The American Colonies and the British Empire, 1607-1783, Part I 9781851969487

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THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Contents of the Edition

PART I

volume 1

General Introduction

Introduction, 1607–1763

1607–75

volume 2

1676–1714

volume 3

1715–52

volume 4

1753–63

PART II

volume 5

Introduction, 1764–83

1764–8

volume 6

1769–75

volume 7

1775–7

volume 8

1777–83

Index

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Editor

Steven Sarson

Consulting Editor

Jack P. Greene

Volume 1

1607–75

First published 2010 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Taylor & Francis 2010

Copyright © Editorial material Steven Sarson 2010

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.

No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or

by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter

invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage

or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and

are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

british library cataloguing in publication data

The American colonies and the British Empire, 1607–1783. Part 1, Volumes 1–4. 1. United States – History – Colonial period, ca. 1600–1775. 2. Great Britain – Colonies – America. I. Sarson, Steven. II. Greene, Jack P. 973.2-dc22 ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-948-7 (set) Typeset by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

CONTENTS

General Introduction Chronology Introduction, 1607–1763 References and Further Reading

vii

xv

xxi

xxxiii

George Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Cross (1609) 1

A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plantation

begun in Virginia (1610) 73

[ John White], The Planters Plea. Or The Grounds of Plantations

Examined, and usuall Objections Answered (1630) 89

Sir Philip Meadows, ‘Observations concerning the Dominion and

Soveraignty of the Seas’ (1673) 137

William Petty, ‘Trade: Dominion of the Seas’ (c. 1674) 177

John Evelyn, Navigation and Commerce, their Original and Progress (1674) 195

Editorial Notes

245

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The Historiography of the Early British Empire In the decades following World War II, historians such as A. L. Rowse, K. G. Davies, Glyndwr Williams, David Beers Quinn and others kept British histori­ cal interest in the early American empire alive.1 Or it might be more accurate to say that they kept imperial history on life support, as there was widespread historiographical neglect of empire in general and the American empire in particular. This was perhaps, for some, a period of wilful forgetfulness of the embarrassing fact of the Empire’s recent collapse. For others it was, no doubt, a period of post-imperial guilt, of embarrassment over the many atrocities com­ mitted in the name of empire. Whatever the case, imperial history of all kinds was marginalized during those years, categorized as African, American, Asian and Australasian history, pointedly not as British history. Just over three decades ago, however, J. G. A. Pocock, a historian of Britain who, perhaps significantly, was born in New Zealand and made his career in the United States, pleaded for a new British history that included Scotland, Wales, Ireland and British colonies, empire and commonwealth overseas.2 Other his­ torians took heed, and a positive response to Pocock’s plea gathered pace in the next decade or so and emerged unmistakeably as a historiographical movement in the last decade or so. The movement has taken two distinct but complemen­ tary and sometimes overlapping directions: scholarship on overseas colonies and empire as part of a ‘greater British history’ and scholarship on the impacts of overseas colonies and empire within the British Isles. These themes have come together in what is now commonly called British-Atlantic history, encompass­ ing Britain, its American and Caribbean colonies, and its African and Atlantic trading interests. There is also a broader Atlantic history encompassing other European countries, colonies and inter-continental activities as well. Reflecting these trends, the 1990s saw publication of a Cambridge Illus­ trated History of the British Empire (1996) and a five-volume Oxford History of the British Empire series (1998), with no fewer than seven thematic com­ panion volumes published to date.3 Blackwell has since produced a Companion – vii –

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1

to the American Revolution (2000) and another to Colonial America (2003), while others have published more specialized essay collections, including Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole (eds), Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (1984); H. T. Dickinson (ed.), Britain and the American Revolution (1998); David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (eds), The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (2002); Julie Flavell and Stephen Conway (eds), Britain and America Go to War: The Impact of War and Warfare in Anglo-Amer­ ica, 1754–1815 (2004); and Christine Daniels and Michael V. Kennedy (eds), Negotiated Empires: Centres and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820 (2002), with comparative perspectives on different Euro-American empires. There is a growing multitude of monographs, including, to name only the most recent and eminent, P. J. Marshall, The Making and Unmaking of Empires: Britain, India, and America c. 1750–1783 (2005); B. Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain (2004) and Empire and Superempire: Britain, America and the World (2006); and Sir John Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (2006), all analys­ ing empire or empires from the broadest possible perspectives and connecting imperial and domestic histories. Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600–1850 (2002); and David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (2002) examine empire broadly as well, but do so through the perspectives of particular people and ideas. Studies of aspects of empire are currently as popular as these more inclu­ sive histories. Roger Anstey and others more recently have produced scores of books and articles on the slave trade, for example, and, in time for the bicente­ nary of British slave trade abolition in 2007, Simon Schama produced Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves, and the American Revolution (2005); and Christo­ pher Brown gave us Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism (2006).4 Testifying to a rising popular as well as academic appetite for imperial history, Schama devoted an entire episode of his television series, A History of Britain, to the early empire and another to the later one, and he subtitled volume three of the accompanying book trilogy The Fate of Empire, 1776–2000 (2003). Niall Ferguson did a whole television series and a companion book on the subject of Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (2004). Bestsellers such as Dava Sobel’s Longitude (1995) and Giles Milton’s Nathaniel’s Nutmeg (1999) and Big Chief Elizabeth (2000) also have empire as central themes. The quality as well as the quantity of these recent publications on British imperial history suggests that the subject has entered something of a golden age. This rising interest in imperial history, especially perhaps its popular dimen­ sion, is undoubtedly inspired in part by the reconfigurations of British national identity required by the devolution of political authority to Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, by European integration, and by the multiracial and mul­

General Introduction

ix

ticultural character of modern Britain that is itself a legacy of empire. Equally, though, there is an academic dynamic behind the recent rise of this new imperial history. The new British histories of empire may have distinct historiographical origins from older histories of Britain’s former colonies, but have nonethe­ less recently and very productively dovetailed with them. Historians of North America and the Caribbean, for example, have produced mountains of books and articles on the New World, although by the 1980s a generation’s worth of brilliant but microscopic scholarship on the particularities of colonial history had fragmented the field into an apparently formless mosaic. That very prob­ lem, however, inspired the writing of several ingenious syntheses, most notably Bernard Bailyn, The Peopling of British America: An Introduction (1986), and Voyagers to the West: Emigration from Britain to America on the Eve of the Revolu­ tion (1986); D. W. Meinig, The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History, Volume I: Atlantic America, 1492–1800 (1986); Jack P. Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern Brit­ ish Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (1988); and David Hackett Fischer, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (1989). These economic, social and cultural syntheses also represented steps towards the aforementioned ‘Atlantic’ history. Bailyn’s synthesis followed the journeys of migrants from Europe to America; Meinig connected the physical and human geography of the Atlantic littoral; and Greene and Fischer traced the transmis­ sion of British cultural and social forms onto the American landscape, albeit in different ways. The newly rediscovered coherence in colonial social and cultural history that these syntheses created allowed them to connect or be connected to political and intellectual histories of the New World and indeed of the larger Atlantic World that encompassed not only America but Africa and Europe as well. It is perhaps more in the nature of political and intellectual history to see patterns and unities while social and cultural historians more often see patch­ works and divisions, so political and intellectual historians began to trace out Atlantic histories earlier. Edmundo O’Gorman’s The Invention of America: An Inquiry into the Historical Nature of the New World and the Meaning of Its His­ tory first appeared in 1961, and John Elliott published his groundbreaking The Old World and the New, 1492–1650 in 1970. A more self-consciously Atlantic historiographical trend, however, followed publication of J. G. A. Pocock’s The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (1975, revised 2003), and includes such works as Stephen Greenblatt, Marvellous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (1991); Jack P. Greene, The Intellectual Construction of America (1993); Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c. 1500–c. 1800 (1995); David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (2000); Andrew Fitzmaurice, Humanism and America: An Intellectual History of English

x

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1

Colonization, 1500–1625 (2003); and Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Con­ cepts and Contours (2005), among many others.5 This documentary collection is inspired by this new imperial and Atlantic history. It contains various Atlantic historical themes that have been explored in some of the above scholarship. The collection includes ruminations on the purposes and importance of colonies and empire, discussions of dominium and imperium, ownership of and political authority and sovereignty over lands, seas and people, justifications of colonization and conquest based on natural rights theories and international law, in particular for the usurpation of other Euro­ pean and Native American territorial claims, interpretations of the British and imperial constitutions, contemplations on the rights of Englishmen or Britons at home and overseas, accounts of relationships between different colonies, and discussions of the characteristics of good and bad imperial and colonial govern­ ance, and good and bad governors. If there is one overall theme that unites these particular topics, it is perhaps that of the relationship of the acquisition and governance of colonial territories to the processes of state and empire formation. One of the key features of that process of formation was what historian Jack P. Greene has characterized as nego­ tiation between centre and peripheries. The British Empire of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, dominated by its colonies of exploitation in Africa and Asia, has accustomed us to a top-down centralized model of empire. That cen­ tralized model does not fit the settlement colonies of the early American empire, however, in which colonial populations exercised a great deal of local autonomy through their own increasingly sophisticated polities. The American Revolu­ tion came about in large part because British governments after 1763 attempted to impose what was for many American colonists an intolerable diminution of their traditions of self-government. The histories of imperial development and the American Revolution are sketched out in the introductory essays in this vol­ ume (for the period 1607–1763) and Volume 5 (for the period 1764–83).6 The documents presented here illustrate the process of negotiation among those who had considerable influence over imperial policy. Some of them were written by government officials at home and in the colonies, others by British commentators interested in empire, and others still by various colonists (Car­ ibbean as well as North American) discussing the kinds of issues described above. Many of the writings are explicitly dialogical. Some of the writers directly addressed other writers’ works (some of which are reprinted here). Others engaged in debate either by describing and objecting to others’ writings or actions or else by including ‘objections’ to their arguments and ‘answers’ to those objec­ tions. Others were implicitly dialogical, addressing issues of concern, advocating and lobbying for imperial or colonial policy reforms, even without necessarily directly addressing ideological opponents. Some got what they wanted, some

General Introduction

xi

did not, but all contributed to the negotiations that constituted a crucial part of the process of empire formation. Headnotes accompanying each document provide biographies of the writers, descriptions of the issues they addressed and ideas they promoted, and more detailed contextualization than is possible in the introductory essays. Because of the dialogical and evolutionary nature of these colonial and imperial discourses, they are reproduced here in chronological rather than any kind of thematic order. Of course the documents here do not and cannot provide for a complete his­ tory of empire or even of state and empire formation. All come from the minds and pens of literate and often wealthy white men, not from poorer white men, women, African Americans or Native Americans. The men represented here had more individual influence over the formation of colonies and empire than most other people, but the influence of other groups of people cannot be discounted in a fuller account of empire formation. The influence of those others is some­ times apparent in the views printed here, when writers, for example, addressed the needs and views of poorer whites and the dangers represented by Native American populations and by real and potential slave rebellions. These issues clearly affected what the writers wanted and believed. If otherwise these men underplayed the role of others in their own accountings of empire, however, then that itself is instructive about the exclusivities in the nature of empire formation. Furthermore, the documents here represent the period from the founding of the first permanent colony at Jamestown, Virginia, to the end of the War of American Independence. The works of sixteenth-century imperialist writers such as Thomas More, Edmund Spenser, John Dee, the two Richard Hakluyts and others are readily available in other collections. While the documents here are clearly distinctive in that they address empire formation based upon actual experience, they nevertheless often echo the sixteenth-century writings about a then putative empire, in particular in their writers’ views on the uses and impor­ tance of empire, imperium and dominium, the problems of subverting Native American other European claims, and the conquest of their territories. Nor do these documents by any means include everything that was said about colonies and empire in the years 1607 to 1784, but they do represent a broad cross section of views on these issues. The particular documents included here have been selected not only for rep­ resentativeness (bearing in mind the caveat that they only represent a particular group of colonial and imperial commentators and actors), but also for usefulness and rarity. All of them have been cited by historians, yet they have not been repub­ lished in full or even in part since they were originally written and, as very few copies are still available and are held in far-flung archives, they are hard to come by. This collection will therefore, I hope, be useful to seasoned scholars and to newcomers to the field, including students seeking an introduction to discourses

xii

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1

on colonies and empire. The documents have been transcribed and reprinted for reasons of legibility, but for the sake of authenticity all original spellings, errors and eccentricities have been left as they were produced, although in some cases I have used square brackets to clarify words and meanings when they are particularly unclear. I have also included a brief chronology as well as narrative introductions to aid those less acquainted with British-American colonial and imperial history, although they might also be useful references for older hands.7 Notes: 1.

2.

3.

4.

A. L. Rowse, The Expansion of Elizabethan England (London: Macmillan, 1955), and The Elizabethans and America (London: Macmillan, 1959); K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, 1957); G. Williams, The Expansion of Europe in the Eighteenth Century (London: Blandford Press, 1966); D. B. Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620 (London: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1974). J. G. A. Pocock, ‘British History: A Plea for a New Subject’, Journal of Modern History, 37:4 (1975), pp. 601–21 (originally published in the New Zealand Historical Jour­ nal, 8 (1974), pp. 3–12). Works that followed Pocock’s lead in taking a more inclusive approach within the British Isles include M. Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536–1966 (Berkeley, CA: University of Cali­ fornia Press, 1975); S. G. Ellis and S. Barber (eds), Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725 (London: Longman, 1995); A. Grant and K. J. Stringer (eds), Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London: Routledge, 1995); and L. W. B. Brockliss and D. Eastwood (eds), A Union of Multiple Identities: The British Isles, 1750–1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997). Early examples of histo­ rians following Pocock’s lead more broadly include K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds), The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978); P. Marshall and G. Williams (eds), The British Atlantic Empire before the American Revolution (London: Cass, 1980); A. Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth Century to the 1780s (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1981); K. R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); F. Madden and D. Fieldhouse (eds), The Classical Period of the First British Empire 1689–1783 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1985). See especially N. Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); and P. J. Marshall (ed.), The Eighteenth Century, Oxford History of the British Empire, 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). R. Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810 (London: Mac­ millan, 1975); J. Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1680 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. Walvin, Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery (London: Fontana Press, 1992); H. Thomas, The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (London: Picador, 1997); R. Black­ burn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (London: Verso, 1998); D. Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge:

General Introduction

5.

6.

7.

xiii

Cambridge University Press, 2000); K. Morgan, Slavery, Atlantic Trade and the British Economy, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Recent textbooks have adopted an inclusive Atlantic approach as well, including A. McFarlane, The British in the Americas, 1480–1815 (London: Longman, 1994); P. C. Hoffer, The Brave New World: A History of Early America (Boston, MA: Houghton Mif­ flin, 2000); M. Geiter and W. A. Speck, Colonial America: From Jamestown to Yorktown (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); and my own British America, 1500–1800: Creating Colonies, Imagining an Empire (London: Hodder Arnold, 2005). J. P. Greene, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Poli­ ties of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (New York: Norton, 1986), and Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Char­ lottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1994); C. Daniels and M. V. Kennedy (eds), Negotiated Empires: Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820 (New York: Routledge, 2002). For discussions of state formation theory in relation to Brit­ ish America, see D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); M. J. Braddick, State Formation in Early Modern England, c. 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 379–419; D. Armitage and M. J. Braddick (eds), The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Basing­ stoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); and J. P. Greene, et al., ‘Colonial History and National History: Reflections on a Continuing Problem’, Roundtable, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 64:2 (April 2007), pp. 235–86. Thomas More’s Utopia and Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queen are available in the Pen­ guin Classics series, and John Dee’s General and Rare Memorials Pertaining to Perfecte Arte of Navigation is a Walter J. Johnson reprint. See also E. R. Taylor (ed.), The Origi­ nal Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, 2 vols (London: Hakluyt Society, 1935); S. Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, 20 vols (Glas­ gow: Maclehose, 1905–7); D. B. Quinn (ed.), New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols (London: Macmillan, 1979); D. B. Quinn (ed.), The Roanoke Voyages, 1584–1590: Documents to Illustrate the English Voyages to North America under the Patent Granted to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584, 2 vols (London: Hak­ luyt Society, 1955). There are also collections covering particular events and issues, such as P. L. Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609, 2 vols (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969); and M. Jensen (ed.), American Colonial Documents to 1776, English Historical Documents, 9 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1955) on governmental actions. And there are wide-ranging collections of abridged documents on a broad sweep of issues. J. P. Greene’s Settlements to Society: 1584–1763, A Documentary History of American Life, 1 (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966), and Great Britain and the American Colonies, 1606–1763 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1970); and W. K. Kavenagh, Foundations of Colonial America: A Documentary History, 3 vols (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1973) are among the most useful; and P. G. E. Clemens (ed.), The Colonial Era: A Documentary Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008) is one of the best of the most recent. This collection also complements others published by Pickering & Chatto, most especially H. T. Dickinson (ed.), British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763–1785, 8 vols (2007–8).

CHRONOLOGY

1496–8 1515–16 1527 1530s 1536, 1543 1541 1543–6 1547–50 1551 1551–2

John Cabot’s voyages to Newfoundland. Thomas More, Utopia (in Latin). John Rut explores North American east coast for England. William Hawkins enters slave trade. Acts of Union of England and Wales. Irish Parliament declares Henry VIII King of Ireland. First Anglo-Scottish War. Second Anglo-Scottish War. Thomas More, Utopia (in English). English wool trade collapses, merchants begin forming joint-stock trading companies. 1555 Richard Eden’s translation of Peter Martyr, Decades of the New World. 1559 Treaty of Câteau-Cambrésis. 1560s English begin establishing plantations in Ireland. 1564 John Hawkins enters slave trade. 1565 Humphrey Gilbert writes Discoverie for a New Passage to Cataia. 1570 First of Martin Frobisher’s voyages of exploration in the north-west. 1570s Francis Drake and ‘sea dogs’ attack Spanish ships and settlements. 1577 John Dee, Memorials Pertayning to the Perfect Art of Navigation. 1577–80 Drake’s circumnavigation of the globe. 1578 Gilbert’s ‘Norumbega’ settlement fails to materialize. 1582 Richard Hakluyt the younger, Diverse Voyages. 1583 Gilbert lost at sea before founding North American settlements. 1584 Hakluyt, ‘Discourse of Western Planting’. 1584–7 Failed attempts to settle Roanoke Island. 1585 Richard Hakluyt the elder, Inducements toward Virginia. 1585–1604 War between England and Spain. Defeat of Spanish Armada, 1588. 1588 Thomas Hariot, A Briefe and True Report of Virginia. 1589 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations. 1590–6 Edmund Spenser, The Faerie Queen. 1594–1603 Nine Years War in Ireland. 1595 Drake killed in the West Indies. 1595–1617 Walter Raleigh’s Guiana expeditions. 1596 Raleigh, Discoverie of the Large and Bewtiful Empire of Guiana. 1598–1600 Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations expanded to three volumes. 1600 Founding of East India Company. – xv –

xvi 1603–25 1604 1606 1607 1609 1609–10 1609–13 1609–14 1612 1614 1618 1619 1619–22 1620 1622 1623 1624 1624–5 1625 1627 1628 1629 1630–43 1632 1634 1636–7 1637 1639 1641 1644 1647 1648 1651 1652 1652–4 1655 1660 1660s 1663 1664

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1 Accession of James VI and I and union of English and Scottish crowns. Treaty of London. Charles Leigh attempts settlement on Wiapoco River. Founding of the Virginia companies of London and Plymouth. First permanent English colony established at Jamestown, Virginia. Henry Hudson explores Hudson Bay and Dutch claim New Netherland. Sea Adventurer wrecks on Bermuda, inspiring Shakespeare’s Tempest (1611). Winter ‘starving time’ in Virginia. Robert Harcourt attempts settlement in Guiana. First Anglo-Indian war in Virginia. English settle Bermuda. First major tobacco exports from Virginia. Offers of headrights and private plantations in Virginia. Raleigh executed. First meeting of Virginia House of Burgesses. First slaves in Virginia. Amazon Company and Roger North attempt settlements in South America. ‘Pilgrim Fathers’ found Plymouth Colony, Mayflower Compact. Opechancanough’s uprising in Virginia. Puritans settle Cape Ann for Dorchester Company. English and French colonize St Kitts. Dissolution of Virginia Company; royal rule in Virginia. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumous or Purchas his Pilgrims. English settle Barbados. Harcourt and North attempt settlement in Guiana. Founding of Nevis. Puritans settle Salem, Massachusetts. Charles I grants ‘Carolana’ to Robert Heath. Settlements founded in New Hampshire. Formation of Massachusetts Bay Company. Great Migration to New England. English settle Providence Island. Founding of Montserrat and Antigua. Maryland charter granted to Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore. First settlements in Connecticut and Rhode Island. Founding of Maryland. Pequot War in New England. Founding of New Haven, absorbed by Connecticut in 1662. Founding of New Sweden (later New Amstel, then Delaware). Fundamental Orders establish Connecticut, confirmed by Crown in 1662. First meeting of Barbadian assembly. New Hampshire accepts administration from Massachusetts. Massachusetts Body of Liberties. Opechancanough’s second uprising in Virginia. Roger Williams founds Rhode Island, confirmed by Crown in 1663. First English settlements in the Bahamas. First Navigation Act. Barbados forced to accept Parliamentary rule. First Anglo-Dutch War. Dutch capture New Sweden and rename it New Amstel. Cromwell’s Western Design, failure to capture Hispaniola. English capture Jamaica. Second Navigation Act. First slave laws passed in Barbados and Virginia. Staple Act. Founding of slave-trading Company of Royal African Adventurers. Charter for Carolina by eight Lords Proprietors. English capture New York, New Jersey, Delaware.

Chronology 1664–7 1665–71 1666–7 1667 1669 1672 1672–4 1673 1674 1675–6 1675–86 1676 1679 1681 1684 1686 1688–9

xvii

Second Anglo-Dutch War. Henry Morgan’s buccaneers terrorize Central America. Anglo-French War. Treaty of Breda. Lord Shaftesbury and John Locke, Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina. Founding of Royal African Company (monopolizes slave trade to 1698). Third Anglo-Dutch War. Plantation Duties Act. Treaty of Westminster. First Quaker settlements in New Jersey. Metacom’s War (King Philip’s War) in New England. Three large slave rebellions in Jamaica. English and Iroquois League form Covenant Chain. New Hampshire becomes a royal colony. Quaker William Penn founds Pennsylvania. Bermuda and Massachusetts become royal colonies. Creation of Dominion of New England. Glorious Revolution, James II overthrown. Uprisings for William and Mary in Maryland, Massachusetts, New York and Leeward Islands. 1689–90 John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, Essay concerning Human Under­ standing. 1689–97 King William’s War, War of the League of Augsburg. 1689–1715 Royal rule in Maryland. 1691 Massachusetts becomes a royal colony again. 1692–4 Pennsylvania under royal rule. 1696 New Navigation Act, founding of Board of Trade. 1697 Treaty of Ryswick. 1699 Woollen Act. Founding of Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 1700 Founding of Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. 1700–22 Maroon wars in Jamaica. 1701 Slave insurrection conspiracy in Barbados. Founding of Delaware. 1702 East and West Jersey become royal colonies. 1702–13 Queen Anne’s War, War of the Spanish Succession. 1704 South Carolinians attack Spanish Florida. British capture Gibraltar. 1705 Naval Stores Act. 1706 Board of Trade implements ‘suspending clause’ on colonial legislation. 1707 Act of Union of England and Scotland. 1711–13 Tuscarora War, North Carolina. 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, Britain acquires Hudson Bay, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia (Acadia), French half of St Kitts, Gibraltar, Minorca, Asiento for slave trade to Spanish America. 1715–16 Yamasee War, South Carolina. 1718 Act for Transportation of Convicts to colonies. 1719 South Carolina becomes a royal colony. 1720 Declaratory Act for Ireland. 1727–8 Anglo-Spanish War. 1729 North Carolina becomes a royal colony. 1729–39 Maroon wars in Jamaica, ends with recognition of maroon community. 1732 Hat Act.

xviii 1733 1739–48 1748 1750 1751 1754 1754–63 1755 1759–60 1760 1760–1 1761 1762 1763

1763–7 1764 1765

1765–7 1766

1767 1768

1769 1769–71 1769–75 1770 1772 1773 1774

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1 Founding of Georgia. Molasses Act. War of Jenkins’s Ear, War of the Austrian Succession. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. Government funding for colonizing Nova Scotia. Iron Act, Currency Act. Georgia becomes a royal colony. Albany Conference. French and Indian War (1754–60), Seven Years War (1756–63). Expulsion of French from Nova Scotia. British capture Quebec, Montreal. Tacky’s slave rebellion, Jamaica. Battle of Wandiwash, British expel French from India. C herokee War. Pitt resigns. Halifax becomes Secretary of State for Northern and Southern Departments. Slave conspiracy, Bermuda, rebellion in Nevis. Newcastle resigns, Ministry of Lord Bute begins. Peace of Paris, England acquires Ceded Islands (Dominica, Grenada, St Vincent, Tobago), the Floridas, Quebec, St John’s Island, Cape Breton, transAppalachian west, Senegal. George III’s Great Proclamation. Bute resigns, George Grenville Ministry. Pontiac’s Uprising. American Duties (Sugar) Act, Currency Act. Stamp Act, Stamp Act Riots, Sons of Liberty and Committees of Correspond­ ence founded, non-importation agreement, Stamp Act Congress meets and issues ‘Declaration of Rights and Grievances’. Grenville resigns, Lord Rockingham Ministry. Treaty of Allahabad. St Mary’s revolt by slaves, Jamaica. Quartering Act and New York Restraining Act. Repeal of Stamp Act, Declaratory Act, American Trade and Free Port Act. Rockingham resigns. New Pitt (now Earl of Chatham) Ministry. Pitt’s mental health fails, Charles Townshend becomes de facto Prime Minister. Founding of Kentucky Stations. East India Act and Parliamentary subsidy. Townshend Duties. Townshend dies, Lord Grafton Ministry. Circular Letter, John Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania. Lord Hillsborough appointed Secretary of State in new Colonial Department, Soame Jenyns heads Board of Trade. Liberty Riot, troops arrive in Boston, Massachusetts. Captain James Cook’s first Pacific voyage. Hillsborough resigns, Lord Dartmouth becomes Colonial Secretary. Regulator movement in North Carolina. Wilkes Fund Controversy, South Carolina. G rafton resigns, Lord North Ministry, repeal of Townshend Duties, except on tea. Battle of Golden Hill, New York, King Street Riot/Boston Massacre. Gaspée Incident. Somerset case sees beginning of end of slavery in Britain. Regulating Act for India. Cook’s second voyage. Tea Act, Boston Tea Party and other protests. Intolerable Acts: Administration of Justice Act, Boston Port Act, Quartering Act, Massachusetts Government Act, Quebec Act. Thomas Gage becomes military governor of Massachusetts. Massachusetts General Assembly becomes a Provincial Congress, issues Suffolk Resolves. Other legislatures follow and form new constitutions in 1774–6. First Continental Congress meets, issues

Chronology

1775

1776

1777

1778

1779–80 1780 1780–4 1781 1782 1782–3 1783

1784

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Declaration and Resolves, forms Continental Association. Thomas Jefferson, Summary View of the Rights of British America. Dartmouth refuses Gage request for 20,000 troops. American War of Independence begins with Battles of Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill, Ticonderoga, invasion of Quebec, Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation. Second Continental Congress issues ‘Declaration of the Causes of Taking up Arms’, Olive Branch Petition, forms Continental Army under General George Wash­ ington. Proclamation for Suppressing Sedition and Rebellion, Prohibitory Act. Dartmouth resigns, George Germain, Lord Sackville becomes Colonial Secretary. Thomas Paine, Common Sense; John Adams, Thoughts on Government; Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations. Congress issues Declaration of Independence (4 July). British evacuate Boston and Charles Town. Washington loses New York but wins skirmishes at Trenton and Princeton. Cook’s third voyage. Thomas Paine, The American Crisis. Congress adopts Articles of Confed­ eration. British occupy Philadelphia, win battles of Brandywine Creek and Germantown but lose Saratoga. American Treaty of Amity and Commerce and Treaty of Alliance with France. Spain joins war against Britain. Parliament renounces right to tax colonies and sends peace delegation under Earl of Carlisle. British withdraw from Philadel­ phia, Battle of Monmouth Courthouse. British launch southern strategy. Irish ‘Volunteers’ protest British rule. Continental Currency collapses, Congress declares bankruptcy. Massachusetts holds first constitutional convention and referendum. Pennsyl­ vania abolishes slavery, other northern states follow. Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. States ratify Articles of Confederation. Siege of Yorktown, British General Lord Cornwallis surrenders. Cochrane affair, Quebec. ‘Constitution of 1782’ in Ireland. North resigns, Rockingham then Lord Shel­ burne Ministries. Officers mutiny, Washington’s Newburgh Address. Treaty of Paris, Britain recognizes United States, cedes Floridas, Tobago, Senegal. British troops leave New York, but remain in north-west. Shelburne resigns, Duke of Portland Ministry. Defeat of Charles James Fox’s East India Bill, William Pitt the younger becomes Prime Minister. Order in Council excludes American merchants from British colonial trade. Pitt’s India Act. Council of Trade and Plantations replaces Board of Trade.

