France medievale (Ve-v1xe siedes 42; Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry 42-5; Denholm-Young, History and Heraldry 33-5; Brault, 'Heraldic Terminology in the Song of Caerlaverock' 17; Lull, The Book of the Ordre of Chivalry; Adam-Even, 'Les

102 Appendix fonctions militaires des herauts' 2-33; Leon Gautier, La chevalerie 35-52; Davies, 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare,' 245-60; Painter, French Chivalry 65-94; Bloch, La societe feodale 425-44; Barber, The Knight and Chivalry 136-49; Berchem et al., Beitriige zur Geschichte ... 116-219; Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination 57; Miller, Chaucer: Sources and Background 159-208; Bornstein, 'Military Manuals in Fifteenth-Century England' 475-7; Davies, 'The Truth about Heralds'; SHF 61-4; Bodleian Library, Rawlinson C. 399 ff. 76r-8or).

Glossary

The glossary is selective; glossed are those words peculiar to Middle French and to this text. It does not include words whose form and meaning are the same as, or similar to Modem French, and excludes several commoner Middle French words. Proper names appear in the Index of Proper Names. The line references are complete except when followed by the sign etc.; the letter n after a word indicates that the word is discussed more fully in the notes to the text. Regular verbs and verbs which present more than one form are listed under the infinitive. The infinitive is followed by a semicolon if it does not occur in the text. Irregular or unusual forms which appear only once and present participles are listed separately. Unless otherwise indicated, nouns are listed under the singular form and adjectives under the masculine singular form . ace que, conj. so that 120, 221 aabres, s.pl. trees 641 aage, s. life 285 abesser, v.a. debase 506, 507 abismes, s.pl. fess points 1398n acquiter, v.a. satisfy, fulfil 7 adonc,adoncques, adv. then 188,402 aesne, sm. eldest, elder 300, 1072 etc. affiert, ind.pr.3 of afferir, v.impers. be appropriate, befit 211 ague, adj.f. acute 813 aigletes, sf.pl. eaglets, small eagles depicted without beaks or talons 877, 878 ains, conj. but, on the contrary 389, 436 ainsi, adv. thus 197 etc.; par a. in this way 87, 414 etc.; a. comme just as 377

104 Glossary ajouster, v.a. add 1099 alarions, s.pl. eaglets 877, 1348; cf. aigletes aliez, s.pl. allies 296 alment, adj. German 1220 amender, v.a. change, correct 1249 ampreis, ampres, adv. after, next 142, 379, 516 etc. ance, s. handle 1030 angres, s.pl. angels 613 anichiller; v.a. destroy 366 annelez, s.pl. annulets, small rings 1010, 1011 apartenir; v.n. belong 433; befit 441, 482 etc. apeler, v.refl. and a. be called 10, 613; call, summon 546, 1124 apliquer; v.a. adduce, bring forward 1231 apointer; v.n. come to a point 904, 1022 aporoir 308, aparoir 1024; ind.pr.3 aparest 18, 819, apiert 86, 919 etc., apert 190, 202; fut.3 aparestra 700; pret.6 aparurent 586; v.n. appear approver, approuver, v.a. prove 105, approve, respect 119, 164 etc., reward 53 2 aprandre 35, 1296; fut.1 aprandroy 545; fut.2 aprandras 546; pres.p. aprenant 138; pp. aprins 492; v.a. learn apreis, prep. after 174,183 etc.; cy, icy a. subsequently 31, 1299; en a. after, next 1056 argent, s.m. argent, white 305,554 etc.; vi££ a. quicksilver 650 arme, pp.adj. armed 840-1n, 842 armeure, s. claws, talons 843, 869 armoirie, s. armory, science of heraldry 573, 583 etc. assavoir: c'est a. conj. namely 554, 840 etc. assoir 792; ind.pr.3 assiept 793, 899; ind.pr.6 assient 998; pp. assis 82,306 etc.; v.n. and ref[. be placed, set assiepte, s. disposition, arrangement 1078 asur, s. azure, blue 302, 596 etc. ataindre, v.n. and a. reach 823, amount to 1123, convict 1261, accuse 1283 atandu que, conj. since, as 413 atermer; v.a. fix, set 337 atroit. See extroict. aucunefoiz, aucunesfoiz, adv. sometimes 445, 704 etc. aussi, adv. also 52 etc.: a. fait ii de the same applies to 771 autant, adv. : a. de ... que de as much ... as 654; a. + adj. + que as .. . as 687; a. est de the same applies to 778 autorisez, adj.pl. prestigious 88

105 Glossary autry, autri, pron. others 1164, 1181 etc. avenir; ind.pr.3 avient 691; pret.3 avint 361, 418; pp. avenu 404; v.n . happen, occur avant, s.: meptre en a. give prominence (to) 520 aventure, s.f.: par aucune a. by any chance 405 aversaires, s.pl. adversaries, opponents 406, 410 avidezans, pres.subst. advisors, reporters 93 aviser 80, 477, 483; v.a . observe 80, 477, 483; decree 723 azulateurs, s.pl. adulators, base flatterers 438 bailler, v.a. give, grant 134, 137 etc. balay, sm. balas ruby 675 bande, sf. bend, stripe traversing the shield from the top right corner - left for the spectator-to bottom left 734, 778 etc. bande : ab., en b. bendwise, running diagonally across the shield from right to left 985, 989 bande, adj. bendy, traversed by several stripes running diagonally across the shield from right to left 780, 789 banderolles, s.pl. bannerols 1354-9n, 1357 banniere, sf. banner 535, 1354-9n, 1369 barle, pp.subst. vairy indenty 1034n, 1036 etc. bas, sm. base, lower part of shield 787; fort au b. in great decline 331; contre b. downward 982 bastart, sm. bartard 1104, 1107 etc. See also 1104-1on basti, pp.adj.: mau b. ill-shapen 1408 baston, sm. baton 1110, 1407, 1104-1on benoiste, adj.f. blessed 2 her, adj. courageous 85 besans, s.pl. bezants 893n, 894 besantee, pp.adj.f. bezanty, strewn with bezants 893n, 1085 besongner; v.n. work 526 biays, sm. : au b. diagonally 786 billette, sf. billet, small oblong figure, always depicted upright in heraldry 959, 962 billete, pp.adj. billety, strewn with billets 963, 964 blasonner, v.a. and ref[. blazon, depict colours and figures 496, 518, 681, 688

etc.

bleczer; v.a. damage 264 boais, sm. wood 75, 1007 bordeure, sf. bordure, border outlining the edge of the shield 1084, 1085

106 Glossary bort, sm. edge 988, 998 bouhours, bourhours, s.pl. buhurts, ie, skirmishes between groups of knights .38.3,498n bout: sur b. facing down 917 brebiz, sf. sheep .3.35 breffvete, s. brevity 129.3 bretheque, breteque, sf. bretesse, watchtower 972, 1.3.31 brocs, s.pl. tips, points 977 burle, burlete, pp.subst. and adj. barruly 950n, 952, 954, 956 campannes, s.pl. bells 965,966, 965-6n campenelles, s.pl. small bells 965, 966, 965-6n cas, sm. case, circumstance 467,479; comme c. de such as 497 ceder, v.n. be imputed 10.3, result (in) 1.304 celer, v.a. hide 152 cens, num.adj. hundred 286, 292 etc. cestui, pron. this 1.39 champ, sm. field, shield area 1047; c. de bataille battlefield .38.3 channes, s.pl. jugs 1026, 1029 etc. chapitre, sm . chapter, section (law) 486, 924 chappe, s. cape, cloak 628 charge, sf. charge, mission 99 charger; v.a. command .390; pp. questionable, suspect 152 chasteau, sm. tower 75; castle 972 chault, ind.pr.3 of chaloir, v.n . matter, be of importance 490 chef£, chief£, sm. ruler 272, 27.3, commander 5.34, head 1262, chief 7.3.3,

768n, etc.

