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THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAP OF THE SUDAN A GUIDE TO ITS USE AND EXPLANATION OF ITS PRINCIPLES AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN DER DDR ZENTRALINSTITUT FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND ARCHÄOLOGIE

AKADEMIE VERLAG BERLIN

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAP OF THE SUDAN FRIEDRICH W.HINKEL AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN DER DDR ZENTRALINSTITUT FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND ARCHÄOLOGIE

A GUIDE TO ITS USE AND EXPLANATION OF ITS PRINCIPLES with the co-operation of Anthony J. Mills. Forewords by Joachim Herrmann and Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sherif and with a contribution by William Y. Adams

tffil x l w

A K A D E M I E

1977

V E R L A G

' BERLIN

Closing date of the manuscript : Autumn 1976.

Redaktion: Friedmar Geißler Erschienen im Akademie-Verlag, 108 Berlin, Leipziger Str. 3—4 © Akademie-Verlag Berlin 1977 Lizenznummer: 202 • 100/324/77 Herstellung: IV/2/14 VEB Druckerei »Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz«, 445 Gräfenhaiiiichen • 4-Ü5Ö Bestell-Nr.: 753 287 2 (3067/1) • LSV 0225 Printed in GDR DDR 1 2 - M

FOREWORD

Tlie first two fascicles of the Archaeological Map of the Sudan (A.M.S.) are now complete. Good progress has also been made in collecting material for the fascicles I I I to X and preparation of the next manuscripts has begun. The aim of the A.M.S. is to catalogue in full the archaeological sites known bo be on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, to record their location with the help of the Sudan Survey maps, and to organize their compilation in accordance with a system based on the 1 :1,000,000 series of the International Map of the World. The A.M.S. will thus provide bas-ic material for archaeological research in Africa. I t was the great upswing in African archaeological research as a part of the development of culture and science in the African countries- and especially in the Sudan—which inspired this project. The UNESCO campaign begun in 1960 to save the Nubian heritage also encouraged tlie idea of a systematic survey of Sudanese antiquities. Friedrich Hinkel, of the Central lnstitut for Ancient History and Archaeology of the GDR, the initiator and author of the A.M.S., has been working in Sudan since 1962 on behalf of and as an official of the Sudanese Antiquities Service. Thanks to the encouragement of the Antiquities Service, and especially to its Commissioner for Archaeology, Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sherif, he has had the opportunity to study the material in the archives over a longer period of time and to make the necessary additions, identifications and surveys of some important sites in the course of extended visits, expeditions and on-the-

spot observations. I t is entirely due to Friedrich Hinkel's strict self-discipline and extremely systematic and concentrated mode of work t h a t these volumes can now be presented. The Academy of Sciences of the GDR has done all it could to assist Friedrich Hinkel in his work, in the hope that this would help to promote research into the history and culture of Africa. The Academy is carrying on a long tradition here, for Carl Richard Lepsius, a member of our Academy, was one of the first to draw attention to the Sudanese antiquities and to t r y to catalogue them. The A.M.S. in its present form is, of course, only a beginning. To present in full the wealth of finds listed in the A.M.S. it would be desirable to publish a volume of illustrations to each section. But this is more than the author can at present undertake. I wish to take this opportunity to thank Friedrich Hinkel, author and compiler of the A.M.S., most cordially for his many years of splendid and selfsacrificing effort in collecting the material and in preparing this work for publication. We are also especially grateful to the Commissioner for Archaeology, Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sherif, for his sponsorship and encouragement of the project, and to the experts in the Sudan and in other countries who have assisted in it. Joachim Herrmann Director of the Central Institute for Ancient History and Archaeology, Academy of Sciences of the GDR

FOREWORD

It is with great pride that I introduce this Archaeological Map of the Sudan. The Democratic Republic of the Sudan is a country rich in archaeological remains, ranging from the 25,000 years of age of the proto-Bushman skull of Singa through all the stages in man's cultural development down through the glories of the Kushite empires of the Napatans and Meroites in the 1st millennium to the Darfur Sultanates and the Fung state of the 18th century. I t is of tremendous advantage to the student of our enormous past to have a compilation such as this, where all references and information are gathered together in a single place. The fact that the Archaeological Map of the Sudan makes available to the world such a collection and elaboration of archaeological material is a source of great satisfaction. As the first of its kind, it should provide a model for other countries to follow when they begin similar documentation of their own. It is as valuable a reference tool for the student of methodology as for the archaeologist. Herein, the classification system is exactly suited to the needs of the present state of Sudan archaeology, to the uncertainty of much of our information and the practical capability for considerable expansion in several directions. Up to the time of the Nubian Campaign, Sudan archaeology was the preserve of a relatively small body of specialists. However, with the burgeoning of interest in the 1960's of scholars from all over the world in Nubia and, soon after, the whole of the Sudan, the need was felt for a structured system which would enable our records and archives to have an ordered growth. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan fulfils this need and will form the basic structure for the Sudan Antiquities Service archives. I would encourage everyone concerned with Sudan ancient studies to make use of this Archaeological Map of the Sudan and, particularly, to follow its conventions of form and recording. This will greatly facilitate the work of the Antiquities Service and all scholars. Such

a system can only work with the full co-operation of all interested in the field and I hope that all will answer the appeal of the author to contribute actively to its success. I sincerely hope that the Archaeological Map of the Sudan will encourage research in the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. The government realizes that archaeological survey and excavation is an extremely important science because it reveals the past and builds up a picture of the development of our cultural heritage. Archaeological survey is important because it shows what the broad outlines and distribution patterns are over large areas. Excavation, on the other hand, gives us a detailed knowledge about cultural progression and development in a single place. A necessary prelude to both the activities of exploration and excavation is the study of all the previous work of the area. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan will greatly facilitate this initial stage of the research. It is my great hope that the Archaeological Map of the Sudan will encourage interest in the past of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. There are many scholars engaged in studying other parts of the African continent. Perhaps now they will be able to refer easily to the Sudan and provide a wealth of comparative data and ideas. An even greater hope, however, is that the people of this vast country will take much more interest in their own past. Interest can only be gained through knowledge and now there will be a reference work that one can carry into the countryside or into the classroom and disclose the richness and variety of our heritage. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan is of interest to both professional scholars and amateurs and will lead each to deeper and wider knowledge and understanding of the development of the human race. Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sherif Commissioner for Archaeology

PREFACE

Tliis short Guide begins a series of publications dealing with the archaeological remains of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. I t is intended to be an explanation of the principles and practical usage of the Archaeological Map of the Sudan to the reader. ï l i c Archaeological Map of the Sudan has been designed as a research tool, for both work in the field and in the library. The publication has been divided into a series of fascicles, each covering a specific geographical area. This has two major advantagesfirst, it will be much easier to work with the smaller elements while in the field and second, it means that publication can be done much more quickly, and additions and reprints can be made at reasonable cost. Given the current state of knowledge of Sudan archaeology, the A.M.S. is also designed as a bibliographic guide to each site, with references to both published and archival sources. These references have been made as complete as possible. Eventually, the indexing will further facilitate research into spécifié subjects. The first organizing of the archaeological information about the Sudan was made by A. J . Arkell after he was appointed the first Commissioner for Archaeology and Anthropology in 1939. Prior to then, any information submitted had simply been filed. Arkell's organization consisted of associating each piece of information with a geographical location by filing it under the number of each appropriate Survey Map. The next systematic organization occurred when the Antiquities Ordinance 1905 was revised and issued in 1952 as the Antiquities Ordinance (1952 Ordinance No. 2). Attached to this were two schedules, containing lists of 215 sites. I n the late 1960's, a new list of sites was drawn up. This contained 1,098 sites, but did not include reference to any of the new material from the Nubian Campaign. As one travelled across the Sudan in the 1960's, sites and observations, particularly at first about architectural remains, were noted and subsequently further information was collected from files and references. Out of this grew the idea t h a t such a compilation of reference material for all known archaeological sites in the whole Sudan would be a most useful contribution to the field. This became particularly apparent when one viewed the enormous increase in the amount of material produced by the Nubian Campaign in the Wadi Haifa area. Of course, it is hoped that the references for each site will be complete. However, there will inevitably be errors and omissions. The files of other Sudan Government units concerned, such as the Survey

Department and the Geological Survey, have not been consulted ; not all published references have been available for extracting and cheeking data ; and references have not been checked in the field. No special field trips or surveys have been made for the preparation of the A.M.S. The present edition is considered to be only a beginning to the compilation of Sudan documentation and it is expected t h a t all users of the A.M.S. will contribute to its expansion and exactness. Any information, however trivial it may seem, will be important to someone at some time. So it is requested that any additions and corrections be sent to the compiler at the Akademie in Berlin, where the A.M.S. is being assembled and published. I t is also considered desirable that field parties communicate with the compiler to avoid duplication of number allocation and to ensure that information can be made available. Additions to the site catalogue should be made as the catalogue is organized, giving us at least a location and basic description of the site. A criterion of the success of the A.M.S. will be the rate at which it grows and is used. The author has had particularly strong encouragement and practical assistance from Professor J . Herrmann, director of the Zentralinstitut für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie. He has always had a clear idea of the importance of this work and has ensured t h a t the author's time could be devoted to a large extent to it. Again, the Commissioner for Archaeology, Sayed Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sherif, has afforded every facility to assist the progress of the compilation. Professor A. J . Arkell, the founding father of Sudan archaeology, has helped in a great degree by communicating his enthusiasm for the project as well as making practical contributions. The Akademie der Wissenschaften der D D R has perhaps made the largest contribution to the Archaeological Map of the, Sudan by providing facilities and opportunity to me and by ensuring its publication. The Akademie-Verlag has in turn been most co-operative and helpful in giving form to the manuscript. I have to thank two more friends from the time of the Nubian Campaign when I met them. From the first moment Professor W. Y. Adams, University of Kentucky, Lexington, took an active interest in the progress of the work and his encouragement, advice and also his actual contribution to this Guide were a very welcome furtherance. I also record with gratitude the co-operation and discussions with A. J . Mills, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, from the inception of the Archaeological Map of the Sudan, both for

VIII details and for the general concept. Many of his thoughts, suggestions and practical recommendations are incorporated and it was he who brought the point of view of the archaeologist with experience in Sudan fieldwork into the project. General discussion and dialogue with countless colleagues has also added considerably to the generalities and details of this work. In particular I would like to thank Dr. W.-F. Reineke for his active interest and constant readiness to help, to discuss and to solve with his advice problems of a methodical and

Friedrich W. Hinknl practical nature. The standard of the whole project has depended on such collaboration and exchange of ideas on certain questions. Friedrich W. Hinkel Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR Zentralinstitut für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie Bereich Alter Orient DDR 108 Berlin Leipziger Straße 3 - 4

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A.

THE SUDAN

A.l A.2

The Democratic Republic of the Sudan . "Outline History of Nubia and the Sudan" by William Y. Adams . . . . Nubia and the Central Sudan Eastern Sudan: The Red Sea Hills and Littoral Western Sudan Southern Sudan Bibliography History of Ancient Sudan S t u d i e s . . .

A.2.1 A.2.2 A.2.3 A.2.4 A.2.5 A.3 B.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL THE SUDAN

B.l B.2 B.2.1 B.2.2 B.2.3

Purpose, Principles, and Limits . . . . Structure Structure of Unit Maps Structure of Fascicles Synopsis of Fascicles and Structure of the Set Sources of Information

B.3

MAP

1 3 3 12 13 13 14 16

OP

20 20 22 22

B.4 B.5 B.5.1 B.5.2 B.5.3 B.5.4 B.5.5 B.5.6 B.5.7 B.5.8 B.5.9 B.5.10 B.6 B.6.1

Method of Registration Conventions and Definitions Sudan Sudan National Museum Sites Locatcd and Unlocatcd Sites Names of Localities Master Set of Maps Arabic Words and Names Illustrations Map Bibliography Abbreviations and Glossary Abbreviations of This Guide

C.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL THE SUDAN - THE SET

C.l

Unlocatable Sites and Objects from the Sudan 32 S.N.M. Accessions fromNon-neighbouring Countries 32

23 23

C.2

L I S T OF F I G U R E S IN THE T E X T

Historical-cultural Areas of the Sudan . . . Outline Chart of Sudanese History The Principal Excavation Sites in the Sudan . Diagram Illustrating the Structure of A.M.S. . Map Illustrating the Numbering System of 1:1,000,000 Maps of Africa Fig. 6 Map Illustrating the Numbering System of 1.: 250,000 Maps of the Sudan Fig. 7 Diagram Illustrating the Site Numbering System on Unit Map NF-36-I (Former 35-1) .

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1 2 3 4 5

4 15 18 21 25 27 28

24 26 26 28 28 29 29 29 29 30 30 30 31 31 MAP

OF

A.

THE SUDAN

A.L

THE

DEMOCRATIC

REPUBLIC

OF THE

SUDAN

The name of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan (D.R.S.) derives from the Arabic designation Bilail eis Sudan, literally, "The Lands of the Blacks". The term originated with the medieval Arab geographers, who meant by it tlieareainhabited by negroid peoples that were followers of Islam. I n practice, it meant a belt stretching across the African continent from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, south of the Sahara Desert to approximately 10° N of the equator. The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan came into being in 1898 and lay over most of the eastern part of this earlier designation. I t included a wide variety of geological formations, climatic zones and ethnic types. Ecosystems vary widely from one place to another, with only the single broad resource of the land to link them. The major geographical feature of the Sudan is the Nile, and nowhere is there any feature within the country which forms a natural barrier to restrict communication. On 1st January, 1956, this country became the Republic of the Sudan, the largest indepedent state in Africa, covering 8 . 3 % of the area of the continent. The northern boundary lies mostly along the twentysecond parallel and was astronomically fixed without relation t o landmarks or features. Southwards, on the east, the boundary follows the Red Sea coastline for about 800 km., and then turns inland to form the border with Ethiopia. I n a SSW direction, it follows the foot of the Ethiopian highland for some 1,300 km. to the Sobat River, where it then turns SE to the northern end of Lake Rudolf. From there it meanders westwards between 3°30' N and 5° N for some 1,000 km. and strikes NW when it crosses the Bomu River. I t follows the Nile-Congo watershed to roughly 10° N, then curves around the western side of t h e Darfur highland as far as 21°45' E where it turns N E and joins the twenty-fourth meridian at about 15°43' E in the Wadi Howar. I t is again astronomically fixed along 24° E to 20° N, it then turns due cast to 25° E and thereafter, north again to the twentysecond parallel. The only part in the whole length of the boundary which is disputed is the triangle N of 22° N in the northeastern corner of the country. The administrative boundary was set u p to separate the Bisharin in the Sudan from the Ababda in Egypt, and docs not follow the twenty-second parallel. The land mass of the Sudan covers 2,505,805 sq. km. I n terms of distance, Gencina is 1,722 km. from Tokar and Nimule in the south 2,003 km. from (Old) Wadi Haifa. The neighbours of the Sudan arc

Egypt in the north; Ethiopia in the cast; Kenya, Uganda, and Zaire in the south; the Central African Republic and Chad in the west; and, finally, Libya in the north-west.* Many of the bounparies between the various countries and the Sudan cut. across ethnic or tribal groups, and movement of tribes in certain areas pays litllc heed to the border. The capital is Khartoum, a modern city of 000,000 population, situated at the confluence of the Blue and White Niles. Here the economy and administration is centralized. There is little relief in the Sudan, the bulk of the land mass being between 300 m. and 1,000 m. above sea level. The fall of the White Nile over the 1,700 km. between J u b a and Khartoum amounts to only 80 m. The main features of the country are the desert area in the north, with the sedimentary rocks of the Nubian series on the surface, eroded to a mature stage; the qoz area in the west, to the south of the northern desert, with its undulating sand dunes fixed by vegetation; and, in the central and southern Sudan, the deposited clay plain. The important hill groups are the Red Sea Hills, the Nuba Mountains and the volcanic formations like Jebel Marra. There are many smaller, local inselbergs, which represent older topography in the aggraded plain. The highest point in the Sudan is 3,187 m. of Mount Kinyeti in the Imatong range of the south. Jebel Marra rises to 3,024 m. and the Nuba Mts. and Red Sea Hills both generally attain 1,500 m. The bulk of this great plain is drained by the Nile basin, the exceptions being the Red Sea coastal area and western Darfur which belongs to the Lake Chad basin. Indeed, of all the countries through which the Nile flows, the Sudan contains the greatest portion. The White Nile which enters from the Central African lakes at Nimule drains almost all the southern half of the Sudan. I t is a slow river which passes through the Sudd, an enormous swamp area south of Malakal, and which contributes 83% of the normal, low river flow. The Blue Nile, which originates in Lake Tana is a much more seasonal river being fed by annual rains in the highlands of Ethiopia, it contributes little to the main Nile at low water, but 68 % at high Nile summer, increasing its volume 60-fold. From its source it falls some 1,400 m. to the confluence at Khartoum. From there the two join and flow north into Egypt with only one tributary, the Atbara, which has only a seasonal flow. The Nile is a great resource. Not only is it a source for drinking and irrigation water, but it is also a major communication * For reasons of convenioncc it has boon docidod to use the shortened names of countries in text and on maps.

