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A study of the archaeology, history, architecture, sculpture, excavation and restoration of the ancient city of Hatra. T

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The Archaeology of Hatra, the Sacred City

Gorgias Studies in Classical and Late Antiquity

30

Series Editorial Board Johannes Niehoff-Panagiotidis Rebekka Nieten Adrian Pirtea

Irene Schneider Manolis Ulbricht

Advisory Editorial Board Stefan Esders Thomas Figueira Christian Freigang David Hernandez de la Fuente Markham J. Geller Susan Ashbrook Harvey

Nicola Denzey Lewis AnneMarie Luijendijk Roberta Mazza Arietta Papaconstantinou Meron-Martin Piotrkowski Shabo Talay

This series contains monographs and edited volumes on the Greco-Roman world and its transition into Late Antiquity, encompassing political and social structures, knowledge and educational ideals, art, architecture and literature.

The Archaeology of Hatra, the Sacred City

Wathiq Ismail Al-Salihi

gp 2023

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2023 by Gorgias Press LLC All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

‫ܙ‬

1

2023

ISBN 978-1-4632-4547-4

ISSN 2690-2222

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ......................................................................... v Acknowledgments ...................................................................... vii List of Figures, Maps and Plans ................................................... ix Figures ................................................................................. ix Maps ................................................................................... xii Plans ................................................................................... xii Introduction ................................................................................. 1 The Discovery of Hatra ................................................................ 3 I. The Site and its Environment ................................................... 7 II. Historical Background ........................................................... 13 III. The Fortifications ................................................................. 39 IV. Architecture .......................................................................... 61 The Great Temple ............................................................... 61 The Temple of šmš (Shamash) ............................................ 83 The Hellenistic Temple....................................................... 89 The Temple of Allat ............................................................ 92 The Watering Temple ......................................................... 94 The Council House ............................................................. 95 The Small Shrines ............................................................... 96 Shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal (or Shrine I—according to order of discovery). ........................................... 98 Shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal (Shrine II) .............................. 107 Shrines III of bʾʿlšʾmyin and IV of ʾtrʿtʾ ....................... 112 Shrine of Issarbel (Shrine V) ....................................... 115 Shrine VI ..................................................................... 121 Shrine of Hercules/Nergal (Shrine VII) ...................... 123 Shrine VIII (smyʾ) ........................................................ 126 Shrine of šmš and Hercules/Nergal (Shrine IX) .......... 131 v

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Shrine of Hercules/Nergal (Shrine X) ......................... 135 Shrine of Nergal (Shrine XI)........................................ 139 Shrine of nbw (Shrine XII) .......................................... 143 Shrine of gndʾ (Shrine XIII) ......................................... 151 Shrine of nny “Nannay” (Shrine XIV) ......................... 161 The Tombs ........................................................................ 164 Residential Quarters ......................................................... 170 V. The Sculpture ....................................................................... 183 VI. The Divinities of Hatra ....................................................... 205 Bibliography ............................................................................. 211 Index......................................................................................... 217

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to the Fulbright Foundation for a grant of nine months spent at UCLA, and to the University of Pittsburgh, where a few of my articles on the sculptures of Hatra were written. I would like to thank Professor Giorgio Buccellati of UCLA and the late Professor Hugo Nutini of the University of Pittsburgh for their assistance. My thanks go to my wife for her encouragement and support, as well as to Auday Wathiq Al-Salihi, my son, for his tremendous help in the technical aspects. Without his assistance this work would not have been finished. My thanks are extended to Gorgias Studies for publishing this work and to Drs Melonie SchmiererLee and Yael Landman and the editors and to Dr. Jane Moon for proofreading the manuscript.

vii

LIST OF FIGURES, MAPS AND PLANS FIGURES

Fig 1 Tharthar bridge after Andrae Fig 2 Lake at Hatra Fig 3 Soundings near the wall of the Great Temple, courtesy of Ricchiardi Fig 4 Semi-circular buttresses Fig 5 Niche of Shrine VIIIa Fig 6 Lintel of Shrine V, Wrwd/Nsrw Fig 7 Statue of a chief priest, probably of Wrwd/Nsrw Fig 8 Slab of eagle with law of theft, North Gate Fig 9 Coins of Hatra Fig 10 Portico of Sanatruq I Fig 11 Temple of Allat (general view) Fig 12 Sanatruq with Allat Fig 12a Sanatruq with Allat Fig 13 Solid tower of Sanatruq I Fig 14 Statue of Hafayzo with a dedication to King Abdsmya, courtesy of Ricchiardi Fig 15 Actual remains of Hatran ballista Fig 16 Golden pendant found at the North Gate Fig 17 Second entrance of North Gate Fig 18 Statue of Qaimi, the lyre player Fig 19 Dwellings near the East Gate Fig 20 Inscription of tower tomb Fig 21 The city of Hatra Fig 22 The defensive wall of Hatra Fig 23 Curtain wall near the North Gate ix

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig 24 Medusa/Gorgon carved on slab of wall Fig 25 Reconstruction of ballista Fig 26 Abdsmya commander Fig 27 Entrance of the tower tomb Fig 28 Staircase along the wall Fig 29 Moat near the North Gate Fig 30 Moat and bridge Fig 31 The bridge Fig 32 Entrance of the North Gate Fig 33 Niche of Nergal/Hercules Fig 34a Stele of eagle of the North Gate Fig 34b Stele of East Gate Fig 35 Cult bank of Nergal/Hercules Fig 36 Niche of eagle Fig 37 Gnda of the North Gate Fig 38 Closed Hatrene gate Fig 39 Entrance to courtyard of juxtaposed iwans Fig 40 Juxtaposed iwans Fig 41 Medusa of the Great Iwans Fig 42 Arch with carved voussoirs Fig 43 Southern iwan Fig 44 Northern iwan Fig 45 The two iwans Fig 46 Temple of Smya Fig 47 Gods and Smya with bells Fig 48 Temple of Shahiru Fig 49 Statue of Mky Fig 50 Temple of the Triad Fig 51 Arch of the small iwan of the Temple of the Triad Fig 52a Bust of Mrn Fig 52b Bust of Mrtn Fig 52c Bust of Brmryn Fig 53 Roofing in the square temple Fig 54 Hellenistic Temple Fig 55 Temple of Allat Fig 56 Shrine I and houses

LIST OF FIGURES, MAPS AND PLANS Fig 57 Cerberus relief Fig 58 Statue of Knzw Fig 59a Eagle Fig 59b Bust of Shamash Fig 60a Altar of Zqyqʾ of Shrine II Fig 60b Relief of Zqyqʾ of Shrine XIII Fig 61 Relief of Baalshamin Fig 62 Statue of Smy Fig 63 Relief of Issarbel Athena Fig 64 Niche of phase one of Shrine VIIIa Fig 65 Arch of Shrine VIII Fig 66 Statuettes of Smya Fig 67 Relief of Gdwt Fig 68 Statue of King Sanatruq II Fig 69 Statue of Dqfa, the priest Fig 70 Cult bank of Nebo Fig 71 Controversial stele Fig 72 Lintel of entrance of Shrine XIII Fig 73 Cult statue of Gnda Fig 74a Stele of two adults and a boy Fig 74b Stele of two adults and a boy Fig 75 Stele of Hywsha Fig 76 Stele of a man of Justice with Gnda Fig 77 Palmyrene stele of Allat Fig 78a Tombs Fig 78b Tomb Fig 79 Two storey tomb Fig 80 Tower tomb and the city wall Fig 81 House of Maanu Fig 82 Statue of King Sanatruq I Fig 83 Statue of an unknown king found at the North Gate Fig 84 Provenance of a statue of an unknown king Fig 85 Aphrodite on the tunic of chief priest Fig 86 Statue of Nergal/Hercules of the North Gate Fig 87 Gnda with Allat Fig 88a Musical scene

xi

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Fig 88b Musical scene Fig 88c Musical scene Fig 88d Musical scene Fig 89 Allat/Nemesis

Map 1 Hatra in the Near East Map 2 The city of Hatra

MAPS

PLANS

Pl. 1 Plan of the North Gate Pl. 1a Plan of the East Gate Pl. 2 Plan of the Great Temple Pl. 3 Plan of the Temple of the Triad Pl. 4 Plan of the Square Temple Pl. 4a Plan of Temple of Allat Pl. 5 Plan of Shrine I Pl. 6 Plan of Shrine II Pl. 7 Plans of Shrines III & IV Pl. 8 Plan of Shrine V Pl. 9 Plan of Shrine VI Pl. 10 Plan of Shrine VII Pl. 11 Plan of Shrine VIII Pl. 12 Plan of Shrine IX Pl. 13 Plan of Shrine X Pl. 14 Plan of Shrine XI Pl. 15 Shrine of Nebo Pl. 15a Aramaic dedication to Nebo Pl. 16 Shrine XIII of Gnda Pl. 17 Plan of Shrine XIV, courtesy of Al-Aswad Pl. 18 Plan of two houses of 1992 excavations. Courtesy of AlAswad Pl. 19 Plan of Building A, courtesy of Ricchiardi Pl. 20 North palace

INTRODUCTION Hatra is one of the most ancient cities in Mesopotamia: its distinctive cultural elements draw on early Iraqi traditions, and this important city features prominently in the history of the Arabs before Islam. Its strategic location in the heart of the Jazeera, and its established connections with the Parthians made it especially attractive to the Roman rulers. The Roman writers Dio Cassius and Herodian, whose accurate accounts, together with the narrations of older Arab writers such as Tabari, Masoudi, Neshwam Himiari, Asfahani, et al., gave Hatra its fame, and assigned it a unique standing that was maintained for centuries. Hatra’s success can be attributed to its location, its land use, and its mature architecture and planning, in a form that incorporated function and shape to suit cultural process and its development. The social, economic, political and architectural elements of Hatra, along with its construction techniques, and the excellent usage of local building materials, are considered good examples of environmental harmony. The city plan is distinguished by an integrated texture of function, efficiency, scenery, and a defensive system, along with central units that were easily accessible. Hatrene cultural features have influenced contemporary and subsequent cultures in architectural planning, in decorative as well as artistic elements. The ruins still await further investigations and excavations, which will surely yield treasures. Because of the significance of the site, Hatra was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1985. However, excavations and restoration work were affected by economic sanctions on Iraq 1

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

from 1990, both during and after the First Gulf War, during which times financial funding was extremely limited. The site was almost completely neglected during the Second Gulf War in 2003, and targeted and occupied by ISIS in 2015. Afterwards, some of the buildings such as the Temple of the Triad were damaged by the explosion of a booby-trapped car and intentional battering of the architectural sculptures of the Great Temple. Some Hatrene sculptures exhibited in Mosul Museum were also hammered and broken into pieces, while the majority of those remaining disappeared. Conservation work started in 2021 with international funding, in recognition that the site has huge potential for the Iraqi tourist industry in the future.

I.

THE SITE AND ITS ENVIRONMENT The site of the city of Hatra is located about 110 km south-west of the modern city of Mosul and about 50 km north-west of the ancient city of Assur, the first and most venerated of the Assyrian Capitals, in a semi-desert area. 1 That area is known in the literary sources as ‘Arabaya’, 2 which is equivalent to the geographical term al-Jezirah, the land confined between the Tigris and Euphrates in northern Iraq (Map 1). The perennial stream of the Tharthar flows about 3–4 km to the east and north-east of the city (Map 2). Tharthar is 300 km long and has its origin in Sinjar. The springs along its bank constitute the main source of water, in addition to rainwater, which, when heavy (as occurs occasionally), causes flooding into the adjacent areas. 3 The Hatrenes built bridges over the stream. The remains of at least two are still visible. These remains were the bases of the supporting piers and were designed in such a way as to minimize the effects of the flowing stream (Fig. 1). The side that faces the stream is triangular in shape and the other side is flat. The geographical setting of the city, being lower in altitude than the surrounding area, was advantageous to the inhabitants, who collected the water that gathered in depressions outside the city. These two depressions then form two streams flowing to the Safar and Mustafa 1974, 17. Ibid. H.79, 408, H.288, 416, Aggoula, 1991, 55–56, 136–139; Vattioni, 1981, 49–51, 92–93, Beyer, 1998, 47–48, 83. 3 Al-Aswad 1991, 195–211; Shams 1988, figs. 8–9, 22. 7 1 2

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Tharthar. The abundance of water, therefore, other than in the arid summer months, was enough to sustain the cultivation of certain types of produce, some of which could even grow in the summer in the areas close to the springs alongside the Tharthar. 4 In order to conserve the water for summer, the Hatrenes built cisterns to collect rainwater, in addition to digging a great number of wells for underground water, so that every temple, courtyard, street and public square had at least one (Fig. 2). Some water from wells is even suitable for drinking because it passes through layers of limestone. 5

Map 1 Hatra in the Near East

4 5

Ibid. Al-Salihi, 1988, 285–320.

I. THE SITE AND ITS ENVIRONMENT

9

Map 2 The city of Hatra

Certain climatic features can be observed in various parts of the Jezirah and especially at Hatra, but, because of the lack of any meteorological station, study of these features tends not to be of the specific microclimate of the region of Hatra. The rain falls during the autumn season (late October or November) and continues through the winter and spring months until May. It is usually associated with cold weather, while the summer months are dry and hot and extend from June to October.

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 1 Tharthar bridge after Andrae

Fig. 2 Lake at Hatra

I. THE SITE AND ITS ENVIRONMENT

11

The location of the city, with its favourable water resources, also had a strategic importance as far as military and trade routes are concerned. These routes, as investigations indicate, were parallel to the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and converge on Hatra. Examination of the Tabula Peutingeriana, the old Roman map of the routes, allows us to conclude that Hatra was not in fact located on a major military and trade route, but rather on minor routes. But, being the major city in the area, it also controlled the military routes. 6 These studies showed a caravan route linking Hatra with Sinjar by the route coming from the Khabour area, and a second, also minor, connected Hatra with ancient Vicat (Tell Ibra Al-Saghira). A third possible route was identified during a survey made in 1977/8 7 linking Tikrit with Hatra, and seemed to be in use in the later Islamic period. Ross followed this in 1836/7 during his memorable journey to visit the ruins of the city upon the advice of some notable individuals. In fact, that route is used by nomads.

6 7

Ibid. Ibrahim, 1986.

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Hatra played a vital role in the cultural and political development of the area, because it flourished during a period from the 2nd century BCE to the 3rd century CE, when a variety of cultural elements prevailed and the city was an important centre for the Arab tribes. Hatra (Aramaic ḥṭr’) means “the holy place”, with a connotation of “forbidden”, and was the capital of an Arab kingdom mentioned in the Aramaic inscriptions as “ʿArabaya”, which extends geographically beyond Sinjar to the north, the Habur river to the west, and Ctesiphon to the south. 1 Hatra’s location is strategic in controlling the military and trade routes parallel to the Tigris and Euphrates, especially the route that connected Seleucia-on-the-Tigris in Babylonia with Antioch-on-the-Orontes in Syria, passing by Dura-Europos and Palmyra in Syria. This importance was seemingly attributable to the increasing role of the Arab tribes, who were greatly involved with international commerce. Apparently, the Hatrenes and their rulers had firm control not only of the Jezirah area, but of northern Mesopotamia as well, and had enjoyed autonomous rule and independence, which allowed them to follow their own religious beliefs and to strike their own coins. This information is provided by the inscriptions and other discoveries made during the course of excavations at the city, which flourished for the first three centuries of our era. The early phases of its history are still obscure, and for that we have to depend mainly on the archaeological and architectural evidence. 1

Safar & Mustafa, 1974, H.79, H.28. 13

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 3 Soundings near the wall of the Great Temple, courtesy of Ricchiardi

Fig. 4 Semi-circular buttresses

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

15

Fig. 5 Niche of Shrine VIIIa

Environmental conditions at the site of the city and surrounding areas were favourable to the existence of various settlements dated to earlier periods. The site of Umm Dabaghiyah, near Hatra, dated to the Neolithic age, is one example of numerous sites of that period. 2 However, these early-date sites in general are not our concern here, but rather earlier settlement at the site of Hatra itself. To investigate this, a number of soundings were dug at different locations inside the city proper. They revealed that the first layers above virgin soil consisted mainly of ash, indicating temporary occupation, possibly by the nomadic Arab tribes, who were on the move seeking good pasture and who were mentioned by certain classical authors, i.e. Strabo and Pliny the Elder, as the tribes that possibly occupied these territories. However, these layers of ash do not necessarily belong to these tribes, who settled during Hellenistic times, but could be of an earlier

2

For the settlement around Hatra, see Ibrahim, 1986.

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

occupation. 3 Above these layers a change in building practice has been observed, namely, the presence of walls built of mud-brick with levelled floors of mud (Fig. 3). These were succeeded by walls also of mud-brick but of different dimensions, using clay or stucco as mortar, the floors being of stucco too. The two types of mud-brick habitation level clearly indicate that some kind of permanent occupation had taken place at the site. But who were the occupants and to what period did they belong? It was suggested that in the land of Hatra, an Assyrian village had flourished and gradually developed into a large city. 4 But such an important assumption lacks supporting evidence. The pottery evidence is not very helpful in this respect either. If we take into account evidence from other sites in the Jezirah, such as Assur, Nineveh, Nimrud and other sites on the Euphrates, in evaluating early settlement at Hatra, we note that these sites were re-occupied during the period that followed the invasion of Alexander of Macedon of the region. Additionally, other sites in the Jezirah witnessed a shift of interest in the activities occurring, namely the flourishing of commerce routes, which either passed by the major sites or over which they have some control, like our city. For Hatra, Seleucid-Hellenistic influence is apparent in the phase that preceded the extant one, characterized by the erection of the buildings of the Great Temple in ashlar masonry. Moreover, two of the temples have direct Hellenistic influence, i.e. the Temples of šaḥiru and mrn (so-called ‘Hellenistic’) and their earlier phases could very well belong to that period, probably around the 2nd century BCE. At that time, the “Great Temple” occupied a smaller area in comparison with the existing one, as indicated by the presence of an earlier shorter wall, characterized by semi-circular buttresses (Fig. 4). These in turn correspond with the early phase of shrine Vllla (Fig. 5) for example, and with the thick mud-brick walls underneath some of the residential units excavated during the first Ibrahim, 1986, 93–94. An Italian team made soundings at different points inside and outside the Great Temple and revealed walls of mud bricks at various directions. Venco Ricciardi & Peruzzeto, 2013, 81–89. 4 Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 18. 3

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

17

season in 1951. This archaeological evidence provides us with probable indications as to the extent of the habitation of the city during the later stages of the Seleucid period, when some of the Arab tribes found a potential territory in which to build a town that was to grow into a large and important city. The Aramaic inscriptions shed light on some of the tribes that inhabited the city and who were considered urban residents. Others were occasional visitors to the city, who had contributed generously to build it, making it the wealthiest and most venerated among contemporary cities. These tribes might have had close connections with each other, and probably especially with those branches of tribes who actually had permanent dwellings in the city, other branches being on the move but with their headquarters in the city, taking refuge there and defending it in times of danger. These vital questions and speculations need to be clearly verified by fresh evidence to supplement already available materials, which indicate that the political structure in this early stage of Hatra is best described as “dimorphic chiefdom.” Later, a local dynasty, whose origin was certainly tribal, naturally went on from this chiefdom to become the dominant one, and ruled the city for centuries. The inscribed evidence mentions a number of tribes, notable among these Tymw and Blʿgb, who left their names carved on two very important dedicatory architectural inscriptions. The first was incised on the lintel of the main entrance of shrine VIIIA in its latest building construction level (dated to 98 CE), and states that both of them built the shrine at their own expense for the worship of Nergal. 5 That shrine had many building phases, clearly indicated by the alterations and changes that took place in the level of its entrance due to the increasing height of the front courtyard. So, we can safely deduce that the shrine had always belonged to the two tribes as their private temple, and that they were responsible for its initial construction. The second inscription was carved on a building slab of a two-storey tomb located 5

See ‘Shrine VIII’.

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in the eastern part of the city. 6 It bears the same date as the first, and it states that the same tribes had built the tomb for themselves, but mentions one condition: that their bones should not be burned. Apparently, the two tribes had utilized their joint efforts to meet their obligations concerning different aspects of life, especially the religious aspects, but to what extent did they cooperate? The question remains unanswered at the present as there is a lack of conclusive evidence. Moreover, some religious titles were repeatedly recorded in the inscriptions of the subsequent periods, and seem to have lingered on to signify the religious importance of the city in its earlier epoch, in which the religious beliefs of the Arab tribes and those of the inhabitants were formulated. These titles were kmrʾ, meaning a priest, kmrtʾ, priestess; rbʾ, a steward having both secular and religious duties, the whole city being governed by a major or a steward, as were the larger temples, and rbʾ, which means a chief. The following period of the political history of the city is less complicated, even though the presence of gaps is still to be observed, and it is marked by the ascension of certain members of a specific family or tribe to rulership, as testified by the evidence of inscriptions. Each one called himself mryʾ, a “lord” and during their rule most of the political and architectural developments took place. The inscriptions record the names of six persons, each of which is followed by the title mryʾ, they are, in chronological order according to the dated inscription, nšryhb son of ʾlkwd, wrwd/nsrw, mʿnw, wlgš, and sntrwq. Some of them were certainly rulers of the city, while others acquired the title, but the evidence is inadequate as to the extent of their importance in the political structure, therefore their rule remains conjectural. The first of the Lords to rule in the city was nšryhb son of ʾlkwd, as ascertained by numerous inscriptions, some of which were found incised on the lower rows of the building slabs of the two large units of the Great Iwans. His name was also found in the inscriptions of the Temple of the Triad, which led the excavator to believe that he was 6

See ‘The Tombs’.

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

19

actually responsible for the construction of the temple, rather than his son wrwd/nsrw, during whose reign most of the archaeological and inscribed evidence testify that the temple was constructed. 7

Fig. 6 Lintel of Shrine V, Wrwd/Nsrw

Fig. 7 Statue of a chief priest, probably of Wrwd/Nsrw

7

See the ‘Temple of the Triad’.

20

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 8 Slab of eagle with law of theft, North Gate

The second building stage of the Great Iwans was carried out by a mryʾ by the name of wrwd, for he left his name inscribed on the rows that followed those of nšryhb. But their relationship is conjectural, he was perhaps either his eldest son or a younger brother. A recent study, based on epigraphical and archaeological evidence suggests that wrwd mryʾ had acquired the name of nsrw, which means ‘winner’, ‘defender’, ‘protector’, ‘guardian’, because of his formidable deed of leading the Hatrenes in defending their city during the Roman attack led by Emperor Trajan. Therefore, for the purpose of this study, he is referred to as wrwd/nsrw. This suggestion is justified by the fact that the rule of Hatra was confined to one family, that of nšryhb. The inscribed evidence concerning the next mryʾ is copious, dated, and more conclusive, and sheds ample light on a very important personality in the political history of the city. His name was wrwd/nsrw and he was more engaged in architectural activities than his predecessors. He was responsible for the construction of the final stages of building the

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

21

Great Iwans, as his inscribed name on the building slabs testifies. 8 Later evidence shows that he built the northern wall of the Great Temple, in addition to the adjacent actual gate. 9 Sculptural and literary testimonials indicate that he built a large temple of the triple iwan type for the worship of the Triad. 10 He left his image carved in relief on two voussoirs of the small western iwan of the temple. His activities extended to restoration works at the city’s main gates, namely, the Northern and Eastern, where inscriptions mentioning his name were discovered, in addition to his images, where he is shown reclining on his side holding in his hand a cup celebrating his victory. This is similar to the relief that adorned the main entrance of shrine V (Fig. 6), for the construction of which he was also responsible. 11 He is shown surrounded by his two sons, wlgš and sntrwq, with two reliefs of winged Nike carrying wreaths to be placed on his head, signifying the victory he had bravely achieved by leading the Hatrenes and the Arab tribes in their formidable defence against the invading Roman army led by Trajan, the emperor himself. The latter attacked Mesopotamia, along with the eastern territories, after his accession to the throne. He set off for this campaign driven by political ambition, instigated by his idea of imitating Alexander of Macedon in achieving personal glory. He launched an attack on Hatra, probably at the end of April or beginning of June 117 CE. Dio Cassius described the surrounding country and said that it lacked both water and fodder and that Hatra had been protected by Heliosšmš, the Sun-god. Trajan himself joined in the military operations and was nearly wounded. The Hatrenes, in return, inflicted heavy casualties on the besieging army and especially the cavalry. Very soon afterwards, Trajan abandoned Hatra and withdrew his troops, then his health began to fail and he died early in August of the same year. 12 It seems plausible to suggest that wrwd/nsrw, H.17. H.272. 10 See the ‘Temple of the Triad’. 11 See ‘Shrine V’. 12 Dio Cassius, 68, 31. 8 9

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

who led the Hatrenes in their stand, was ruling at Hatra, as the inscriptions testify in the years between 114–138 CE, and who was very much involved with the construction program, facilitated by the generous donations of the Arab tribes, who wanted their city to be the most beautiful of all. Hatra’s fame had increased, especially after Trajan’s abortive siege, being the only city that withstood the Roman assault, and probably for the same reason wrwd/nsrw was endowed with two titles, associated with no other mryʾ. The first is ʾpklʾ rbʾ which means “chief priest,” and the second is ʾbyʾ rbʾ, meaning a “chief patrician”. A very interesting statue was discovered at the Eastern gate (Fig. 7), which might have been of wrwd/nṣrw, holding in his two hands a statue of an eagle. 13 He is shown barefoot, with vertical and horizontal lines on his outer garment to indicate the special “H” vestment worn by the priests of Hatra. On his tunic, a relief of nude Aphrodite is carved. The statue is also characterized by a striking hairstyle. By analogy with other reliefs and statues that belong to/or would be attributed to wrwd/nṣrw, we suggest that the statue is in fact of wrwd/nṣrw, and his provenance at the Eastern gate with an inscription mentioning his name, with the two titles, proved that he had done some restoration works or additions at the city gates and main wall for the purpose of consolidating the city’s defences. In another inscription dated CE 138 he was called qšyšʾ, the elder. The following epoch is marked by rather confused inscribed evidence, which in turn gives rise to much speculation and discussion among scholars. According to one inscription mʿnw was the mryʾ who probably followed wrwd/nsrw in the rule of Hatra, and this is dated to the year 149 CE, but his reign at the city cannot be substantiated unless new evidence is uncovered. 14 However, contemporary with his suggested rule is very important information found inscribed on a stele bearing the relief of an eagle (Fig. 8). It is dated to the month of November (December) of the 13 14

Al-Salihi, 1991, 35–40. H.288.

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

23

year 151 CE and states that the Hatrenes, young and old, and all the Arabs, had selected šmšbrk to be the steward or mayor (rbytʾ) of Hatra. 15 The inscription continues to state a warning for any person, whether a foreigner or an inhabitant, that the death penalty is decreed in case of robbery. This inscription indicates that šmšbrk, a mayor (rbytʾ), was invested with the authority to carry out the death sentence, but the title rbytʾ has often occurred in other inscriptions, by which we deduce that almost any temple, at least the larger ones, were supervised by the (rbytʾ) in the administrative sense, while the religious duties were confined to the priests. Moreover, there would be no apparent contradiction between the authorities and the duties of the (rbytʾ) and those of the (mryʾ), the ruler of the city. Two undated inscriptions mention the names of two other lords. The first records the name of wlgš, who some scholars believe to be the son of wrwd/nsrw, while the second mentions sntrwq, who definitely was his son, as many inscriptions testify, and who first called himself mryʾ 16 prior to appropriating the title of king. His rule as mryʾ was, apparently, a short one, during which he was militarily active in an epoch marked by the Roman invasion of Mesopotamia under the leadership of Lucius Verus in the years 162–165 CE. The Romans succeeded in capturing Ctesiphon and Seleucia-on-the Tigris. 17 The Roman soldiers confiscated a statue of Apollo-nbw from the temple and installed it in the Temple of Apollo in Rome as a symbol of their victory, but the classical sources remain silent on the activities of the ruler of Hatra and the Arab tribes in these years of turmoil. However, the inscribed evidence testifies that the title of “King” was bestowed on sntrwq, who also called himself “King of the Arabs”, the victorious king of the Arabs, and then the “Fortunate”. 18 It is believed that during this period Hatrene coins were first struck. They bear the Aramaic legend of ḥtrʾ dy šmš (Fig. 9), but H.336. H.232. 17 Lucius Verus’ invasion of Mesopotamia in 165 CE. 18 sntrwq king, king of the Arabs, the fortunate. 15 16

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

otherwise resemble imperial Roman coins of the mint of Antioch dated to between 138–161 CE. 19

Fig. 9 Coins of Hatra

Fig. 10 Portico of Sanatruq I

19

Coins of Hatra, excavation coins. Al-Salihi, 1974, 155–162.