chere, sf. throne .306 cherpe, escherpe, s. scarf, strap 787, 899 chesnaie, sf. oak grove 1008 chevalerie, sf. chivalry .38, 112 etc.; military life 54 chevaliers, s.pl. knights 50, 57 etc. chevron, sm. chevron, figure having the shape of a rafter or inverted V 7.34, 798 chiers, adj.m.pl. dear, beloved 657 ciglatons, s.pl. cloaks 1.357n, 1.359 cion, sm . shoot 814 clarifier, clerifier, v.a. exalt, glorify 148, 282 clerc, adj. learned 547 deres, s.pl. clerics, men of learning 40

107 Glossary clergie, s. learning 439 clous, s.pl. knives 342, 343 coainton, cointon, sm. canton 1114-37n, 1116, 1120 etc. colerique, adj. irascible 620 combatre, v.a. and refl. fight 304, 1392 etc. combien que, conj. although 280, 524 etc. commencer 1058, 1062; pres.p. commanczant 786; ind.impf.6 commenczoint 188; v.n. begin commencement, s. beginning 216; de c. immediately 137. See also 215-7n. compaignie, s. army 58, 534 etc. complexions, s.pl. temperaments 579, 593 etc. condempner; v.a. deprive, strip 455 condicion, s. station, origin 423 condicionez pp.adj.pl. decent, respectable 118 configurez, adj.pl.m. facing 303 congnressance, s. knowledge 124, 136 etc. congnrestre; v.a. and refl. know 119, 140, 435 etc. conneveist. See convenir. consequantement, adv. next 3, 517 consolacion, s. consolidation, garrisoning 58 constituer; v.a. appoint 1422 construire, v.a. build 59, train 236 contenance, s. : faire c. to show its face 863 contradicion, s. opposition, harassment 242 contraire: au c. de at right angles to 940 contremont, adv. upwards 800, higher up 801, upright 917 convenir; ind.pr.3 convient 547; subj.impf.3 conneveist 480; v.impers. be necessary, appropriate convercion, s. transfer 107 comiere, sf. comer 786, 1112 cotice, sf. cotice 898n, 900 cotice .. . recotice, pp.adj. cotised ... recotised 940, 940n. couponnee, pp.adj.{. componny, formed of a single line of squares of two alternating colours 1085, 1317 couronne, pp.adj. crowned 331, 839, 839-4on, etc. cousture, s. seam 666 couvrecheffs, s.pl. helmets 1358 craindre; ind.impf.6 creignoint 334; pp. craint, pl. crains 333, 397; v.a. fear creignoint. See craindre.

108 Glossary crenelee, pp.adj.pl. crenelated 1314n creue. See croistre. creusilles, s.pl. escallops 969, 969n crresette, crresete, sf. crosslet, a small cross never borne singly on a shield 721,747,767,1434 croier 116, 244 etc. ; pres.p. creant 106, 155; pl. creans 133. v.a. create croistre; ind.impf.3 croissoit 663; subj.pr. croisse 226; pp.f. creue 200; v .n. grow crouez, croiz, sf. cross 664, 702, 738n, 743 etc. cueur, sm. heart 563 cudast, subj.impf.3 . of cuidier, v .a. believe 727 darrain, adj. last 526, 528 darriere, adv. : tout va ce davent d. everything is topsy-turvy 458; par d. from behind 1042 davent, devant, adv. and prep. before 173, 220 etc.; cy d. 422,654 etc.; par d. 1042; par cy d. 283, 516; ou d. de before, in front (of) 82 debat, sm . discussion, consultation 1211; quarrel 1194, 1212 debouter; v.a. sack, throw out 451, 455 debu, sm. beginning 474 debvoir; inc:!:.ei::'.~ doiz 1383, 1386; ind.pr.3 doit 95, 161 etc.; ind.pr.5 debver 553; ind.pr.6 doivent 40,230, debvent 138,152 etc. ; doyvent 730; ind.impf.3. debvoit 414; cond.3 debvroit 102; subj.impf.6 deussent 400, v.n. must, be obliged to deceix, sm . death 174 decepvoir, v.a. deceive 1274 decleracion, sf. explanation 1292 declerer 222; pp. declaire 388, declere 517, f.pl. declerees 1102; v.a. expound, explain deffance, s. : se mettre end. to defend oneself 345 defouler; v .a. drive, reduce (to) 57 delesser, deleisser, v.a. abandon, give up 53, 1417 demourer, demeurer, v .n. remain 199, 1207, 1396 departir, v .a. cut up 666 deporter, v.refl. refrain 515 desceler; v.a. reveal, disclose 388, 413 descouvrir; v .a. reveal, disclose 388, 405 deservir; v.a. deserve 79 desroisonne, pp .subst. madman 98 desserte, sf. desserts, just reward 532

109 Glossary

destituer; v.a. deprive 52, 72 destre. See dextre. deubment, adv. duly 96, 460 determiner, v.a. discuss 29, 492; decide 18, 1204 devers, prep. to, towards 200, 368, 787, on 1050, 1058 devises, s.pl. charges, figures 527, 731 deviser. See diviser. dextre, destre, adj. right 306, dexter, right, ie, as viewed standing behind and looking over the shield 1050 diapre, pp.adj. diapered, covered with golden rings enclosing alternately an eagle and a lion on a purple background 1305 difference, diffirance, sf. distortion 157, difference, brisure or cadency mark, ie, a figure imposed on arms to show relationship to the head of the family that owns them 1002, 1073 etc. ; ad. de unlike 869. See also 1069-1101 n. differer; v.a. decline 1229 dire, v.n. and a. say 9, 20 etc., discuss 31, 829 directe, adj.f. straight 1382n discerner, v.a. witness 539, decree 1252 discrecion, sf. identity 389, 394 etc., discretion 430, sound judgment 714, 1190 dit, sm . motto 1367, 1367n divider; v.a. divide 313 diviser, deviser, v.n. discuss 223, 377 etc. diz1 , s.pl. : jouer aux d. throw dice for 664 diz2 , num.adj. ten 952, 955 etc. dolens, adj.pl. forlorn 65 dominer, v.n. rule 14; s. lord 268 dompter; v.a. inform 131 donacion, s, gift 1156 double, adj. patriarchal 765n doubter; v.a. fear 334, 397 douge, adj. slender 987, 991 douleur, s, mourning 625, 627 doze, num.adj. twelve 301, 577 etc. droictement, adv. rightfully, properly 1121 droit, droict, sm . law 447,545,697 etc., right 37,953; a son d. 862,997, de d. 511, rightfully eill, sm . eye 861 eh:, pron. them 15, 17, they 324

110 Glossary embler, v.a. steal 1276 empeschee, pp.adj.f. impeded 758n empeschement, s.: donner e. forbid 392, 1199 empieter; v.a. fit (with) 1032 emuron, s. bordure, border running inside and parallel to the edge of the shield 986, 988 etc. encercheroint, cond.6 of encercher, v.n. strive 123 endente, pp. subst. indented 796, 987, 987-95n; pp. indented, given a sawtooth edge 987 endenteis, s. indented 795, 987, 983-91n endenteure, s. indented 988, 983-91 n endroit, endroict, prep. at 908, 999 endroiz, s.pl.: e. de temps periods 330 engin, s. intelligence 146 engraleure, s. engrailled 988, 990 engrale, pp.subst. engrailled 987, 983-91n enjoiante, pp.adj./. entrusted 148 enmanche, pp.subst. dancetty, a continuous line having three complete teeth within the width of the shield 1306. See also 979-82n. enmencher; v.refl. mesh, dovetail 980, 979-82n enseigne, s. ensign, flag 535, 1369 etc. ensuyvre 543; pres.part. ensuyvant 418; ind.pr.3 ensuilt 262, 678, ensuylt 1079; ind.pr.6 ensuyvent 514; v.refl. follow 262, 514, 678; v.n. follow, ensue 418, 1079; v.a. emulate 543 entandement. See entendement. entendement, entandement, s. intelligence, mind 440, 494; meptre son e. a apply one's intelligence (to) 494 entenduz, pp.adj.pl. experienced 1125 entour, s. edge, perimeter 1088 entre, prep. among 15, 25 etc. entreprans, ind.pr.I. of entreprandre, v.a. begin 1239 entretenement, s. fee 121 environ: dee. de, prep. close to 330 envisaiges, pp.adj.pl. facing each other 303 equiere, equierre: a.e., loc.adj. square 908, 913, 916 ergo (lat.), adv. therefore 1396 ermines, ermine, s. ermine, a fur consisting of black tails on a white background 556, 679, 679-81n, 1145 etc. escalle, escale, sf. cross flory 761, 1325 escarboucle, sf. carbuncle 580; carbuncle (her.), a figure consisting of eight