2 artery, linking the Mediterranean world with the African. Until recently it has also been the life-blood of the northern Sudan and Egypt, for the alluvium it carries from Ethiopia annually during the flood regenerated the agricultural land. The whole area of the modern Sudan lies entirely within the northern tropics and has a generally warm to hot climate which varies from one region to another mainly in terms of rainfall. The northern quarter is arid, hot desert, with insufficient rainfall to support agriculture, and only occasional pasturage. South of this lies an area wherein irrigation is needed to supplement the rainfall for agricultural needs. Then, between roughly 14° N and 6° N, crops can be grown. The coastal plain along the lied »Sea is generally arid with high temperatures and humidity. The extreme south lias an Equatorial climate similar to t h a t of Uganda. Generally speaking, the seasonal length of rainfall increases from nil at Wadi Haifa to eight or nine months at Yambio in the south-west. The season is roughly centered in July. Maximum temperatures are generally reached in the region of 40 °C in the north during the early part of the summer; and around 30 °C in the south during the winter months. A far more diverse element of the Sudan is the population. Due to the absence of natural barriers within the country, there has obviously been movement, communication and interchange between the various peoples. In a total population of .15.7 millions (.1970—71), only some .12% are urbanized and the average density for the whole country is 6 persons per sq. km., although in Khartoum Province it is 40 persons per sq. km. The greatest concentration is in the Central Sudan along the Nile. This large rural population follows several economic patterns, depending upon the ecosystem of each unit. There are the sophisticated agricultural techniques of cotton growers in the Gezira, but there are also a large number of groups who practise farming on a subsistence level. These include the Nubian, tilling his alluvial soil, irrigated by well-sweep and Persian wheel; the hill farms of the Nuba; and the terraced field systems of the Fur at Jebel Marra. There are also many Sudanese tribes who undertake little or no agriculture, but depend solely on herds of cattle or flocks of sheep and goats for both livelihood and wealth. These inhabit not only the arid and sub-arid northern and eastern regions, but also the western Sudan and parts of the south. This nomadic and semi-nomadic element is racially the most diverse and geographically the most wide-spread in the country. Linguistically the Sudanese population is also varied and interesting. There are a number of major language groups represented. According to Greenberg's classification the main languages in question are associated in the following families and branches: a) Hamito-Semitic family, e.g., the Bisharin in the Kusliite branch; Arabic in the Semitic branch. b) Eastern Sudanic family. Nubian language. Southern branch with Nilotic (e.g., Dinlca, Shilluk, and

A. Tlio Si ill an Nuer), and the Great Lakes languages (e.g., Bari, Mandari, and Latuka). c) Niger-Congo family, e.g., Azande and Fur in the Eastern branch. d) Central Sudanic family, e.g., Bongo. e) Central Saharan family, e.g., Zaghawa. Although these various language groups do fall into rough geographical areas, there is also considerable intermingling. There is a large number of individual tribes within the political boundary of the Sudan. A rough count gives 110 major divisions, but there are many more. I n an area like, for example, the F u n j around Singa on the Blue Nile, there are roughly 30 villages in an area some 10 km. by 20 km. Within these villages, there arc about 13 different tribes represented. Some tribal groups are large, others merely remnants with some tradition. Some possess great wealth, others little. That the tribal situation is fluid may perhaps best be demonstrated in the south-west, where the large Azande incursion in the 19th century was halted and although most of the Ironstone Plateau is dominated by them, the acculturation process is incomplete. The major natural resource of the Sudan is the land. Although mineral resources exist in many places and arc quite diverse, they are generally either found in too small deposits to be economically viable or are too far from markets to be developed. The heavy industry which might accompany such mineral resources does not exist. The major agricultural crop is cotton, which accounts for over 5 5 % of the total value of exports. Other major crops which are exported include gum arabic, ground nuts, and sesame. With over 35,000,000 beasts, the livestock market is potentially one of the richest in Africa. Communication within the Sudan is facilitated by the flat topography and only really hindered by either wet ground after rain or by sand. The main north-south artery is the Nile, which seems always to have been a corridor of communication between the eastern Mediterranean and Central Africa. Main towns in the northern and central zones are connected by railways which handle most bulk shipments as well as passenger traffic. The great Gezira plantation would not have succeeded without the rail connection to Port Sudan. Railways are particularly efficient in the Sudan because of the flatness of the terrain. This same topographical feature has made the building of roads largely unnecessary, and motor transport, mainly in the form of 3 to 5-ton lorries, links every accessible village, as well as connecting major centres. I n the south, where the rainy season is long, there are all-weather roads, but in the central zone, roads are often impassable in the wet season. Most of the major towns in the Sudan have airports, and regularly scheduled flights connect them. Khartoum, as the capital, has exerted a centralizing influence on these communication facilities.

A.2 Outliuo History of Nubia and Who Sudan So we see in the Sudan a full range of tropical climates with t h e more arid dominating; a large range of tropical soils and agricultural conditions; a country inhabited by a largely rural population of very mixed ethnicity; and one in which communications are not hampered. This ought to provide a singularly rich archaeological milieu, and indeed does in areas like t h a t around t h e Second Cataract where intensive investigation has been conducted. The compilation of this brief description has been based mainly on the following publications. I t is certainly an incomplete general bibliography of t h e Sudan, nor does it even purport to cover all aspects of this vast African country. Barbour, Kenneth Michael 1961 The Republic of the Sudan. A Regional Geography, London, Univ. of London Press. Greenberg, Joseph H . 1955 Studies in A frican Linguistic Classification, Brandford, Conn, (reprinted from Southivestern Jour, of Anthropology 5. 1949, 6. 1950,10. 1954). Lebon, J o h n Harold George 1965 Land Use in Sad,an, The World Land Use Survey, Monograph No. 4, Budc, Geographical Publications L t d . To thill, J o h n Douglas, ed. 1948 Agriculture in the Sudan, being a Handbook of Agriculture as Practised in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, London, Oxford Univ. Press (3rd impression, London, 1954). Sudan Almanac 1970-1971. An Official Hand-booh, K h a r t o u m , Ministry of Information a n d Culture. Sudan Notes and Records, Vols. 1. 1918-55. 1974, Khartoum.

A.2

OUTLINE SUDAN

HISTORY OF NUBIA

AND THE

b y William Y. Adams Our knowledge of t h e history of t h e Sudan before modern times is very uneven. The northern part of t h e country, t h a n k s t o its proximity to ancient Egypt, has a recorded history going back nearly 5,000 years. There has also been extensive archaeological activity in this area, due partly to the building of t h e Aswan High D a m and t h e consequent flooding of the Nile Valley. At t h e opposite extreme, there has been no archaeological work in t h e Southern Sudan, a n d t h e country was first penetrated b y outsiders only a century ago. There are a few earlier historical records for t h e eastern Sudan (primarily t h e R e d Sea Hills) and for Darfur, b u t there has as yet been no significant archaeological activity in either area. Because of

3

the very uneven state of knowledge it will be necessary to outline separately t h e history of each of t h e four m a j o r parts of t h e country.

A.2.1

Nubia and the Central

Sudan

The region here described comprises the Nile Valley from the First Cataract a t Aswan to a point a b o u t 250 km. above the confluence of t h e Blue and White Niles, plus t h e B u t a n a Steppe between t h e Nile and the Atbara and t h e Gezira region between the Blue and W h i t e Niles. I t is necessary to include t h e southernmost part of E g y p t in this description, for t h e t r u e ethnic and linguistic frontier between t h e Sudan and E g y p t has always been a t t h e First Cataract, rather t h a n a t t h e Second Cataract where t h e modern political frontier is fixed. Lower Nubia (between t h e First and Second Cataracts) and Upper Nubia (above t h e Second Cataract) have throughout history been occupied b y the same or closely related peoples, and their destinies are inseparably linked. All evidence suggests t h a t Nubia and t h e central Sud a n have been occupied since earliest times b y peoples of mixed African and Caucasian ancestry. Although differing racially and linguistically from t h e Egyptians, t h e y have al ways been much influenced b y cultural and political developments in t h e northern country, and t h e y in their t u r n have exerted a considerable influence upon E g y p t a t various times in history. I t will be convenient to refer collectively to t h e early inhabitants of t h e northern and central Sudan as Nubians, though t h e y m a y not in all cases have been directly ancestral to t h e Nubian-speaking peoples of today. The earliest known archaeological remains from t h e central Sudan m a y d a t e back as much as 70,000 years, to the earlier p a r t of the Old Stone Age (Lower Paleolithic). At t h a t time t h e Sahara had not yet become a t r u e desert; the very wide distribution of stone-age sites shows in fact t h a t early hunters and gatherers ranged far and wide over t h e lands east and west of t h e Nile which today are totally lifeless. The earliest stone-age tools from t h e Sudan — chiefly hand-axes and scrapers — can hardly be distinguished from similar implements which are found all over Africa, Europe, and western Asia. Gradually, however, the Sahara evolved from savanna into desert, and both men a n d animals were forced to seek t h e refuge of t h e Nile Valley. By t h e late Paleolithic (c. 40,000-10,000 B.C.) we find t h a t archaeological remains are p r e t t y well confined to t h e river valley and its immediate hinterland. We also find t h a t within this 'oasis' environment there have developed locally specialized stone industries which are no longer closely similar to those in other p a r t s of t h e world. The Neolithic period, beginning perhaps 10,000 years ago, witnessed a profound change in t h e h u m a n , condition, particularly in southwestern Asia. Food gathering (hunting and foraging) gave way to food production (agriculture a n d animal husbandry), and

A. The Sudan

HISTORICAL-CULTURAL A R E A S

Fig. 1

OF THE S U D A N

A.2 Outline History of Nubia and the Sudan this development in turn permitted men to settle down in villages and to develop such arts as potterymaking, weaving, stone carving, and domestic architecture. These advances were however very late in coming to northeast Africa, possibly because the continued abundance of natural game in the Nile Valley removed any incentive to develop new modes of subsistence. I t is not until around 5,000 B.C. t h a t we find indications of sedentary life on the Nile, in the so-called Khartoum Mesolithic culture. Even at this time there is no definite evidence either of agriculture or of animal husbandry, although both were by now well developed in Mesopotamia, Anatolia, and Palestine. The Early Khartoum people did however live in sedentary villages, make pottery, and enjoy an abundance of beads and ornaments, much as did Neolithic peoples in southwestern Asia. Remains of the Khartoum Mesolithic culture have been found in a number of places in the central Sudan, but not in the far northern part of the country. Some time around 3,500 B.C. the Khartoum Mesolithic gave way to the Khartoum Neolithic culture, in which for the first time we can recognize the bones of domesticated goats, though there is still no definite evidence of agriculture. As in the earlier period, subsistence still seems to have been based primarily on fishing and on tlic hunting of small marsh animals and fowl. Remains of the Khartoum Neolithic have been found rather widely distributed over the central Sudan, and also along the Nile as far north as the modern frontier of Egypt. I n the Wadi Haifa area there is also evidence of another Neolithic culture, called the Abkan, which is distinguished from the Khartoum by the presence of a quite distinct kind of pottery. All of its known sites are located close to the banks of the Nile, and it has been suggested t h a t the Abkan people lived primarily by fishing. At about the same time when the fully sedentary Neolithic way of life was established in the Sudan, the dynastic civilization of the Pharaohs was beginning to take shape farther down the Nile. This development was to cast its shadow over the history of the Sudan for the next 3,000 years. Already in the late Neolithic period we can observe strong Egyptian influence in the cultures of the northern Sudan — the so-called A-Group and C-Group. These are relatively primitive, tribal cultures of Neolithic type, but their sites contain also many manufactured goods, including metal goods, of Egyptian origin. For this reason it seems best, in referring to them, to avoid the potentially misleading terms Neolithic and Bronze Age, and to refer to them simply as cultures of the Tribal period. "A-Group", "B-Group", and "C-Group" were originally terms applied to different types of graves, though the distinction between the first two is no longer recognized as valid. They should not in any case be thought of as designating different "groups" of people in an ethnic or linguistic sense, for these

5 cultures almost certainly represent different stages in the history of the same people. The "A-Group" seems to be an outgrowth of the Abkan Neolithic culture, while the "C-Group" is an outgrowth of the "A-Group" and in its turn is ancestral to many later Nubian cultures. Remains of the two cultures have so far been found only in the far north of Nubia, from Aswan to a point a little above the Second Cataract. Practically all of the known sites of the A-Group are cemeteries, the largest of which comprise over one hundred graves. The typical A-Group grave is a plain oval pit in which the body is laid on its side, in contracted position, and is accompanied by a considerable number of grave offerings. Among these are a distinctive form of locally made pottery, various stone implements, and many goods of Egyptian manufacture: wheel-made pottery, stone vessels and palettes, beads, and copper ornaments and tools. The number of these goods shows that the productive economy of Nubia at this time was already articulated with t h a t of Egypt, although we do not believe t h a t the A-Group people wore yet politically subject to the Pharaohs. Recent excavations have revealed several multiroom stone houses of the A-Group period — the earliest constructed dwellings t h a t have yet come to light in Nubia. Elsewhere we have evidence to suggest that the A-Group people lived in natural caves and rockshelters, and perhaps also in tents. Food remains found in a house site show t h a t they grew wheat, barley, lentils, and peas. Presumably they also raised sheep, goats and cattle, though no bones of domesticated animals have actually been found in their sites. There is evidence, too, that these early Nubians still depended heavily on hunting and fishing. In time the culture of the A-Group evolved into that of the C-Group, though the connection between the two is not yet entirely clear. A-Group sites can be dated, on the basis of Egyptian trade goods, no later than the Egyptian I Dynasty (c. 3000 B.C.), while the earliest C-Group sites cannot be placed before the VI Dynasty (c. 2400 B.C.). Yet the cultures are so closely similar in so many respects t h a t a direct connection between them seems indisputable. The main innovations of the C-Group period are the use of a round stone tumulus surmounting the grave, the presence of a different and more elaborate type of decorated pottery, and a greater abundance and variety of Egyptian trade goods. Most of the known C-Group sites are cemeteries, but at least a dozen village sites have also been found. I t appears t h a t during most of their history the C-Group people lived in round huts or tents, lined with upright stone slabs, which were often closely crowded together. Some structures appear to be beehive-shaped granaries rather t h a n houses. One C-Group village in southern Egypt was surrounded by a looplioled fortification wall of stone masonry. In the late C-Group period mud brick construction begins to appear in the houses and graves, and by the end of the period there is a general adoption of rectilinear brick house architecture not