INTRODUCTION, 1607–1763

The Founding and Forming of Colonies and Empire As is evident from some of the documents in this collection, one of the most important justifications of European territorial claims in the Americas was through first discovery. Hence the popularity in English imperialist writings, after the Columbian ‘discovery’, of stories of Prince Madoc’s medieval voyages to America, of the 1481 journey to ‘Brasil’ by unknown English explorers, and of Bristol fishermen’s fifteenth-century travels to what was later called Newfound­ land. But the first verifiable English-sponsored contact with the New World came after Christopher Columbus’s first encounter with the Americas in 1492. John Cabot, a Venetian citizen of Genoese extraction living in Bristol in the 1490s, convinced Henry VII that he could find a north-west passage to the spices and other treasures of the east, then the holy grail of European oceanic exploration. Henry licensed Cabot to conquer any lands and peoples not already claimed by Christians, though he gave only limited financial support, and Cabot and his crew of eighteen aboard the Matthew landed at ‘new found land’ in 1497. On a second voyage of 1498, he and his four ships and crews went missing. Henry VII chartered a joint English-Portuguese merchant venture in 1501, but its two missions failed to find a north-west passage and the King lost interest in Atlantic exploration. While others were keen to continue exploring, English efforts remained min­ imal in the first half of the sixteenth century, at least compared to those of Spain and Portugal. Fisherman and private voyagers regularly embarked from Bristol and in 1508 Sebastian Cabot, son of John, searched for a north-west passage, but subsequently continued his endeavours under Spanish sponsorship. John Rut made the first known full reconnaissance of North America’s eastern seaboard in 1527, though Richard Hore’s crew was reduced to cannibalism on its 1536 mission. In the 1530s William Hawkins engaged in slave trading to Brazil, but it took the early 1550s’ collapse of the European wool trade to generate serious mercantile interest in America and elsewhere, and the creation of joint-stock companies to finance any enterprises. If the Crown failed to finance exploration, – xxi –

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plunder, trade or settlement, however, its policies following the death of Queen Mary and the accession of her Protestant sister in 1558 nevertheless enabled it. In 1562, John Hawkins, son of William, began slave trading to the Spanish Caribbean and plundering Spanish settlements. A 1567 Spanish attack on him heightened hostility and encouraged the privateering by English ‘sea dogs’ of the Elizabethan ‘Golden Age’ of plunder. Francis Drake earned the nickname ‘El Diablo’ for relentless plundering of Spanish ships and settlements until he was lost at sea in 1595, though he was also celebrated for his highly profitable global circumnavigation of 1577–80. In the 1570s and 1580s Martin Frobisher and John Davis renewed the search for a north-west passage, and in those decades Englishmen also made their first serious attempts at American settlement.1 In 1578 Humphrey Gilbert attempted to colonize ‘Norumbega’, though the mission soon diverted into plundering Spanish ships. A second attempt at colo­ nizing in Newfoundland in 1583 ended with Gilbert being lost at sea. In 1585 Walter Raleigh sent Richard Grenville with settlers to colonize what Raleigh called ‘Virginia’ in honour of Elizabeth (a name that originally encompassed all of North America). The mission nearly exhausted itself plundering Spanish ves­ sels before finally reaching Roanoke Island, off modern-day North Carolina, in July. The first settlers aggravated the Amerindian inhabitants who cut off their food supplies, and eleven months on the survivors hitched a ride home with a passing Francis Drake. When Grenville returned some weeks later, he left fifteen men at the abandoned outpost before returning to England for new settlers and supplies. The men had disappeared by the time John White arrived with yet more settlers in 1587. Without the homes and supplies White expected to find, therefore, he had to return to England, where he got trapped by the Spanish Armada. When he finally returned in 1590, his settlers had also disappeared, leaving behind them only the word ‘CROATOAN’ carved in a doorpost and ‘CRO’ carved in a nearby tree, suggesting they may have drowned attempting to reach another island of that name, though some historians believe they inte­ grated with local Indians.2 After the Roanoke disasters, Grenville returned to his Irish estates and Raleigh to privateering against the Spanish and to failed attempts to colonize Guiana that ultimately led to his execution by James I after the King’s rapproche­ ment with Spain in the Treaty of London of 1604. Other Elizabethans remained preoccupied with war and famines through much of the 1590s, but the Stuart peace with Spain left merchants free to consider colonization once again. In late 1605 one group of West Country and another group of London merchants began petitioning the Crown for American land rights, and on 10 April 1606 the Crown granted a charter for the London Company or South Virginia group to colonize the region 34–41 degrees north and for the Plymouth Company or North Virginia group to settle 38–43 degrees north, as long as each settled at

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least 100 miles distant from the other. The failure of the Plymouth Company’s attempt to settle Sagadahoc in New England meant that England’s first perma­ nent American settlement was founded by the London Company and its 105 migrants aboard the Susan Constant, Godspeed and Discovery. The ships entered Chesapeake Bay on 26 April 1607 and the next month the settlers alighted 50 miles up the James River and founded a fortified village that they called James­ town in honour of their king. Though it would be two decades before anyone could be sure that Jamestown and Virginia would succeed as permanent colo­ nies, these settlers had in fact founded the British Empire.3 A fundamental fact of early English imperialism was that it was undertaken as private enterprise, chartered but otherwise unsupported by the state. A legacy of that was a high degree of provincial autonomy, notwithstanding later metro­ politan efforts to impose greater degrees of centralized economic and political control.4 Henry VII offered little financial or other state assistance to John Cabot, and other explorers and plunderers supported themselves or were sponsored by cadres of merchants sharing the costs, risks and profits of their enterprises. Humphrey Gilbert and Walter Raleigh had to obtain Crown charters for their colonizing missions, ensuring that colonization occurred under the authority of the English state, but that was the extent of state involvement. The Virginia colony was similarly state chartered but also privately founded and financed, as were the early West Indian colonies of St Kitts, Nevis, Antigua, Montserrat (the Leeward Islands) and Barbados in the 1620s and 1630s. The granting of land to Plymouth Colony’s puritan separatists and the self-government inherent in the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company took colonial autonomy to new levels. The granting of the Maryland charter to Cecilius Calvert, second Lord Baltimore, in 1632, founded in 1634 as a neo-feudal palatinate as well as a haven for Catholics, introduced a new form of colonial self-governance: the proprietorship.5 Even more significantly, not only companies and proprietors but settlers themselves claimed self-government as inherent in the rights of free-born Eng­ lishmen that they emphatically claimed they did not forfeit by moving overseas. The first meeting of the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1619, itself an asser­ tion of local autonomy, petitioned the Virginia Company to guarantee that no London-made company rules would take effect in the colony unless ratified by the assembly. The company accepted the petition in 1621. After the financial collapse of the Virginia Company following the March 1622 killing by Potomac Indians of 347 Jamestown settlers, one third of the colony’s population, the assembly presented the interim Governor Lord Mandeville’s representatives with an account of the maladministration of previous governors, especially under the authoritarian Lawes Divine Morall and Martial, a ‘Brief Declaration’ asserting its own right to exist, and an ordinance declaring that ‘the governor shall not lay any taxes or impositions upon the colony, their lands or commodities other than

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by the authority of the general assembly’. ‘A Proclamation for Settlinge the Plan­ tations of Virginia’ of 13 May 1625 made Virginia a royal colony and announced the Crown’s intention to establish ‘one uniforme Course of Government’ in all the colonies of the fledgling empire. Yet Francis Wyatt, the first royal governor of Virginia, continued to consult assemblies and in 1639 King Charles him­ self, despite a decade of ruling without Parliament at home, authorized Wyatt to summon the Burgesses ‘as formerly once a year or oftener, if urgent occasion shall require it’. Sir William Berkeley’s commission as Wyatt’s successor stated that the assembly ‘together with the governor and council shall have power to make acts and laws for the government of that plantation, correspondent as near as may be to the laws of England’. Ultimately, every colony established its own representative house of assembly and colonists thought of their assemblies as local equivalents to the English (after 1707 British) House of Commons. Fur­ thermore, Councils, upper houses of local legislatures usually appointed by the governor, and governors were respectively considered equivalent to the House of Lords and the King, so that provincial polities replicated the English/Brit­ ish mixed constitutional triumvirate of commons, aristocracy and monarchy. The sub-patenting of Massachusetts by the Council of New England to John Winthrop’s puritans attracted Crown suspicion and in 1634 Charles I issued a writ of quo warranto requiring the Massachusetts Bay Company to justify its jurisdiction. Fernando Gorges was appointed de facto royal governor, but averted potential imperial conflict by citing age and infirmity as excuses not to go to Massachusetts.6 The chaos of civil wars throughout the British Isles between 1642 and 1651 allowed habits of free trade and self-government to develop yet further, although the highly unregulated circumstances that colonists exploited ultimately attracted attention from Interregnum and Restoration authorities. In 1643, for example, Parliament appointed the Earl of Warwick to head a commission on colonies and trade, and he reported the provinces to be ungovernable. The execution of Charles I in 1649 brought matters to head as Antigua, Barbados, Bermuda, Virginia and Maryland declared allegiance to Charles’s son. All even­ tually accepted Parliament’s authority (although Barbados had to be persuaded by way of naval blockade), but retained their charters and assemblies. By this time, though, metropolitan concern about provincial economic and political autonomy was prompting imperial authorities to implement more systematic economic and political oversight. In 1651, then, Parliament passed a Navigation Act that declared the colo­ nies subordinate to Parliament, limited the carrying of goods to and from the Americas to English or colonial ships, and required that ships’ masters and three out of four of their crew be English (the Scots were not allowed to trade freely in the empire until the 1707 Act of Union). The act also specified ‘enumerated

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articles’ that could only be exported by colonists to other colonies or else to Eng­ land from where they would be re-exported, a mercantilist measure benefiting English traders and the English Treasury. Enumerated articles initially included the most valuable colonial commodity staples of tobacco, sugar, ginger and dyes, though the list was extended later. The act was revived at the Restoration of Charles II in 1660, and a 1663 Staple Act forbade colonists from importing goods that had not been produced in England or carried from English ports, giving English merchants a monopoly of exports on certain goods to colonies as well as exports from colonies. A Plantation Duties Act of 1673 required taxa­ tion of enumerated articles exported from colony to colony, introducing English customs officers throughout the empire. The 1696 Navigation Act codified all of the above and added that ships involved in colonial commerce had to be reg­ istered as well as built in England or the colonies, obliged governors and other officials to swear to uphold the navigation system or else forfeit bonds of £1,000, created Admiralty Courts to enforce the navigation system, authorized customs officials to use ‘writs of assistance’ (general search warrants), and declared invalid colonial laws that conflicted with English ones. Parliament later passed numer­ ous other acts restricting colonial trade, in particular in woollens, naval stores, hats, sugar products and iron. In the early 1660s the Jerseys and the Carolinas were established privately as proprietorships belonging to men who had remained loyal to Charles II or who had aided his Restoration to the throne. Even so, there were signs of greater willingness to establish a more politically centralized empire. In 1655 Cromwell’s ‘western design’ involved the state-sponsored military takeover of Jamaica from Spain (after a failed invasion of Hispaniola). In 1664 New Neth­ erland was similarly captured from the Dutch and became New York, a private proprietorship but one that belonged to the King’s brother and would thus auto­ matically become a royal colony when James ascended to the throne in 1685. Over the years, furthermore, Crown and Parliament established various com­ mittees to oversee the colonies, but in 1672 the Council of Foreign Plantations was given an annual budget of £7,400 and in 1676 was replaced by the Lords of Trade, a longer lasting and much more purposeful imperial administrator that gave royal governors in Virginia, Jamaica, Barbados and the Leeward Islands broader and more detailed instructions and demanded that they report back regularly on the progress of implementation. It also applied Poynings’ Law to these colonies, asserting that colonial legislatures existed at Crown discretion, not as of right, and that their legislation required Crown approval, though it did so more in principle than in practice. The Lords also issued writs of quo warranto to various private colonies and even succeeded in turning New Hampshire, Mas­ sachusetts and Bermuda into royal colonies. The creation of Pennsylvania as the proprietorship of William Penn in 1681 represented a setback, though Penn had

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fewer chartered privileges than previous proprietors. The following year, James II became king and attempted a more direct form of colonial Crown government in the colonies, including creating the Dominion of New England incorporat­ ing all of New England and New York and the Jerseys and ruling them without elected assemblies. The Glorious Revolution tempered but did not terminate imperial activ­ ism. The Dominion of New England was overthrown from within by colonists who returned to self-government by representative assembly. In 1691, however, Massachusetts received a new royal charter that abolished and incorporated Ply­ mouth Colony. In 1692, the Crown took over Pennsylvania, but only for two years before returning it to Penn. In 1689, the Crown took over Maryland, but it returned to proprietary status in 1715, when Benedict Leonard Calvert became the fourth Lord Baltimore and converted to Anglicanism. In 1696, a new Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, known as the Board of Trade, was cre­ ated with similar responsibilities to the Lords of Trade. The Board attempted to amalgamate the jurisdictions of some royal governors to create more unitary rule and made a series of failed attempts to persuade Parliament to convert the remaining private colonies into royal ones. The difficulty that imperial activ­ ists faced was Parliaments’ and monarchs’ preoccupations with other matters: securing the Glorious Revolution’s constitutional settlement; guaranteeing the Hanoverian settlement; establishing Anglo-Scottish Union; resisting Jaco­ bitism; fighting several wars in quick succession; intense party politics; and the daily business of running an increasingly large and complex fiscal-military state. An increasing laissez faire governance of the colonies – what Edmund Burke would later call ‘wise and salutary neglect’ – ceased to be a happenstance and became an actual policy under the premiership of Robert Walpole from 1721 to 1742. Walpole appointed Thomas Pelham-Hollis, Duke of Newcastle, as Secretary of State for the Southern Department and John, Lord Monson as Chairman of the Board of Trade, two notoriously inactive men. Worse, by controlling patronage, Newcastle deprived governors of opportunities to cre­ ate power bases within the colonies, ensuring what historian Jack P. Greene has called the ‘domestication of the governors’ and facilitating further the rise of the assemblies. Parliament intervened only occasionally in empire in these years. The 1732 Hat Act prohibited exportation of colony-manufactured hats and the 1733 Molasses Act attempted to suppress New Englanders’ sugar trade with the French West Indies by way of prohibitive taxes tweaked the navigation system. Parliament also financed the colonization of Georgia from 1732. Although the charter directed that Georgia would become a royal colony after twenty years, the fact that it was initially a proprietary under General James Oglethorpe and twenty trustees indicated once again that colonization was still considered a pri­ vate undertaking.7

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By the 1740s, however, the growth of colonial populations, wealth and trade were becoming increasingly apparent, as was the colonies’ ever-growing political autonomy. In 1746, the Duke of Bedford took over the Southern Department from the lackadaisical Newcastle, and when Monson died in 1748 Bedford appointed George Dunk, Earl of Halifax, as chair of the Board of Trade. Halifax persuaded Parliament to finance the development of Nova Scotia, British since 1713, but still with a predominantly French Arcadian population. He also had prepared a series of reports and recommendations ‘to revise the Constitutions of the Settlements abroad’ and ‘to regulate them, that they may be usefull to, & not rival in Power and Trade their Mother Kingdom’. Although he failed to have his office converted into a Cabinet position, he did get the Board’s powers enhanced, including control of appointing governors, whom Halifax directed ‘strictly to adhere to your instructions and not to deviate from them in any point but upon evident necessity justified by the particular Circumstances of the case’. He also required them to report regularly and organized a packet-boat system for that purpose.8 Unfortunately for Halifax, the Seven Years War (1756–63) prevented fur­ ther significant reform, at least for the time being. On the other hand, that war arose because of the increasing importance of empire. Previous wars between European powers had their American theatres and indeed some began in the colonies. The War of Jenkins’s Ear that turned into the War of the Austrian Suc­ cession (1739–48), or King George’s War, began with outrage at the removal of a British ship’s captain’s ear by Spanish West Indian customs officials for alleged smuggling. As historians have observed, however, that war soon became more about the balance of power in Europe than anything imperial. The French and Indian War, on the other hand, marked a new British isolationism from Europe and the rise of a new ‘Blue Water’ policy of imperial conquest. The 1748 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had left open the question of whether the Ohio River valley belonged to British North America or French Canada, but within five years that issue could no longer be set aside. After 1748, the French built a line of forts southwards from the Great Lakes towards present-day Pittsburgh. The building of Fort Duquesne by the Ohio River, along with the threat of France’s Native American allies, prompted Governor Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia to despatch 22-year-old George Washington to demand French withdrawal in October 1753 and, after the French refused, the British attacked, inaugurating the French and Indian War (1754–60). Initially the war went badly for Britain, with losses by Washington at Fort Necessity on 3 July 1754; by General Edward Braddock at the Battle of the Wil­ derness by the Monongahela River on 9 July 1755; and by John Campbell, Lord Loudoun, at Fort William Henry on 3 August 1757. However, after the formal declaration of war made by George II in May 1756 and the accession of Wil­

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liam Pitt as Prime Minister in June 1757, the conflict turned in Britain’s favour. After relentlessly pushing the French and their allies northwards, Britain cap­ tured Quebec in September 1759, with only Montreal holding out until finally surrendering a year later. The capture of Detroit on 29 November capped the British conquest of French North America. In the 1763 Peace of Paris, France recognized British possession of Quebec (in return for withdrawal from the sugar islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe), St John’s Island, Cape Breton and all territorial claims east of the Mississippi River (the French retained Louisiana to the west), and Spain ceded East and West Florida to Britain: huge expanses of land with 150,000 Amerindian, 60,000 French and 3,000 Spanish inhabitants. Further afield, as part of the global Seven Years War, a ‘great war for empire’ as Pitt called it, Britain won Dominica, Grenada, St Vincent and Tobago (‘the Ceded Islands’) from France as well as territories in Africa and India. In 1763, then, Britain was the most powerful nation on earth with the largest empire the world had ever seen. Yet it all came at a high price. The war had required 100,000 soldiers and 75,000 sailors, and had cost £83 million to prosecute (including £8 million in North America). The national debt in 1763 stood at £133 million, with land taxes at 25 per cent of income, and taxes on cider and beer that provoked riots in the West Country and London. It would cost another £250,000 annually to sta­ tion 10,000 troops in North America in the first year and 7,500 troops thereafter. Furthermore, evasions of the Navigation Acts were costing the British Treasury around £700,000 per year by the end of the war. Britons resented that colonists had resisted military requisitions, billeting and impressments of servants. Colo­ nists pointed out that they had provided 60,000 fighting men in provincial units and another 12,000 who joined British units before the war’s end, compared to 21,000 British regulars who fought in the Canadian campaign, and had spent £2.5 million on provisions and equipment. They also resented the often highhanded attitudes and actions of British officers. Even so, many Britons felt it was time to make the colonists pay their way and time to impose a more centralized order on the empire. This is what Britain attempted to do from 1764, with disas­ trous consequences that will be the subject of Volumes 5 to 8 of this collection.9 These first four volumes are concerned with the formation and development of empire in the period before the American Revolution. As outlined above, there were perhaps four distinct eras of imperial development and imperial rela­ tions between the founding of Virginia in 1607 and the end of the Seven Years War in 1763: one of virtual autonomy from 1607 to 1651; of more significant interference to around 1721; of ‘neglect’ until 1748; and the beginnings of more systematic centralization from 1748. Yet the early American empire was rarely more than a loose confederation of colonies with high degrees of autonomy from the mother country. Even at the height of imperial interference in colonial

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affairs, during the reign of James II, far more colonies retained their assemblies and charters (royal and private) than the eight who experienced direct royal rule under the Dominion of New England. Even then and there, colonists resisted, with miniature Glorious Revolutions overthrowing James’s minions in Massa­ chusetts and New York once news reached the colonies of William’s invasion and James’s flight to France. In other words, English and after 1707 British gov­ ernments rarely if ever ruled over the American empire. Using Jack P. Greene’s word, authority in British America was ‘negotiated’. The documents in these volumes represent the issues that were negotiated, the various positions taken, various perspectives from which those positions were taken, and the manner, often brusque and even bitter, in which those negotiations were made. The most prominent issues include: the purposes and importance of colonies and empire; dominium and imperium, ownership of and political authority and sovereignty over lands, seas and people; the usurpation of Native American and other European territorial claims; the justifiability of colo­ nization and conquest based on natural rights theories and international law; the British and imperial constitutions; the rights of Englishmen or Britons at home and overseas; relationships between different colonies; and the characteristics of good and bad imperial and colonial governance and good and bad governors. The process of negotiating these issues was fundamental to the formation of the early modern British-American Empire, although this aspect of empire forma­ tion has to be considered alongside demographic, economic, social, cultural and religious factors that sometimes appear within these documents but sometimes do not. The four volumes do not match perfectly the chronological eras outlined above, but that need not matter. The eras outlined here reflect what was happen­ ing in government policy towards colonies and empire, while the documents represent debate about those policies and about various other circumstances within the colonies themselves. Some of the writers were therefore advocating the antithesis of what they saw around them, whether locally within their colo­ nies or more broadly around the empire. Their writings, then, do not reflect eras of policy in colonial and imperial history as much as they do different sides of debates over the state of colonies and empire. In the cauldron of those debates, policy was forged, and important aspects of empire were formed.10 Notes: 1.

A. L. Rowse, The Expansion of Elizabethan England (London: Macmillan, 1955), and The Elizabethans and America (London: Macmillan, 1959); D. B. Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620 (London: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1974); K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds), The Westward Enterprise: English Activi­ ties in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978); K. R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and

xxx

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1 the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); D. Loades, England’s Maritime Empire: Seapower, Commerce and Policy, 1490– 1690 (London: Longman, 2000). K. O. Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984); D. B. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584–1606 (Chapel Hill, NC: America’s Four Hundredth Anniversary Committee, 1985). E. S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (1976; New York: Norton, 1995), pp. 71–130; J. Horn, Adapting to a New World: Eng­ lish Society in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake (Chapel Hill, NC: Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1994), and A Land as God Made it: Jamestown and the Birth of America (New York: Basic Books, 2005). J. P. Greene, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Poli­ ties of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (New York: Norton, 1986), pp. 7–76, and ‘Negotiated Authorities: The Problem of Governance in the Extended Polities of the Early Polities of the Early Modern Atlantic World’, ‘The Colonial Origins of American Constitutionalism’ and ‘Metropolis and Colonies: Changing Patterns of Constitutional Conflict in the Early Modern British Empire’, in J. P. Greene, Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1994), pp. 1–24, 25–42, 43–77. R. S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, NC: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1972); D. Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Envi­ ronmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); J. F. Cooper, Jr, Tenacious of their Liberties: The Congregationalists in Colonial Massachusetts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); F. J. Bremer and L. A. Botelho, The World of John Winthrop: England and New England, 1588–1649 (Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2005); R. J. Brugger, Maryland: A Middle Temperament, 1634–1980 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), pp. 3–18. W. Billings (ed.), The Old Dominion in the Seventeenth Century: A Documentary His­ tory of Virginia, 1606–1689 (Chapel Hill, NC: Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1975); M. Kammen, Deputyes and Libertys: The Origins of Representative Government in Colonial America (New York: Knopf, 1969); J. P. Greene, The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the Southern Royal Colonies, 1689–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), Peripheries and Center, and ‘The Growth of Political Stability: An Interpretation of Political Development in the AngloAmerican Colonies, 1660–1760’ and ‘The Role of the Lower Houses of Assembly in Eighteenth-Century Politics’, in Greene, Negotiated Authorities, pp. 131–62, 163–84. R. M. Bliss, Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Sev­ enteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990); C. G. Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer­ sity Press, 2004); I. K. Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy: The Board of Trade in Colonial Administration, 1696–1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); M. Kammen, Empire and Interest: The American Colonies and the Politics of Mercantilism (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, 1970); H. V. Bowen, Elites, Enterprise and the Making of the British Overseas Empire, 1688–1775 (London: Macmillan, 1996); D. S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (1972; Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1987); J. M. Sosin, English

Introduction, 1607–1763

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America and the Restoration Monarchy of Charles II: Transatlantic Politics, Commerce, and Kinship (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1981), and English America and the Revolution of 1688: Royal Administration and the Structure of Provincial Govern­ ment (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1982); J. P. Greene, ‘The Glorious Revolution and the British Empire’, in Greene, Negotiated Authorities, pp. 78–92; S. S. Webb, Lord Churchill’s Coup: The Anglo-American Empire and the Glorious Revolution Reconsidered (New York: Random House, 1995); R. S. Dunn, ‘The Glorious Revolution and America’, in N. Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 445–66; J. A. Henretta, ‘Salutary Neglect’: Colonial Administration under the Duke of Newcastle (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972). 8. Halifax, ‘Some Considerations Relating to the Present Condition of the Plantations’ and Board of Trade to Governors, quoted in Greene, ‘Metropolis and Colonies’, in Negoti­ ated Authorities, pp. 71–3. 9. D. Baugh, ‘Great Britain’s “Blue Water” Policy, 1689–1815’, International History Review, 10 (1988), pp. 33–58, and ‘Withdrawing from Europe: Anglo-French Mari­ time Geopolitics, 1750–1800’, International History Review, 20 (1998), pp. 1–32; E. H. Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); R. Middle­ ton, The Bells of Victory: The Pitt-Newcastle Ministry and the Conduct of the Seven Years’ War, 1757–1762 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); F. Jennings, Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies, and Tribes in the Seven Years War in America (New York: Norton, 1988); W. R. Nester, The Great Frontier War: Britain, France, and the Imperial Struggle for North America, 1607–1755 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000); F. Anderson, The Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North Amer­ ica, 1754–1766 (New York: Vintage, 2000). 10. Greene, Negotiated Authorities; C. Daniels and M. V. Kennedy(eds), Negotiated Empires: Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820 (New York: Routledge, 2002). For discussions of state formation theory in relation to British America, see D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); M. J. Braddick, State Formation in Early Modern England, c. 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 379–419; D. Armitage and M. J. Braddick (eds), The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmil­ lan, 2002); and J. P. Greene, et al., ‘Colonial History and National History: Reflections on a Continuing Problem’, Roundtable, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 64:2 (April 2007), pp. 235–86.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER READING

American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Anderson, F., The Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754–1766 (New York: Vintage, 2000). Andrews, K. R., Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). Andrews, K. R., N. P. Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds), The Westward Enterprise: English Activi­ ties in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978). Anstey, R., The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810 (London: Macmillan, 1975). Armitage, D., The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, 2000). Armitage, D., and M. J. Braddick (eds), The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Bailyn, B., The Peopling of British America: An Introduction (New York: Knopf, 1986). —, Voyagers to the West: Emigration from Britain to America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1986). —, Atlantic History: Concepts and Contours (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). Barbour, P. L. (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609, 2 vols (Cam­ bridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969). Baseler, M. C., Asylum for Mankind: America 1607–1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998). Baugh, D. A., ‘Great Britain’s “Blue Water” Policy, 1689–1815’, International History Review, 10 (1988), pp. 33–58. —, ‘Withdrawing from Europe: Anglo-French Maritime Geopolitics, 1750–1800’, Interna­ tional History Review, 20 (1998), pp. 1–32. Beckles, H. McD., A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State (Cam­ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). – xxxiii –

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Billings, W. (ed.), The Old Dominion in the Seventeenth Century: A Documentary History of Virginia, 1606–1689 (Chapel Hill, NC: Institute of Early American History and Cul­ ture, 1975). Blackburn, R., The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492– 1800 (London: Verso, 1998). Bliss P. (ed.), Athenae Oxonienses … to which are added the Fasti, 4 vols (Oxford: J. Parker, 1813–20). Bliss, R. M., Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Seven­ teenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990). Bowen, H. V., Elites, Enterprise and the Making of the British Overseas Empire, 1688–1775 (London: Macmillan, 1996). Braddick, M. J., State Formation in Early Modern England, c. 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cam­ bridge University Press, 2000). Breen, T. H., The Character of the Good Ruler: A Study of Puritan Political Ideas in New Eng­ land, 1630–1730 (New York: Norton, 1970). Bremer, F. J., Congregational Communion: Clerical Friendship in the Anglo-American Puritan Community, 1610–1692 (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1994). Bremer. F. J., and L. A. Botelho, The World of John Winthrop: England and New England, 1588–1649 (Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2005). Brenner, R., Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Brockliss, L. W. B., and D. Eastwood (eds), A Union of Multiple Identities: The British Isles, 1750–1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997). Brown, C., Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill, NC: Omohun­ dro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2006). Brugger, R. J., Maryland: A Middle Temperament, 1634–1980 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hop­ kins University Press, 1988). Calder, A., Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth Century to the 1780s (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1981). Cannadine, D., Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (London: Penguin, 2002). Cannon, J., ‘Henry McCulloch and Henry McCulloh’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 15 ( January 1958), pp. 71–3. Canny, N. (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seven­ teenth Century, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). —, ‘The Origins of Empire: An Introduction’, in Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, pp. 1–33. —, ‘England’s New World and the Old, 1480s–1630s’, in Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, pp. 148–69.

References and Further Reading

xxxv

Carr, L. G., and D. W. Jordan, Maryland’s Revolution of Government, 1689–1692 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974). Clemens, P. G. E. (ed.), The Colonial Era: A Documentary Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008). Coleman, K. Colonial Georgia: A History (New York: Charles Scribners, 1976). Colley, L., Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600–1850 (London: Jonathan Cape, 2002). Cooper, J. F., Jr, Tenacious of their Liberties: The Congregationalists in Colonial Massachusetts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Crowley, J. E., ‘A Visual Empire: Seeing the Atlantic World from a Global Perspective’, in E. Mancke and C. Shammas, The Creation of the British Atlantic World: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), pp. 283–303. Daniels, C., and M. V. Kennedy (eds), Negotiated Empires: Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820 (New York: Routledge, 2002). Darley, G., John Evelyn: Living for Ingenuity (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press). Davies, K. G., The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, 1957). Dickinson, H. T. (ed.), Britain and the American Revolution (London: Addison Wesley Longman, 1998). — (ed.), British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763–1785, 8 vols (London: Picker­ ing & Chatto, 2007–8). Dunn, R. S., Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624– 1713 (Chapel Hill, NC: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1972). —, ‘The Glorious Revolution and America’, in Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, pp. 445– 66. Elliott, J. H., The Old World and the New, 1492–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970). —, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006). Ellis, S. G., and S. Barber (eds), Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725 (London: Longman, 1995). Eltis, D., The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Ferguson, J. R., ‘Reason in Madness: The Political Thought of James Otis’, William and Mary Quarterly, 36 (1979), pp. 194–214. Ferguson, N., Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London: Penguin, 2004). Fischer, D. H., Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989). Fitzmaurice, A., ‘“Every Man, that Prints, Adventures”: The Rhetoric of the Virginia Com­ pany Sermons’, in L. A. Ferrell and P. E. McCullough (eds), The English Sermon Revised:

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Religion, Literature and History, 1600–1750 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), pp. 24–42. —, Humanism and America: An Intellectual History of English Colonization, 1500–1625 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Flavell, J., and S. Conway (eds), Britain and America Go to War: The Impact of War and War­ fare in Anglo-America, 1754–1815 (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2004). Geiter, M., and W. A. Speck, Colonial America: From Jamestown to Yorktown (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Glover, L., and D. B. Smith, The Shipwreck that Saved Jamestown: The Sea Venture Castaways and the Fate of America (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 2008). Gough, D. M., Christ Church, Philadelphia: The Nation’s Church in a Changing City (Phila­ delphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995). Gould, E. H. The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000). Grant, A., and K. J. Stringer (eds), Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (Lon­ don: Routledge, 1995). Greenblatt, S., Marvellous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). Greene, J. P., The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the Southern Royal Colo­ nies, 1689–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1963). —, Settlements to Society: 1584–1763, A Documentary History of American Life, 1 (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966). —, Great Britain and the American Colonies, 1606–1763 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1970). —, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (New York: Norton, 1986). —, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988). —, The Intellectual Construction of America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1993). —, Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottes­ ville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1994). Greene, J. P., and J. R. Pole (eds), Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984). — (eds), A Companion to the American Revolution (Malden, MA, and Oxford: Blackwell, 2000). Greene, J. P., et al., ‘Colonial History and National History: Reflections on a Continuing Problem’, Roundtable, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 64:2 (April 2007), pp. 235–86.

References and Further Reading

xxxvii

Hall, M. G., L. H. Leder and M. G. Kammen (eds), The Glorious Revolution in America: Docu­ ments on the Colonial Crisis of 1689 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1964). Hechter, M., Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536– 1966 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1975). Henretta, J. A., ‘Salutary Neglect’: Colonial Administration under the Duke of Newcastle (Prin­ ceton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972). Hoffer, P. C., The Brave New World: A History of Early America (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 2000). Horn, J., Adapting to a New World: English Society in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake (Chapel Hill, NC: Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1994). —, A Land as God Made it: Jamestown and the Birth of America (New York: Basic Books, 2005). Huang, N.-S., Benjamin Franklin in American Thought and Culture 1790–1990 (Philadel­ phia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1994). Innes, S., Labor in a New Land: Economy and Society in Seventeenth-Century Springfield (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983). Jennings, F., Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies, and Tribes in the Seven Years War in America (New York: Norton, 1988). Jensen, M. (ed.), American Colonial Documents to 1776, English Historical Documents, 9 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1955). Kammen, M., Deputyes and Libertys: The Origins of Representative Government in Colonial America (New York: Knopf, 1969). —, Empire and Interest: The American Colonies and the Politics of Mercantilism (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, 1970). Kavenagh, W. K., Foundations of Colonial America: A Documentary History, 3 vols (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1973). Kupperman, K. O., Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984). Land, A. C., The Dulanys of Maryland: A Biographical Study of the Daniel Dulany, the Elder (1685–1753) and Daniel Dulany, the Younger (1722–1797) (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955, 1968). Loades, D., England’s Maritime Empire: Seapower, Commerce and Policy, 1490–1690 (Lon­ don: Longman, 2000). Lovejoy, D. S., The Glorious Revolution in America (1972; Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1987). McConville, B., The King’s Three Faces: The Rise and Fall of Royal America, 1688–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). McFarlane, A., The British in the Americas, 1480–1815 (London: Longman, 1994). Maclure, M., The Paul’s Cross Sermons, 1534–1642 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1958).