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

25

Fig. 11 Temple of Allat (general view)

The architectural and epigraphical evidence testifies to the activities of King sntrwq in beautifying the city, by erecting certain temples, consolidating the fortifications, 20 and paying homage and respect to the city’s chief gods, as evidenced by the discovery of their reliefs. The construction of the Temple of šmš, or certain additions to it were attributed to him as evidenced by an important inscription dated to the year 177/178 CE. 21 He certainly added a portico on the western side of the temple (Fig. 10) and left his name inscribed on its architrave and on several column drums. 22 He also added a roof balustrade on the top of the temple, composed of small columns supporting a continuous architrave, and some of the building slabs and column drums were incised with his name. In commemoration of his completion of these additions, he erected statues of himself and his two sons in the porch. Moreover, among his most significant architectural achievements was the construction of an impressive temple for See the ‘The Fortifications, sntrwq’. 177–178 CE H.82. 22 H.197, H.199. 20 21

26

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

the worship of Allat, the great Arab goddess. 23 He constructed it with the usual triple iwan appearance, a distinctive Hatrene architectural feature, but with greater dimensions, and decorated it with various architectural ornamentations and mouldings (Fig. 11). He also left his image and that of his son carved in relief in niches facing the entrances of the small iwans, and above, in the southern iwan, a continuous relief was carved portraying a number of Hatrene young men playing on different musical instruments, some happily clapping. The central slab shows a goddess seated sidewise on a dromedary and being welcomed by a priestess playing the tambourine. 24 The goddess is identified as Allat on literary evidence. On another large relief, King sntrwq is portrayed standing in front of the same goddess, who is seated this time, on the arm of a balance (Fig. 12). In another scene, he is shown presenting a model of a temple to the goddess. On the lower frame of the relief, inscriptions were incised, one reading “sntrwq, the king, the priest” and the other “sntrwq, king of the Arabs.” She is also identified with Nemesis, the Greek goddess of vengeance and justice. Yet another inscription also found at this temple probably identifies the goddess Allat-Nemesis with mrtn, the female member of the Triad of Hatra. sntrwq was also responsible for building the entrance, north of the temple, in the separating wall of the Great Temple, and also for the eastern part of the northern side of its surrounding wall, for his name was inscribed on some of the building slabs. He had an ample share in strengthening the fortifications by constructing a number of solid towers (Fig. 13), one of which, in the Northern gate area, bears the relief of two of his images and two of his son and crown prince ʿbdsmyʾ. 25

See ‘The Temple of Allat’. Allat and Echo, Al-Salihi, 143–144. 25 Al-Salihi, 1980, 56f. 23 24

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Fig. 12 Sanatruq with Allat

Fig. 13 Solid tower of Sanatruq I

27

28

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 14 Statue of Hafayzo with a dedication to King Abdsmya, courtesy of Ricchiardi

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

29

sntrwq’s statues were numerous and were discovered in various temples and shrines. He was portrayed in a majestic pose, holding a palmette in his hand and on one statue, found in a room close to the temple, he is shown clad in a long fur coat, which was—strictly—to be worn only by kings. He is known to scholars as sntrwq I, in order to distinguish him from his grandson, who bore the same name. It is believed that sntrwq ruled in the city for many years, probably to ca. 180 CE, and was succeeded by his son ʿbdsmyʾ, who also reigned for about twenty-five years, probably until ca. 205 CE. Two dated inscriptions were found mentioning ʿbdsmyʾ as the king of Hatra. One is dated to 193 CE 26 and the other (Fig. 14) to 200 CE. 27 During his reign, Roman hostilities were resumed again, spearheaded this time by Septimius Severus, who attacked Mesopotamia in 198/199 CE and made an abortive attempt on Hatra. His motives, as mentioned by Dio Cassius and Herodian, were that he wanted revenge on the cities that offered assistance to his opponent and rival for the throne of Rome, Pescenius Niger, who had revolted against his rapid seizure of the Roman throne and rejected his rule after the assassination of Helvius Pertinax in 193 CE. 28 Hatra was one of the cities that placed at Niger’s disposal a legion of expert archers to aid him in his struggle for the Roman throne, and Herodian elaborates further by mentioning that Severus’ attack on the city was instigated by the friendly relationship between the king of Hatra ʿbdsmyʾ and Niger. 29 Dio relates that Severus attacked Hatra after the fall of Ctesiphon and that he made two attempts, the first in 198 CE, which accomplished nothing except that many soldiers were lost and numerous siege engines were destroyed. He then retired, possibly to Nisibis, and renewed his hostile assault the following year. 30 However, Herodian places the siege before the fall of Ctesiphon at H.290. Pennacchetti 1988, 43–44. 28 Bourne 1966, 434. 29 Herodian, 3, 1, 3. 30 Dio Cassius, 75, 1, Herodian, 3, 91. 26 27

30

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Severus’ hands, and says that he had made only one attempt. At any rate, Severus’ assault failed due to the formidable fortifications of the city and to the bravery of the Hatrenes and Arab tribes, who managed to destroy most of the hostile new offensive engines that the emperor himself had supervised the preparation of. The defenders, as Dio Cassius and Herodian explained, were of great number, hurling every kind of weapons against the soldiers, and the Arab cavalry attacked the Roman camps from every direction, inflicting heavy losses among the troops. 31 They also laid ambush for the hostile soldiers. However, the most effective of the weapons was the bituminous naphtha that the Hatrenes threw on the besieging engines and soldiers, which resulted in their burning. Dio and Herodian mentioned that different types of ballistae were employed, many of which threw stones of various sizes, and one of which was discovered during the excavations of the North-Gate (Fig. 15). Furthermore, the Hatrenes made use of small, poisonous flying insects by placing them in small pottery jars and shooting them at the soldiers, whom they bit and poisoned. 32 Consequently, the repeated Roman assaults caused a breach in the city’s main wall, and when the Roman soldiers wanted to follow up this advantage, they were prevented by Severus. He wanted the city to surrender, and to retain for himself the largest portion of the spoil from the Temple of šmš, which contained great quantities of money and offerings (Fig. 16), as Dio related. 33 But the Hatrenes rebuilt the demolished part of the wall during the night and repulsed further offences made by the Syrian troops, who were ordered to attack but were largely slaughtered after the Europeans’ refusal to charge against the walls due to the emperor’s previous action, which also created mutinous feelings and disobedience among his soldiers. Therefore, he ordered his troops to withdraw from the land, after losing every hope of capturing the city. The memory of Severus’ failed expedition at Hatra lingered in the minds of the Romans for a Dio Cassius, 76, 1, Herodian, 3, 91. Dio Cassius, 76, 10, 1. 33 Ibid, 76, 11–13. 31 32

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

31

long period, because it accomplished only heavy casualties on the part of the Roman soldiers.

Fig. 15 Actual remains of Hatran ballista

Fig. 16 Golden pendant found at the North Gate

32

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 17 Second entrance of North Gate

The city resumed its peaceful and prosperous way of life until about 225–226 CE when Ardashir, after revolting against Parthian rule, marched towards Ctesiphon, which he easily captured, due to the decline in the political power of the throne, and killed Artabanus V, the last recognized king of the Parthians. 34 Ardashir, moving swiftly, controlled most of the Mesopotamian territories, invaded “Arabaya” and made an assault on Hatra, which was repelled even though, as Dio Cassius states, a breach in the wall was made. 35 The Hatrene leader defending the city was King sntrwq (II) son of ʿbdsmyʾ who apparently ruled for a rather long period of time, during which, remarkably, Hatra flourished, in spite of the great perils constituted by the Persians. sntrwq II was responsible for the construction of several edifices, among which was the second entrance (Fig. 17) to the North Gate, 36 in addition to his contribution in reinforcing the fortifications, including the building of supplementary towers. He was a well-known king, and was mentioned in the writings of the Arab Debevoise, 1938, 269. Dio Cassius, 80, 3, 2. 36 Al-Salihi, 1980, 196. 34 35

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

33

historians under the name of “Satrun”, which pertained also to the kings of Hatra. 37 Numerous statues representing famous Hatrene personalities were discovered during excavations of remains of this epoch, and some of their bases bear dated inscriptions. Judging from the style, and their costumes and jewellery, they enjoyed a prosperous and wealthy life. Among these notable statues is that of mrtbu, the priestess of Athena-iššʾrbel, to whose worship Shrine V was dedicated, and this bears the inscribed year 236 CE. 38 Another statue belongs to qymy (the harp player, Fig. 18), bearing the year 238 CE, 39 and to the same year is dated the statue of Princess dwšpʾri, daughter of King sntrwq II. However, the most significant statues were those of the king himself, some of which were severely damaged and broken into fragments, but the bases of which were inscribed. He was portrayed standing frontally, carrying in his hands, above the waist, a small statue of his personal guardian god. He is clad in an elaborately decorated tunic, and he is bare-footed, which is an indication that he was in a worshipping status. 40 On an inscribed building slab he was described as “the religious” or “pious”. 41 On the statue bases he was bestowed with the titles of “King of the Arabs”, “the victorious,” and “King of Arabaya” (the Arab land), 42 which means that his rule extended to the whole of the Arabian territories and that the Arab tribes too were loyal to him.

He appears in the writings of Tabari, Hamawi, N. Himiari, Al-Asfahani, Mas’udi, M. Himiari, and others. 38 mrtbu H.34. 39 qymy H.32. 40 Safar & Mustafa, H.316 and H.79. 41 Al-Salihi, 1978, H.341, 73–74. 42 H.79, 195, 203, 229, 287. 37

34

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 18 Statue of Qaimi, the lyre player

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Fig. 19 Dwellings near the East Gate

Fig. 20 Inscription of tower tomb

35

36

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

The favourable political situation could not last for long because of the increasing power of the Sasanids, therefore Hatra allied itself with the Romans and received a Roman garrison in 235 CE, in the time of Alexander Severus, and this remained until the reign of Gordian III (238–243 CE), as indicated by three Latin inscriptions discovered in the city. 43 In addition, statues of Poseidon, Apollo, Hermes and Eros were discovered in the so-called Hellenistic temple, Greco-Roman in style and date. 44 Nevertheless, the combined forces of the Hatrenes and the Arab tribes could not ward off the immense danger of Shapur I, son of Ardashir, who captured the city in 240–241 CE, as was disclosed by an important document found in Egypt, which states that the second revelation of Mani took place in the same year that Hatra was captured. 45 Tabari concurred that Mani lived during the reign of Shapur. 46 An Arab poet related that “Shapur had besieged Hatra for two years” prior to its capture. The poetical description of the fall of Hatra was told with sorrow because of the special place that it had held in the minds of the Arabs, and which certainly continued for several generations. However, the controversial issue is that some of the Arab writers said that Shapur I captured the city, while others claimed that Shapur II, son of Hermuzd besieged it for a long time before he controlled it. 47 Another source suggested that both assailants actually besieged Hatra, but they both suffered the same unfortunate tale of treason. These sources state that the ruler of Hatra during the attack was a king by the name of Dhaizan. His name is not mentioned in the inscriptions of the city, but there is discrepancy all round, as the siege of the city happened in 240/241 CE, which was too early for the writers to have enough perspective to grasp the true story. It was not written down at that time, and was thus confused with another similar fable pertaining to Hatra. After the tragic fall, the invaders did not settle Latin inscriptions, Oates 1955, 39–43, Maricq, 1957, 288–296. Safar & Mustafa, figs. 97–101, 120–125. 45 Ibid, 34, Milik, 1972, 355. 46 Al-Tabari, part 2, 50. 47 Al-Salihi, 1990, Sieges, 109–113. 43 44

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

37

in the city, but moved away in pursuit of their ambitions to control as much territory as possible. Their purpose was only to put an end to the city’s role both politically and economically. This definitely was achieved, for the archaeological evidence indicates that the period of flourishment had ceased, as well as the city’s political influence. However, it was not abandoned. Arab tribesmen continued to dwell in most of its buildings, especially those close to the main wall and the four gates (Fig. 19). An important inscription carved on a building slab was found near the walls. It belonged to a tower tomb in the eastern section of the city. The inscription is dated to the year of 356 CE (667 of the Seleucid Era), when the said tower was used to bury the corpses of a certain family known by the name of ʾlkwd (Fig. 20). The writings on the inscription are not finely executed compared with the last dated inscription of 238 CE: the letters are degenerate and not regularly spaced or carved, and the lines were not straight but tend to curve slightly. 48 The Arab sources mention the migration of some tribes into territories previously occupied by the Sasanian invaders in the early years of the 4th century CE, taking advantage of the decline of their rule due to having installed a child on their throne. Some tribes moved towards Bahrain and Kadima and freed their land from the hostile Persians, while others swarmed the Jazirah area and the Levant, among them a certain tribe called “Qudha’a” under the leadership of a chieftain known as Dhaizan, who directed the movement towards Hatra. Then he and his tribes and their allies “settled in it”. 49 Several Arab writers mention that Dhaizan became king of the whole area including Hatra “after the rule of the Satrun”, 50 who had actually built the “fortress”. An indication of continued occupation in Hatra during this period is the graffiti, which are found incised on the gypsum walls of the buildings adjacent to the main circuit. The main themes are hunting and scenes of reclining persons, and they do not reflect H.416, Al-Salihi, 1985–86, 109–110. N. Himiari, 350–351. 50 Mas’udi, 151, Al-Asfahani, 116, Hamadani, 129, Tabari, 47. 48 49

38

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

the usual Hatrene style, either in context or artistic achievement. 51 They are imitations of then still standing works of art, such as the reclining figures found on the lintel of Shrine V and in the North Gate, and the hunting scenes portray a horseman following quarry, usually a deer. Such a theme was found in a fresco on a wall in a large building (palace?) near the NorthGate. 52 For these reasons, these graffiti are dated to a later period of the history of the city, probably during Dhaizan’s rule, and were made by the defending Arab soldiers. However, some of the graffiti were done by Roman soldiers, for they portray Roman subjects such as the military standard and the Greco-Roman deities they venerated. Mas’udi mentioned that Dhaizan was followed by a great number of warriors and “was friendly to the Romans, partial towards them”. 53 Dhaizan used to attack Sasanian strongholds, and in one of his raids a sister of Shapur II was hit, as related by al-Asfahani and Hamadani. 54 The increasing power of Dhaizan and of the Arab tribes in general endangered Sasanian rule, especially in Mesopotamia and the Levant. For that reason Shapur II, after crushing a revolt in Khurasan, invaded the Arab lands, and when he reached Hatra, found it well fortified and not easily subdued, so he besieged it for a long period. Some historians 55 think that he spent four years trying to find a way to capture it, but others suggest that he actually besieged it for only two years. Most of the Arab sources claim that Nadhira, daughter of Dhaizan, was responsible for revealing to the invaders the secret by which to disentangle the talisman of the formidable fortifications. But the validity of this story needs more conclusive and convincing evidence. In 363 CE, when Ammianus Marcellinus passed by Hatra, he said that it was deserted. 56 Shams, 1981, 146–158, Ibrahim, 1986, 162–164. Safar & Mustafa, 247. See ‘The North Palace’. 53 Mas’udi, 151. 54 Al-Asfahani, 116, Hamadani, 129. 55 The siege of Shapur II in the writings of Arab authors. 56 Ammianus Mercellinus, 25, 8, 5. 51 52

III.

THE FORTIFICATIONS Some classical authors regarded Hatra as the only city to have challenged the power of the Roman emperors, who tried to subdue it at various times but failed because they were confronted with brave people and formidable defences. The same writers mention its strong fortifications, walls and towers; the great number of defending soldiers; ambushes laid by the Arab cavalry for the Roman soldiers, and the types of advanced weapons that the Hatrenes employed against the besieging Roman armies. The latter were effective in inflicting heavy losses on the soldiers and their assaulting artillery. 1 These accounts were verified by excavations in various parts of the city, particularly those conducted in the circuit wall and adjacent areas. Furthermore, the excavations have supplied us with more information about the city’s defences themselves.

1

Dio Cassius, 68, 31; Herodian, 3, 9, 3. 39

40

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 21 The city of Hatra

Fig. 22 The defensive wall of Hatra

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

Fig. 23 Curtain wall near the North Gate

Fig. 24 Medusa/Gorgon carved on slab of wall

41

42

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

The plan of the city is almost circular, with regularly laid main avenues leading from the four main gates toward the Great Temple in the centre (Fig. 21). The avenues were intersected by subsidiary narrower streets on either side. This circular planning offered advantages to the defending soldiers, who would have a wider range of vision and in three directions, and it was also advantageous economically and architecturally, because any circuit includes a larger area than a rectangle of the same length of outline can enclose. 2 Hatra was surrounded by an outer earth wall. It is about 500 meters distant from the main wall, with a diameter of ca. 3 km. Archaeological investigations conducted at this outer circuit revealed that the ground was first levelled and then covered with small chips of limestone. Then earth was piled on top in order to form an initial obstacle to any hostile army. The invading soldiers would also be visible to the defending Hatrenes when they crossed it. 3 Near the earth circuit, there are remains of four observation towers situated opposite the main gates. The one on the eastern side was excavated. It is a two storey building, square in plan, built of ashlar masonry. A few skeletons were found in sarcophagi made of limestone slabs. The main defensive wall is almost circular and it is built of mudbrick on foundations of hewn stone, which rise, in some areas, to about two meters above ground level. The wall is three meters wide (Fig. 22). It is formidable because of its width, and because it was constructed with mud bricks, which withstand heavy artillery better than stone walls. 4 This was almost impossible to penetrate except in one or possibly two incidents. The first was during Septimius Severus’ attack in 198–199 CE, when his Al-Salihi, 1980, 158–187; 1991, 187–194; Ibrahim, 1986, 168: These accounts are the actual reports of the excavations of the north and east gates respectively, however M. Gawlikowski, 1994 did not depend on the excavation reports, therefore, his account on the fortifications of Hatra is lacking accuracy. 3 Al-Salihi, 1980, 168. 4 Ibid, 163f. 2

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

43

soldiers succeeded in demolishing part of it, as related by Dio Cassius and Herodian. The second incident occurred when Ardashir, the first Sasanian ruler besieged the city during the first few years of his reign, as Dio Cassius wrote. Excavations in the main wall, especially in the Northern gate, have revealed that a tower was actually razed to the ground along with the adjoining parts of the walls. Heavy restoration work is also indicated in certain parts of the walls and towers. Curtain walls of hewn limestone slabs were added to the main circuit, and they are also 3 meters wide, and in some places are still standing to more than 10 meters above ground level (Fig. 23). The Arab historians regarded the main wall of the city as impregnable to enemy soldiers because it was a talisman, which is probably an indication of the presence of apotropaic masks similar to the mask of Gorgon/Medusa (Fig. 24) found carved in relief on a building slab in a curtain wall in the eastern section of the main wall. 5 The planners of the city’s defences were certainly aware of the available literature on military architecture and building techniques for walls and towers written by the relevant Greek authors, Philon for example. 6 Accordingly the Hatrenes separated the main circuit from the adjacent houses and other buildings by an open and empty space, in order to facilitate the transport of military equipment and goods to the defensive posts. We have found the implementation of this concept to have actually taken place in the Northern gate area, while the walls on either side of the Eastern gate were connected to the walls of the nearby houses, which were probably used as living quarters in the later period of the city’s history (Fig. 19).

5 6

Such as Tabari, Mas’udi, Himiari, Hamawi, etc. Philon in Lawrence, 1979, 77.

44

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 25 Reconstruction of ballista

Fig. 26 Abdsmya commander

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

45

Fig. 27 Entrance of the tower tomb

Fig. 28 Staircase along the wall

The main wall is supported by at least 163 towers, and by a number of solid towers or strongholds built of hewn limestone slabs, whose main function was to increase the strength of the

46

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

defences, their tops used to accommodate the ballistae (Figs. 15, 25), as indicated by the discovery of the stone-thrower ballista behind the solid tower west of the Northern gate. 7 The same tower was adorned with reliefs representing King sntrwq I and his son ʿbdsmyʾ, each of which was three meters high, built in a niche located close to the top of the northern facade of the tower (Fig. 26). Most of the solid towers were added to the wall in a later period of the main wall. Some of the towers contained dwelling spaces for soldiers. The foundations of these towers and of the main wall were erected directly on bed rock, large slabs of which were cut and used to build the foundations. These towers have windows with the profile of a truncated pyramid, narrow on the outside, getting gradually wider towards the inside, to permit as much light as possible to enter. The towers were constructed according to a well-known principle that “they would cooperate with each other” and that means the distances between them should not be too great, so that the defending soldiers on top of a tower were in close contact with their colleagues stationed on top of the adjacent flanking towers. 8 The excavations in the eastern part of the city revealed that some of the towers were two-storey buildings, and had dual functions. On the one hand, they were defensive towers, and on the other they were used as burial chambers, indicated by the presence of sarcophagi made of pottery, stone, and wood. The excavators found, in the north-eastern tower of the main wall, a wooden sarcophagus embedded in the thickness of the wall, above the lintel of the entrance to the staircase that leads to the second floor. These tower-tombs had heavy stone doors to their main entrances and to the inside chambers (Fig. 27), similar to those found in the aforementioned burial towers located in the eastern part of the city. An important inscription found in a tower close to the Eastern gate mentions that the building was actually used as private burial tower. The Hatrenes adopted this old Mesopotamian and Greek practice, recorded by 7 8

Al-Salihi, 1980, 163–166. Philon, 79.

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

47

some Greek writers, according to which it was essential to have the tombs of some prominent citizens and military commanders in the circuit wall or close to it, so that their city would always be protected and safeguarded not only by the brave descendants currently defending its walls, but also by the martyrs who died defending it and were buried in their forefather’s land. 9 The city is therefore protected by both the dead and the living. Alongside the main wall on the inside are a good number of staircases built of greenish-coloured marble. 10 Each one is supported by at least two arches of different spans, constructed also along the wall (Fig. 28), in various sizes and of different types of stone and gypsum. To prevent the enemy from reaching the walls, and as a protective measure, a moat was dug. 11 It was a valuable measure in the hindering and delaying of assailants, where they could be subjected to missiles, also effectively increasing the relative height of the main wall. The moat was 4–5 meters deep and 8 meters wide, and was dug into bed rock, with the material extracted from the cutting converted into building blocks (Fig. 29). The moat was separated from the main wall by sufficient distance to ensure stability. Where the intervening strip of ground was naturally uneven, it was trimmed flat or to a gentle slope in order to reduce pressure that might cause the edge of the moat to break away, and also to prevent earth slides. The inward side of the moat was made higher than the opposite one, and a parallel retaining wall was built. This again was erected on bed rock using the extracted material as building blocks. This retaining wall was strengthened by a great number of buttresses. They are rectangular in shape and increase in number in the areas close to the gates.’

Al-Salihi, 1985–86, H.416, 109; Beyer, 106; Philon, 89. Shams, 1988, 148; Al-Salihi, 1991, 191. 11 Al-Salihi, 1980, 166. 9

10

48

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 29 Moat near the North Gate

Fig. 30 Moat and bridge

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

49

Fig 31. The bridge

Over the moat, a 5-meter wide bridge was constructed near the Northern gate, over an arch supported by two piers. 12 It was built of hewn limestone (Fig. 30). The retaining wall of the moat, close to and below the bridge, is very strongly built and some of the building slabs employed were column drums taken from earlier buildings. The bridge leads to a preliminary entrance, which is divided into three parts, the middle one being the only passageway (Fig. 31). It was closed by a wooden door, indicated by the discovery of door sockets located on either side of the threshold. Apparently the wooden door was not sufficient to ensure the safety of this vital passageway, so a mechanical iron grid device was employed. It was held vertically, when closed, in the gaps or wide grooves left between the two dividing walls of the passageway. It is flanked by two identical rooms, probably to house the gateway guards. This preliminary entrance was designed to be dominated by a nearby solid tower, plus another one manned by defending soldiers who would subject the enemy to fire from many directions, but especially against the unshielded right 12

Ibid, 167.

50

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

side. 13 This military consideration is perfectly employed at the Northern gate. Furthermore, and in order to compel the advancing enemy toward the main gate, to stay on a narrow track and be exposed to fire, the distance between this entrance and the main gate was made long with a lateral approach (Pl. 1 and Pl. 1a of the East Gate).

Pl. 1 Plan of the North Gate

Pl. 1a Plan of the East Gate

Hatra had only four main gates, located almost at the cardinal points of the compass, and this planning had military 13

Philon, 81.

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

51

advantages, as it made it easier for the guards on watch to report the exact direction of the enemy’s approach. Each gate was designed to have a lateral opening, and the four gates were solidly built and flanked by many formidable solid towers. The main entrance is securely placed between an overlapping extension of a wall and a projecting tower, so as to create a lateral opening. This wall was built against the left flanking tower of the entrance and was extended northward, then turned westward and finally ended in line with the outer corner of the other flanking tower. Posterns of hewn stones were constructed to hold a wooden door, where a wooden sliding bolt was used, its place still visible on the side wall of the tower (Fig. 32). This entrance leads to an open court and to the main entrance of the gate, which is 3.8 meters wide and flanked by two rectangular projecting towers. The entrance was closed by a heavy wooden door, indicated by its sockets on the threshold, and was bolted using a sliding wooden beam, extending from a small square opening in the tower on the right to a cubical structure built against the opposite tower to house the other end of the beam when the door was closed and bolted. 14 These bolting arrangements are found in both the Northern and Eastern gates. At the latter, the wooden bolting beam was discovered intact, but on and around the threshold of the main entrance at the Northern gate heavy deposits of ash were found. One of the old Arab writers wrote that the wooden doors of the gates of Hatra were very heavy and extremely strong and when they are bolted they could never be opened except by “a very large multitude”. There were traces of several thresholds one on top of the other at the entrance of the Northern gate, the original one found in the lowest layer. It was damaged in two areas, because of the friction caused by cart traffic. 15 The limestone pavement preceding the threshold was similarly scratched.

14 15

Al-Salihi, 1980, 159. Ibid.

52

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 32 Entrance of the North Gate

Fig. 33 Niche of Nergal/Hercules

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

53

Fig. 34a Stele of eagle of the North Gate

A similar second gate was built behind the Northern gate, with the same measurements for the entrance and for the towers, and its passageway was also bolted in a similar manner by using a sliding wooden beam. However, it was built in a later period, during the reign of King sntrwq II, according to the Aramaic inscriptions, one of which was incised on the lintel of the main entrance and the other carved on a building slab. 16 On either side of this second entrance a low, weak wall was built, of mud-bricks on a shallow foundation of small stones mixed with gypsum, and with staircases of greenish-coloured marble slabs. It was probably 16

Ibid, 161; Al-Salihi, 1975, 187.

54

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

intended to be a second defensive wall or an impediment. This wall could be seen clearly from an aerial photograph in the unexcavated areas. Therefore some scholars consider this weak wall to be part of the main defensive wall of the city, and maintain that the wall of Hatra is a double one. 17

Fig. 34b Stele of East Gate

17

Al-Salihi, 1980, 162f.

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

55

Fig. 35 Cult bank of Nergal/Hercules

The open courts in the entrances are important for several reasons. They have niches built along the walls containing images of deities with apotropaic functions, such as the statues of Hercules-Nergal, found standing in situ in both the Northern and Eastern gates, where niches were designed especially to house them (Fig. 33). In the Northern gate, an accompanying inscription was found incised on the wall beside the statue with the appellative dḥšptʾ which means “guardian-in-chief”. 18 An exact replica of the statue was discovered at the Eastern gate. Other important niches, but differently built, were found too, and these contain limestone stelae with images of eagles occupying their upper parts, while the lower has a legal text concerning the penalty imposed for crimes of theft (Figs. 34a, 34b). The text differentiates between thefts committed by Hatrenes and foreigners. If they were Hatrenes, they will die the death of the god and if they were foreigners, they will be stoned. 18

Ibid, 160–62.

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 36 Niche of eagle

We also discovered in the Northern gate a cult bank in front of the niche of Hercules-Nergal (Fig. 35) and two incense burners built against the eagle’s niche (Fig. 36). They indicate that the open courts of the entrances were visited and the gods beseeched there by worshippers. In addition, a statuette of Hercules was found, showing him wearing Hatrene dress and carrying his usual attributes (Fig. 37). Here he was assimilated to gndʾ, the Arab god of Fortune, and was referred to by another inscription as gndʾ dy ʾbwlʾ, “gndʾ of the Gate.” 19

19

Al-Salihi, 1972, 99–100.

III. THE FORTIFICATIONS

Fig. 37 Gnda of the North Gate

57

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

The construction of the openings of the gates was executed according to military considerations—namely to hinder the advance of enemy soldiers. So, any person entering the city during times of peace had to cross the bridge, pass the preliminary entrance, turn (to the left at the Northern gate, to the right at the Eastern), proceed for a distance along the main wall, and pass through another entrance with a wooden door, all to reach the open court of the entrance. Another 90-degree angle turn then had to be made to enter the main road leading to the Great Temple in the center of the city. An important question arises: were the gates of Hatra originally built according to the bent-axis principle? The archaeological evidence show that the defensive walls were actually built at a later date against the towers flanking the main entrance. The excavations at the north-eastern part of the main wall revealed a gate with frontal opening, but with smaller dimensions, the actual opening blocked by a wall of hewn stone (Fig. 38). This evidence indicates that Hatra’s gates were originally built to have the usual frontal opening, and were converted to the lateral type opening in a succeeding period.

Fig. 38 Closed Hatrene gate

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59

Exploration at the eastern side uncovered spur walls, which stand very low close to the main wall and towers from the outside. They are about 3–4 meters long and are built of varied sizes of stones, with gypsum. They were constructed either horizontally or vertically to the wall, with a view to military advantage, so a sortie of soldiers could hide behind them prior to laying ambush to the enemy soldiers or to organize a sudden attack on them. 20 In summary, the fortifications of Hatra, which include the outer earth wall, the moat, the main wall with the solid towers and normal towers, the lateral openings of the gates, the bolting of the wooden doors by using the sliding wooden beams were all designed with military considerations, to ward off the ill-intentions of invaders—Hatrenes could enjoy to the fullest the advantages of security.

20

Philon, 75.

IV.