G greatly different from t h a t of contemporary Egypt. Known remains of the C-Group cover a very long period, from about 2400 to 1400 B.C. The C-Group people were much preoccupied with cattle, and drew pictures of them on their pottery, their house doors, and sometimes on stone slabs which were set up near their tombs. From this evidence it has sometimes been inferred t h a t they were pastoralists. However, the limited forage resources of Lower Nubia would not have permitted animal husbandry on a very extended scale; the closely nucleated character of the C-Group villages and cemeteries shows also t h a t they led a fully sedentary life. We have therefore to assume t h a t these early Nubians were primarily farmers, though they certainly also kept cattle and evidently counted their status and wealth in terms of the number of animals they owned, much as do the Nuer and other modern tribes of the southern Sudan. What was going on elsewhere in the Sudan while the A-Group and C-Group cultures were developing in the far north is not certain, due chiefly to the general lack of archaeological survey outside the Aswan reservoir area. I t is not until near the close of the Tribal period, around 2000 B.C., that we become aware of another tribal culture, adjoining the CGroup on the south and extending approximately from the Second to the Third Cataract of the Nile. I t is usually called the Kerma Culture, after its most conspicuous archaeological site. Known remains of the Kerma Culture consist almost entirely of cemeteries. The graves are similar in many respects to those of the C-Group, but the form of the tumulus is somewhat different, and the body is normally interred on a bed. Typical Kerma decoratcd pottery is also quite different from t h a t of the C-Group, though the forms of utility vessels are very much the same. Often in Kerma graves the main burial is accompanied by the bodies of one or more human sacrificial victims. At the archaeological site of Kerma itself there arc, in addition to graves of the ordinary type, a number of enormous tumuli which are almost certainly royal tombs. These contain, in addition to the royal dead, the bodies of up to 400 sacrificed retainers as well as a great wealth of mortuary goods. From this evidence we infer that the Kerma people, unlike their northern neighbors, had attained to the status of a very powerful, centralized chiefdom, rather like those which flourished in West Africa at the beginning of the modern period. Nothing comparable has been found ip the archaeological remains of the C-Group or of the A-Group. Most datable Kerma graves belong to the latter part of what in Egypt is known as the Second Intermediate Period (c. 1680—1580 B.C.). I t is now generally believed t h a t the royal tombs at Kerma also date from this period, although the discovcrer dated them originally to the X I I Dynasty (2000-1800 B.C.). There is nevertheless considerable evidence of Egyptian trade with Kerma going back as far as

A. Tlio Sudan the Middle Kingdom, and there are texts relating to trading expeditions to Yam (possibly Kerma) even at the end of the Old Kingdom (c. 2350 C.B.). I t seems possible therefore t h a t the Kerma Culture had as long a history as had the C-Group, even if the archaeological evidence is not yet very clear on this point. While the tribal cultures of the A-Group, the CGroup, and the Kerma were developing in Nubia, the Egyptian Pharaohs were taking an increasingly active and aggressive interest in their southern neighbors. Already in the I and I I Dynasties (c. 3200-2800 B.C.) there are mentions of military raids into Nubia, and a t the beginning of the IV Dynasty (c. 2660 B.C.) the Pharaoh Sneferu claims t o have carried off 7000 prisoners and 200,000 head of livestock from one of his Nubian campaigns. More peaceful trade relations are reflected in two Egyptian funerary biographies of the late VI Dynasty (c. 2350 B.C.), which speak of commercial expeditions to Wawat, Irtet, Satu, and Yam. The first three of these were evidently in Lower Nubia, the home of the A-Group and C-Group peoples, while Yam has often been identified with Kerma. I n the early X I I Dynasty (c. 2000-1850 B.C.) the Pharaohs inaugurated a more overtly imperialist policy in the south. Lower Nubia was directly annexed, and Egyptian garrisons were established at strategic points. No fewer t h a n ten enormous fortresses were built in the area of the Second Cataract, from Semna to Buhen, while other forts were established in a few populous areas farther north. I t has often been suggested that the great Middle Kingdom forts were meant to hold the native population of Lower Nubia in subjugation, but in fact what we know of the C-Group people does not suggest t h a t any such massive effort would have been either necessary or profitable. I t is noteworthy also t h a t the largest and most numerous of the fortresses are located in the rocky and unproductive region of the Second Cataract, far from the main centers of native settlement. Finally we have to recognize t h a t the coming of the Egyptians had virtually no influence on the culture or society of the natives; there is no change in the pattern of settlements or cemeteries, and it is impossible to tell on the basis of their contents which C-Group sites belong to the period of Egyptian occupation and which to earlier and later periods. I t seems probable t h a t the Second Cataract Forts were meant chiefly to protect the commercial traffic with districts farther upriver; presumably with Kerma in particular. The forts are nearly all located close to especially dangerous rapids, where riverain cargoes had to be off-loaded and portaged, and where traffic was therefore particularly vulnerable to attack from the banks. The forts were also meant to enforce a monopoly of the river trade in Egyptian hands, for a stela erected by Sesostris I I I (c. 1880 B.C.) at Semna proclaimed t h a t no cargo could be brought beyond t h a t point in a Nubian boat, except on commission for the Egyptians. Concurrently with the building of the fortresses, there is evidence t h a t an Egyptian trading station

A.2 Outline H i s t o r y of N u b i a a n d t h e Sudan

was established at Kerma, not far from the great royal cemetery. Here Egyptian officials oversaw the collection of ivory, slaves, skins, and other products for shipment to Egypt, and also supervised the production of various manufactured goods for trade with the natives. There was no effort to establish direct political or military control over this operation; the Egyptian "factors" at Kerma seem to have acted under the patronage of the great native rulers, who were no doubt much enriched by their alliance with the foreign trading operation. I n sum, it seems that the policy of the Egyptians in the Middle Kingdom was to establish control over distribution but not over production in the long-distance commerce with the African interior. The subjugation of the C-Group population in Lower Nubia was only an incidental byproduct of t h a t policy, and had little effect upon the natives other t h a n perhaps to deter them from plundering the riverain traffic. There were however Egyptian fortresses in the populous C-Group centers of Aniba and Kubban, which can only have been administrative centers for the subjugation and taxation of the natives. Egypt's first colonial venture lasted no more than a couple of centuries, after which the garrisons were withdrawn from the fortresses. I t has been suggested t h a t the forts were actually stormed and overthrown by the natives, but the evidence for this is very tenuous indeed. I t seems more probable that the weak and divided Egyptian state of the Second Intermediate Period could no longer afford the heavy expense of garrisoning Nubia merely for the sake of trade in luxury goods. Yet the trade itself was not wholly interrupted, for the "factory" at Kerma evidently continued to operate. The most numerous trade goods at Kerma belong in fact to the period of the X V I I Dynasty (c. 1680-1580 B.C.). There is some evidence that, after the Egyptian withdrawal, the Kerma rulers themselves maintained small garrisons at the Second Cataract Eorts of Mirgissa and Buhen, for the sake of keeping open the trade route to Egypt. The X V I I I Dynasty (1580-1340 B.C.) marks an important turning point in the history of both Egypt and Nubia. The Pharaohs of this period expelled the Hyksos invaders who had overrun their northern districts, and then embarked on a campaign of conquest which made them masters of Palestine and Syria as well. At the same time t h e y returned to Nubia in force, not only reoccupying the old fortresses but establishing new colonies as far upstream as the Fourth Cataract, far beyond the previous limit of penetration. I t is clear t h a t the object of the new invasion was not merely commercial monopoly but outright colonization, for the Egyptians now came not only as soldiers and traders but as settlers and overseers. The colonial regime of the X V I I I Dynasty put a prompt and final end to the Tribal phase of history in the northern Sudan. The Kerma monarchy was evidently swept away in the first wave of reconquest, 2 iiiukcl, tiuidu

7 to be replaced by direct Egyptian rule. For a time groups of conservative Nubians still clung to the traditional C-Group and Kerma customs, but increasing numbers of the natives came to live in and around the newly founded Egyptian colonies, and adopted the dress, housing, end burial customs of the northerners. By the end of the X V I I I Dynasty there was no longer a recognizable indigenous society in the northern Sudan; the long-independent Nubians had been converted from tribesmen into fellaheen. For the next three centuries their territory was to be administered simply as a part of Egypt. I t was under the direct supervision of a Viceroy (the "King's Son o f K u s h " ) , and there were resident deputies at Aniba and Amara. I t was during this period t h a t most of the great temples of Nubia were built, and the natives were so firmly converted to the religious beliefs and practices of Egypt t h a t they clung to them for two thousand years afterwards. The history of Nubia during the latter part of the New Kingdom is extremely obscure. Some factor — possibly a decline in agricultural productivity - led to a drastic decline both in the native and in the Egyptian population, and by the end of the X X Dynasty (c. 1085 B.C.) it seems that Lower Nubia was almost entirely depopulated. After t h a t time no further Egyptian Viceroys or officials were appointed. There may however have been continued Egyptian settlement and activity in the better-favored region between the Third and Fourth Cataracts, though this is not yet attested archaeologically. Some time in the 8th century B.C. there began a wholly new episode in Nubian history. At t h a t time a powerful new, apparently native dynasty appeared at Napata, in the district just below the Fourth Cataract. The rulers soon allied themselves with the Priests of Amon, who had been established during the colonial period in a great temple at Jebel Barkal, and who had evidently continued to flourish even after the withdrawal of Egyptian military control. As patrons and protectors of the Amon cult the Nubian kings were assuming one of the traditional functions of the Pharaoh, and in this role they were accepted not only in Nubia but in Upper Egypt itself. The once-powerful Egyptian state had by now broken up into a number of warring principalities, the most important of which were in the Delta region. Southern Egypt, which had been the main seat of the Pharaohs during the Middle and New Kingdoms, was ruled as a quasi-independent principality by the Priests of Amon at Thebes (modern Luxor), but they were continually threatened with invasion by the would-be Pharaohs from the north. I t was in these circumstances t h a t they appealed to the Nubian ruler at Napata as their best hope of military protection. A certain Kashta, who may have been the seventh or eighth ruler in t h e N a p a t a n dynasty, journeyed at some point during his reign to Thebes, and was there acknowledged as Pharaoh by the Priests of Amon. His son and successor Piankhi (751—716 B.C.) inaugurated a more active and overt policy in the

8 north. At the urgent bidding of the Priests of Amon he sent an army which not only relieved Thebes from a threatened invasion, but proceeded northward and reduced the principalities of the Delta one by one to submission. Egypt was then briefly re-united under the Nubian rulers, who are known to history as the Pharaohs of the X X V ("Ethiopian") Dynasty. Piankhi retired to Napata after his successful northern campaign, and was eventually buried in the royal cemetery a t El Kurru, a short distance downstream from Jebel Barkal. His two immediate successors however ruled primarily at Memphis in Egypt. As Pharaohs in the north they were tempted to renew Egypt's historic claim to Palestine, and this imprudent policy brought them into conflict with the rising Asiatic power of Assyria. Twice Egypt was barely saved from invasion by Assyrian armies, but in the reign of Taharqa (690-664 B.C.) the Asiatic onslaught broke in full force, and the Nubian rulers were forced back to their own country. Taharqa's successor Tenutamon briefly succeeded in reasserting his authority in the north, but a second Assyrian invasion in 663 B.C. resulted in the devastation of Thebes and the final termination of Nubian rule. I n their own country, however, the successors of Tenutamon continued to reign as "Pharaohs" for another thousand years. Concurrently with their rule in Egypt, the Nubian monarchs set about constructing the machinery of a pharaonic state in their own country. Taharqa in particular was a great builder, and commissioned temples in the Egyptian style in many differents parts of his domains. The priests who served these temples were probably also the main bureaucratic officials of the Sudanese empire. The ruler himself bore all the traditional titles and regalia of the Pharaoh, and on temple walls was regularly depicted as the beloved companion of Amon, Isis, and the other Egyptian gods. The royal inscriptions and proclamations were written at first in Egyptian hieroglyphics, though the Nubian rulers presumably spoke a native language which was unrelated to Egyptian. The rulers after Kashta also adopted the Egyptian style of royal burial, including the use of mummification, coffins, and decorated chamber tombs. At the surface the tomb was marked by a steep-sided stone pyramid rather similar to those which were built by some Upper Egyptian nobles during the New Kingdom. The pharaonic-style Nubian empire, which endured from at least 800 B.C. to 300 A.D., is usually designated by historians as the empire of Kush, after the name which the Egyptians had given to Upper Nubia in the time of the New Kingdom. The history of Kush is conventionally divided into two phases, called Napatan and Meroitic. During the earlier period the "capital" and principal royal residence seem to have been at Napata, where the dynasty had first arisen, while in the later period power shifted almost entirely to the city of Meroe, much farther upstream. The date when the transfer of power took place has been the

A. The Sudan subject of much debate, but it undoubtedly was some time between 600 and 300 B.C. After the frustration of their ambitions in Egypt, the course of Kushite imperial expansion seems to have been almost wholly southward. At some time, apparently while the Nubians were still in power in Egypt, the city of Meroe had been founded in the region upstream from the mouth of the Atbara River. Its founding marks the first known penetration of civilization beyond the Fourth Cataract, into regions for which we have previously no archaeological information since the time of the Khartoum Neolithic. By 300B.C. Meroe had definitely supplanted Napata as the chief center of the Kushite empire, and it was adorned witli a Temple of Amon as large as that at Jebel Barkal. I n later centuries a number of other temples were added, as well as a series of elaborate palaces, iron smelters, and a Roman-style bathing establishment. On the sandstone plateau east of the city the royal cemetries were established, and in time came to number more t h a n forty pyramids. Meanwhile other Meroitic cities had been established up and down the Nile and in the B u t a n a region between the Nile and the Atbara. By the end of the Meroitic period there were settlements as far upstream as Sennar, on the Blue Nile, and Meroitic contacts with Kordofan and Darfur have even been suggested. The evidence for them is however very weak. I n the Gezira region, south of the junction of the Blue and White Niles, the Egyptianized civilization of Meroe did not fully supplant an older and purely indigenous cultural tradition. At Jebel Moya, not far from Sennar, have been found several hundred graves exhibiting what is essentially a Neolithic level of cultural development. These graves are dated between 400 B.C. and 400 A.D., contemporary with the period of Meroitic southward expansion, and t h e presence in them of beads, amulets, and even iron tools shows that the Jebel Moya people were in active contact with their more civilized neighbors a t Sennar. Other graves with pottery of Jebel Moya t y p e have been found as far up the Blue Nile as Roseires, and also in eastern Kordofan. After 300 B.C. the native language of Nubia (called Meroitic) began to be written, first in hieroglyphic characters and later in an alphabetic script. Increasingly, Meroitic supplanted Egyptian as the language both of everyday writing and of royal inscriptions. This development has unfortunately deprived us of a considerable part of the historical record of the later Kushite empire, for the Meroitic language has never yet been deciphered. The northern part of Nubia, which was largely depopulated during the period of Egyptian colonial rule, seems to have remained so during the Napatan and the earlier part of the Meroitic period. After the first century B.C., however, there was a veritable "land-rush" of resettlement in the north, made possible in all probability by the introduction of the ox-driven waterwheel (saqia) as an irrigation device.