111 Glossary radiating staffs, four verticle and horizontal, and four diagonal, with the upper part of a fleur-de-lis attached to each extremity 1307 escartele, pp.adj. quartered 1048, 1050, 1061-65n escheffs, s.pl. leaders 216, 215-17n; chess 1127 eschequete, pp.subst. and adj. cheeky, divided by vertical and horizontal lines into equal squares alternately of different colours 928, 930, 932, 934 eschequier, s. chessboard 931; cheeky 936. See also eschequete. escherpe. See cherpe. escoty, pp.adj. couped, with ends cut short so as not to touch the edge of the shield 1408 escripture, sf. writing 46, 401 etc., scripture 564, 585 esme, s.: faire e. de look as if 304 espicial, adj. special 127,237 etc.; pare. in particular 456 espies, s.pl. spies, traitors 453 espleot, s. exploit, feat 1369 esploiter, v.a. use 310, 1272 esta, estact, estat1 s. rank, birth, position 6, 113 etc., state, condition 310, 508, quality 574, 588, 601, 615, 631, 643, 669; faire e. decree 381; faire e. sur attach importance (to) 115 establir; v.a. appoint 92 estain, s. pewter 676 estendars, s.pl. standards 1354, 1354-9n estoilles, s.pl. stars 598, 975 estradeur, s.: e. de guerre pillager 1257 estroict, adj. solemn 153 estroiz, adj.pl. narrow 994 evidentement, adv. clearly 308 evoquer 434; imper.2 evoquer 465, v.a. summon examiner, v.n. discuss 147 exaulcer; pref.3 exaulcza 282; pp. exaulce 171, 425, v.a. exalt, glorify exellence, exellance, s. excellence, distinction 30, 397 etc. exercer 209; pres.p. exercent 99; pp. exerce 437 cond.6 exerceroint 387; v.a. carry out, discharge exercice, s. jurisdiction 36; practice 53, 69 extracion, sf. birth, rank 1225 extroict, atroit, adj. born (of) 21, 685, 1149, 1235 fabler, v.n. lie 149 fait, sm. feat 6, 8 etc., behaviour 151; def. de facto 1427; pour ce f. because of this 365

112 Glossary fau~r, s.: porter f. a to harm 150 falsaire, faulsoire, faulsaire, s. imposter 462, 1170, 1185 etc. fauseist, subj.impf.3 of faillir, v.n. disappear 114 feablement, adv. faithfully 123, 252 feables, adj. trustworthy 119 feille, sf. leaf 1006, 1017 etc. fesse, sf. fess, broad stripe traversing the centre of the shield horizontally 734, 772 etc.; en f., a f. fesswise, traversing the shield horizontally 985, 989 fesse contre fesse, pp.adj. harry counterchanged, describing a field divided diagonally into two equal parts and horizontally into an even number of stripes, with the colours of the stripes reversed as they cross the middle of the field 1321 fessey, pp.adj. harry, referring to a field divided horizontally into an even number of stripes 776 figurer, v.a. blazon, depict 290, 536 etc. filet, sm. tressure, a narrow stripe running slightly inside and parallel to the edge of the shield 1095, 1324 finablement, adv. finally 375 fineissent, subj.impf. of finir, v.a. finish 70 fiquet, adj. fitchy 764n flouronnee, flouronee, pp.adj.f. flory, referring to a cross couped (ie, shortened) with the upper part of a fleur-de-lis attached to each arm 760, 1307 flumatique, adj. phlegmatic, calm 593 fondacion, sf. origin 41, 44 etc. forgeurs, s. : f. de espees swordsmith 1264, 1266 formes, pp.adj.pl.: bien f. handsome 118 fors, fors que, prep. except 2o6, 1035 fortraire; v.a. deprive 455 fouler; v.a. oppress 506 fourmer, v.a. train 236, 244 fourny, adj. endowed 24 foy, s. promise 384, faith 575; ajouster f. give credence (to) 95, 560 franchement, adv. freely 242 frauder, v.a. cheat, swindle 471 frete, pp.subst. and adj. fretty, referring to an interlacing of stripes traversing the field from left to right and right to left 938, 941 n, 942 fruit, sm. reward 167n fusees, sf.pl. fusil, figures resembling lozenges, but longer in proportion to their breadth 902; squib 904

113 Glossary

gaige, s. fee 121, 1279; g. de bataille gage of battle 479n gastelez, s.pl. gastells 893 n, 895 generacion : deg. lac.adv. by birth 22 giron, sm. gyron, triangular figure formed by two lines drawn from the edge of the shield to meet at its centre 735, 812 etc. gironne, pp.adj. gyronny, consisting of a field divided horizontally, vertically, and diagonally into eight triangular pieces, radiating around a point at the centre of the shield 816, 818 glan, sm. acorn 1006 gonfanon, gonffanon, sm. gonfalon 1315, 1356, 1354-9n gouvernement, sm. government, conduct 6, 278 etc. ; affairs 406 griffon, sm. griffin, a mythical creature half lion and half eagle 1041, 1044 guerite, sf. watchtower 971 gueulles, guieules, s. gules 555, 610n etc. guiton, sm. guidon 1356, 1364, 1354-9n guyvree, adj.f. gringoly, referring to a cross couped (ie, ends shortened) with two serpents' heads facing outward at the extremity of each arm 762 habundance, s. abundance, plenty 670 habunder; v.n. be well endowed (with) 28 hamedes, n. hamaides, humets 910n hanter, v. attend 382 herault, sm. herald, officer of arms 39, 87 etc. See also Appendix. histoaires, histoires, sf.pl. histories 12, 312 etc. horions, n. smites, blows 51 hupes, s.pl. hoopees, bird with multicoloured plumage and erectile, fanlike crest 886, 888 huys, sm. door 773 individue, adj.f. indivisible 1 informacion, s. inquiry 1246 ignorer, v.a. ignore 37 incessanment, adv. eternally 599 informer, v.refl. enquire 460 injure, s. injury, harm 97, 99 etc. insanetes, s.pl. mindless deeds 163 insculper; v.a. blazon, depict 288, 536 insigner; v.a. blazon, depict 134, 288 instituer; v.a. create, found 168, appoint 250, 251 institucion, s. investiture 262

114 Glossary

instrucion, s. rule 485; instruction, training 1295 intimer; v.a. construe (as) 248 intresigne, s. symbol, sign 10 intresigner; v.a. blazon, depict 536 issir 488; pres.p. issant 1319; pret.3 . issit 186; pp. yssu 21, 281, 1149, 1182 v.n. issue 601, be borne 21, 23, 1149, come out (of) 1319 ja, adv. already 55 ja soit que, conj. although 71 jangler, v.n. gossip, prate 494 jarril, s. oak branch 1005n, 1006 etc. joieusete, s. joy, gaiety 641 journee, sf.: j. assignee feast day, holiday 1355; donner j. grant an audience 1431 joustes, s.pl. jousts 382, 498n jouveigneur, sm. son of a nobleman 1070, 1071 etc. jugemens, s.pl. judgments, opinions 73, 550 jumelle, sf. barrulet, stripe traversing the field horizontally 945, 946 etc. jumelle, pp.adj. bars gemell, a pair of barrulets 1353 justes, jutes, s.pl. jugs 1026n, 1028etc. justice, n. law 11, coun 1246 la, adv. at that point 144; I. sus on high 3; I. ou wherever 700 labourer, v.n. strive 123, 139 lambeau, n. label, band traversing the upper ponion of the shield with other ribbons, varying in number, hanging from it at right angles 927, 1082 langues, s.pl. ribbons, streamers 1359 largesse, s. munificence, generosity 670 leal, adj. loyal 125, 390 etc. lealment, adv. faithfully 123, 149, 387, 415 etc. leans, adv. inside 341 lede, adj.f. evil, inappropriate 37 ledement, adv. shamefully 197, 198 legacion, n. mission 168 legaz, s.pl. messengers 167, 168 etc. legierment, adv. easily, quickly 1235 leonnez, adj.pl. lionized, describing a lion standing on its left hind paw, its right hind foot raised slightly and the forepaws outstretched, with the right higher than the left 847n, 854