ARCHITECTURE THE GREAT TEMPLE In the center of the city the Hatrenes built their most venerated religious complex, comprising a series of temples referred to in the inscriptions as the Great Temple (hyklʾ rbʾ) 1 and the Temple of the Gods (byt ʾlhʾ). 2 It is surrounded by a well-constructed wall built of hewn slabs of limestone, and is almost rectangular in shape, the sides measuring 438, 435, 321.5 and 310 metres respectively. It is strengthened by rectangular buttresses (Pl. 2). It seems that in an earlier epoch this wall had semicircular projections, as evidenced by the foundations of the wall, where a series of equidistant test trenches were dug, also revealing that this earlier wall enclosed a smaller areas than the existing one, although constructed using the same building technique. 3 These soundings showed that the level of the street was lower. The excavators, who also found pottery and stone sherds comparable to Hellenistic pottery and stone vessels from Asia Minor, believe that the earlier level of the wall in fact dates to the second century BCE. 4 Twelve entrances gave access to the temple proper, the main entrances being in the eastern side, for the whole complex is oriented towards that direction to signify the dedication of the most sacred H.107, Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 409; Aggoula, 1990, 67, Vationi, 1980, 57–58; Beyer, 1998, 79. 2 H.272, Safar & Mustafa, 415; Vationi, 88, Aggoula, 129–130; Beyer, 79. 3 Safar & Mustafa, 327; V. Ricciardi & Peruzzetto, 2013, 81ff. 4 Safar & Mustafa, 327; V. Ricciardi & Peruzzetto, 2013, 87–88. 61 1

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building to šmš, the Mesopotamian Sun-god, as evidenced from a variety of literary and archaeological sources, including the related passage in Dio Cassius’ account of the assault of the Roman emperors Trajan (117 CE) and Septimius Severus (198/199 CE), saying that the city was saved because it was protected by Helios (šmš), to whom the whole city was consecrated. 5 In addition there is numismatic evidence, whereby Hatrene coins bear the legend (ḥtrʾ dy šmš), “Hatra (the city) of the Sun”. 6

Pl. 2 Plan of the Great Temple

The entrances vary in measurement, location, importance, and design. 7 The entrances on the eastern side were apparently the most important because of their location, and were Dio Cassius, 68, 31. Al-Salihi 1974, 160. 7 For the architecture of the Great Temple, see Safar & Mustafa; Downey, 1988, Shams, 1988, Al-Salihi 1985d and 1988. 5 6

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elaborately built and ornamented with reliefs, far more in number than at the other entrances. Five entrances were built in this eastern side, the most important of which are three that are clustered together, flanked by towers that project to both the inside and outside of the wall. Arches decorated with various carved images and moulding ornament the three openings. At least two building phases were recognized in this entrance, as evidenced by two consecutive floor levels unearthed during excavations. The other two entrances in this side were of the same width, and their arches were also decorated with mouldings and images of the king, sntrwq I, who was probably responsible for the construction, also with eagles adorned with numerous elaborate necklaces. The other entrances in the other sides of the wall were built in a similar manner and technique. A very important inscription was discovered incised on a door lintel on the northern side, which records that wrwd/nsrw’s grandson had rebuilt (or probably remodelled) the entrance (gate) and the adjoining northern wall, which was originally built by wrwd/nsrw himself. Some openings in the wall reveal staircases enclosed within the thickness of the wall and leading to the top, probably for guarding purposes. Along the northern and southern sides of the wall a number of rooms were built, some of them were constructed at the same time as the wall and a few as later additions. 8 Twelve rooms were aligned with the northern side and twenty-one were located on the southern side of the wall. They serve a variety of purposes, the excavators found statues of divinities along with those of kings and nobles, similar to discoveries in the temples. This could indicate some religious connotation, such as that this was housing for the priests, or their private offices or libraries. A few were marked with the Aramaic word dktʾ, which indicate a business office, probably for commercial and legal purposes, or a shop. Another equally important inscription conveys to us that some rooms on the southern side served as an inn to accommodate pilgrims and visitors to the temple. A bronze scale was discovered 8

Safar & Mustafa, 1974; Al-Salihi, 1985d; Shams, 1988.

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in front of one of these shops and very close to it a handful of silver coins, which indicate that commercial activity was taking place there. 9 This valuable information certainly indicates that the Great Temple complex served a multi-purpose function similar to that of the Greek agora. The door jambs of the openings to these rooms were decorated with various vertical mouldings supplemented on top with lintels of either similar continuous mouldings or ones carved with beautiful scenes, portraits of the gods, floral designs, or combinations of various ornamentations. In front of some of the rooms on the northern, southern and the eastern side of the separating wall, porticos were erected. They were built of ashlar masonry with radially constructed arches supported by heavy rectangular piers, and were reached from the ground by four or five continuous steps. The piers and arches are also decorated with various types of mouldings. Underneath the portico on the northern side, a few subterranean chambers were later dug, probably for royal burial purposes, but the identities of the occupants are not known due to clandestine works that occurred in antiquity. The Temple area is divided into two parts by a wall known as “the Separating Wall,” for it separates the forecourt from the main buildings of the Temple, namely the juxtaposed or Great Iwans and behind it the square Temple of šmš. The separating wall is built of ashlar masonry and judging from the setting of the building slabs in the courses, it was erected at different phases and in few places shows later restoration works. Five entrances in this wall gave access to the iwans from the forecourt, but the most important were the two situated in the central portion of the wall, more elaborately constructed than the remaining three, which followed a simple design consisting of one wide opening with the jambs and the lintels decorated with continuous mouldings. The lintel of one of them has in high relief several images of eagles, and the one farthest north in the

9

Safar & Mustafa, fig. 170, 175.

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65

separating wall was built by King sntrwq I, as indicated by an inscription incised on its door lintel. One of the main entrances, which is located to the left of the Hellenistic Temple, is characterized by a complicated design. The entrance proper has three openings (Fig. 39), the middle one being the largest, with a lintel and an arch, while the smaller ones lack the arches. It is flanked by two towers, their facades decorated with attached columns, and a number of steps lead up to the opening from the forecourt. Each of the towers has a staircase inside it, their purpose still ambiguous. As for the other main entrance, it also has three openings, the middle being the largest and flanked by two projections, each of which is decorated with an attached column.

Fig. 39 Entrance to courtyard of juxtaposed iwans

The main buildings (temples) of the Great Temple complex have differently designed layouts and techniques. The principal element that characterizes Hatrene architecture is the vaulted iwan, on the origin of which many theories and suggestions have been presented. Archaeological investigations strongly indicate that its origin is Mesopotamian, and its development, by Arab

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

architects, from mud brick to stone, took place in the land of Hatra. 10

Fig. 40 Juxtaposed iwans

The Great or juxtaposed iwans are composed of three units. Two units have similar ground plans and are identically built, each consisting of a large central vaulted iwan, flanked by two smaller ones side with two connecting rooms behind them, and in two storeys (Fig. 40). They were constructed with thick walls of hewn stones, this being a Hatrene invention to overcome the extremities of the weather, also to have staircases leading to the second floor embedded in their thickness. The vaulted roofs of the rooms of the ground floor were found standing by the excavators, except for the roof of the central iwan, which had collapsed in antiquity, as had the second storey rooms. The walls of the central iwan were decorated with large masks in high relief, representing Medusa and other apotropaic deities to ward off evil spirits (Fig. 41). Similar masks were carved in the downward faces of the

10

Al-Salihi, 1985d: Downey 1988; Shams, 1988.

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consoles found protruding from the facade of the iwans. 11 The walls of the central iwans have continuous consoles, originally built to house a number of statues of eagles with spread wings, which were probably symbols of šmš. Altars made of fine marble were set in the back walls of the central iwans. They were made of separate blocks joined together by lead clamps, which is originally a Greek binding technique, also employed in other buildings where necessary. These altars were inlaid with other decorative materials, especially in the front and the sides, probably sheets of gold were used, or pieces of coloured glass, or precious stones, as in the thresholds of the iwans, where identical pieces still exist and are visible. The openings of the central iwans were closed by wooden doors, at least in later additions, as evidenced by the holes on either side of the entrance, the positions of the latches in the thresholds, and by the presence of a retaining stone in the pavement to prevent the door from slamming strongly against the side walls. 12 These doors must have been beautifully designed and decorated with sheets of gold and silver and inlaid with precious stones appropriate for the chief gods of the wealthiest city in that epoch. Statues of the kings and nobles were found standing in situ alongside the walls. The facade of each vaulted iwan is decorated with a radial arch composed of separate voussoirs. They have, in high relief, images of deities, individuals (i.e. kings and nobles), legendary creatures, symbols of certain deities, and animals (i.e. eagles, horses, pigeons) (Fig. 42). They are bordered by various mouldings derived from the standards of the Hellenistic world, and in a few cases, they deviate by the addition of certain elements, or are modified to suit the local style. 13 But at any rate most of the architectural decorations were of Greco-Roman origin, and the Hatrene architects had ample examples from which to choose, derived either from Mesopotamian prototypes or contemporary Greco-Roman models. 14 Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 320. Al-Salihi, 1985d. 13 Downey, 1988, 159. 14 Ibid, Al-Salihi 1985d, Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 330–331. 11 12

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 41 Medusa of the Great Iwans

IV. ARCHITECTURE

Fig. 42 Arch with carved voussoirs

Fig. 43 Southern iwan

69

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 44 Northern iwan

Fig. 45 The two iwans

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71

These two great units were dedicated to the chief deities of the city: the southern unit (Fig. 43) was consecrated to mrn (šmš), as indicated by numerous Inscriptions citing his name, while the northern is probably dedicated either to his consort mrtn 15 or to brmryn their son (Fig. 44). The third unit is composed of two iwans of medium size compared to the other iwans, and connected to each other by a broad room at the rear walls, this layout indicating that a pair of gods were worshipped. The two iwans were added to the juxtaposed iwans constructed during the reign of wrwd/nsrw, who left his name inscribed on a voussoir of the arch of the southern iwan, 16 the opening of which measures 6.5 m, while the width of the other one is 6 m (Fig. 45). The voussoirs of the two arches where decorated with busts of deities and nobles, and some of them were left incomplete. The southern and western walls of the southern iwan where ornamented in high relief with the forefronts of bulls carved at equal intervals. These bulls are normally considered to be symbols of the weather god, namely the Mesopotamian Adad, but since his name is not recorded among the gods of Hatra in the inscriptions, they must represent his counterpart bʾʿlšʾmyin, the Semitic god of rain, storms, lightning and vegetation. His consort was ʾtrʾʿtʾ (Atargatis) as indicated by various forms of evidence from Hatra, Dura Europus and Palmyra. Furthermore, two adjoining small shrines (III, IV) were dedicated also to bʾʿlšʾmyin and ʾtrʾʿtʾ respectively. These are located just outside the temenos wall to the west. The northern adjacent iwan was dedicated to ʾtrʾʿtʾ. This unit has a unique feature not usually found in other units at Hatra, its staircase to the roof of the iwans being built externally, and parallel to the northern wall of the iwan. The facades of the juxtaposed iwans were decorated with engaged columns with Corinthian capitals, some of the columns having two capitals one above the other, and variants of decorative designs, which are derived from Greco-Roman

15 16

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 331. Ibid, 331.

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prototypes. But some of them were variations of the originals, done to suit local Hatrene tastes and techniques. The triple iwan appearance was employed in the construction of other temples, and it seems likely that this type of structure originated and developed at Hatra. 17 Archeological and architectural indications found in the Temple of smyʾ (previously known as building C), which faces north, show that the temple had at least two major building phases (Fig. 46). In the first phase it consisted of a long cella (iwan) with a niche at the back wall, and a raised altar and two rectangular buttresses, one either side of the wide entrance, instead of the usual engaged columns with Corinthian capitals as seen in the great iwans. This building is constructed on a low podium with three steps at the front. The mouldings at the back of the buildings are restricted to the back wall, along the outside and the beginnings of the sides of the cella, but do not extend beyond its confinement. These indications clearly show that the building in its original form had consisted of a single large cella, probably with the front porch supported by columns. But these assumptions lack archeological evidence, similarly the roofing of the cella, which could have been gabled and made of slabs of wood, giving it the appearance of a Greco-Roman temple similar to the temple of šaḥiru in its first phase. This will be discussed below. The second phase witnessed the main conversion to the triple iwan appearance, by the addition of the two smaller iwans to the flanks of the large central cella-iwan. 18 Although a new type of façade was added to the two smaller iwans, the new temple retained the rectangular front buttresses, which were not replaced by the usual engaged columns with Corinthian capitals. The two smaller iwans are of different measurements, have rectangular rooms behind them, and a staircase embedded in the thickness of the traverse wall of the eastern iwan, leading to the second storey and then to the roof. This change of style in

17 18

Downey, 1988, 161. Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 342.

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temple architecture probably reflects a shift in the political and economic status of the city and its consequent prominence. 19

Fig. 46 Temple of Smya

The dedication of this temple to smyʾ is based on the finding of a relief in the debris of the middle cella-iwan. It shows a god wearing Hatrene dress: a tunic with long sleeves and a necklace with rectangular pendant. He also wears a torque around his neck, and his head is crowned with two horns with a band across his forehead, surrounded by rows of snail curls. In his left arm he grasps the hilt of a sword apparently fastened on his left side, and with his right hand he grasps a spear, its end resting on the base of the relief. Beside him to his right is a representation of smyʾ, the standard with four elements, the pole of which also rests on the base (Fig. 47). Attached to the pole is a band with four bells dangling down. 20 The base of the relief has a broken inscription that states the name of a person “ḥyy son of b (dʾ)”, who could

19 20

Ibid; Shams, 1988, 217. Safar & Mustafa, 1974, fig. 77, 106.

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well have been the sculptor. 21 The excavators found a number of similar actual bells made of copper, two of which have varied shapes and incised inscriptions stating “smyʾ of ʿqwbʾ”, which probably refers to a tribe. The relief and the bells make the consecration of the building to smyʾ more plausible. 22 During the excavations, the archeologists uncovered the head of a statue used as an acroterion, probably adorning the façade of the temple in its initial building stage. 23 Facing south, and opposite the temple of smyʾ is a unique edifice known as the temple of šaḥiru or šaḥru because this name was found incised on the base of a statue of two individuals, to be discussed below. This temple, like the temple of smyʾ, had several building phases (Fig. 48). Architecturally the plan of the oldest construction suggests Etruscan/Roman influence, for it was built on a raised podium and approached only from the front through a number of steps that led to a frontal porch.24 This temple consisted of a rectangular cella made of ashlar masonry and covered by a gabled roof. The front portico is a hexastyle dipteral of Corinthian columns, with two pillars on either side. On the eastern side of the cella is a 10.10 x 5.10m rectangular hall leading in turn to a small square room under which is a subterranean chamber. The latter could be a tomb, however the function of these additions are quite unclear, due to the lack of proper archeological evidence. Later the roof of the cella was replaced by a vault, 24 while the portico continued to have a gabled roof, and the staircase was probably rebuilt. These changes required the construction of a thick wall as a reinforcement along the already existing western wall, so as to carry part of the weight of the vault, and as a retaining back wall to the added portico on the western side. 25 This attached portico was composed of two storeys of six Ibid. Safar & Mustafa, 1974, fig. 166, 173. 23 Ibid. 24 Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 337–340; Shams, 1988, 216/7; Downey, 1988, 161; Al-Salihi, 1988, 392/3. 25 Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 334; Shams, 1988, 429: Al-Salihi 1988, 391. 21 22

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columns on the west side and only one column on the north side. The lower level of the columns are of the Ionic style, while the upper columns have Corinthian capitals. The excavations clearly showed at least five rebuilding phases of the frontal stairs and the modifications essential for each rebuilding stage.

Fig. 47 Gods and Smya with bells

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Fig. 48 Temple of Shahiru

The excavators uncovered numerous statues of nobles, merchants, knights, caravan leaders and scribes, and two statues of Nike the goddess of victory, each of them holding a palmette— the sign of consecration—in their left hand, and wearing a dress blown to the sides as if descending from above. They are statues of acroteria, usually placed on the highest corners of the pediment façade. Most of the sculptures are bereft of any kind of inscription, except a statue of a headless male who is clad in a short tunic reaching just below his hips, and tight trousers with deep horizontal folds, and the calamis around his shoulders, its ends fastened by a fibula on his chest (Fig. 49). He grasps the hilt of a long sword fastened by a belt on his left side, and on the statue base two short dedicatory descriptions were incised. 26 The first line identifies the person described as mky son of nšry, and the line below says mlykw son of r(d)bn. This one clearly also refers to a statue of a male, because these two statues are clad in similar dresses to that of mky but with raised his right arm with open Safar & Mustafa, 1974, fig. 24, 78, H.146, 410; Vationi, 63/4; Aggoula, 78; Beyer, 58.

26

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77

palm, a gesture familiar in Hatrene statues. They were the only sculptures found inside the temple. The inscriptions with the two males in follow the customary standard phrasing, which says “may….. be remembered and blessed before…. (a deity)”. Our statues here ask the blessing of šaḥru, who was also mentioned once in another inscription found in the ‘Hellenistic’ temple of mrn. 27 Who is this deity? It could be šaḥru or šḥr, commonly known as the ‘Morning Star’, however, one may ask what was its connection to Hatra? šḥr was an old Hadramite name for a region and a coastal city port on the Arabian Sea, currently in the south of modern Yemen. Hatra had religious and commercial relations with other Arab tribes in the region, as indicated by literary evidence, and was an Arab settlement, with a majority Arab population, its kings designating themselves “kings of the Arabs and the victorious Kings of the Arabs”, so it is very likely that Hatra had commercial and religious relations with Hadramwt and that mky and mlykw, commemorated with statues in the building, were Hadramites, commemorating the name of their region, and probably involved, along with others, in commercial activities with Hatra. The excavators of the temple and the area around it discovered a good number of statues, one of which belong to a merchant holding a bag of coins, 28 knights who probably guarded the caravans, 29 a leader of knights, 30 and three statues of scribes. 31 All of them, and others besides, were probably involved in trading with the people of the southern region, who had detailed information of events in Hatra. Because years later, after the capture of the city by Shapur I in 240/1, a Hadramite chief by the name of Dhaizan mobilized a mass of Arab tribes, then occupied and fortified himself in the city. This happened, as stated above (Chapter III), during the early reign of Shapur II (309 to 375 CE). H.153, Safar & Mustafa, 411; Vationi, 65; Aggoula 80/1; Beyer, 60. Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 40/1. 29 Safar & Mustafa, 1974, figs. 35, 36, 37. 30 Ibid, fig. 29. 31 Ibid, figs. 50, 52, 53. 27 28

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Fig. 49 Statue of Mky

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79

To the south of the temple of smyʾ, facing north, is a large building made of ashlar masonry, its ground plan showing a central iwan flanked by two smaller iwans, with two rooms behind them, of two storeys (Pl. 3). It thus had the triple iwan appearance, a common Hatrene architectural characteristic. 32 It has a staircase embedded in the thickness of the wall, which led to the second storey and then to the roof. The voussoirs of the central iwan are carved in relief images of deities representing Hercules/Nergal, Athena/iššʾrbel, the Eagles (symbol of šmš and mrn) and a representation of smyʾ, while the voussoirs of the two smaller iwans bear images of Hatrene individuals i.e. mryʾs, mayors and nobles. The most significant are two voussoirs on the western small iwan, which are carved with the heads of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, each of which is accompanied by an Aramaic inscription of his name (Fig. 50). The first one shows him as a young man, while the other slab features him as a mature adult. Each of his images shows different hairstyles and varied ageing facial features (Fig. 51). In the course of the excavations numerous inscriptions were uncovered, clearly revealing the name of the person responsible for the construction of this temple. He is wrwd/nsrw mryʾ son of nšryhb mryʾ, son of ʾlkwd, who as stated above, was a very energetic individual in war, politics, and also in architectural activities.

Pl. 3 Plan of the Temple of the Triad 32

Al-Salihi, 2019, Najafy, 1983, 184–199.

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Fig. 50 Temple of the Triad

Fig. 51 Arch of the small iwan of the Temple of the Triad

The back of the building was previously excavated in 1967/68, during the excavation of the temenos wall and adjoining chambers. The excavators uncovered three very important reliefs in the debris of the fallen building slabs of the back wall (Figs. 52a, b, c). The first represents the Sun-god (mrn),

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81

Allat/Nemesis (mrtn), and the Moon-god (brmryn). There three reliefs will be discussed later. Because of the discovery of the three reliefs, the edifice was labelled as the Temple of the Triad.

Fig. 52a Bust of Mrn

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY

Fig. 52b Bust of Mrtn

Fig. 52c Bust of Brmryn

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83

The Temple of šmš (Shamash)

šmš is the chief deity of Hatra, which was consecrated to him. The city’s coins were struck with the image of the radiant god accompanied by the famous inscription htrʾ dy šmš “Hatra the city of šmš (the Sun-god)”. šmš has an epithet mrn, “our Lord” and the eagle was his symbol, both with spread and with folded wings, although the latter more commonly referred to mrn. The literary evidence (H107) 33 informs us that brmryn, the Son of our Lords, built the temple for his father šmš. So it is clear that this temple was constructed by divine command, and the Hatrenes and their kings implemented that command. The Hatrenes built the most important and extraordinary building and dedicated it to his worship. Its plan is unique and completely different from the plans of other temples of the city. 34 The core of the building is a square chamber (Pl. 4) measuring 11.96 x 11.75 m and surrounded on all sides by passageways, which differ slightly in their widths, the eastern 3.76 m wide, the western 38.7 m, and the northern 3.59 m, while the southern is 3.58 m. All these corridors are paved with marble tiles, while the tiles of the square chamber are made of rare type of veined marble, which is found embedded in the geological layers of limestone in the area around Hatra. This temple is a later addition to the southern unit of the juxtaposed iwans. However, it was planned at the same time as the iwans were constructed. There is substantial archeological evidence to support this. For one thing, there is a narrow gap slightly separating the western back wall of the central iwan from the eastern side of the šmš temple, in which is its only entrance. The mouldings that adorn the exterior of the same western wall of the iwan are concealed under the eastern side of the temple and do not continue on the outside walls of the newly constructed temple. The main entrance (1.9 m wide x 4.10 m high) of the temple is located in the centre of the western wall of the large H.107, Safar & Mustafa 409; Vationi 56/7; Aggoula 67; Beyer 53. Safar & Mustafa 334/5; Downey, 1988, 159–161; Shams 1988, 427– 437; Al-Salihi 1988, 291/2.

33 34

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middle iwan, while the only entrance to the square chamber measures 1.84 m wide x 3.77 m high, and is not on the same axis but deviates slightly to the left, at the same time aligning with a now blocked opening in the western wall of the temple, A number of the voussoirs of the arches have clearly been defaced. The main entrance has its jambs and upper threshold decorated with mouldings, and its lintel adorned with two rows of horizontal acanthus leaves and a frieze. The lintel is also adorned with two rows of acanthus leaves, and a decorated slab with an image of a radiant god flanked by two eagles and legendary creatures. Above it is a plain arch with a stepped voussoir. The presence of the radiant god is a clear indication of the correct designation of the temple to the worship of šmš. This lintel was taken from Hatra by the German expedition to Assur headed by Walter Andrae (1908, 1912) and its whereabouts was unknown until the late 1960s. It is now on display in the Museum of Islamic Art in Berlin. 35

35

Andrae II, fig. 254, 150–152; Klaus Brisch 1968, 237–249.

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Pl. 4 Plan of the Square Temple

The tiles of the pavement of the square chamber and its western side opposite the entrance were removed in antiquity probably because there was a podium made of precious stones and inlaid with gold, carrying a statue of šmš, most likely made of gold inlaid with precious stones and metals. The classical authors wrote that in the time of Septimius Severus’ siege the city contained a great amount of gold. For that reason he ordered his soldiers to refrain from entering the city following their fierce struggle to breach the walls, because he wanted to be the first to enter

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so he could capture the gold. The city was ransacked later by the Sasanid Shapur I, in 240/241 CE.

Fig. 53 Roofing in the square temple

As to the techniques used for roofing the temple, the architects employed various systems of vaulting (Fig. 53). The squareshaped chamber was covered by a huge vault made of ashlar masonry, for all that roofing with a dome would have been more appropriate to the square shape. The passageways were also vaulted, but in order to strengthen them the architect built four

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arches, one to each side, on the one hand over buttresses on the inside faces of the outer walls of the corridors, and on the outer faces of the square room walls on the other. Apparently, Hatrene architects were familiar with roofing by dome, as evidenced by two miniature models of temple found during the excavations. 36 A third model is found on a relief unearthed in the temple of Allat, where king sntrwq I, who was responsible for its construction, is shown holding a model and presenting it to the seated goddess. 37 These models were characterized by the use of a domed roof. However, evidence for using domes was not found in actual buildings in the course of the excavations until now. So the square room had a vault built higher than the walls of the surrounding corridors, and in order to achieve a single one roofing level the architect constructed a balustrade of columns with Corinthian capitals and four corner pillars. King sntrwq I incised his name on the column drums. In the western wall of the temple was an entrance 2.4 m wide, but closed from the outside by the portico, consisting of a canopied podium, apparently built by King sntrwq I, as he left his name inscribed on the column drums (Fig. 10). The excavators found very important statues of King sntrwq I and his two sons ʿbdsmyʾ and nyhrʾ, 38 besides a stele of low relief showing King sntrwq I throwing incense beads into a burner. Beside him is a representation of smyʾ, composed of six elements, over which appears a winged Nike holding two wreaths and about to place one on smyʾ and the other on sntrwq I. 39 This whole scene is composed of two pillars and an arch, on either side of which is a bas relief of a winged Nike holding in her extended arm a palmette, a sign of consecration. Over the arch is a band of acanthus leaves, appearing as framed by Assyrian parapets. Near the podium on the exterior walls of the temple ears and eyes were incised, possibly part Safar & Mustafa, figs. 145 a, b, 154/5. Al-Salihi 1985d, fig. 44, 140. 38 Safar & Mustafa, figs 8–10, 66–69. 39 Ibid, fig. 139, 148. 36 37

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of the visit ceremony, and to ward off evil spirits. In the southern wall there is an opening for a staircase that leads to the roof. Four statues were discovered in the eastern corridor. The first represents a noble, 40 and the second is of sntrwq I, 41 the inscription on each base identifying him as such with the title “the victorious king of the Arabs”. He is shown wearing an elaborately decorated Hatrene chiton and trousers. He holds in both his hands a small statue of his guardian god. The third statue is thought to belong to king ʿbdsmyʾ for he is also clad in an elaborate dress and holding in both hands a small statue of his guardian god. 42 Lastly, there is a statue of king sntrwq II, who is also identified by the inscribed base, and again is titled “king of the Arabs”. 43 He is a clad, as usual, in elaborate Hatrene dress and jewellery but without trousers, and holds in both his hands a small statue of his god of Fortune (guardian) who is distinguished by his clasped left hand a long sword fixed to his left side. sntrwq II is shown barefoot, which is a common practice of the priests, chief priests, and religious personnel among whom sntrwq II belonged, being also titled wzdq, which in Aramaic means “pious”, but could also be translated as “great”. 44 The general layout of the square temple with the surrounding corridors differs from the plan of other temples in the great temple area, which are characterized by the use of iwans. These differences in shape and construction probably indicate a different worshipping practice, one required by visitors. The kings of Hatra designated themselves kings of the Arabs, so the city became the principal focus of the Arab tribes due to its political and military prominence at that time, and their being devoted worshippers of the Sun God (šmš). Furthermore, some scholars tend to link the temple of šmš with temples of largely similar layout in Ibid, fig. 1, 60. Ibid, fig 2, 61. H.194, 412, Vationi, 72; Aggoula, 92; Beyer, 66. 42 Safar & Mustafa, fig. 3, 62. 43 Ibid, fig. 4, 63. H.195, 412; Vationi 72, Aggoula 92/3; Beyer, 66. 44 Al-Salihi 1978, H.341, 73–74; Vationi 103/4; Aggoula, 157; Beyer, 92– 92. 40 41

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Arabia, Nabatea, and Syria, which they consider the principal places of worship for the wandering Arab tribes, for whom šmš was their major focus of veneration. They labelled the temples as “Kaʿba of šmš” or “Kaʿba of Hatra”, because of its cubic structure, and it was one of the “Kaʿbats” of the Arabs in the period before Islam, which included the Kaʿba of Mekka. These views are in fact inaccurate and misleading for several reasons. There is absolutely no relationship between the square temple of Hatra and the Ka‘ba of Mekka, which was venerated by the Arabs and then by the Muslims as a place devoid of idols, a situation introduced to it after the fall of Hatra, as related by most Arab writers on the theme of worshipping of images, statues, and appellations. The general layout of the square chamber with the surrounding passageways suggest a special procedure of worship, which probably includes the performance of circumambulation of the sacred square chamber. And the area outside the temple could also have been the location for part of the cultic practice, as numerous incense burners were found set up against the walls, some of which bear the names of their donors. It would also have been possible to perform the circumambulation rite on the upper storey, within the balustrade. The excavators revealed a very interesting entrance in the western side of the temenos wall, blocked up by dressed stones. This opening was probably used during the building of the temple, to facilitate the transport of building materials and to remove construction debris afterwards. The Hellenistic Temple

In the forecourt of the Great Temple, the Hatrenes built, at different times, two important and very distinctive temples. The first is known as the Hellenistic Temple, and the other is a huge building dedicated to the worship of the goddess Allat, evidenced by the dedicatory inscriptions incised on its walls, to be discussed below. The Hellenistic temple 45 is also designated as the temple of mrn Safar & Mustafa, 344/5; Downey 1988, 161; Al-Salihi 1988, 293/4; Shams 1988, 216/7. 45

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(Fig. 54), the head of the triad, according to literary evidence, because the excavators found numerous dedicatory inscriptions incised on the floor tiles. In these mrn was repeatedly invoked (H. 147–188). This resplendent temple stands in the foremost part of the forecourt, and in spite of its small size compared to other temples, it is impressive for its construction design, elaborate mouldings and lavish ornamentation. Two major construction phases can be clearly recognized. In the first stage, the temple consisted of the cella (naos), measuring 9.8 m long and 6.9 m wide (interior dimensions 7.68 x 4.42 m), built on a raised podium 1.80 m above the floor level, its measurements at the base 13.82 m long and 10.52 m in width, and surrounded by a row of 24 columns with Ionic capitals built on the edge of the podium. There were six columns at the front and six columns at the back, evenly spaced except for the wider intercolumniation entrance at the front, which faces east. Over the intercolumniation the Hatrenes built an arch, whose voussoirs are devoid of images, with front and back pediments. These were part of wooden gabled roof, the top of which was covered with pottery tiles decorated with a variety of scenes. In the second building phase a major remodelling took place. The podium was surrounded by exterior rows of twenty-five columns with composite capitals (e.g., Corinthian and Ionic—acanthus leaves and volutes). These columns stand directly on the floor without bases, and a new and unusual roof was constructed. It includes flat and gabled roofing on its northern and southern side (i.e., the space between the larger exterior columns and inner small columns was flat, and then it changed to gabled over the cella, taking in the front and back pediments). The square roof tiles were inlaid with small stones of various colours, while the tiles of the ceiling were fixed with wooden frames. The temple is approached by front stairs only, leading through a wide intercolumniation of the exterior peristyle to the top surface of the podium, and then to the cella. Inside the cella is a dais, over which, most likely, stood an image of mrn.