A.2 Outline History of Nubia and the Sudan Reoccupation of the north brought the Nubians into conflict with the newly established Roman administration in Egypt, which also had ambitions in Lower Nubia. An initial period of hostilities was culminated in 23 B.C. by the invasion of Nubia by a Roman army under Petronius, which reached and sacked Napata. Immediately thereafter a treaty was negotiated between Rome and Meroe which fixed the frontier between the two powers a t Maharraqa, about 75 miles south of Aswan. For the next three centuries the relations between Kush and Rome were entirely peaceful, and a lively and profitable trade flourished between the two powers. Roman envoys regularly visited Meroe; under their guidance a Roman-style bath was constructed for the Nubian rulers, and a "kiosk" temple incorporating many Roman features were built at Naqa. The pattern of Meroitic occupation in Lower Nubia differed markedly from that in the older districts' around Napata and Meroe. In the north there are no great temple centers or royal monuments, and in fact few signs of royal activity are visible. Lower Nubia was governed by hereditary local officials who did not claim a close relationship with the monarchs, and who resided at the great fortified citadels of Qasr Ibrim and Gebel Adda. Though far from the centers of Kushite political and religious power, Lower Nubia as a result of its proximity to Roman Egypt enjoyed a flourishing trade and a level of prosperity which was hardly to be found in the more southerly provinces. The Lower Nubians obtained large quantities of bronze, glass, faience, and other luxury goods which were made almost entirely in the north; they also imported quantities of Egyptian wine. As a result, the power and wealth of the local officials in the north seem to have increased during the last centuries of Kushite sovereignty, even while those of the rulers in the south were declining. In the first or second century A. D. Meroe caino into conflict for the first time with the rising Abyssinian power of Axum. Both empires were dependent to a considerable extent on the export of African exotica to the Mediterranean world, and economic rivalry was probably a major source of their conflict. Axumite invasions are thought to have played a part in the weakening and final dissolution of the Kushite empire, which occured early in the fourth century A.D. The exact circumstances as well as the date of this event are extremely obscure; the death of the last "Pharaoh" of Kush has been variously placed between 320 to 339 A.D. When the Axumite ruler Ezana invaded the Sudan in 350 A.D., he found t h a t the southern territories of Kush had already been overrun by Noba tribesmen from west of the Nile. These were probably the direct ancestors of the Nubian-speakers who occupied the whole northern Sudan until the end of the Middle Ages. The Noba apparently made no effort to continue the authority or the civilization of Meroe; after their coming the cities of the Butana were abandoned, the temples and palaces fell into ruin, knowledge of the Meroitic

9 written language was lost, and the whole panoply of pharaonic tradition came to an end. We have no further historical records from the central Sudan until the introduction of Christianity two centuries later. In Lower Nubia many of the features of Kushite civilization also disappeared in the fourth century, but a group of local rulers apparently salvaged some vestiges of the ancient royal authority. They have left us almost no inscriptions, and we know of their existence chiefly from the great royal tombs at Ballana and Qustul, just north of the present Sudanese-Egyptian frontier. Because of uncertainty as to their origin, the post-Meroitic rulers and inhabitants of Lower Nubia were long ago given the designation "X-Group"; it was suggested at the time that they might represent a fresh migration of African tribesmen from the southern or western Sudan. We know now that the "X-Group" people were merely the descendants of the Meroitic people after the dissolution of their empire, and it therefore seems undesirable to continue the use of the ambiguous and misleading term "X-Group", with its connotations of racial or ethnic separateness. The names "Ballana Culture" and "Ballana monarchy" have been proposed as appropriate substitutes, commemorating the site where the largest of the royal tombs were located. The Balana rulers evidently dispensed with most of the trappings of the Kushite state, such as temples, royal proclamations, and glyptic art. I n their tomba however we find some continuation of Kushite traditions, most notably in their crowns, their lavish mortuary furniture, and the inclusion of human sacrifices. In this latter respect, and in some others, there are striking parallels to the royal Kerma tombs of 2000 years earlier. The Ballana monarchs revived the use of the domed earth tumulus, bed burial, and the inclusion of large numbers of sacrificed retainers in their tombs. The Ballana rulers evidently retained the close commercial ties with Roman/Byzantine Egypt which had been established in Meroitic times, and the tombs of commoners as well as of rulers yield an abundance of imported goods. Even the domestic manufactures, and particularly the pottery, of the Ballana period show very strongly the influence of Roman canons, and a final break with the pharaonic traditions which had persisted through the Meroitic period. Nevertheless the worship of Isis evidently continued to be an important feature of Nubian religion, and attempts by the Roman authorities to close the main Temple of Isis at Philae, after the official Christianization of Egypt, led to periodic conflicts with the Nubians. Eventually a treaty was signed by the Roman prefect under which the Temple of Isis remained open to the Nubians in defiance of the Edict of Theodosius (395 A.D.) which had decreed the final closing of all pagan temples on Roman soil. Because of the lack of surviving inscriptions, we are uncertain as to the territorial limits of the Ballana

10 monarchy. The Roman frontier had been withdrawn from Maharraqa to Philae at the end of the third century A.D., and presumably the Nubians took immediate possession of the relinquished territory. Remains of the Ballana Culture (identified by its distinctive pottery and grave types) have been found from Aswan in the north to the Island of Sai in the south, and it may be that the more powerful Ballana monarchs ruled over the whole of this territory. However, there were probably local feudatories who were ready to assert their independence when they could. At times, too, considerable parts of Lower Nubia were overrun by "Blemmye" (Beja) tribesmen from the Red Sea Hills, as we know from Roman administrative records. The Ballana rulers were periodically at war with these invaders, though sometimes also making common cause with them in attacks upon Egypt. The final triumph of the riverain dwellers, and the expulsion of the Blemmyes, is recorded in the Greek inscription of a certain King Silko, which is the main surviving textual record of the Ballana period. It is thought to date from the early sixth century. Though their royal tombs are very conspicuous, we still do not know where the Ballana monarchs resided. Qasr Ibrim and Gebel Adda, the two main administrative centers of the north in Meroitic times, evidently retained their importance after the collapse of the Kushite empire, and it seems reasonable to assume that the royal residence was at one or the other of these places. However, nothing identifiable as a palace of the post-Meroitic period has been found at either site. The "dark age" which is marked by the Ballana period, and by the Noba invasion of the central Sudan, came to an end with the introduction of Christianity in the middle of the sixth century. The circumstances of Nubia's conversion to the new faith have been recorded by a number of ecclesiastical historians, and thereafter we have at least intermittent historical records until the end of the Middle Ages. Christianity brought also a revival of literacy on the part of the Nubians themselves. At first Greek was primarily used in written communications, but before long the native language (Old Nubian) was also being written in a modified version of the Greek alphabet. Coptic and Arabic were used in correspondence by and with Egyptian officials. The volume of textual material in these various languages, coupled with a rich and varied archaeological record, gives us a much fuller and more rounded picture of life in medieval Nubia than in any earlier period. At the time of Christianization there were, according to contemporary historians, three Nubian kingdoms. The most northerly was called Nobatia, and extended from Philae to a point somewhere near the Third Cataract; it was almost surely the continuation of the Ballana kingdom. The middle kingdom was called Makouria, and extended from the Third Cataract to a point somewhere near the mouth of the Atbara. Its capital was at Dongola, a city of which we

A. The Sudan

have no record in any earlier period. The most southerly kingdom was called Alodia or Aiwa, and extended from the southern frontier of Makouria at least as far upstream as the confluence of the Blue and White Niles, where its capital city of Soba was located. According to tradition the evangelization of Nubia took place between 542 and 580 A.D. The effort to convert the Nubians was apparently stimulated by the rivalry between Monophysites and Dyophysites which at that time divided and inflamed the Byzantine world; each faction sought to strengthen its own position by enlisting the support of the Nubian monarchs. Through a series of diplomatic and political maneuverings the rulers of Nobatia and of Alodia were converted to the Monophysite persuasion, while the intervening Makourian kingdom, which was apparently on bad terms with both its neighbors, adopted the Dyophysite faith. This discrepancy was later removed when all of the Nubian churches became affiliated with, and subject to, the Coptic (monophysite) patriarchy of Alexandria. The Christianization of the Nubian people seems to have followed immediately upon the conversion of their rulers. Since the downfall of the Kushite empire there had been no established religion in the country, and the people were evidently ripe for a new orthodoxy. Archaeological evidence suggests in fact that Christian folk beliefs were already widely prevalent before the first official missionaries arrived. The Christianization of Nubia was followed within less than a century by the Arab invasion and conquest of Egypt (640-64 A.D.). The conquerors immediately turned their attention to Nubia, but were rebuffed in an initial assault on Dongola — probably the only defeat suffered by an Arab army during the first century of Islamic expansion. A more determined invasion ten years later resulted in a drawn battle, at the conclusion of which the Arabs and Nubians negotiated a treaty of non-aggression which is known to history as the Baqt. Under its terms the political and religious freedom of Nubia were assured in return for an annual payment of 400 slaves to the Governor of Aswan. According to some accounts the Nubians were to receive equivalent value in the form of Egyptian manufactured goods, including textiles and wine. The Baqt treaty was at all events unique in the annals of Islam: the only instance in which the existence of a non-Islamic state was formally guaranteed. The treaty largely determined the course of Nubia's external relations for the next 600 years. Protected by treaty from external threats, and at the same time bound to close economic ties with Egypt, Nubia in the Middle Ages prospered as it had in the Meroitic period. Local arts and industries flourished, and luxury goods were once again imported in abundance from Aswan. The Nubians evidently took enthusiastically to their new religion, for churches were built in every town and hamlet, and quite large and elaborate cathedrals arose in places like Qasr Ibrim, Faras, and Dongola. The

A.2 Outlino History of Nubia find tho Sudan surviving art and literature of this period are overwhelmingly religious in tone. Preoccupation with religion has left us surprisingly ignorant of many details of secular history in medieval Nubia. We have no surviving royal inscriptions, palaces, or tombs comparable to those of the Kushite period, and a great deal of our secular knowledge actually comes from Arab travellers and scholars rather than from internal sources. Outstanding in this regard is the account written by Ibn Selim el Aswani, who undertook a diplomatic mission to Dongola at the end of the 10th century. His original work is lost, but long passages arc preserved in Maqrizi's 15th century geography, al-Iihitat. B y the end of the eighth century it appears that the two northern Nubian kingdoms of Nobatia and Makouria had already merged into one, whose capital was at Dongola. Although Makouria thus became politically predominant, at the same time the Monophysite faith of Nobatia became general throughout the united kingdom. After the merger Nobatia remained in some respects a separate administrative province, and was under the supervision of an appointed viceroy called the Eparch. His principal residence seems to have been at Qasr Ibrim, at least in the later medieval period. On the other hand the most important religious center of Lower Nubia was quite evidently at Faras (just above the present SudaneseEgyptian frontier), whose bishops for a time claimed the title of "metropolitan bishops" of Nubia. According to Ibn Selim Lower Nubia was open to free travel and settlement by the Moslem Egyptians, and commerce between the two peoples flourished. Qasr Ibrim was clearly the principal entrepot in this trade. On the other hand no Moslem was allowed to pass beyond the Second Cataract, and all commerce upstream from this point was a monopoly of the Nubian king. As a result no money was in circulation in the southern districts of Makouria. The country was nevertheless peaceful and prosperous according to the account of Ibn Selim. Ibn Selim describes the southern kingdom of Aiwa as being more powerful and more extensive than Makouria; the capital, he says, was adorned with 400 churches and monasteries. The credibility of this statement is uncertain, for it is not clear that Ibn Selim visited Aiwa in person. Certainly the surviving archaeological remains in the territory of Aiwa are not very prepossessing, though it must be admitted that little actual excavation has been carried out in this area. In the late Middle Ages the prosperity and security of the Christian Nubian kingdoms were destroyed through a combination of dynastic quarrels and Mameluke political intervention. At the same time large numbers of nomad Arabs, forced out of Egypt by the harsh policy of the Mamelukes, emigrated to the Sudan, where they came to form a dissident and unruly element within the territories of Makouria and Aiwa. Their coming also represents the first significant penetration of Islam into the Sudan. In 1323 the

11 Arabs, abetted by a Mameluke army, succeeded in placing a Moslem claimant upon the throne of Makouria, thus terminating more than 700 years of Christian rule. Within a century the kingdom itself had ceased to exist, its territories being overrun and divided among a number of different nomad tribes. A similar fate undoubtedly befell the kingdom of Aiwa, though we know very little about its later history. According to the oral tradition of the Funj, the capital of Aiwa was finally overthrown by a confederation of nomad tribes toward the close of the 15th century. After the overthrow of the Christian kingdoms there was for a time no centralized government in the Sudan; the whole country was divided among petty warring principalities. Out of these chaotic conditions new power combinations gradually began to emerge. An Arab tribe called the Abdallab, headquartered in the vicinity of the Sixth Cataract, established a loose hegemony over the Nile Valley as far north as the Third Cataract. Meanwhile farther to the south there emerged a new and powerful sultanate at Sennar, ruled over by the black Funj Sultans whose origins are still a mystery. The main Funj domain was in the Gezira, between the Blue and White Niles, but early in the 16th century the Funj rulers also subjugated the Abdallab, and as a result became nominal masters of the Nile Valley from the Abyssinian border to the Third Cataract. Thereafter the chiefs of the Abdallab became viceroys of the Funj, in charge of the government of the northern riverain districts. The black Sultans meanwhile consolidated their control of the Gezira region, and later also expanded their empire westward into Kordofan. During the same period the Ottoman Empire, which had annexed Egypt in 1517, extended its control up the Nile as far as the Third Cataract, which became the frontier between the Ottoman and Funj dominions. Ottoman sovereignty was maintained by hereditary local officials (kashefs) and by military garrisons at Qasr Ibrim and Sai Island. The Funj sultans, though probably of pagan origin, were soon converted to Islam, and thereafter they actively encouraged the propagation of the Islamic faith in their domains. As a result a considerable number of Moslem teachers and mystics immigrated to the central Sudan, where they established schools of religious instruction. In the 17th century there were said to be seventeen religious schools on the White Nile alone, and there were others at Dongola and elsewhere in the north. I t was through the efforts of these early missionaries that Islam gradually supplanted Christianity as the dominant faith of the northern Sudan, though there were apparently surviving pockets of Christianity as late as the 18th century. B y this time, however, an organized church had long since ceased to exist, and the numerous cathedrals and monasteries of the Middle Ages had fallen into ruin. The empire of the Funj in the northern Sudan was relatively short-lived. The warlike Shaiqiya tribe of the Middle Nile region broke free of their control in

.12

A. The Sudan

the late 17tli century, and thereafter their predatory activities prevented the formation of any stable government in the northern Sudan. I n the 18th century the Ja'aliyin and Abdallab tribes also revolted, and the Funj were left in control only of the Cezira and of southern Kordofan. By 1800 the northern Sudan was once again divided among at least a dozen independent principalities. The end of the Medieval era both in Egypt and in the Sudan was signalized by the rise to power of the despot Mohammed Ali at the beginning of the 19th century. Appointed Pasha of Egypt in 1806, he soon killed off or expelled the Mameluke warlords who had dominated the country for over four hundred years. The fact that a few Mamelukes had cscapcd to the Sudan, and had established themselves at Dongola el-Urdi (New Dongola), furnished the Pasha with a pretext for a full-scale invasion of the Sudan in 1820. The Egyptian army, equipped with modern weapons and ably commanded by the son of Mohammed Ali, succeeded in a matter of months in reducing the whole of the northern Sudan to submission. The Mamelukes were expelled from Dongola, the Shaiqiya were destroyed in two easy battles, and thereafter the remaining riverain warlords as well as the last F u n j Sultan submitted without further resistance. A few months later, however, the harsh exactions of the new colonial masters provoked a general uprising in the northern Sudan, which was only put down after heavy bloodshed. With it died the last remaining vestiges of the Medieval age in the Sudan. The new colonial regime swept away the old warrior aristocracy and the tribal system, and implanted in their place a strongly centralized bureaucratic government which set the stage for the development of a modern nationstate.