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MacMillan, K., Sovereignty and Possession in the English New World: The Legal Foundations of Empire, 1576–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Madden, F., and D. Fieldhouse (eds), The Classical Period of the First British Empire 1689– 1783 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1985). Marshall, P. J. (ed.), Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1996). — (ed.), The Eighteenth Century, Oxford History of the British Empire, 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). —, The Making and Unmaking of Empires: Britain, India, and America c. 1750–1783 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). Marshall, P., and G. Williams (eds), The British Atlantic Empire before the American Revolu­ tion (London: Cass, 1980). Matthews, A. G. (ed.), Walker Revised (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948). Mayer, R., ‘Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian: Popular Historiography and Cul­ tural Power in Late Seventeenth-Century England’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 27:3 (Spring 1994), pp. 391–419. Meinig, D. W., The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History, Vol­ ume I: Atlantic America, 1492–1800 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986). Middleton, R., The Bells of Victory: The Pitt-Newcastle Ministry and the Conduct of the Seven Years’ War, 1757–1762 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Miller, P., ‘The Religious Impulse in the Founding of Virginia: Religion and Society in the Early Literature’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 5 (1948), pp. 492–522. Milton, G., Nathaniel’s Nutmeg (London: Sceptre, 1999). —, Big Chief Elizabeth (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2000). Mitchell, D., ‘Mitchell’s West Indian Bibliography: From 1492 to the Present’, 9th edn, at http://www.books.ai. Morgan, E. S., American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (1976; New York: Norton, 1995). Morgan, K., Slavery, Atlantic Trade and the British Economy, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cam­ bridge University Press, 2000). Nash, G. B., Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720–1840 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988). Nester, W. R., The Great Frontier War: Britain, France, and the Imperial Struggle for North America, 1607–1755 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000). O’Gorman, E., The Invention of America: An Inquiry into the Historical Nature of the New World and the Meaning of Its History (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1961). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

References and Further Reading

xxxix

Pagden, A., Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c. 1500–c. 1800 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995). Parker, J., ‘Religion and the Virginia Colony, 1609–1610’, in Andrews et al. (eds), The West­ ward Enterprise, pp. 245–70. Perry, W. S., The History of the American Episcopal Church, 1587–1883 (Boston, MA: J. R. Osgood, 1885). Pestana, C. G., The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). Pettigrew, W. A., ‘Free to Enslave: Politics and the Escalation of Britain’s Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1688–1714’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 64:1 ( January 2007), pp. 3–38. Petty, W., The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with Observations upon the Bills of Mortality more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. C. H. Hull, 2 vols (1899; New York: A. M. Kelley, 1963–4). —, The Petty Papers: Some Unpublished Writings of Sir William Petty from the Bowood Papers, ed. Marquis of Lansdowne, 2 vols (London: Constable & Company, 1927). Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975, revised 2003). —, ‘British History: A Plea for a New Subject’, Journal of Modern History, 37:4 (1975), pp. 601–21 (originally published in the New Zealand Historical Journal, 8 (1974), pp. 3– 12). Porter, B., The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). —, Empire and Superempire: Britain, America and the World (New Haven, CT: Yale Univer­ sity Press, 2006). Puckrein, G. A., Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics, 1627–1700 (New York: New York University Press, 1984). Purchas, S., Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, 20 vols (Glasgow: Maclehose, 1905–7). Quinn, D. B. (ed.), The Roanoke Voyages, 1584–1590: Documents to Illustrate the English Voy­ ages to North America under the Patent Granted to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584, 2 vols (London: Hakluyt Society, 1955). —, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620 (London: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1974). — (ed.), New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols (Lon­ don: Macmillan, 1979). —, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584–1606 (Chapel Hill, NC: America’s Four Hundredth Anniversary Committee, 1985). Reese, T. R., Colonial Georgia: A Study in British Imperial Policy in the Eighteenth Century (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1963). Rowse, A. L., The Expansion of Elizabethan England (London: Macmillan, 1955). —, The Elizabethans and America (London: Macmillan, 1959).

Sarson, S., British America, 1500–1800: Creating Colonies, Imagining an Empire (London: Hodder Arnold, 2005). Schama, S., A History of Britain, 3 vols (London: BBC Books, 2003). —, Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves, and the American Revolution (London: BBC Books, 2005). Sellers, C. G., Jr, ‘Private Profits and British Colonial Policy: The Speculations of Henry McCulloh’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 8 (October 1951), pp. 535–51. Simmons, R. C., ‘Americana in British Books, 1621–1760’, in K. O. Kupperman (ed.), America in European Consciousness, 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 361–87. Sobel, D., Longitude (New York: Penguin, 1995). Sosin, J. M., English America and the Restoration Monarchy of Charles II: Transatlantic Politics, Commerce, and Kinship (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1981). —, English America and the Revolution of 1688: Royal Administration and the Structure of Provincial Government (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1982). Steele, I. K., Politics of Colonial Policy: The Board of Trade in Colonial Administration, 1696– 1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968). Taylor, E. R. (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, 2 vols (London: Hakluyt Society, 1935). Thomas, H., The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (London: Picador, 1997). Thornton, J., Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1680 (Cam­ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). Tully, A., William Penn’s Legacy: Politics and Social Structure in Provincial Pennsylvania, 1726–1755 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977). Underdown, D., Fire from Heaven: Life in an English Town in the Seventeenth Century (Lon­ don: HarperCollins, 1992). Vickers, D. (ed.), A Companion to Colonial America (Malden, MA, and Oxford: Blackwell, 2003). Walvin, J., Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery (London: Fontana Press, 1992). Watts, D., The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). Webb, S. S., Lord Churchill’s Coup: The Anglo-American Empire and the Glorious Revolution Reconsidered (New York: Random House, 1995). —, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984). Wickwire, F. B., ‘John Pownall and British Colonial Policy’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 20:4 (October 1963), pp. 543–54. Williams, G., The Expansion of Europe in the Eighteenth Century (London: Blandford Press, 1966). Wright, L. B., Religion and Empire: The Alliance between Piety and Commerce in English Expansion, 1558–1625 (New York: Octagon Books, 1965).

BENSON, A SERMON PREACHED AT PAULES

CROSSE

George Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Cross the Seaventh of May, M. DC. IX. (London: Richard Moore, 1609).

Neither religion in general nor Protestant Christianity in particular was a pri­ mary imperative behind early English imperialism. Yet religion was inseparable from all sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ideas and actions, and clergymen, including Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas, were among England’s earliest imperialists. Virginia was notoriously the least Godly and most worldly of early English colonizing ventures, but even the Virginia Company turned to clerics in times of trouble. The original charter and ‘Instructions for government’ of 1606 said little about establishing a church in Virginia or about Christianizing Native Ameri­ cans, and there was only one clergyman, Robert Hunt, among the first colonists who founded Jamestown in 1607. When the first resupply ship arrived in January 1608, all but 38 had succumbed to disease, malnutrition and maladministra­ tion, and when news of this catastrophe reached England, the Virginia Council used religion to rejuvenate Jamestown’s purpose and image. A new charter of 23 May 1609, which privatized the Company, necessitating new investment, con­ tained greater emphasis on religious matters than did the first charter, as did the Company’s instructions to new governor Thomas Gates. Furthermore, George Abbott, Bishop of London and a Virginia grantee, was to be overseer of the Church in Virginia. To raise subscriptions, the Council took pains to employ priestly propaganda. In late 1608 and early 1609, eight eminent churchmen spoke for the Virginia mission. Robert Johnson, chaplain to the Bishop of Lincoln and son-in-law to Virginia Company treasurer Sir Thomas Smith, based his Nova Britannia on con­ versations, but the other seven speeches were sermons. Richard Crakanthorpe, chaplain to the Bishop of London, delivered A Sermon Solemnizing of the Happie Inauguration of our most Gracious and Religious Soveraigne King James on 24 March 1609. Robert Tynley, Archbishop of Ely, published Two Learned Ser­ –1–

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1

mons in 1609, the latter of which, at St Mary’s Spittle on 17 April 1609, briefly addressed Virginia. William Symonds of St Saviour’s, Southwark (Virginia, a Sermon Preached at White-Chappel, in the Presence of many, Honourable and Wor­ shipfull, the Adventurers and Planters for Virginia. 25 April. 1609) and Robert Gray, rector of St Bennet Sherehog in Cheapward, (A Good Speed to Virginia) did so more lengthily. George Benson preached his sermon, printed here, on 7 May 1609. Daniel Price, chaplain to Prince Charles, spoke of Saul’s Prohibition Staide … with a Reproofe of those that Traduce the Honourable Plantation of Virginia on 25 May. Price refers to another pro-Virginia sermon by Thomas Morton, Dean of Gloucester and future Bishop of York, though no text survives. Crakanthorpe, Benson and Price delivered their sermons at Paul’s Cross. Weekly sermons there were major public events attended by audiences up to 6,000 strong and including the Lord Mayor, aldermen and Bishop of London.2 These sermons argued for the superiority of English over Spanish and Amerin­ dian land claims, and for the Christian conversion of pagan natives, yet claims that they represented a ‘great crusade’ and called for a ‘medieval pilgrimage’ are probably overstated. Indeed, David Beers Quinn declined to publish the sermons in his five-volume collection of documents on America to 1612, calling them ‘long-winded and in content only of intermittent interest’. Other historians have been equally dismissive. Yet Andrew Fitzmaurice makes a powerful case that the sermons reflected the Virginia founders’ broader humanistic, commonwealth ideology. George Benson’s sermon certainly seems best understood that way. Benson (c. 1570–1647) was a 1589 graduate and later Fellow of Queen’s College, Oxford, and University Proctor from 1601. From 1604 he was vicar of Landridge, and from 1607 of Rock, Worcestershire. He became a Doctor of Divinity the same year, while also Canon Residentiary at Hereford Cathe­ dral. His 1609 Paul’s Cross sermon only mentions Virginia once, noting that it was ‘most pregnant’ for the spreading of the Gospel (below, p. 70). Elsewhere, though, there are numerous biblical and historical references to the territorial rights of the Godly over previous heretic and pagan occupants. Given his habitu­ ally allegorical style, it seems likely, for example, that he was referring to English imperialism when he wrote of the ‘great difference betwixt a carnal man, and those that desire (through Iesus Christ) to be more then Conquerours’ (below, p. 52). Moreover, the repeated theme of reclaiming civil and political life from every kind of heresy and sin in preparation for the imminent second coming of Christ (which he calculated would occur ‘betweene the yeares 1688, and 1700’, below, p. 48) places colonization in the context of a broader millennial cosmol­ ogy as well as humanist ideology.

Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse

3

Notes: 1.

2. 3.

4.

D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), p. 64; L. B. Wright, Religion and Empire: The Alliance between Piety and Commerce in English Expansion, 1558–1625 (New York: Octagon Books, 1965), pp. 85–104; J. Parker, ‘Religion and the Virginia Colony, 1609–1610’, in K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds), The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978), pp. 245–70; A. Fitzmaurice, ‘“Every Man, that Prints, Adventures”: The Rhetoric of the Virginia Company Sermons’, in L. A. Ferrell and P. E. McCullough (eds), The English Sermon Revised: Religion, Literature and History, 1600–1750 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), pp. 24–42. M. Maclure, The Paul’s Cross Sermons, 1534–1642 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1958). P. Miller, ‘The Religious Impulse in the Founding of Virginia: Religion and Society in the Early Literature’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 5 (1948), pp. 492–522; Parker, ‘Religion and the Virginia Colony’, p. 270; Quinn (ed.), New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols (London: Macmillan, 1979), vol. 5, p. 233; K. R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 320; N. Canny, ‘England’s New World and the Old, 1480s–1630s’, in N. Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 148–69, on p. 164. A. Wood, in P. Bliss (ed.), Athenae Oxonienses … to which are added the Fasti, 4 vols (Oxford: J. Parker, 1813–20), vol. 1, pp. 248, 290, 322; A. G. Matthews (ed.), Walker Revised (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948), p. 383.

A

SERMON

PREACHED AT PAVLES CROSSE THE SEAVENTH OF MAY, M. DC. IX.

By George Benson,

Doctor of Diuninitie, sometimes fellowe of

Queenes Colledge in Oxford.

Imprinted at London by H. L. for Richard Moore, and are to be sold at his shop in S. Dunstans Church-yard. 1609. /

Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse

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TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.

Good Reader, though we live in an age which is more mercilesse to inke and paper, then the ages of our forefathers have bin; and therefore it might seem a a foolish pitty in me to spare that which will be spent: yet have I ever dedicated my poore labours to the care only, that therby (if God would) they might bee convaied to the heart: not vnto the eye with a desire to have them exposed to the censure of the world. Notwithstanding mine own private iudgement & resolution, mistake me not, I can very well digest the publishing of other mens labours. b For as Simonides seeing a man silent at a feast, sayd vnto him; If thou beest a wise man, then art a foole for concealing thy wisdome: if a foole, then thou art wise for not reuealing thy folly: So, I hold it wisdom in them which are enriched with extraordinary gifts, to impart their graces vnto the world: But as for those to whom knowledge hath either not dawned, or not so plentifully shined as upon their fellows, I aduise them as c Vlyssles did Andromache (when her son Astyanax was in danger of the enemy)3 Lateat, hæcvna falus! let them silence their labours, if they would not be traduced, and censured by those that love them not, I justly ranke my selfe amongst the later sort, and would have followed the counsell that i give to others, but that I am weyed against my owne mind by such reasons as I hope wil passe for weighty in the iudgements of others as wel as of my selfe. When by the commandement of the right reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of London (by whom I was and ever will gladly be commanded) I was called vnto this service and deliuered this sermon in that honourable presence where it was bestowed, I found that it was swoln farre too bigge for the time allotted to that exercises which might by me have been more fitly proportioned to the time, if I had endeuoured (as heretofore I have done) to drawe my speech into knots and borders, and set my words [illeg.] wise for the delight of the care only. But I thanke my good God, who hath set me in the country to be schooled by experience (which teacheth fooles and all) at whose hands I have learned to intend not mine owne credit, but the glory of my great Master, and the soules health of the Lambes of his little flocke. We, who strive not to amaze the world with curiosity, but hauing the timber of our building ready reared vp, waite for such vanes, & turrets, and carv­ ings, and embellishments, such words as God shall enable vs withall d in illa hora, we (I say) cannot digest our masters by the clocks: and therfore (my case being such) I was forced to cut off much of that which I had prouided, and to mangle that which I spake because I breathed with an eager desire toward the end of my text. Neither was it my length only that crossed my / desire: but I was checked by these infirmities, which I cannot truly say were painful, but so dangerous (God is my witnesse) that I feared oftner then once or twice, that that my labour would haue proued my e Ben-

a Stulta est clemen­ tia cum tot vbique vatibus occurras, peritutæ parcere chartae. Iuuen, Sat. I.1 b Plut, Symp. lib. 3.2

c Seneca in Trui.

d Mxti 10/19.

e Gen. 35.18.

8

f Cant, 2.4. g Psal. 11.10.

h Job. 29.4.

i Iam. I.17. k John 14.6.

l Gen. 43.14.

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oni and my selfe like Rahel to have dyed in trauaile of that Sermon, if God (blessed be his name) had not spun out and continued his love towards me, which hath bin f a banner ouer me g euer since I hung vpon my mothers breasts. These are the reasons which induce me to present that vnto the eye, in his full shape and proportion, which came maimed vnto the care, and much abbridged for want of time. Vnto mine own purpose, for publishing hereof, there hath not wanted the concurrence of the desires of men of good sort and ranke. Neither could I want one to patronize it beeing published; for God hath given mee some honorable and worthy friends: among the rest, the right reuerend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Hereford my Diocesan, to whom (vnder God) I am indebted for much of my live­ lihood in this world: h The prouidence of God euer be vpon his tabernacle. Yet shall not this small and weake issue of mine, presume to take sanctuary, vnder his or any other great name, as though it would dare and defy the world by vertue of that protection: but rather thinke that I tender it to thy curtesie and fauourable censure; humbly intreating thee, when thou meetest any obliquity, to remember that I am a man, and thy brother, and not free from error: whē thou meetest with any thing worthy thy view, give the glory vnto God i the Father of light from whom com­ meth euery good and perfect giuing, k who is the way the truth and the life: let him haue the prayse for what I haue, and me thy prayers for what I want, Thus I leave thee vnto Gods mercy, & this small Treatise to thy favourable censure: and I send it out with that prayer or benediction that Iacob sent with his sons into Aegypt; l God Almighty giue thee mercy in the sight of the man: in the sight of the great man, that thou maist make him humble: of the poore man, that thou maist make him content: of the stubborne man, that thou maist hammer and supple him: of the penitent man, that thou maist bind vp his wounds and sores. Of every man, that thou maist touch his conscience and winne his soule: especially of Ioseph, our puruayer against the time of dearth, especially that man, the man Christ Iesvs, that thou maist win his favour, Amen. From the Rocke in Worcestershire.

Thine in the Lord Iesus, George Benson. /

A SERMON PREACHED at Paules-crosse the 7th day of May, 1609.

Hosea, Chap. 7. Ver. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 7. They are all hote as an ouen, & have deuoured their Iudges: all their Kings are fallen: there is none among them that calleth upon me. 8. Ephraim hath mixt himselfe among the people: Ephraim, is like a cake on the hearth not turned. 9. Strangers have deuoured his strength, & he knoweth it not: yea, gray haires are here and there upon him, yet he knoweth it not. 10. And the pride of Israel testifieth to his face, and they doe not return to the Lord their God, nor seek him for all this. 11. Ephraim also is like a dove deceiued without heart: they call to Ægypt they goe to Ashur. 12. But when they shall goe, I will spread my net upon them, & draw them down as the foules of the heaven: I will chastice them as their congregation hath heard. Right Honorable, right Worshipfull, dearely beloued in our Lord and Saiuour Iesus Christ: If the worth of this Prophecie of Hosea could bee rightly valued, we should finde that herein is imbarked as great riches of grace, as euer yet the word of God, the siluer stream of the water of life, hath landed vnto our soules, since first we sinfull men had trafficke with that renowned / King a Whose dominion is from sea to sea, and from the riuer vnto the end of the world. Among all the Proph­ ecies, especially this of Hosea; among the chapters of this Prophecy, this the 7. and in this 7. these verses that I have read vnto you, doe ayme principally at the kingdom of Israel, not of Iuda; at the 10 tribes committed to the gouernment of Ieroboam, not vnto the two tribes left with Rehoboam, the son of Salomon. In the handling of which words I desire your minds as well as your bodies, and that my words may rather diue downe into your hearts, then swimme in your eares; therefore I will not intangle you in the maze of any curious diuisiō, but plainly I will obserue these three things:

–9–

a Zach. 9.10.

10

1. The sinne of Ephraim and al

Israel. 7.8.

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1. Bred 1. The deuouring of at home, their Iudges. All like 2. Slownesse in not an ouen. returning. Which 3. Their not calling sinne had vpon God. 3. effectes. 2. Borrowed abroad, Ephraim mixt him­ self, &c. which borrowed sinne had one effect, and that was this: he was as a cake on the hearth not turned.

which is,

2. The dulnesse of Ephraim: of which dulness I obserue

2. The arguments or euidences: which were

1. Willfull ignorance in not knowing, ver. 9. 2. Slownesse in not returning. ver. 10. 3. Simplicity and credulity in being ouerreached. v. II.

2. The aggraua­ tion: & that is by these circum­ stances or for these causes.

1. Strangers deuoured their strength. 2. Gray hayres were here & there vpon him. 3. The pride of Israel testifi­ eth to his face.

3. Gods alarums some of them out of their slumber, and awakes their dulness but when they shall goe, &c. where I obserue these fine things:

1. Gods prouidence: hee will see them as they goe. 2. His wisdom: he will spread a net. 3. His power: he will draw them down. 4. His justice: he will chastice them. 5. His truth: he will make good what he hath sayd in the congrega­ tion. /

As if the Prophet should haue sayd, O ye men of Israel, especially you of the

house of Ephraim, concupiscence boiling within you hath made you hot as an

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ouen; Kings, and ludges haue been your fuell, you haue not called vpon the Lord: by reason of the mixture of your selues among the people, you haue been tainted with idolatrie, partly rawe and partly rosted, you haue had a knee for God, and a knee for Baal: you might haue beene warned by the inuasion of stran­ gers and by the approche of olde age, yet you haue beene possessed with blinde and lame, and lumpish spirits, for I obserue your dulnesse, and your slownesse, and your simplicitie: you haue beene without eyes not knowing: without feete not returning: without hearts, and as a doue deceiued: yet (sayth God by the Prophet) when you goe, I wil see you by my prouidence, and spread a net for you by my wisdom, and drawe you downe by my power, and chastice you by my justice, and make good the truth of that which you haue heard affirmed in your congregations. They are all hotte as an ouen. Which is a borrowed speech, implying their sin bred at home. There is a fire wherewith Christ baptizeth, Matth. 3. and where­ withall, the Apostles were inriched, Acts 2. (I meane the vertue of Gods holy spirit) which when it takes possession of a man, it makes his heart hot within him b, and while he is musing the fire kindleth, and he speakes with his tongue. But his words are like the words of Nepthali c, Who is like a Hinde giuing good words: they are eyther prayses vnto his God, or charitable comforts vnto his brethren, or holy mediations vnto himselfe. Yet the same diuel that had a floud of water to send out of his mouth to drowne the Church and her children, Reuel. 12. hath water also to quench this holy fire, and in stead thereof hee hurls balls of wilde-fire into our soules, hee fanneth them with the blandishments of the world, that the sooner d Lust might conceiue & bring forth sinne, that sinne when it is finished might bring forth death. Such is the forme of an ouen, that by reason of the vault / and damming vp therof, the in ward parts ther of are black and vnclean, and the fire worketh more vehemently then in ordinary places so it is with sinne. It takes possession of the heart (the strongest holde) which is the throne of the minde, and by degrees surpriseth the other parts of the body: e The tongue by dropping the poyson of aspes vnder it: the hand, by making them the hands of iniquitie: the feete by making them swift to shed bloud: the eyes by making them swell with lust: the wayes by making them exorbitant from the wayes of peace: So that when God seeth the garment of righteousnesse, which he hath bestowed, rent and torne, the work of sanctification out of reparations, and his owne image canceld, he may say as his sonne our Sauiour did once say of the Romane coyne, f Whose image and superscription is this? It is Cæsars: then giue vnto Cæsar, that which is Cæsars, and vnto God, that which is Gods. Whose image and superscrip­ tion is this? It is the diules, or the worlds, or the fleshes; then giue vnto them that which is theirs: they are not stamped with my seale, I acknowledge them not to bee mine owne.

Ouen.

b Psal. 39.4.

c Gen. 49.

d Iam. 1. 25.

Vncleane. e Psal, 14.5.

f Mar. 12.17.

12 g Plut. & Suct.

h Psal. 91.5.

i Luke, 2.32. k John 2.17. Psal. 69.19.

Violens.

Iudges. a Ex. 18.21.

b I. Reg. 22.17.

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When g Cæsar was wounded vnto death by the Senators of Rome, it grieued him much, but much more when hee perceiued himselfe to bee hurt by Bru­ tus, whome he loued aboue the rest: therefore his dolefull tongue copied out of a more dolefull mind these words, Et in fili? And thou my sonne also? So no doubt but it grieues God to bee pierced through with the sinnes of Atheists, and irreligious men: but it grieues mee more (may God say) when thou that art my childe rebelst against mee: thou whome at mine owne sonne I haue cre­ ated, whome I haue redeemed, whome I haue iustified, whome I haue sanctified, whome I meane to glorifie: For, where the more debt is for giuen, there the most loue and obedience is due, sayth Christ to Simon, Luke, 7. The world is olde and very sickly: and one (wee see) is distempered with a consumption of enuy, an other with a hotte feuer of malice, / an other with lunaticke and rauing fittes of swearing, an other with a tympany or swelling of ambition, an other so loseth himselfe by drunkennesse, that a man may seeke a man in a man and not finde him. Yet, if you in this sinne-sicke world, can auoide the tinctures and stayn­ ings of concupiscence, and make wrack neyther vpon the Rockes, nor vpon the Sandes, neyther vppon open nor secret sinnes, h then neyther the arrowe that flyes by day, nor the Pestilence that walketh in the darkenesse, nor any euil that destroyeth at the noone day, shall do you any harme. I exhort you therefore vnto that warmth of the holy Spirit, which softned the hearts of the i two Desciples as they went unto Emmaus, or if you wil to that higher degree of zeale for God and gods house k that eate vp David. So may your Soules (Salamander-like) liue by that spirit of burning which purged the bloud of Ierusalem. Esay, chapter 4. So being free from staynings and blacknesse by that smoake of that other fire, you may bee cleane, and fit to stand before the Lord your God. Say therefore vnto concupiscence I will not nurse thee vp: harbour not that smooth faced enemie which will not only pollute (which first I noted) but it will make your owne affections rebells and mutinous within you, it will worke violently. Witnesse the three effects of this home-borne sinne. First, Their Iudges were deuoured. Secondly, Their Kings were fallen. Thirdly, they did not call on God. Behold how they were infatuate: in all their difficulties whither were they to flie? To their Iudges: yea but their Iudges were deuoured, Their Iudges being gone, whither then? to their Kings: yea but their Kings were fallen. Their Kings being fallen, whither then? to God; there was their highest Court of appeale: yea, but they called not vpon mee (sayth God). Loe here, with their owne hands they haue pulled downe all the sanctuaries they had, and I. their Iudges. / Iudges and iudgement a (to auoid confusion) are blessings giuen vnto kingdomes by God, who is the God of order and not of confusion. Therfore Micheas groned in spirit when he b sawe all Israell as sheep without a Shepheard: & our Prophet Hosea thought it a curse vnto Israel when they should remaine manie

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dayes c without a King, and without a Prince, and without an offering, and with­ out an image, and without an Ephod, and without! Teraphim, Machiuel, who for his villanie is exempt from comparison, though hee haue long since spawned in the world, and dipped in his opinions much of Christendome, sets down a rule, how a Conquerour may weaken a subdued kingdome, vnioint the sinewes thereof, and make them fall by their owne weight, that is d; by taking from them order and gouernment, by laying the reanes on their owne neckes, and allowing them to liue lawlesse. But lift you vp your voices in prayse and thankesgiuing among such as keepe holy day, because you liue in a kingdome, where e one starre differeth from another in glory, where the Iudges in their seuerall ranks, haue their mouthes as oracles, & their bosomes as treasuries of good counsaile: who when they see f bloud swelling to touch bloud, they giue it g barres and doores: saying, Hitherto shalt thou come, and thou shalt come no further, here shalt thou stay thy proud waues. They are vines, and oliues and figge trees, Iudg. 9. They leaue their fatnesse, and their sweetnesse, and their wine, to raigne ouer the trees of the forrest, both ease & pleasure for the good of Gods people. Prize at no lowe rate these iewells in your own ground, let not your sinnes serue as brokers to embeazle these cōmodities, and conuay them from you; but rather by good meditations and indeauours, husband your graines of mustard seed, that from the lesse you may grow to more grace, and become so louely in the sight of God, that your case may neuer be as Ephraims was, who for their sinnes had their Iudges deu­ oured, and h the staffe of beauty (that is, comely gouernment) broken among them. And you the reuerend Iudges of this land, who are ordained to / lance the impostumes, and prune the luxury of this kingdome; weigh well your high standing, looke vpward, and downward: vpward, & consider that i you are Gods; downward, and consider also that you shall die like men. There be two sins, whose forges, and anuils are neuer cold, but like Pyoners they are euer vndermining your seats of justice; they are bribery and partialitie brethren in euill, k into their secrets let not my soule descend. Bribery is marked in the forehead for a sinne, and therfore dares not approach neere your seates of justice: but I pray God it play not the vsurper, and take possession of some about you, by vnlawfull intrusion. If it be true which is com­ monly receiued in the world, then there haue been many belonging vnto men of great place, who haue deceit and nimblenesse of wit, and bribery, and other sinnes, like as many porters to bring them in Pretium sanguinis, the price of bloud. Yet haue they cryed like the siluer-smith in the Acts: l The great goddesse Diana great is Diana of the Ephesians: the great goddesse Iustice, great is shee: when their care was not for iustice, but for their owne gaine, by pretending iustice, as the siluer-smithes intēded their own thriuing by making images in Dianaes tem­ ple. These things I haue heard, but I hope for better things in you, and yours, else may the seruant breake the masters head with precious balmes, and make them

c Hos. 3.4.

d See Simon Patrichs ansswere to Mach. part. 3. maxim. 5.4 e I. Cor. 15.41.

f Hos. 4.2. g Iob. 38.10.

h Zecha. 11.10.

i Psal. 81.6.

k Gen. 49.6.

Bribery.

l Acts 19.18.

14 m I. Reg. 12.14. n Amos 6.12. o Soph. 3.3.

p Arist. Metor. 2. Cap. 6.5 Partiality.

q Exed. 23.3.

r Matth. 27.24. s 2. Reg. 10 18.

t 2. chr. 19.6.

Kings.

u Eze. 18.2. * Ezech. 33.22.

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(like Rehoboam) m whippewith Scorpions in stead of roddes, and by turning n Ius­ tice into wormewood, become like o the wolues of the euening, that leaue not the bones vntill the morrowe. Meane while the Clyent findes his physicke worse then his disease: poore sea-faring man, he comming to warde the Iudge (who like a goodly promontory, or land mark giues assurance of calme and harbour) makes wrack vnawares vpon the sands, secretly by the way before he can haue audience in open court. Whosoeuer they be that by such vnder-working do abuse their Lords and masters, & tyre out the poor subjects, let them know that their hands taking bribes, are like the winde p Cacia which draweth / cloudes of witnesses against themselues. Now though Bribery dare not be seene in the place of Iustice, yet Partiality is not such a stranger to flesh and bloud: and the more acquaintance, the more danger. The mother of all lawes, (that is, the lawe of Moses) would haue Iudges the master; of their affections, neither q fearing the rich, not fauouring the poore, and therefore Iustice (the mistress of the lawes) is described blindfolded, as discern­ ing neither friend nor enemy, and being too holy to consult with flesh and bloud in matters of so great consequence: which rule while Pilate did not obserue, he would, but could not, r wash the filth of his impiety from his hands. Peter Martyrs allegorizing vpon the seate of Salomon, sayth, that the height, and the golde, and theiuory of the seate must put the Magistrate in minde of his eminency, purity, and spotlesse innocency. Wherefore, let your hands be euer at the sterne, and your eyes be fixed on the starre, the bright morning starre: and consult Iehosophat t who told his Iudges, that their iudgements, were the iudgements of God, and not of man: and be it (euer to be remembred) written vpon your walles, that you are the nursing-fathers of the Common-wealth: and therefore ought to holde out to the kings Subiects the breasts of consolation. To haue such Iudges it is a blessing, indeede a blessing which this people of Israell was not worthy of, for by their sins they deuoured their Iudges: whither then could they flie for succor? vp to their Kings? no, for their Kings were fallen. It were much to tell you how, and how many kings of Israell fell: but if you looke vnto the 2. of Kings the 15. Chapter, you shall see it described by a bet­ ter penne. You shall see a ranke of many, whereof one supplanted and spread a net for an other, by treason and conspiracie: one of them inherited an others impietie. u The fathers eat sower grapes, and the childrens teeth were set on edge: with a false key they opened the doore for vengeance vnto themselues:* Why will you die à house of Iacob, why will you / dye? Had they pleased God, he would haue clipped the wings of peace, and plenty, and prosperity, and victorie, that they should not haue flowen out of their borders. They had Peace, the childe of heauen, and Plenty the childe of Peace, and the daughter deuoured the mother: their opulency brake their peace, and made them rebell euen against their Kings. Their confused state makes me remember the blessednesse that ouershadowes

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our owne. In the time of Queene Elizabeth our Soueraigne of blessed memory, seuerall Popes authorised seuerall disloyall subiects to reach at her crowne and person; being all, as it seemes of that opinion that Cardinall Baronius was of, when of late vpon a controuersie betwixt the Pope and the Venetians, he made a foolish glosse vpon a good text, t telling Paul the fift, that whereas the vision came to Peter of things cleane and vncleane, and a voice that hee should kill and eate, it was a warrant to Peters successour, that he should first kill, and then eate: his principall office was to kill, to excomunicate, to depose. How this is racked aboue the highest pin, and beyond the meaning of the H. Ghost, let Diuines iudge. I insert this new occurrence with matters that are far ancienter, because I would haue the world know that though there hath beene a change of Popes, yet there hath not beene a change of the minds of Popes: This that now is, is animated to kill, and so were those in the time of Queene Elizabeth. But yet shee outliued many of them; to proue (in them) that of the Prophet David, that the bloudthirstie shall not live out halfe their days, and (in her) that of Salomon, Prou. 3. that wisdome (which she imbraced) carrieth length of dayes in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and glory. The Ministers of the word of God are commanded to baptize and preach: those Popes baptized not in water, but in bloud, and their preaching was nothing but a denouncing of warre vnto Chris­ tian Princes; planting and rooting out: planting, but their owne opinions: and rooting out those Kings and Princes which God hath planted. / Witnesse Cardi­ nall Comensis his letter vnto Doctor Parry, for killing that gracious Queen, who was euer a mark for the enuenomed arrows of them, who forgot that saying of Salomon, Eccles. 10. Curse not the King, no not in thy thought, neither curse the rich in thy bed chamber: for the soule of the heaven shall carrie the voice, and that which hath winges shall declare the matter. The Popes commaunded, and they obeyed; cruell Fathers, and too too forwarde sonnet. u

Crudeles natimagis, an pater improbus ille?

Improbus ille pater, crudeles vos quoque nati.

Shee liued (for all their plots) till she was olde and mellowe for the kingdome of God: and when wee lost her (though many wished their eyes might be closed vp before they sawe a change) yet of our Common-wealth we may say as doth the Prophet Esay 66.7. Before she trauelled she brough forth: and before her paine came, shee was deliuered of a man childe: wee changed almost nothing but the Sex: after a David we haue a Salomon: after a David the youngest of Ishaes sonnes, and a shepheard, Elizabeth the youngest of King Henries daughters, not a shep­ heard, but one that desired to bee a milke-mayde in Wood stock parke, we haue a Salomon, who hath spoken and written many parables and wise sentences, and can skill (witnesse all the learned of the land) of all the x plants from the cedar of Libanus, unto the hysope that groues vpon the wall. And now I speake of things per­

t A booke called variance betweene the Pope and Venice pag. 43.6

u Virg. Ecl. 8.

x I. Reg. 4.33.