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Fig. 54 Hellenistic Temple

Nine niches were hewn in the exterior three sides of the cella walls, excluding the front, to house statues of various deities. Among those found by the excavator were alabaster statues of Apollo, Poseidon, Hermes, Eros and a statue of an unidentified god. 46 These statues were sculpted according to a Hellenistic-Roman standards and style belonging to a later period of the city’s history, when Hatra received a Roman garrison during the reign of Gordian III (235–244 CE), after the Sasanians put an end to the Parthian Empire. We have an abundance of evidence from various sources testifying to the presence of Roman legions stationed at a number of locations, especially ones close to the main defensive walls. 47 The excavators also uncovered acroteria statues, which were originally placed on the topmost parts of the pediment, among them a bronze statue of Nike and another made of stone. Both of them follow the Greco-Roman repertoire. 48 It is believed that in the later building period the podium’s sides as well as the Safar & Mustafa, figs. 97–100, 120–122. Oates 1955, 39–41; Maricq 1957, 288–296. 48 Safar & Mustafa figs. 101/2, 124/5. 46 47

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columns were covered with gypsum and then painted with colourful geometric designs. The plan, layout, ornamentation, as well as the building technique of this temple, suggest an earlier date than the other temples. The Temple of Allat The Temple of Allat (Pl. 4a), which was constructed by King sntrwq I, as evidenced by the following Aramaic inscription incised on the left side wall of the southern small Iwan: 49 bytʾ dbnʾ lʾlt sntrwq mlkʾ br nsrw mryʾ w ʿbdsmyʾ psgrybʾ brh ltb dkyr. It translates as “the temple (which) was built for (the goddess) Allat by king sntrwq son of nsrw mryʾ, and ʿbdsmyʾ the viceroy his son may be remembered favourably”. This impressive building, 50 previously known as building B, is situated at an important location within the Great Temple complex, and oriented towards the east. It is characterized by the triple iwan pattern, the middle one being the largest and flanked by two smaller iwans. Its layout is similar to the two units of the juxtaposed iwans, the Temple of the Triad and the Temple of smyʾ discussed above. However, King sntrwq I wanted this temple to be the most distinguished and remarkable of the city’s temples, so he enlarged its layout, and enriched its architectural motifs, employed various decorative mouldings, increased the height and diameter of the façade’s engaged columns, added new decorative architectural elements unprecedented in other temples, and finally ornamented it with glorious reliefs, which proved to be of vital significance in the interpretation of religious practices (Fig. 55). The voussoirs of the iwan arches are decorated with busts of deities and animals, while camels and hybrid legendary creatures adorn the side of the openings. The engaged columns are topped with composite capitals, above which is a balustrade composed of freestanding columns, friezes and shell-like niches. This building is constructed with

49 50

H.367, Najafi 1983, 168f; Aggoula, 167; Beyer, 97. Al-Salihi 2018, 1–8.

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ashlar masonry, using a thin layer of gypsum as a mortar between the rows, and has seven chambers behind the iwans.

Pl. 4a Plan of Temple of Allat

The literary evidence indicates that ʿbdsmyʾ son of sntrwq I completed the final building stages, especially the roofing of the central iwan, where some of the roofing slabs were incised with the follow inscription: 51 ʿbdsmyʾ mlkʾ br sntrwq mlkʾ dy ʿrb—“King ʿbdsmyʾ son of sntrwq king of the Arabs”. His images and those of his father were carved in high relief and placed in two rectangular niches embedded high in the western walls of the smaller southern and northern iwans. However, the southern iwan was the most distinctively impressive, both aesthetically and religiously, because it included various types of sculptures that shed light on the identity of Allat. The most remarkable is the “investiture sequence”, which is believed to be connected to a specific Dionysiac 51

Najafy, 1983, H.373, 191f; Aggoula, 168; Beyer, 98.

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ritual. The central relief shows the goddess Allat in full frontal view seated on the dromedary’s hump, led by a priestess who beats on a tambourine to welcome the arrival of the goddess. 52 The reliefs will be discussed later.

Fig. 55 Temple of Allat

The Watering Temple

Another building located in the south western corner of the forecourt of the Great Temple is one the archeologists named “The Watering Temple”. It is situated to the south of the Hellenistic Temple and east of the Temple of the Triad. The layout and function of this building is still ambiguous, in spite of it being a focal point of excavation and then restoration. 53 It has a rectangular podium rising 1.80 m above the floor level of its surrounding area, and approached from the front by a staircase consisting of six steps. The podium measures 1.6 m long and 14.40 m wide and could also be ascended by means of two rather narrow stairways, the first located on the west side and the other at the relatively wide south wall. Over the podium is one large chamber, the floor of which is paved with marble slabs of varying dimensions. In the 52 53

Al-Salihi, 1985a, figs. 38–40, 131–146. Downey 1988, 161–162; Shams, 1988, 220.

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middle of the chamber is a low platform constructed of blueishcoloured marble, measuring 3.10 m long and 3 m wide, and it rising to 1 m after restoration work. The inside of the chamber was surrounded on all sides except the northern front by 1 m high benches. It is believed that the building had a gabled roof and two pediments supported by columns on the eastern and western sides. Close to the building on the western side was found a room containing a rectangular stone bathtub. Close to it a well was found, probably covered by a portico, the function of both also obscure. Most likely it was part of a funerary cleansing procedure, being the purification of the deceased body in the Great Temple area and in the presence of the gods, carried out prior to its being taken for burial in a cemetery. Or perhaps it was connected to some other religious practice. The Council House

In front of the Temple of the Triad and behind the Temple of smyʾ, there is a depression in the ground filled with building elements of various types: some dressed stone column drums, one monolithic small column with its base and capital, and a few slabs carved with different kinds of mouldings and decorative elements. All of these were haphazardly thrown into the depression, which was thus used as a dumping pit. Limited excavations were carried out in the season of 1968, in which some of the disorderly and disconnected building slabs were removed. 54 The excavations revealed a construction similar in design to an open air council house. It is rectangular in shape, measuring ca. 17 m long and 14 m wide, and 3 m deep from the outside floor level, with rows of stone seats on the northern and western sides. The seats on the eastern side were demolished, however a semi-circular low retaining wall made of vertically erected slabs still exists. The southern side is devoid of seats. Each side contains 10 tiers of benches, and four staircases, one on the south-west, one on the north-east, one on the south-east and one on the north-west, were 54

Shams 1988, figs. 144, 144a, 144b, 145a, 145b.

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constructed to provide passage to the seats. These are estimated to give a seating capacity of about 600 individuals. During the excavations a possible altar was discovered, bearing an illegible inscription. It would probably have shed light on the purpose of its construction and associated activities. However, the remains clearly show that we are dealing with a council house, whose members met under the sky to discuss political, religious, social, and probably military matters, and its location within the Great Temple gave it an exceptional significance, because the members were assembled in a holy place under the auspices of the common cult. The dating of this building is certainly connected with the function, as council houses are most commonly associated with Hellenistic cities, and in Hatra, temples like the Hellenistic temple (or mrn), Temple of šaḥiru, and the older temenos wall with circular buttresses definitely date to the Hellenistic period. Also, the council house must have been amongst the earliest public buildings in a Hellenistic city. Again, the seating arrangement was common in Hellenistic cities, such as in the council houses of Priene and Notium near Colophon. 55 Hatra was reputed to have strict laws, especially those dealing with theft. Even trivial pilfering, like stealing a small jar of water, carried the death penalty—whether the miscreant was Hatrene, Arab or a foreigner. In the latter case the death penalty was by stoning. 56 So the council house could have also been used as a law court. The Small Shrines

The Iraqi archeological expedition to Hatra has so far uncovered 14 sanctuaries located outside the Great Temple complex. These were referred to by the excavators as small temples, to differentiate them from the larger temples of the central temenos, although they were later designated as shrines, or small shrines, or Wycherley, 1962, 283–288. H.363, Al-Salihi, 1978, 69–71, Vationi, 102; Aggoula, 155; Beyer, 91. H.343, Ibrahim, 1982, 122/3; Aggoula 158–9: Beyer, 93.

55 56

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sanctuaries. 57 Their architectural layouts were basically similar, the components comprised differently, but serving the same functions. They follow their older Mesopotamian prototypes, those of the Sumerians, Babylonians and Assyrians, and for the purpose of this study we shall use the conventional architectural terminology, that is the broad cella, preceded occasionally by the antecella, and a niche where the bases of images, statues or reliefs of the worshipped gods were placed. Different terms have been used to describe the components of these shrines, for example “prayer room”, “broad room”, “main broad room”, “rectangular room” instead of “cella”, and “inner small shrine” or “cella” to refer to the niche. The main entrances of these shrines are usually located at the middle of the cella’s long side, opposite of which is the niche. This is considered an older Mesopotamian practice, whereby the image of the god is visible from the outside, from the street, through the main entrance and then the open courtyard. A varied number of flights or steps lead up to the threshold of the main entrance, whose frame, made of limestone, is elaborately carved with different ornaments and mouldings. Each shrine will be described in detail later. These shrines were numbered according to the order of their discovery in excavation, but were not assigned in most cases to any particular deity unless the discovery was associated with the relevant dedicatory inscriptions. However, further studies conducted of the sculptures found in the excavations and the architectural evidence reveal that most of the shrines were dedicated to specific deities as shown below. Sometimes these shrines were described as “private” shrines or small temples, for they were initially constructed by private citizens or tribes, as will be indicated later.

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 350–372; Al-Salihi 1985, 224–243, 1988, 294– 296; Shama 1988, 489–521; Downey 1988, 162–172; Hasan 1994, 38– 169; Jakubiak 2013, 91–105.

57

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY Shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal

(or Shrine I— according to order of discovery).

The shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal (Shrine I) is located to the south of the Great Temple, surrounded on three sides by a large two-storey residential unit consisting of two houses connected internally by a doorway, and was associated with two Hatrenes named ʿgʾ and rfšʾ, sons of mʿnu, according to two inscriptions incised on the door jambs of the main entrance. 58 Several repeated inscriptions incised on the walls of the numerous rooms that comprise the large residential unit, cite ʾštʾṭi. He was probably another son of mʿnu, or maybe a relative who wanted to commemorate his presence in the house by recording his name (Fig. 56).

Fig. 56 Shrine I and houses

58

Hasan, 1994, 38.

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The excavators identified two building phases of the shrine (Pl. 5). The first consisted of a narrow cella or praying chamber (12.75 m x 2.10 m), entered through an entrance in its southern wall that leads to a niche (4.8 m x 4.40 m). The walls of the structures were built of sun-dried mud bricks with gypsum mortar, raised on a foundation of dressed limestone, to about 70 cm above the floor level and they were roofed by a vault built of mud bricks and gypsum mortar. A large iwan was added to the front of the cella, along with its relevant and adjacent supporting constructions, in the second building phase. It measures 7.30 m long and 6.10 m, and is open on the northern side. The floor level of the shrine remained low compared to the level of the iwan and the outside street, which is higher by two meters. A gradual descent was needed to connect the two constructions.

Pl. 5 Plan of Shrine I

There are some indications that the iwan was roofed by a wooden vault and has in its southwestern corner two openings. The first leads directly to the cella and is 1.3 m in width, and the other is 1 m wide and leads to a small, narrow room, probably

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used as an ablution place, for it has a raised semi-circular edge and a concave floor paved with gypsum, and with a drainage hole. This leads to another room through an opening in its western side, and at the same time has an entrance through to the cella. In the northern wall of the cella, which is a separation wall of the iwan, a large niche is embedded in the thickness of the wall. It is 3.5 m wide, 3.5 m high and 60 cm in depth, and has a buttress in its centre, built to preserve it from falling, despite serious cracks. The general plan of the shrine followed closely Babylonian and Assyrian predecessors, composed of a cella or prayer chamber and a niche, where the statue of the main god of the shrine is placed upon a podium. The dedication of this shrine to zqyqʾ/Nergal, the Mesopotamian god of the underworld is confirmed by the discovery of the well-known important relief of the underworld god with Cerberus, the three-headed dog that guards the entrance of Hades in Greek mythology, as well as by related evidence discovered in Shrine II. This slab of the relief (Fig. 57) has unique iconography, the scene dominated by a standing figure of zqyqʾ/Nergal-Hades, raising his bent right arm at the elbow, holding in his hand an axe, the other end of which is up-curved. Snakes and scorpions appear in both relief and painting. They are the symbols of the underworld god. This relief will be discussed later. This slab was found in situ fixed on the southern wall of the cella, about 1.8 m above the pavement. In front of the relief a gray marble altar was found in situ, and apparently a separate incense burner was probably placed on his upper, flat side. Each side of the altar carries an incised inscription, most of them mentioning a person named knzy/w, who was probably responsible for building this shrine, and whose statue was also found in it (Fig.58). The body was found in the niche, while the severed head was discovered on the pavement of the cella. A particular feature indicates that it was a statue of worship. It has been a subject of much debate, for he has on his forehead a pair of horns, a sign of divinity, and he holds the hilt of a sword with his left hand, and probably a spear (missing) in his right hand, both of which are not considered attributes of a deity. So, taking in consideration

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the presence of the horns, and the repeated name of knzy, it may be plausible to suggest that the statue is of knzy himself, worshipped as a deified ancestor, one who initially built the shrine. This kind of worship was practised during Hellenistic times, and probably reached Hatra among other heritage impacts of that period.

Fig. 57 Cerberus relief

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Fig. 58 Statue of Knzw

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Fig. 59a Eagle

103

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Fig. 59b Bust of Shamash

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Among the most notable finds in this shrine are two reliefs found in situ, set up in the southern wall 1.4 metre above the pavement (Fig. 59). The first is a limestone slab with the relief of a solar God, who is portrayed frontally with a halo behind his head and a pair of horns over his forehead, a sign of divinity. He is seen rising from behind the mountains, which are indicated symbolically by peaks arranged in two rows. Two large fibulae adorn his dress, fixed on the front of his shoulders. Each one is adorned with the relief of an eagle with outspread wings. He wears a necklace of double chains, and a large round pendant. Apparently, this relief is not complete in its execution, as indicated by the stylized snail curls of his hair and the sharp edges of the folds of his drapery, which are usually rounded. This solar god is known at Hatra as šmš, the Sun-god to whom the whole city of Hatra is consecrated, and the eagle with spread wings is his symbol. šmš is also known by the epithet mrn, the Lord, the head of the Hatrene Triad, whose symbol is also the eagle, but with folded wings, which is shown in the second relief, complemented by an important inscription incised on the pedestal on which the eagle stands. It is composed of two lines, and the third is intentionally erased, a few scratches of its letters being still visible. The eagle stands in three-quarter view, directed towards a representation of smyʾ (the standard), which is composed of six elements: the crescent moon, the sun, Jupiter, and the three interlaced rings symbolizing three planets. The inscription records the following “symbols of mrn and smyʾ of the house of ʿqbʾ”. 59 It is very explicitly stated and self-explanatory. The eagle with folded wings is a symbol of mrn, who is, as mentioned above, an epithet of šmš and emblem of smyʾ (the standard). From this example and other instances, we deduce that smyʾ, in general, is not composed of a fixed number of elements, such as planets, but of varying sets, whose number depends on the sacred beliefs of the tribe (house), or temple, or even divinity.

59

H.3, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 405; Vationi 24; Aggoula, 4–5, Beyer, 29.

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In the southern corner of the cella, the excavator uncovered a beautiful statue of a young female. Made of gray marble and 62 cm high, she stands frontally on a pedestal incised with an inscription, the letters of which are painted red. According to the inscription she is a young woman by the name of smy, who was a singer and/or a tambourine player. The inscription on the base records that her husband, a priest, had erected her statue. 60 This statue will be discussed below. This statue and the inscription indicate that smy, the chief singer (chanter) and wailing mourner, dedicated her services to the shrine. It was common practice at temples and shrines to have the services of special singers and mourners, for both happy as well as sorrowful events. They were protected by law from any harmful acts or and felonies. A cult bank is also a necessary item of furniture in the shrine; in almost all shrines cult banks were discovered. The cult bank of this shrine is composed of a cylindrical main body and a conical top or cover. There are traces of iron struts to fix the cover to the body as security against theft. It is devoid of any elaborate decoration except for two figures on the cover. The first is a nearly obliterated painting, and the second has an incision that shows the outline of a male standing frontally. His right arm is extended but bent at the elbow, while his left makes the same gesture, grasping what seems to be a bag of money. This figure is roughly executed. The conical cover has a slit through which coins are dropped. The coins are part of almsgivings, a practice well-known in older Mesopotamian temples and shrines. On the cover is incised an inscription, which also mentions the name knzw, probably the builder of this shrine and whose statue is also venerated, as mentioned above. Hercules/Nergal the god and hero was commonly worshipped at the shrines and temples of the city, and every shrine had at least one of his representations. Some shrines were dedicated to him in his Greco-Roman shape, some in his oriental counterpart. H.5, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 405: Vationi, 25–26; Aggoula 4–5; Beyer, 29. 60

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Numerous indications, literary and sculptural, lead to the conclusion that in his usual nude appearance he is assimilated to Nergal, the Mesopotamian god of the underworld. 61 Hercules/Nergal at this shrine had two presentations, the first made of veined Mosul marble, showing him in a relaxed pose, resting his right hand on his knobby club, which in turn rests on a hemispherical rock, while in his left hand he holds a cup and over his left forearm is a lion skin reaching to the ground and whose head is clearly visible dangling on his left side. Hercules/Nergal has a full beard and moustache and his head is dominated by curls, with a laurel wreath around it. The second statue of Hercules/Nergal is 90 cm high and is made of greenish limestone. He is nude except for a chlamys (cloak) over his shoulders, the ends of which are fastened by a fibula on his left shoulder. He grasps his club in his right hand and he carries the lion skin over his right arm. Incisions mark the upper line of his rib cage and breasts, while the features of his face and rendering of the curls of his hair and beard are succinctly done, and unlike Hatrene style. Therefore, this statue might have been carved according to a style familiar in Hadramout, and brought to Hatra during the reign of Daizan, who, as narrated in the history chapter, occupied and ruled the city probably in the period from 309 until 327 CE. Among the many Mesopotamian features which persisted at Hatra is the animals guarding the entrances of the temples. At this shrine a statue of a seated lion was discovered, originally guarding the entrance, with a missing statue placed on both sides. It is of limestone and half life size. Shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal (Shrine II) Shrine II is located to the south of the Great Temple and is oriented to the north with a large square forecourt, each side measuring 32.5 m (Pl. 6). It comprises a rectangle or cella (16.2 x 6.10 Al-Salihi, 1971, 1973. This assimilation was praised and supported by Segal and Safar & Mustafa 1974, however it is unsuccessfully and unconvincingly challenged by Ted Kaizer.

61

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m), with a niche (5.30 x 5.20) in its southern side, with an entrance 1.50 m wide. The walls of the whole structure are built of ashlar masonry and probably roofed with stone vaults. The main entrance is 2 m. wide, with two attached piers each 1.7 m wide, with two columns at the front, probably used to support a canopy over the entrance. The floor of the cella was made of gypsum, while that of the niche is paved with greenish-coloured slabs of marble. This section of the shrine suffered from clandestine digging by some French travellers, as mentioned by Walter Andrae, a fact confirmed by the excavators, who found a niche devoid of any worship statues, unlike the other shrines of the city. Two entrances are each 1 m wide and 1.90 m high, and made in the southern wall of the cella, leading to two small, added rooms. The walls of these two rooms were built of irregular shaped stone, with gypsum as mortar, on a foundation of dressed stone. Then the walls were covered with layers of gypsum. Later, the entrance to the western section of the southern wall of the cella was closed off, and an opening was created connecting the room with the house located behind the shrine. This shrine was subjected to renovations, the last of which were carried out during the last recognized king, sntrwq II, known from the discovery of an inscription which said “smyʾ mother of ʿbdsmyʾ the viceroy, son of sntrwq. For the life of sntrwq the king, father of her sons” (H.28). 62 The wording of this inscription is identical to that found incised on the base of the statue of dwšpri, daughter of sntrwq II (H.36) and dated to 549 of the Seleucid era (238 CE). 63 Adjacent to the shrine on the south and west side is a large house composed of living quarters, some of which were connected to the shrine, but await further excavation to be clarified. The excavators believed that these installations were part of a private residence for the king or his wife.

H.28, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 406; Vationi, 34; Aggoula 22–24; Beyer, 36. 63 H.36, Safar & Mustafa 1974 406; Vationi 37/8; Aggoula 30/1; Beyer, 38/9. 62

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Fig. 60a Altar of Zqyqʾ of Shrine II

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Fig. 60b Relief of Zqyqʾ of Shrine XIII

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Pl. 6 Plan of Shrine II

The sculptures discovered in the excavation of this shrine are few, and found mostly in the cella. They include a large marble disc (diameter 37 cm) carved in relief of an image of a lunar deity wearing a sleeveless peblos, her hair painted black while her dress is painted pinkish-red and her belt and lips are coloured light red. Also found was a slab of gray marble carved in relief with three frontal standing females all clad in long Hatrene dresses that reach the floor. Two altars were discovered in the cella, in the closed-up entrance of the added western room. The first was found in situ, devoid of any carvings, while the second, measuring 90 x 30 x 35 cm, which was also originally fixed in the entrance, was found 50 cm distance from its original place (Fig. 60). The façade of the altar is carved with the relief of male with dishevelled hair, thick moustaches and a long beard extending to his chest and ending in points. He has a pair of horns over his forehead. He wears a short sleeved long chiton with multiple folds and matching trousers. His arms are raised, and he holds in his left hand two up-

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curved snakes with their heads turned toward the figure, while his right grasps the handle of a double axe, one side ending in a snake. The left side of the altar is incised with three lines of dedicatory inscription, the first line of which is 23 cm long and reads “may gdyhb son of nšry son of ʿgʾ and ʿbdsmyʾ son of ʿbdnrgl the bleacher his friend be remembered favourably in front of zqyqʾ, and whoever remembers this will be remembered favourably”. 64 This inscription certainly identifies the figure as zqyqʾ, and he is a deity, as indicated by the horns over his forehead and attested by another representation found in the excavation of the shrine of gndʾ XIII, where a similar figure is portrayed with snakes and accompanied by an inscription which reads “hear me zqyqʾ”. 65 Furthermore, a theophoric name brzqyqʾ, “son of zqyqʾ”, is mentioned in the inscription (H. 24). From the appearance of the male figure we suggest that he is related to the god of the underworld Nergal or Hades, so the shrine could have been dedicated to zqyqʾ/Nergal. A limestone statue of a half-naked female (60 cm in height) was found fallen on its head, wearing a clamys that covered the left shoulder and lower body, and holding a ball in her left hand, the right arm bent at the elbow, and her right hand resting on her hip. This statue could have been an acroterion over the roof of this shrine. Shrines III of bʾʿlšʾmyin and IV of ʾtrʿtʾ bʾʿlšʾmyin, the sky god and ʾtrʿtʾ (Atargatis), his consort, were also assigned two small adjoining shrines for their worship. These are located to the west of the great temple across the main street. Abundant indications discovered during the excavations testify to their veneration in these shrines, which include literary testimony incised on the walls or carved on the statues of their sculptural representations, and dedicatory sculptures presented to their H.13, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 405; Vationi 13/4; Aggoula 12–13; Beyer, 30. 65 Al-Salihi, 1990, 31–32. 64

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honour. The ground plans of the two shrines are basically similar (Pl. 7), each being composed of rectangular cellae and protruding outside niches, with the entrance in the middle of their eastern walls, but of differing dimensions. The cella of bʾʿlšʾmyin is 16.30 m long and 7 m wide, and the elevated niche is 4.30 m x 2.30 m. ʾtrʿtʾ’s cella is 14.60 m long and 5.90 m wide and its niche is square, each side measuring 3.8 m. Around the inside of the cella, close to the walls, is a low continuous bench 1.10 m wide, and rising above the floor by 17 cm in the shrine of bʾʿlšʾmyin, and 15 cm in the shrine of ʾtrʿtʾ. The benches were probably used to seat a number of children or adults in the bʾʿlšʾmyin shrine, while learning to read and write: the complete Hatrene alphabets were incised on the gypsum wall. So, it could have been a classroom, a unique feature that did not occur in other shrines, or it could have been used to seat supplicants and worshippers who had to enter the shrine barefoot to avoid the curse of the great Hatrene gods, wreaked upon any person entering the shrine wearing sandals (H.29).

Pl. 7 Plans of Shrines III & IV

In both shrines a cubicle built of pieces of stone and gypsum was added in the southwestern corner of each cella. Also, at the shrine of bʾʿlšʾmyin, two adjoining small rooms were constructed on its southern side. On the eastern side a bench made of gypsum

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was discovered, while on the other pieces of large jars were found, and an abundance of coins. Apparently, these jars were used to collect the coins dropped into two cult banks which were found on the floor level of the cella. The cellar has four consoles, two on each side of the niche, and two opposite them on each side of the entrance of the cella. These were used to place the statues of the following persons: king ʾtlw of Adiabene; an unknown king of Hatra; a noble by the name of ʿbdsmyʾ son of wrdnb; and an anonymous noble. However the most important archeological find is the relief of bʾʿlšʾmyin (Fig. 61), the god of lightning, storms and rain. It is carved in high relief, with the upper part of the head and polos done in the round. 66 He is holding in his right hand three lightning bolts, his usual attributes, signifying his nature as a god of storms, but in his left hand he holds an unclear object. The three females are identical in posture and costume, holding in their left hands a palmette, a sign of consecration. The two females to the right of bʾʿlšʾmyin hold in their right hands fruits, probably apples and pomegranates, while the one on his left rests her right hand on her hip. The three females could very well be goddesses of produce, associated with bʾʿlšʾmyin as rain bringer, as they wear high mural crowns on their heads and their eyes are inlaid in a similar way to those of bʾʿlšʾmyin. The inscriptions found in this shrine, in addition to the dedication to the worship of bʾʿlšʾmyin, testify to the fact that ʿbdsmyʾ son of wrdnb constructed the building, and left his statue on one of the consoles, also that ʿqwbʾ was the custodian of the shrine. 67 There were four life-size statues of knights, one of a priest, and a statue of seated female by the name of ʾbw daughter of gblw, erected by her husband, and he invokes the great gods including ʾtrʿtʾ against whoever killed her and rejoiced at her misfortune, and at the woman who spoke foul words about her. There are numerous indications as to the dedication of this shrine to ʾtrʿtʾ, including her representation, literary evidence and the discovery Ibid 1979, 250–268. H.20, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 405; Vationi, 31; Aggoula 16/7; Beyer, 32. 66 67

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of the statues of two seated lions that guard the entrance. The lions are considered her symbols, which, in turn, signify the power of the earth. She is usually portrayed seated between two lions.

Fig. 61 Relief of Baalshamin

Shrine of Issarbel (Shrine V) This shrine is located to the north of the great temple, accessed by a minor road to the east of the main avenue connecting the north gate to the great temple. It was surrounded by alleys and roads on all sides, and has both front and rear courtyards. On its northern side is a row of iwans of varied dimensions, and the opposite side (the southern) also has a number of iwans, among which is a rather small cella dedicated to a priestess by the name of mrtbw. We will discuss its furnishings later (Pl. 8).

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Pl. 8 Plan of Shrine V

The shrine proper consists of a cella measuring 21 m long and 7.9 m wide, with a low bench around the inside of the walls, 1.15 m wide and 16 cm high. There are three entrances to the cella on its eastern, front side, with four pillars, and a main entrance which is 2 m wide in the middle with two minor accesses each is 1 m wide. On either side of the entrance is a projecting base over which two statues of lions were placed, fragments of their remains confirming their existence. The two pillars on either side of the entrance carry an elaborate design of arches, and a carved lintel of vital importance, artistically and historically (Fig. 6). This is a relief of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ in a reclining position on his side, holding a cup commemorating his victory over Trajan, the Roman emperor who laid siege to the city in 116 / 117 CE but failed to capture it due to the city’s formidable defences and the bravery of its inhabitants. Two reliefs of Nike holding open wreaths complete the victory scene. The opening of the niche is 3 m wide, with a staircase of four steps leading to the inside, which is 6 m long and 5.9 m wide. Near its western side a statue base was found (1.90 cm x 80 cm, and in front of it is another stand, probably used to present votive offerings to the worshipping statue or/and to place portable

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incense burners. The cella has two further openings, the first in its western side (90 cm wide) near the northern corner, leading to the back courtyard, and the second (80 cm wide) near the south-eastern corner, leading to a subsequently added room in which important statues were kept or stored. This also has a doorway in the eastern wall, in line with the façade of the shrine. The walls of the cella were constructed in ashlar masonry and vaulted with lumps of stone and gypsum, while the walls and vault of the niche were built with ashlar masonry and the floor was paved with marble. Numerous sculptures were discovered during the excavations of the cella, including freestanding statues and reliefs. The statues of humans comprise the following: priestess mrtbw with a dedicatory inscription dated to 546 of the Seleucid calendar (236 CE); 68 a singer by the name of qymy, 69 dated to 238 CE according to the inscription incised on the statue base in which iššʾrbel was mentioned with the appellative btlʾ the joy of bel, the virgin is a reference to Athena the daughter (joy) of Zeus (bel), the Virgin and her representations found in the shrine; princess dwšpry daughter of King sntrwq II, also dated to the year 238 CE; 70 smy daughter of dwšpry; and a statue of bdʾ the priest. 71 These freestanding statues, like most of the statues found at Hatra, were to be placed against a wall. They were viewed frontally, according to the rule of frozen frontality that most of the sculptures in the round and in relief followed closely. In the added-on southern room, the excavator discovered a number of very important sculptures, which include the following: a marble statue of nude Hercules/Nergal; a statuette of a horned male figure grasping the hilt of a sword in his left mrtbw, Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 242, 252. H.34, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 406; Vationi 36/7; Aggoula, 27/8: Beyer, 37/8; Hasan, 74–86. 69 qymy, Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 243, 252, H.32, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 406, Vationi 36; Aggoula, 26/7; Beyer 37. 70 dwšpri, Safar & Mustafa 1974 fig. 240, 250, H.36, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 406; Vationi 37/8; Aggoula 30/31, Beyer 38/9. 71 smy, Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 241, 250; H.37, Safar & Mustafa 1974 406; Vationi 38; Aggoula 31/2; Beyer 39. 68

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hand and raising his right hand in the usual gesture of greeting; a controversial, ambiguous statue of a god standing wearing a Roman cuirass with an Assyrian beard, with Tyche kneeling in front and two eagles protecting him from the sides and back, his chest adorned with an image of šmš, and on his upper back carved a head of winged Hermes. His back is covered with a beautiful design of serpent scales, a sign of divinity, therefore the God portrayed must be a supreme god guarded by deities, probably representing bʾʿlšʾmyin = Zeus. 72 Another relief of great importance to the study of the religious life of Hatra is the relief of three females (Fig. 63) standing on a lion. 73 The one in the middle is portrayed wearing a Corinthian helmet and holding a spear in her laterally raised right arm, and grasping a shield shown on the ground on her left side. She is wearing a garment with the face of Medusa carved in low relief. Iconographically, the attributes of the goddess are those of Athena the great Athenian goddess, daughter of Zeus, the joy of Zeus, the virgin. They include the military dress helmet, spear, shield and the aegis with the image of Medusa. Thus, Athena at Hatra is assimilated to iššʾrbel. Furthermore, the three females stand on the back of a large open-mouthed lion, which is carved in profile view, probably indicating the power of the earth and/or desert. So, the dedication of this shrine (V) to iššʾrbel/Athena is based on literary evidence, in which she is described as btlʾ, the virgin, and on her sculpture where she is presented with the attributes of the Athenian goddess.

bʾʿlšmin, Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 227, 236–241; Hasan 1994, 78/9. iššʾrbel/Athena, Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 224, 232/3; Hasan, 1994, 79/80.