115 Glossary lepart, sm. leopard 844n, 846 etc. leparde, pp.adj. leopardized 847n, 850 etc. lesser, leisser, v.a. abandon, give up 501, 1419 leton, sm. copper 622 liberte, s. liberty, right 116, privilege 191, 203 etc. licence, s. permission 512, 1219 lignaige, s. line, lineage 1135, 1229 lionceaux, s.pl. lioncels 867n, 1383 etc. livree, sf. livery 1362, 1365 losenge, losange, sf. lozenge, diamond-shaped figure 906, 924; I. vuydee lozenge voided, ie, with its centre removed leaving its outline 912n, 913 etc. loy, sf. law 43, 44 etc.; en la I. de according to the customs of 202,204 macles, n. mascles, lozenges 915n, 924; m . vuydees mascles, lozenges voided 926 maesme: de m. adv. of the same colour as 1031, 1329 maesmement, mesmement, adv. likewise 448,470 mais que, conj. provided that 1180 manans, adj.pl. statant 1386n manches, s.pl. m. mautaillees old-fashioned sleeves 979n mander; v.n. command 198 marchandie, sm. merchandise 1275 marechal, sm. marshal of arms 278n mau. See basti. mautaillees. See manches. memoire, s. memory 439,541 etc.; am. recorder in living memory 528 menbre, pp.adj. membered, describing an animal depicted with legs of a different colour from the rest of its body 87m, 875 etc. meptre 75, 347, v.a. and refl. put 75, 106, 201 etc., appoint 176, 428. See also deffance. merche, marche sm. march, territory 266, mark, stamp 1265, 1267 merlete, n., martlet, martin, or swallow depicted without legs 715, 883 etc. messaige, sm. messenger 69, message 356 metal, sm. metal 552n, 608 etc. meure, adj.f. appropriate, due 373 mielx, adv. better 221, 1267 etc. mistion, s. mixture, blend 1000 mistionner; v.refl. mix, combine 653, 701 etc. moien, s.: par ce m. in this way 712 moitier, s.: estre m. be necessary 357

116 Glossary molettes, sm. mullets, stars of eight points 975, 977 mon : a savoir m. conj. namely 1246 mont : a mont, adv. at the top 909 moralite, morality 215n moriginez, pp.adj.pl. well bred 118 moult, adv. and prep. very 52, 65 etc.; much 195 moyennant que, conj. on condition that 384 moveisement, adv. badly 427 mucze, pp. hidden 342 mudriers, s.pl. murderers, assassins 439 muer, v.a. change 1364 mutiner; v.refl. rebel 335 my, adv. in two 1387 nages, s.pl. buttocks 196 ne que de, no more than 492 nenny, interj. nay, no 436 nepveu, s. nephew 1136 nez, adj. high-born 118 nuli, pron. no one 150 o, prep. with 50, 354 etc. oaiseaux 827, 872 etc., ouaiseaux, s.pl. birds 870 octryer; v.a. grant 257 offencer; v.n. commit an offence 373 oincle, s. uncle 1136 oingles, s.pl. claws, talons 840 oncques, adv. ever 741 onde, s. bar undy, wavy stripe traversing the shield horizontally 734, 792 oppinions, s.pl. opinions, ideas 34, 43 oppressions, s.pl. rape 1260 or, sm. or 303, 554n, etc. ordonner; v.n. and a. order, command 59, 74,379; appoint 91, 133 etc. orphante, s. decline, neglect 366 ostel, s. house, family 1145, 1146 oster, v.a. remove 859 ouict, num.adj. eight 286, 292 etc. ouir 310; subj.impf.6 o"issent 120: v.a. hear (about) oupvraige, s. trade 815; wares 1265, 1267; case, matter 1289 ourle, sm. orle, narrow band running round the inside edge of the shield, wider than a tressure (see filet) 996, 997 etc.

u:7 Glossary ourle, pp.adj. bordured, having a border of 1004 ousast, subj.impf.3 of oser, v.n. dare 367 paiges, s.pl. knaves, scoundrels 438 paine, s.: a grant p. with great difficulty 328; a p. scarcely 510 pais, sm. country 1254 pal, sm. pale 734, 8o8n etc. pale, pp.adj. paly, divided into pales 1321 pale et contrepale, pp.adj. paly counterchanged, referring to a field divided vertically into pales and horizontally by a line running through the centre point of the shield, with the colours of the divisions reversed as they cross the middle of the field 1310 panaige, sm. estate, property 1405 panne, s. fur, that is, ermines or vair 556, 678 panonceaux, pannonceaux, s.pl. penoncels 1354n, 1356 pannons, s.pl. pennon 5.35, 1359 papegeaux, sm.pl. popinjays, green woodpeckers 886 parmy, adv. in the middle 1322n parsus, sm. what is superimposed 1060 partir, v.n. and a. dimidiate, divide a shield in two 1378; measure 1033; originate 1375 passant, adj. passant 844n, 845 passement, sm. signature 1270 patee, pp.adj.f. patonce, referring to a cross, the arms of which terminate in three points 753 payens, poyens, adj. and n. pagan 169; pagans 190 pers, adj., f. perse, perce blue 597, 688 etc. pipeurs, sm. cheat, swindler 1273 plain, adj. full 294; a p. thoroughly 329, 1290 plaine, adj.f. plain, describing a shield without a difference or distinguishing mark 1001, 1070 etc. poins, n. shells(?) 969n poinson, sm. mark, seal 1267 pointes, s.pl. : a p. 912, par p. 983 forming a zigzag pattern poisson, s. poison 322 pommelee, pommetee, pp.adj./. botonny, referring to a cross, the arms of which terminate in three knobs 754, 1307 porter, v.refl. and a. be called 13; behave 83, 286, 531; carry, bear 159, 161, etc.; endure, suffer 327 potencee, pp.adj.f. potent 720, 752. See also note 759. pouair, s. power 316; de tout leur p. to the best of their ability 123, 316

118 Glossary

pouoir; ind.pr.2 peuz, peux 1383, 1386; ind.pr.3 peut 308, peult 774; ind.pr.6 peuent 142, 152; fut.5 pourer 1102; subj.pr.3 puisse 140, 469; subj.pr.6 puissent 135, 209 etc.; subj.impf.3 peussent 77; ind.impf.6 pouaint 382; cond.3 pouroit 210, 858, porroit 41; fut.4 pouron 1075; pres.3 peut 419; v.n. be able to pourpre, s. purpure, purple 555, 652n poursuyvant, sm. pursuivant, junior officer of arms 128, 132, etc. See also Appendix. pour tant que, conj. because 30, 683 etc. povres, adj.pl. wretched 56 povrete, s. misfortune 57, poverty 210 prandre 1114, 1138 etc.; ind.pr.3 prant 1188; ind.pr.6 prannent 714; imper.2 prener 654; pres.6 prindrent 363; v.refl. begin (to) 363; v.a. take 654, 363 etc. precedentement, adv. previously 291 preferer, v.n. and a. promote 110; take precedence 275, 843, 1381, 1421; precede 736 preis, preis de, prep. close (to) 668, 993, 998; au plus p. que peu as close as possible 525 prochain, adj. close 585, 1063 prode, adj.m .pl. brave 1287 prodommie, sf. high moral stature 398, 430 prouesse, proesse, s. feat of bravery 80, 120 etc. provision, n.; meptre p. find a remedy, solution (to) 1214 publier; v.a. expose 453 puissant, adj. skilled 50, empowered, competent 207 quare, s. : en q. opposite 814 quaree, adj.f. square 959 quarreure, s. : en q. forming a square 918 quartier, sm. quartier, fourth part of a shield cut off by a vertical and a horizontal line that cross at right angles in the centre of the shield 1049, 1061 etc. que que, conj. regardless of whether 1202, 1298 quintefeille, n. cinqfoil 1018, 1021, pl. quintesfeilles 1013n, 1024 quoain, sm. corner 1321 quoquilles, s.pl. escallops 969n raboter; v.a. shorten 1408 ragaz, pp.adj. stunted(?) 1009n