16 y Pasal. 44.1. * Luke 19.17. Iacobus Steward.

a Mar. 5.9.

b z. Reg. 9.10.

c Ps. 129.3.

d Cant. 2.4.

None calls vpon God.

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taining to the King, for such an argument y my tongue should be the pen of a readie writer. God no doubt sayde vnto him, well done good Stewarde* Thou hast been faithfull in a little, I will make thee ruler ouer much, thou hast well gouerned one countrey, thou shalt bee gouernour ouer an other. So hee was brought vnto vs with acclamation, as it were vpon the shoulders of all the kingdome, not ferried ouer vppon the waues of bloud: So that if euer March came in like a Lion, and went out like a Lambe; it was then, when, in the beginning of that moneth, the sicknesse of her Maiestie, made / vs feare her death, and after her death, Lionlike deuourings by our enemies, and in the end thereof the inauguration of our gracious King, and his hopefull issue, gaue vs assurance of an euerlasting lamblike calme. The authority that runnes like lesser streames, through all courts and offices of this land, fills vp the banks in him, yet hath his anointed person (since Popery was a mint of treason) bin a mark for traytors. When I recount all their hellish machinations, the thought of the powder treason takes vp all the room. That, that may say with the diuel possessing the man in the Gospel, a My name is legion; for we are many: many diuells, many treasons, many heads, many deuises were in this one deuise, which shot at the king the annointed of the Lord, the Queene the mother of our hope, the Prince the branch of our hope, the Coun­ cell the brain of the kingdome, the Bishops the charets of Israel & the horsemen of the same, the nobilitie and gentrie the flower of our countrie and common­ wealth: They, they of that confederacy were like to b Iehu the sonne of Nimshi, they marched furiously, they marched as they had beene madde, And how could it otherwise be? they must needes runne whom the diuell driues. Wonderfull closely was this snare laide by the Prince of darknesse: c The plou would have plowed upon our backs, and haue made long furrowes: but abyssus abys­ sism innocanie, one deepe called an other, the depth of Gods mercie called danger out of the depth of the vault, his loue was d a banner ouer us, we were not buried in the bowells of confusion, misery scarce knocked at our doores, scarce touched the hemme of our garments, mercy hath imbraced us on eueryside; whereas Ephraim was compassed about with the iniquitie of their owne heeles, for by their sinnes they deuoured their Iudges, by their treason their Kings are fallen: Kings and Iudges being gone, whither could they fly for succor? vp vnto God? no, for it followeth, There is none among them that calleth vpon me. The language of the Prophet is all and none, all are like / an ouen, none call vpon God, they went all with one accord down the stream: they were either possessed with a dumb spirit; they did not call; or with a frantick spirit, if they called, they called not vpon God: they did not, but wee must call, and call vpon God: wee must call, or else we are sluggish: call on God, or else we are foolish: in the name of Christ, or else wee are presumptuous: for things lawfull, or else wee are impious: zealously, or else we are but like warme Christians.

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We must aske if we will haue; seeke if we will finde. Luke, II. for the blessings of God are not the e spoiles of Salmacis7 without sweat and bloud: though they be cheap yet they come not alwaies without our own indeauors: which indeauors of ours if they be vsed, O with what ioy may we expect Gods blessings vpon vs, f as the husband man waits for the former & the later rain, Israel sinned (as they did often) God was angry, Moses prayed, God sayd vnto him g Stay me not Moses; as if prayer had beene a corde to binde the hands of God, that he could not smite: Marks well the words, Stay me not Moses, but let mee smite the people. h Is any man afflicted, let him pray. Yea but God many times seemes not to heare, but makes his children, like them that goe down into the pit. Yet, tarry thou the Lords leisure, be strong, prescribe him no time; but as i Moses stroke the rock twice, and the waters gushed out, so be not you weary of prayer, but with your prayers beate at the rock of your defence again and againe: and if not at the first, yet in Gods good time the waters of comfort will issue out, and make your soules like vnto a watered garden; you shall be changed from k Iacobs to Israels, that is preuailing with God. Pray you must, and not be sluggish; and when you pray you must be wise and call vpon God. Such was the practice of Constantine the Emperour, (when his enemy Licin­ ius begun his warres with exorcisimes and charines) he vndertooke l all with prayer and holy meditations, and therefore the Lord of heauen made him Lord of the field, and he found such comfort by praier, / that he stamped vpon his coine the m image of himself kneeling vnto his God. Pray to God you must, and not be foolish in the name of Christ, and not bee presumptuous. For n the name of him is the only name wherby wee must be saued. Jacob in his journey towarde Padan Aram, as hee dreamed saw o a ladder reared from earth to heauen, which (by the p iudgements of Diuines) was a figure of Christ who by his humane nature touched earth, and heauon by his diuinity: vpon this ladder there were Angels that passed vp and down, at the top of the ladder there stood Almighty God: whereby wee may be assured, that if we or our prayers passe by the ladder, by Christ Iesus, wee haue God the Father at the top of the ladder ready to receiue vs, and our prayers; whereas we have no such assurance, if wee goe by Saints, or Angells, or any other by-path, saue onely the Kings high way. q The ascending to the throne of Salomon was by sixe staiers, or stops, and at the end of every stayer was ingraven a Lion. Ascend you vnto the throne of a greater then Salomon, by the sixe petitions of the same prayer that the Sonne of God composed, and you shall find annexed to euery petition a lion, euen the Lion of the tribe of Iuda, who by his mediation will procure you both audience and fauour. r When the wine failed at the mariage at Cana of Galilee, Christ tooke sixe water pots full of water and turned them into wine: though those sixe petitions deliuered by our hearts and tongues (by reason of the mixture of our vanity) bee full of water, weake, wallowish, and not seasoned with that salt which every

Call. e [illeg.]. li. I. f Iam. 5.7. g Gen. 32.28. h Iam. 5.13.

i Neh. 20.11.

k Gen. 32.28. Vpon God.

l Eusebius de vita Cōst. 2. 4.8

m Idem de vita Const. 4.15. In the name of Christ. n Phil. 2.10. o Gē. 28.12. p See Doc. Willet vpon Gen.9

q I. Reg. 10.18.

r Ioh. 2.8.

18

s Iere. 2.13. t Theod. echist. 3.9.

u Ester 4.11.

x Ioh. 15.23.

For things: lawfull. y Rom. 8.26. *Strom. lib. 4.

a Iam. 5.16. b Exod. 19.13.

Zealously.

c Ecclesiastes 4.17.

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man should haue in himself, Mark 9: Ver.50: Yet by his power and mediation hee can make them strong as wine, and vs so strong, that by wrastling with God, wee shall be called no more Iacobs but Israel, that is prauying unto God. Yet for all this [illeg.] would s from the fountaine of liuing water into pits which have no water. When demand was made of the Oracle in Daphne neare vnto Antioch t why it ceased to give answers / formerly it had done the diuell made answer that he had no power, because in that place the bones and reliques of the Martyr Babylas were buried, insinuating some extra-ordinarie holinesse and power in the dead martyrs, and by consequent inviting the simple to call vpon them: but you have otherwise learned Christ, you know that your high Priest who hath felt your infirmities, Hebrews, 2. sayth, Come unto me all ye that are heauy laden, and I will ease you, Mat. 11, u When King Abashuerus waved his golden scepter toward any man, hee might boldly come unto him into the inner court, without using the meanes of any courtier: What neede we vse the meanes of eyther Peter, or Paul, or the virgin Mary or any Saint, seeing the K. of kings hath called vs vnto him by his word, the scepter of his kingdom? x Whatsoeuer you ask the Father in my name (saith Christ) he will give it you, You must pray in the name of Christ, & not be presumptuous: for things lawfull, and not be impious. For otherwise, you may aske and not have, because you ask a wiffe. If you ask either for things vnlawful, or for things lawfull, to be spent vnlawfully vpon your lusts, Iam. 4. If you pray for things vnlawfully how can the Spirit help your infir­ mities? Clemens Alexandrinus* obserueth of the Pythagoreans, that they cryed loud in their prayers, not because they thought their Gods did not heare them, but because they would haue the world heare that they prayed for nothing, but for things iustifiable. Let not impietie dead a thing that is so liuely of it selfe, as prayer is: happy are they that haue their quiuers full of these arrowes: it is not euery mans, but a the prayer of iust man, that preuaileth much if it be feruent. Moses was allowed to ascend vp into the mount to conferre with God: but (sayth God) b If any beast shal touch the mount, that beast shal die: So, you may send your sanctified thoughts vp vnto the throne of God; but as for the beasts, let not them once touch the mount: away with al beastly cogitations, away with cruelty that tyger, away with deceit that fox, with lust that goate, with drunkennesse that swine; in your prayers / consult not flesh and bloud, pray not for satisfaction of your idle, vain, carnall, and sinfull imaginations, but pray for things lawfull, and be not impious: zealously too, and be not luke-warme Christians. For, as a potful of water in the heat of sommer, is troubled and polluted with many flyes, but if the same water were boyled vpon the fire, the flyes neyther durst nor would come neere to pollute it : so, whiles our soules in prayer are cold and liuelesse, we are perplexed with vaine and idle cogitations; whereas if our mindes were inflamed with zeale, it would abandon all those vanities, and so rectifie our prayers, that wee should not offer c the sacrifice of fools. This care

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had not the men of Israel in their praiers, for either they called not, or not vpon God. Kings & Iudges were their fuell, they deuoured them both; the highest in place, were the despest in sin : for whereas God had taken away d ten tribes from Rehoboam, the sonne of Salomon, and giuen them to Ieroboam of e the kindred of Ephraim, euen the house of Ieroboam (the fountain) was corrupted, the roote of the King, the bloud royall, they that looked high in the court, they that sate at the sterne of the common wealth were corrupted; against these especially the f Prophet Hosea speaketh in this prophesie, so dooth Amos too; whereas Esay, & Micheas directed their prophecies against Iuda not Israel, not one medling with an others charge, as though they were all ruled by the form of their cōmission. Here I may justly tax our wandring planets, wandring Leuits: who though S. Paul make profession against boasting of an other mans line & labors; Yet they are neuer wel, but when they haue their scickles in an other mans haruest, as though they would rob all the Ministers about them of their g crowne of reioicing: like Juie winding about the oke, that it may stand it selfe, but yet sucking the iuice out of the oke they flatter so, that they winde themselves into favour with great ones, thereby standing themselves in credit, and sucking no small advantage. I cal God to record, I aime at no particular man in the / world, neither am I so vncharitable as to repine at any Minister of Gods word, whom necessitie forceth to take paines in many places now in this hard hearted age; neyther so vncurte­ ous as to disallow that vsuall exchange of labour in this kinde, among friendly Ministers of the word: but I thinke those worthy of reproofe, who willingly (for aduantage sake) hold this vnsettled course, presuming that the Citizens of Lon­ don are like them of Athens, hitching and longing for nouelties, & loathing Manna it selfe, especially if it come from them to whom they pay tythes. Thus these oyly mouthed Absolons speak plausible things, to bring the people out of loue with their true Father, their true gouernour, their Dauid, their true Shepheard: i thus they steale away the hearts of the weaker sort in whose braines there are many forgeries. Meane while those Ministers & Pastors of parishes, who, like candles spende away themselues to giue light to others, who haue borne the heate of the day, are disgraced, and the other sort suggest that besides (what is among them) k ther is no balm in Gilead, there is no Physician there. And the people come to heare their own Parson or Vicar, l as M. Bilney10 a godly Martyr-sayd the people came to heare him, like Malchus, hauing their right eares cut off: they bring their left only, sinisterly interpreting whatsoeuer they heare. So the nurses of Schisme do inuade the possessions of many painefull labourers. There haue been in times past som about this City, pedlers of learning, not ingrossing whole volumes by reading, but gleaning and deflowring printed bookes and Sermons, picke-purses of other means wits, meer banquerupts if euery man had his owne: they had m Esaus hands though they had Iacobs voices. And whether there be any such now a dayes or not, I can not tell: but if there be, I feare it is still the sicknesse of

d 1. Reg. 12.13. e 1. Reg. 11.16.

f Zaneh. in pro­ legom. sup. Hos.

Ephraim.

g.1. Thes. 2.19.

h. Act. 17.21.

i 2. Sam. 15.6.

k Ier. 8. 22. l Fox in Mar.

m Gen. 25.22.

20

n 1. Cor. 1.11. o 2. Tim. 4.19. * 2. Tim. 4.3.

p Exod. 28.29.

q Gals.4.35.

r 2. Reg. 3.12. s 2. Cor. 10.4.

Ephraim. u Gen. 48.24.

* Apoc. 2.7. Godly.

x Apoc. 2.4. y Mattb. 27.25.

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this City, to admire them and disesteem your owne Shepheards. They say your houses are the n houses of Cloë, your households the o households of Onesiphorus that house, that household would neuer be drawen to forsake their owne / Paul for* an heap of teachers: I desire you of this honourable City euen in the bowells of Christ Jesus, that you will not be willing to entertaine (you care not whom) so it be not your owne Minister, that you will not gad (you care not whither) so it be from your owne parish Church, but rather thinke that God in his wisdome hath placed your owne Ministers ouer your owne parishes; heare their voices: if you will not heare them but rather choose vnto your selues other places and hunt after other men, you goe about preposterously and saucily to break that order which the God of wisdome hath set. Your owne Minister like p Aaron (hauing the names of the ten tribes upon his brest-plate) should haue his parishoners neere and deare vnto him: and q you should euen pull out your eyes to doe him good, as the Galathians would haue done for Saint Paul: your owne Minister is the man whose prayers and preachings are countermures for your defence against the enemy. Say then of your owne Pastors, r My Father, my Father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen of the same: s for the weapons of their warfare are not carnal but mighty in God through Christ to cast downe holdes: they are the perfumers of the world, and though they be earthen vessells yet they carry that in them, that sweetens you. Such loue I say should you carry toward your own Ministers: So should Ephraim, euer haue had an care for their Prophet Hosea, for the Prophet leuelled his speeches against Israell which was his butte, and in the middest of this butte his fayrest whire was the house of Ephraim, Ephraim, hath mixt, &c. There was a time when u Iacob laide his right hand vpon the head of Ephraim, the younger sonne of Ioseph, and his left hand vpon Manasses the elder; from whome hee gaue the superioritie: which prognostication began to bee fulfilled, Iudg. 8. when one cluster of the grapes of Ephraim was thought better then the vin­ tage of Abiezer: whereby Gedion intimateth that the men of Ephraim in pursuite of Oreb and Zeb had the wheeles of their chariots like the / whirlewinde, and in surprising them being so pursued, their strength was as the strength of stones. But howe are the brawnes of the armes of that Ephraim fallen? Ephraim is degen­ erate: which Ephraim? Ephraim that was somtimes godly and in Gods fauour, Ephraim that was now pompous and of the kindred of the King; this Ephraim is become degenerate. I will drawe bloud out of these two veynes, and briefly handle these two points. * Hee that hath an eare to heare, let him heare. Ierusalem (as you know) was the chosen Cedar among all the trees of the forrest, it had the birth-right from all the Cities in the world: and so long as holinesse kept residence in it, it was the Cisterne into which the fountaine of all grace powred his blessings by many conduit pipes and meanes: x But shee left her first loue: y Shee cryed loude for Christs bloud to fall vpon her and vpon her children, and so it fell vpon her, and now, How is the gold become so dim? The Prophets complaine

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in diuers places, that the house of God was turned into the house of vanity: and that the * valley of vision was turned into the valley of the shadow of death. Ther­ fore trust no vndermining Iesuite, though he crie loud, The church of Rome, as euer the Iewes did a Templum Domini, the Temple of the Lord. I confesse that which no man can denie, that in Pauls b time the faith of Rome was famous ouer all the world, but now I feare that mother is not much more then a Church, she is so gawdily trapped with the inuentions of man. Though (like one clayming a monopoly from God) she ingrosse holinesse; and arrogate more vnto her self, then her sister Churches, yet I feare she is one of those starres c which the Dragon with his tayle hath swept downe from heauen, she deserued to lose her praise, when she lost her piety: d How is the gold become so dimme? Such was the case of Ephraim, which first, and which secondly I noted: Ephraim, that was a Ruler among the people, was become out of measure sinfull. An inconuenience indeed, seeing that great mens actions are made presidents among their inferiours, who suite / themselues after the fashion of their gouer­ nors: that knew the diuell well enough when he sayd vnto God, I will be e a lying spirit in the mouth of Achabs Prophets: hee knewe the Prophets could lead Achab, and Achab the people; if he could guide the leaders, then he knew hee should win the field. Ieroboam is neuer met with all in the book of God but like a cap­ tiue with a chaine at his heels: and as one doing publicke penance with a plate of impiety vpon his forehead, he is called f Ieroboam the sonne of Nebat that caused all Israel to sinne. If a little shrub or twigge fall to the ground, it falls it selfe onely: but if a Cedar fall, it falls not only it selfe, but with the fall it breakes downe the little trees that grow about it: So the sinnes of priuate men are onely banes to themselues; but if great men fall into impietie, they are accessary to the ruine of many others, whereas g Iosias seruing God himselfe was a meane to put down the hill altars, destroy the Chemarims, and vtterly to abolish Idolatry: his goodnesse was like h Aarons oyntment flowing from the head to the beard, and so by degrees vnto the skirts of his garment. There was a dispute among the Philosophers (as Plutarch reporteth) whether an army of Lions (a Hart being their captaine) or an army of Harts (a Lion being their captaine) were more powerfull: i It was deter­ mined for the army of Harts following the Lion, to shew what vertue is infused into the followers by the leader. If then the inferiour be the image of the superiour, and (like an image in a glasse) looke vpward or downeward to heauen or hell, as the body (I mean the superiour) doth, then giue me leaue to aduise you that sit at the sterne whether of little barks or greater ships, whether of houses, cities, or of countries, that your euill conuersations be not thornes in your childrens eyes and others whom you cōmaund: If they perceiue your eyes to be sweld with lust, your hearts to be as hard as the neather milstone, your tongues to be enuenomed with slander, your whole life to bee k a compassing of the earth by deceit (as Sathans was) they will deeme

*Esay 22.1.

a lev. 7.4. b Rom. 1.8.

c Apoc. 12.4. d Lamē. 4.1.

Great among the people. e i. Reg. 22.23.

f. 2. Reg. 3.3.

g. 2. Reg. 23.

h. Psal. 133.2.

i. Opinio Chabriæ apud Plut. in apotheg.11

k Iob. 1.

22

l 2. Sam. 1.2.1.

m Math. 187.

n Neh. 6.11.

o Iosh. 24.15.

Ephraim hath mixt himselfe. p Ier. 31.29.

* Virg. Eclog. 8.12

q 2. Cor. 3.5. r Luk 17.10.

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straight their warrant sealed for committing the / like offences; and then: l O ye Mountaines of Gilboa, vp on you be neither deaw norraine, because upon you the shields of the mighty is fallen: O ye great ones of the world then is a curse vpon you: because, if not vpon you, yet by your meanes, vertue, the blessing which should cloath the children of God, and as a shielde defende them from the strokes of Gods vengeance (for they are safe that appeare in their Sauiours right­ eousnesse) vertue (I say) is cast downe, troden vnder foote, and made of none account among the lesser sort because of the example of the greater: So m euill doth come, and woe bee to them by whome it doth come. How much better is it for a man of worth to say with Nehemiah, n Should such a man as I flee? His meaning was, Not I, by any meanes; least others should bee discouraged by my flight: how much better is it to haue the saying of Ioshuah for a motto euer to be remembred, o I and my house will serue the Lord: I, (and because I) therfore my house. O you Superiours then, who with a respected grace sit at the sterne of exam­ ple, how can you escape a double death, hauing their bloud vppon you as well as your owne for beeing accessarie to their guilt? Such was the case of Ephraim; who being great in Israell caused Israell to sinne as may appeare by the first verse of this chapter: for when God would haue healed Israel, he was led by the hand from the stream, to the spring; from Israel to Ephraim, whose example was the bane of Israel, which Ephraim hath mixt himselfe among the people: so by that meanes hee had not onely sinnes bredde at home, but also borrowed abroade. Ephraim, hath mixt himselfe among the people, Ephraim is as a cake vpon the hearth not turned. If you aske who mixt? Ephraim mixt himselfe: if you aske where? among the people: if you aske what were the effects? he was as a cake on the hearth not turned. Ephraim, and so all man-kinde is poyzed downe the wrong way by his owne plummets: and the by as beeing / set vpon the left side of vs all, wee are of our selues naturally more prone vnto euill then goodnesse. p Our fathers haue eaten sower grapes, and the childrens teeth are set on edge. Eue, our great grand-mother being beguiled by the Serpent, sawe, and liked, and eate the fruite of the forbid­ den tree: well may that in the Poet be fitted vnto her; – *Vt vidi? vt perij? intravit mors per fenestras, her eye was accessarie vnto the sinne of her soule. Adam com­ mitted treason, and we that are Adams heyres forfeited our estates, wee haue our wills fettered, and our vnderstanding (the candle of our soules) put out: there is a dash in our coate for euer. The world was like a well tuned instrument, all the creatures in their kinde gaue prayse to God, there being no iarre, till man who was the chiefe of the consort, strayned a note beyond his reach: euer since, the sonnes of Adam haue had their meditations brackish & impure. Saint Paul becomes our Herauld, and tels vs in many places q that of our selues wee cannot thinke a good thought, and the best of vs, r when wee haue done all that wee can, wee are but vnprofitable seruants: and like an impartiall christian he beginnes at

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home with himselfe, and sayth: s Wretched man that I am, who shall deliuer mee from this body of death? If you beleeue not him, yet melt at the lamentation of our mother the Church: whose iron heart making her lumpish, and vnfit to goe to GOD without Godspirit (like an Adamant to drawe her) cryes out in the first of the Canticles, and sayth: Drawe me, and I will runne after thee. And yet the Papists do so much flatter flesh and bloud, that they make mans soule as a birde in a cage, hauing wings to flie if the cage were open; and like a lameman going vpon chrutches, needing perhaps a little helpe, as though they would make him cooperate with God: Whereas weak men (God knowes) we want both wings and legges, both will and power vnto goodnesse: for, t from God cometh (trust Paul rather then Bellarmine himselfe) & velle & perficero. / Lactantius13 (who was the hammer of gentilisme) u ‘pleades against the hea­ thens and sayth, that their gods were not the authours of corne, and wine, and oyle: hee sayth hee can proue these things were in the world before eyther Ceres or Saturne were borne. But if these things were inuented by them, who but onely God gaue them wit to inuent such things? We are all of vs of the metall of a stone, wee can rowle downe hill by our selues, of our own nature: but vp to heauen-ward we cannot go without the help of Gods holy spirit. We are like a spring-locke, of our selues wee can shut and keepe out the graces of God: wee cannot open our selues to receiue them in, but by the help of thee (O Lord) who art the onely key. But blessed be God, who takes away our hearts of stone, and giues vs hearts of flesh: * who at the first by his preuenting grace doth worke in vs to be willing, and after with his subsequent grace he accompanieth vs, that being willing, wee should not will in vaine. Therfore, x In nullo gloriandumest, quianihilest nostrum, we must boast our selues of nothing, because nothing is our owne: we are starres, we deriue all that we haue from the Father of lights, Iam. I. y Giue therfore Lord what thou commandest, and then commaund what thou wilt. For, goodnesse is a flower that growes not in our gardens: It becomes vs al to looke vpon our trailing wings, and confesse that we cannot fly, for no spices can flowe out of our gardens, no vertues out of our soules, vnlesse Gods holy Spirit inrich our soules, * vnlesse the North and South arise & blowe vpon our gardens. For of ourselues we are naturally inclined to euill, as Ephraim was: so if you aske who mixt? he mixt himselfe: if you aske where? he mix: himselfe among the people. What, Ephraim? hauing all Israel as a traine to follow after? they all making by many degrees the maior part of the sonnes of Abraham, they being tenne tribes, and Iuda but onely two? being ioined with the people too, were not they a goodly companie, euen as the morning spred upon / the mountains? Yes their multitude was great, but they were not therefore holy, because they were many: and therfore insteed of wine, Bellarmine brocheth that which is worse then water, when a for one of the markes of the Church hee sets downe multitude, as

s Rom. 7.24.

t Phil. 2.13. u Liber instit. 4.

* Aug. Ench. ad Laur.14 x Aug. de bono pers. cap. 19.15 y Idemeod. lib. cap. 20.

* Cant. 4.16.

Among the people.

a Quarts notaeccl. secund. Bel.

24

b x. Reg. 18.22.

c Plin.ep.ad Traian.

d Hoc colligitur ex varijs locis eccles. hist. Socr. & Soz.17

e Luke, 12.31.

People.

f Iam. 1.15.

g Ps. 122.1. h Amos 4.4. i Gen. 49. k Tim. 4.10. l Apoc. 2. m Lib. 2. Soliloq.

n 1. Reg. 12 28.

o Pro Ros. Amer.

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though there were not a broade way that leades vnto hell, and many passengers in that way. Math. 7.14. What glory did multitude bring vnto the Church, b when Elias mourned because there were so few that professed true religion, as though he had been left alone as a sparrow vpon the housetop? In the daies of Traian the Emperor, the Church of God was like a doue in the holes of the rock: & therfore the Christians in his time being excepted against for their conuenticles; c were apologized by Plinie the second, who wrot vnto Traian,16 and told him that he found no fault with the Christians, vnlesse it were a fault to pray and praise their God in their antelucane hymns. d There was a time whē the Arrian heresies spred so fast, that there was Athanasius against all the world, and all the world against Athana­ sius:18 Gods chosen was a pearle in the rock, and a vain of gold hid in the earth hard to be found. The wildernesse is great where the goates do range, the folde of God but small: e yet feare not little flock, it is your fathers will to giue you a kingdome. Ephraim hath mixt himselfe among the people. They were an irreligious and idolatrous people, which were as thornes in the sides of Ephraim: and means to draw them vnto euill. Out of which words doth arise this second obseruation, that wee must auoide euill companie. For, with the froward we shall learne frowardnesse. The wicked are like stickes one vnto an other, kindling the heate of concupiscence: mid-wiues they are, by their perswa­ sions helping monstrous births in the world, bringing to passe that f the sooner lust may conceiue and bring forth sinne, and sinne when it is finished may bring forth death. They reach out one vnto an other the hand of errour, saying, not, g Come let vs goe vp into the house of the Lord, but h let / vs go up to Bethel, and transgresse to Gilgal & multiply transgression. A wicked companion is like vnto. Dan i an adder in the path, which bites the horse, & makes the rider to fal backward, he makes those whō he worketh vpō by his perswasions to becom retrograde, k with Demas to forsake Paul & embrace this present world, & with 1 the Church of Ephesus to leave their first loue, & becom Apostats in matters of Christianitie. It is a perillous conflict between the fire and the stubble, euen iron m (sayth Isi­ dorus) will melt at this fire, the most stayed man (seeing all men haue such flaxen soules and so apt to take fire) will thaw into vanity when he meetes with euill company. As n Ieroboam reared vp golden calues in Dan and Bethel, to keepe the people from going to serue God at Ierusalem: So, to draw those that are flexible from their good and godly purposes, they erect vanities, and games vnto Bacchus and Flora: which idoles, I meane drunkennesse and wantonnesse, are better cli­ ented vpon the Sabboth day, then the Ministers of Gods word. With a thousand lures, euill companions prouoke vnto intemperate courses; and like Fimbria in Tullies pleadings for Roscius o who was angry with Scœuola19 that hee would not receiue all his sword (point and blade) into his bowells: so these are angry that all others will not runne with them into the same excesse of riot. But it becomes you

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who haue better learned Christ, to bee like p Arethusa which passeth through the Sicilian Sea, and yet takes no saltnesse, q to line (as Paul woulde haue men to liue) blamelesse in the middest of a frowarde and crooked generation. It is with the common corruptions of the world, as with a common plague; when no man may safely conuerse with these, but the Physicions to cure them, nor any with those but graue and wise men to drawe them vnto goodnesse by their good counsel. r Ouer the arke of the Lord in the tabernacle there were purtrayed cherubins, & they had their faces and wings looking and pointing one toward an other, but all of them toward the arke of testimony: So, euery / one must ayme at an other by their loue, but all of them at the Lord; they must loue in the Lord, and euer maintaine that true loue knot of the communion of Saints. And heere for the vse of this doctrine, I can not passe ouer a triple caueat, which is meete to bee giuen to three sorts of men: the first, simple men: the second, men of wandring conceits: the third, selfe conceited. Simple are they, who vpon a consideration that all the World is wicked, do sequester themselues from the World, affecting a Monasticall life, forget­ ting that God in the Nonage of the World, sayd, s It was not good for man to be alone: auoyding (perhaps) some occasions of doing hurt; but for going (without doubt) all meanes of doing good. And heere you haue the pedigree of Eremites, whose liues were led vnder t a bushell, whereas both life and doctrine should haue beene on a candlesticke; they euer quarrelled with humane society; like candles turned downewarde, choaking the flame of themselues, with the oyle of themse­ lues: themselues by their owne peevishnesse damming vp the light that he world might haue been the better for: and so retyring themselues from all occasions of intercourse, (in their dul iudgements) become Antipodes, and tread oppo­ site vnto the world their liues are a continuall rowing against the stream, and their own houses may seem to deserue the names & the inscriptions of their sepulchers. u S. Francis was one that lost the society of men, and conuersed with beasts, and birds; and so much ioyed in solitarinesse & a priuate life, that the Papists take him to be a man that trāsgressed x no one iot of the lawe; and therfore they haue compyled hymnes and songs in prase of him, as though he had had a maiden soule, free from sin: yet for all these boastings, no question but he & al their dearlings were men, and had their affections, they found many mutinies and rebellions in their little Common-wealths. A secōd sort of men ther be, who think they canot sufficiently mingle them­ selues with euil cōpany at home, therfore / they affect trauailing abroade, that hauing trafficks with forraine countries, they may borrow the sinnes of other nations. God I confesse hath inriched seueral countries, with seuerall commodi­ ties; that (no countrey being absolute of itselfe) euery country should craue helpe of another: So the wisedome of God hath decreed, that the need of every countrey should occasion loue among all countries. Hence doth arise the neces­

p Virg. ecl. vlt. q Phil. 2.15.

r Exo. 25.20.

Simple.

s Gen. 2.18.

t Math. 5.15.

u Buccbij liber aureus de conform. vitæ Francisci & Christi et lib. cons. Franc. pag. 138. x Matt, 51 18.

Wandring conceits.

26

y Gen. 34.2.

* 1. Reg. 11.4.

a 1. Reg. 10.22.

Men of proude coceits.

b Iodg 5.15.