72 73

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Fig. 62 Statue of Smy

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Fig. 63 Relief of Issarbel Athena

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Shrine VI

This small sanctuary is situated in the north part of the city, southeast of the north gate. It is oriented toward the east and has a forecourt, lined with a fence, measuring 35 x 25 m, which has in its southern side two openings, each 1 m wide. However, the forecourt main entrance (3 m wide) is on the eastern side of the fence (Pl. 9). The shrine is composed of a rectangular cella measuring 10.50 m x 14.98, and has an elaborate entrance (1.70 m wide), which includes the adornment of the frame (3 m high) with mouldings. In front of it is a porch supported by four columns. Their bases, parts of the column drums, and the capitals were found scattered in the same area. Opposite the entrance is the niche (1.90 x 3.90 m), embedded in the western wall and protruding 30 cm to the outside. It is 1.90 m deep and 3.90 m wide and its entrance has two pillars on each side, 1.25 m long and 1 m wide, probably used as statue bases. In its centre at the front are remains of a structure (1.65 m long and 56 cm wide) probably used to support two arches that form the background to the worshipping statues. Also in front of the niche is a bench 4 metres long and 60 cm high, made of beige coloured marble decorated with mouldings, and used as a base for the statues. The plan of the shrine includes two smaller rooms on either side of the cella, identical in size, each 2.60 m x 4.75 m. The north-western room has a small niche, and its northern wall could have been used to house a worshipping statue. All four rooms have their entries from the cella, the room in the southeast corner having an extra entrance that leads to the courtyard in front of the shrine. 74

Shrine VI, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 358, figs. 249–252; Hasan 1994, 85– 90.

74

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Pl. 9 Plan of Shrine VI

Two statues of seated figures were discovered in front of the bench in the cella. The first is a male seated on a chair, with two small standing lionesses, one on each side. He wears an elaborate dress composed of a chiton and trousers, and on his left shoulder is a cloak. His open left hand rests on his lap, while the right arm is bent at the elbow, raised to his chest, and closed on an unidentifiable object. Apparently, he is a deity of unknown identity, and this opinion is supported by the presence of a female companion whose attribute indicates that she is a deity of Fortune, for she holds a ball in her left hand, which rests on her left side, her right arm raised laterally and grasping a missing object that could very well be a spear or a staff. Both figures have inlaid eyes. The ball signifies movement, or changing fortunes of mortals during their lives. Her worship is attested in Roman Syria and spread to Hatra, where she was popular with married women, especially newlyweds. Two over-life-size statues were discovered in the cella, the first found on the left side of the cella belonging to a barefooted priest carrying in his left hand a plate of incense beads, and about to take some with his right hand. He is wearing the customary apron of a priest, made of a hard material that could be leather. The other statue was found on the right side of the cella, and

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depicts a merchant, for he holds in his left hand a bag of coins while he salutes with his raised right hand. These two statues of male figures were probably believed to be of the builders of the shrine where Fortune was venerated. A cult bank was also discovered in the cella, with a square base and conical top, fastened with iron nails that used to bind the top to the body, traces of which are still visible. Shrine of Hercules/Nergal (Shrine VII) This shrine is located to the south of the great temple and oriented towards the north. In front of the shrine is a court that faces the southern side of the great temple but is not excavated yet (Pl. 10). The cella of the shrine is rectangular and extends in an east-west direction, being 14.25 m along with a width of 7.05 m. The cella is encircled by a low bench 12 cm high and 1.1 m wide, and in its centre is a basin for holy water. The shrine’s main entrance is on the north side, and it is 2 m wide with a frame made of stone decorated with mouldings. On either side of the entrance project large piers supported by a base with mouldings to approximately 25 cm high. Each pier protrudes 1.06 m from the cella wall with a width of 1.90 m. The niche is located opposite the entrance and is 2.20 m wide and 1.70 m deep. The floor level of the niche is 91 cm higher than the floor of the cella, and is approached from the side by three steps made of one slab of marble. A bench (91 cm high) is constructed in front of the niche, the floor of which is paved with grey coloured marble. The shine has an outside staircase leading to the roof, which starts in the northwestern corner then turns in a westerly direction. 75

75

Shrine VII, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 359; Hasan 1994, 90–95.

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Pl. 10 Plan of Shrine VII

The excavators believed that this shrine was dedicated to the worship of Nergal, who was assimilated to Hercules, as evidenced from a number of epigraphical and sculptural sources. Their theory is based on the discovery of three representations of the said god. 76 The first is a relief that portrays nude Hercules/Nergal with his usual attributes—the club, the lion skin, and a cup in his left hand—while a priest is standing to his left, barefoot, wearing the special apron of the clergy and holding in his left hand a plate with frankincense beads, some of which he is throwing with his right arm into an incense burner that stands between the two figures. It was found to the right of the niche. The second is a small statue of a nude figure, clumsily carved, around his head is a 76

Safar & Mustafa 1974, figs. 255–258, cult bank fig. 260.

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wreath, and grasping in his right hand the upper end of a club, most of which is missing, but the placement for its lower end is visible on the base. He holds a cup in his left hand, with the lion skin over his left arm, reaching down to the base. The whole statue, along with its base, is fixed in a hollow rectangular furrow by the use of lead, some of which had also been used to mend breaks in his thigh in antiquity. This statue stands on a pedestal, the front of which is decorated with a relief of a worshipper, holding in his left arm a palm leaf and with his right arm raised laterally. His open left hand is in a gesture of salute. It was found near the southeastern corner of the cella. The third statue is of nude Hercules/Nergal, found broken into many pieces scattered in front of the niche’s bench which may indicate that it was the main cult statue. The carving on the statue can be successfully made out despite its fragmentary state: the figure is shown standing frontally, resting his right hand on a knobbed club, while he grasps a cup in his left hand and has a lion skin was over his left arm. His head is missing, also both arms, the left leg and parts of the club. Inside the niche, a statue of a seated goddess was discovered; she wears a mural crown and is clad in the usual Hatrene raiment of a long dress and a himation. Her jewellery consists of a torque, earrings, and two bracelets. She wears open sandals. In her left hand she holds a palm leaf while the right hand is open. The mural crown identifies the figure as Tyche, the protectress of the cities, and her association with the nude Hercules/Nergal is obvious for he was also concerned with guarding the gates and walls of the city, and was called dḥšptʾ—“guardian-in-chief”. Furthermore, a cult bank was discovered on the cella floor in front of the niche. It has a cylindrical body on a square base, and a conical lid. Its body is carved in relief with three scenes of the Greek Hercules fighting the Centaur, one of his 12 laborious achievements. The nude Greek Hercules was widely worshipped in Hatra and the Roman cities of the Near East. He was introduced by Alexander of Macedon and worshipped as a god and a hero, however the Hatrenes called him Nergal.

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This shrine is located on the street facing the long side of the southern wall of the Great Temple, has its own front courtyard measuring about 30 x 25.6 m, and has two separate buildings. The first (Pl. 11), which is the older, is oriented towards the east, and is composed of a cella measuring 5.55 m wide and 13.50 m long. 77 Its main entrance is in the eastern side measuring 1.40 m wide and has a frame of stone, ornamented with mouldings, and a decorated lintel with a very important inscription number (214) which mentions that in the year 409 (Seleucid era) 98 CE two tribes, tymw and blʾqb, built the shrine (ʾzdʾ) for Nergal at their own expense. 78 The threshold of the entrance went through three necessary changes in height, as noted by the excavators. This was to cope with the gradual rise through accumulation of the street outside, which was approximately 1 m above the shrine’s ground level. In the western wall of the shrine a niche was built of limestone, and this has a particular design, composed of two protruding attached columns standing on a limestone base. The niche was roofed with a small vault, its façade consisting of several undecorated voussoirs (Fig. 64). The whole shrine was constructed with mud bricks, using mud as a mortar, on foundations of stone, and then was covered with a layer of gypsum. The excavations revealed that this shrine was abandoned and the pavement marble tiles were removed and reused in paving the low decks of the cella of the new shrine. Most of its furnishings were probably also transported to the newly built shrine, save for an alabaster statue of Hercules/Nergal that was found near the southern wall of the cella. Its association with the above-mentioned dedicatory inscription is obvious.

Shrine VIII, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 360/1, Hasan 1994, 95–107. H.214, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 413; Vationi, 77; Aggoula 106; Beyer, 70. 77 78

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Fig. 64 Niche of phase one of Shrine VIIIa

Pl. 11 Plan of Shrine VIII

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The new shrine is located to the south of the older sanctuary, and its entrance (1.90 m wide) is oriented toward the north. The broad cella measures measuring 13.9 m long and 10.50 m wide, and it is surrounded by a 20 cm high bench. Its tiles were reused from the older shrine, and it had a gypsum-covered pavement. The frame of the entrance is decorated with mouldings over a lintel, and a frieze, devoid of ornamentation, also an arch. Two rooms on either side of the cella were added for the priest’s storage, and to keep offerings in. These rooms face north, each having a front entrance open to the forecourt. The cella has a niche (3.30 m x 3 m) in the middle of its southern wall, and its entrance measures 1.40 m wide, with has three marble steps leading up to it. The floor of the niche is paved with marble slabs, and has suffered from illegal excavations, as some of the floor slabs were found scattered. The walls of the niche project inside the cella for 1.65 m. Its entrance has two piers, adorned with architectural mouldings, over which is a decorated lintel with architectural mouldings, while another lintel above it is decorated with dentils. The entrance with the two lintels were provided with a complementary arch 79 of 17 voussoirs (Fig. 65), nine of which have portraits carved in high relief. One voussoir has an inscription in red paint, mentioning “statue of ʿbdsmyʾ, smyʾ, bearer, son of ʾstnq, son of ʾdy”. Six slabs were blank and two in a fragmentary state. The keystone of the arch is adorned with the relief of an eagle with folded wings and in front of him is a presentation of smyʾ (standard) composed of five elements. All eight heads carved on the voussoirs turn their heads slightly toward the eagle and smyʾ. The first on the left of the eagle is apparently a man of high status or a king, for he has a diadem above his forehead, in the middle of which stands an eagle with outspread wings, a distinctive feature of the kings of Hatra. He raises his left arm with an open palm in the gesture of salute, while he holds a palmette in his left hand, a sign of peaceful consecration. The slab to his left is carved with a bust of a figure with just a diadem only on his forehead, 79

Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 262, 266/7.

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who could be a prince or a viceroy, and he holds in his right hand a palmette and salutes with his left hand. To his left is a figure with a peculiar conical headdress, which is shown bent at the top. The next slab to the left is the one with the painted inscription, which might refer to the bust of ʿbdsmyʾ that comes next. To the right of the eagle and smyʾ slab are also four carved voussoirs, the nearest of which is a bust of nude Hercules/Nergal, holding in his left hand his club, concealed behind a palmette held in his right. He wears a necklace around his neck, and a bracelet encircles his right wrist. The three remaining busts are of military commanders, for each of them grasps the hilt of a sword in his left hand and a palmette in his right, and their arms are portrayed across their chests. Each of them has his own distinctive features of the arrangement of the beard and moustache. The shrine is considered a treasure, for numerous sculptures were discovered during the course of the excavations conducted in 1953, notably a controversial stele carved in low relief, depicting a façade of a temple with a column on either side, and a pediment inside, on which is a relief of an eagle with outspread wings. It has two registers: in the upper one a radiate god holds in his left hand the end of a cloak, while his right arm is extended to his right in the direction of a goddess, who reaches with her left arm and meets the hand of the god. Over their arms stands an eagle with outspread wings. The goddess wears a high headdress and is clad in the typical Hatrene custom of a chiton and himation. To the left of the central male god stands another god, whose left hand grasps the hilt of a sword, while his right arm is extended towards the joined hands. To his left and to the right of the goddess, stand two gods with halos behind their heads, each holding a spear in his right hand and grasping the hilt of a sword in his left, while the nude Hercules/Nergal stands to the extreme right of the stele, holding his club in his right hand, while the lion skin is held in his left. Some scholars think that this upper scene could be interpreted as a marriage ceremony between the principal gods of the city, mrn, mrtn, brmryn, Hercules/Nergal and another deity, while others believe that the Triad of Hatra is

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represented, but because of the weathered state of the stele, we are unable to explain exactly the meaning of this divine assembly. The broken lower register shows three male figures standing in a row, each holding a palmette in his laterally raised hand, while the left hands of each of the two grasps the hilt of their sword. However, the third figure holds some undistinguishable object in his left hand. Among the most significant sculptures uncovered in this shrine are seven statuettes made of alabaster. They represent the following divinities, the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury, Hermes, Jupiter, Venus and Saturn (Fig. 66). Each one of these deities has his own distinctive attribute, which made their identification possible. Apparently, they represent the days of the week, and render them in corporeal form as the elements that comprise smyʾ (the standard). These statuettes were found in the niche, along with an incense burner, which the excavators believe was a model of a temple. Two other examples were also uncovered. The first has eight columns, seven of which have smyʾ with a varied number of elements carved, while the second is in unfinished state. Both of them have a cylindrical receptacle on top, which was used for burning incense. The three examples are not models of temples, but are incense burners. The seven statuettes, along with an incense burner, were found in the niche, therefore this shrine is in its second building phase dedicated to the worship of smyʾ. An altar was also uncovered in the shrine, having the seated figure of ʾtrʿtʾ/Atargatis carved on one of its sides. It shows the goddess seated between two lions and wearing a high headdress that has close resemblance to a mural crown. Notable among the finds was the upper half of an alabaster statuette of a winged Nike, the goddess of victory, raising both arms laterally and holding a wreath in her left hand and a palmette in her right.

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Fig. 65 Arch of Shrine VIII

Fig. 66 Statuettes of Smya

Shrine of šmš and Hercules/Nergal (Shrine IX)

This shrine is located 200 m south of the temenos wall of the Great Temple, its ground plan is similar to that of shrine iššʾrbel (V), and is oriented toward the east (Pl. 12). It has three entrances in its eastern wall; the central one is 1.90 m wide, while the flanking entrances are 1.10m wide. It opens onto a rectangle forecourt, which is approached by several alleys from different directions. 80 The excavations of the shrine extended to several rooms on the north side of the forecourt, and one room on the southern, which 80

Shrine IX, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 362/3; Hasan, 1994, 113–119.

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is thought to be a small cella or prayer room, for it contained a base for the statue of a deity on its southern wall. The cella is 18.75 m long and 6.70 m wide, and has its main entrance in the middle of its eastern side. On either side are piers projecting 1 m from the wall, each with a width of 1.40 m. The floor of the cella is covered with a layer of gypsum, and has a low bench made of small stones along its northern side. Opposite the main entrance of the cella and on its western side is a niche protruding to the outside, measuring 3.65 m long and 2.10 m wide, with an opening 1.40 m wide, and having a bench attached to its western side 55 cm above floor level. The whole shrine was built on a 1.12 m high podium made of pieces of stone and gypsum, and the walls were of roughly hewn slabs of limestone to about 1 m above floor level. Above that it was constructed of mud bricks and gypsum, except of the parts of the walls that comprise the three entrances, which were built with slabs of stone. It is believed that the two roofing vaults were made of mud bricks, resting upon these. Small parts of the mud brick vault are still in situ. The northeastern corner of the shrine has a tower-like projection, while its southern counterpart has the remains of a staircase leading to the roof. Epigraphical evidence indicates that muqimšmš son of wrwd the rbytʾ (mayor) built this shrine (ʾzdʾ) (H60, H61), probably dedicated to the worship of šmš. An inscribed slab was placed over the bench in the niche by ʿbdmlyk son of whwbʾ and his son ʿqbšmš, on the occasion of building an altar and a platform in the year 165 CE (476), for their lives and the lives of their sons (H62). 81 Moreover, 22 years later, in the year 498 (187) CE, the second son of whwbʾ, ʿbdsmyʾ, placed a relief inside the niche. The relief portrays an eagle with folded wings, carved in profile in high relief, with a torque and a necklace, facing two identical presentations of smyʾ.

H.60–64, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 407; Vationi 44/5; Aggoula, 46–48; Beyer, 44. 81

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Pl. 12 Plan of Shrine IX

Two statues of Hercules/Nergal in his nude form were discovered during the excavations. The first was found outside the entrance, and this is believed to be an acroterion. Parts of the statue were missing, but he is shown resting his right hand on his club while he holds a cup in his left hand with a lion skin over his forearm. The second statue is very similar to the first in pose and attributes, but differs in the type of stone. The first was carved of limestone, while the other is of white marble. The second statue was found in the southwestern corner of the cella, along with another important statue of Hercules, made of limestone, his head missing, standing frontally on a high inscribed pedestal with a Latin inscription. His has usual attributes of the club and lion skin, and his bare chest is adorned with a torque and a necklace. The Latin inscription is exceptionally important for it mentions the Roman legion that was sent to Hatra during the reign of Gordian III (238–243 CE) to help defend inhabitants of the city and the

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Arab tribes against the expected Sasanian assault. 82 The Roman soldiers left two other Latin inscriptions, the first probably placed before the above-mentioned inscription by some three years, but the other presented to the Sun-god (Sol) (šmš) by the same donor as that of the first inscription. It was inscribed on a pedestal of a sculpture of šmš, lost except for his feet, wearing sandals.

Fig. 67 Relief of Gdwt

82

Oates, 1955, 39–43. Downey 1968, 123–126.

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Among the significant sculptures found in this shrine is a slab of marble with a high relief of ʿbdmlk and his wife gd/rwt, who stand frontally but with a slight turn toward each other (Fig. 67). The relief was found broken into a fragmentary state, but their names were preserved. She wears the usual Hatrene costume of a long dress with long sleeves and a himation. Around her neck is a necklace, and her two braids of hair hang on her shoulders. As for ʿbdmalik’s attire, he wears a chiton and trousers and an overcoat with long sleeves. The decorations of his garment are the usual Hatrene ornamentations of the nobles and commanders. He grasps the hilt of his sword with his left hand while the right arm touches the edge of the scabbard across his body, in a gesture not commonly attested. 83 It seems likely that the dedication of this shrine was initially to the worship of šmš, then changed to the worship of Hercules/Nergal, but for the Roman soldiers it was only for Hercules. Shrine of Hercules/Nergal (Shrine X) Copious evidence, sculptural and graphical, testifies that this shrine was dedicated to the worship of Nergal /Hercules and that wrwd/nsrw mryʾ constructed it, and because of its importance in the religious life of the city King sntrwq I, son of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, left his over life-size statue standing in its cella. The shrine is situated 600 m to the west of the great temple complex and is oriented toward the east, with a large forecourt. It comprises a cella (23.60 x 7 m) with three openings, the middle one being the main entrance with a width of 1.90 m, guarded by two piers, each of which measures 2.10 x 2.60 m and probably supporting a canopy. The width of the two smaller entrances are 1.10 and 1 m respectively (Pl. 13), and the niche is in the middle of the western wall of the cella, square in shape measuring 4 x 4 m, with an entrance 1.4 m in width. Inside the niche is a base 33 cm above floor level. Behind it is a smaller niche in its western wall. The walls of the shrine are all of mud brick, over a foundation of stone, which rises 83

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 264/5; Hasan, 120–129.

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to approximately 2 to 4 cm in height. The cella is roofed by a large mudbrick vault, while the square niche was roofed by a vault of stone and gypsum. The walls were then covered with a layer of gypsum. In a consecutive building phase of the shrine the floor level was raised by 73 cm and the northern wall of the cella was also reconstructed. Two interconnected small rooms were added to the shrine at its southern side, both rooms having a onemetre-wide entrance in the eastern wall and used as storage rooms. Also, a small room was added adjacent to the niche on its southern side.

Pl. 13 Plan of Shrine X

This shrine was built during the reign of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ as an inscription testifies, inscribed on the lintel of the entrance of the niche. 84 Two over life-size statues were found on either side of the entrance to the niche. The first belongs to sntrwq the king, H.67, H.70–73, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 407–408; Vationi 46–48; Aggoula 49–51; Beyer 45/47.

84

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son of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, who is clad in a richly ornamented dress and trousers; the second is of a person named wqwr, who could be a king, for his dress and overcoat suggest that he is of high status. The sculptural presentations relating directly to Hercules/Nergal in the shape of nude Hercules, who was exclusively an element of the Hatrene belief-system, are abundant. 85 Among them are an incense burner with a nude figure in relief on its side, and on the remaining three sides reliefs of dogs. There is a statuette of a seated dog wearing a necklace, and on the base an inscription starting with “three dogs…” This is a reference to Cerberus, the three headed dog guarding the entrance of Hades. The cult bank of the shrine also bear witness to this connection, as its lid has reliefs of three seated dogs along with a nearly obliterated inscription, the only discernible part of which could be translated as ‘made for Nergal’. In the adjacent room of the cella an incense burner was discovered. It has four square tiers, with an arcade on each side and two small figures standing at the front, one of them is a priest, carrying a plate of incense in his left hand and take a few beads with his right hand. He is barefooted and wearing the common attire of the priests at Hatra. This figure probably represents wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, the builder of this shrine. The second figure is standing, wearing a typical Hatrene dress of knee length chiton and trousers. His chiton is fastened by a belt, on his right side is a dagger, and he wears a necklace with a round pendant. He holds in his right hand a palmette and raises his left hand in salute. This statuette probably represents sntrwq I son of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ. Outside the shrine, an incense burner-altar was discovered. It is of alabaster, and on the front a relief of Athena/iššʾrbel was carved. She sits sideways on the back of a lion, with her usual attributes: the Corinthian helmet, a spear held in her right hand, and an aegis on her chest. Athena/iššʾrbel’s association with the lion is attested on her relief found in the shrine V, where she is portrayed standing on the back of the lion along with two female 85

Al-Salihi, 1971, 1973.

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goddesses. Outside the shrine and in front of the main entrance an alabaster statuette of a female (goddess?) was discovered. Her head and left arm are missing, she is seated wearing the usual long Hatrene costume, with her right hand extended, open palm upward. She is wearing an elaborate necklace and a torque around her neck, and also wears a bracelet, anklet and sandals. Her identity is ambiguous for the statuette is devoid of any other identifying attribute. However, she could be ʾtrʿtʾ or an equivalent, someone associated with Nergal. A statuette representing Hercules-gndʾ was discovered near the northern corner of the cella, its head and feet missing. He is wearing a knee length dress with a belt composed of connected discs, a torque around his neck, and a long necklace consisting of a chain and a round pendant. His right hand rests on his club, while the left hand carries a cup and over his left arm is the lion skin, his usual attribute. His identification as gndʾ is based upon analogies with a similar statuette found at the North gate of the city. A sculpture found during the excavation of the Temple of Allat and the excavation of Shrine XIII proved that the shrine was dedicated to gndʾ, based on epigraphical and sculptural evidence. 86 Close to the statuette the excavators found an altar or incense burner: on its front side are carved a relief of nude standing Hercules/ Nergal, and a presentation of smyʾ. He holds his club in his right hand and a cup in his left, with a lion skin on his left arm. His facial features are obliterated. To his left is smyʾ with five elements: the crescent moon, the sun, a bright disc that might be Jupiter, and two rings with no ornamentation. On top of the pole is an eagle with folded wings. Above this sculptured scene a pediment is carved, inside of which is a rosette. The carving of the pediment is repeated on the two sides, while the back of this altar is undressed stone. As mentioned above, all the archeological evidence points to the dedication of the shrine to Nergal/Hercules, who enjoyed great popularity among the Hatrenes.

86

See Al-Salihi, 1990, Shrine XIII.

IV. ARCHITECTURE Shrine of Nergal (Shrine XI)

139

This shrine is situated about 300 m to the west of the Great Temple temenos. Its entrance is oriented towards the south and opens to a large open courtyard, the shrine as a whole is surrounded from all sides by private houses, which have more or less similar plans. The open courtyard is surrounded by rooms of different sizes, with the necessary utilities such as kitchen and bathrooms. Some of them have iwans, the distinctive architectural feature at Hatra and the area at that time. Perhaps some of the private dwellings belonged to the priests and the clergy. 87 The wide main entrance is approximately in the middle of the southern wall and is about 2 m wide, guarded by two projecting piers (Pl. 14). It is approached by two steps about 1 m long and 1.50 m wide, and leads to the broad cella which is 17.10 m long and 6.30 m wide. The niche is rectangular (4.62 m x 3 m), is 22 cm higher than the floor level of the cella, and was reached by two steps made of marble. The niche has an entrance 1.20 m centimetre wide, which in turn is enclosed by a stone frame, the side jambs and the lintel being devoid of inscriptions. Opposite the entrance on its northern side is a smaller, blank niche, in front of which is a marble stand with three steps and, its front is 1 m² bench designed to hold the gifts and offerings to the shrine placed on its top. Over this bench is a statue base of the god of the shrine. Archeological investigations show that this shrine was built on the ruins of an earlier construction phase. The walls of the later phase are built of mud bricks and gypsum on foundations of undressed stone, to 1.50 m, except the southern and northern walls of the cella, which were built entirely of stone. The walls, covered by layers of gypsum, have graffiti incisions depicting hunting scenes, animals, and religious themes.

87

Shrine XI, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 366/7; Hasan 1994, 130–137.

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Pl. 14 Plan of Shrine XI

The excavators discovered the cult statue in the niche, and it proved to be of Nergal/Hercules, 88 his head missing, and the body broken to pieces. He is shown nude, holding his club in his right hand, and probably a cup in the left hand, while a lion skin is placed on his left arm. The style of the carving follows the GrecoRoman repertoire. To the right of the cella entrance a large statue of King sntrwq II son of ʿbdsmyʾ was discovered (Fig. 68), his head is missing, and holding in his left hand a palmette, raising his right arm in a gesture of salute. He wears an elaborate costume, decorated with a very intricate lozenge design with tear drops in the centre. He wears trousers of similar decoration to his tunic, a 88

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 319.

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torque around his neck and two bracelets, his belt composed of discs alternating with squares. The discs have images of the elements of smyʾ (the crescent Moon, Sun, Mars, etc.). A plaque is shown on his chest, fastened by a belt; it has a representation of smyʾ composed of five elements: the crescent Moon, the Sun, a bright disc indicating Mars, and three further discs, the inside of each carved with an eagle with outspread wings. On top of the pole is another eagle. Two bas relief images are carved on either side of smyʾ, the one on the right being Hercules/gndʾ, wearing Hatrene costume and holding a club in his right hand and a cup in his left, a lion skin placed around his left arm. On the left side is a god standing to the front, holding a stick (probably a caduceus) in his right hand, and the hilt of a sword in his left; he might be a presentation of Hermes/Mercury, or a guardian god. On the statue base is an inscription of which only the first two letters of sntrwq’s name remain intact. However, another inscribed base belonging to this was discovered, and this has 14 lines mentioning that a family of a certain šmšbrk erected it and presented the said statue to King sntrwq II on his “happy” birthday (H.79). 89 In front of the opening of the niche was found a life size statue of a priest by the name dqfʾ (Fig. 69). His head is missing, and he is clad in the religious costume of the clergy of Hatra. He is shown barefooted and holding in his left hand a plate of incense beads, which he picks up in the fingers of his right hand. The statue base carries his inscribed name. Close to the statue was found another, the inscription on its base telling us that it belongs to a member of the patron family. 90 It mentions the name of ʿbdʾgylw son of alkwd son of šmšbrk, and was erected by his two sons alkwd and ʿbdsmyʾ in the month of November 238 CE. He is shown standing frontally, raising his right hand in the gesture of salute, and holding in his left hand a palmette. His head is missing, and his costume has no ornamentations. A statue of a figure H.79, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 408; Vationi 49–51; Aggoula 54–56; Beyer 47/8. 90 H.80, Safar & Mustafa 1974, 408, Vationi, 51, Aggoula, 56/7; Beyer 48/9. 89

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very similar in posture and costume was also found in the cella, however this statue base lacks the identity inscription. The cult bank of this shrine was found close to the cella entrance, but its conical lid was not found. The finding of the nude Hercules/Nergal in the niche is a clear indication that the shrine was dedicated to his worship.