A .2.2

Eastern Sudan: The Red Sea Hills and Littoral

The arid steppeland between the Nile and the Red Sea has afforded no opportunity for the development of sedentary, agricultural civilization comparable to t h a t of the Nile Valley. However, we have evidence to suggest t h a t this region since earliest times has been inhabited by nomadic pastoralists of the Kushitic (Hamitic) linguistic stock, the ancestors of today's Beja tribes. These peoples until modern times have never attained to literacy or to the higher arts of civilization, nor have they left us any conspicuous archaeological remains. If we have nevertheless some knowledge of their history, it is because they have been regular visitors to the Nile Valley — sometimes as peaceful settlers and sometimes as raiders — and so have come to the notice of historians in the settled regions. I t is probably the earliest ancestors of the Beja who are designated as "Medjay" in Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, beginning in the Middle Kingdom (c. 2000 B.C.). We hear of them as occasional raiders

upon Nubia and Upper Egypt, and one of the fortresses built by the Middle Kingdom Pharaohs at th e Second Cataract was called "Repelling the M e d j a y " . I t appears also t h a t individual Medjay could serve as mercenary soldiers in the Egyptian army, and it may have been they who made the non-Egyptian "pan graves" which arc sometimes found in Egyptian cemeteries. During the New Kingdom (after 1580 B.C.) the Beja peoples assumed a new importance when the Egyptians began mining gold in the Wadi Allaqi and the Wadi Gabgaba, which lay within Beja territory on the fringes of northern Nubia. To obtain this gold it was always necessary for the Pharaohs — and for the Ptolemies and Romans after them — to keep the Beja tribes in submission, either by military force or by buying their neutrality. During the classical period the Beja peoples came into contact with a number of different imperial powers. The Ptolemies established trading ports along the Red Sea coast in Beja territory, though we know nothing about the relations between the merchant colonists and the natives. Further inland, there is evidence t h a t some of the southern Beja tribes were allies of, and possibly tributary to, Meroe. Somewhat later we hear of them as enemies of the Abyssinian empire of Axum. Meanwhile the more northerly Beja tribes, who appear in history under the name "Blemmyes", were a continual thorn in the side of Nubians, Romans, and Egyptians alike. From the third to the sixth century A.D. they repeatedly plundered Aswan and the neighboring districts, and many of them settled there as permanent residents. After the breakup of Meroitic power the Blemmyes occupied a considerable part of Lower Nubia, from which they were only expelled after a major campaign by the Ballana King Silko, whose text has already been mentioned. A new era in Beja history began with the Arab conquest of Egypt in 640-64. The invaders were sustained chiefly by bedouin armies, who later settled down on the fringes of the Nile Valley and who for about two centuries constituted the principal garrison forces in Egypt. As later Egyptian governments adopted an increasingly anti-bedouin policy, however, the nomads were gradually pushed out of the settled districts and into the desert oases, the Red Sea Hills, and the Sudan. Here they infiltrated and intermarried with the indigenous tribes, with the result that Arabs soon became the dominant aristocracy among many Beja groups. I t was through this process of amalgamation t h a t the Beja were converted to the Islamic faith, and in some cases also to Arabic speech. For the Arabs and Beja alike, amalgamation led to new tribal groupings and new power alignments. A particularly important "hybrid" group were the Beni Kanz, formed by a combination of Ababda Beja and Rabi'a Arabs. From around 1000 to 1500 A.D. they held the southernmost districts of Egypt in virtual bondage, and their chiefs were often acknowledged as governors of Aswan. Their power and wealth

13

A.2 Outline History of Nubia and the Sudan derived in considerable part from their control of traffic between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea port of Aidhab, which was a main entrepot in the India trade as well as on t h e pilgrimage route to Mecca. Some Beni K a n z in time settled down in the Nile Valley and intermarried with t h e Nubians; it was t h e y who played a major role in establishing a Moslem claimant on the throne of Makouria in 1323. As a result of t h e large scale Arab migrations of t h e late Middle Ages, it was t h e y rather t h a n t h e Beja who came to form t h e dominant pastoral element in t h e Sudan, a n d t h e main enemies of t h e settled riverain peoples. The Arabs, far more mobile t h a n their predecessors, did not remain confined to the R e d Sea Hills a n d littoral, but spread southward and westward over t h e whole of t h e central Sudan. At t h e same time some Beja tribes like t h e Ababda became Arabized, and others became politically t r i b u t a r y to t h e Abdallab and t h e F u n j . The Beja nevertheless remained in control of much of their original habitat, and continued to raid their neighbors when and as t h e y could. The Hadendowa tribe remained especially powerful down to modern times, and furnished i m p o r t a n t support t o the uprising of t h e Mahdi Mohammed Ahmed. Ottoman sovereignty was established on t h e R e d Sea in t h e middle of t h e 16th century, and was maintained through t h e garrison ports of Suakin and Massawa. However, t h e Ottomans never succeeded in establishing any effective control over t h e hinterland and its Beja inhabitants.

A.2.3

Western Sudan

I n ancient times the steppeland west of the Nile was apparently also t h e home of nomadic pastoralists — not Beja but, it seems, linguistic relatives of the Nubians (i.e. speakers of Eastern Sudanic languages). There are still a few surviving pockets of "Hill N u b i a n " speech in Kordofan, though t h e greater part of t h e indigenous population has been assimilated into Arab tribes in t h e recent past. Kordofan and Darfur are often regarded as t h e ancestral homeland from which came t h e Nubian speaking peoples — Noba and Nobatae — who overran t h e territories of Meroe after the collapse of t h e Kushite empire. Apart from inferences based on linguistics, we know almost nothing about the early history of t h e Western Sudan. There have been hints of connections between D a r f u r and t h e Nile in Christian times, and even in Meroitic times, b u t t h e evidence for t h e m is extremely tenuous. So far as we are able to determine, t h e ethnic and cultural affinities of Darfur have always been with t h e west — Wadai and t h e Chad Basin — rather t h a n with t h e Nile, and it was from this direction t h a t civilization gradually spread into t h e region. During t h e late Middle Ages we can observe t h e gradual eastward spread of Islamic sultanates across the sub-Saharan Sudanic belt: Ghana, Mali and

Songhai in t h e Niger drainage, K a n e m a n d Bornu in t h e Chad Basin, and finally Darfur in t h e Jebel Marra massif. There is some evidence t h a t D a r f u r was part of the domains of Bornu when the latter empire was at its height in t h e 16th century. After t h e decline of Bornu an independent Darfur sultanate was established, which persisted in one form or another until 1916. Until t h e 19th century, t h e main cultural and political relations of the kingdom were always toward t h e west, and commerce with t h e Nile was unimportant. Darfur is dotted over with conspicuous and impressive ruins of red brick — t h e only such remains in t h e Sudan outside t h e Nile Valley. None of t h e m have been excavated systematically, and we know very little about their origin or purpose. Some are evidently sultans' palaces from t h e fairly recent past, b u t others are thought to be older. On t h e basis of t h e finding of painted pot-sherds of Christian Nubian type a t Ain Farah, it has been suggested t h a t this was a n outpost of medieval Christianity. I n fact, however, evidence of the westward spread of Christianity beyond the Nile is almost entirely lacking. So far as we now know, the Islamic civilization of the late Middle Ages was t h e first civilizing influence to reach t h e Western Sudan, a n d it owed nothing t o t h e earlier indigenous high cultures of t h e Nile Valley.

A.2.4

Southern Sudan

From ancient times until t h e middle of t h e 19th century, t h e great Sudd swamps of t h e upper W h i t e Nile have formed a n impenetrable barrier to exploration of the southern districts of t h e Sudan. So far as we know, none of t h e empires of antiquity attempted to establish hegemony over this region, though a R o m a n p a r t y in t h e time of Nero penetrated as far south as t h e Sudd on a mission of reconnaissance. Protected by its swamps from outside domination, t h e southern Sudan remained until modern times t h e homeland of relatively primitive tribal peoples of Eastern Sudanic stock. I t m a y have been from one such tribe t h a t t h e Black F u n j Sultans of Sennar arose. Modern peoples of t h e southern Sudan, like t h e Shilluk, show cultural affinities with ancient E g y p t and with the early Nubians of t h e C-Group and K e r m a in such matters as the institution of divine kingship and a heavy, almost excessive preoccupation with cattle. As a result a continuity of cultural tradition between ancient E g y p t and t h e modern southern Sudan has often been suggested. I n t h e absence of more direct historical evidence, however, we should not place too much confidence in such theories. I t would probably be more correct to say t h a t t h e cultures of ancient Egypt, of Kerma, and of t h e Shilluk all derive in part from a very ancient and widespread reservoir of tradition which is indigenous to northeast Africa.

A. The Sudan

14 A.2.5

Bibliography*

General History Adams, William Yewdale in press Nubia: Corridor to Africa, London, Allen Lane. Arkell, Anthony J o h n 1961 A History of the Sudan From the Earliest Times to 1821, 2nd revised ed., London, Athlone Press. Emery, Walter Bryan 1965 Egypt in Nubia, London, Hutchinson & Co, Ltd. Trigger, Bruce Graham 1965 History and Settlement in Lower Nubia, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 69, New Haven, Yale University Press. Prehistory Arkell, Anthony J o h n 1949.b Early Khartoum, London, Oxford Univ. Press. 1953 Shaheinab, London, Oxford Univ. Press. Wendorf, Fred, ed. 1968 The Prehistory of Nubia, 2 vols. Dallas, Ft. Burg win Research Center and Southern Methodist University Press. Tribal Period Arkell, Anthony J o h n 1961 A History of the Sudan, pp. 22-54. Emery, Walter Bryan 1965 Egypt in Nubia, pp. 123-171. Nordström, Hans-Äke 1972 Neolithic and A-Group Sites, The Scandinavian Joint Expedition to Sudanese Nubia, 3 : 1 , Stockholm, Scandinavian University Books, pp. 1—32. Reisner, George Andrew 1923.b "Excavations at Kerma" HAS 5 and 6, Cambridge, Mass., The African Department of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University. Pharaonic Periods and Activities Arkell, Anthony J o h n 1961 A History of the Sudan, pp. 55-109. Emery, Walter Bryan 1965 Egypt in Nubia, pp. 141-207 Porter, Bertha, & Moss, Rosalind L.B. 1952 Topographical Biblography of Ancient Egyptian, Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, vol. VII: Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside Egypt, Oxford, Oxford Univ. Press (re-issued Oxford, Griffith Institute, 19G2). Arranged accordingly to B.C. 10.

Säve-Söderbergh, Torgny .1941 Ägypten und Nubien, Lund, Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri. Trigger, Bruce Graham 1976 Nubia under the Pharaohs, London, Thames & Hudson Ltd. Kushite Empire Arkell, Anthony John 1961 A History of the Sudan, pp. 110-173. Emery, Walter Bryan 1965 Egypt in Nubia, pp. 208-231. Millet, Nicholas Byram 1968 Maroitic Nubia, Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University. Shinnie, Peter Lewis 1967 Meroe, New York, Praeger. Roman Nubia Monneret de Villard, Ugo 1941 La Nubia Romana, Roma, Institute per l'Oriente. Ballana Culture Arkell, Anthony John 1961 A History of the Sudan, pp. 174-185. Emery, Walter Bryan 1965 Egypt in Nubia, pp. 232-247. Kirwan, Laurence Patrick 1963 "The X-Group Enigma", in Edward Bacon, ed., Vanished Civilizations, London, Thames and Hudson, pp. 5 5 78. Christian Nubia Dinkier Erich, ed. 1970 Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in Christlicher Zeit, Recklinghausen, Aurel Bongers. Monneret de Villard, Ugo 1935 La Nubia Medioevale, vols. I - I I , Le Caire, Service des Antiquités de l'Egypte. 1938 Storia della Nubia Cristiana, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 118, Roma, Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum (reprint, Roma 1962). 1957 La Nubia Medioevale, vols. I I I - I V , Le Caire, Service des Antiquités de l'Egypte. Vantini, John 1970 The Excavations at Faros, a Contribution to the History of Christian Nubia, Museum Combonianum N. 24, Bologna, Editrice Nigrizia. Post-Christian Period Crawford, Osbert Guy Stanhope 1951 The Fung Kingdom of Sennar, With geographical Account of the Middle Nile Region, Gloucester, privately published.

A.2 Outline History of Nubia and the Sudan

15

OUTLINE CHART OF SUDANESE HISTORY

EGYPT

JL0WER|UPPER NUBIAl CENTRAL

Fig. 2

A. Tho Sudan

16 MacMichael, Harold Alfred 1922 A History of the Arabs in the Sudan and Some Account of the People who Preceeded Them and of the Tribes Inhabiting Darfur, 2 vols., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (reimpression London, F r a n k Cass 8c Co. Ltd., 1967). O'Fahey, R . S., & Spaulding, J . L. 1974 Kingdoms of the Sudan, Studies in African History, 9, London, Methuen & Co, Ltd., pp. 1 - 1 0 4 . Yusuf Fadl H a s a n 1967 The Arabs and the Sudan, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Early Traveller's Accounts Browne, William George 1799 Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria, from the Year 1792 to 1798, London, Longman and Rees, pp. 180-313. Bruce, J a m e s 1790 Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, in the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773, Edinburgh, J . Ruthven, vol. IV, pp. 408-601. Burckliardt, J o h a n n Ludwig 1819 Travels in Nubia, London, J o h n Murray. Norden, Frederick Lewis .1757 Travels in Egypt and Nubia, translated b y Dr. Peter Templeman, London, Loekyer Davis and Charles Reymers, vol. I I , pp. 97-167. Eastern Sudan Paul, Andrew 1954.b A History of the Beja Tribes of the Sudan, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (reimpression London, F r a n k Cass & Co. Ltd., 1971). Western Sudan Arkell, Anthony J o h n 1951 .a " T h e History of Darfur, 1200-1700 A.D." SNB 32, 1, p p . 37-70. 1951.b " T h e History of Darfur, 1200-1700 A.D." SNR 32, 2, pp. 207-238. 1952 " T h e History of Darfur, 1200-1700 A.D." SNB 33, 1, pp. 129-155. 1952.b " T h e History of Darfur, 1200-1700 A.D." SNB 33, 2, pp. 244-275. Balfour-Paul, H. G. 1955 History and Antiquities of Darfur, SASM.P 3, K h a r t o u m , Sudan Antiquities Service. O'Fahey, R . S., and Spaulding. J . L. 1974 Kingdoms of the Sudan, pp. 107-186.