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sity of the Marchants trade, which triumpheth as a Queene in this honorably City, and makes it like vnto Tyrus, Esay, 23. hauing the riches of the riuer to be a reuenew vnto it, & her marchants as the Nobles of the world: Yet in my opinion the trauelles of manie young gentlemen are more ordinary, then beneficiall. I do not censure all, much lesse condemn them, for I know the vse thereof hath beene, and may bee behoouefull to our common mother: yet many I knowe (y like Dina the daughter of Iacob) haue lost their virginity by going abroad, and haue returned home impure; and our countrey which in former ages was plaine and downeright, they have made like Arras, full of strange formes and colours, hauing in it twisted and wouen the fashions of all countries that are inhabited, as though the fowre windes had conspired to blowe their chaffe, and their featheres & their dust among vs, and make a dunghill of our countrey. They imbrue their minds in the impieties and sucke vp the infections of other countries; and returning home with stomakes fully charged, they vomit their poyson in their mothers lap, they practice in England, what they haue vnhappily learned abroad. * Salomons outlandish women brought in outlandish religion, and conditions, and so much estated themselues in the bosom of the king, that they drew him and his people to idolatry. a The same Salomon sent his Embassadours into strange countries for gold and siluer, and iuorie; So they went ouer and brought them, & withall they brought apes and peacockes: I feare it is the case of many, whose friends send them abroad to learn knowledge & experience, wherby they may better the church / and common-wealth, which perhaps they leaue behinde, and bring home onely the apes and peacockes; I meane proude and phantasticall conditions. Else what meanes this reuolution of fashions, when men that should be meer English are not themselues; but compounded men, Spanish, Dutch, Italian, and what not? I would therefore (in the bowells of Christ) exhort all you young Gentlemen, that intend this course of trauelling, that you would striue to bring home, not the apes and peacockes, but the gold, and siluer, and iuory, viz. that learning, and those manners that are pretious: so shall you make a sauing voyage vnto your owne soules, and gaine that good experience whereby your countrey shall be inriched. A third sort of people there bee, who pretend such an abhorring of euill com­ pany, that they looke asquint & disdainefully vpon all men, as being not holy enough to conuerse with themselues. They are so teasty that they quarrell with the orders of the Church, reputing them as olde haire which superstition hath shaken off. They are Brownists and Barowists,20 peace-breakers of the Church: though our countrey now bee not much molested with them, b yet for the diui­ sions of Ruben there haue beene great thoughts of heart. It is with our soules while wee liue in these houses of clay, as with men while they liue in howses: neyther can they enjoy the full benefit of the sunne, but both light and heate is abated; neither can our soules of the Sun of righteousnesse, there is found such imper­

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fection both in the warmth of loue and in the light of vnderstanding. Though the Prophet reproued them that sayde one vnto an other c I am holyer then thou: Though Christ sayd that d tares will growe among the wheate untill the harvest: Though Saint Paul sayth that e If we will depart quite from the wicked, wee must depart out of the world: Yet for all this the Brownists, & the Barrowists hold opinion, fthat we of the Church of England are not true members of the Church, nor our Church the true Church of God, because stained (say they) with irrel­ ligion and impiety. / The varnish of their owne hypocrisie deludes them so, that they make loue vnto themselues, and grow amorous of their owne vertues, which they drawe farre beyond the staple, that of it they may weaue vnto themselues a garment of righteousnesse. What could the Pharisie haue done more, who pleaded his owne merite, saying: g I fast twice aweeke, I giue almes to the poore, and giue tythe of all I haue. If looke into their conuersations and obserue their vaunts, with iudicious eyes & cares; O! what a rank shall you see of barren fig-trees, and h greenbay-trees, to whom Dauid compares the wicked? O what a noise shall you heare of tynkling cymballs; to which S.Paul compares them which haue a shewe of religion, but no loue. 1. Cor. 13. So little loue to their equalles haue these men, that when the rod of God is shakē ouer our heads i they make themselues the onely men that are fit to stand in the gappe: they blaze the honour of their owne preaching, as though it were so full of like, that they only knew the bloud and marrow of the Scriptures: of their own praiers, as though they were so effectuall that Elias his spirit were only redoubled vpon them, and that euery one of them is a second Elizeus. So little obedience haue they to their superiours, k that the reuerend fathers of the Church (who may well borrow that saying of the Church in the Canticles; l The sonnes of my mother (were angrie with mee) are by these men scorned, disobayed, resisted: Father forgiue them, for they know not what they doe. Luke 23. m The sonnes of Sophocles being desirous to rule, impleaded the Father for dot­ age, that they might haue all matters committed to themselues;22 but Sophocles presented, to the Iudges, his Oedipus colonœus, a tragedy which hee had penned in his olde age, and bade them iudge whether that was the worke of a doting man or not; which they all esteeming to come from a wit full of nimblenesse and actiuity, condemned the sonnes, and iustified the Father: So these fiery spirits, longing to haue the staffe in their owne hands, haue by their words, and in their writings / traduced the Fathers of our Church: but if we looke vpon their Oedi­ pus colonœus, and marke with what discretion they gouerne, and how behouefull their gouernment is for our times, we shall surely finde them not to bee doting Fathers, but their accusers to be wicked sons. And here, my brethren, bemone with me the estate and calamity of our mother the Church, which (Rebekah like) hath diuers opinions striuing in her wombe: must not her pangs needs be great? n Amphisbena-like, two heads one against an other striue for the soueraignty: is

c Esay 65.5. d Math. 13 30. e 1. Cor. 15.10. f See their writings M. Gifford and others against them.21

g Luk. 18.12. h Ps. 37.35.

i Gifford against Barrow pag. 88.

k Gifford against Barrow pag. 83 l Cant. 3.5.

m Tull. de Senec­ tute.

n Plin. nat. hist.23

28

o Sen. in Thebaid.24

p 2.Sam 1.20.

q 1. Cor. 3.3. r Luke 1. s Barn. epist. 02. ad quédam Abbatum.

t Can. 6.3.

u 1. Cor. 14.40.

* Fybes. 4.3.

A cake not turned. x Apoc. 3. y 1. Reg. 18.21. * Reg. 5.18. a 1. Sam. 5.4. b 2. Cor. 6.15. c Euseb. cc. hist. lib. 3. cap. 22. d 2. Reg. 2.23.

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not the body then like to breake? O! how well doth it become the sonnes of oyle to nourish peace, a fruite of him which is annointed with the oyle of gladnes aboue his fellows? When wind blowes against wind, schism against schism, the Church may say as Iocasta somtimes said, weeping ouer the malice of her two sonnes, Eteocles, and Polynices: o Tu times illum, & illete, egavtruniq sed pro vtroq; thou fearest him, and hee feares thee, and I feare you both, because I feare the destruc­ tion of you both. O you then that are too prodigall of enmity one towards an other, p let not the streets of Gath, and Ascalon ring your disgrace, nor the daughters of the Philistines tune your shame to their tymbrells, Bee not the nayles and teeth of the Church to scratch and bite your brethren: howsoeuer your sayles swell with a fauourable gale, yet Lipsius in his fist booke of Politicks aduiseth you to take in at the harbour of peace: it becomes not members of the same body to interfere and worke one vpon an other. q When there are iarres among you, are not you carnall? Yes, for peace becomes those spirits which rellish and taste of him, whose birth-day song was r Peace vpon the earth. Better s, sayth a learned Father, vt pereat unus quam unitas: and therefore with inlarged bowelles, I speake, not now vnto Brownists, and Barowists, but vnto those who are neerer friends to our Church (men for their diligence and other good partes worthy of much prayse) and yet so impatient at the ceremo­ nies of our Church, that they be scarce willing (in the obseruing of / them) to ioine with vs. I would pray them to remember that in the Canticles, where the Church is compared vnto t an army with banners displayed: Now if there was euer army without order let them iudge: if there ought not to be order in the Church, let Saint Paul iudge, who sayth; u Let euery thing be done decently and in order. Seeing then there is one God the Father of vs all, one Church the mother of vs all, one Christ the elder brother of vs all, one Baptism the seale of vs all, one faith the hand of vs all, one saluation the marke whereat we all shoot, let vs striue * to maintaine the vnity of the spirit, and in the band of peace. Let vs not be so con­ ceited of our own holinesse, as to distaste all mens company; nor yet so lauish of our company as to mingle our selues amōg the wicked, but be cautelous least we be like to Ephraim, who mixt himselfe among the people: and the effect of this mixture was lamentable, he was as cake on the hearth not turned. Rawe on the one side, and rosted on the other, partly religious, and partly idolatrous, x luke-warms, fit to be spewed out of Gods mouth, a sinne indeed to halt betweene two opinions, to haue y a knee for God, and a knee for Baal; and for * Rimmon, in the house of Rimmon, to professe two religions, to wooe the flames of persecution, least they should indure the punishment of eyther. a If Dagon presume to stand by the arke of the Lord, it is well worthy to fall: b there is no communion between Christ and Beliall.c Saint Iohn could not endure to be with Cerinthus in the bath: d Saint Ieromes pen like a launce was charged against Vigi­ lantius and many others. S. Austen in his disputations spake hot words, coales of

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iuniper against the Arrians, the Pelagians, the Donatists, and the Manachees. d Before all these Iosias whose name remaines vpon record in the kalender of the iust (whose soule is bound up in the bundle of life, and his life hid in Christ with God) could not indure idolatry while he raigned: e Therefore, his name is like a perfume, made by the art of the Apothecary. f It is remembred of a certain Souldan which dyed at the siege of Zigetum, that being / perswaded by the Muphti (who holdes the place of a Bishop or Patriarke among the mahumetan turkes) not to suffer so many religions as were in his dominions; he answered, that a nosegay of many flowers smelled more sweetly then one flower only: which I confess to be true, but the case with religions is neither the same, nor the like; for in a nosegay they may be all flowers, but among religions they must be all weeds, all heresies, except one only flower which is the truth. g The spirit of God blames the Church of Ephesus for imbracing the doctrine of the Nicholaitans: the Church of Smyrna for imbracing the doctrine of Balaam: the Church of Thyatira for imbrac­ ing the doctrine of Iezabel: religion is the iewell of the ring, h therfore the same mouth that speaketh the language of Canaan, why should it speake the language of Ashdod? the same chaire of state which holds religion stamped with the image of the most high, why should it holde the i purple harlot, the whore of babylon with all her paintings and complexions vpon her face, and the cup of fornication in her hand? There be two reasons to the contrary, the one politicall, the other theologicall or diuine. The reason politicall is drawen from the mutinies and vprores that are made where there are two religions professed. There were in the Church of Germany the opinions of Seruetus and Gentilis: what ruptures those meteors bred in that skie, what breaches in that Church I will not tell you; but I refer you vnto k M. Bezaes epistles,26 where you shall see the iudgement of M. Caluin, and many others against the toleration of them. When Martin Luther vnder the counte­ nance and conduct of Frederike the Duke of Saxony held a candle in the darke before Gods bleared children, and awaking antiquity for his succour opened a doore vnto the truth, there was a booke published by authority for the allowance of interim Germanicum, that is, till matters of religió were setled among them, men should enjoy what religion they would in the interim or meane time. It was misliked by many great diuines, among / the rest by Gasper Aquila a Minister of great account at that time, by the Lubicenses, the Lunebergenses, the Ham­ burgenses, the Magdeburgici, and for the most part by all the lower Saxony. The relation of these things would require a long time: therefore I refer you for your better knowledge vnto divers part of Sleidans commentaries, where you shall finde the sturres were great, and the consequents had like to haue been bloody. If God in his wisedome would set a marke of distinction, vpon all such as did not mourne for our Sion in her Widdowhood, nor pray for the peace of our Ierusalem; what a shewe would the ranke of our hollow hearted English make,

d 2. Reg. 2.23.

e Eccles. 49. f Philip. Camerar. in operibus succes­ siuis.25

g Apocaliy. cap. 2.3.

h Neh. 13.24.

i Apoc. 17.

Politicall.

k Epist. ad Dudi­ tium & epist. ad orthodoxos omnes.

Pag. 640.

Pag. 658.

30

l Iudg. 9.28.

*Iud.14.18. Theologicall.

Weaknesse of man. m Cóstat as diuersis locis Soz eccl. hist. n Aduerso sole colores Virg.27 o Malach.4.

The commandment of God. p Leuit. 22.9.

* Luk. 5.36. q Gen. 9.27.

r Mat. 5.29. s Cant. 1.

t Cant. 1.

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who would pull downe our culuer house, our little Church? How often hast thou heard them, O God, (though they whispered vnto themselves) say of the enemies of our peace; lWhy are the wheels of his chariot so long a comming? I thirst not after their bloud or trouble, their veines shall euer be springs of bloud for mee: but seeing they will not be charmed not heare, then if the house bee shaken about their eares, it is but iustice. If the liberty of them say vnto the conseience, I am restrayned for thee: If the wealthy say vnto the conscience, I am impayred for thee: If the strength of the body say vnto the conscience, I am brought low for thee; Iustice I say vpon them, of whom our enemies may say vnto us, * If we had not plowed with your heifers wee had gayned no aduantage against you. The reason Theologicall, or diuine, is drawen first from the weakenesse of man, secondly from the commaundement of God. The weakenesse of man is such, that the diuel who can turne himselfe into an Angell of light, playes vpon that advantage: and therefore it quickely came to passe that all the easterne Churches m almost were corrupteed with Arrianisime, and the world wondred that it was so suddenly turned Arrian. Heresie is like a raine-bowe, it hath a thousand colours glorious and seeming coelestial: but / n it is euer against the Sun, o the Suns of righteousnesse: therfore it is fit for no man to mingle himselfe among the hereticall, but rather to get out of Babylon, that there may be recouered out of the jawes of the deuourer, a legge or a peace of an eare, Amos the 3. & the 12. some one or other silly and miscarried soule. Besides the weaknesse of man, there is the commaundment of God also inforc­ ing; the tenor whereof is, that p no ground should be sowen with two seedes, that no garment of linsie wolsie should be worn, that no ground should be plowed with an axe and an asse together: all which were shadowes of two religions, whereof there ought not to be a mixture. For, to ioine olde ceremonies of superstition with Gods truth, is to stitch * a peece of an olde garment vnto a new vesture, which will make the rent or breach the greater, the sinne more odious vnto God. It is obserueable that Noah prayed for his sonnes, and sayde: q God perswade Iaphet to dwell in the tents of Sem, and let Canaan bee their servant: hee knewe how well it pleased the holy Trinity, to see the vnion of the godly, and their loathing of the vngodly: it pleased God indeed, else would the Prophet Dauid neuer have hung up a table of statutes for his owne house (his little Common-wealth) Psal. 101. whereby he chased away all the wicked, whom (as the same David testifieth else­ where) God himself loued not: the vngodly and him that delighteth in wickednesse doth his soule abhorre. Psa. 11.5. Happy are we then, in whofe land Popery is not infranchised and made free Denizen. So God would haue it, r hee would haue the offending eye or hand cut off. Therefore s tell vs still, O Lord, where thou feedest, and where thou liest at noone, we will only cleaue vnto thy truth; and not hunt after the opinions that are heretical, the inuentions of mans braines t for why should we be as she that turneth aside vnto the flockes of those companions? I will conclude

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this point with the testimony of the Cappadocians by Gregory Nazianzen in his Monodia:28 who seeing them live in safety and peace, when al their neighbour countries about them were mudded / with contention, sayde, that sure they were preserued the holy Trinity; because they did without rent, with one accord so zealously maintain the Trinity against the Arrians. I hasten to that which fol­ loweth: among religious u vnum est necessarium, one thing is needfull. And so from the sinne of Ephraim, I come to the punishment of Ephram, which out of these words the interpreters say, was this: that as men being hungry & comming with a rauenous desire vnto a cake that is vpon a hearth, deuoure and eat it vp, though it be not baked but raw on the one side; so shall the enemies of Ephraim like those hungry deuourers, come with violéce against them, hastily make spoile, and prey vpon them. The handling of which point of their punish­ ment, though I wil not adiourn vntil another time, yet I will square it and make it sit vnto another place of this text; namely, the verse following, vpon which this doctrine may more sutably be grafted, for it is sayd: Strangers haue deuoured his strength, & yet he knoweth not &c. Which punishment (without doubt) was deepe, if not the bottom of the cup of trembling. Deep indeed, whether wee respect the deuourers, they were stran­ gers: or the thing deuoured, which was the strength of Ephraim. Many times in the booke of Moses, Ioshua, the Kings, and Choronicles, it is auerred vnto the children of Israell, by God, who is onely true; that if the people of Israell would serue the Lord, they should enjoy the land: If not, then they sould bee dispossessed by strangers,* a people of a sterne countenance, and an vnknowne language. Which admonitions of Almighty God being knit together, like as many beames of the sunne in a burning glasse, may serue like those beams to kindle a fire, to inflame the harts of men, to make thēselues zealous for the Lord of hosts; that by their obedience, the daughter of that zeale, they may preuent the inuasion of strange deuourers, of x Babel who is a golden cup in the hand of the Lord (as the Prophet Ieremy sayth) to make the nations drunken with vengeance, / and then they rage. As it was the prophesie of God, who knew before; so was it the case of Israel, who felt it, when it came vpon them: For, y By the waters of Babylon they sate downe and wept when they remembred thee, O Sion; as for their harps they hanged them vpon the willowes that were theron, while they that led them captive sayd; Come and sing vs one of your songs of Sion: but alas how could they sing the Lords song in a strange land? This was their first captiuity after the lawe: but they were surprised the second time anon after the death of Christ, like men who were willing to beare neyther the hard yoke of the lawe, nor that of the Gospell which is easie, Matth. II. though (in the judgement of S. Iames)* it be called a lawe of liberty. For the Ægle in the Romane ensigne (that was their armes) towred alost with incredible maiestie, and couched all the nations of the world vnder it like lesser birdes, and made them tributarie vnto Casar: among

u Luk. 10.42.

Strangers.

*Deu.28.49.

x Ierr.5.7.

y Psal 137.

*Iam 2.12.

32

a Iosephus.

b Iosephus.

c Euseb.eccl. hist. lib. 4.29 * Soz lib. 5. cap. 21.

d Iosh. 6. 26.

e Gen. 49.2.

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other countries the land of Iurie was dead in sinnes and trespasses, and therefore (as one sayth) became a carcasse or a smelling carion, and therefore fittest to bee preyed vpon by that Æagles they indured the deuourings of a stranger, but by whom? but when? but how? By whom? a by Vespasian the Emperour, and Titus his fon: when? about 40. yeers after the prophecy of Christ, of the destruction of Ierusalem: how? that I may tel, who gives me the pen of Esdras the Scribe? or the tongue of some fluent Orator? There were diuers apparitions in the City, besides voices from the East, and from the West, all as prognosticatious of their ruine; within the wals they were diuided into diuers companies, vnder diuers captaines, they turned their swordes vpon themselves (quisfur or bicciues?) as though their own hands had beene ordained to bee their executioners, as well as their soules were malefactours, and rebells against their God. b Then came hunger, and pes­ tilence, and the sword (like Gods good seruants) shouldering out one another, and striuing which of them should first reuenge their masters quarrell; Famine made mothers eate their / children: and those wombes that gaue them harbour, were now become the places of their buriall: one cut an others throat that hee might catch the morsells before they fell into his bellie: extreame hunger made their practices lamentable and monstrous, both to be pittied and abhorred. When famine had played his part, then came pestilence and layed-along whole heards of them grouelling vpon the ground: which misery when they felt they gasped, and gased vpon the temple, as the story saith. Which misery when Titus (the delight and honour of mankind) beheld, he lift vp both hands and eies together to heauen, and called God to witnesse, that it was not his cruelty but their impiety that did thus awake him whose hand holdes vengeance for to repay. When famine and pestilence had powred out their vialles, then came the man vpon the red horse, Apoc. 5. Bloud, and warre, and the winged sword flew with triumph among them: there were slaine (as the story sayth) very many, there were taken prisoners many; the Romans in scorne folde 30. Iewes for one penny, because among them their Master was solde for thirty pence. c Ælius Adrianus had a purpose (if it could haue holden) to haue reedified the Citie, and to haue called it Ælia, after his owne name. * Iulian the Apostata, in his blasphemous imagination, thought to build vp the Citie againe as glorious as it was before, because he would haue disproued Christ, who had prophecied of the vtter dis­ sipation therof: but he that sits in heauen laughed him to scorn, his workemen and his worke were hindred by the falling of lime, and sand, and a great gate, by the flashing of fire, and by the quaking of the earth, and by other meanes, as if God had sayd of Ierusalem, as sometimes he sayd of Iericho, d Cursed be the man before the Lord, that riseth vp and buildeth this Citie: he shall lay the foundation thereof in his eldest sonne, and in his youngest sonne shall be set up the gates of it. Thus Ierusalem, O thou, who likee Ruben wast the beginning of Gods manly strength, thou wast vnstable as water, and did it forsake thy God: therfore O Ruben, O

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Ierusalem, / thy dignity is gone.f Seneca describes the miseries of captiuity, where (by the Chorus) he sayth, that Priamus now is happy, for he seeth not the burn­ ing of Troy, his victorious hands are not bound behinde him, hee is not dragged at Agamemnons chariot, – nune Elyzy men.oris tutus erat in vmbris. And surely they whose eies are closed before they see the woes of their friends and countrey, may haue that applyed vnto them, which was sayde of Crassus (in Tullies Orator) vpon the like occasionsg Vt non tam erepta vita, quam mors donat a videatur, life may not be so fitly sayd to be taken away, as death giuen for a speciall comfort. h Giue them: Lord what wilt thou give them? a barren womb, and drie breasts: a fauour indeede; better to bee barren, then to bring forth children to the mur­ derer. But why should I spend my time in searching records for euidence in a matter so plaine as this? you know as well as I, that forren inuasion and captiuitie openeth the doore to murder, and rapine, and oppression, and mutinies, and liberty far from Christian, and confusion more then barbarous: good gouernours are deposed, the incendiaries of the world are inthronized: in stead of many yeers crowned with gladnesse, in stead of the thicknesse of corne, which should haue made the valleies Laugh and sing; there is seene a blured countenance of the common-wealth: weedes the broode of negligence, the ensignes of pouertie doe staine the face of the earth, the land howleth and is abashed,i By swearing, and lying, and killing, and stealing, and whoring they breake out, and bloud toucheth bloud: yet in the end k these lions lacke and suffer hunger, when they that feare the Lord, want no manner of thing that is good.l Blessed are the people therfore that haue no leading into captiuitie, nor no complaining in their streets, yea blessed are the people which haue the Lord for their God. / This doctrin may serue as a spur, & as a bridle: as a spur to driue vs forward vnto praise and thankesgiuing, and as a bridle to keep vs back from running inordinate courses: it may well stir vs vp vnto prayse (yea, praise the Lord with / understanding) for we have not as yet been scard with the barkings of any vncouth woolfes but under our own vines, and our owne figge trees, wee haue qui­ etly reposed without wives and children: our Land hath beene a treasurie and a storehouse for Gods blessings, whereas our neighbour countries haue been the cockpits for all christendome to fight their battles in: we haue been raised vp vnto our labour by the noise of the cock, who in his chirping so merily can greete the morning; whereas others haue beene rowsed vp with the sound of a trumpet vnto battaile: we haue had the light of the Gospell, and they the light of beacons: wee haue had peace the childe of heauen, and plenty the child of peace, while they haue bin measured with the line of Samaria, and haue had stretched out vpon them the plummets of the house of Achab: we haue liued on the lee side of the world, wee knowe not what a storme meanes: as vpon Alex­ andria it is saide the Sunne shined once euerie day, so wee haue not wanted our dayly comforts; but like Gods minions we haue had dayly cause of reioycing both

f Senec. in Troa.

g Lib. 3. de Oiat.

h Zach. 9.14.

i Hos. 4.2.

k Psa. 34.10. l psal. 144.5.

Spurre.

34

m Leuit 23.34. n Psa. 129.1. o Psal. 83.7.

p Gen. 27.41.

*Valerius Maximus. Lib. 5.cap. 10 de Ingrat.

q Luk 17.17.

r Gen32.10. s Iob.1.9.

t Aug. in med. u Realdus Co­ lumbs.

*Abak 1.16.

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great and small; Our mountaines haue skipped like rammes, and our little hilles like young sheepe:m if wee did well, all our feastings should bee feasts of tabernacles in remembrance that our forefathers lived unquietly in respect of our setled estate.n Often times may England with Israel now say, from my youth up haue they fought against me, othe plowers plowed vpon my backe and made long furrowes, both Gebal and Ammon and Amaleck with them that dwell at Tyre: did they not euen write and ingraue victorie vpon their owne shippes, assuring, themselues of the con­ quest before the encounter? but how they sped, the seas, the narrow seas can tell: aske of the winde, aske of the whirlewinde, and they will tell you. Besides the attempts of our forren enemies, our countrey hath beene gnawne and wrung with the gripings of homeborne tray tours, looking still for the troubling of the streame that they might fish. They sayd in their hearts as Esan sayd, pThe dayes of mourning for my father will shortly come, then will I kill my brother Iacob; / the dayes of mourning for Queene Elizabeth will come shortly, then will wee make hauocke of our brethren, and either kill them or driue them like Owles into the desart, and like Pellicans into the wildernesse: whereas (ignorant men) their simplicitie would haue betrayed them vnto their enemies; who knew how to lone the treason but hate the traytour: and their malice was like the Duke of Alvaies or the Guises sword, which after the victorie would knowe neither Eng­ lish, nor French, nor Spanish, nor Dutch, nor anie friend, nor any hired fauorite. What? Noe returne of thansgiuing for all these blessings? *Ingrata patria, ne off a quidem? (sayde scipio, Africanus) haue I gotten so many victories for you my countrimen, and not so much as my bones remaine among’ you? Haue I gotten so many victories for you (may God say) and no remembrance of me lest among you? qVbi nouem, where are the nine? But one among tenne? but one among ten thousand that returnes to giue praise? all like the Moone, which totum adimit quo ingrata refulget, darkens that Sunne that gaue it light? Doe we all take that cuppe of Saluation with the lest hand, which God hath reached out vnto vs with the right hand of his bounty? Haue we not all cause to call vpon the name of the Lorde? Let not Gods blessings fall vpon vs as pure water vpon sinkes, which returne nothing in stead thereof, but anoysome smell againe, Iacob could cast his accounts; and remembring what before hee wanted, and what now hee had, could say out of a thankefull minde: rWith this staffe, came I ouer Iordan. sDoth Iob serue God for nought? It was the speech of the Diuell. The Diuell himselfe can tell, that where God bestowes his blessings, man ought to pay tribute, prayse and obedience. tVnthankefulnesse is a parching winde, damming vppe the fountaine of Gods blessings. uThere is given vnto man (as the Anatomists doe obserue) one muscle in the eye, more then in the eye of beast, to teach that men are born to look vpward (in tokẽ of thãkfulnes) rather then beasts. / Therfore* let none sacrifice vnto their nets, nor burne incense unto their yarne; but let euery one of vs (like a birde leaping from branch to branch, and singing as shee leapeth) leap

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by our meditations from one blessing vnto an other, from our creation to our redemption, to our iustification, to our sanctification, to our glorification, from branch to branch; and euer as we leape sing out that hymne of Dauid: xPraise the Lord, O my soule; and (as though that were too little) all that is within me prayse his holy name. As this doctrin is a spur to stir vs vp to thankfulness, so I told you it might serue as a bridle to curb those sins which are the occasions, that strangers may deuour our strength, God hath planted vs as y a Vineyard vpon a very fruitefull hill, he hath hedged vs about with his providence: what could he haue done for his vineyard, that he hath not done? In stead of good grapes if we bring forth wilde grapes; iudge then Inda and Ierusalem, iudge your selues, can you haue truce with any of his creatures? will not God command the heauen to bee as iron &c the earth as brasse vnto you? Will he not deny you the former and the latter raine? Will he not giue your fruites vnto the caterpiller, your labours vnto the grashopper, and your mulbery trees vnto the frost? Yes, he will meet you* as well on this side as on that: though (aConiah-like) you be a signet up on the finger of God, yet if you wring the finger he will pul you off ; bthat which is left of the palmer warm, the grashop­ per shall eat, and the residue of the grashopper shall the cankerworm eate, and the residue of the cankerworme shall the caterpiller eate. Though you escape the pit, you shall be taken in the share, Ieremy, 48. You shall fly from a Lion, and a Beare shall meet you: or leane your hand vpon a wall, and a serpent shall bite you. Amos. 5. cIs it peace Iehu or not, quoth the messenger of Iezabel. What talkest thou of peace (quoth he againe) seeing the whoredomes and witch-crafts of Iezabel are great in number? So, how can we talke of peace, with God and our selues, while our sins and impurities are great in number? For the which, God (being the Lord of hostes) can vnmuzzle all his creatures, fire, water, hayle, yce, snowe, / storme, and tempest to bee the portion for the wicked to drinks. The world is olde and now in her dotage: but good God, what a wonder is it? though she be olde shee is euer in child-bed, in trauell every month of newe fash­ ions, of newe sinnes, of new vanities; of all new things, saue only of the new Man. That hath brought in so many vncouth diseases, as punishments for these new sins. That old man is in such request, that the world is ready to say with the young man in the Gospel, whom Christ bade follow, that she will follow; but first she must d go bury her Father: She hath an old man at home that is not yet dead; an old man, the old Adam, the man of sinne, liuing, and not dead, not dead but liuing in her owne loynes. eThales Milesius30 had an asse which beeing laden with salt, melted the salt in the water, and so was disburdened; and afterwards being laden with wooll, & plunging the same burden in the water, was more burdened: we are all fraught in some measure with that fsalt which every man should haue in himselfe: that we melt away by bathing our selues in the pleasures of the world; then we are laden with vanity, far lighter then wooll; which while we plunge in

x Psa. 103.1.

Bridle. y Esay. 9.1.

* Zecha. 5.3. a Iere. 22.24. b Ioel. 1.4.

c 2. Reg 9.22.

d Luk. 9.59. e Plu.de Solettia anmalium.

f Mar. 9.50.

36

g Gal. 6.8. h Hos.. 8.7.

i Phil. 3.19.

k Leuit. 3.2. Mala 1.8.

l 2.Reg.4.40. m Ecclus. 23. n Zecha. 5.2.

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the same stream we are vnawares so burdened, that we cannot clime vnto the hill, not to the hill of Sion, not vp to heauen, not up to those hills from whence commeth all our helpe. These vanities, these sins, these, these do lime the soules of men, and hinder their flight to heauen: and with a false key they open the doore to vengeance. They wring the sword out of the hand of God. Presume not therefore to sin: for that will make your sins, sins of a whorish forhead; but rather be led by the pun­ ishment, to the sin, as by the stream vnto the spring. Slander not the frost & the hayle, and the wind, and the weather: they are Gods pursuiants sent to call you home, though you think them unseasonable and vnwelcom: rather kiss the rod and submit yourselues vnto his power, and looke into your owne distempered estates, suppresse those rebells within you, your affections: retaine S. Paul for your counsellour, who tells you that / g as you sowe, so shal you reap: h Sowe not (saith the Prophet) the wind, for feare you reape the whirlewind for your haruest, So we not drunkennesse, for feare you reape for your haruest, the cancelling of the image of God which is vpon you: bend not your knees to drinke healthes and carowses, which should be bent in your prayers and soliloques, for the seruice of the liuing God: nor let that mouth which should praise your God, be like Idoles euer gaping to deuoure much of that which would releeue Gods children. i Stand in awe, and feare least those two cannot be seuered, which Saint Paul hath linked together; the belly the God, and the end damnation. When the diuell wounds or kills by any sinne (excepting drunkennesse) he pearceth with a single bullet, one sinne onely; but when by drunkennesse, then by chaine shot, many sinnes linked together: it is neuer along, it drawes on swearing, and quarrelling, and ribaldry, and words, what not? saue onely them that are powdred with salt: and deeds, what not? saue onely the fruits of the spirit, k By the lawe, Leuiticall there was no beast allowed to bee a sacrifice, that was blinde or lame, or vncleane: when men are so drunken that they cannot see, and therfore blinde; that they cannot stand, & therfore lame; that they fome at the mouth, and therfore vnclean, neither God nor the world will iudge them to be liuing sacrifices vnto their God. Beware of drunkennes, for surely there is mors in olla l death in the pot, if it be abused. Sowe not blasphemy and swearing, least you reap for your haruest many plagues; myea, that plague that neuer departeth out of the house. n yea, that flying booke which wil breake into your houses, whether you will or not. The wheelses of the clock within are neuer in order, when the bell makes not true report of the time of the day; the tong is the index of the mind. Apply it to your selues; if the tong found not forth good words, the mind within (without doubt) is distempred: that man is scarce to bee thought a temple of the Lord, but, a nest for owles, and ostriches, out of whole mouth there comes such a / flight of vncleane birds. Sowe not couetousnesse: let not the daughters of the horseleech, yawne within you; crying, giue, giue, with a desire as large as hel: Let

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nor your heaps of wealth be your graues, o for then you are in danger to fal into many snares, and be pearced through with many sorrowes: but rather p treasure vp your hearts in heauen, where neither rust nor moth doth corrupt: you will find this gaines greater then ten in the hundred, there is nothing but losse to bee had by being as Niniue was: and (I pray God you be not) q a bloudy Citie and full to lyes, and robberie, and one from whome the prey departeth not; she is famous for the lions den, and the pasture of the lions whelpe: Bloody by oppression, full of lyes, and robberie in bargaining, famous for lions, for deuourers, and for the lions denne, for chests and coffers, wherinto many mens goods do fall, and they are eaten up. While I touch this veine and speake of this matter, I doubt not but some (and they none of the meanest) could be content to say to me, as the seruants, of Hezekiah sayde vnto Rabsaketh, r Speake wee pray thee to thy seruants in the Aramites language, for wee vnderstand it, and talk not with vs in the lewes tongue in the audience of the people that are on the wall. I make no question, but you are loth the world should know much of your dealings, and he that comes to ransacke among you, must needs be an vnwelcome guest. Sowe not idlenesse least you reapt brambles, and briers; it is a lethargie, it dulls a mans faculties, but many about this City be s like the lillies which neither labour nor spin, yet (whether by robbing or swaggering, or cony-catching, I can­ not tel) they farewel, & they are cloathed like Salomon in all his royalty. Many of vs (God knows) are like him in the Gospel so possessed with a diuell that t some­ times we fal into the fire, sometimes into the water, somtimes the diuil teares vs and wee foame at the mouth: wee fall sometimes into the fire of concupiscence, some­ times into the water and ouerflowing of drunkennesse; sometimes the diuell teares / vs with rage and anger, then wee foame at the mouth by slander and blasphemie: we haue little sinnes (like little theeues) to creep in at the windowes, vnto our soules, and make way for greater, till sinners, be robbed of their best treasure: like little wedges they make way for greater, til in the end they be cleft for fuel vnto the fire of uthe valley of Tophet that prepared of olde. Be not infatu­ ate with any sinne, with any sicknesse; the great Physician of your soules will discerne your diseases, when he feeles your pulses; but aboue all other, beware of hardnesse of heart, and finall impenitencie; least as shee in in the Poet who Pectoraprecussit, pectus quoq robora fiunt.