Fig. 68 Statue of King Sanatruq II

Fig. 69 Statue of Dqfa, the priest

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Shrine of nbw (Shrine XII) This shrine, situated to the south of the Great Temple, like most of the temples and shrines of the city, is oriented towards the east. It consisted of a broad cella measuring 14.10 x 10.75 m, flanked by votive rooms and a niche. 91 The layout of the shrine resembles that of shrine VI and the second phase of Shrine VIII (Pl. 15). The main entrance is approached by six steps made of limestone, and the second entrance is through the southern room. This shrine was roofed by three parallel vaults and two arches supported by two pillar-like buttresses on one side, and by the eastern wall of the cella on the other. The floor of the shrine was paved with greenish coloured marble slabs, and there is a small round basin in the middle of the cella. In front of the shrine is a spacious courtyard, from which the roof of the shrine is approached by a staircase built on the outside in the north-eastern corner. The excavation of this shrine yielded numerous reliefs, free standing statues, and inscriptions. In front of the northern wall of the niche is a podium, the façade of which has a weathered relief of a figure holding an axe in his raised left hand, while in his right he grasps an unidentified object. The figure probably represents nbw, on the basis of the attributes found in other examples. Two other podiums were found in situ on either side of the niche. The façade of the first one has a relief of three worshippers raising their hand in salute, while on its upper edge is a very damaged inscription, of which only a few very faint letters were preserved. However, the lower inscription records the names of the sculptors who were responsible for carving the podium. They are šmšyhb and brnsrʾ, well-known names in the inscriptions of Hatra. The second podium, which is probably a statue base, has a badly weathered inscription which a few first letters enabled us to date to before 130 CE.

Al-Salihi 1983, 140–145; Abdullah 1984, 100–118; Hasan 1994, 138– 146. 91

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Pl. 15 Shrine of Nebo

Pl. 15a Aramaic dedication to Nebo

An important inscription was found incised on the lintel of the main entrance. It records that a certain šmšʾqb built this shrine and dedicated it to the worship of nbw. 92 Its translation is “may šmšʾqb the architect be remembered, the son of Hnyna, who built this shrine to the god nbw for the lives of his sons (and the life of whoever is his friend), all of them”. This inscription is of importance for it mentions for the first time the god nbw who was known in Mesopotamia from the Akkadian, Ur III, and Old Babylonian periods as nabium, and nabû in later times and as nbw 92

Al-Salihi 1983, 141, H.403, Abdullah 1984, 117; Beyer 101/2.

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among the Greeks and in the Old Testament. nabû is the eldest son of Marduk, and his main temple, E-Zida, was in Borsippa. Apparently, the importance of his cult had increased during the late Assyrian period, when he was endowed with Marduk’s characteristics. Three theophoric names of the new Babylonian kings contain the name of nabû: they are nabûpolassar, Nebuchadnezzar, and nabûnidis. nabû played an important role in the religious life of the Mesopotamians, especially in the New Year festival in Babylon, where he joined Marduk. He was the god of scribal arts and wisdom, the perfect scribe, who held the reeds of writing and the Tablets of Destiny. His worship had spread into Syria in the Late Assyrian period and in Seleucid times he was assimilated to Apollo and also identified with Hermes as the messenger of the gods. Strabo mentioned that the temple of Borsippa was dedicated to the worship of Artemis and Apollo/nbw. The similar characteristics of Apollo and nbw in their respective pantheons led to their assimilation, for both are gods of wisdom and knowledge. This assimilation is also attested in some theophoric names, for example, Apollinaris in Greek is translated brnbo in Aramaic. nbw enjoyed great popularity at Palmyra and held an honoured place in a pantheon headed by Bel, who was assimilated to Marduk. His cult is variously attested: the dedication to his worship an important temple in the city, theophoric names such as brnabû, nbwzbd and nbwydʾ, and his appearance on tesserae with the chief Palmyrene gods Bel, Yarhbol, Aglybol and Hercules/Nergal. At Dura-Europos, nbw is represented by a statuette bearing a Palmyrene inscription and holding a lyre. Literary testimonials of the third century CE at Assur attest to his presence there, and a temple was dedicated to his worship. At Edessa nbw was considered the chief deity of the city in pagan times, and his name preceded that of Bel, as attested by literally testimonial and theophoric names. Our knowledge of nbw at Hatra prior to the excavation of this shrine was limited to three theophoric names: nbwbnʾ, brnbw, nbwdyn, which were insufficient to determine the extent of his worship. The excavation of this shrine shed new light on the

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nature of the cult of nbw by providing us with the data essential for determining the characteristics of nbw at Hatra. An indication of the most important characteristic is incised on the pavement slab located in front of the niche. It is translated as follows: “may Drʾ be remembered favourably and beneficially before nabû the scribe of mrn (sprʾ dy mrn). He and whoever is friendly to him, all of them, may ḥnynʾ his father be remembered”. 93 The phrase sprʾ dy mrn—the scribe of mrn—indicates that nbw continue to be the scribe of the chief god because mrn was the principal god of the Hatra Triad, also identified with šmš the chief god of Hatra. But here the son of the chief god mrn or šmš is not nbw, as in Babylon, but brmryn, the son of our lords, who could be Sin, the moon God. Two theophoric names were found carved on another relief. This shows a guardian god standing frontally, to his right a representation of smyʾ, the god of Heaven, who is symbolized here by the seven planets. Between the two is an inscription, 94 its translation as follows: “May nbwyhb son of nbwgbr be remembered favourably”. Another theophoric name is carved on the base of the statue of a priest, found broken into pieces near the southern wall of the niche, but the podium on which the statue originally stood was found in situ in front of the base, and on the podium is a deeply carved inscription that reads: “statue of nbwʾbd….” It is dated to the month of March, year 516 (205/6 CE). On the floor of the cella a unique cult bank was found. 95 It is octagonal in shape, and stood on a rectangular base (Fig. 70). The dome shaped lid is ornamented with a relief of a spread winged eagle, and has a slot through which coins were dropped. On the side of the lid is a hole, and there is another on the body, with traces of metal, probably the remains of a locking device. Each of the eight sides is carved in low relief, with a standing figure in a niche, crowned by a shell-like a hemisphere. There are acanthus leaves in the angles where the arches meet. The figures are here identified briefly, starting with the side below the eagle: Al-Salihi 1983, 143, H.389, Abdullah 1984, 115, Beyer, 100. Al-Salihi 1983, 143, H.401; Abdullah, 1984, 117, Beyer 101. 95 Al-Salihi, 1983, 144. 93 94

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1. A bearded priest, standing frontally, wearing the usual Hatrene costume, is throwing incense into an incense burner. 2. A worshipper carrying a palmette, a sign of consecration. 3. A god holding a wreath in his right hand and a palmette in his left hand, probably representing Mars, or could be a worshipper. 4. A worshipper holding a wreath in one hand and raising the other in salute. 5. Hermes (Mercury), embracing with his right arm a large bag of coins, appears in his aspect of god of commerce and merchants. In his left hand he holds the caduceus, which rests on his left shoulder. Over his head is a pair of wings, indicating his aspect of herald of the greater gods. 6. A goddess clad in a typical Hatrene dress holding things aloft, and wearing a high calathos, probably representing Atargatis-ʾtr ʿtʾ-Ishtar. 7. A goddess grasping a large spear and holding a palmette, wearing a calathos and probably representing Allat in her Hatrene Arab aspect, rather than Athena/Iššʾrbel goddess of war. 8. A god standing in a frontal pose, holding an object in his raised right hand, and with his left grasping what looks like a bundle of writing reeds. If correct, this is very probably a representation of nbw. Two alabaster statuettes were uncovered during excavations on the pavement of the cella. Each represents a god standing frontally, and are similar to the god carved on the eighth side of the cult bank. The first statuette shows him holding an axe in his raised right hand, and grasping a bundle, probably of writing reeds. Two small horns adorn his forehead. The other statuette is identical to the previous one, but has two scorpions carved in relief above his left shoulder.

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Fig. 70 Cult bank of Nebo

Fig. 71 Controversial stele

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The association of the scorpion with nbw may indicate some of the characteristics that were his in Palmyra, especially as a scribe of the Tablets of Destiny, which determine the fate of both the universe and of human beings. A very controversial stele was found fallen on its sculpted face in front of the niche. 96 It was broken into many fragments, and the carved side was chipped in numerous places. Presumably it had been pushed down from its original location—on the podium of the niche—during the Sasanian invasion of the city. The stele and the chipped pieces were treated and preserved at the laboratory of the Iraq Museum. The stele is square in shape (Fig. 71), with a semicircular arch on its upper end. It has a relief only on one side, surrounded by a 1.5 to 2 cm frame. The central relief also has a frame at the top, making it a square shape. Three figures were carved on it in relief, standing frontally on low bases. Each figure is clad in a knee-length, long-sleeved tunic and trousers, each of them grasping with his left hand the hilt of sword, which is fastened by a belt under the waistline. Each of the three figures holds a spear in his right hand. The folds of their tunics are incised in semi-circles at the shoulder, then gradually straighten until they reach the waistline, under which they are made in vertical lines. The carving of the folds of the trousers is not well-executed, gives the impression that all the knees of the standing figures are bent. The carving of the head of the middle figure is different from that of the two flanking figures: his hair is arranged into two short slightly curved braids, and the remaining hair falls straight over the forehead. He wears a high headdress, some of which is visible in the lower part, with two bands on either side. His hand is carved in a triangular shape. The heads of the two men on either side are encircled by halos, designed and carved very differently from those commonly appearing on sculptures of the divinities of Hatra, Palmyra, and Dura Europos. Each halo is rectangular in shape, with slightly curved ends on either side of the head. They appear very reminiscent of a portrayal of 96

Al-Salihi 1996, 189–196.

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wings. Their hair is arranged straight over the forehead, and their features are identical, though they are now badly fragmented. These two figures appear younger than the middle figure, who appears bearded. The semi-circular part of the stele has a high relief of an eagle with folded wings, standing in profile, to the left. The eagle is facing an altar (?) placed on a short column with a square plinth and round base, but its upper part is chipped and missing. On either side of a head of a male with a halo around it is carved and a curved band was sculpted under each one, it could very well be at a representation of crescent. Close to the head of the eagle is an inscription that reads bl brk—“blessed by Bel”. On the base of the stele is another inscription ḥnynʾ blbrk dkyr ltb— “may ḥnynʾ be blessed by Bel (the Lord), be remembered favourably”. The name hnynʾ also occurs in other inscriptions found in this shrine. He was the father of šmšʿqb, the architect responsible for the construction and dedication of the shrine to nbw. However, this name was very popular at Palmyra and is attested in numerous inscriptions in the same idiom as that of Hatra, and sometimes in various other forms. The style of the carving of this stele is not ordinary, and it is somehow inferior to the style of Hatrene sculpture. The heads of the figures are in disproportion to their bodies, and their arms are longer than usual, especially the bent right arms that hold the spears, with the fingers carved summarily. Also, the folds of the trousers are unnatural, causing the knees to appear bent. It would seem that the sculptor was trying to copy or imitate a particular stele he had seen, and working from memory, one that was not at Hatra, but in Palmyra. It is the wellknown stele of the triad of Palmyra consisting of ʿglibol (the moon god), and bʾʿlšamyin, and malakbel (the sun god). This stele, unlike our one, is characterized by a highly accomplished carving style, the details of the three gods and their military Roman garments being sculpted very carefully and efficiently. The Palmyrene stele is dated to the first century CE. One wonders whether the sculptor of our stele was Palmyrene, and came to live at Hatra for commercial purposes and presented the stele to nbw? However, our stele is inscribed with the name of Hnyna a well-known personal

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name at Palmyra, and that may complicate the matter: was he originally a Palmyrene but had immigrated to Hatra to live and work, while his sons continued to work at Hatra? Nevertheless, the style of the carving raises another question concerning the ability of the “sculptor” namely whether he was a professional or an amateur, because its carving indicates that he had a limited knowledge of the artistic traits of Hatrene and/or Palmyrene sculpture. Shrine of gndʾ (Shrine XIII)

This shrine is situated to the east of the Great Temple, and is oriented towards the west. It is built of dressed limestone and has two building phases. 97 In the first, the shrine consisted of a broad cella and a deep niche (Pl. 16). Three openings led to the inside of the cella, which was about 22.20 m long and 8.50 m wide. The middle opening was the main entrance, about 2 m wide, and approached by a few steps made of marble. The lintel of the entrance was about 2.44 m long 35 cm high and 58 cm thick (Fig. 72). It was adorned with two types of lesbian leaves and egg and dart mouldings, in addition to an inscription carved in a blank space, the inside of the letters having red ink. 98 It requests that certain individuals, namely nšryhb son of tymly and bdy son of šmšgrm, be remembered favourably before the god of the shrine gndʾ dy rmgw. Apparently, they were responsible for either the construction of this phase of the shrine, or they had some restoration work done later on. Over the lintel, an arch was built, the voussoirs of which are decorated with similar architectural mouldings. As for the two other entrances each is 1 m wide, and the door jambs have projections about 10 cm wide, used to retain the wooden doors. Opposite the main entrance of the cella and on a long axis is a deeply set niche, which protrudes eastward, its dimensions being 4.70 m long and 4.1 m wide. It has a small number of steps 97 98

Al-Salihi, 1990, 27–35. Al-Salihi 1990:29, H.406, Al-Salihi 1985–86, 199; Beyer, 102.

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leading to it. Its opening has a lintel decorated with similar mouldings to those of the cella, and it is also engraved with an inscription, requesting that Hywšʾ the priest and dbbyʾ be remembered favourably in the presence of gndʾ the great (rba).

Pl. 16 Shrine XIII of Gnda

Fig. 72 Lintel of Entrance of Shrine XIII

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The niche contained two podiums set one behind the other. The front one is made of Mosul marble, slightly weathered, and decorated with architectural mouldings, while the other is built of separate blocks of limestone. At least two large stelae carved with reliefs of individuals were probably placed against the front podium or close to it. One stele was found standing in situ in front of the podium, while cult statues were installed behind, on the higher-constructed podium. A distinctive different feature was found in this shrine: a very narrow staircase, only about 70 cm wide, is embedded in the thickness (1.9 m) of the cella wall. This feature is not found in any of the other the small shrines, but is common in the larger temples like šaḥiru, šmš and the Juxtaposed Iwans. The construction of this small shrine in ashlar masonry is very similar to that of the larger temples, and it also has buttresses projecting from the outside corners, needed as strengthening elements to carry the roof. The cella has a very low bench along the walls, made of limestone slabs. In general, the layout of this small shrine is similar to that of shrines V, IX and X, but it was built with slightly larger dimensions. The second building phase witnessed the addition of an antecella. Its inside measurements are about 20 m long and 7.8 m wide, and it is built of regular dressed stones, using similar building technique and material to the cella. The antecella has one main entrance at the front and is about 5.25m wide. Over the opening an arch was built, made of separate voussoirs, some of which are carved with reliefs of deities and individuals, but were found in damaged state. The entrance is flanked by two attached columns, each with a diameter of 90 cm, supported on two rectangle bases, each about 1.25 m x 80 cm. This antecella also has two narrow openings in the southern and northern sides. There are no indications, neither in literature nor architecture of the actual time of the addition of the antecella. The plan of the shrine in general, like all the small shrines, resembles that of Babylonian and Assyrian temples, each of which consisted of an antecella, cella, and a niche, aligned on the same axis.

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Fig. 73 Cult statue of Gnda

The shrine is surrounded by a thick, stronger wall on all sides. It was constructed by a certain person named ʿqʾ, who was also responsible for building a number of kptʾ, “vaulted rooms” or “iwans”. This valuable information is recorded in an inscription (H408) found in one of the rooms that were uncovered by the excavators. 99 They are located mainly on the southern and northern sides, and some of them were built along the western side, in which is located the main entrance that leads to the courtyard in front of the shrine. In one of the rooms, the above-mentioned inscription (H408) was found carved on a limestone building slab, and has traces of red ink inside the letters. It records that ʿqʾ was the master in the city mr mta and that he had built these additions in the month of June 234–235 CE, and that the rooms should be preserved in good condition by the individuals who dwelt in them. That means these rooms were inhabited not only by the 99

H.408, Al-Salihi, 1985/6, 99–102; Beyer, 103.

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priests of the shrine, but also by other individuals, visitors who sought the mercy and the blessing of the god and who, in due course, became responsible for restoring any cracks in the walls or in the floors. In the niche at least two cult statues were uncovered. The first is carved in limestone, stands to about 60 cm high, and portrays the image of headless draped Hercules/gndʾ standing frontally. 100 He is resting his right arm on a knobbed club, and over his left arm he carries a lion skin. He originally held a cup in his missing left hand, one of his characteristic attributes in Hatra (Fig. 73). He wears a sleeveless knee-length tunic fastened on his right shoulder by a large fibula, and around his neck two necklaces. There is a short one, composed of three parallel bands ornamented in the middle by a large round disc similar in design to the fibula, and long one, consisting of a long herringbone chain ending in a large pendant in the shape of a horseshoe, ornamented with a series of circular incisions and encircling a teardrop design. This necklace is identical to that worn by him on the relief from the temple of Allat / Nemesis/ mrtn in which he was identified as gndʾ the Arab (Hatrene) god of Fortune. This is firstly on the basis of the inscription incised on the lower, wide frame of the relief, also by comparison with a statuette found at the northern gate, where we have suggested that Hercules clad in Hatrene custom is assimilated to or identified as gndʾ. Therefore, our statue also strengthens our previous suggestion, and indicates that the whole shrine was dedicated to his worship, as also evidenced by the finding of several dedicatory inscriptions in addition to his sculptural representations. A life-size headless statue of nude Hercules was also discovered, made of local marble. He carries a lion skin over his left arm and grasps a club in his right hand. The Greco-Roman nude type of Hercules at Hatra was assimilated/identified with nergal, the Mesopotamian god of the underworld, on the basis of the literary evidence and sculptural representation found at shrine (X) and at 100

Al-Salihi 1990, fig. 18, 30–31.

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the North Gate. The other cult’s statue is enigmatic, but throws a fresh light on the nature of a rather minor god at Hatra. The statue is about 50 cm high, including the base, which is 4 cm high. The portrayed figure stands on another very low statue base which is 1.5 cm high. The god stands to the front, his facial features damaged and the inlay of his eyes missing, but probably made of ivory. Over his forehead he wears a pair of horns and a diadem, on which stands a small eagle. Behind his head is a radiant disc with rays carved in relief. He wears a necklace and a long-sleeved, knee-length tunic and trousers. The tunic is adorned with two parallel rows of large discs, which continue on the front of the trousers and shoes. He grasps the hilt of a sword in his left hand, while his right arm is raised laterally holding a long staff. Behind his right shoulder appears a serpent with its head turned upward towards the god, the serpent’s body shown on the right side of the figure. A similar one is also shown on his left side, but part of it is missing. The god wears a common Hatrene costume, and the curved serpents occur on the well-known Cerberus relief, where a number of serpents of various forms, as well as scorpions are shown. On the statue base of the figure an Aramaic inscription is incised, with traces of red paint inside the letters. It reads šmʿny zqyqʾ which translates as “hear me zqyqʾ”. Apparently the name zqyqʾ refers to the portrayed figure, and suggests that he was a god at Hatra. 101 However, both his name and image appear on another stele found in this shrine, this one made of Mosul marble with a relief of three figures carved frontally, a goddess and two gods, the lower part of the stele more prominent and serving as a background for the Aramaic inscription which identifies the goddess as gnytʾ (an epithet of Astarte-Ishtar), and the two guards as ʾprtn and zqyqʾ. 102 The male figures are portrayed as guardian gods, each armed with a sword and a long staff, with a round shield behind his back.

101 102

Al-Salihi 1990, fig. 18, 30–31. H.410, Al-Salihi 1985/6, 103; Beyer, 104.

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Fig. 74a and 74b Stele of two adults and a boy

As for the stelae found in the deep niche, they were probably set against the podiums as indicated by the remains of gypsum at their rear sides. 103 The first of the stelae was found in situ, set against the low podium about 65 cm high and 77 cm wide. Its upper part is badly damaged due to weathering. It portrayed in relief two adults and a boy (Fig. 74), and is important, for it records their names and portrays the image of the builder of the shrine. It also adds a new perspective on the style of sculpture at Hatra. The figure on the right, carved frontally, is raising his right arm laterally, holding in his hand a palmette, and every mutilated inscription appears to his right, while the figure on the left is wearing a different garment, probably that of a priest, and he is throwing incense beads into a burner with his extended right arm. In his left hand he holds a bowl of incense beads, and next to him are Aramaic inscriptions, which identify him as šmšʿqb, the son of rmgw, the person responsible for building the shrine and 103

Al-Salihi, 1990, 32–34, figs. 20, 21, 24.

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dedicating it to the worship of gndʾ. Between the two adults stands his son tymlt, as identified by the inscription. He is portrayed in a three-quarter view, with his head turned upward in the direction of his father šmšʿqb. His gesture is not conventional in the Hatrene style of sculpture, which tends to follow the law of frozen frontality, but with a few exceptions, among which is the musical scene found in the temple of Allat. The second stele is rectangular and measures about 81 cm high and 115 cm wide, and its right upper corner was cut so it can be fixed in the specific place in the deep niche (Fig. 75). The stele shows the figure reclining on his left side, supporting himself on his left elbow, and with his right arm along his right thigh. He holds in his right hand a small bag of coins, an indication that the person portrayed is a merchant. He wears a long-sleeved, kneelength tunic and trousers. His face was badly damaged, and his hair is made of snail curls, some of which were broken off in antiquity and an attempt made at a repair using an iron peg. An eagle stands on his right forearm in the three-quarter view, and around his neck are necklaces, but his head is missing. There was an attempt to fix it in its place using an iron peg, pieces of which are still visible. The sculptor filled the blank spaces by engraving inscriptions, of which the lower one says “the image of hywšʾ son of ʾšlmw, servant or worshipper of the good god”. The upper one requests that his son may be remembered favourably (H412). The reclining pose of hywš’ is not common in Hatrene sculpture. However, the most famous example is portrayed on the lintel of shrine iššʾrbel (V), where wrwd/nsrw mryʾ is shown in a reclining position celebrating his and the people of Hatra’s victory over the invading Roman army led by Emperor Trajan in 117 CE. Two of the Hercules representations found at Hatra show him in reclining position, and there are graffiti incised on the plaster walls of some buildings, but they are of later date and the drawing is done in red ink. At Palmyra the pose was common in funerary sculpture in the period from the beginning of the first century to the third century CE. However, only one example was found at Dura Europos, which is probably a representation of the Euphrates River. The

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Greeks used this pose in their sculptures, but the most interesting is the Assyrian relief that shows Ashurbanipal reclining on his left side, celebrating his victory over the Elamite king in the 7th century BCE.

Fig. 75 Stele of Hywsha

Fig. 76 Stele of a man of Justice with Gnda

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The third stele was found in one of the rooms along the northern side of the courtyard. It is irregular in shape, and was probably intended to be used as a building slab. It is 58 cm high, and its width ranges from about 52 to 61 cm. This slab has a bust of a male figure in relief, by the name of ʿbdʾgylw, which was recorded twice in the inscription incised on the stele, also describing him as a man of justice (Fig. 76) (H.413). His face and right arm were deliberately destroyed, and so was the inscription below his bust, which consisted of many lines, the letters well filled out with lead, but strangely enough the letters of the name of the god were not mutilated and neither was the lead taken out. He has his hair styled into two rows of curls, and he wears a long-sleeved tunic decorated with four rows of vertical lines of discs with vine decoration. His left arm is bent close to his chest, and he is grasping a bunch of something composed of seven elements probably related to agricultural product; or it could be the upper part of a palmette. To his left a niche was cut, about 2 to 3 cm deep, 52 cm high, and 12 cm wide, carved inside it a low relief of Hercules/gndʾ. He is standing frontally with an eagle standing over his head. He wears the usual Hatrene costume, grasps his club in his right hand, and carries a lion skin over his left arm. An inscription to the right of the god reads ʿdnʾ dy gndʾ dy rmgw, which means “the shrine of gndʾ of rmgw”. This relief was executed by a sculptor whose name is ʾbʾ, in the month of June 234–235 CE. The excavators found an altar/ incense burner incised with an inscription that reads “the altar (was) made by nšryhb son of hlswh, his son the builder, (and the) servants (worshippers) of gndʾ of rmgw”. rmgw was responsible for building the shrine in honour of gndʾ the Arab god of Fortune. He could have been the chief of the tribe or a wealthy Hatrene noble, consequently the shrine of gndʾ was associated with the name of its benefactor. Finally, among notable finds in this shrine were two Palmyrene sculptures. 104 The first is a small stele made of Palmyrene limestone that has an image of Allat and that of a worshipper (Fig. 77). The 104

Al-Salihi 1987, 53–61, pl. XIII–XV.

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second is an altar/incense burner with three carved faces, bearing an image of a radiate god, probably Yarhibol, and one of a priest clad in Palmyrene costume. The second face shows a lunar crescent with a rosette inside, the third face a relief of a camel in profile view.

Fig. 77 Palmyrene stele of Allat

Shrine of nny “Nannay” (Shrine XIV)

Architecturally, the similarity of the plans of shrine of gndʾ XIII and the shrine of nny are marked, excepting a few minor differences, for each of the shrines comprises antecella, cella and deep, almost square niche, which protrudes to the outside from the back wall of the cella. The antecella, cella and niche of nny’s shrine

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were constructed simultaneously, whereas in gndʾ’s shrine, the antecella was a later addition and has one wide front entrance. In the shrine of nny the antecella has three entrances at the front, the middle of which is the largest. 105 Another difference is that the shrine of nny lacks a staircase, whereas in gndʾ’s shrine the staircase is embedded in the east wall of the cella, and when the antecella was added the builder incorporated the northern portion of its eastern wall to be the starting point of the staircase. The shrine of nny is situated about 90 m to the south of the Great Temple complex and is oriented towards the east (Pl. 17), the measurements of the cella and antecella being the same, each 17.20 m long and 6.80 m wide, and the niche 5.15 m wide and 6 m long with one entrance measuring 1.65 m wide, and standing to a height of 3.35 m (in situ). The niche’s entrance is approached by marble steps with a dedicatory inscription incised on its upper face. It bears the date year 412 of the Seleucid Era (100/1 CE), and records that a priest by the name of ʿqby dedicated the shrine to nny the goddess, whose crown is the highest in Hatra. 106 The name of nyy is recorded on several occasions, and the inscriptions uncovered; sculptural representations of her were also found during the course of the excavations. Furthermore, her presence in Hatra is attested by the finding of theophoric names such as brnny and kfʾnny. In the niche a cult statuette of nny was found, on which she is shown seated on the throne wearing her high elaborate crown on her head (drgytʾ). 107 A statue of nude Hercules/Nergal, made of white marble, was discovered, and also a stele with the relief of a female, found outside the temple near the northern wall of the niche. Her head is missing, and with her right hand she grasps a spear while in her left hand she holds a palmette. On the back, an Aramaic inscription is incised, identifying the figure as gnytʾ dy šmš, “the demon of the šmš god”. A life-size statue of a female was Al-Aswad 2013, 107–114. H.463. Ibrahim, 2001–2002, 200; Al-Jubouri, 2010, 38–40; Al-Aswad, 2013, 10. 107 For the sculptures, see Al-Aswad 2013, 111–114. 105 106

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found in the cella, wearing the usual Hatrene costume, and standing on an inscribed pedestal with an Aramaic inscription that identifies her as “Melka daughter of nbwdyn, who is deceased”. A head of a female was also found in the antecella, probably of a princess, for she wears an elaborate high head-dress covered by a veil. A life-size statue of a headless male was also found in the antecella. He is barefooted, and wears a knee-length tunic, and on the statue base is an identifying inscription that reads ʿmqymšmš rbytʾ br zrd rbytʾ dy mrtn—mqyšmš, the person responsible for building the shrine, son of zrd, the person responsible for the temple of mrtn (Allat).

Pl. 17 Plan of Shrine XIV, courtesy of Al-Aswad

A statue made of Mosul marble was found inside the antecella near the middle entrance. It belongs to a male clad in trousers, and a knee-length, long sleeved tunic, decorated with a device of teardrops confined in lozenge-shaped designs. The head, right hand, ankles, and feet are missing. He wears a belt around his waist, from which hangs a long sword, its hilt grasped by his

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left hand. The portrayed figure could belong to a noble, for he wears a very intricate and finely carved costume. On either side of the entrance to the niche, which stands to 3.35 m high, are six consoles, on which stood statues of priests. These were found fallen from their original places with their respective statues. In their vicinity, three very interesting and controversial statues of priests were found, over life-size in dimensions. The first, according to the excavator, stands to a height of 2.17 m, while the other two statues are 2.40 m high. They were found fallen from their original locations, their heads and feet broken, along with their identifying inscriptions. They stand frontally clad in tunic and himation covering their left shoulders, and bodies from below the waist down to above the ankles. They wear high conical head-dresses, one of which is lower than the others; each of the priests holds a shallow bowl containing incense beads, a small bucket hanging down in each case from the little finger of his left hand. His right arm is bent at the elbow and with his hand he is picking up incense beads. In other instances from Hatra, he is just about to throw the beads into a burner, usually placed on the ground. The inscriptions discovered in the shrine record the names of some of the priest of nny, the goddess. The inscriptions, along with the inscribed consoles, may additionally throw light on the identity of the portrayed priests: they could have been of mqymšmš, ʿbdšmš who was a priest of the goddess, ḥywšʾ also a priest of nny of the high crown, or qymt and his son. So, the latter priests qymt and his son may be represented in these statues, for the three only differ in the arrangement of their moustaches and beards. The younger one is clean-shaven, the older with a moustache and rather thin beard, while the oldest has a full beard and moustache. The Tombs

The inhabitants of the city believed in life after death, therefore they took exceptional care in constructing edifices suitable for housing their dead bodies. There are more than 140 such tombs, scattered mainly in the eastern part of the city, as well as a few

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in the south and north sides. Apparently, each cluster of tombs was built to house the bodies of certain tribesmen, as indicated by the excavation of a group of them in the eastern section, built for themselves by two tribes, namely tymw and blʾqb, who were also responsible for constructing the shrine of Nergal (VIIIa). Andrae (1912) divided the tombs into seven groups, each assigned with a letter and a number, however there are more that he did not mention, or perhaps did not know about. Their plans vary, some being composed of only one chamber, while some include two rooms and a connecting vestibule with different variations, while others have three parallel chambers. They could be of one storey, detached buildings, or two storey edifices. All the tombs were built of ashlar masonry, and their rooms were roofed with every available vaulting system. Some of the tombs have exterior decorations, which include engaged columns that terminate in a cornice.