119 Glossary rampant, rempant, adj. rampant 838n, 838 etc. raporter, v.a. bring back 130, report 150, 161 etc. real, adj. royal 686, 1426 etc. reaume, sm. kingdom 129, 202 etc. reaux, sm.pl. royalty 669 reciter, v.a. recount 181, 328 recongner; v.n. twist 794. recordacion, s. commemoration 542, 725 recotice. See cotice ... recotice. recouvrer, v .a. find 419, recover 1370 recrresetee, pp .adj.f. crosslet, describing a cross with ends couped and a small additional bar placed across each arm toward its extremity to form what is known in heraldry as a cross moline 755 recuillir; v.a. welcome, receive 1279 redoubte, pp.adj. honorable (form of polite address) 351 regace, pp.adj. stunted(?) 1009n regard, s. : au r. de compared to 496 regir, v.n . rule 14 refferans, pres.p.subst. reporters 93 reliquaire, s. shrine 667 remide, n. remedy, cure 743 remonstrer; v.a. explain 217 rempant. See rampant. rencontre: a r. gardant, looking out of the shield 866 reprendre; v .a. recount 519 retenir, v.a. acknowledge 180 retirer, v.a. compile 352; pp. formed 1019 retomee, pp .adj.f. splayed 759n retourner; v .n. tum 794 roire, v.a. shave 195 rose, sf. rose, wild rose depicted with five displayed petals and four barbs 1013n, 1014 etc. roy d'armes, n. king of arms 268n, 435, 465 etc. sabmadi, sm. Saturday 623 saixante, num.adj. sixty 286, 282 etc. sanguinite, n. consanguinity, kindredship 107 sarcelee, adj.f. splayed 759n, 1313 saultouer, sm. saltire, describing a cross shaped like the letter X 735, 821 savoir, conj. namely 556, 895, 1038

120 Glossary science, sf. knowledge 25, 35 se, conj. if 41 seigneurie, n. lordship, dominion 17, 19, nobility 1221 seix, num.adj. six 348, 775 etc. semblanment, adv. likewise 480 seme, pp.adj. semy, describing a scattering of small figures on a shield 880, 882 senestre, adj. sinister, left (as viewed looking out from behind the shield) 1112 sentence, s. judgment, decision 1241 seur, sf. sister 298 soumom, s. surname, family name 245 si, conj. and adv. just as 274, moreover 22, 369, 422; therefore 420 si comme, conj. just as 274 si par autant que, conj. except when 1373 signal, n. blazon, representation 289, 536 signifier; v.n. and a. mean 146; indicate 412 sinople, n. siniple 555, 640n sollempnel, adj. majestic 59 sonnetes, sonnettes, s.pl. bells 966n, 967 soubstenir; v.a. argue 52; support 739 souldoiers, n. orders 1431 sourvenir; v.n. occur 550 stilles, s.pl. customs 433 subcides, s.pl. subsidies 1430 suffizance, s. integrity 460 suffizant, adj. capable 117; sufficient 122 substantacions, s.pl. maintenance 208 sustanter; v.a. retain 111 suyvir, v.a. follow 550 table, sf. table 82, 220, tabard, herald's tunic 134n tablier, n. chessboard 929 taiche, n. vice, flaw 355 tailleurs, sn. pruner 814 tailles, s.pl. taxes, tailages 1430 tant que, conj. until 63, 480 tantost, adv. soon 379, 409; quickly 68, 465 teneur, sf. content 180

121 Glossary tenicles, s.pl. surcoats 288, 535 tirer, v.n. extend 808 tiret, s. tressure 992n tournoiz, n. tourneys, tournaments 382, 498n tourteaux, s.pl. tourtels 893n, 895 toutesvoies, toutesfoiz, adv. nevertheless 72, 151; t. que, whenever 357, 1432 trangresser, v.a. transgress, violate 434 trect, n. line 901; tressure 992 n trespercer, v.a. pierce right through 346 tretouer, n. tressure 992n troicter, v. refl. and a. behave 1105; discuss 11, 31 etc. tymbre, s. crest 1363 uinze, num.adj. eleven 301 umbre, pp.adj. attired 1038n, 1346 unes, adj. and pron. certain, some 1202, 1205 vaillanment, adv. valiantly 63, 287 etc. vair, s. vair, a fur consisting of alternative white and blue bell-shaped pieces with the white bells having the open end upwards 556, 687 vaire, n.p.adj. vairy, referring to a vair pattern but specifying other colours 694, 1035 vaireures, s.pl. vairy patterns 695 veaige, s.: prendre v. march, set out 55 veil. See vouloir. venir 391; ind.pr.3 vient 22; pres.3 vint 19, 197; cond.6 vendroint 800; pp.f. venue 293; v.n. come veritable, adj. truthful 81 veritablement, adv. truly 366, 490; accurately 1302 vers, prep. toward 55, 373; near 806; at 909 vertu, sf. virtue 16, 22; strength 72 vielx, adj.pl. old 61, 65 etc. villipende, s. contempt 103 victoaire, victoire, sf. victory 64, 729 etc. vitupere, s. shame, dishonour 482 voir 830,862 etc.; fut.3 verra 779; fut .6 verront 1301; ind.impf.3 veoit 744; cond.3 verroit 727, 1076; veu, pp.f. veues 175, 445 etc., 149; v.a. voirdisans, s.pl. truthsayers 399

122 Glossary vouloir1 ; ind.pr.1 veil 515; ind.pr.3 veult 417, 463; ind.pr.3 veulent 501, 920; fut.6 vouldront 1291; pres.3 voulut 56, 339; pres.6 volurent 665; cond.6 vouldroint 376; pres.p. voulant 1255; v.n. wish vouloir2 , sm. wish 1298 vuyder; v.a. hollow out 756n, 914 etc. vuyderie, sf. void, space, or area hollowed out 912 yssu. See issir.

Abbreviations

AG

Beaulieux Bourciez q EB

FEW

Fouche Gay GFR

Gossen GR

HT

LS p

Pope SHF

Sext. TB WB

Jean B. Rietstap Armorial general ... Charles Beaulieux Histoire de I' orthographe franraise Edouard and Jean Bourciez Phonetique franraise, etude historique [Justinian] Corpus iuris civilised. Theodor Mommsen Gerard J. Brault Early Blazon ... Walther von Wartburg Franzosisches etymologisches Worterbuch Pierre Fouche Phonetique historique du franrais Victor Gay Glossaire archeologique du moyen age et de la renaissance Frederic Godefroy Dictionnaire de I' ancienne langue franraise ... Carl Theodor Gossen Franzosische Skriptastudien ... Algirdas Julien Greimas Dictionnaire de I' ancien franrais jusqu' au milieu du XIV' siecle Edmond Hughet Dictionnaire de la langue franraise du seizieme siecle Allen Merrill Barstow Lexicographical Study ... Arthur Geoffrey Puttock A Dictionary of Heraldry and Related Subjects Mildred Pope From Latin to Modern French Remi Mathieu Le systeme heraldique franrais

Sexti decretalium. Corpus iuris canonici

Honore Bonet The Tree of Battles John Woodward and John Burnett A Treatise on Heraldry ...