So you may desire to repent, but cannot haue the grace, because your breasts, your hearts are hardened, and * like Esau, you cannot haue repentance though you seeke it with teares. Go not from spirit to flesh, from flesh to iron, from iron to brasse, from brasse to Adamant; least God proceede from loue to anger, from anger to a rod, from a rod to a scourge, from scourge to scorpion, and from a scorpion to eternall fire. Weaue not (O weaue not) your owne calamitie on your a owne loomes: but rather say vnto lust, I haue no purpose to nurse and dandle

o 1.Tim.6.9.10. p Mal. 6.20.

q Nah. 3.1.

r 2.Reg. 18.26.

s Luk 12.27.

t Math 17.15.

u Esa, 30.33.

Ouid metamorph.

* Heb. 12.17.

38

x Fase. Tepanno, 1426.

y Luk. 15.18. * Esay. 29.1. a Ioh. 4.35. b Amos. 8.2.

Strength.

Wee may haue them.

*Herodotus in Clio.31

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thee, and vnto deceit, I haue no head to forge thee, vnto drunkennesse, I haue no braine to trie thee, vnto gluttony, I have no stomacke to banquet thee, vnto cruelty, I haue no hand to execute thee, vnto sinne, I haue no mind to committe thee. x There was a time when there was a conscience in the world: and is the World better for age? nay, for conscience shrunk vnto science; and under the full sailes of mens knowledge, they fall to make wracke of good conscience. And now wee live to heare euery day the knell, and see the dying of good life and conuersation. If wee take an inuentory of good workes in this age, wee shall finde it not much worth. What is the remedie for this? to turne vnto GOD, when all the world turnes? no: if the enemie bee behinde an armie / (say the learned in military discipline) they will be surprised afore the whale army be whirled about. How then? let euery one turn one, & the whole army is turned. If you will auoid the assaults of the Diuell, tarrie not vntill the whole army, the whole world turn vnto God, but euery man turn one and say for his owne part; y I will goe to my father, and say, Father, I have sinned against heauen and against thee. *O Altar, Altar of the Citie of God, adde yeare vnto yeare, and kill lambes, lest now when a the regions are white for the harvest, and wee euen mellow for the judgement of God, and b like a basket of summer fruit, proue like a bottle in the water, that neuer sinkes vntill it be full, neither can wee looke for a downefall vntill wee haue filled the measure of iniquitie; but when those waters of Mara, those bitter waters are brimfull, then Gods Angels will reap the world, with that vnperceiued fieth, the pestilence that walketh in the darkenesse: the rest shall bee gnawne vpon by fam­ ine, and the remnant gleaned by the hand of warre, by the warre of strangers: such was the sinne-sicke state of Ephraim, that needed letting bloud by such a boystrous hand: for strangers deuoured not the refuse and branne of his liueli­ hood, but his riches, and friends, and credit, and power, and what not that was worldly? even his strength. Where we may learne these two lessons: first, that were wee may have these worldly things, because they are the gifts of God: secondly, that we ought not to be had of them, or by them, because they are transitory and subiect to the deuouring of strangers: my meaning is, wee must have them to vse; not let them have vs, not let them fetter vs in their loue: if God send them, wee must haue them to vse not to abuse. In the 16. of Ezechiel, God gaue the people, corne, and wine, and oyle to vse: but when they abused them, he did expostulate with them for bestowing his corne, his wine & his oyle vpon their Idols. God hath bestowed many bless­ ings vpon vs, he must needes bee angrie if wee spend the time he giues vs, vpon vanitie: the strength that he giues / vs vpon lust: the power he giues vs, to the oppressing of others: the wit that he giues vs, to the circumuenting of others; the riches that hee giues vs, to the eating out one of another: his blessings, to those inordinate affections which like Idols we honour and worship. *When the riuer

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Giudes had drowned one of Cyrus his white horses: he threatned to cut so many Channels into which the riuer should be deriued, that it should lose both depth, & name & glory. If those floods and great streams of Gods blessings vpon vs, drowne and ouerthrowe not our white horses, but our soules which should be white and spotless, God can deriue that worldly pompe of ours, into many chan­ nels, conuay it into many hands, dispossesse vs both of the name and glory that we had by those things; and therfore it was not without cause that God gaue the people of Israel a caueat, that they should not forget him, whé they came c into a land of corne, a land of wine, and a land of oyle oliue. Hee knew that these bless­ ings were like fire and water, good seruants, but bad masters. And though for your good (beloued in our Lord & Sauiour Iesus Christ) d the plowman touch the mower, and the treader of grapes him that soweth seede, yet you are but stewardes of that you haue: and though it be not so cheap seruice as you would wish, yet I would aduise you to bestowe some portion of that you haue to these two vses; to the releeuing of the poore, Gods children, & to the garnishing of the Church, Gods house. For the first, there be many, whose hearts are as hard as the nether milstone, their hands are withered they cannot stretch them out, they liue vnto the poore members of Christ, as though the rockes had fathered, and the wolues of the wildernesse had giuen them sucke: those shall one day find that their white siluer and yellow gold can draw blacke lines, Gods blessings by them abused can pol­ lute their soules. Let me land this doctrine vpon your owne bankes; and exhort you, not to giue sparingly, that you may reap liberally, for he that forgaue the greatest debt that euer / any in the world owed, laies claime vnto that of charitie, & will not forgiue it: therefore he saith by his Apostle, e Owe nothing to any man but this, that ye loue one another. A shooter ayme that a mark in the midst of a white: the white he seeth, the marke he seeth not: he cannot hit the marke that he seeth not, vnlesse he hit the white which hee seeth. Wee must all by our loue ayme at God and man; man the white which we see, God the mark which we cannot see: we can neuer hit God the mark which we see not, vnlesse we (by our love) touch our brother whom we see. S. Iohn, makes good that which I say, f If we loue not our brother whom wee have seene, how can we say truly, we loue God whom we haue not seene? If many lines be drawn frō the circle to the cēter, the neerer they come one to another, the neerer they, com vnto the center: iudge this by the spokes of a wheel meeting in the middle: cōpare the lines vnto men & the cēter vnto Christ, vnto whom al heauy things tend (all those that are heauy ladē with their sins) the neerer they are ioyned one to another in loue, the neerer they com vnto Christ. Those that are filled with Gods blessings, shuld be like the ful end of an houre glasse, they should empty & euacuate thēselues into those that want, that those that haue wanted, may be raised vppe. You that are great in this world, you do not wind & turn those things which are absolutely your own,

c Deut 8.8.

d Amos 9.13.

The poore.

e Rom 13.3.

f 1.Toh. 4.20.

40 g Greg. Naz Monod. in Basil. Mag.

h Rom.3,8.

i Math.7.3. 1. Cor.11.31.

Church.

*Cant.5.2.

k Ier 31.15 & Math. 2.18. l x. Macch. 1. m Dan. 5. n Celsuse his disiwasiue.

o Mat. 26.6. p Deut. 25.4.

q Iudg. 17.

r Nehem. 13.14.

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you are but feoffees in trust with them to the vse of Gods Orphanes. g Gregorie Nazianzen registring the life of Bazill the great speakes of a Xenodochium or house of harbour which he built for poore strangers: he preferres that goodly pile and monument of charitie before the Sepulcher of Mauselus and the Colos­ sus of Rhodes and the rest of the wonders of the world. If I should not cōmend you Londiners for much bountie and liberalitie towards houses of learning and hospitals, I should do you wrong: but if you rob and circumuent others, that you may bee inabled to do good vnto these, you wrong your selues. As the former is iustly to be tearmed a worke of mercy, so the later can by no meanes stand with good iustice in doing / so h you do a great euill that good may come thereof. Let not your citie, which is worthily accoūted the head of a kingdome, be made by your greedines the belly of the kingdome for deuouring the rest. I iudge you not: but i iudge your selues that you be not iudged of the Lord. O happy are you then, if in your gardens this sweet flower, this charitie be well blowen; charitie (I meane) which is neither a foole to giue to the idle, nor hard harted to denie the needy: and as at all times and to all of the household of faith, so it becomes her well to haue an open bosome vnto the Church which is the house of God. Yet many are loth, in regard of the charge, to bee open handed vnto the Lords treasurie, but had rather make themselues rich (as they suppose) by stealing from God: so they become Church-mothes and chapmen of soules, defrauding God, perhaps to giue fuel vnto their owne vanities: so the Church Gods *doue, is now become a partridge pursued and preyed vpon by tyranny and oppression. That religion that in times past, wanted an eye, was a nurse, was a mother vnto the Church: and is our welsighted religion become a stepdame? If it be not, what means the crie of the Church k like that of Rahels in Ramah, weeping for her fauorites because they are not? Could those Church-leeches imagin they l see Antiochus (after his reuelling in the Temple) killed in a strange Land by an inuis­ ible hand: m or Belshazzar pale and wanne, breathing his last after the abusing of the Vessels of the temple: or could they consider n that disswasiue vied by Celsus of Verona32 vnto the Senate of Venice, whereby hee makes it plaine, that since they medled with the Church goods they neuer preuailed against their enemies, then would they cease to crie with Iudas, o what needes all this waste? grudging at all that is powred on Christs ministers: then would they not p muzzle the mouth of the Oxe that treades out the corne: they would let them liue by the altar, who serue at the altar, they would not inuade the inheritance of Leui, they would not seeke for those ministers who are content to / prostitute their worthes vpon any tearmes, q for a morsell of bread and a few peeces of siluer; but they would bring their owne offerings into the storehouse of the Lord, that God might not only rebuke the deuourer, but open also the windowes of heauen, and powre vpon them a blessing without measure. Mal. 3.10. If many in our age should vse for their dayly prayer, the prayer of Nehemiah, r Remember me, O my God, herein, and

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wipe not out my kindnesse that I haue shewed on the house of my God, and on the offices thereof: I doubt they would pull euerie day much wrath vpō themselues, because the Church findes as little fauour at their hands, as at the hands of those mentioned in the first of Aggai, s Who dwelt themselues in sieled houses, and let the house of the Lord lye waste. Therefore (lest the Lord should blowe vpon that which you have) vse the things of the world, vse them well, have them your selues: let not them haue you, let not them fetter you, they are but transitorie. Salomon weighed them all in a ballance, and found them but vanitie: Therefore hee sayde, t Vanitie of vanities, and a’l is but vanitie. Wee may say vnto laughter, what aylest thou? and vnto folly, what doest thou meane? u The image of Nebuchad­ nezzar was part of golde, part of siluer; part of brasse, parte of iron, and parte of clay, resembling the seuerall Monarchies of the Worlde: but there came a stone from the mountaine, that crushed them all in peeces. The square corner stone, Christ Iesus, is able to beate to powder all the might of the world, and to fanne the mountaines. Esay, 41. Hee is Lord paramount of all, hee coucheth vnder him the potentates of the earth like lesser birdes: therefore hee not idle but seeke, deferre not the time but seeke first, bee not base minded, but seeke a kingdome, bee not earthly minded, but * seeke the kingdome of God, and the things of the worlde shall bee ministred vnto you, like a retinue they shall followe after. The flesh doth inficere, infect: the world both deficere, forsake: but Christ doth reficere, refresh. *The glorie of the world was shewed to Christ in the twinkeling of an eye: it is a glid­ ing pomp, of smal continuance, for all it seemes to haue (like a / gloworme) yet it hath neyther true warmth nor light. y That knewe Ælius Adrianus well, when hauing no hope in any thing but the world (which he sawe to faile him) he com­ maunded his soule (the guest of his bodie) for euer to bid farewell to all comfort. That knew they also that admired the whore of Babylon, when they felt, that the apples which their soules lusted after, were departed from them, and all things which were fat and excellent were departed from them, they found them no more. Apoca­ lypse 18.14. Riches that are so high rated in the world, are but like thornes in a mans hand: both when thornes come thither, while they stay, and when they are gotten out there is still paine: So, riches are gotten with care, kept with feare, and not lost without great anguish. *The rich mans confidence shall bee cut off, and his trust shall be as the house of a Spider: Be hee neuer so enamuled with worldly things (bee they, lilis terra or ilia terra, the pleasures of the earth, or the guttes of the earth) yet hee findes for his inheritance, but a a moneth of vanity. They that rest vpon a round thing, they sit vnsure, it is euer rowling; rely not vpon the round world: they that sit vpon a square thing they sit firme; repose vpon Christ Iesus the square Corner-stone, he will neuer fayle you. The first is prooued by the wicked, who say, Who will shewe vs anie good? Psalm. 4.6. The second by the godly, who say, Lord lift thou vp the light of thy countenance vppon vs. Psalm 4.7. The goodly things of the world are like Ships which are graced

s Haggi. 1.4.

They must not haue vs. t Eccles. 1.2. u Dan. 2.3.2.

* Math. 6.33.

* Luk. 4.5.

y Animula vagula blandula.33

* Iob. 8.14.

a Iob.7.3.

42

b Bern, de inter. dom.

c 1. Reg. 12.10.11.

d Apoc. 1.20. e Luk 13.8.

f 1. Sam. 24.5.

g Rom. 6.1.

Gray haires.

Affliction h Iob 3. Epist. num.12.

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with the titles of triumph, and victory, and honour, and such like: yet are they subiect to wracke. b Which Bernard well considering sayth, that the soule in the body is like a Queene in a Palace; Shee inioyes the pleasures of the earth by the 5. senses, as by fiue windows, which windowes as long as they are open, things of the world bring much delight, and when they are shut vp and decayed, the pleasure decayeth with them. Prepare vnto thy selfe (O thou soule) the ioyes of the holy Ghost, which will remaine with thee when the windowes are shut, when the senses are enfeebled, euen in the houre of death and in the / daie of iudgement. There is no nobility like vnto a new birth in Christ, no feast to the peace of con­ science no crowne to a crowne of immortalitie, no life to a conuersation which is in heauen. And therefore, call home your affections that are set some on pleasure, some on profit, some on preferment, gather vp their dispearsed limmes, and knit them all togither that they may fasten on your God: So it becomes your houses and your families, which are like houses of Cloë, and the households of Onesiphorus; so shall your strength not bee food for the deuouring of strangers, you shall be yoked by the hand of no Rehoboam, c who would whippe with scorpions insteede of roddes, whose little finger would bee heauier then all his fathers loynes. Though the land of lewrie and the d Seauen golden candlestickes, which were the seauen Churches of Asia, bee now growen inglorious for sinne, yet the enemy hath not shined with our gall. God hath sayde of vs (as of his vineyard) e I will digge it, and dung it, and dresse it, and trye it yet another yeare. Onely hee hath often come to vs and found vs sleeping in our sinnes, as f Dauid came to Saul sleeping in a caue, cutting a peece off our garments, onely touching vs by some small affliction, when hee might haue killed vs, but leauing peace within our walles and plentie within our palaces, and crowning manie yeeres with gladnesse vnto vs. Which makes good the saying of an olde Writer concerning the raine-bowe; that Gods bowe is without an arrowe, hee threatneth long before hee suffer his vvhole displeasure to arise: What then? g Shall wee continue still in sinne that grace may abound? God forbid: that will inhance and improve Gods wrath, seeing Gods long suffer­ ing should leads vs to repentance, Romans 2. Rather let vs, who thrice happie (as looking from the shore) haue no venture in the wracke that wee see in others, turne vnto God that we may liue; so did not Esphraim, therefore strangers haue deuoured his strength and yet hee knoweth it not, yea gray haires were here and there vpon him, and yet he knoweth it not. Gray haires were vpon him, & they were (as interpreters say) signes of sorrow, or the forerunners of old age, or both: / So the doctrines then which hence are deriued are these: first, that sorrow causing hoarnesse: secondly, that hoarenesse the messenger of olde age, should make men knowe and consider their estate. And first for sorrowe and affliction. This doctrine is like Demetrius, h it hath a good report of all men, and of the truth it selfe: O Lord thy word is truth. Iob. 17. What the word sayth, you may

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heare in the 5. of Hosea 14. where God sayth by the Prophet. I will be vnto Ephraim as a Lion, and as a Lions whelpe to the house of Inda: I, even I will spoyle, and go away, and none shall rescue it. If you looke into the 107. Psalme, and the 4. of Amos, you shall find two fortresses for this doctrin: I pray you read them & hide them in your hearts till you be truely learned. The prodigall son had per­ ished, if hee had not perished: hee had perished in soule, if he had not perished in state, hee was forced to go by weeping crosse to his father. Clodoueus, i the king of France, could not bee perswaded vnto christianitie by his wife Crotildis a religious Burgundian, till by the Almaynes there was giuen him an ouerthrowe in battel:34 which calamitie wrought so with him, that hee vowed (if God would restore vnto him what hee had lost) hee would bequeath & dedicate himself to his seruice, while he did live: so hee prayed, so hee preuailed, so hee performed. k This world is a Sea, and therefore turbulent; of glasse, and therfore brittle; min­ gled with fire, and therefore daungerous: wee must goe with a lowe sayle (if wee doe well) and humble our selues; but not bee too much afraide because of the noyse of the water pipes: for Gods church is like l the bush that burned and was not consumed, because the Lord was in the bush. m Paul prayed thrise, that hee might bee freed from the buffetings of Satan: but God thought it meete, that he should not want temptations to scoure him and make him bright; and therefore hee promiseth not to free him from his wrastlings, but to backe him in his agonies: saying My grace is sufficient for thee. Affliction keepes the soule of a Christian in breath, it is the eyebright to make him see both his owne weakenesse (for Dauid, before hee was / afflicted went wrong) & the strength of God vpon him. As is the fire vnto the golde, a purger: as is the pruning knife vnto the tree, a pruner: as is the fan vnto the wheat, a purifier: as is the thunder vnto the ayre, a cleanser: So vnto the soule is affliction, which God doth vse as mustard to anoint the teates of this world with all, to wean vs from it. Affliction is like n Aarons rod; if it be vsed, it is the rod of God sent for our good: if it be cast vnder foote and despised, it is a ser­ pent, it stings vs, it doth vs harme: to be briefe, affliction is a part of the dowry of the Church of God. Now therefore when you are afflicted, looke not only vpon the arrowe that hits you, but vp vnto the hand that drewe the bowe: wee may learne this lesson of the Son of God, and of the martyrs of God: the Son of God spred out his armes to imbrace affliction, he dyed willingly for our sinnes. Now as Antiochus the younger o powred out of the iuice of mulberies vpon the ground, that therby he might inrage his Elephants to battel: So that we may be incouraged to wrastle with afflictions, though it be vnto bloud, we must remember the powring out of the pretious bloud of him, who became for our sakes p the slaughtered lamb of God. We may learne it of the Martyrs of God also: for in the garden of God there haue been as well Roses as Lillies; as well purpurati martyrio, as candi­ dati innocentia. They were like rose leaues; not withered vpon the stalk, & falling away, but distilled with the heat of persecution, till they sent out a water, a bloud,

3 Vid an. do. 496. Ioh. Pappuin de couer.gent.

k Apec. 15.2.

l Exod. 3.2. m 2. Cor 12. vers. 8.9.

n Exod. 4.3.4.

o 1. Machab. 6.34

p Ioh. 1.29.

44

q Psal. 116.13. r Socrat. Eccl.hist. li 3 cap. 11.

s Iere, 1. 11.13.

t De simili.tud. mund.

u Gen. 3.18. * Psa. 16.12. x Irrim. 9.1. y Mar. 9.44.

The messengers of olde age. * psal. 95.8. a Lib 8 de cōfes. cap 5.

b 2. Pet 3.4.

c Iere. 48.9.11.

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a precious bloud: q Right dear in Gods eies is the death of all his Saints. These were primeroses of the Church, which died quickly after Christ their great shepheard: many yeers after, there were many, whom when I remember, r I remember also Ecebolius, who recoiled many times, and started from his God, and in the end after his seuerall apostasies, hee laide him downe in the Church porch, and bade the passengers tread, vpon him, deeming himselfe no better then vnsauory salt: his later end was better then his beginning. By Christ and by these his Martyrs (who had the soule of their soules for their comfort) learne to submit your selues to the correction of God, that you may legitimate his wisdome in correcting of you; lest / (as was in the Prophet Ieremies vision) s after a rod in this life, there coms a seething pot, in the life to come. Then, then vnto the incorrigible there will be an accuser, the conscience: a witnesse, the memory: a judge, the reason: all these within them, if there were none without. t But there shall bee (as Anselmus sayth) the heauens lowring aboue, hell gaping belowe, the Diuell accusing on the one hand, sinnes witnessing on the other, the conscience burning within, the world flaming about; these things to fly, it will be impossible: these things to indure, it will be intolerable. There will be a paine by losse, and a paine by punishment. It was a griefe to Adam to forgoe Paradise, but a greater griefe u to toyle among brambles and briers: misery too much to forgoe the presence of God, * at whose right hand there is fulnesse of ioy for euermore; but a greater griefe to indure x (O that my head were a fountaine of water, and mine eyes floudes of teares, that I might weepe day and night for them that are in such a case) to indure, I say, hell fire, y where the worms euer gnaweth, where the fire euer burneth, and neuer burneth vp, where death is euer liuing, (alas for pittie!) that eternus ignis, that euerlasting fire . Bidde welcome to his correction in this life, that you maie auoyde the second death. Yet graie haires caused by affliction could not make Ephraim know his estates no, not gray haires (which argued the approach of olde age and death) could make him knowe it: yet as I noted, secondly the approach of age should make vs knowe our selues. * To day therefore if you will hear my voyce, harden not your hearts: let not cras, cras, tomorrow, tomorrow bee your note, awhich Saint Austen misliked in himselfe, when he was within the kenne of the kingdome of grace, and therfore added, Why not now Lord? why not now? neither flatter your selues as those did (whom saint Peter reproues) saying, b Where is the promise of his comming? to day and yesterday are both alike: as though they could pleade prescription for Gods long suffering. True it is, you may haue mercy when you can repent: but you can­ not repent when it is / your pleasure: therefore remember, though Christ saued one (the theefe vpon the crosse) at the last gasp, least men should despair, yet we read but of one only lest they should presume. c Moab was not powred from vessell to vessell, but was at rest, therefore Moab was settled vpon the lees: therefore, the Prophet shot a warning peece vnto them, because danger was at hand; saying,

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Giue wings to Moab that hee may flie awaie. You little knowe what losse you may have by security, therefore lift vp your head from Dalilaes lappe: O let the world charme you no longer: when the gale is fauourable goe and good lucke have you to heauen ward vpon your great aduenture, stay not till the winds are contrary: olde age is attended by many impediments, lay not the heauiest burden vpon the worst horse, charge not your weaknesse with that high seruice, adiourne not your repentance, dedicate not the flower of your age vnto vanitie, appointing only for God the dregges in the bottome; rather awake thou that sleepest, d the night will come when no man can worke, worke while you have the twelue houres of the daie. Be perswaded, let your hearts be vnmalleable, perswade your selues that qualis vita, finisita, as the tree falls so will it lie as is the life, so is the death, and as death leaues, so judgement will finde. In your memories let euer be ingrauen as vpon a tablet, the picture of that rich man in the Gospell; who when his barnes where full, sayd, e Soule take thine ease: but presently there came a summons vnto him; Thou foole, this night shall thy soule be taken from thee. f When Casar warred against Pompey, hee had no care of managing his businesse while he was in his owne territorie; for there hee could commaund helpe: but when hee once passed Rubicon the vtmost boundes of his dominion, hee sayde, The Die is throwen, there is no wwaie but fight it out: So, while wee are in this life, wee have power to labour for our selues; if our sinnes pleade against vs, we may have the counterpleas of prayers and holy meditations. By hearing of the word of God, and praying wee may haue parle with God vpon conditions of peace; but when we once passe the vtmost bounds of his life / there is no purchase to be made by trentalls, or masses, g As men have sowen, so must they reape: To dreame of a serpent is an argument of felicitie: h Camerarius doth instance in the mother of George Castroit, or Scan­ derbegge;36 who, the night before her sonne was borne, dreamed of a Serpent, that laied his head in the kingdom of Epyrus, and stretched out his bodie over the dominion of the Turkes; which argued hee should be (as hee became) the vanquisher of them: Be this obseruation true or false in nature, it serues mee for your instruction, to land this doctrine vppon your owne banks. Our whole life is but a sleepe in sinne: in the depth of our slumber, let vs (like dreaming men) haue our imaginations running vpon the olde Serpent Satan, and his sleights: so shall wee be happie, standing wee shall preuent a fall. But as for Ephraim, hee was not so refined, not so zealous for the Lord of hosts: though strangers deuoured his strength, though gray haires were heere and there vpon him, yet he knew it not, yet he knew it not: his ignorance is redoubled. Out of which words I obserue a just imputation against diuers igno­ rant men: Some know not because they cannot, those bee the vnlearned: Some know not because they must not, those bee the weaker sort of papists: Some know that which they need not know, those bee curious questionists: Som know

d Ioh.12.

e Luk. 12.19. f Plu. & Val. Max.35

g Galat 6.7 h Philip Camerar in operibus luc­ cesnuis

Yet they knew it not.

46

i Luk. 19.42. I. The vnlearned.

k Theodore tripar­ tit hist. lib. 6. cap. 17.37

l Psal. 45.26

m Tabula Peri Plancij n Ouid.Meta. lib. 13

Secondly, the weake Papists. o 1. Cor. 14.1.

p Mat. 5.15. q Deut 27.17 r Hos. 5.1.

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not that which they need to know, and those bee they which know not the things that belong to their peace. First, the vnlearned knowe not, because they cannot know; they roule along with the stream of the world, all of them inacting, that learning in this age is not a thriuing course: whereas (O blessed knowledge!) they that have thee, liue two liues, whereas others liue but one. The mind is exempted: their little (all) falls not with the vnlearned, a prey into the land of forgetfulnesse. Thou art the soule of the world, knitting togither these present times with ages past by thee we that are liuing call to counsel those that are dead and gone. Many huge dumbe heapes, many goodly pites and monuments, had beene wronged by forgetfulnesse: / but that by thee (O learning) they suruiue: they are vented out vnto vs by antiquitie, which for reuerence sake we must not count a lyer. O knowledge, how much hast thou woon from the waste of time? The want of this knowledge vnsinewes the powers of a man, and vnmannes him quite. Learning hath no need like a Curte­ san to open her breasts whereby shee may gaine loue; nor to begge an almes at the gate of fame, to haue her gētry blazed: she is rich inough of her selfe, and her glory is great at home, though fame were tongue tied, and could not speake. k Iulian that wicked Apostata, would haue abolished schooles of learning, arts and sciences, because the Christians vsing the help of these things wounded them with their owne quils. Learning seasons tender yeares with graces, &c with vertues key tunes the strings of nature. Therefore prize at no low rate the two Vniuersities of this Land, 1 Vnto whome instead of founders and fathers, God hath giuen children, into which two this and former ages haue emptied themselues, they are the two plentiful breasts of our mother England: they are deepe died and ingrained with knowledge from aboue: like Hercules pillars they may haue ingrauen vpon them Non ultra, for there are no Vniuersities in the world that goe beyonde them, no not equall to them. And as Hercules pillars standing by the straites of Gibraltar are the way m from Europe to the fortunate Ilandes: so these (if they bee vsed) will serue as a direction for England to a place more fortunate; where all happinesse dwelleth. —n Deus est in utraque parents. There Philosophers raigne, and they that raigne may seeme to learne Philosophy. Secondly, the weaker sort of Papists know not, because they must not know. It was the case of our forefathers: the book was a book sealed unto thẽ,& therfore they had cause to weep much, Reu. 5. o the trũpet gaue an uncertain soũd: how could they know when to go to battel? the sword was sheathed vp in an vnknown tongue, how could they fight? pthe candel was under a bushell, how could they see? the land marke wherby they knew their bounds, was remoued: the lawe sayeth of this / sinne, qCursed is he that doth so, and let all the people say A-men, Their Cleargie­ men were as rsnares upon Mispah, & as nets spred upon Thabor, they did intangle the people; who hearing their latine seruice which they could not vnderstand

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might goe home againe, and say with Nabuchadnezzar, sWee haue dreamed a dreame, and wee cannot tell what it meanes. And yet the weak ones will not sticke to say, It was a good world in time of Popérie, thinges were cheape and plentifull much like to them that dwelling in Pathros, despised the prophecies of Ieremy, and sayde It was well, and there was no scarcitie when they burned incense vnto the tQueene of heaven and baked cakes to make her glad. But those and these loued darkenesse better than light. When the truth of God in despite of papistrie would needes breake forth as the noone day, and so uthe light of the Moone became as the light of the Sunne, and the light of the Sunne seauenfould, *Saluation became the walles of our Church of England, and prayse her gates; they went about to dimme the starres when they could not darken the Sunne, and by a malitious inuasion they indeavoured to sophisticate the fathers of the Church. x For Philip the second, King of Spaine, gaue commandement to Christopher Plantine his printer at Antwerp to print a Catalogue or Index, which should giue direction how to geld and purge the Fathers of all such sentences as might make against the Church of Rome: which Index should not be publikely sould, but should serue for the vse of the Spanish inquisition, that by their tyranny all the olde coppies might be called in and the newe ones published vnto their mindes: So with this one sworde had Pharoah meant that those yMidwiues of Egypt should kil all the Children of Israell. But see how *Hee that keepeth Israel, doth neither slumber nor sleepe: It pleased God, that reuerend M. Iunius, hauing conference with a friend about this matter, had the whole plot discouered vnto him, got an authenticke coppy of their Index, & by the permission of Iohn Casimere, county Palatine of Rhene, he got it placed in his Library, where it remaines (I thinke) vntill this day to the shame of them who would haue wronged Antiquitie so much. If they had / effected their purpose, they had had the Fathers crying as lowde for their opinions against Gods truth, as euer athe Iewes cried for Barabbas against the sonne of God. But to preuent this bthere did arise thou (O God) and the arke of thy strength. Thirdly, curious questionists seek to know those things which they neede not knowe: they intangle themselues in Genealogies and matters impertinent, and out of a desire they haue of prayse for lanching into the deepe, they prie into the secrets of the Thunderer, and when they haue seene what they can, they say more than they haue warrant for, wisely they tel foolish tales, & bring long lies very smoothly to an end. To giue you a taste of their vanitie, some diue into the mysterie of the resurrection; such were the persecuting Gentiles in France (as Eusebius witnesseth) who in scorn of the resurrection, which the Christians do beleeue, did burne many of the Martyrs, and afterwarde threwe their ashes into the riuer Rhodanus, with this foolish exprobation, Let vs see now if their God bee able to reuiue them. They were not so wel studied in the schoolmen, as to know that which Peter Lumbard38 hath, sentent.lib.4.Dist.44, (vrging this

s Dan. 2.3.

t Iere. 7.18. u Esa. 30.26. * Esa. 60.18.

x Præsat. Iunijindi­ cia expurg.

y Exod. 1.15. * Psal. 121.

a Luk. 23.18. b a. Chr. 6.41.

Three curious questionists.

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c Ezeth. 37.6. d Chrysost. in 2. Cor. 2. Hom.

e 1. Cor. 5. f Napier in Apoc. pro. polit.14. part.2.8. Maxime.

g See Sim. Pat. con­ fut. of Machiuel.

h Rom 12.3. Fourthly, some know not those things that belong to their peace. Too much. i Lib.3. de bap. courra Donat. c. 10.