Fig. 78a Tombs

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Fig. 78b Tomb

Fig. 78c Tomb

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During the Iraqi excavations of 1970–971, 108 the archaeologists chose a group of tombs (‘J’ according to Andrae’s numeration) to excavate, in order to establish the ground plan of each building (tomb) in the group, and also to find out what burial system was practised by the inhabitants. The excavated buildings were J2, J3, J4, J5, J6, J7–J10, J11 and J12. J4, J5, J10 and J11 are similar in their ground plan, and are rectangular, each with slightly different measurements. These edifices were built of ashlar masonry, and the walls as well as the vaults were covered by layers of plaster, as were their floors. The buildings proper were approached by sloping entrances leading to vestibules, into which two adjacent rooms open. (Fig. 78). The doors of the main entrances, as well as the openings of the inner rooms, were closed by heavy limestone doors that rotate in sockets on the lintel and threshold of each entrance. The doors of some inner rooms were found in situ, sufficiently ajar to permit robbers to enter. However, most of them were found smashed or broken into many pieces and were left with the marks of forced entry. On the floors of the rooms of these buildings scattered bones were discovered by the excavators, and a few skeletons were found placed on top of each other. In addition, burnt bones were also found, also some bones were found scattered in the stone sarcophagi, both in a normal state or burnt. Pieces of a pottery sarcophagus was found too. It is concluded, therefore, that various burial systems were used in these buildings, such as placing the body of the deceased in stone or pottery sarcophagi, or simply laying them on the ground in a room, also collecting cremated bones and putting them on the floor or in a special large bin, such as that found in J5. A different burial system was used in building J6, where two parallel ditches were dug below ground level and used as graves. These were covered with large 3 or 4 heavy slabs of stone, some of which were found removed from their original places to allow the robbers to reach the deceased. Scattered and Al-Salihi, 1972, 17–20, the illustrations are in the Arabic section of the same issue of Sumer, 37, 1972; Shams, 1988, 525–576. 108

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smashed bones were found in these ditches, the floor and the sides of the inside of which were covered with slabs of greenish-coloured marble. Two square buildings, J2 and J7, were excavated, each consisting of only one chamber. They proved to be a supplement to the tombs, given the lack of any evidence of housing any grave, and being devoid of bones. Each building originally contained six consoles on the inner side of the walls. Only two in each building were found in situ: perhaps they had originally held statues of deceased person whose burial places were in nearby buildings. J3 is a two-storey building (Fig. 79); the walls of the ground floor chambers are intact, but those of the second level have collapsed. The sloping entrance to the building leads to a vestibule that ends in a rectangular chamber. On either side of the vestibule is a small chamber, one of which (the southern) contained a staircase leading to the first floor, which in turn consisted of two parallel rooms separated by the staircase. Large pieces of different doors of heavy stone were found in this building, indicating that the main entrance and the chamber entrances were closed by these. J3 proved to be of vital importance, for it yielded the only two Aramaic inscriptions discovered in the burial buildings. The first was engraved on a building slab near its main entrance, and translates as follows: “In the month of June of the year 400 ….tribe tymw and tribe blʾqb built a tomb and no one burns their bones”. The second, incised on a building slab of the vestibule, is fragmentary and is translated as follows “in the month of Tishri (November) of the year 420 brnya built …”. The two tribes, tymw and blʾqb were attested at Hatra, as they built a shrine and dedicated it to the worship of Nergal (H214). They built it at their own expense in the year 409 (98 CE), so the inscription of J3 should be dated accordingly, while the second inscription was engraved at the later date of 420 (107/8 CE).

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Fig. 79 Two storey tomb

Some of the tombs in the eastern part of the main wall of the city were incorporated as defensive towers. At the northeast point the debris was cleared, and exposed a tower-tomb containing a wooden sarcophagus in the wall, facing the landing of the staircase. Apparently, some building stones were removed, and the deceased was placed in a wooden sarcophagus in the cavity, then the building slabs were secured in their original places again. This practice indicates that the dead and the living defend the city against the enemy. This is a Hellenistic concept in defending cities, the Babylonians, however, used to bury their family dead in their houses, probably so that their descendants would not sell or abandon it, as that would be tantamount to selling their father or grandfather. Another incorporated tower-tomb was located at the eastern part of the wall, close to the Eastern gate of the city (Figs. 27, 80) where the walls from both sides were attached to the tower-tomb. An inscription of a later date was uncovered, which calls the building blyʾ—“a tomb”.

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Fig. 80 Tower tomb and the city wall

RESIDENTIAL QUARTERS

Excavations at the city during various seasons extended to the uncovering of a number of residential units. The early seasons, 1951–1955, revealed the residential quarter of ‘bait’ (the house) of mʿnu, a few houses associated with the shrine of Hercules/Nergal (XI), and part of the North Palace, which also witnessed further excavation in the season of 1971–1972. The expedition of the University of Turin, Italy, also worked on a large residential unit for several excavation seasons, one which is located at the corner of the main avenue, opposite the Great Temple complex leading to the North Gate. In the 1980s the excavations uncovered an annex to the house of mʿnu, then in 1992 two houses located to the south of the Great Temple were excavated. These residential buildings threw a significant light on the way in which the inhabitants built their houses: their ground plan, the material used in their construction, and the diverse functions of the different components of each unit. The Hatra archeologists use the appellative “Bait mʿnu” to refer to an important residential unit (Fig. 81) situated to the south of the great temple complex. This is

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because of two Hatrene inscriptions, one found inscribed on the door jamb of the main entrance, and the second on the door leading to the central courtyard of the house. 109 The main entrance is higher than the street in front of it by 1.50 m, probably due to the rebuilding of the unit in its second building stage. It is located on the northern side, and has a frame made of limestone which opens to a long vestibule on its either side, rooms probably used for various purposes in the household, and leading to a rectangular courtyard measuring 18.25 x 18.40 m. Two iwans occupied the southern and northern sides, delineating the courtyard, and a portico occupies the western side, with four pillars in front. Behind the iwans are rooms of different sizes used for various purposes. The iwans were used for accommodation and reception of guests, and also as a retreat for the household. Along the southern wall of the portico is a staircase that led to the second storey probably partially built less than the first, leading to the roof, the preferred location for beds and sleeping accommodation during the hot summer season. Along the east side is a passageway with a width of 1.30 m, leading to three residential units, two to the east of the passageway, the third behind the northern iwan. Each of these units features an open courtyard surrounded by rooms of different sizes. In the early years of the 1980s the archeologists uncovered further installations attached to bait mʿnu, probably including a stable located on its western side. A courtyard of irregular dimensions and a long room are the main features of these additions. Further west is another residential unit, composed of a long vestibule leading to an open courtyard, upon which opens an iwan. The unit’s main entrance is similar in location to that of bait mʿnu, situated on the northern side of the unit. On the right side of the vestibule was dug a water well, its inside lined with slabs of limestone.

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 350–351, pl. 10; 352–353, pl. 11; 366–367; Shams 1988, 643–650. 109

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Fig. 81 House of Maanu

To summarize, the distinctive features of this unit are applicable to other residential units at Hatra. The main feature is the long vestibule that opens to a courtyard, with one or two sides occupied by iwans with rooms of varying sizes behind them. There is a portico on one side of the courtyard, as well as a staircase that leads to the roof and/or to a second story. Every unit has its own well. Five residential units were uncovered close to the shrine of Nergal/zqyqʾ (II), 110 three of them to the east of the shrine, one to the south, and one to the north of it. They are basically similar in plan, each composed of an open courtyard, an iwan, and a number of rooms surrounding the courtyard. Staircases were built to access the rooftop. An interesting feature was found in the northwestern room and the southwestern unit, namely three alcoves in the three sides, besides an alcove in the passageway of the main entrance, containing a well. The number of rooms in each unit varies, and certainly their respective functions as well. As for the unit located to the north of the shrine, its ground plan is not very 110

Safar & Mustafa 1974, 366/7 pl. 21.

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clear, and what remains indicates that it lacks the iwan, the essential component of the houses. However, the established fact is that the climate played an essential role in planning and building the different buildings, including houses where most of the rooms open to the inner courtyard. This is termed ‘introverted’ as opposed to ‘extroverted’ where the rooms of the buildings open to the outside, with windows that open onto the streets or alleyways. Two more houses were excavated in 1992, situated to the south of the Great Temple, close to small shrine II (Pl. 18). 111 The first the excavators called the house of nbwbrk, because the owner or inhabitant had inscribed his name, and that of his friend ʿšʾ son of ʿqbw, on the right door jamb of the opening in the south wall of the iwan. The house is entered through its eastern side from an alleyway leading to the south street of the Great Temple. The entrance has a limestone frame and a threshold leading to a rectangular passageway, and in its southwestern corner is an alcove that housed the well. The passageway leads through a framed doorway to a rectangular courtyard. The southern side of the courtyard is occupied by an iwan built of mud brick on a foundation of stones, and has two square pillars on each side of its opening, which are topped with decorated capitals.

111

Al-Aswad 1998, 231–250.

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Pl. 18 Plan of two houses of 1992 excavations. Courtesy of Al-Aswad

The iwan was roofed by a mud brick vault, the remains of which were found in the iwan. Two rooms were built behind the iwan, used in connection with activities of the iwan, such as a storage or sleeping chambers, provided with relevant facilities that guests or the principal inhabitants of the house may need. Two rooms open to the courtyard from the western side. The one close to the iwan has a floor sunken by about 30 cm, while the other room has a sunken floor 50 cm deep. On the northern side there are three rooms of different sizes, and it is believed that the two rooms on the western side could be the kitchen and bathrooms of this house. It is worth noting that that a goodly amount

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of pottery, complete vessels and sherds, was found during the excavations. To the south of this house, another residential unit was excavated. Its main entrance is on the north side, and it is 1.10 cm wide and opens to a vestibule leading to the main courtyard. An iwan on the southern side opens to the courtyard, with two rooms on either side. The one to the west has two small recesses, in its northern and western sides. Another iwan opens also to the courtyard, from its eastern side, with a single room on the northern side, this having a dividing wall built of mud bricks on foundations of stone. The northern division is narrower, and could be used as built-in storage. On the northern side of the courtyard rooms were discovered. The eastern room, close to the entrance, had three square pillars at the front with an additional three in line with the first ones. In this room, the excavator found pottery sherds with evidence of burning: perhaps it was used as the kitchen. To the west of this room two small rooms were uncovered, while the remaining side, the western side of the house, still awaits excavation. The University of Turin excavation team worked at Hatra for four seasons, uncovering a large residential unit known as “Building A”, located at the southeastern corner of the North Main Avenue that which starts at the North Gate of the city and leads in the direction of the Great Temple complex, and terminating at the Northern Street bordering the great temple. 112 The design and room composition of this building is similar to other residential units: a central open courtyard with iwans and rooms surrounding them. This building, as revealed by excavation, had two main building phases (Pl. 19). The activities and functions of the compartments are centered around the main courtyard, designated by the excavators as C. Two subsidiary courts were revealed, located to the north and south of the main courtyard; they will be discussed below. The house is entered from the street through a Venco Ricciardi, 1988, 31–42; 1990, 36–45; 1992, 189–198; Metzger & Venco Ricciardi, 1994, 261–273. 112

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square passage area leading to a vestibule, which in turn constitutes the main access to the courtyard and thence to the different parts of the house, through a carefully built door, its jambs and lintel made of large blocks of stone. The drainage for the house is to be found running down the vestibule to the outside. Similar drainpipes were discovered in various places in the court, especially those close to its northern side. The courtyard was paved with a thin layer of gypsum, over rough pieces of gypsum. On the east side of the courtyard is an iwan, surrounded on three sides by rooms of various sizes and shapes, the opposite side (the northwest side) being occupied by a similar iwan, but with a wall with two doorways built at a later stage. This iwan too was surrounded by rooms and various other constructions. On the west side was discovered a very peculiar iwan, its northern side having an apse, the walls of which were covered by mural paintings depicting horsemen running in hunts. The south side opens onto another courtyard, which extends to the southern end wall of the house, which has a doorway opening onto the other street of the Great Temple. Close to this iwan, on its eastern area, are rooms and a passageway. On the southern side of the main courtyard is a staircase leading to the roof. To the immediate north of the vestibule is an open courtyard, again flanked by rooms of different sizes. On its eastern side is a porch with three piers open to the said courtyard. The excavators found evidence indicating that domestic activities were conducted in this courtyard. The three rooms on the northern side of the main courtyard also had similar activities. As for the street bordering this house on its western side, it is 6 m wide and runs straight on that side, however the opposite side of it is lined with small shops and door openings that exceed the line of the street. They are constructed of stone and gypsum, and were covered by a compacted layer of earth.

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Pl. 19 Plan of Building A, courtesy of Ricchiardi

The North Palace was partly excavated in 1955 by the Iraqi expedition, who in 1971/72 uncovered the essential parts of the building. Then excavations were extended to the inside of the hall

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and the several rooms that surround it. 113 A separate unit was likewise investigated. The walls of the main structure were found standing to a height of more than 3.50 m, and were built of sundried mud bricks on foundations of regularly hewn blocks of stone. In some places the foundations rise about 1 m above floor level. Both walls and foundations were originally covered with an uneven layer of gypsum, about 2 cm thick, plastered with a layer of fine stucco-gypsum about 1 cm thick. Some of the walls were covered with several consecutive layers of gypsum and plaster, indicating with certainty successive restoration. They were liable to occasional damage due to the continuous occupation of the building was to restore the building and preserve the building in a habitable state. As revealed by the excavations of 1971/72, that building occupies a large rectangular area, about 63 m long and 55.9 m wide (Pl. 20). The structure was oriented towards the east, with the main entrance on its east, overlooking the main avenue, which was constructed wider near the gate area and becoming narrower as it approached the great temple area. The palace area was divided into two approximately equal parts. The frontal section contains a large open courtyard, rectangular in shape and measuring approximately 55.9 m x 28.1 m, probably containing a well in the centre. The main part pf the palace is situated to the west of the courtyard, its facade oriented towards the east, preceded by an iwan 10.9 m wide and 11.8 m deep, and with a single doorway in its rear wall, which opens to a 4 m wide corridor running north-south. This corridor in turn leads to a large reception hall, through two evenly spaced doorways in its eastern wall. The hall has measurements approximately corresponding to that of the iwan, being 11.3 m wide with an average length of 10 m, as its back wall tends to slant towards the south. Two parallel corridors extending in an east- west direction on either side of the iwan and the reception hall. Such corridors, surrounding the hall on three sides, recall the fundamental concept and layout of Babylonian religious buildings in Mesopotamia. The iwan and the hall 113

Al-Salihi, 2020, 153–160.

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were roofed with a vault of square bricks, using a fine-textured mortar of quick-drying gypsum between semi-circular rows of bricks placed vertically. This roofing technique is known as ‘pitched bricks’, and was used in Mesopotamia since the Babylonian period or even before.

Pl. 20 North palace

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There is a series of rooms on the right side of the iwan, seeming to form a residential unit, although not completely isolated from other parts of the palace but it apparently complementing them, especially in the architectural functions appropriate to the large scale in which they were constructed. This complex is also accessed through a doorway located on the right side of the iwan, from the central forecourt, and leading to a corridor. This has two doorways in its southern wall. The first entrance is located very close to the façade, and leads to a small room that in turn opens to a large square hall through an opening at the southern end of its western wall. This square hall measures 10.8 x 10.8 approximately and has another doorway in the middle of its opposite western wall, leading to two rooms of similar sizes. The other section of the palace is located to the left side of the central iwan, and seems to comprise the architectural arrangement of a residential unit. It is isolated from the two other suites except for a single opening in the northern wall of the corridor, to the left of the iwan. This unit consisted of two distinctive parts: the first is a large courtyard in the front, with an opening to the forecourt of the palace in its eastern side, and the second part consisting of five chambers and a corridor, arranged in such a way that the corridor opened to the front square courtyard, thus giving access to three chambers. On either side of the doorway connecting the vestibule and chamber were discovered two mural paintings, one of Aphrodite and Eros and the other a hunting scene, including horsemen chasing a gazelle. The layout and architecture of the North Palace are distinguished by unparalleled features, hitherto unknown to scholars of the history of architecture both at Hatra and in contemporary cities. The two main halls, the iwan and the large hall, were surrounded by long narrow corridors. This architectural feature seems to have originated in Babylonian religious buildings, however, the archaeological excavations at Ai Khanoum in Afghanistan revealed convincing analogies concerning the use of separating narrow corridors, and also the central large open forecourt. Four examples of residential units were distinguished by layouts

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relating to the plan of our palace at Hatra. These are dated to the middle of the second century BCE. Excavations at Dura Europos revealed a large building known as the ‘Dura citadel’ or ‘the palace’, and dated to the second quarter of the second century BCE. It has also an earlier phase with scanty remains. The layout of that citadel was the centre of a debate and discussions among scholars, because it consisted of a large hall and a wide front open courtyard.

V.

THE SCULPTURE Excavations of the temples, shrines and houses at Hatra have revealed hundreds of sculptures of various forms of carving in the round, and every type of relief carving, high relief to bas-relief. They were executed in differing available types of stone, limestone and locally available Mosul marble being the two prevalent types, as these were found in abundance in the areas around Hatra. Some sculptures were done in marble and alabaster. The choice of type of stone depended largely on the subject matter and/or on the intended figures. Human statues were made of either limestone or Mosul marble, and most of the sculptures of deities were done in relief. Statuettes of divinities were found executed in alabaster, a type of white marble found embedded in limited quantities between layers of limestone. Life-size statues were found standing against the walls of the temples and the small shrines, or facing the forecourts or the passages of the temples, especially in the square sanctuary of Šmš. Numerous statues were discovered in the small shrines standing against the walls of the cella, facing the niche of the gods. Statues were also found in private houses. Names were often incised in Aramaic on their bases, including members of the ruling family, kings, mryʾs, princesses, princes and nobles of the royal court, warriors, merchants, priests, ordinary men and women. Their incised names indicate their identities, supported by their distinguished attire and their ornaments, and of course, their attributes. A long sword indicates that the person is a warrior, and a small bag of coins is evidence of merchant, while the priests were portrayed barefoot, throwing incense beads into burners, and 183

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wearing special aprons over their clothes—probably because they were made of hide, a material less susceptible to flames and smoke. All these statues stand frontally, staring unequivocally at the viewers, standing alongside their guardians in the sanctuaries, praying for them, and greeting their visitors by raising their hands. The backs of these statues tend to be summarily executed, because they were intended to be viewed only from the front. That would explain the notion of placing them against walls, even their sides were only partially sculpted, in rough form, as if done in high relief. They were carved according to the common artistic style of the epoch, following the rules of frozen frontality. In this account just a few selected examples of sculptures will be dealt with, from the hundreds found. They have been chosen for their unique distinctive features and/or their sculptural style, being dissimilar to, or divergent from, the general trend of frozen frontality. Examples of free-standing life-size statues are abundant, however the most notable are those of king sntrwq I son of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, 1 one of which shows him standing frontally. He is wearing a diadem over his head, ornamented with an eagle with wings spread wide, his right arm raised and bent at the elbow, with open palm—a gesture of salute. In his left hand he holds a small palmette, a sign of consecration. He stands on a base incised with an Aramaic inscription with his name “statue of sntrwq” (Fig. 82). His head is dominated by three locks of large snail curls, organized in an attractive arrangement, while his moustache and beard are wavy. King sntrwq wears a knee-length tunic decorated with ornaments, originally of gold and precious stones, which extend to the front of his trousers. He wears a belt around his waist, composed of square ornaments with star-like decorations inside. He wears shoes ornamented with rows of discs on their fronts, and jewellery composed of a torque around his neck, bracelets around his wrist, and a small dagger at his right side. The sculptor paid great attention to carving the front of the 1

Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 301, 300; Al-Salihi 1985, 191/2.

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statue, with its ornamentations, while his treatment of the back and related parts of the sides were brief with just general modelling of the shape. This statue was found in the small shrine of Hercules/Nergal (X) built by wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, father of sntrwq. 2

Fig. 82 Statue of King Sanatruq I

Fig. 83 Statue of an unknown king found at the North Gate

The other example of a freestanding statue of a king, this time of unknown identity, was discovered in the entrances of the North Gate of the city. 3 It is completely preserved except for a 2 3

H.67 Safar & Mustafa 1974 407; Vationi 46; Aggoula 49; Beyer, 45. Al-Salihi, 1980, fig. 29–30, 175/6.

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small missing piece of his beard (Fig. 83). The provenance and circumstances of its discovery are the subject of speculation and questions, and we do not have answers. It was found as if “placed” among the rubble, not fallen from above (Fig. 84). In any case the king stands on a low base—the base with the probable inscription being missing. He wears a knee-length chiton with trousers and shoes, and a pointed tiara on his head, each side of which is decorated with a crescent and a star surrounded by small discs. His beard is oval in shape, with wavy lines, and his moustaches are horizontal. His dress is ornamented with confined vertical rows of pearls bordered with lines of discs. His trousers are decorated in the centre with rows of large discs that extend to the uppers of his shoes. There is a marked difference between the folds of his tunic on his upper arms, his chest, and below his waist, and those of the bigger folds of his trousers. He wears a belt below his waist, and holds in both hands a statuette of his guardian god, who holds in his left hand a staff that reaches to the ground, in his right hand grasping the hilt of a sword. The god wears a knee length tunic and a twisted belt. He wears a long necklace that ends in a horseshoe ornament. The figure wears a simple torque around his neck and bracelets around his both wrists, and carries on both his sides two small daggers. His face is carved with no apparent expression, and totally in frozen frontality along with his body. Another example of a freestanding statue is one that I consider to be of a “chief priest”. 4 It was found in the debris of the open court that precedes the main entrance of the eastern gate (Fig. 7). The life-size limestone statue is of a male figure, 1.86 cm high, standing on an irregularly shaped base 13cm high. He turns in a three-quarter stance, his body carved on the diagonal to the background, so his left side is not carved, while his right side is carefully sculpted. The weight of his body is borne on his left leg, the right leg is slightly bent at the knee and turning outwards. He is barefooted, and his feet are exceptionally detailed, the toes carefully carved and the insteps indicated. 4

Al-Salihi, 1991, figs. 1–3, 35–40.

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Fig. 84 Provenance of a statue of an unknown king

Fig. 85 Aphrodite on the tunic of the chief priest

187

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He wears a tunic and himation, the knee-length, long-sleeved tunic decorated with various types of ornamentation. Four vertical rows of small discs, equally spaced, divide the front of the tunic and frame different designs. Only a small area of the tunic is shown where it is not covered by the himation. The centre panel probably contains vine leaves, and on the right side of his chest is the image of a nude Aphrodite (Fig. 85), carved in low relief surrounded by vine scrolls, which are also shown in the very small portion of the tunic visible above the right knee. Aphrodite leans on a pole to her left, resting her head on the palm of her left hand in a gesture of reflection. The folds of the statue’s tunic are indicated by sharp, curved ridges, particularly on the right arm and shoulder, created by the movement of his arm. The himation is drawn over his left shoulder and carried around the body, passing under the left arm where it falls along his left side, partially concealed by the figure of the eagle. The diagonally draped himation has thick, rippled edges worked with deep diagonal incisions. Several horizontal slashes were cut in the front of the himation. They were intended to form the H shaped vestment which is common on some of the statues of priests. This sacrificial apron, on the himation, is similar to that worn by the priests of shrine VI, where it is bordered by embroidered beads. He wears a plain torque around his neck, decorated in the centre with a large disc flanked on either side by vertical rectangles. On his wrist he wears a simple bracelet, while the cuff of his sleeve, which could be mistaken for a second bracelet, is divided into equal squares, each of which contains a large disc. His right arm is bent at the elbow, reaching across his body to support, along with his left hand, a statue of an eagle that he carries against his chest. Most of the eagle’s body is carved in the round, except for some parts in high relief, especially where it is in contact with the figure or was left uncarved or roughly modelled. The parts of the bird that would face the onlooker are most carefully done. The eagle stands on a rectangular base, and his head and part of his neck are missing. He wears an abundance of jewellery, including a torque designed of

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bands with medallions, and a herringbone chain necklace, its pendant with two horseshoe ornaments, one inside the other. The elaborate hairstyle of the statue is its most striking feature. It is divided in an unprecedented manner into two differently arranged parts. The upper part, high above the forehead, is composed of several beautifully arranged snail curls collected by a ribbon tied in a bow, the ends curving upward and flaring out. The lower half shows the hair in the front and sides pulled tightly upwards, tied by the same ribbon. The softness of the hair is carefully indicated with equally spaced incisions. The oval shaped beard is divided into innumerable locks portrayed by short wavy lines. His unique moustache curls upward starting from either end of the month, and his eyes are almost almond-shaped, the eyelids indicated by two parallel lines. A frown line is drawn between the eyebrows and there are several faint lines on the forehead, which combine to give the figure a solemn look. The sculptor paid special attention to the individual’s exact features, among which are the high cheekbones and prominent nose with a line on either side. A circular seal is carved below his temple next to his ear, which might have been a sign that only the statues of kings, lords or their equals may have. The carving of the statue is extremely well executed, and the sculptor tried to convey a trend in Hatrene sculptures previously unknown, namely a deviation from the frozen frontality that was usually followed. The figure directs his movements, attention and gaze not to the front, but to his left, and this action is supplemented by a three-dimensional portrayal of his legs, as if to translate his movement into a natural gesture. The man, his attention focussed on the eagle, was probably either part of a larger relief or the statue is incomplete, especially its concealed left side. However, the sculptor carefully carved the side that would be seen by the viewers. The proportions employed for the head in relation to the body, and the relation of the arms and legs to the torso, are close to natural proportions. And some specific elements, such as the relationship of the length of the forearm to that of the thigh, which seem to be equal, were done with a keen and careful

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understanding of human anatomy found in only a few example of Hatrene sculptures. A close examination of certain sculptures, namely the three reliefs of the Triad that were found behind the temple of the Triad, and the lintel of the entrance to the shrine of iššʾrbel, may indicate that the statue belongs to wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, because some inscriptions label him as ʾpklʾ rbʾ—“chief priest”, and the statue may very well be of him. A number of statues of females were also discovered, most notably the over life-size statue of Princess dwšpry, daughter of King sntrwq II, the statue of her daughter smy, the statue of mrtbw the priestess, the statue of qymy 5 the guitarist or lyre player (Fig. 18), and the statue of smy with her tambourine, was discovered in shrine of zqyqʾ/Nergal (I). There were many others. The statue of smy, daughter of ʿgʾ is identified by the inscription on her statue base (Fig. 62), which states that her husband erected the statue for her, being a priest of the goddess ʾtrʿtʾ/Atargatis. 6 The statue is 62 cm high and portrays a female about to beat with her right hand on a tambourine coloured with red paint. 7 She stands to the front, wearing a typical Hatrene long dress that reaches to the floor, and a himation covered the back of her head and her back, extending to the knees and hanging on her right side. Her headdress is composed of several layers, similar to that of smy daughter of Princess dwšpry, who wears comparable attire. Her right leg is bent at the knee, in effect creating a different movement of the folds, which were carved as deep incisions. Her hair is painted black and arranged around her face. Her footwear appears from underneath, and her dress is painted red. Her neck leans slightly to the right in a corresponding movement to that of her right hand about to beat the tambourine. A scene occurs on the relief of the investiture of the goddess Allat/Nemesis, where a priestess preceded the mounted goddess on a dromedary, welcoming her by beating on her tambourine. Safar & Mustafa 1974, figs. 240–243, 250–252. H.5 Safar & Mustafa 1974, 405; Vationi 25/6; Aggoula, 4–5, Beyer 29. 7 Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 174, 181. 5 6

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The statues of the priests were distinguished by their attributes, which reflect their profession. 8 The priest appears barefoot, and usually holds in his left hand an incense receptacle, taking in his extended other hand a few incense beads to throw into a burner which is usually placed close to him. He wears a thick apron over his long-sleeve chiton, extending to his knees. The priest’s attire tends to be less elaborate than that of other individuals (Fig. 69). The statues of divinities are recognized by their shapes and attributes which reflect their identities and characteristics. The divinities are various: they include old Mesopotamian, Arab and Greek ones, and intermingling between them, as well as assimilations occurring in this particular epoch. An example is the assimilation of nude Hercules with Nergal, the god of the underworld in Mesopotamian legends since the Sumerian period. Draped Hercules is also assimilated with gndʾ or gdʾ, the god of Fortune in the Hatrene pantheon. These assimilations are based on verified archaeological and literary evidence.

Fig. 86 Statue of Nergal/Hercules of the North Gate

8

Safar & Mustafa 1974, fig. 252, 259.