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1922 Cotgrave, Randle A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues London 1611. Rpt Hildesheim and New York: Georg Olms Verlag 1970 (Anglistica and Americana 77) Courcy, Pol Potier de Nobiliaire et armorial de Bretagne 3rd ed. 3 vols. Rennes: J. Plihon et L. Herve 1890 Crombie, Alistair C. Medieval and Early Modern Science 2 vols. Garden City, NY: Doubleday 1959 Crompton, Norman J. R. 'Medieval Symbolic Heraldry' The Coat of Arms NS 1 (1974-5) 166-8 Curtius, Ernst Robert European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages Trans. Willard R. Trask. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1967 Davies, T.R. 'Heraldry in Medieval Warfare' The Coat of Arms 9 (1966-7) 68-82 - 'The Heralds in Medieval Warfare' The Coat of Arms 9 (1966-7) 245-58, 26o - 'The Glory of Being a Bastard' The Coat of Arms NS J (1978-9) 93-100 - 'The Truth about Heralds' 1979 Unpublished Dean, Ruth J. 'An Early Treatise on Heraldry in Anglo-Norman' In Romance Studies in

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134 Bibliography Manning, Alan 'The Relationship of the Fifteenth-Century Argentaye Tract to Other Medieval Treatises and Rolls of Arms' The Coat of Arms NS 3 (1978-9) 65-71, 79 Marilier, Jacques 'Essai d'armorial bourguignon des families feodales des XIJe et XIJie siedes' in Melanges offerts a Szabolcs de Vajay ed. P. Briere. Braga : Livrarin Cruz 1971, pp 397-414 Masson, the Rev. J. 'Heraldic Tiles in France and England' The Coat of Arms 6 (1960-1) 302-4 Mathieu, Remi Le systeme heraldique fran,ais Paris: J.B. Janin 1946 Mattingly, Garrett Renaissance Diplomacy London: Jonathan Cape 1955 Metman, Yves 'Sigillographie' In L' histoire et ses methodes ed. Charles Samaran. Paris: Encydopedie de la Pleiade 1961, pp 393-446 Miller, Robert P. Chaucer: Sources and Background New York: Oxford University Press 1977 Mladen, Leo 'Arms and Names: Bartholus on the Right to Bear Arms' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 5 (196o) 281-97 Mohl, Ruth The Three Estates in Medieval and Renaissance Literature New York: Columbia University Press 1933 (Columbia University Studies in English and Comparative Literature) Morice, Hyacinthe Memoires pour servir de preuves a l'histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Bretagne 3 vols Paris: C. Osmont 1742-6 Moule, Thomas Bibliotheca Heraldica Magnae Britanniae London: Lackington and Co. 1822; rpt London: Heraldry Today 1966 Miihlermann, Louis 'L'histoire et la politique revelees par les etendards et pavilions des chefs d'etat' Archivum heraldicum 84 (1970) 2-15 Murphy, James J., comp. Rhetoric in the Middle Ages Berkeley: University of California Press 1974 Navascues, Faustino M.P. de 'Los comienzos de la heraldica en Espana' In Melanges offertsaSzabolcsde Vajay ... 1971 Ed. P. Briere, pp415-24Braga : LivrarinCruz1971 Neubecker, Ottfried 'Realitatsgehalt der sogenannten Phantasienwappen' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 10 (1970) 397-402 - and John P. Brooke-Little Heraldry: Sources, Symbols and Meaning New York: McGraw-Hill 1977 Norton, Robert 'Stopham Arms, Strange Arms and Crosses Flowered at the Tips' The Coat of Arms NS 3 (1978-9) 41, 47, 49 Novak, Josef Slovenske metske a obecne erby Kresby vyhot. Margita Kordosova a Jan Svec. 2 vols. B. Bystrica: Martin, Osveta, t. Tlac. SNP 1972 O'Neil, Terence 'Adam Loutfut's Book' The Coat of Arms 4 (1956-7) 307-10 Orleans, Charles d' Poesies Ed. Pierre Champion. Paris: H. Champion 1923

135 Bibliography Oudot de Dainville, Maurice Sceaux conserves dans /es archives de la ville de Montpellier Montpellier: Lafitte-Loriol 1952 Painter, Sydney French Chivalry 6th ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press 1965 Pama, Cornelis Heraldry of South African Families Cape Town: A.A. Balkema 1972 Papworth, John W. Ordinary of British Armorials reprod. from original 1874 edition; introd. G.D. Squibb and A.R. Wagner. London: Heraldry Today 1961

Parlement of the Three Ages. An Alliterative Poem on the Nine Worthies and the Heroes of Romance Ed. M. Y. Offord. London: Oxford University Press for the EETS

1959 Pastoureau, Michel 'Le bestiaire heraldique au moyen age' Dissertation. Paris: Ecole des Chartes 1972 - 'L'heraldique bretonne: des origines a la guerre de succession de Bretagne' Societe archeologique du Finistere Quimper Bulletin 101 (1973) 121-47 - Les armoiries Institut interfacultaire d'etudes medievales. Turnhout, Belgique: Editions Brepols 1976 - 'Vogue et perception des couleurs dans l'Occident medieval: le temoignage des armoiries' Congres de Paris et des departements des societes savantes 102 (1977) 81-102 - 'l~troduction a l'heraldique imaginaire (XII•-xvi• siecles)' Revue fran,aise d'heraldique et de sigillographie 41 (1978) 19-25 - 'Les armoiries de Tristan dans la litterature et l'iconographie medievales' Bulletin de la societe Finisterienne d'histoire et d'iconographie 1 (1978) 9-32 - Traite d'heraldique Paris: E. et J. Picard 1979 Pellegrin, Elisabeth La bibliotheque des Visconti et des Sfor2a, dues de Milan au xv• siecle Paris: E. Pellegrin, Vente au Service des Publications du CNRS 1955 Phillimore, William Phillimore Watts How to Write the History of a Family : A Guide for the Genealogist Boston: Cupples and Howard 1887; rpt Detroit: Gale Research Co. 1972 Pinches, Rosemary and Anthony Wood, eds, with an introduction to Polish heraldry by Bernard J. Kles-Pilewski A European Armorial: An Armorial of Knights of the Golden Fleece and 15th century Europe, from a Contemporary MS London: Heraldry Today 1971 Pine, Leslie G. The Story of Heraldry Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Co. Ltd 1967 - The Genealogist's Encyclopedia Newton Abbot: David and Charles; New York : Weybright and Talley 1969 Pinoteau, Herve Heraldique capetienne Paris: Les Cahiers nobles seriales 1954 Poirion, Daniel Le poete et le prince: l' evolution du lyrisme courtois de Gillaume de Marchaut a Charles d'Orleans Paris: Arthaud 1967 - Histoire de la litterature fran,aise, XIV' et xv• siecle Paris: Arthaud 1971

136 Bibliography Pope, Mildred K. From Latin to Modern French 2nd rev. ed. Manchester: Manchester University Press 1966 Poulle, Emmanuel Paleographie des ecritures cursives en France du XV' au XVII' siecles Geneve: Droz 1966 Puttock, Arthur Geoffrey A Dictionary of Heraldry and Related Subjects Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc. 1970. Published in conjunction with John Giffard Ltd, London Prinsault, Clement. See Douet d' Arcq. Pye, Roger F. 'Development of the Arms of Portugal in Fact and Legend' The Coat of Arms 4 (1958-9) 187-91 - 'A Return to First Principles: Heraldry Eternal' The Coat of Arms 7 (1962-3) 337-40 - 'The Case for New Charges' The Coat of Arms 8 (1964-5) 30-3 - 'Honourable Ordinaires' The Coat of Arms 8 (1964-5) 123-5 - 'Continuity and Change in English Armory' The Coat of Arms 10 (1968-9) 42-52 - 'Husband and Wife' The Coat of Arms NS t (1974-5) 48-53 Queller, Donald E. The Office of Ambassador in the Middle Ages Princeton: Princeton University Press 1967

Reading Exhibition of Heraldry, Arr. by the Heraldry Society at the Invitation of and in cooperation with the Reading Museum and Art Gallery Introduction by J.P. Brooke-Little. London: The Heraldry Society 1963

Recueil general des anciennes lois fran,aises 29 vols. Paris : Pion Freres 1822-79; rpt Ridgewood, NJ : Gregg Press Inc. 1964 Rickard, Peter Chrestomathie de la langue fran,aise au quinzieme siecle Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1976 Rietstap, Jean B. Armorial general, contenant la description des families nobles et patriciennes de /'Europe 2 vols. London : Heraldry Today 1965. Reissue of Gouda ed. 1861 Rindlisbacher, Hans 'Die Stellen iiber Siegeln und Besiegelung in Spiitmittelalterlichen Rechtsquellen' Archivum heraldicum 83 (1969) 27-45 Rojas, Aristides, Enrique B. Nunas, and Guillermo Meneses El Escudo de Armas de la Ciudad de Caracas Caracas: Concejo Municipal de! Distrito Federal 1967 Roland, Le pere, ed. Parties inedites de I' reuvre de Sicile, heraut d' Alphonse V Mons : Dusquesne-Masquillier 1867 Sabin, Arthur 'The 14th-Century Heraldic Glass in the Eastern Lady Chapel of Bristol Cathedral' The Antiquaries Journal 27 (1957) 54-69 Saffroy, Gaston Bibliographie genealogique, heraldique et nobiliaire de la France Preface by Michel Fleury. 2 vols. Paris: G. Saffroy 1968 Salazar, Abdon M. El Escudo de Armas de Juan Luis Vives London, printed Madrid: Tamesis Books 1967 Sandoz, Edward 'Tourneys in the Arthurian Tradition' Speculum 19 (1944) 389-420