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point of the resurrection) that though an image be broken in a 1000. peeces, it may be made vp againe so long as the image maker doth liue: So hee that made all of nothing, can much more of something make what hee will. Nay (which was more pitie) they were such strangers in the booke of God, that they knew not what was deliuered concerning the resurrection by Ezechiel, vnto whom was shewed great heapes of scattered bones; which cthe Lord yet put together and laide sinewes upon them, and made flesh grow thereon, and then couered both with skinne, and afterwarde breathed life into them. God d(sayth Saint Chrysostome) dealeth with the soule, as a man pulling downe a ruinous house doth with him­ selfe; hee retires himselfe into some other place least he be annoyed with dust and rubbish, and returnes into it againe when it is built more firme and glorious: so God giues the soule a repose in heauen, it is not annoyed with the dust of the graue: but at the day of the resurrection, when the / house is built more glorious then it was before, e when this mortall shall put on immortalitie, then shall the soule take possession of the body againe: but these things are to be scanned by faith, they are out of the reach of humane reason: fsome againe take vpon them to tell the time of the day of iudgement; and grounding vpon the saying of Saint Peter (that a 1000. years with G O D is but as one day, and one day as a 1000. yeares) haue set downe that after 6000. yeares should come an eternall Sabbaoth or rest. Now because it is sayde, for the electes sake, there shall bee a shortning of those dayes, therefore they affirme the time of Christs second comming shall fall out betweene the yeares 1688, and 1700. Some againe are so impudent, that they venture (as farre as humaine reason will leade them) to prooue incongruences in the booke of G O D, and some belch their impietie so openly that they would prooue iniustice in the designes of G O D: as namely, gMachiuel who is not ashamed to say, that Moses and the Israelites were as much vsurpers vpon the Land of promise, as the Gothes and Vandales were vppon Christendome. That desire of knowledge, that like a corne of salte distempered the taste of our first parents, is become an habituall saltnesse in Adams posteritie: vnto which malady Saint Paul applieth a correctiue when he aduiseth men hto be wise unto sobrietie. Fourthly, they that know not the things that belong vnto their soules health, know not what they need to know: & such was Ephraim in this place. Semblable vnto Ephraim are many, who know too much and too little: too much of other mens states, but too little of their owne. Therefore prie not into other mens actions and wordes, scoure not your mouthes vpon thē; as i Petilian the heretick doing, gaue Saint Austen occasion to tell him, that his tongue was no fanne for the Lords floore, to discerne the wheate from the chaffe: looke not ouer other mens hedges, as they that haue ten­ der eyes doe when they complaine that the Sunne is waterish and dimme when it is not so, but / themselues are weake sighted. Such men as are euer commēting

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vpon other mens actions, make the godly kwoe that they are constrained to dwell with Mesech, and to haue their habitations in the tents of Kedar. Rather turn your eyes into your owne bosomes, as Christ bid them that iudged the woman taken in adulterie, Iohn 8, Hee that is without sinne cast the first stone at her: so they went away from the eldest vnto the least. Prie not you too much into other mens estates, nor too litle into your owne: you haue husbandry inough at home, you haue leyes, looke that they bee not sweld with lust: you haue hands, looke they bee not hands of iniquitie: you haue feete, looke they bee not swift to shed blood: you haue tongues, looke the poyson of aspes bee not under them: you haue members, looke they bee not weapons of vnright­ eousnesse, mBut as Polo the Tragœdian acting the part of Electra vpon the stage, & being mournefully to bring in the bones of her brother Orestes in a pot,40 hee brought the bones of his owne sonne lately buried, that the sight of them might wring foorth true teares indeede, and therefore hee might act it more famously: So shall wee more truely expresse ioy in the holy Ghost, and repentance for our sinnes, if wee take a view of the estates not of other men but of our own soules: that wil breed true ioy and true griefe indeede, when we say not as the disciples saide (when Christ tolde them that one of them should betray him)n Master, is it I? Master is it I? but Master, it is I, Master it is I that haue sinned, that haue committed treason against thee, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. Let your selues be the center of your owne circling thoughts, and bend your selues to knowe those things that may serue your turns at the day of accoũt. Scipio could weep when he sawe Carthage a burning, because the like misery might befall Rome his natiue country. But Belshazzar made not so good vse of his fathers troubles, and therefore Daniel sayth, o And thou his sonne, O Belshazzar, hast not humbled thy selfe, though thou knowest of al these things. God shareth out his stripes vnto the ignorant, p and many stripes vnto the who haue meanes to knowe and will not. And therefore the Prophet / Esay deliuers a burden against q the valley of vision, as well as against Egypt, where was ignorāce & Cummerian darkenes. rSaint Barnard speakes of some, who knowe only because they would know, and that is curiositie: some knowe because they would bee knowen, and that is vanitie: some knowe because they would edifie, and that is charitie: some knowe because they would bee edified, and that is true christianitie. That learned Father fannes away as chaffe the two former kindes of knowledge, but as wheate hee preferues the two later, which tend to the edifying of the soule. The word of God hath flowed among you like Nilus or Gihon in the time of haruest, s God hath stretched out his hand all the day long, his arme is reuealed, the preachers of the worde haue carefully planted in this place. tO giue not their fruites vnto the cater­ piller, nor their labours vnto the grashopper, not (as I may bee bolde to compare it) to the world, not to the flesh, nor the mulberie trees vnto the frost, not vnto the colde numnesse of zeale, of charitie. Experience, that hauing many relators

k Psa. 120.4.

Too little. l psal. 14.

m A. Gellius.39

n Mat. 26.22.

o Dan. 5.22. p Luk. 7.47.

q Esay. 22.1. r Saint Barn. sup. cant. terns. 36.

s Rom. 10.22.

t Psal. 78. vers. 47.48.

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u 1. Ioh. 2.4.

By repentance. * Amos. 2.13.

x Ier. 6.14. y Esay. 57.11.

* Cant. 4.9.

a Leuis. 12.8.

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seeth with the eyes of all the world, telles vs that frustra sapit qui sibi non sapit: and therefore they that know and doe not vse their owne knowledge to their owne good, they fall vpon a wrong sent, and runne counter after their saluation: knowledge and performance should bee twinnes of one burden. He that sayeth, u I knowe him, and keepeth not his commaundements, is a lier, and the truth is not in him; he offers no sacrifice, but a lie vnto the author of truth. Learne that you may knowe, knowe that your selues may better your soules: so did not Ephraim; though gray haires were heere and there vpon him, yet he knewe it not, and the pride of Israell (his stubbornesse, his impudency) testifieth to his face, and they doe not returne vnto the Lord their God, nor seeke him for all this. They did not know their daunger, they did not returne vnto their harbour: they did not returne vnto the Lord their God. When wee haue sinned, we must returne vnto the Lord our God, first by repentance for our sinnes, Hee is a iealous God: Secondly, by reforming of our sinnes, Hee is a holy / God: Thirdly, by hoping in God, who doth pardon our sinnes, hee is a mercifull God. By repentance for our sinnes: for in the first and second of Arnos the lan­ guage of the prophet is nothing but a volly of indgements against Damascus, Tyrus, Edom, Ammon, Moab, and Iuda; under whose sinnes God was pressed, as a Cart is pressed with sheaues, for they had threshed Gilead, with threshing instru­ ments of iron: for three transgressions and for foure (sayeth God) I will not turne vnto them. It concerned them then, and vs also to turne vnto him by repentance, lest for 3000. transgressions or for foure, hee come with the besome of his wrath and sweepe vs all away. Wee are beleaguered and compast about with iniquitie of our owne heeles: let vs not hypocritically dote vpon our selues, saying x peace, peace, when there is no peace: let vs rather by the heat of zeale distill teares from our eyes, for ythere is no peace (as my God sayth) vnto the wicked. There was a woman in the 7. of Luke, who (as one in trauaile of a new soule) had the grace to repent her of her sinnes; and therfore* shee wounded Christ with one of her eyes and with the cheine (the cheine of graces) about her necke: shee came into the Phar­ ises house boldly: and stood behinde him shamefastly: at his seete humbly: and mournefully, shee washt his feete with her teares: and as one one neglecting her best ornament in respect of Christ, shee wiped them with the haires of her head: louingly shee kissed his feete: and bountifully, shee annointed them with ointment. a When a woman came to bee purified in the time of the Lawe, shee was to offer a Lambe: which if shee were not able to compasse, then shee was to offer a paire of turtle doues: the authors of the heroglyphickes compare a Lambe to innocency, and a paire of turtle doues to a paire of mournefull eyes: if any bee so poore in good workes that they cannot offer the one, let them bee so forwarde in repent­ ance as to offer a paire of the other; and let them desire of God as the wife of Orhoniel did of Caleb and Ioshuz, that seeing they are parched with sinne and

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with the heate of concupiscence (as shee complained of an hote country) there may bee given vnto them bsprings aboue, & springs beneath, springs of tears / in their eyes aboue, and springs of bloud (if it be possible) in their hearts beneath. It is Gods will, that as Iacob was first married vnto cLeah, that was bleare eyed; and after an other prentishippe, vnto Rahel that was more beautiful: so should the sonnes of Iacob, first vnto repentance bleare eyed and full of teares, and after the induring of thatd godly sorrowe (which will cause repentance vnto saluation) they shall inioye the ioyes of heauen, which are beautifull like Rahel:e For all teares shall be wiped away from their eyes, Grammarians deriue terra a terendo: So why should not man (who is earth and ashes, terra quiateritur) because hee is harrowed vp with a feeling of his sinnes? When the wind is inclosed in the hollows of the earth it striues for passage, & so makes an earthquake: many times (O earth and ashes) thou tremblest & quakest at the remembrance of thy sinnes: but fear not, that sorrow comes of God, it is because there is within thee the holy Ghost, f (that winde which bloweth where it listeth.) When thy soule (O man) is troubled for thy sinnes, that garboyle within thee is like the troubling of the water, Iohn 5. Be thou sure, the Angell of the Lord hath beene there, that sorrowe of thine comes from God: hope in Christ, but sorrow for thy sinnes, g eate thy pascall Lambe with sower hearbes. hAs they that looked vpō Syllaes ring, could not choose but take notice both of Syllaes seal and the treason of Iugursha, because that was grauen vpon vpon the seale: so consider & weigh both the iseale where with you are sealed against the day of redemption, and the treason of your forefathers also which gaue occasion of the sealing of such a pardon vnto you. Therefore as the nightingale in the night time sings merily with a prickle at her breast: so in this valley of the shadowe of death, sing prayses vnto your God; but euer with a compunction, a feeling or your sinnes, and sorrow for them. Neither must you only mourn for your sinnes, but you must abandon them also, for feare of the Diuelles reentrie, with kseuen Diuels worse them himselfe, and then your latter end will be worse then your begining. But as I noted in the second place, you must turne vnto the Lord by reform­ ing of your finnes; and obseruing Gods / commandements: which iniunction vnto flesh and bloud, is durus ferme. For, though we could be content to die the death of the righteous, and say with Balaam, lLord let my later end be like unto theirs; yet this lining of the life of the righteous is hard of digestion, as hard as the gayning of the land of promise was to those spies which cōfessed that the m land was good land, and full of fruits, but there were in it the sonnes of Anach, and they were gyants. The reward of a Christian many think to be a good prize, but they are loth to wrestle with the difficulties of Christianity, those be the sonnes of Anach and they be giants: it is better for flesh & bloud n to crowne themselues with rose buddes before they be withered, then oto sit vp late, and rise early, and eate the bread of carefulnesse, though God so give his beloued sleepe. When they

b Iudg. 1.15. c Gen. 19.17.

d 1. Cor. 7.10. e Apoc. 7.17.

f Ioh. 3.8.

g Exod. 12.8. h Plut. in vit. Syll. i Eph. 1.14.

k Luk. 11.26. By reforming of our selues.

l Numb. 23.10. m Num. 13.28.34.

n Wif. 8. o Psa. 127.3.

52

p Gen 25.22. q Lamprid.

r Math. 8.24. s 2. Tim. 2.12.

t Esay 59.5

u 1.Sam.6.12

Gen 6.5

x Dan 4.2 y pro.28.1

* Iob. 1.19

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feele the paine that belongeth vnto the seruice of God, they say with her (who longed for children but could not indure the pain of child-bearing) pSeeing it is thus why am I so q wāton, Florus could say: Ego nolo Cæsar esse, equitare per Britannos, cursitare per Germanos, pati pruinam, &c. I would not for any good be Casar, to indure so many frosts, & watchings amongst the Britans and Ger­ mans: but Casar thirsting after victory, resorted it thus vpon him: Egonolo Florus esse, ambulare per tabernas, latitare per popinas, &c. I would not, for any good, be Florus to spend my time in vanity. There is great difference betwixt a carnal man, and those that desire (through Iesus Christ) to be more then Conquerours: the carnall rather then they would lose their rswine, desire Christ to depart out of their coasts, wheras the other sthat they may raign with Christ, are willing to suffer with Christ. Some of the auncients speaks of a plea that shall be holden by the diuell against the wicked, before God, at the day of judgement: O glori­ ous king, these that stand befor thee, are thine indeed by creation, but by their sins they haue canceld that image of thine that was vpon them; they are thine by vertue of thy Sons passion, but mine for want of naturall compassion: in all matters of difficulty, when the question was whither they would lean to thee or me, they forsooke thee & yeelded to my temptations: therefore (ô great King, ô King / of glory, giue, me my due. There is danger you see in waering the liuery of Satan, no lesse tthen treading vpon the egs of a Cockatrice, which is dangerous; and weauing the spiders webbe, which is fruitlesse. Let it not seem euil and bur­ densome to you to serue the Lord: for though there be no condemnation to them that bee in christ Iesus; yet this priuiledge belongs vnto them that liue after the spirit, not after the flesh, Rom. 8.1. uWhen the arke of the Lord was drawne by kine to Bethshemosh, though their calues perhaps lowed vnto them, and they (as the text sayth) vnto their calues, yet they could not goe because they were tyed vnto the arke: So doe you resolue vpon the keeping of the couenants of the Lord, and then though your affections call you aside, yet you cannot, you will not goe wrong because you are tyed by vowe or by resolution, though not to the Arke of the couenant, yet to the couenants of the Lord: but if you will needs follow your owne *imaginations which are euill, and that continually, beware of ioyes no bet­ ter then sick mens dreams: those ioyes are quedam nepenthica, & soporifera, for a while charming and silencing the cries both of sinne and punishment: but in the end xthe visions of your heads will make you afraide. If you be wicked, yyou will flie cowardly, yea sottishly when no man followeth, because you have loved iniquitie and hated righteousnesse: therefore the diuel (whom you haue served) will annoint you with oyle of sadnesse aboue your fellowes, then can you neuer be merrie though al the pleasures in the world should make you melody. An euill conscience (when you haue lost yourselues, as Iob lost* all his goods & children) will haunt you and say vnto you, you haue lost Gods fauour and your owne soules, and I alone am left aliue to come and tell you, to keepe you waking at midnight when you should

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sleepe. When there bee many fiery pictures in the ayre, a blast of wind breakes and dispearses them all: when in your mindes there be fearefull & terrible cogi­ tations, strange frightings, and amazements; there is no way to dispearse them but by Gods holy spirit, that wind which bloweth where it listeth. When Dauid vnderstood that the water of the wel of Bethlem, that was brought vnto him, / a was gained by the ieopardie of mens liues, he would not drinke it, but powred it vpon the ground for a sacrifice vnto the Lord: bethinke your selues that your soules are gayned not by the ieopardie, but the losse of the life of Christ: dedicate not your soules and bodies vnto lust and vanity, but rather say (O Lord) they were dear bought, I wil offer them both as a sacrifice to thee. We must mourn for sin, we must abandon sin; and because sin will euer dwel in our suburbs and be a borderer, it will hang on so fast, and will neuer admit a Supersedeas from sinning, so long as dwell in houses of claie. Wee must (which I thirdly noted) appeale vnto God (for he is the highest court of appeale) bwho is the Lamb of God and can only purge the sinnes of the world: Let this Agnus Dei bee your choisest ornament. cFor as the woman hau­ ing a matter heard before Philip king of Macedon, who being asleepe did not well apprehend her cause, but gaue wrong iudgement; therefore she sayde she would appeale from Philip to Philip, from Philip sleeping to Philip waking: So must we appeale, from God to God; from God just and angry for our sinnes, to God opening the bowells of compassion vnto us. dOut of the strong came sweete, it was the riddle of Sampson: the meaning of the riddle was, out of the dead Lion came the hony combe which relieued him: My application at this time is, out of the strong eLion of the tribe of Iuda, comes the sweete comfort of our sauing health; for that Lion fis vnto us wisdome, iustification, sanctification and redemp­ tion. *As Iacob said vnto his father, so we may say to thee O heauenly Father; eat of our venison, of our flesh, the flesh of thy Sonne, that thy soule may bless vs. Tho man being iust do liue (as the Prophet sayth) once, and the Apostle doth canonize it once againe; yet faith is the soule and breath of that life: gIustus ex fide viuit. When it was resolued that Christ should do his Fathers wil for the good of mankinde, he was ready to say; Loe here I come to doe thy will: he came indeed to shed his bloud; he bled not inward, for that might haue indangered the body; but his blood was powred out for the good of others: the speare / of the souldier that thrust him through the side, may serue as a pen, his bloud was ink, wherewith was written our Quietus est. We may now with Paul not onely challenge death, saying, hdeath where is thy sting? but with the same Paul sing a Requiem vnto our soules, saying , that i neither powers, nor principalities can make a separation, betweene God and vs. Seeing then God hath reared up a standard of hope vnto all beleeuers; let vs not be like reeds wauering and shaking in faith; for then we please the diuell, who by som of the auncients is compared to kBe­ hemoth, that takes his pastime among the reeds, but rather, let vs be like a wall

By trusting in God. b Ioh. 1.29. c Plut.in Apothegm

d Iud. 14.4.

e Apoc. 5.5. f 1. Cor. 1.30. * Gen. 27 19.

g Hag. 2.4.

h 1. Cor. 15.55. i Rom. 8.38.

k Iob. 40.10.

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l Cont. 8.9. m Ephes. 6.

n Gen. 35.18.

o Ioel 2.13.

p Math. 11.18.

q 2. Cor. 6.2.

A doue decesued. r Mat. 10.16.

s 1. Reg. 22.31.

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(strong) that God may build vpon vs la siluer palace, that he may make vs houses for himselfe. Let vs acquit our selues like men: wee haue for our right hand, mthe sword of the spirit, for our left hand, the shield of faith, for our breast, the breast­ plate of righteousnesse, for our heads the helmet of saluation, for our feet, the shooes of the preparation of the Gospel: furniture enough for all parts, saue onely the backe; to argue that if we fight against the diuell we may do well, but if we turne our backs and growe faithlesse, wee giue him aduantages against vs. What neede we turne back? seeing (like Rahel) hee dyed in trauell of vs his children, and though to him we were nBenonies sonnes of sorrow, yet in regard of our selues we are Beniamins, sonnes of his right hand. He shewed his power and strength to doe vs good, the deeper we diue into the fountaine of his mercie the sweeter we shall finde the water, we shall find ohe is gracious and merciful: if that be not enough let vs dig deeper and we shall find hee is of great goodnesse, plentiuos in goodnesse, and one that is sory for any euill that hapneth vnto vs. Our Sauiour openeth the breasts of consolation vnto vs: now the more the breasts of a nurse are drawen by sucking, the more ease it is vnto her: by sucking therefore these breasts and calling for mercy at his hands, shall we not please him? yes, as one desiring a vent for his abundant mercie he cries, and saith: pCome vnto mee all yee that are heauy laden, and I wil ease you. He our Head is ascended into heauen, and now aboue the water; temptations may assayle vs, but they cannot ouercome vs so long as the / head is aboue the water, we that are his members can neuer be drowned: therefore let vs with an intemerate faith make way through qhonour & dishonour, good report, and bad report, and dismaied with nothing, take holde on Christ, Iesus: he, he will trauerse the inditement, cancell the debt, suspend the rigorous doom, acquit our soules, and this pardon will be ripened with an influence from aboue, with the best aspect, the trine aspect, the holy Trinity will say Amen vnto it. Ephraim sinned: well had Ephraim been if hee had turned vnto the Lord, by repentance mournfully, & by reformation holily, & by cleauing vnto Christ let vs hopefully, but he did not, he sought not the Lord (as the text saith) of which point I spake vnto you out of the 7. ver, & therfore now I pass it ouer: nay Ephraim was so far frô cleauing vnto God that Ephraim was like a doue deceiued without heart. Like a doue? that was good rbe ye innocent as doues; a doue deceiued? that was naught, be you wise as serpents also. But the diuel took such order to infatuate that wisdom, that he gained possession of the tower the strongest holde, the hart, vnto which al the affections owe suit & seruice. sFight against neither smal nor great, but only against the king of Israel: quell the the captains, & all the souldiers wil be amated; the tēper of the head spring is either the sweetning, or the poisoning of the streams: the heart being surprised, the retinue of affections must needs doe their homage & follow after. But whither did the affectiōs of the men of Ephraim follow their harts? to Ægypt, to Ashur, where there were the sin-news of might & strength: the earths terror, Ottoman

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hath not greater at this day: but see how unsurely the foote of worldly pomp standeth, they stood in slippery places, though they did call to Ægypt, though they did go to Ashur. Simple doues, being well in their doue house the Church of God, where they wanted neither meat, nor nest, nor warmth, nor the protection of God, they could not be content, but lured with the charms of Ægypt & Ashur, flew will­ ingly into their nets, and there changing their gold for copper, forfeited their estates in Gods prouidence; they wanted help & though being under Gods wing, they twere mo[r]e that / were with them then they that were against them, yet did they call to Ægypt, and goe to Ashur. I call to minde two kindes of doues, deceiued without heart; the one in mat­ ters spirituall, the other in matters temporall. In matters spirituall, those that in the quest and pursuite of their saluation, make not to Almighty God, the strong rocke of their defence, but they make wracke vpon the sands, vpon the vnsure ground of masses, trentalls, indulgences, pardons, the number (not the weight) of praiers, nay vpon their owne good works, which are no better then sinnes, passing the sands in number; and there might they drowne, their usinnes beings as red as scarlet, if God in his mercy did not make the sinners as white *as the snowe in Salmon. The spider hath many legges, and littel or no bloud. If you aske why the church of Rome standeth vpon so many legges, and leaneth vpon so many helps not warranted by the scripture; it is because they haue too little confidence in the bloud of Christ. Among other their reeds of Ægypt they stand to the mercie of the Pope, who pretends to haue the key of the churches treasury, and can sell or lend good workes vnto them that want, as though he were worthy to be of Gods priuie counsell. I reade of one xVerconius, in the time of Alexander Seuerus; who pretend­ ing familiarity with the Emperour, took mens money for preferring their suites, abused them, did them no good at all:41 beeing conuented before the Emperour, he was iudged to bee hanged up in a chimney and so perish with smoke, for that he solde smoke to the people. The man of sin makes great boast of familiarity and power with God. Though he take mens money for indulgences, yet how little good he doth, them, the wise can iudge, he sells but smoake; and if Gods mercy be not all the greater, he may perish by the smoake or by the fire of the valley of Tophet that was prepared of olde. yIn the countrey of the Abisanes, where Prester Iohn42 gouerneth, there bee certaine mountains called Montes luna, out of which the riuer Nilus issueth with such violence, that it would ouerflowe the / lower countrey (which now the Turk possesseth) if it were not receiued into certaine deepe pittes and dammes in the country of Prester Iohn; to whom, for that cause the Turke yeeldeth a yeerely tribute; the deluge of sinne is so great that it would ouerflow vs body and soule, but that Prester Iohn, or Presbiter Iohn, Iohn

t 2. Rsg. 6.10.

Spirituall.

u Esay 1.18. * Psa 68.14.

x Lampr.in Sc. Verco.

y Vid. a little treatise. of the description of the world.

56

*Dubrauiua lib. 26.

a Gen. 3.15. b Rom, 4.25. c Reusner Leor. in symbomperator. d Psal. 84.6.

Temporall.

e Dan. 7.9.

f Iudg. 16.18. g Cant. 8.8.

h Iob 5.18. i Iob 1.11.

k 2. Reg. 1.2.3.4.

l 1. Sam. 18.7. m x. Chr. 10.13.

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the Priest, Christ both King and Priest for euer, doth fwallowe vp sinne, and burie it in the depth of his mercie. Shall wee not then yeelde a tribute for his fauor? yes, and all too little. *As Zisea that valrous Bohemian did not onely quell his enemie beeing aliue, but commanded that when he was dead there should bee drumme made of his skinne thereby to terrifie him: So, Christ Iesus for our sakes did not onely when hee was aliue aBreake the head of the Serpent, by his preaching and miracles, but by his death and after his death also hee wrought the Diuells woe and our good, he b dyed for our sinnes, and rose againe for our iustification. So now, non gens sed mens (as cIulius Æmilianus43 said in his Embleme or Poesie) not onely Iewes but Gentiles also (if they feare God) finde fauour at his hands: While we walke through dthe valley of Mulberie trees, or of miserie (as diuers trans­ lations tender it) wee may vse these meditations, as pooles of water to refresh vs, and learne to flie to God, not to Ashur, not to Ægypt. As I haue noted vnto you a kinde of doues deceiued, without heart, in matters spirrituall concerning their soules; so I not another kinde that are as much deceiued in matters temporall, shrinking from God and leaning vpon the broken reeds of Ægypt. e O thou auncient of dayes, thy mercie is as ancient, and from the beginning: O thou whose name is wonderfull thy loue is wonderfull: why should men then, from the breasts of consolation, fly and cal to Ægypt or go to Ashur? Leane vpon the worlds lap as long as you will, shee will prone but fa Dalila, to robbe you of your strength, she will proue like that glittle sister, Cant. 8. that hath no breasts: but Christ is your true Vine. Iohn 15. 1. vine growes neere the house, so he is neere to all them that call vpon him: A vine is an ornament to the house, so Christ is to vs; therefore we must cast / all our crownes downe at his feete. The Vine keepes the house from a storme; So, Christ keepes vs from storme and tempest, which is the portion of the wicked to drinke. But which is tremblable and monstrous, there be some, who, when God smites them, they fly vnto a witch or an Inchauntresse and call for succours as though Iob had beene deceiued when he sayd, hO God thou woundest and healest againe, thou woundest and killest againe: or when he sayde iThe same God that takes away, the same God doth giue. When Ahazia was hurt, hee sent to kBeelzebub the God of Eckron, but God sent Eliah the Thisbite in haste to meet the mesenger on the way, and bade him say, What, is there neuer a God in Israel, but thou must seeke for helpe of Beel-zebub the God of Eckron? Because thou hast done this thing, thou shalt neuer rise out of thy bedde. Gods fauour neuer was vppon Saul after hee left him, and lwent to the Witch of Endor: therefore, it is sayde, that mSaul dyed in his sinne, because hee forsooke the Lord, and asked counsell of a familiar spirit, Let this doctrine serue as eye-salue vnto all you (if there be any in this place) who for the loue of your goods and your bodies health, seeke vnto, not the hurting witch (for flesh and bloud abhorres her) but the good witch (as you call them com­

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monly) who is more sought vnto, therefore the more daungerous; who assure yourselues is, the more Saint, the more Diuell. Therefore deale you with God by prayer, be in league with God: this blessed league of loue, was not concluded betwixt God, and the men of Ephraim, because they left their first loue and started aside like broken bowe: but God was angry, his iealousie burned like fire, he found their goodnesse nto be as cloude and as the morning dewe, quickly come, and quickly gone, their zeale short breathed in going vp the hill to heauen. Hee found their motion not to bee naturall, not from the heart, because it was tardior in fine quain in principio, more flow in their latter end then in their beginning. His family admittes to dwarfes or vnthriuing soules, / which grow not in grace, which do not orun that they may obtaine, but rather with Demas, pgoe backe and imbrace this present world; therefore hee qweighed them in a ballance, and found them too light, and diuided their kingdome. Heere stand amazed with me and tremble at the angry wordes of our iust God. But when they shall goe, I wil spread my net vpon them, and draw them downe as the sowles of heauen: I will chastice them as their congregation hath hearde. verse 12. As if God had sayde, O ye men of Ephraim, though you be without an eye, and see not your danger: without a foote, and returne not vnto me: without a heart like a doue deceiued, and goe to Ashur: yet I wil see you when you go, for r I search Ierusalem with a candle: I will spread a net by my wisedome, and draw you downe by my power, and chastice you in my iustice, and make good my truth by performing that which you haue heared in your congregation. Hee will see them when they goe; where I note Gods all seeing prouidence watching ouer the godly and ouer the wicked: ouer the godly, to protect them: & ouer the wicked, to restraine them. Ouer the godly, for their protection; and therefore in the 9. of the Prouerbs, Wisedome (that is Christ the wisedom of his father) is said, to build her an house,(that is the Church) vpon seauen pillars (that is vpon a sure foundation) and in the foundation of the Church (as of the Temple of Ierusalem, Zach. 4.) there is laide sthe stone with seauen eyes, Gods all seeing prouidence; which is is so mounted vpon the wings of birds, that ttwo silly Sparrows sould for one farthing, cannot fall to the ground without his permission: much lesse, man who is of more worth then many sparrowes: least of all Gods elect, for whose good his Angels are appointed to be a guard and to all that are heires of situation. Heb. 1.14. The difference betweene the God of Israel and the Gods of the Gentiles is this: the God of Israel holds his people in his hands, Apoc. 2.1. But the Gentiles held their Gods in their owne hands, Gen, 35.4. The wheeles in the first of Ezechiel, (things whose motions are giddy and vncertaine) resembled the round / world and the things therein, which things (like the rings of those wheeles, are full of eyes, full of Gods prouidence (for now Ierusalem, being without walles hath Gods u

n Hos. 6.4.

o 1. Cor. 9.24. p 2. Tim. 4.10. q Dan 5.27.

r. Zepha. 1.12.

But when they goe.

Godly.

s Zepha. 1.4.10. t Mat. 20.19.

u Zepha. 2.5.

58

* Hos. 2.21.

* Iudg. 7.20.

* Esay 43.6. x Gen. 28.20.

Wicked. y Psal. 11.14.

* Iere. 7.40.

a Mat. 7.21.

b Leui. 13.30.

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prouidence to be a wall of fire about her, and himselfe is the glory in the midst of her) for the good of his people hee *makes the heauens to heare the earth, the earth to heare the corne, the wine, and the oyle, and them to heare the cries of Israel: when Israel cries hee must bee heard; For he that keepeth Israel doth neither slumber nor sleepe. Least then we plow the Sands and labour in vaine, wee must wrastle with all difficulties and businesses, and overcome them as the people of God did the Madianites with *the sword of the Lord, and the sword of Gedion: neither being wanting vnto our selues, nor yet depending vpon our own endeuours, with out the blessing of the Lord, who will say to the *North Giue and to the South keepe not backe. It was a worthy resolution of Iacob, that hee would not goe into a strange Countrey vpon a great businesse, xvnlesse GOD would be with him in his iourney. Let it be your resolution, not to vndertake any businesse for soule nor body, but with a request vnto God (before you vndertake your worke) that hee will further your enterprise. When you come into the Church to heare for your soules health, or when you are about to labour in your vocations, remem­ ber this; GOD is the supervisour of his owne will to see that it bee performed, by the godly and by the wicked; hee helpes the goldly that they may doe it. If the vngoldly doe it not, Hee teares them in peeces, while there is none to help: for (according to the position of schooles) in him there is bona potentis and potens bonitas. Ouer the wicked a power and, that is good; for the sakes of the godly a good­ nesse and that is powerfull. Let no man say that when he is about to sinne, That y God doth not see it, what is there knowledge in the most high? Those men are like to stage players, parsonate men, they seeme what they are not, their deeds give their wordes their lye; like idle housewiues (which sweepe the dust behinde the doore) they haue filthinesse inough though it be not to bee seene. / There is in this world a great swolne body of ostentation, both words and deedes; it is the great physition of our soules, who can only skill of the Anatomy of this body; and therefore though the Iewes cried, *The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, yet hee tried what gold they were, not only by the ring and sound, but by the touchstone also: and when hee found what they were, hee sayd, a Not euerie one that sayeth vnto mee Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdome of heauen, but hee that doth the will of the Father that is in heauen: When a man had a sore that was not couered, by the iudgement of the lawe Leuiticall it was but a sore, but bwhen it was couered ouer with a yellow locke it was a Leprosie: euerie sinne may passe for a sinne, but when sinne is couered ouer with a faire yellow­ ish lock, with a fair snow or smooth excuse (as namely when pride is glorified with the name of cleanelinesse, couetousnesse with the name of good husbandry, deceite of wisedome, drunkennesse of good fellowshippe) then it is more then a sinne; a man may suspect himselfe for a Leprosie, then the must proclaim him­

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selfe before God (as the Leper was to doe in the streetes) cI am vncleane, I am vncleane. Now in this seeming age (when complement goes as farre as one of the liberall sciences and to be a fashionable man is as high rated as to bee learned or honest) dSeauen dayes, and seauen Priests, and seauen rammes hornes are all too little to cast downe this sinne, which is as mightie as Iericho, Christ was neuer so loude against any sinne as against this sinne of hypocrisie, crying oftentimes, e Woe vnto you Scribes and Pharisies hypocrites. Therefore if there be any of you, who giue Christianitie occasion. – *mirari suas frondes, et non sua poma – Who seeme to make accounte of fNewe Moones and Sabbaothes, and of the Church of GOD, and of religion, and haue your hands full of bloud grinding the faces of the poore by harde bargaines, hauing your mouthes full of lies, and yet wiping your mouthes, as though you were no such men; take heed the visard will be pulled fró your faces, and God wil smite you, you whited wals. Act. 23.3. God will see you, you cannot deceiue him, hee sawe the / purpose of Eshraim: and when he saw it, he said, I will spread my net vpon them, there is his wisedome; and drawe them downe as the soules of heauen, there is his power: hee spread his nets and drew down Nabuchadnezzar that Lucifer, that sunne of the morning, while vpon his Turret, he was making an Idole of himselfe; and many others: among the rest, g Nero, who piled crueltie vpon crueltie; witnesse many villanies chained together at one time: When first he set Rome on fire: Secondly, hee plaied vpon his Lute and song verses of Homer, concerning the burning of Troy, comparing the two Cities together: Thirdly, hee charged the Christians with the burning of the Citie. Fourthly, he clothed them with the skinnes of beasts, that being taken for beasts they might be deuoured by dogges.* Though diuers of the Turkes kill their brethren to preuent treason, and therby to make themselues great in the world, yet God can put hooks at his pleasure in their nostrils, and turne them backe whither soeuer hee will. Hee can spread his net and pull down the great­ est oppressors of the earth, and make their hbread of oppression to bee grauell in their teeth, and make ithe furrowes of their Land to complaine against them: which Land being gotten by the hurt of Christs members betrayed and sould, (as Iudas betrayed Christ) will proue no better then kAceldamaes, fields of bloud. l He that sawe the wrong offered by the taskemasters of Egypt, and heard the cries of Israel, wil euer heare the grones of his distressed people crying, – quem das finem Rex magne laborum? mHow long Lord, how long Lord holy and true? They that wound Gods children, touch the apple of his eye: nSaul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? Saul through the sides of the Church, wounded Christ. Benhadad was deceiued when he sayd, the God of Israel was othe God of the mountaines, and not of the valleyes, as though the Lord cared for the high and mighty and not for the lowly and deiected: there will bee a time when God will no longer suffer the wicked pto spoyle vpon his holy mountaine: q but for the comfortlesse troubles sake of the needie, and because of the deepe sighing of the poore, I will vp (saith the Lord)

c Leu 13.45.

d Iosh 6.

e Mat 23.13. * Virg. lib. 2 Geor. f Esay. 1.13.