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The statue of Hercules of the North Gate stands facing frontally, resting his right hand on a large club that is decorated with teardrop-like knobs surrounded by almost circular incisions. 9 He carries a lion skin over his left arm, while his right hand, with a possible attribute, is missing (Fig. 86). The lion skin is highly stylized and symmetrical with elaborately carved, flame-like locks. The features of the head are very well modelled; the paws are arranged below the head and lined up beneath one another. The tail, carved below the paws, reaches the ground. The carving of Hercules’ body is extremely well executed, the body naturally proportioned and the modelling of high quality. The shoulder, pectoral, and biceps muscles bulge. The upper outline of the rib cage is indicated plastically, the abdominal muscles are not elaborately carved, but the pubic hair is made of three circular rows of curls, and the kneecaps are shown naturally. The modelling of this statue is characterized, besides the well-proportioned body, by neatness and precision made by a careful rendering of texture, seen on most of the sculptures from Hatra. The sculptor clearly shows a fairly good understanding of western methods and techniques, and while the statue follows the milieu of Greek sculpture, his back is not sculpted, for he is intended to be seen from the front only. Another copy of this statue was found during the excavations of the eastern gate. It was also placed in the niche, though the niche in the North Gate was more elaborate. On the western wall of the latter an Aramaic inscription was found, in which Hercules was called nergal ḏẖšftʾ—“Nergal the chief guardian” and it is clear evidence of the assimilation of Hercules to Nergal.

9

Al-Salihi 1973, pl. 30/B, 31/A&B, 65–66.

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Fig. 87 Gnda with Allat

Hercules enjoyed great popularity among the Hatrenes, for he was worshipped as a god and a hero. His numerous sculptures—more than fifty—were discovered in the temples and shrines, and he probably accompanied the chief gods in their various sanctuaries, his representations being placed for apotropaic purposes, or as votive offerings. His popularity extends further,

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for he is identified with gndʾ or gd ʾ, the Arab god of Fortune, but he appears in this case clad in Hatrene costume. He carries his usual attributes: the lion skin, club and cup. The identification is based on sculptural and epigraphical evidence. An alabaster statuette was discovered in the eagle’s niche at the North Gate, where he is called gndʾ dy ʾbwlʾ—“gndʾ of the gate”, the North Gate. He also appears in a relief standing next to a goddess in an arcade, clad in a sleeveless, knee-length tunic, fastened on the right shoulder by a round fibula. His head is dominated by an eagle with outstretched wings standing on a diadem made of discs; his beard is divided into six braids and connected to his moustache. 10 Hercules raises both arms laterally (Fig. 87), carrying over his left arm a lion skin, the head of which is carved in profile, the front paws and tail shown below the head. He is pointing his left index finger towards his head in a very unusual gesture and in his hand he probably held a cylindrical object. He wears a necklace reaching to his abdomen, consisting of a long herringbone-shaped chain and pendant, roughly in the shape of a horseshoe decorated with incised circles and framing a teardrop ornament. His club is placed on the base near his right foot, and lies on the background of the relief. The female figure on the relief probably represents a goddess. She is standing frontally wearing the usual Hatrene costume, which consisted of a long, short-sleeved chiton and himation. Most of her headdress is broken off, but the remaining part indicates that she wears a mural crown or high headdress, which is considered an attribute of Tyche, the protectress of cities and sometimes of Atargatis in this aspect, or more probably Allat. Her right arm is bent against her body, and her left arm is raised laterally, her hand grasping an unidentified object. She, like Hercules, is pointing her index finger towards her head in a gesture not known previously, but one that may be explained as an aversion gesture. Between the two figures is a small, slightly-weathered altar. The style of carving is characterized by frontality. The

10

Al-Salihi 1982, 137–140.

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Aramaic inscription on the base identifies Hercules as “gndʾ of the house of rpšmš”. Shrine XIII was also dedicated to the worship of gndʾ, the clothed Hercules, as indicated by copious evidence both sculptural and epigraphic. The inscriptions called him in this shrine “gndʾ of rmgw”, after the name of its builder/ benefactor, who was apparently a tribal chief or a noble. The cult statue of gndʾ was set in the niche and represents Hercules-gndʾ (Fig. 73) who appears to be clad in the customary Hatrene knee-length tunic, wearing two necklaces, one of which is a herringbone chain with a horse shoe pendant, very similar to that worn by him in the relief discovered at the temple of Allat, mentioned above. 11 Another image of him appears on another sculpture, which shows a man of justice according to the accompanying inscription, carved frontally, beside his head a hollowed niche and inside this an image of draped Hercules/gndʾ with his usual attributes: club, lion skin and cup (Fig. 76). A very interesting stele discovered in situ in the deep niche of the same shrine (Fig. 74) was set against the low podium, its upper part badly damaged, portraying, in relief two adults and a boy. 12 The figure of the builder of the shrine and his name are recorded, and that of his son and grandson. The man standing on the right of the relief is carved frontally, raising his right arm laterally, and grasping in his right hand a palmette. A very mutilated inscription appears to his right. Meanwhile the figure on his left is wearing a different garment, probably that of a priest, and is throwing incense beads into a burner with his extended right arm, while in his left hand he holds the bowl of incense. Next to him is the Aramaic inscription that identifies him as šmšʿqb son of rmgw, the man responsible for building the shrine and consecrating it to the worship of gndʾ. Between the two adults stands his son tymlt, as identified by the inscription. He is portrayed in three-quarter view, with his head turned upward to his right in 11 12

Al-Salihi, 1990, fig. 18, 30/1. Al-Salihi, 1990, fig. 20, 32.

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the direction of his father, šmšʿqb. His movement deviates from strict frontality, which characterizes the style of sculpture at Hatra. Another example of the unconventional style is the musical scene discovered in the temple of Allat, in its southern iwan. 13 The relief, carved in the frontal view, consisted of busts of musicians and some of their audience (Fig. 88). The musicians are playing on different types of musical instrument, such as flutes, cymbals, tambourines and panpipes, while the audience appear either drinking wine from shallow bowls, loosely held in their hands, or snapping their fingers happily, or clapping joyfully. However, they fail to show real joyous feelings appropriate for such an occasion: the sculptor was content with a very faint smile appearing on their lips, which might also be considered a deviation from the strict and frozen concept of frontality. Most of the portrayed figures were beardless young men, except for two or three bearded men who had styled their beards in the usual Hatrene manner. Each figure has a diadem around the head, composed of vine leaves and grapes, some of the leaves left blank, and each diadem fixed to the hair by two round fibulae. The eyes of some of the musicians or wine bibers are carved with pupils. A female bust appears between two musicians, turning their heads towards her. Her sleeveless peplos and hair style are similar to those worn by mrtn—“our lady”—in the famous three reliefs found behind the temple of the Triad (Fig. 52b). The similarity between the two figures is striking, therefore she could very well be mrtn, who is assimilated to Allat, and who in turn is identified with Nemesis, the Greek goddess of justice and revenge.

13

Najafy, 1981, 131–142.

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Fig. 88a Musical scene

Fig. 88b Musical scene

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Fig. 88c Musical scene

Fig. 88d Musical scene

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Fig. 89 Allat/Nemesis

In the centre of the musicians a remarkable scene is carved in relief on at least four large building slabs, two in each row. 14 The relief shows a goddess seated sideways on a little stool or chair fixed to the hump of a dromedary, the strap extending around the animal’s abdomen (Fig. 89). The goddess, facing front, is clad in a long-sleeved chiton, which almost reaches her feet, and a himation that covers her back and high headdress, and apparently runs around her right arm with its end shown crossing her lap, then is held by her left hand, with her index finger pointing towards her mouth. She wears two necklaces around her neck. The first is a plain circular band, while the other consists of a herringbone chain, and ends in a seemingly round medallion, which is damaged. Around her left wrist she wears a wide, undecorated bracelet. In her left hand, she holds the camel’s rein, while the missing right hand grasps a lantern, the lower part of which is preserved, composed of an irregularly shaped object that consists of discs of various sizes, surrounded by a herringbone chain on its right side, and an adjoining large disc on the other. The goddess on another relief found in the same iwan carries a similar lantern on her right hand. As for the camel, which is carved in profile, it is equipped with adequate gear appropriate for carrying the goddess on her journey to the city. In front of the camel is a 14

Al-Salihi, 1985, figs 38–42, 134–136.

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priestess in three-quarter view, wearing a long chiton and a himation covering her head and falling behind her back. The folds of her dress are carved diagonally across her body. She grasps in her left hand a tambourine, which she beats with her right palm. She is portrayed moving towards the right, also indicated by the angle of her body having the same motion as the folds of her drapery. Above her a figure of nude Eros is shown holding the end of a torch. Eros’s head and different parts of his body are broken off, with a few pieces missing, resulting from the impact of falling down with other heavy building slabs. In front of the priestess is shown a large balance, consisting of a thick horizontal poised lever and two twisted braided ropes hanging down, each divided into three smaller cords, which suspend the scale. The balance is kept in the state of equilibrium by a half-naked nymph, who grasps the short cord of the lever in her right hand and holds the ropes of the right scale in her damaged left hand. She is carved with her back to the viewer. A himation appears around her middle, an end of which is shown flying along her right leg, this accentuated by naturally falling folds. Her back is well modelled in spite of the damage that occurred to her left shoulder. A plain torque encircles her neck. The nymph’s head is turned to the left, and her hair is pulled back and forms a round bun. Her left breast is shown in profile, while her left arm bends at the elbow, which rests on the head of a large serpent that coils around her in different directions. Her feet are made in the shape of a caudal fin of a fish, indicating that she is a sea nymph—Echo. The scales of the reptile were made overlapping and large, especially the scales that appear on her left side. The serpent, with its open mouth encircles the nymph diagonally around the knees, and disappears again beneath her. The serpent here may be interpreted as an indication that the nymph is actually deceased, and the presence of the eagle with outspread wings, standing on the serpent and hovering over the nymph, may also have a related role in the mythological interpretation that the relief may represent. The eagle is standing with its open powerful claws on the serpent. It is shown in three-quarter view, holding in its beak the

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ribbon of a wreath. The feathers of the body and upper part of the wings were made of large discs, while the long feathers of the wings and tail are indicated by deep incisions. Another relief is composed of a number of scenes separated by miniature representations of Ionic columns, each of which consists of a base, a simple shaft, and an Ionic capital, the volutes of which were left unornamented. The principal scene, which occupies the centre of the panel, is confined by two representations of columns decorated with standards in relief. At the right is seated a goddess, and to her right a king-priest stands before her (Fig. 12). Both figures are carved in three-quarter-round, and even though they are in frontal view they tend to turn toward the centre. She is of the same height as the standing figure, seated diagonally on the horizontal lever of a balance, its ropes and scales surrounding her lower body. She is clad in the short-sleeved long chiton and himation, which is pulled over her head, covers her upper body, falls down and ends in a heavy ridge of cloth which passes across her lap and hangs down along the left side in zig zag folds, covering her right arm. She is wearing a high headdress of three folds, and the himation ends in a triangle over its top. The goddess’s left arm is bent at the elbow and holds the twisted roll of her mantle in her left hand, while her right arm is also bent at the elbow and is extended out to her side, grasping between her fingers the handle of a lantern, which hangs down along the right side. The lantern is decorated with discs of different sizes, outlining its semi-circular shape, from the lever to the twisted ropes hanging down, each of which is divided into three slender twisted cords that suspend a scale. An arm from the elbow emerges from each scale; they are directed towards each other, then meet and shake hands in agreement and concord, below the feet of the goddess. The king priest stands to the left of the goddess. King Sanatruq was bestowed with two titles incised on the base sntrwq mlkʾ and sntrwq mlkʾ kmrʾ and also sntrwq mlkʾ dy ʿrb. In these two reliefs the assimilation of Allat with Nemesis is evident.

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The three reliefs representing the Triad of Hatra are considered indisputably to be the best examples of the art of relief-sculpture. They were discovered behind the temple of the Triad, believed to have adorned the back wall of said temple. 15 The first has a bust relief of mrn, our lord (Fig. 52a). He wears a longsleeved chiton decorated with a medallion on each shoulder, bearing in low relief an image of and eagle with outspread wings. Around his neck he wears an elaborate necklace, the middle of which is ornamented by a gem. A radiate halo of twelve rays encircles his head. He wears a plain diadem across his forehead, flanked by two small horns. His hair is made of snail shell curls. The hair is tied by a fillet, traces of which appear on both sides of the neck and shoulders. His features are very well sculpted, the areas around the eyeballs and irises being particularly well indicated. The nose is straight, the expression on the face is serious, and the knitted brow further characterizes the solemnity of his expression. The V-shaped muscles of the neck give the appearance of contraction. Below the bust are two rows of round objects, which might be allegorically symbols of mountains, for it is only natural that the sun rises from behind the mountains and this representation of the sun god with the symbol of mountains is a natural phenomenon. The carving of this relief is extremely well executed: the details are very well marked off, and the style falls into the observance of the law of frontality. However, the style of mrtn is reminiscent of late Hellenistic rendering, being represented frontally (Fig. 52b). She is clad in a sleeveless peplos, decorated by two fibulae one on either shoulder. A ribbon is shown between the fibulae, giving the appearance of a necklace. From the shoulders appear two bearded sacred snakes. The head of the snake to the right is missing. Bearded snakes were symbols of fear, protection, or even chthonic. Two locks of straight hair appear on the forehead, while the rest of the hair is curly and arranged high over the head. The eyelids and the irises are very well delineated, Al-Salihi, 1969, figs. 75–77, 123–128; Safar & Mustafa, 1974, figs. 88– 90, 113–115.

15

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and the mouth is small with a faint “archaic smile”. She is surrounded on three sides by acanthus leaves, which form a “lobster claw” appearance. The carving of this relief is well executed: the law of frontality is observed in the style, however the dress of the goddess is Hellenistic in composition. Certain Hellenistic features in fact exist in this relief, the carving of the acanthus leaves and the arrangements of her hair. Although the figure is frontally carved, there is a marked liveliness in the rendering of the face’s features, something lacking in most Hatrene sculpture, where stiffness generally prevails. This relief is comparable to the image relief of the female who appears with a joyous young man of the musical scene found in the temple of Allat. These two images definitely belong to mrtn, who was assimilated to Allat-Nemesis on sculptural and epigraphic evidence. Furthermore, both reliefs also show similarities with the relief found in the temple of Allat and the relief of the seated goddess whose identification is based on the inscribed name mrtn on the same slab that was discovered in the moat of the North Gate. 16 The slab was originally among others decorating the towers of the main defensive circuit of the city. The third relief (Fig. 52c) belongs to the third member of the Triad, brmryn the son of our lord, whose identity is related to the moon god, known in Mesopotamia as Sin, whom the Hatrenes considered as the son of šmš, as evidenced from an important inscription translated as follows: 17 1……son of ʾbʾ son of 2 gdy son of ʿbygd son of Kbyrw 3 of beni rpšmš, (in) (aid)? 4 to šmš, the Great God, bene5 factor, (has made?) the home of supreme (?) happiness which 6–7 he added to the Great Temple, which brmryn built for šmš, his father for Al-Salihi. 1980, fig. 25, 173. H.107, Safar & Mustafa, 1974, 409; Vationi, 56/7; Aggoula, 67; Beyer, 53.

16 17

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THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HATRA, THE SACRED CITY 8 his life and the life of whoever is friend to Wr (d)?

A bust of a radiant youth supported within the shallow arc of a crescent is clad in a long sleeve tunic. Two folds of drapery hang down, one from each shoulder. His drapery in front forms a series of V-shaped lines. He wears a necklace with a gem in the centre similar to that worn by mrn. Behind his shoulder a crescent is carved. The head is encircled by a radiate halo. He wears a plain diadem across his forehead, flanked by horns. The hair is arranged symmetrically on both sides of the face. The hair is wavy, like flames of fire, and of a medium length. A knitted brow characterizes the forehead, and his face is fleshy and round. The sculptures of Hercules, the Greco-Roman god and hero, constitute the largest group both in the round and in relief. The freestanding statues of nude Hercules were assimilated to Nergal as attested by various testimonials, both sculptural and epigraphic, however his sculptures tend to follow the style of frozen frontality (with some exceptions). He carries his usual attributes of lion skin, club, and cup. The sculptures discovered at Hatra are immensely abundant, so we suffice with the examples cited above, for these show the Hatrene style of sculpture, and allow us to conclude that Hatrene artists were inspired in their religious sculpture by contemporary themes and chosen subject matters from their accumulated heritage of Babylonian and Assyrian origins. Frozen frontality was the style of sculpture. However, some exceptions were observed, which indicate the influence of the Hellenistic style. The Hatrene sculptor, like most of his contemporaries, worked diligently at combining different artistic elements from various sources in order to create harmonious and well-ordered sculpture, but his efforts were terminated when the Sasanians invaded the region. They, along with the Romans, were able to destroy the cultural centres like Assur, Hatra, Dura-Europos, and Palmyra. However late Roman and early Christian artists adopted frontality in their works, both in sculptures and painting, as indicated by their achievements in both epochs.

VI.

THE DIVINITIES OF HATRA The pantheon of Hatra is known to us through sculptural representations, epigraphical evidence discovered during the course of excavations, and through research. Further investigations corrected and added to these, at the same time producing more knowledge and understanding of the beliefs of the Hatrenes, who had special designations for their deities. These appellations are strictly confined to the Hatrene divinities, both in the case of the supreme gods and the minor deities. The religion of Hatra is an amalgam of various beliefs of ancient origins. Between the Mesopotamian, especially the Babylonian and Assyrian, and the impact of the Hellenistic religion, distinguished by contradictory phenomena resulting from the establishment of monarchies in non-Greek regions and adoption of new beliefs, also the divination of rulers. Another feature is the increasing awareness among individuals of their personal needs, and social separation of the inhabitants in response to unstable conditions. The Seleucid dynasty had chosen Apollo from the Olympian pantheon to venerate and from whom it claimed descent. He was the god of wisdom and knowledge, but during the Seleucid period assimilations occurred between Greek divinities and their Eastern counterparts which have various origins and practices. The religious convictions of the Arab tribes played a significant role in defining some religious features in the religion of Hatra. Their beliefs were concentrated on fertility, rain, and fine produce. The worship of Arab deities is distinguished by bestowing special local features on the gods, for example every region has its own bʾʿl “god” and bʿlta “goddess”, who have special 205

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means of guarding their worshippers, or sometimes assigning guardian gods. The Arab deities have special importance in the process of assimilation, for example Bel is assimilated to šmš, Ishtar to nny and Aphrodite and again Ishtar to Atargatis, and Apollo to Nabû god of wisdom and knowledge in the Mesopotamian religion. Hercules the god and hero is assimilated to Nergal god of the underworld in the Mesopotamian legends. The Arab Allat is assimilated to Athena, and once more to Nemesis, the Greek goddess of Justice and Vengeance. The most important divinity in the Hatrene pantheon is šmš, who is assimilated to Zeus, the head of the Olympian pantheon and to Bel. He was portrayed as a radiant horned male, and behind his head are the halo rays of the sun, rising from behind the mountains. His image was struck on the bronze coins of the city with the legend ḥṭrʾ dy šmš—“Hatra the city enclosure of šmš”. Hatra was consecrated to his worship. He was described as great god, the supreme god, in Aramaic inscriptions, and headed the holy Triad of Hatra along with two other gods, named mrn “our Lord”, mrtn “our Lady” and brmryn “the son of our lords”. Given the epigraphical and sculptural evidence that šmš was described with an appellative of mrn, and that brmryn constructed a temple to his father šmš (H107), this is a very clear indication of the assimilation of mrn to šmš and that mrn became an appellative of šmš. As for mrtn, our Lady, she is, according to detailed iconographical comparative analyses, an appellative of Allat, the great Arab goddess to whom the Hatrenes dedicated the most monumental and impressive edifice. The iconographical studies of her sculptural representations discovered in the temple point to her assimilation to Nemesis the goddess of Justice and holy revenge in the Greek legends, for she appears sitting on a lever of a balance, from the scales of which two hands appear, shaking each other in agreement and concord, signifying that she is the goddess of contracts. As for the third member of the Triad, brmryn, the son of our Lord, discussions as to his identity are abundant. However, he is a moon god, and in Mesopotamia he is Sin, symbolized by a crescent moon that emerges from his shoulders, and whose head is

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surrounded by the moon’s halo, not the sun’s. Therefore, brmryn is very likely an epithet of Sin. A whole temple was dedicated to the worship of the Triad, built by wrwd/nsrw mryʾ. The Triad were repeatedly invoked and beseeched in the dedicatory Hatrene inscriptions, as numerous examples testify, for instance H. 25, 29, 30, 52, 74, 81 and 82. The inhabitants of Hatra worshipped Bʾlšʾmyn, the god of the heavens, as evidenced from his sculptural representations. His name was also mentioned among the supreme gods in the dedicatory inscriptions H. 24, 25, 26 and 29. He was referred to as king (H. 16) creator of earth (H. 23) and a great god (H. 24, 25). He appears in sculptural presentations seated on a throne between two bulls, grasping in his hand at a bundle of lightning, which became his distinguished attribute, an indication that he was the god of storms, lightning and rain, his main function being to guard vegetation from calamity. He was worshipped in the cities of the Syrian coast, especially Tyre, then his worship was extended to Syrian cities such as Palmyra, Dura Europos, Khirbet Tannur and Petra, and his veneration reached Hatra through the Arab tribes. The Hatrenes, as related above, dedicated to his worship a large edifice composed of two iwans. Included in the juxtaposed iwans and protruding from the southern wall of the southern iwan were the forefronts of bulls, his symbol. The northern part was dedicated to his spouse ʿtrʿtʾ (Atargatis), who was mentioned in the inscriptions among the supreme gods of Hatra (H. 29, 30). She appears in her sculptural representations seated between two lions. To the worship of this inseparable couple two adjoining shrines, III and IV, were consecrated. The worship of Nergal (or Nergl, or Nergol) was acquired from the Assyrians as god of the underworld; however, at Hatra he is not the god of netherworld, but zqyqʾ, as discussed above. The name of Nergal was cited among the supreme gods (H. 81). He was assimilated to Hercules in his nude form in shrine X, and at the North Gate of the city. Plentiful epigraphical and scriptural evidence attests to that assimilation. He was worshipped as a god and hero, described as “chief guardian” or “guardian-in-chief”, a

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similar copy of his statue at the north gate being discovered at the eastern gate. He was portrayed, with other gods, with his usual attributes: club, lion skin, and cup. smyʾ was worshipped as a god of heaven in the form of a standard composed of seven elements: the sun, the moon, and five planets in the shape of ornamented discs or various other forms, fixed on a pole surmounted by an eagle. It is not a military standard, but was a symbol of the god of heavens, and sometimes had less than seven elements. Every tribe or house probably had its own smyʾ composed of the sun, moon, and the planets, with proper omens to reflect their specific needs, or benefits required by the tribe or house. smyʾ is mentioned in the inscriptions as such sculptural representations are numerous. smytʾ, plural, was cited among the great gods (H. 52, H. 51, and H. 82) and has been the subject of detailed discussions and various differing opinions. Šaḥiru or Shahru, the god of the morning star, was worshipped in a temple in the Great Temple complex (H. 146), and cited among the supreme gods (H. 29, H. 30, H. 74). However, the excavators were unable to find any cult images, symbols or attributes of šaḥiru. In Palmyra and other Syrian cities, the Arab Allat was identified with Athena, the virgin daughter of Zeus, goddess of war and wisdom. However, Allat at Hatra was assimilated to Nemesis and is also known as Mrtn, and the Greek Athena is a simulated to Iššʾrbel, in Aramaic “joy of bel”, Bel being identified with Zeus. She was described as btlʾ, ‘the virgin’ just as Athena was so iššʾrbel is assimilated with Athena, for she appears on her sculptural representation as a war goddess wearing military attire, with Corinthian helmet, a shield and a spear, and the aegis on her chest. Shrine V was dedicated to her worship, and a number of statutes of women were also discovered, among them princess dwšpry, smy, qymy, and mrtabw. The goddess nny was worshipped in shrine XIV, the dedicated to her being evidenced from her sculptural representations, theophoric names (brnny, kfʿnny), and dedicatory inscriptions.

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She was described as wearing the highest crown, and is of Mesopotamian origin. nabû or nbw, the Mesopotamian god of wisdom and knowledge, inventor of writing, shown grasping a writing stylus, was worshipped at Shrine XII. He was the son of Marduk in the Babylonian legend. Here he is described as the scribe of mrn—sprʾ dy mrn—and portrayed holding a bunch of writing reeds. His worship is attested by various forms of evidence, including his sculptural representations, dedicatory inscriptions, and theophoric names. He was assimilated to Apollo, his Greek counterpart in Near Eastern beliefs since the Hellenistic period, as evidenced from Strabo’s account of the “E-zida”, the temple of nabû at Borsippa, where he says that it was dedicated to the worship of Apollo nabû, and that he was nabû to the Mesopotamians and Apollo to the Greeks. The Hatrenes also venerated the god of fortune, whose worship developed and spread through this epoch. The god of fortune at Hatra is called gndʾ or gdʾ, and was portrayed as Hercules with his usual attribute of lion skin, club, and cup, but he appears dressed in the Hatrene costume of a knee-length, short-sleeved tunic. gndʾ is mentioned in the inscriptions and in theophoric names (gdyhb), and his sculptural presentations were discovered in Shrine XIII, which was dedicated to his worship, and at the North Gate. The eagle had special relevance among the Hatrenes for he was called “our Lord the Eagle” or “Lord Eagle” and in sculpture they paid particular attention to his image, both in the round and in relief. The eagles were ornamented, and they appear wearing elaborate necklaces inlaid with precious stones. There were two types of eagle, one with well-sculpted, outspread wings, a symbol of šmš as seen on the coins of the city, and one with folded wings. This was probably an emblem of mrn (H. 3). Nike, the goddess of victory in Greek mythology, had her place in Hatrene beliefs, as reflected in her images, which portray her both in sculpture in the round and in relief. She brought victory in battle and in athletic contests, and was introduced to the

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region as a result of the Hellenistic impact on the religions of the Eastern regions. Freestanding sculptures of winged Nike were used as acroteria on the temples, especially on the pediment of the Hellenistic temple, and she appears on the reliefs holding open wreaths about to be placed on the heads of wrwd/nsrw mryʾ, and in one instance on King sntrwq I. The flying image of Nike is about to present the wreaths to an eagle with outspread wings. According to Hatrene conviction, the god of the underworld is zqyqʾ, as indicated by his sculptural representations, including the god portrayed in the Cerberus relief, dedicatory inscription H. 13, and an Aramaic inscription on the base of a statuette discovered at Shrine XIII, as well as in the theophoric name brzqyqʾ (H. 24). He is portrayed as fierce-looking, with unruly hair and beard, holding serpents in his hand along with an axe. Other snakes appear along with scorpions, indicating that he is the god of the netherworld. He is certainly confined to Hatra. The excavations revealed statues and images of Hellenistic or Roman deities, including a bronze mask of Dionysus, reliefs of Gorgon/Medusa on the walls of the juxtaposed iwans and on the main circuit wall of the city (to ward off evil spirits), and freestanding statues of Poseidon, Apollo, Eros and probably Hermes. These latter statues date to a later time of the city when the Hatrenes aligned with the Romans when faced with the imminent threat of the Sasanids, after the latter put an end to the Parthian Empire.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdullah, M.S. 1984, “Excavations at the twelfth temple at Hatra”, Sumer 43, 100–118. Aggoula, B. 1991. Inventaire des inscriptions Hatréennes. Paris: Librairie Orienteliste Paul Genthner. Ainsworth, W.F. 1842, Travel and Researches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, and Armenea, London. Al-Aswad, H.B. 1991 “Water resources at Hatra”, Mesopotamia, 26, 195–211. ——. 1998, Hatra, “Excavation in two houses south of the Great Temple”, season 37 1992, Sumer (49) 231–250. ——. 2013, “New discoveries in Temple XIV in Hatra”, in L. Dirven, ed. Hatra: Politics, Culture and Religion between Parthia and Rome, Oriens et Occidens 21. Weisbaden: Franz Steiner, pp. 107–114. Al-Salihi, W. 1969. Sculptures of Divinities from Hatra. Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University. ——. 1971. “Hercules–Nergal at Hatra”. Iraq 33: 113–115. ——. 1972, “Hatra: Excavations in a Group of Tombs”, Sumer, 28, 17–20. ——. 1973. “Hercules–Nergal at Hatra II”. Iraq 35: 65–68. ——. 1973a. “A Note on a Statuette from Hatra”, Sumer, 99f. ——. 1974. “Excavation Coins, 1971–72 season at Hatra”, Sumer, 30, 155–162. 211

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——. 1975. “Inscriptions of Hatra”. Sumer 31: 171–188. ——. 1978. “Inscriptions of Hatra”. Sumer 34, 69–74. ——. 1979. “Iconographical Studies of a Slab in Mosul Museum”. Bayn Al-Nahrayn 27: 324–330. ——. 1979b. “Baalshamin, God of Rain and Lightning at Hatra”, Bulletin of College of Arts 25, 450–468. ——. 1980. “Hatra, Excavations at the North Gate”. Sumer 36: 158–188 (in Arabic). ——. 1981. “Inscriptions of Hatra”, Sumer, 37, 143–145. ——. 1982. “Further Notes on Hercules–Gndʾ at Hatra”. Sumer 38: 137–140. ——. 1983. “The Shrine of nbw at Hatra”, Iraq, 45, 137–140. ——. 1985a. “Allat–Nemesis, Iconographical Analysis of Two Reliefs from Hatra”, Mesopotamia 20: 131–146. ——. 1985b. “Inscriptions of Hatra”. Sumer 45–46: 98–111. ——. 1985c. “The Art of Sculpture at Hatra”, Culture of Iraq, vol. 4, 189–218. ——. 1985d. “The Architecture of Hatra”, Culture of Iraq, vol. 3, 233–244. ——. 1987a. “Epigraphical and Iconographic Analysis of a Stele from Hatra”. Bayn Al-Nahrayn 57–58: 58–67. ——. 1987b. “Palmyrene Sculpture found at Hatra”, Iraq, 45, 53– 61. ——. 1988, “The City of Hatra: The City and Civic Life”, vol. 2, 285–320. ——. 1990a, “The Sieges of Hatra”, Sumer 46, 109–113. ——. 1990b. “The Excavation of Shrine XIII at Hatra”. Mesopotamia 25: 37–45.

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