137 Bibliography Schnapper, Morris 8. American Symbols: The Seals and Flags of the Fifty States Washington, oc: Public Affairs Press 1974 Schroeder, Brigitte Mainfriinkischer Klosterheraldik Wi.irzburg: F. Schoningh 1971 Sedlak, Vladimir 'Uber den Ursprung der Stiidtewappen' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 10 (1970) 427-32 Seyler, Gustav A. Geschichte der Heraldik: Wappenwesen, Wappenkunst, Wappenwissenschaft Rpt 1885-90 ed., Nurenberg. Neustadt an der Aisch: Bauer and Raspe 1970 Siciliano, ltalo Franfois Villon et /es themes poetiques du moyen age Paris: A. Colin

1934 Sicily, the Herald of. See Cocheris and Roland. Smith, Whitney Flags through the Ages and across the World New York: McGraw-Hill 1975 Speransov, Nikolai Coats of Arms of Russian Principalities Moscow: Sovietskaya Rossiya 1974 Squibb, George Drewrey The High Court of Chivalry Oxford: Clarendon Press 1959 Stalins, Gaston Ferdinand Laurent et al. Vocabulaire-atlas heraldique en six langues: franfais - English - deutsch - espanol - italiano - Nederlandsh Paris : Societe du grand armorial de France 1952 Stothers, Thomas 'Identification of Ensigns Armorials by Computer' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 10 (1970) 439-44 Sutherland, Raymond C. 'Books about Heraldry' The Coat of Arms 8 (1964-5) 157-63 Trivick, Henry Houghton The Craft and Design of Monumental Brasses London : John Baker Publishers Ltd 1969 Tupigny, Jacques M. de 'Heraldique' In L'histoire et ses methodes ed. Charles Samaran, pp 741-67. Paris: Encydopedie de la Pleiade 1961 Uptoni, Nicolai De studio militari, libri quatuor Ed. Edward Bysshe. London 1654 Vaivre, Jean-Bernard G. de 'La probable signification politique du changement d'armes des comtes de Bourgogne a la fin du xm• siede' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 11 (1972) 499-506 - 'Orientations pour l'etude de )'utilisation des armoriaux du moyen age' Cahiers d'heraldique 1 (1974) 1-34 Van d'Elden, Stephanie C. 'In a "Blazon" of Glory: Three Tournament and Siege Poems' The Coat of Arms NS 3 (1978-9) 2-10 Viel, Robert 'Les origines normandes du blason' Cahiers Leopold de Lisle 7 (1958) 21-30 - 'Naissance du blason' Archivum heraldicum 72 (1958) 50-4 - 'L'influence du cycle Lancelot-Graal sur le symbolisme du leopard et du lion' Archivum heraldicum 73 (1959) 18-23 - 'La "Panthere heraldique" et le "Parzival" de Wolfram d'Eschenbach' Archivum heraldicum 76 (1962) 20-8 - Les origines symboliques du blason Paris: Berg international 1972. Rpt 1907 ed.

138 Bibliography Volborth, Carl von Heraldry of the World ed. Hubert Chessyre. New York: Macmillan 1974 Wagner, Anthony R. Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages 2nd ed. London : Oxford University Press 1956 1st ed. London : Oxford University Press 1939 - Heralds of England London: HMSO 1967 - Royal and Princely Heraldry in Wales London : Tabard Publications 1969 - English Genealogy 2nd ed. enlarged. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1972 1st ed. and rpt 196o - Historic Heraldry of Britain London and Chichester: Phillimore 1972 Wartburg, Walther von Franziisisches etymologisches Worterbuch 17 vols. Tiibingen : J.C.B. Mohr 1948-68 Welter, L'abbe J.-Th. 'L' exemplum' dans la litterature religieuse et didactique du Moyen-age Paris et Toulouse: E.-H. Guitard 1927 Woodford, James and Harold E. Priestly Heraldic Sculpture and the Work of James Woodford Ipswich, England : Boydell Press 1972 Woodward, John and John Burnett A Treatise on Heraldry British and Foreign with English and French Glossaries 1st ed. reprinted; new introduction by L.G. Pine. Newton Abbot : David and Charles 1969 (originally published, Edinburgh: W. and A. B. Johnston 1892 in 2 vols) Wright, Cyril E. English Heraldic Manuscripts in the British Museum London: pub!. for the British Library Board by British Museum Publications 1973 Zelenka, Ales Der Wappenfries aus dem Wappensaal zu Lauf Passau : Verlag Passavia 1976 Zips, Manfred 'Tristan und die Ebersymbolik' Congres international des sciences genealogique et heraldique 10 (1970) 455-50 Zumthor, Paul flistoire litteraire de la France medievale (V'-XIV' siecles) Paris : Presses Universitaires 1954 SOURCES

Archives des Cotes-du-Nord, St Brieuc: Fonds Henri Frotier de la Messeliere ('Catalogue des circonscriptions des Cotes-du-Nord'), serie J, t. 1 Bibliotheque nationale, Paris: Fonds fran~ais 215, 1280, 1435, 1968, 4895, 5242, ·5931, 5936, 5959, 6129, 8198, 11463, 11464, 14357, 24391, 25184, 27274, 32751; Nouvelles acquisitions 1075 Bodleian Library, Oxford: Rawlinson B. 120, Rawlinson C. 399 Vatican Library, Rome: Ms Barb. lat. 1642

Index of proper names

All names that occur in the text are recorded with their variants. Line references are exhaustive. The letter n refers to a note in the text. Abraham .315 Adam 1.3 Agamenon 296, Agamenoon 298, Agamemnon Alixandre 28.3, 291, .321, 521, Alexander the Great Almaigne 1258, 1280, 1282, Germany Alment 122.3, 1224, 12.31, 12.34, German Amoon 194,202,Amaon Ancenis 1024, Ancenis. See also note 91 9· Andre, Sainct 82.3, Saint Andrew Angleterre 1145, England Aquarius 604, Aquarius the Water Bearer Arbre des Batailles 546n, 551, Abre des Batailles 1291, Tree of Battles Argentoill sur Saine 667, Argenteuilsur-Seine Aristote 29, .3.3, 154, 268, Aristotle Ascamius 185, Ascanius Babilonie .314, Babylon Barbarie 6.3, Barbary

Beaumanoir 96.3, Beaumanoir. See also note 919. Bourgoigne 1259, Burgundy Bretaigne 1146, Brittany. See also Grant Bretaigne. Bretons 18.3, 185, Britons Brutus 185 Cancre 672, Cancer the Crab Capitol .3.38, Roman Capitol Capricorne 6.34, Capricorn the Goat Cartaige .317, Carthage Cassebehan 179, Cassebehen 188, Cassibelan, Cassivelaunus Cella .319 Champaigne 1266, Champagne Cyrus .316 David 192, 201, David Dreux 9.3.3. See also note 919. Due de Bretaigne 1.366n, Duke of Brittany Eneas 184, 186, Aeneas

140

Index of proper names

Escrevisse 591, Cancer the Crab (?) Espaigne 1425, Espaignes 1425, Spain Estor de Troie 299, Estor le Troien 521, Hector of Troy Ethiques 154n, Nichomachean Ethics