A.3

HISTORY OF ANCIENT SUDAN STUDIES

The first registered object — No. 1 in the Archaeological Museum collection of the Sudan — is a "Small stone block with Coptic cross, presented by Capt. E.O.A. Newcombe in 1905". This object, together with a second block (S.N.M. No. 2) was found a t " K a r i m a " and has been catalogued in J . W. Crowfoot's handwriting. B u t interest in what is now t h e Sudan already had been evinced by a number of classical authors, among t h e m Strabo, Herodotus and Ptolemy. Their curiosity stemmed from a desire to learn about t h e source of t h e Nile and the country of the Ethiopians. Little more scientific interest is shown in the country until the 18th century with a re-awakening of interest in the natural world. Pater Theodoro K r u m p arrived from E g y p t at Selima Oasis on 31st December, 1700, en route for Abyssinia. As he passed through t h e Sudan he recorded various curious items. I n t h e 1770's, J a m e s Bruce passed through t h e Sudan and, with t h e publication of his observations, modern interest in t h e country was aroused. The next important account of the Sudan is t h a t of G.W. Browne in 1799, made after his stay in Darfur. The 19th century brought a steady succession of travellers into t h e area, m a n y of whom made notes and illustrations of ancient remains. Chief among these latter are Burckhardt in 1812; t h e n Cailliaud, Waddington and Hanbury, Linant de Bellefonds and Riippell, all between 1820 and 1825. A little later came Hoskins, and finally, t h e great Prussian recording expedition of Richard Lepsius in 1843 and 1844. Naturally, t h e stone from Karima was not t h e first object which was found a n d collected from a n archaeological site in t h e Sudan. The 19th century travellers a n d scholars surveyed and recorded t h e recently opened country and took with t h e m anything t h a t was of interest and was portable. The first major European collection of Sudan antiquities is t h a t made b y Lepsius which is now in t h e Staatliche Museen in Berlin. On t h e other hand, Sudan National Museum accession No. 1 represents t h e first in a series of continuous acquisitions which formed t h e nucleus of an Archaeological Museum in the Sudan. However, it seems t h a t t h e opening of a grave a t Abu Haraz, Berber Province, b y Capt. G. J . R y a n in 1902 yielded t h e first objects which were actually acquired by t h e Museum, b u t these were not catalogued until a much later date, under No. 363. Other objects obtained in the first years of our century were often fragments of stones inscribed in Meroitic, Greek and Arabic. The main places from which objects were t a k e n for t h e museum collection were t h e sites a t Soba, Meroe and different places in Dongola and Wadi Haifa Province where E . A. W. Budge and J . W. Crowfoot travelled and collected in 1904 and 1905. Also during t h e latter journey, a number of architectural blocks were taken t o Khartoum.

A.3 History of Ancient Sudan Studios I t was in 1903 t h a t J . W. Crowfoot arrived in Khartoum. He was at t h a t time Assistant Director of Education and became the first official who was entrusted with the care of the antiquities in the Sudan. This "part-time" job under the title of "Acting Conservator of Antiquities" continued for more than 20 years under him and his successors. One of Crowfoot's first duties was to draft an Antiquities Ordinance, and this came into effect in 1905. Specific investigation of ancient sites began soon after. I n 1906, the American, James Henry Breasted, visited a large number of sites in the Nile Valley as far south as Soba, collecting and photographing documentary and general information. His photograph collection, kept in the Oriental Institute in Chicago, is an increasingly valuable archive. Crowfoot himself made trial excavations at Basa in 1907 and produced the first excavation report for the Sudan. Early expeditions to conduct archaeological excavation (see fig. 3) in the Sudan included the University of Pennsylvania E. B. Coxe J r . expedition which, under the direction of D. R. Maclver and C. L. Wooley, excavated at Buhen from 1908 to 1910. G. S. Mileham, also working with the Coxe expedition, investigated churches at Faras, Buhen and Abd el Gadir. A team from Oxford University headed by F. LI. Griffith, first worked at Faras from 1910 and then moved to Sanam, Griffith's interest in the Sudan having largely been aroused by his work on the Meroitic language. Oxford excavations continued later until Kirwan's excavation within the temple area at Kawa in 1935/36. The University of Liverpool expedition under John Garstang excavated at the Meroitic capital of Meroe, in the Shendi district, between 1909 and 1914. A fourth major expedition in the Nile Valley was that of the Harvard University and Boston Museum of Fine Arts team, led by G. A. Reisner, whose interest in Nubia had begun in 1907/08 during a season in Egyptian Nubia. He began in 1913 at Kerma and, between his regular seasons at Giza, worked at Jebel Barkal, and on the pyramids of Nuri, El Kurru, and Meroe and then on the Pharaonic Egyptian fortresses in the Second Cataract area until 1932. Oric Bates excavated for a single season, 1915/16, at Gemai, also in conjunction with the Harvard/Boston expedition. Two other major field expeditions were those mounted by the Egyptian Exploration Society at AmaraWest and Sesebi, under W. A. Fairman from 1936 and after the W a r ; and that to the Jebel Moya area under the patronage of Sir Henry Wellcome. Unfortunately, much of this early work is not at all or only inadequately published. In 1939 the Sudan Government established the post of Commissioner for Archaeology and Anthropology in order that a central office could deal with the expanding research in Sudan archaeology and ethnology. The first man chosen to fill this position was A. J . Arkell. Despite wartime conditions, Arkell's energy and interest produced a new breadth of knowledge in the Sudan which ranged in time from Palaeolithic to the 19th century and geographically

17 from Darfur to the Red Sea Hills and from Nubia to the far south. Major early culture phases in the Khartoum area were first discovered by Arkell in the 1940's at the Khartoum Hospital Site, Khor Abu Anga, Shahcinab and at a series of other smaller sites. The practice of appointing official government guards for the major ancient sites was another import a n t aspect of safeguarding the cultural heritage of the Sudan. His successors, P. L. Shinnie, J . Vercoutter, Thabit H. Thabit and Nigm ed Din M. Sherif, have all continued and expanded the scope and direction of his academic approach and practical application which are the foundations of the Sudan Antiquities Service. Another step in the line of deepening and expanding the duties and responsibilities of the Service was the passing of the revised and enlarged Antiquities Ordinance No. 2, published in the Legislative Supplement to Sudan Government Gazette No. 840, dated 15th March, 1952. The most recent phase in the development of ancient Sudan studies has been the Nubian Campaign, launched in 1960. This campaign focussed the attention of the world on the endangered archaeological sites in the northern Sudan and brought into the area many scholars with widely varying interests. Their confrontation with the specific problems of, for them, a new field, has led to a new series of questions and approaches to the archaeology of the Sudan as a whole. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan is a direct result of this new atmosphere. The supreme importance of having a place where objects recovered from excavations and found by travellers could be safely stored and displayed was recognized early in the century. From very humble beginnings in 1921, in a borrowed classroom at Gordon College, with a few showcases, the collections grew. I n 1947 the Antiquities Service and the collection were centralized in an older government building on the river front in Khartoum. After the death of Sir W. M. F. Petrie in Jerusalem, Lady Petrie thoughtfully gave his library to the Antiquities Service in 1946. The functioning of the Sudan Antiquities Service was for many years the result of the work of a single person, the Commissioner, and its high degree of success is the direct result of his effort and thought. One great measure of this success is the continuing growth and expansion of the Service to the point where to-day it is a fully-fledged, busy government department, with a chain of command to a number of officials who are variously responsible for the museum collection, the conservation laboratories, the inspection of and reporting on sites and activities connected with the sites, the maintenance of the archival material and the maintenance of buildings and structural monuments. On 19th November, 1959, the foundation stone for new premises for the Archaeological Museum was laid near the confluence of the Blue and White Nile at Khartoum. Nearly 12 years later, in May, 1971, an

A. Tho Sudan

THE PRINCIPAL EXCAVATION SITES IN THE SUDAN

Fig. 3

A. 3 History of Ancient Sudan Studies expanded department and t h e new museum were opened, being specifically designed for t h e need of t h e Service. Here are brought together all t h e offices, library and laboratories, and t h e exhibited and reserve collections, now over 24,000 registered accession numbers. I n addition to more posts for t h e staff of t h e museum a chief conservator and an architect were also included in t h e growing budgets of t h e 1960's. The architect, a position, held b y t h e author, was responsible for the building activities on the new museum, t h e removal of ancient monuments from Nubia and their re-erection in the open-air museum, t h e garden setting of which had t o be designed for this purpose. About 1915, Reisner prepared a small museum a t Merowe, a t t h a t time t h e capital of t h e Northern Province, for t h e purpose of displaying and protecting finds from his excavation a t Jebel Barkal and N u n , two i m p o r t a n t sites in t h e vicinity. Other such small museums and exhibitions have been set u p from time to time a t Wadi Haifa* and El Obeid, a t * The collection was removed from Wadi Haifa Museum to Khartoum in 1964.

19 Dongola, at Port Sudan, a t Suakin, and a t Wadi Seidna. These are — when still in function — all under t h e care of t h e Antiquities Service, as are t h e Khalifa's House Museum of Mahdia relics and t h e large collection of ethnographic material from all over t h e Sudan, which is housed in a separate Ethnographical Museum in K h a r t o u m and in part of the Merowe and El Obeid museums. I n 1949 the Sudan Antiquities Service begun t o issue its own publications with t h e series of Occasional Papers (SASOP). This was soon followed by the first small Museum Pamphlets ( S A S M P ) of which some — in t h e course of y e a r s - h a d been translated into Arabic a n d more recently written and published directly in Arabic. Numerous scientific articles on t h e history, archaeology, and ancient languages of t h e Sudan have been published since 1918 in t h e series of Sudan Notes and Records (SNR). W i t h t h e growth of interest in Ancient Sudan and Africa Studies t h e need for a specific annual journal became apparent. Since 1953 Kush, the annual journal of t h e Sudan Antiquities Service fills this demand and has t a k e n u p a recognized place in t h e archaeological publications of Africa.

B.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAP OF THE SUDAN

B.L

PURPOSE, PRINCIPLES, AND LIMITS

The Archaeological Map of the Sudan is being assembled for a variety of reasons, chief among them being the following: To bring together in one place and to make available to scholars and other interested people information regarding all Sudanese archaeological sites. The information will include the location, a brief description of the site, illustrations, published references to each site; and references to unpublished material contained in archives and collections, particularly those in the Sudan Antiquities Service. To collect, provide and prepare the available material with a view to establishing a Documentation Centre of the Sudan Antiquities Service. A specific skeleton format will therefore be followed for all entries of sites and their description in the catalogue. The numbering system guarantees that no confusion between sites can occur. The system permits the organisation and registration of each site with references to publications, reports, correspondence, objects, detail maps, drawings, photographs, etc., all under one site number. The indexing follows the system already established in Nubia which is based on the series of maps published by the Sudan Government Survey Department on a scale of 1 : 250,000. To encourage scholars to take a more active interest in the field of Sudanese archaeology by pointing out the lacunae in our knowledge. Following the Nubian Campaign, the northernmost 175 km. along the Nile Valley is known to contain over 1,500 archaeological sites; while over the rest of the Sudan, an area of about 2.5 million sq.km., there are probably only about another 8,000 known sites. This imbalance cannot be a true picture of the ancient cultural distribution in the Sudan. To create an interest on the part of the Sudanese population in the fields of history and archaeology, cultural tradition and development, by bringing together the sum of our archaeological knowledge. This would encourage the visiting of local major sites, the reporting of local sites to the Antiquities Service, and facilitate education in these subject areas. Modern political boundaries have little, if anything, to do with ancient history in Africa. Cultural growth, population movements and interacting influences are governed more by environmental than by political factors. The publication of the Archaeological Map of the Sudan will encourage scholars in neighbouring countries to amass similar information for a wider study of African history and development. The final goal of the Archaeological Map of the •

Sudan will be to establish a complete distribution map for each known culture of the ancient Sudan. Within the scope of this work, preliminary maps of cultural distribution will be published, and it is hoped that with the growth of professional and public interest these will soon have to be revised and enlarged. The area covered by the Archaeological Map of the Sudan includes all the area within the political and administrative boundaries of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. Where a unit map also includes part of a neighbouring country, such information as is available concerning these archaeological remains has also been included. There are several hundred objects in the Sudan National Museum collections which have come from sites outside the country. Where pertinent, the sites from which these objects have come will also be included in the A.M.S. References have also brought to light a number of sites which are not strictly within the purview of the A.M.S. They are outside the Unit Maps. In the fascicle to which such sites are geographically connected, they will be mentioned and listed, but not fully described, and normally basic references will be given. Eventually, A.M.S. will contain information about every object in the Sudan collections. Information will also be presented about objects from Sudanese sites which are in collections outside the Sudan. The author recognizes the importance of giving complete documentation, but would point out the practical limitations imposed by the accuracy of sources, by the availability of material and the existence of unknown documentation. The bulk of the archival material was collected before 31st December, 1972. However, when further collection has been possible, a statement will be made in the Preface of each fascicle. A statement will also be made in the same place concerning the closing date for the assembling of published information. B.2

STRUCTURE

The foundation of the structure of the A.M.S. is the Unit Map (see fig. 4). These maps are ordered on the basis of the numbering system of the International Map of the World, 1:1,000,000 series. This automatically imposes a primary geographical structure on the concept, which facilitates its use. The rigidity needed for indexing is coupled with the flexibility necessary for expansion. A geographical ordering has been preferred because it guarantees the most objective approach to the organizing of the data.

B.2 Structure

22 B.2.1

B. The Archaeological Map of fcho Sudan Structure of Unit

Maps

The Unit Map is the smallest element of the A.M.S. structure. "Unit Map" for the A.M.S., means both a single sheet of the Sudan series 1 : 250,000 maps and all the accompanying catalogue and references to archaeological matters within the area of a map sheet. The following synopsis is t h a t followed for the assembling of each Unit Map: E.l E.l.l

E.2 E.2.1

E.3 E.3.1

E.3.2

Introduction to the Unit Map. General description of the area, including topography, climate, local population, communication routes, travellers. Archaeology of the Unit Map. Notes on archaeology in the area, including a history of investigation, a general picture of the ancient remains and a brief evaluation. Notes on sites outside the Sudan border (if any). Catalogue of sites on the Unit Map. Catalogue of sites—including the co-ordinates, site number, the name, variant spellings of the name and other names, including ancient ones, of the site, a description of the site and its location according to the sources. Tbp lenght of a site description does not indicate the importance of the site. I t depends only on the material available in the references. There are three degrees of exactness of location of a site: 1. where the co-ordinates are known, 2. where the co-ordinates are approximately known, 3. where the co-ordinates are not known but the site can be located within a 3' grid square. This has no effect on the site number, and any difficulties of location will be discussed within the site description (see also B.5.3 and A in this Guide). Reference will first be made to S.A.S. and S.N.M. material, then in chronological order to published and other unpublished sources, and finally to maps. Catalogue of unlocated sites — as much information as possible is given about sites which cannot be located in any specific 3' grid square, but which are believed to be within a 15' square or, at least, within the Unit Map. A site which is believed to be within a 3' grid square, but for which definite co-ordinates are lacking, is designated with a full site number, provisionally, which is set in square brackets, e.g., "[NE-35-N/24-E-11]". A site locatable within only a 15' square is designated, e.g., "NE-35-N/18 (1)"; a site known only to be within a map area is designated, e.g., "NE-35-N/(l)" (see also B.5.4 in this Guide).

E.3.3

E.4 E.4.1 E.4.2 E.4.3 E.4.4 E.5

B.2.2

Catalogue of sites outside the Sudan border (if any). Similar locational and descriptive elements are used as for E.3.1 and E.3.2. Indices for the Unit Map. Index of site names. Index of unlocated sites. Index of objects in S.N.M. collection. Index of sites outside the Sudan border (if any). Map, which is drawn at 1:250,000, with simplified features and locating all fully numbered sites, then reduced to 1 : 500,000 for publication.