Ff 105n, 205n, Justinian Codex; 1164n, Justinian Codex and Canon Law France 668,1145,1159, 1221, 1278, 1402, 1713, France Fran~ois 1260, Frenchman Gautier Dupont 1195, 1200, 1210, native of Paris Gemini 604, 646, Gemini the Twins Gerico 199, Jericho Gotdefroy de Billon 722 n, Godfrey of Buillon Grant Bretaigne 180, 181, 186, British Isles Grece 296, 297, Greece Helaine 298, Helon of Troy Hercules 182, Hercules Israel 658, Israel Jacob 657, Jacob Japhel 12n, Japhet Jaque le Mineur, Sainct 215, Saint James the Lesser Jehan Errat 352n, little-known fourteenth-century writer Jehan des Halles 1195, 1196, 1199, 1208, 1215, native of Paris Jehan du Melle 715, townsman Jercesme, Sainct 144n, Saint Jerome Joseph 657, Joseph Juges 318, Judges, seventh book of the Old Testament

Juiffs 190, Jews Julienne 349, Juliana Monument Julius Cesar 47, 114, 126, 170, 173, 187, 188,280,285,332,343,344,521, 526, Julius Caesar. See also note 218-76. Jupiter 671, Jupiter Juys 170, Jewish Latins 318, Latians, People of Ancient Latium in Italy Laval 881, Laval. See also note 919. Leon 577, Lion 752, Leo the Lion Libra 604, 672, Libra the Balance Livre des Roys 193n, Book of Kings Lombardie 1259, Lombardy Loranne 1259, Lorraine Lune 590, Moon Macabees 165n, Book of Maccabees Macabiens 321, Maccabees, family of Jewish Patriots Macedonie 320, 521, Macedon Mars 633, Mars Medee 63, Medea Medrignac 1003, Medrignac. See also note 919. Mercurius 645, Mercury Mont de Thabor 566, Mount Tabor Montaulban 925, Montauban. See also note 919. Montmorency 880, Montmorency. See also note 919. Montpellier 1169n, Montpellier Mouton 618, Aries the Ram Occidant 56, Occident Orient 314, Orient Orleans 1215, Orleans Orose 325, Orosius. See also 312n

141

Index of proper names

Paris 297, Paris, son of Priam Paris 1194, 1210, 1216, 1221, 1222, 1265, 1268, Paris, city of France Passavant 1003, Passavant. See also note 880-2. Passion Nostre Seigneur, N.S. a lap. 301, 738, Our Lord's Passion Physiques 268, Physics Pierre du Chesne 716, townsman Poissons 591, Pisces the Fishes Politiques 30, Aristotle's Politics Presigny 1621, Pressigny. See also note 1321-3. Preux 302, a Worthy. See also note 283. Priam 292, 297, 300, 305, Priam Puli 881, Pully. See also note 919. Rohan 919, Rohan Romain 182, a Roman, Romains 46, 87, 183, 334, 347, Rommains 319, Romans Romel 324, Romulus Rommanie 323, Roman Empire Romme 174,325,330,333,522, 1433, Rome Romy 324, Remus

Sagitaire 618, Sagittarius the Archer Saint Denis 668, locality near Paris Saturnus 617, Saturn Savoie 1146, Savoie Scorpion 591, Scorpio the Scorpion Seigneur, Nostre 301, 566, 586, 661, 738, Our Lord Septentrion 320, Septentrion, North Silvius 185, Silvius Souleill 577, Sun Terre 635, Earth Terre Saincte 723, Holy Land Toreau 634, Taurus the Bull Tremerrent 935, Tremerenc. See also note 919. Troie 184, 293, 295, 299, 309, 311, 325, Troy Troys 1266, Troyes Venus 6o3, Venus Vierge 634, Virgo the Virgin Vierge Marie 662, 683, Virgin Mary

Index

Adam Loutfut' s Boke 8 Anjou and Touraine, King-of-Arms of 9 Anjou tract 9, 79 n42, So n50 Arbre des batailles 8, 25, 84 n546 Argentaye tract 17-26, 79 n42, appendix Arms and nobility 12, 13, 78 n20 Arms, coats of, borne by ecclesiastics 10, 95 nm422, 1433; by peasants and townspeople 5, 12; by towns and cities 89 n919, 92 n1169, 95 n1433; by women 5, 13, 94 m379, 100 Arms, confiscation of 94 n1393 Arms, evidence of property in 4, 93 n1209,101 Arms, fictitious 13. See also Worthies, the nine. Arms, granted by a sovereign 86 n722, 101 Arms, inheritability of 5, 6 Arms, rights and restrictions governing use of 12, 78-9 n30, 94 n1379, 101 Arms, rolls of 6, 13, 19-20

Errat, Jean 8, 83 n352, 100, 101

Bado Aureo, Johannes de 7, 8 Banyster's treatise 16

Feudalism 4 Flags 93 nn1354-9

Bartholus de Sassoferrato 8, 24, 78-9 n30, So n81, 84 n549, 93 m220 Baron, Oswald 1 Bastardy. See heraldry and bastardy. Blason des armes 8 Blason des couleurs 8, 24, 84 n522, 93 nn1354-67 Blazon, language and terminology of 5, 11-12, 84-93 nn Bonet, Honore 8, 25, m138 Boutell, Charles 2 Brault, Gerard J. 18 Brittany, arms borne by nobility of 17, 19-20, 89 n919 Cadency 5, 91 n1069, 92 n1174 Chartier, Alain 17 Crests 94 n1363 Crusades 4 Dean tract 7 De insigniis et armis 8, 24-5

144 Index Genealogy. See heraldry and genealogy. Godfrey of Bouillon 86 n722 Guillemot, Jan 18, 19, 20-1 Heraldic language and terminology. See blazon, language and terminology of. Heraldic tables 9, 14-15, 84 n522 Heraldry, medieval, origins of 4-5, 14, 82 n218, 99-100; sources of 5-6 Heraldry, modem trends in 1-2 Heraldry and bastardy 12, 13, 25, 92 nn1104, 1114; 95 nn1400, 1401, 1402, 1407,1409,1422 Heraldry and genealogy 5, 85 n722 Heraldry and literature 13, 25-6 Heraldry and numerology 15, 86 n732 Heraldry and political theory 14, 25 Heralds, apprenticeship (pursuivancy) of 81 n133, 100-1; decline in France of 83-4 ~36; college of 80 n6o; functions and duties of 5, 6, 9, Bo n75, 81 n151, 82 n215, 83 n387, 84 n522, 100; oath of 100, 101; right to creation of 81 n114; status of 5, Bo n90, 99 Heralds and women 83 n352 Hongrie tract 9, 11, 79 ~2 Japhet 78 n12 Jouvenceil tract 9 King-of-Arms, authority of 82 n268, 84 ~6o Le Baud, Pierre 18, 19 LeBoucq tract 9, 12, 13, 78 ~2 Livery 93 nn1354-67 Longuyon, Jacques de 20, 25, 26, 81 m79 Loutfut, Adam. See Adam Loutfut's Boke.

Lull, Raim6n 20, 82 n218 Marie de France 95 n1402 Menestrier, le pere Claude-Fran~ois 14 Merchant's marks used as arms 79 n30 Montpellier 92 n1169 Mottoes 94 n1367 Menestrier, Charles F. 14 Nobility and arms. See arms and nobility.

Ordre of Chivalry, The Book of the 20 Orleans tract 9, 11 Pastoureau, Michel 4 Peasants, use of arms by. See arms, coats of. Pressigny, arms of 93 m321 Prinsault tract 9, 10, 12, 20, 23-4, 25, 78 ~2, 93 nm354-1434 Pursuivants. See heralds, apprenticeship of. Rebuses. See merchant's marks used as arms. Rietstap 18, 19 Rolls of arms. See arms, rolls of. Sassoferrato. See Banholus de Sassoferrato. Seals 6 Sicily tract 9, 20, 24, 25, 93 nm354-67 Songe du vergier B, 25, 94 n1393, 95 m401

Tractatus de Armis 6

145 Index Tracts on medieval heraldry 6-26 Anglo-Norman 7; English 7-8; French 8-16 Treatises on medieval heraldry. See tracts on medieval heraldry. Upton, Nicholas 8

Vaivre, Jean-Bernard de 13 Villon, Fran~ois 13 Vreux du paon 20, 81 m79 Walford's roll of arms 13, 20 Worthies, the nine 9, 13, 25, 78 nn12-19, 83 n299

TORONTO MEDIEVAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS 1 General Editor : Brian Merrilees

1

The Argentaye Tract, edited by Alan Manning