Structure of Fascicles

The Sudan can easily be divided into a series of areas, each of which is markedly different from the others. I n general, each area is the subject of a single fascicle, except where an area has had to be divided because of the bulk of material in it. The structure of each fascicle is built up along similar lines to the Unit Map: Preface List of sites — abbreviated catalogue of sites of tlio fascicle, consisting of the name, number, and typo of each site, and including variant spellings. D.l Introduction to the fascicle. D.l.l A general description of the whole area, its topography, communication routes, population, climate and any other pertinent observations or remarks. D.1.2 History of exploration of the area. A short account and survey in chronological order about travellers and events which are connected with the exploration of the area. D.l.3 Abbreviations and signs used in the t e x t of the fascicle. D.l.4 Abbreviations and signs used on the maps. D.l.5 Glossary of non-English terms — these are mostly Arabic topographical terms. The meaning and spellings are derived mainly from the Sudan 1:250,000 maps and the Index Gazetteer. D.2 Archaeology. D.2.1 Notes on the archaeology of the area of the fascicle, including a general history and evaluation of work in the area, and giving a general survey of ancient remains. There will also be an opportunity to discuss archaeological remains in adjacent areas. D.2.2 Compiler's notes on the archaeology of the area. D.2.3 List of sites encountered in the sources which are outside the Sudan and from which there are no S.N.M. accessions. D.3 Catalogue of sites. D.3.1 Catalogue of unlocated objects and sites. Only sites which cannot be located on a specific Unit Map will be described here. Such

23

B . 3 Sources of I n f o r m a t i o n

D.3.2 D.4 D.4.1 D.4.2 D.4.3 D.4.4 D.5 D.5.1

D.5.2

D.5.3

D.6

B.2.3

sites will be designated as, e.g., "NE-35/(l)" (see also B.5.4 of this Guide). Catalogue of sites outside the Sudan from which the S.N.M. has accessioned objects. Indices for the entire fascicle. Index of located sites, in alphabetic order. Index of unlocated sites, in alphabetic order. Index of objects, including finder, excavation number, and date of finding. Index of sites outside the Sudan border (if any). References. Bibliography, containing all references, published and unpublished except archival material which pertain to the fascicle. Entries are made in alphabetical order. Arab authors are entered under their first name. Variant spellings of authors' names will be indexed. Where a reference could not be checked, it is marked with a plus-sign( + ) (see also B.5.10 of this Guide). List of maps. There is a separate listing of the maps used and consulted in the compilation of each fascicle. Many maps, of course, occur in the various works cited in the bibliography, but there are others which are published in atlases or individually. I t is c nly these latter which are the subject of this separate map list. List of serials, journals, periodicals and irregular series consulted in compiling the fascicle. Bibliographic data and the A.M.S. abbreviation of the title for each will be given. Map of the area of the fascicle. This is drawn at 1:1,000,000 with simplified features and shows the arrangement of the Unit Maps and major site areas. I t will be reduced to 1 : 2,000,000 for publication.

Synopsis of Fascicles and Structure of the Set

I t is expected t h a t the full publication of the A.M.S. will occupy 10 main fascicles. There will subsequently be a series of supplementary fascicles which will contain additional information on sites, indices and full bibliography. The first fascicle (Fascicle I) will include introductory and background information and will replace this guide with complete explanations of the functioning of the A.M.S. This Fascicle I will be prepared during the progress of work on those containing the Unit Maps and will appear as one of the last parts. Section C, which catalogues the sites and objects which cannot be located more exactly t h a n that they are within the Sudan, will be the final major section of this first fascicle. Fascicles II—X contain the Unit Maps (see fig. 6). They are organized as follows: 3

Hinkel, Guide

II. III.

IV.

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

The Area of the South Libyan Desert. Unit Maps NF-35-I to -P and NE-35-A t o -P. The Area of the Nile Valley North of the Third Cataract and Adjacent Nubian Desert. Unit Maps NF-36-D, -E, -G to -P. The Area of the Nile Valley between Berber and the Third Cataract and Adjacent Deserts. Unit Maps NE-36-A to -H. The Area of the Nile Valley between the Sixth Cataract and Berber and the Adjacent Bayuda and Butana Deserts. Unit Maps NE-36-I to -P. The Area of the Red Sea Coast and Northern Ethiopian Frontier. Unit Maps NF-37-E, -I, -M and NE-37-A, -E, -F, -I, -J, -M. The Area of Darfur and Western Kordofan. Unit Maps ND-34-D, -G, -H, -K, -L, -O, -P and ND-35-A to -P. The Area between North-east Kordofan and Kassala, Including the Confluence of the Two Niles. Unit Maps ND-36-A to -H and ND-37-A and -E. The Area from El Obeid Eastward to the Ethiopian Frontier. Unit Maps ND-36-I to -P and ND-37-I and -M. The Area of the Southern Sudan, South of the Twelfth Parallel. Unit Maps NC-34-D, -H, -L, - P ; NC-35-A to - P ; NC-36-A to -K, -M, -N, -O; NB-35-A to -D, - F to -H, - J to -L, - 0 , -P; NB-36-A to -C, -E to -P; and NA-36-A to -C.

The supplementary fascicles will bring up to date all the information about each Unit Map. On the other hand they will index information about a wide variety of subjects including various topographical features, different types of sites and archaeological features and cultures. Feature distribution maps will be included with these indices. Finally, the general indices will include objects both in the S.N.M. collection and elsewhere, and there will be a comprehensive bibliography.

• B.3

SOURCES OF INFORMATION

In the compilation of the A.M.S. three major sources of information have been utilized. They are unpublished archival material, published writings and, thirdly, a miscellany of private observations and oral reports. The Sudan Antiquities Service has, in its archives, a wealth of information concerning sites, finds, and other archaeological data, supplied by a wide variety of sources. During the inspection tours of provincial government officials, it has been the habit to report to the Antiquities Service any personal observations and local traditions which might be of archaeological

24 interest. Another major source for these files comes from reports submitted to other government departments, such as the Geological Survey, which have been transmitted t o t h e Antiquities Service. The second archival source is the series of dossiers, organized b y P . L. Shinnie, which contain collected information about individual sites. The register of Sudan National Museum object accessions is t h e third important source of information because t h e provenance of each object is given. This is often t h e only clue to the date, location and discoverer of a site. This material is contained in an index of sites, an index of object cards, accession ledgers and an abbreviated catalogue. The numbering system in t h e catalogue is a consecutive one, which began with No. 1 in 1905, t h a t "small stone block with Coptic cross" from Kareima. By 1923, a total of over 2,500 object cards h a d been accumulated from t h e early work on sites such as Buhen, Faras a n d Meroe. I n 1943, t h e accessions numbered nearly 4,700. B y 1953, t h e total of accessions was 11,700, and included t h e Wellcome material. With the Nubian Campaign, accession progressed at a faster r a t e and b y t h e end of 1972, there were 23,169 registration numbers. There is one large gap in this numbering sequence, created a t the beginning of 1960, when a dated numbering system was introduced and object No. 12,001 became No. 60/1/1. The system was continued for 4 years and was then discontinued because it let to confusion. The old, consecutive system was resumed in J a n u a r y , 1964, with number 13,162. The intruded numbers cannot be easily replaced b y consecutive numbers because the number of entries is 1,170, b u t t h e number of blanks in the consecutive system is only 1,162. Other unpublished sources are the manuscripts and diaries of travellers, principially of t h e 19th century and a number of excavators' notes and diaries. These latter are in Khartoum, t h e former mostly in England. A final source is a series of unpublished theses and reports b y University students. Published sources which have been utilized include maps of travellers and geographers, as well as current maps on various scales. Ancient and medieval geographers and writers have been consulted, as have the accounts of t h e travellers of t h e 18th and 19th centuries. W i t h the 20th century, and a broadening of interest in the Sudan, published sources become more specifically concerned with t h e country. Journals, such as Sudan Notes and Records and Kush, exist specifically for Sudan studies and papers in a wide number of other journals also deal with t h e Sudan. A large body of monographs has been written about both t h e Sudan in general and also detailed studies of particular topics. Among those subject areas of particular concern to t h e A.M.S. are archaeology, history, geography, geology and anthropology. The various approaches of academics, civil servants, journalists a n d other interested people have all been of value in this work. With this deepening specialization t h e Sudan has assumed an increasingly important

B. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan

role in wider-ranging studies of t h e African continent and beyond. This interaction with other areas is an important facet of Sudan studies and has a definite place in t h e A.M.S. The third category of information sources includes personal observations b y t h e author, oral reporting of observations made by tourists, local inhabitants, travellers a n d professional archaeologists. These observations were given b o t h to t h e author and to Antiquities Service officials. When such sources are used, there will be a clear indication in t h e t e x t .

B.4

METHOD OF REGISTRATION

The method of registering a site is most important because it is through this t h a t easy reference can be made. The first and most obvious way t h a t a site becomes registered is, of course, b y t h e local name of its location. Thus, the Pharaonic Egyptian and N a p a t a n religious centre on the cast bank of t h e Nile between the Third and Fourth Cataracts is known b y its modern name, Kawa, despite the fact t h a t it is known t h a t the ancient name was Oematen. Only very occasionally, as in t h e case of Buhen, is a modern site name t h e same as t h e ancient one. This system is, however, unsatisfactory because of a duplication of the name used. Kawa, to continue t h e example, is in Upper Nubia, more or less accross the river from Dongola. I t is also the name of a village and a site some 35 km. S S E of E d Dueim on t h e east bank of the White Nile in t h e Gezira. This difficulty grows out of all proportion when such local names as Diffinarti come into use. This is a Nubian word meaning "island of a r u i n " and within the small area of t h e B a t n el Hagar, south of Wadi Haifa, there are a t least four islands with this name — each having a standing ruin on it. Such a recording becomes cumbersome because it is t h e n necessary to add further words t o describe the geographical location sufficiently clearly to enable someone t o find t h e site and to prevent a confusion of descriptions. Names are, however, valuable for helping one to locate a site in the field. The use of co-ordinates for describing t h e location of a site has been extensive in the past and is indeed an excellent method under most circumstances. To record t h a t there is a site a t 16° 25' N, 33° 22' E (named El Musauwarat es Safra) is probably sufficient because this is a large isolated site which would be unmistakable once t h e co-ordinates were located on the ground. However, t h e accuracy of a pair of minute co-ordinates in those latitudes is only t o within about 330 hectares. If t h e published maps were of sufficient scale to enable t h e accuracy of seconds to be included in t h e system, t h e value of co-ordinates would be enormously increased, for a site could t h e n be located to within 30 m. or so. Such a n accuracy becomes essential for the locating of a small site like a denuded Neolithic camp site. I t is important to bear in mind t h a t the use of

25

B.4 Method of Registration

MAP ILLUSTRATING THE NUMBERING SYSTEM OF 1:1,000,000 MAPS OF 18°

12°

6°W.



6°E

12°

18°

N E - 3 5 - U N E W NUMBER -—j— FORMER NUMBER Fig. 5

3*

24°

AFRICA 300

36°

42°

48°

26 co-ordinates in the A.M.S. is based upon the Sudan 1:250,000 maps. The accuracy of such co-ordinates will naturally depend upon the accuracy of the maps (see also B.5.6). The co-ordinates of very few sites have been independently surveyed. When a landmark is used to locate a nearby site, usually the co-ordinates of the landmark will be given and there will be an accompanying statement. The Nubian Salvage Campaign has brought to light a new difficulty with the simple use of either names or co-ordinates, or even a combination of both, when reference to a particular site is necessary. This is that when the ground is closely inspected, a large number of sites is often discovered. The ancient Egyptian fortress Sekhemkha'kaure , is known to-day as the fortress of Semna. Its co-ordinates are approx. 21° 30' N, 30° 58' E. Within the approximately 330 hectares surrounding the site in question, all of which could accurately be described as " a t Semna", there are some 34 sites, not all of which are related to one another in any respect, but three of which are ancient Egyptian fortresses! Finally, to circumvent these various problems, it was proposed by W.Y. Adams (Kush 9, pp. 7-8), t h a t a grid system be introduced, initially for the purposes of indexing sites discovered during the Nubian campaign, but "A deliberate effort was made to develop systems which would later be applicable to all parts of the country" (Kush 9, p. 7). The Sudan Antiquities Service has adopted the system and it is the one employed exclusively throughout the Archaeological Map of the Sudan. I t does not give any more accurate a geographical position than either the use of names or co-ordinates and cannot be used without an accurate topographical description, but it is unambiguous. Prior to the 1960's the 1 :1,000,000 series of maps of the Sudan were numbered within a system established for only the African continent, which was a simple numerical series beginning in the north and ordered in rows from west to east. Each map number covered an area of 4° of latitude and 6° of longitude. The numbering system of the International Map of the World, a standard map series of the entire world at a scale of 1 : .1,000,000, has now superseded the older system. I t will be seen in fig. 5, where both numbering systems are shown, that the new system is more elaborate, but at the same time more descriptive. The first letter indicates which hemisphere, northern (N) or southern (S); the second letter indicates the distance from the equator, each 4° being represented by another letter; the succeeding number indicates the distance from the International Date Line, running from west to east in 6° units. NF-36, then, is the sixth row north of the equator, F being the sixth letter of the alphabet, and is 36 X 6° = 216° east of the International Date Line, or between 30° E and 36° E. Fig. 5 can be used as a concordance between the old system and this new one. This grid system has been made the basis of the numbering system of the 1:250,000 map series of

B. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan the Sudan, and now replaces the older one. As publication of many of the maps of the Sudan precedes the introduction of the new system, A.M.S. will mention both numbers wherever it is necessary. The 1:250,000 series of maps is issued in sheets covering 1° of latitude and 1° 30' of longitude and is numbered according to a grid based on the 1 : 1,000,000 maps. These latter are divided equally into 16 lettered rectangles, each one of which constitutes a single sheet of the 1: 250,000 scries (see fig. 6). The lettering is consecutive, in rows, beginning at the top left-hand corner of the map. Thus, map NE-35-H (former 44-H) covers the area between 18° 00' N to 19° 00' N and 28° 30' E to 30° 00' E. Next, each 1 : 250,000 map sheet is equally divided into 4 rows of 6 squares of 15' each (see fig. 7). These 15' squares are numbered consecutively in rows, beginning also in the top left corner, from 1 to 24. Each 15' square is further divided into 25 squares of 3' each, which are lettered from A to Y in the same fashion as before. Sites within each 3' square are numbered, as far as possible, in the order of their discovery. So the site numbered NF-36-I/16-E-1 lies within 1 : 1,000,000 map number NF-36, in the first square of the third row, i.e., I. "16" is the fourth 15' square of the third row on map NF-36-I, in other words, the area between 21° 15' N and 21° 30' N and between 30° 45' E and 31° 0(T E. " E " is the fifth square from the left in the top row and covers the area from 21° 27' N to 21° 30' N and between 30° 5 7 ' E and 31° 00' E. The final digit indicates t h a t this site is the first one to have been recorded in this 3' grid square. The site number NF-35-I/16-E-1 is therefore composed of the following five elements: a) Designation of 1 : 1,000,000 map sheet (International Map of the World) . . NF-35 b) Designation of 1 : 250,000 map sheet (Survey or Unit Map) -I c) Number of 15'grid square /16 d) Letter of 3' gird square -E e) Digit indicating the consecutively . . numbered site (herein the first site . recorded within the 3'square) . . . -1 Site number completed: NF-35-I/16-E-1 For more information on site numbering see section B.5.3 and .4. B.5

B.5.1

CONVENTIONS AND DEFINITIONS

Sudan

I t is well known that this name often refers to the whole of sub-Saharan Africa north of 10° N. However, A.M.S. uses it to mean only the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan as defined by its present boundaries. When such terms as western Sudan and eastern Sudan are used, it is within the context of the D.R.S. Western Sudan refers to Darfur and part of Kordofan, not to those countries bordering the Atlantic at these latidudes.

B . 5 Conventions and Definitions

M A P ILLUSTRATING THE N U M B E R I N G SYSTEM OF 1:250,000 M A P S OF THE S U D A N

27

28

B. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan

DIAGRAMM ILLUSTRATING THE SITE NUMBERING ON UNIT MAP N F - 3 6 - 1 (FORMER 3 5 - 1 )

SYSTEM

15(675.00m 25 812.50 J 30°

21 °30'

- j - 21°15'

30°15'

30° 30'

30°45'

31 °15'

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

©

® ©

®

@

© ©

Ae CD E F GH 1 J K L MN 0 P QRS T U VWX Y-

©

©

©

©

3I°30'

---15' grid square Sample of site numbering within this 3" grid square: FIRST RECORDED SITE: NF-36-1/16-E-l SECOND RECORDED SITE: NF-36-1/16-E-2 "Each 3 grid square covers an area of about 5.18 x 5.54km=28.7km

©

T. — 2 1 ° '*-25989.55 155937.30m B.5.2 Sudan National Museum (S.N.M.) is t h e present name of t h e chief Sudan Antiquities Service museum, opened on 28th May, 1971. However, references t o t h e collection of t h e S.N.M. are t o t h e whole collection of t h e Antiquities Service which lias been growing u p since 1905.

B.5.3

Sites

I n defining a site as a location t h a t bears evidence of h u m a n activity, even modern structures would have to be included if one did not apply a terminus ante quern of 1821. If it is not possible t o ascertain t h e original date of a site, or if there is any possibility t h a t a site was in existence prior t o t h a t date, t h a t site has been catalogued. Any site which proves not t o be more ancient t h a n 1821, can easily be deleted from t h e catalogue at a n y time b y t h e compiler acting on t h e information of anyone visiting a site. There are exceptions: for such sites which are of later date t h a n 1821 but are listed under t h e Sudan Antiquities Service Ordinance and also for sites later t h a n 1821, not yet listed in t h e S.A.S. Ordinance, but already entrusted b y the Government to t h e Antiquities Service. If a site is a particularly complex assembly and if it can conveniently be topographically separated, t h e various elements will be given separate site numbers. For example, Meroe, the ancient Kushite capital, contains a royal quarter, various temples, cemeteries, and industries. Because of the sprawling nature of t h e site and the vast amount of reference

Tig. 7 material, it is convenient and simple to give t h e northern group of pyramids t h e number NE-36-0/ 3-J-.1; t h e southern group of pyramids, NE-36-0/ 3-J-2; t h e Sun Temple, NE-36-0/3-J-4, and so on. Each of these is topographically separate. I n t h e catalogue t h e whole complex of Meroe would first be described as, e.g., NE-36-0/3-J-(l t o 15), and then each separate element would be catalogued in t u r n . The whole cluster, on t h e map sheet NE-36-0 will be given a designation, e.g., " J - ( l to 15)" in 15' grid square 3. If, as is often t h e case, a site bears evidence of activity a t more t h a n a single time, it will still be considered as a single locus, but the individual elements will be capable of separation if sufficient information is available. When this separation is done, it will be indicated by capital letters appended to t h e site number. For example, a t site NF-36-I/16-J-20, Tila Island, there is a (Meroitic) habitation into p a r t of which a number of (Christian) graves have been dug. The cemetery p a r t of t h e site is numbered NF-36-1/ 16-J-20.A and the habitation is NF-36-I/16-J-20.B. A third type of numbering subdivision also occurs. Where a site contains a series of similar or different elements, each of t h e elements can be given a numerical distinction if there is significant reason for separating t h e elements of an otherwise homogeneous group. For example, the North Group of royal pyramids a t t h e Meroitic capital is numbered NE-36-0/ 3 - J - l . Each pyramid is given a number, e.g., NE-36-0/ 3-J-1.1 is the pyramid of Queen Amanitere, and so on. Another example is a group of four wells at Kufriyat er Rauwiyan. These are numbered NE-36-I/ 4-0-1.1, /4-0-1.2, /4-0-1.3 and /4-0-1.4.

29

B.5 Conventions and Definitions

Finally, if a variety of facets or activities can be distinguished on a site within a given culture phase, t h e y will be differentiated by lower case letters following t h e site number. For example, NF-35-L/16-L-2 is t h e ruined building at Selima Oasis. The description of t h e architecture is numbered NF-35-L/16-L-2.a; of t h e objects, NF-35-L/16-L-2.b; and the inscriptions on t h e walls, NF-35-L/16-L-2.C. I n t h e case of a site extending across a grid line, an arbitrary decision is made about which square it is t o be catalogued under. Normally, t h e square containing t h e greatest part of t h e site is t h a t in which t h e site will be registered. I t is most important t h a t if a number has once been allocated to a site which subsequently proves t o be spurious, it must be discarded along with t h e site and must never be re-allocated. For further numbering conventions see also B.5.4. B.5.4 Located and Vnlocated Sites The location of most of t h e sites recorded by A.M.S. is satisfactorily described and allows a definite site number to be attached t o t h e entry in t h e catalogue of sites. On t h e other hand there is quite a number of sites on record in t h e files of t h e S.A.S. and on t h e accession cards of t h e S.N.M. which cannot be properly located. More such sites were found in reports and publications of early travellers, etc., or originate from oral reports by local inhabitants to the authorities. All such site descriptions lack co-ordinates or exact topographical information without which t h e sites cannot properly be allocated. B u t also the scarcity of features shown in t h e available maps sometimes prevents location of t h e site. I n such cases the possibility of allocating a site to the smallest registration area, t h e 3' grid square, is already a great advantage and such a site is considered by A.M.S. as "located". Sometimes locating a site within a 3' grid square is not possible due t o deficient information. Sucli a site is considered b y A.M.S. as "unlocated". I n numbering such sites where co-ordinates are missing A.M.S. distinguishes between the following degrees of unlocatability: a) A site which is believed to be within a 3' grid square, but for which definite co-ordinates are lacking, is designated with a full site number, provisionally, which is set in square brackets, e.g., "[NE-35-N/24-E-1]". b) A site which cannot be located in a 3' grid square will be registered as lying within t h e next greater element, t h e 15' square of the Unit Map, e.g., "NE-35-N/18 (1)". c) A site which cannot be located in a 15' grid square will be registered as lying within the next greater element, t h e Unit Map, e.g., "NE-35-N/(l)". d) A site which cannot be located on a specific Unit Map will be registered as lying within t h e next greater element, t h e 1 : 1,000,000 map, e.g., NE-35/(l)".

B.5.5

Names of localities

The spelling of names of localities has been adopted from t h e Sudan 1 :250,000 series maps and t h e Index Gazetteer of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (London, 1932). Where a name does not occur in either of these places, the preferred spelling is normally t h a t of t h e earliest source of information. Other spellings found in t h e sources will be listed as variants of t h e preferred one. The transliteration of other names and words is also based on t h e Sudan 1 : 250,000 maps and t h e Gazetteer. Where t h e word does not occur in these two sources, common usage is relied upon.

B.5.6

Master Set of Maps

Many of t h e Survey Maps of t h e D.R.S. have features printed in a second and a third colour. There arc rivers, wadis, khors, wells, hafirs, etc., printed in blue, and jebels, debbas, etc., in brown. I n some cases the colours have not been printed in register, and it is not impossible t h a t this error in register can vary from one copy of a map sheet t o another. The location of a feature or site printed in a second colour by A.M.S. can only be as accurate as is t h e printing of t h e map, and where such a second colour is involved the accuracy can vary from one copy of a map to another. This can affect the A.M.S. system to t h e extent t h a t a site might be placed in different 3' or 15' grid squares on two different maps. I n order to maintain some control over this problem, the single set of maps in t h e possession of the author in Berlin, which is t h e set from which A.M.S. co-ordinates have been taken, will be considered the master set and should be consulted in all cases of uncertainity.

B.5.7

Arabic Words and Names

The transliteration of Arabic into Roman characters is always a difficulty in such a compilation as this. For t h e sake of simplicity, it has been decided to follow t h e Sudan 1:250,000 m a p series, published b y the Sudan Government Survey Department and, where geographical or topographical names do not occur there, normally t h e name given by t h e first describer will be t h a t used. Where there are variant spellings in t h e literature, these will be listed and indexed, but t h e main entry will be as above. The bulk of t h e transliterated Arabic names — mostly of geographical and topographical features — therefore follows none of the different standards of scientific transliterations, e.g., t h e Encyclopaedia of Islam. To preserve the uniformity of t h e whole work and to avoid confusion b y using diacritical marks in some places but not in others it has been decided t o stick to t h e simple form of a transliteration which conforms to t h e mass of names from t h e maps. This

30

B . T h e Archaeological Map of t h e Sudan

decision is not satisfactory from the point of view of a scientific publication but was found to be the only solution to guarantee uniformity within the A.M.S. If felt necessary, references to different spellings of Arabic personal names will be given in the bibliography. For an Arabic personal name for which the transliteration varies in different publications and between different articles, a standard transliteration has been used. In any case, an Arab author is listed under his first name which is considered by A.M.S. as his surname.

B.5.8

Illustrations

The basic illustration of each Unit Map is the map itself. This will always be an integral part of each Unit Map section of A.M.S. I t will be necessary from time to time to present other graphic material. I t may, for example, be desirable to show a particularly crowded area or some specific topographical features with greater clarity — this will be done by means of an enlarged portion of the Unit Map and will be indicated on the Unit Map sheet. Other types of data which will be included when desirable, are such things as site plans, architectural features, Rock pictures and inscriptions and even objects. The illustrations are not to be understood as complete and definitive for any one site, but are merely supplementary to the A.M.S.

B.5.9

Map

When the word " m a p " occurs without qualification in the site catalogue, it refers to the Unit Map under discussion.

B.5.10

Bibliography

I n general, the publications listed in each fascicle are either specifically concerned with some aspect of the fascicle, or deal in part with the area of the fascicle in a wider context. Most of the entries will be referred t o in the text of the catalogues, but some, e.g., Index Gazetteer of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan are constantly consulted, but never directly referred to, while others concern the area, but never directly refer to a specific site. Such works will eventually be specifically identified in the supplementary fascicle containing the full A.M.S. bibliography. If it is necessary to refer to a work for reasons of comparison of material alone, full reference will be given within the context and the work will not be included in the bibliography. The archaeological references will be as complete as possible, but a wide range of other subjects must also be read to describe and understand a particular area. However, these works on geology, ethnology, geography, etc., are considered to be supplementary, and will not be given the full treat-

ment t h a t the archaeology gets. Again, in the supplementary fascicle containing the full A.M.S. bibliography, these will be specifically identified. The format followed in A.M.S. for the entry of monographs is: Author's name(s) Date Title Place of publication Publisher For monographs in a series, the title of the series is given immediately following the title of the monograph. Where a series is issued by a single authorship, the title of the series will precede that of the individual volume. If an entry is part of a monograph, the title of the entry follows the date of publication, but precedes the title of the monograph. If the entry is an article in a journal, the format is: Author's name(s) Date Title of article Name of serial Volume number Page number(s) If the particular volume of the serial has an individual title, this title will be given immediately following the title of the article. If an entry is part of an article in a serial, the title of the part immediately precedes the name of the author of the article which precedes the title of the article. The entries have been listed in alphabetical order of the authors' surnames. The first name of an Arab author is considered to be his surname, and A.M.S. accordingly lists these authors under their first names. Military ranks and social and academic titles have not normally been considered as part of a name and, in general, have been omitted, unless they are universally used in the literature. Author's first names have been included whenever possible. If an entry has been signed with initials or is unsigned, and it is possible to associate it definitely with an author, it will be listed under the name of t h a t author with a note to indicate the actual signature under which the work was published. Anonymous entries are listed in alphabetical order under the initial letter of the first major word of the title. If more t h a n a single work of an author is included, they will be listed in chronological order as far as possible. If there are several entries for a single year, the first entry will be indicated simply by the year number, and subsequent titles will be distinguished by suffixing lower case letters to the date. As the bibliography of each fascicle is only part of a much larger one, the multiple entries for a given author in a particular year may not show a continuity of numbering. This will eventually become clear in the supplementary fascicle for the A.M.S. full bibliography.

31

B.6 Abbreviations and Glossary For serials, periodicals or journals which are counted by volume numbers and/or years the year for which the volume stands is considered as indicative for the entry of the reference. I n case the number of volume and its respective year varies from the year of issue, the latter will, if found necessary, be mentioned in the entry but has no significance as to the indicative year under which the article, etc., is registered, e.g.: Reisner, George Andrew 1918.d "The Tomb of Hepzefa, nomarch of Siut," JEA 5,2 [issued 1919], pp. 7 9 98. or Vercoutter, Jean 1963.b "Textes execratoires de Mirgissa," CRAIBL 1963 [issued 1964], pp. 9 7 -

particular fascicle, but it cannot be checked because it is unavailable to the compiler. Such titles will be included, but will be marked with a plus-sign ( + ) . B.6

ABBREVIATIONS AND GLOSSARY

Each fascicle of the A.M.S. will contain, in section D.1.3 and D.1.4, a list of abbreviations that occur in t h a t fascicle. There will also be, in D.1.5, a glossary of Arabic and other uncommon foreign words found in the text of the fascicle. The explanation of the Arabic words will be as they are commonly used in the Sudan, irrespective of their meaning in other Arabic-speaking countries. B.6.1

Abbreviations of This Guide

102.

If a work is not dated, a date of publication will be interpolated, so t h a t the chronological order of the author's work on a specific subject or area is maintained. During compilation work a certain amount of additional information has been included in many entries. Where the information is not available in the work cited, such as a translation of the title or the interpolated date of an undated work, the information will be inserted in brackets [ ]. If the information is extracted from the work cited, such as reprinting and edition information, or the signature if it differs from the entry name, it will be inserted in parentheses ( ). Parenthetic information may also include cross-reference to other titles concerned with the specific subject matter and the content of the entry if this is not clear from the title. Occasionally, a title appears to be concerned with a

A.M.S. CRAIBL D.ll.S. E HAS

JEA N S.A.S. SASMP SASOP S.N.M. SNR

The Archaeological Map of the Sudan Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Comptes Rendus. Paris Democratic Republic of the Sudan East Harvard African Studies. The African Department of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. Cambridge, Mass. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. London. North Sudan Antiquities Service Sudan Antiquities Service Museum Pamphlet. Khartoum. Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers. Khartoum. Sudan National Museum Sudan Notes and Records. Khartoum.

C.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAP OF THE SUDAN - THE SET

Already during collecting the material for the A.M.S. and again when preparing the first fascicles it became apparent that a place should be reserved where all the incomplete information of archaeological interest could be assembled. Such a compilation of notes will include all those sites and objects within and outside the Sudan which could not properly be attributed to any of the tJnit Maps or even to the 1 : 1,000,000 maps. Collecting the material and data for such a compilation will continue throughout the preparation of the fascicles and can only be completed after the closing of the manuscript of the last fascicle, e.g., Fascicle X . The material so collected will then be assembled as section " C " in Fascicle I. The following main items will be included :

C.L

UNLOCATABLE

S I T E S ASTD O B J E C T S

FROM

THE S U D A N

There will be catalogues and indices for sites from anywhere within the Sudan which have been found in the sources having incomplete information as to

their location and which therefore are not attributed to a specific map sheet. There are also objects in the Sudan National Museum collection with similar unattributable provenance.

C.2

S . N . M . A C C E S S I O N S FROM N O N - N E I G H BOURING COUNTRIES

This part includes catalogues and indices of objects in the Sudan National Museum collection which have been acquired from time to time from countries not bordering the Sudan.

MAP ILLUSTRATING THE N U M B E R I N G SYSTEM OF 1:250,000 M A P S OF THE S U D A N

22°

24°

260

28°

30°

32°

34°

36°

38°