Vers. 15.

I will spread my

net and draw them

downe.

g Corn. Tacit. &

alii.

*See master Know­

les his Turkish

Historie in the life

of Amurath the 2.44

h Prou. 20.17.

i Iob. 31.38.

k Mat. 27.8.

l Exod. 6.5.

m Apoc. 6.10.

n Act 9.4.

o 2.Reg. 20.23.

p Esay. 65.25. q Psal. 22.

60

r Act. 12.23. s Esay. 27.1. t Amos 3.12.

u Hos. 14.2.

* Iob. 1.15. x Act. 17.28.

y Eccius. 13 12.

* Ezech. 184.

a Aug. In Pausium manich.

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and who is wisest who is able to resist? Herod was a / King, and (as the greatest are) hee was but Lord ouer a little corner of Gods foot-stoole; yet hee grewe impetu­ ous, and when hee sate vpon his royall seat, hee remembred not him that sitteth vppon the circle of the heauens: when hee stretched out his hand, hee remēbred not him that with the span of his hand reacheth from the East vnto the West: when he spake, hee remembred not him whose voice is like the sound of Thun­ der: when hee was clothed with royall apparell, hee remembred not him who is clothed with righteousnesse, as with a garment: therefore hee found that Omne sub regno grauiori regnum est, rHee was eaten vp with wormes. It is GOD that can visit sLeuiathan, that pearcing Serpent, yea euen Leuiathan that crooked Serpent, and can slay the Dragon that is in these. and as for those who are any was displeas­ ing vnto him, he can take them though they hide themselues tin Samaria, as in the corner of a bed, and in Damascus as in a couch: for God in this place sayth of Ephraim, I wil draw thē down as the soules of heauen. This may seeme harsh to flesh and bloud: which out of weaknesse may euen seeme to plead against God, and say that God is the cause of their ruine and perishing in their sinnes, seeing he showes his power in punishing of them, for those sinnes which himself by infusing grace might haue preuented. Dust and ashes dispute not thou with thy maker, uPerditio tua ex te Israel, Euery reprobate is choked with his owne venome. God can touch pitch, and not bee defiled: as for example, *The Sabaans and the Chaldaans spoyled and robbed Iob, the Diuell caused them, God suffered them, nay in some some forthe was an agent; for xby him men liue, moue, and haue their being: author I say of the action, but not of the obliquitie of the action: when impietie was once aflote, God by his wisedome ordained a channell for it that it might turne to his glory, and the greatest good of Iob. When a skilfull musician plaies cunningly vpon a Lute that is out of tune, the iarre (if there be any) comes from the lute, not from the hand: when mens liues are out of tune ought they to blame that wise and powerfull finger of God without which they cannot worke? No, no: O sinner all / that iarring comes of thy selfe. It is not God (O drunkard) but thy selfe that drinkes thee drunke: Nor (God O thou murtherer) but thy selfe that staines thy selfe with bloud: Nor God (O thou blasphemer) but thy selfe that filles thy month with y words that are clothed with death: build not thy sinnes vpon the backe of God: thou mockest thy self, when thou thinkest to shift thy burden from thy selfe vnto his shoul­ ders.* The same soule that sinneth, the same must die,unlesse Gods mercy bee all the greater. As the Diuell bring light out of darkenesse: therupon Saint Origen speaketh of a great pedigree of blessings deriued from that vnnaturall sinne of the selling of Ioseph into Egypt, which blessing after many yeares returned plenti­ fully againe vnto his fathers house. aSaint Austen in fewe wordes determines this question: the Diuell tempts, man consents, God forsakes. Let God bee true, and all men liers: Let God be iustly esteemed pure, and all the world be tainted with

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impietie. God in his wisedome shewes his iustice oft and many a time vpon vs, as at this time vpon Ephraim, that by his correctiōs hee may call vs home vnto him: bHee drawes vs gently with the cordes of a man, euen with the bands of loue, least wee should bee drawen from him by Egypt or by Ashur, by little sinnes or by great, cby the cordes of vanitie or by the care-ropes of iniquitie. And therefore in the wordes following, he cals them chastisements: which chastisements (when men are incorrigible, deafe adders and stop their eares against the wise charmer) are the best meanes to cast salte vppon affections, and giues eyes vnto reason; hee sayeth, I will chastice them. The chasticements of GOD lay heauie (that my discourse may beare date then, and not before the comming of our Saui­ our in the flesh) vpon the sonne of GOD himselfe: the roddes wherewith God did suffer him to bee chasticed were his enemies and his friends; his enemies were like d as many dogges that came vpon him: and as the Sunne entring into the constella­ tion called the Dogge, argueth a hote season: so the conflict must needes bee hote when the / Sunne of righteousnesse fell among so many dogges: his friendes, the flocke were so amazed. (the shepheard being smitten) that he was like a tree hauing all the leaues beaten of: nor only the withered leaues, those which followed him for his bread and for his miracles fell away, but the greene leaues also, they which loued him best, his own e Peter both denied and forsware him. f If these things fell vnto the greene tree, what shall bee done vnto the drie tree? The Church could not scape sor­ row, but hath bin gas a lodge in a garden of cucumers, and as a besieged Citie. When the diuell trieth, hee trieth with a sive, hSatan hath desired to winowe thee as when: When God trieth, hee trieth with a fanne; iwith a fanne; will hee purge his floore: a siue keepes the bad, and sends away the good; a fanne keepes the good, and sends away the bad: therefore the trials of the diuell do rob vs of our vertue, and the trials of Godly affliction do dispatch away al our vices. Be not afraid (saith kPetrarch) though the house, the body be shaken, so the soule, the guest of the body fare well. Affliction is the whetstone of zeale, which made God sometimes let his Church taste of it, and llie among the pots, though her wings be of siluer, and her feathers of golde, God doth come with loue or with a rod interchangeably as it pleaseth him: Hee hath piped vnto vs by many earthly blessings; haue our hearts danced for ioy, and in our songs haue we prayed him? He hath mourned vnto vs by the shaking of divers rods, and calamities ouer our heads, and hath our mourning for sinne beene like the mourning of the mother for the losse of her first borne? It will bee reconciled by neither meanes, hee will doe vnto vs as hee did vnto Ephraim:m For when hee piped to Ephraim by his loue and by his worde, they would not treade right meas­ ures by their obedience, therefore hee tolde them they must adresse themselues to weeping, for now he meant to mourn vnto them and to chastise them as their congregation had heard. Such is the confluence of opinions for the expresion of these words, so diu­ ers and so iustling the crowde of interpreters, that I cannot without wronging

b Hof. 11.4.

c Esay. 5.18. Chastice.

d Psa. 22.16.

e Mark. 14 71. f Luk. 23.31. g Esay. 1.8. h Luk. 22.31. i Luk. 3.17.

k Petr. de remedie vtriusque fortune.45

l [illeg.] 8.13.

m Mat. 11.17.

As their cógrega­ tion hath heard.

62

n Zanchius & alli.

o Ion. 3.4. p 1. Reg. 18.44.

q Mat. 3.10.

Some cannot. r Apoc. 10.10. Ezech. 3.x.

s Ier. 8.22. t Mar. 3.17. u Ezub. 13.10. * Ps. 237.6. x Mat. 13.33.

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you ouer much, / marshall them into their seuerall rankes: therefore nI will at this time build vpon that which is subscribed vnto by the best, and excepted against by none; which I take to bee the quick of these words; and that is this, that they had often heard in their cógregations, by the law & the prophets, that the chasticements and the rods of God would treade vpon the heeles of their sinnes, if they continued in them. Happy were the man of Ephraim, if they had knowen their owne happiness: yet being as they were they were happy for being forewarned they were forearmed. So was Niniueh; for the noyse of destruction o after fortie daies made the Niniuites turne vnto the Lord, and so preuent the danger, Arise quoth Elias to Achab and pprepare thy chariot, for I heare a sound of raine; vnlesse thou passe quickly thou canst not passe: there the sound of raine, preuented the daunger that might haue come by raine: So though the iustice of God require the cutting downe of sinners, yet God in his mercie first q putteth the axe to the roote of the tree, to see if that repentance and amendment of life, may preuent that cutting. Seeing then you haue so many warnings in the congrega­ tions, to forearme you against danger, make vse of them and be bettered by them, least they proue a cloud of witnesses against you. I will chastise them as their congregation hath heard. Out of which words, I obserue first that the preacher who is the tongue of the congregation, ought to tell the people of their danger to come; Secondly, the people who are the care of the congregation, ought to yeelde their obedience vnto the voice of the shepheard; a well composed body that hath such a tongue and such an care. The preacher should tell the congregation of the danger to come: but some cannot, some dare not, some will not, some though they doe it doe it to no purpose. Some cannot, for they runne before they be sent, not hauing eaten r the little booke that Saint Iohn and Ezechiel were commanded to eate: they giue counsell before they receiue it of the Lord, they preach without meditation, they onelie turne the cocke and let the water runne; whereas fishers of / men should bee as the Apostles were (when they were fishers) who were not alwayes casting in their nets, but somtimes mending their nets: so if these men bee alwayes feeding others by their preaching & neuer feeding thēselues by reading and meditation, they will proue but dry nurses in a while, and vnfit to giue the sincere milke of the word to others: what then, sis there no balm in Gilead? is there no physition there? Yes, but some dare not. Some dare not, forgeting (that when occasion serueth) they must bee tsonnes of thunder, as well as of consolation. Woe vnto them that gild ouerragged wals and rotten posts, uwho dawbe with vntempered morter, & sowe pillowes vnder the elbowes of sinners; saying peace, peace, when there is no peace: *Let such a tongue cleaue to the roofe of the mouth, let such a dawbing right hand forget his cunning. In the Gospell wee read of xa woman, that seasoned three peckes of meale till all were leauened. I compare the three peckes of meale to three sorts of men, our superiours, our equals, our inferiours: Some preachers can be

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content to put leauen (sharpnesse inough) into their equals and inferiours, but when they should come to season their superiours, they dare not, they flatter; in stead of leauen, they bring hony: they are in som sort like Surgeons, though they haue not Lions harts, courage to launce, and pearce, & cure the sinnes, yet they haue Ladies hands, which (they say) are enured to complexions and paintings, they haue complexion for euery vice; both will and skill to iustifie the ballances of deceipt and wickednesse (be it neuer so great) in a friēd or in a man of power. They be like ciphers which are nothing of thēselues, but serue to raise the fig­ ure to a higher number: so these are men of no worth, only they serue by their flatterie to puffe men vp with an opinion that they be more then indeed they are. yHottoman a learned Lawyer,46 sayeth that an Ambassador should not be like a stage player to change his person, hee must stand constantly vpon the will and pleasure of his King. If an Ambassador must bee so, then Gods Ambassador must be so, & more then so, deliuering neither more nor lesse, then the counsell of God. Iohn Baptist (that day starre before the Sunne) the foreruner of Christ did not sticke to tell Herode that *it was not lawfull for him to haue his brother Philips wife; though aAmaziah said unto Amos, Go thou Seer into the Land of Iuda, & prophecie there, but prophecie not in Bethel, it is the Kings Chapell, it is Ieroboams court: Such agents for the Diuell (that breed singing in the eares of great men, and make their heads giddie) vould perswade that those great men of the world (who haue their authoritie giuen them as a talent whereby they may punish others) should become sanctuaries for sinne, and that no man should dare to meddle with any vice that they are giuen vnto, bWhen the hatchet of any man hewing timber did by chance flie out of his hand, hit, hurt, or kill a man, there was allowed him a Citie of refuge: If any preacher hewing timber for the building of the Lord, touch or wound any of his auditors, shall there not be allowed vnto him a City of refuge? Yes, the necessitie that lies vpō him to discharge his own conscience, & deliuer the Lords counsell, will be sufficient to plead his pardon./ Some againe will not though they can and dare; they are like cIssachar, who was a strong asse cowching downe vnder two burdens, (two or three liuings) saying, Rest is good. Such a one was Alexander the sixt, who was more fit to keepe the castle of dSaint Angelo against Charles the eight, King of France, then to tend the flock of God against the inuasions of Satan: hee I say hauing sonnes whome hee especially aduanced vnto honor, viz. the prince of Sicily, Cesar Borgia, first a Cardinall, then Duke of Valentia, efirst Casar, then nothing, according to his own speach, & the duke of Spain, who being murdered and cast into Tyber, and dragged for by his careful father, made his father then, & perhaps only then wor­ thy to be accounted a fisher of men. Christ (if you marke them well) with many working words, doth inforce ministers to be careful guardians of their congrega­ tions: though Peter himself tels him thrice that he loues him, yet he will not take his loue to be sincere vnlesse Peter will ffeede his sheep, feede his lambs: by all the

y Hotto, in his treatise called the ambassador.

* Mat. 14.4. a Amos. 7. vers. 12.13.

b Deut. 19.5.

c Gen. 49.14.

d Pageant of Popes.

e Aut Cæsar aut nihil.

f Ioh. 21.17.

64

Some do it to no purpose.

g Ezech. 1.8.

h Exod. 28.30. i Ioh. 5.35. k Num. 17.8.

l 1. Sam. 8.7.

m Iob. 40.18.

Not come. n Phil. 3.8. o. Rom. 15.12. p 2. Cor. 2.16. q Luk. 3.14.

r Iudg. 5.23.

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tearmes of loue that may be, he pleads and becomes an aduocate for his people, lest the sheep of his fould should wander in the wildernes without / a guide. Ministers are called shepheards, watchmen, laborers; their names are not still borne, but haue their signification and reach them their duty: yet som wil not, though their office be to be orators for the people & Ambassadors from God. Some againe, though they doe it, doe it to no purpose: as when they giue good oracles out of Moses his chaire and yet haue not cōsecrated hands to per­ form what they speak; which makes the people thinke of some great mysterie of Atheisme, that was neuer yet imparted to them. It should be with the minister as in the vision that Ezechiēl sawe, g a hand under a wing: they should not only haue knowledge to mount vpwards, but a hand also to perform that which they know is meet. Therefore in the olde Testament, there was not only Aaron that had vpon his breast plate, hVrim and Thummim, perfection of life as well as light of vnderstanding: but in the new Testament also there was Iohn Baptist, who was i a shining and burning candle, not only shining with knowledge but burning also, such was his zeale. It was an argument of the calling of Moses, when his rodds k brought forth both blossomes and ripe almondes: No man will deny that Minister to be lawfully called, who hath both the goodly blossomes of learning, and the ripe fruits of a liuely faith: those that haue the one are like Saul lwho ouercame his thousand: but those that haue them both are like Dauid who ouercame his ten thousand, and beeing made keepers of the vines they may reioyce that they keepe their owne vines also, Cant. 1.5. Some cannot, some dare not, some wil not, some though they do it, do it to no purpose. These words I doubt not are drunk vp into the eares of many, with as longing a desire as mBehemoth would swallow up Iordan into his mouth: but what? Is there sin onely in the house of Leui, & not among the rest of the Tribes? no, not onely: I may not silence the sins nor the duty of the people: the people also should heare the threatnings that are deliuered in the congregation. But some will not come, some will not mark when they come, some will not bee pleased when they marke, some / be they pleased or displeased, will not obey. Some will not come, but (like beetles who care more for the dung of the earth then for a rose) they esteeme more of that which is nlosse and dung, othen of Christ, the flower of the roote of Iessec: they cannot abide the fauour of him, tho his word be pthe sauour of life vnto life: though his word turned Lions into Lambes, making the souldiers say, qMaster what shall wee doe? the subtitle of the serpent into the simplicitie of a doue, making the Publicans say, Master what shal wee doe? many heads into one tongue, making the people say, Master what shall wee doe? All this, when it was put into the mouth of Iohn the Baptist, Luk. 3. r Cursaye Meroz, (sayth the Angell of the Lord) indefinenter maledicite (as Iunius and Tremelius render it) curse it with an euerlasting curse; because the men of that Citie would not come out to helpe the rest of the Tribes in the day of bat­

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tel. When wee come all to the Church of God vpon the Sabaoth day wee come (like an army) to ioyne together to warre against the diuell by our prayers and holy meditations: if there be any that be either idle, or drunken, or wanton, or wordly, or (for any cause) vnwilling to come to ioyne with & helpe their brethren in this high seruice, shall I curse them? I pray God they be not cursed with an euerlasting curse. While we blaze the glory of the word, there comes vnto the ignorant a Iesuite or a Seminary or perhaps a pupill of theirs, & beguiles them with a shew & pretence of antiquitie, as the Gibeonites beguiled Ioshua, by tell­ ing him a tale sof oulde shooes, and oulde bottles, and ould mouldy bread: they tell them the olde good world was then at the best, when they liued vnder the Latine law, and knew no Scripture, but beleeued as the Church beleeued, and so by this meanes many simple men haue beene drawne to make a league with them (as Ioshua did) twithout asking counsell of God. I doe with reuerence ascribe all conuenient authoritie vnto the Church, whose beauty within is farre more then I can comprehend. – uPar domus est calo, sedminor est Domino. The Church, the house of God is glorious, and euen the gate of heauen, but the Church (especially those hoodwinkt Churches in / those sickely times there of I spake before) is farre inferior to Christ the Lord of the Church, and his holy word which is his will, whereby hee gouerneth this house of his. And therefore despising the words of God* (which are Yea and Amen) we must not only eye the Church, which may erre while shee is militant here on the earth. Those that trauaile Southward haue the Northerne pole for their direction, till they come beyonde the hote and burning zone or part of the world: which when they haue once passed they lose the sight of the Northerne; and the Southerne pole ariseth to be their guide; so while we passe to heauen ward through xthis glassie sea mingled with fire, which is the world, wee are directed (as by a starre) by the word of God: but when we are once past the hot fits and pangs of death, then wee lose that directiō, we need it no more, an other light is our comfort, euen y the light of the Lambe for euer and euer. *No falling of Manna vnto the children of Israel, when once they had gotten a croppe in the Land of promise, so long it fell, and no longer; noe more the word, noe nore the bread of this life shall nourish vs, we need it not when wee haue the blessings of that place which floweth with better things then either milke or hony. Some wil not marke when they come, yet both strong and weak Christians should marke, for the word of God is a aRiuer where the Elephant may plunge and the Lamb may wade. In the Church *when the Priest praieth and blesseth, I see one talking and another laughing: when thou sittest and kneelest there, dost thou not know that thou art in the company of Angels? and yet dost thou laugh or scorne. If the sethings be not worthy of a thunderbolt, I know not what is. *To pollute a common wel, where the whole Citie fetcheth water, is a thing that cānnot be indured: how much more to abuse the Church where Gods people

s Iosh. 9. verf. 4.5.

t Iosh. 9.14. u Martiall.

* 2 Cor. 1.20.

x Apoc. 15.

y Apoc.22

*Iosh. 5.12.

Some doe not

marke when they

come.

a Greg.in mor.

*Chrysoft.

Hom.24-in act a.

* August. contra Do[illeg.]istas.

66

* Terrull. Apologet. cap. 19.

b Leuit. 11.

c Psal. 40.8.

d Exod. 21.6.

e Mat. 26.40.

f Mat. 16.23. g Exod. 3.5.

h Lactantius lib. 3. diuin. instieus. i 2. Cor. 2.16. k Eph. 4.8. l Vinc. Lercontra. [illeg.] ref. cap. 17.

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come for the waters of comfort? *Coit coetus, the people gather together, & like a band of men they set vpon God with their prayers. Grata est hac vis: God is pleased to haue such violence offered vnto him. When you come then vnto the Church, marke well the vse of the Laver in the Sanctuarie. / Exodus the 30 and the 18 verse: and wash your selues before and when you offer your sacrifice. bNo beast was clean, but that which chewed the cud: If you will bee cleane, and pleasing vnto God, heare not only, but marke and chewe the cud by serious meditations. God cared not so much for Dauids sacrifices as for his obedient attention vnto his word: the former he needed not, for His are the bullockes vpon ten thousand Plaines: but the later hee required, and gaue Dauid power to peforme it: where­ upon Dauid saith, cSacrifice and burns offerings thou wouldest not haue, but mine care hast thou opened: he made account he should heare, and attention would be more pleasing vnto God then any sacrifice. dIf a man for loue of his master were willing to bee his seruant continually, he must by the Iudges of the city haue his eare bored: If you vow your selues continuall seruants vnto the Lord, you must desire the Iudge of quick & dead to bore & open your ears that you may hear & know his wil. Whē you com vp thē with the Tribes into the house of the lord, bring your buckets with you vnto the wel, your ears & harts that they may be filled, e Grudge not to watch with God one houre, let no temptatiō of flesh, the world, or the diuel steal away your hearts. Like children dote not vpon babies while you shuld learn your lessō, be not miscarried by worldly shews & vanities. Say vnto euery euil suggestion, fTurne thee behind me, Satan: know that gthe groūd where you sit & kneel and stand, is holy ground. Let God in his owne house bee the Emperour of the field: and by his word he wil hammer you so, that if he find you hlike Lions, he wil make you lambes, if he find you weake, he will make you resolute, neuer to be outfaced by the flames of persecution: iwho is sufficient for those things? for the messige of God? yet kGod hath giuē gifts vnto men, whereby they deliuer the worde of God (as Vincentius lLerinensis sayth) nouè, but not nouum; after a newe maner, but no other word then that which was from the beginning: and they stand vpon the watchtowers in your Churches to descry the danger & giue you warning, heare thē, & by their precaching together with the powers of gods holy spirit (a beam of the Sun of righteousnes) you wil quickly / perceiue your soules not to be virgins, you wil see your own sins & corruptions that you may amend, as the beam of the sun shining in a house discouers many motes which before were vnperceiued: woldst thou not be caught by the hooks of Satan? then let not thy mind leap out of the poole, out of the wel of the water of life, at euery flie, at euery worldly vanity: wouldst thou haue thy affectiōs deep died in religiō, so that thy mind clothed with thē may be taken to wear the liuerie of God? then let thē stay long in the liquor; let thy body stay in the Church, & thy minde be setled vpon the word that is read & preached: so by the hamer of Gods word without, and the fire of the holie Ghost working within, thou wilt

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be beaten & fashioned into a signet, neer & deer vnto God. but if (mConiah like) thou being a signet on Gods finger dost rebell against him, he will pull thee off. But some will not be pleased when they marke; but like Apes & Monkies which break euery glasse they look into, because euery glasse doth shew them their own deformitie: so they quarel with al preachers and preaching because the truth deliuered cannot chuse but shew them their own ouglines. They haue their galles in their eares; whatsoeuer they heare turns into the gall of bitternes, they loue to haue their ears sheaths for flattery, they relish nothing but placentia, if there be any sin that rules in them (as who hath not one or other that is predomi­ nant) then they acknowledge no king, but Casar, no ruler but that euill affection, the word of God shal not ouerrule them by their good wils. How much better were it for men when they are touched by sermons, to giue God thanks for it, because God hath sent a special messenger that day to take them (aboue others) as brands out of the fire, & like stinging spirits to bring them vnto God. For such words nbind kings in chaines, and nobles in linkes of iron: they carrie not away the care vnto God for a present, but a heart owhich he himselfe requires of all his sons: O God (may they say, who are touched for their sinne) I thank thee, pthis day is saluation come into my house. Some again (be they pleased or displeased) wil not obey. Thogh the word of God like the qsun stāding stil in Gibeon, / and the Moone in the valley of Aielon, hath beene a long time at the noone point and height, that by the benefit of it wee might be reuenged of our greatest enemys yet I feare, the Diuell may still walke r in drie places, as he delights to doe, among those (I meane) that are not moys­ tened with this well of liuing water, or if they haue heard the word, yet sit takes little or no roote because it hath fallen in stonie or thorny places. When Naaman murmured at Elisha saying, that tAbanah and Pharphar riuers of Damascus were better then either Iordan or any riuer in Israell: the seruant of Naaman said unto him, If the man of God should bid thee doe a great matter, wouldest thou not do it? much more when he bids thee wash thy self seauen times in Iordan and be cleane. So should wee doe any thing that God commands in his worde (euen because hee commands) much more when hee bids vs obey and bee saued. The assurance that we haue for our saluation is in the word of God, we know in whom to trust: but God keepes a counterpane thereof, hee is not ignorant, but knowes whom wee must obey: as he will on his, so must wee on our parts performe conditions. u If hauing gone astray and being in daunger of Herod (of the Diuel worse then Herod) we will not with the wisemen of the East returne home another way, then God may say (as Dauid sayde in the pang and burthen of his soule)* O my sonne Absalon, O Absalon my sonne, my son; you would needes be rebels: but, as hee was hanged in his own haire, so your lot is to perish by your own rebellion. Heare the worde then, as though the very messáge brought you wings to flye to God: let not sinne (that shot without noyse) wound you vnawares and possesse you

m Ier. 22.24. Not pleased.

n Psa. 149.8. o Pro. 23.26. p Luk. 19.9. Not obey. q Iosh, 10–12.

r Mat. 12.4. s Math. 13. t 1 Reg. 5 rerf. 12.13.

u Chrysost, in 2. Math. * 2. Sam. 18.33.

68

x Gen. 17.18.

y Gen. 19.20.

* Cant. 2.10.

a Psal. 57.8.

b Psal. 24.7.

c Lib. I. Pastoral. curz cap 5. d Outeng. Chr. M. Fox and others. e Pro. 30.26.

f M. Krolles his hist. of the Turkes.

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so strongly, that you be loth to leaue it till it leaue you; so that you say of it, as Abraham sayd of the sonne of the bond-woman, xO that Ishmael might liue in thy sight. And surely such is the nature of man, that euerie one hath a sin (which I may call a peculiar) beloued with an extraordinarie loue, for which he desires a dispensatiō, though he can be cōtent to forgoe all other sinnes but that. As Lot sayd of Zoar, yO Lord spare it, it is but a little City: so euery man saith of his bel­ oued sin, O lord spáre that, it is but a smal sin, I am naturally / inclined vnto it, and therefore to be borne withall, from other sinnes I am content to bee weaned. Thus euery man would be so sawcy as to passe a faculty with God, if he were not both wise & iust. The diuell is like Nimrod a great hunter, O Lord keep vs out of his chase: yet men like the pleasures of sin: and though they be in danger to be molested with many spirits and terrors, who come within the compasse of sinnes inchanted circle, yet are they neuer willing out of the Diuels by-pathes to follow their mother the Church, by the steps of the stocke. Cant. 1.7. not from vertue to vertue, from grace to grace; which is the progresse of Christians, to whom Christ saith* Arise my loue, my faire one and come away. Moisture in the feet strikes vp into the head, the sinne of the meanest member dishonours our head Christ. Let thē the girdle of verity be straight girt about your loins; I meane, obserue strictly that which God commaunds: he sayth Prepare your selues for heauen: say you,a O God my heart is ready, my heart is ready: he sayth, Seek ye my face, answere you againe, and say, Thy face O Lord will I seeke: lay your noses open vnto the sweet sauour of life vnto life: Your eyes vnto the Day-starre that is sprung from on high: Your eares vnto the charmes of the wise charmer: and seeing God by his word knocks at your doores, bLift vp your selues you gates, and be ye lift vp ye enerlasting doores, that the King of glory may enter in. Let not the Ministers of Gods word, rowe any longer against winde and tide: but seeing they are appointed to raise vp seed to their elder brother Christ Iesus, by preaching c (as Gregory doth moralize that leuitical decree) be flexible at their perswasions. dThen shall that of Pope Gregory bee more fitly applyed to you, then when it was spoken; Angli quasi Angeli, not for the beauty of the body, but for that beauty which is the beauty of your mother the Church, who is al glorious within. eConyes are a people not mighty, yet they make their houses in the Rocke: howsoeuer many of you in this world be but meane, yet bee wise, and build vpon the rocke of your defence: doe it in deed by your obedience vnto the word, if you will stand against all temptations: if you doe but in shew only, it is but a sandy / building and will fall. f Vladislaus no lesse then a king of Polone and Hungary, and therefore a Christian King, was pun­ ished with a great ouenthrowe at Verna for breaking his promise & oath made to Amurath the 6. who was no better then a cruel and an irreligious Turke: how shall men who are base, farre worse then Kings, and yet Christians by profession, escape Gods fearefull iudgements for breaking their promise and vowe made in their baptisme, not vnto a Turke, but vnto God, not irreligious but the authour

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of all religion? Therefore remember your vow and yeeld your obedeience? If euer

it was a time to hearken to Gods word in Gods congregations it is now, when

g the wicked swarme like the flyes in Ægypt. hThe starre called wormewood is fallen g Exod. 8.28.

into this glassy sea, and hath poysoned the world. Antigonum quero (quoth one) h Apoc. 8.1.

I seeke Antigonus; So may wee: Where is the innocency of former ages? Now the

wicked, ilike the leane kine (which Pharoah sawe in his dreame) eate up the fat ones i Gen. 41.4.

(the good men) yet are they neuer a whit the fatter themselves, but as ill fawored as

k Zecha. 3.1.

they were before. In this age one may see k Iehosbuzes, the best men, standing before the Angell of the Lord, in the best place and presence, and Satan on their right

hands hindring their best actions: The Lord reproue thee Satan, euen the Lord,

that hath chosen Ierusalem, reproue thee.

Especially now seeing the ends of the world are drawing neere vnto vs. It is (in respect of vs) long, since Christ sayd, lSurely I come quickly. And now by 1 Apo. 22.20. the forerunners of the end, we may guese the beginning of sorrowes vnto the wicked: but as for you that haue better learned Christ; mLift vp your heads, for m Lu. 21.28. your redemption draweth neere. One forerunner, is carnall security; men shall (as they did in the dayes of Noah) put farre from them the euill day: euen now men pamper the flesh, their bellies haue no cares. nThe man among the myrrhe trees n Zech. 1.11. sayd most truly then (so might he now) that all the world is at rest: Such is the security and sleep in sinne, that with the world it is midnight: but bewares; oat o Mat. 25. 6. midnight will the Bridegroome come, hee will once more pshake not onely the earth, p Hag. 2.7. but the heauens also. Looke / you bee not taken vnawares in your bloudy feathers, vnbrace not your selues as though the armour of a Christian were no wearing for you: ye are yet in the militant church: the diuell so long as the world indures will neuer dislodge his campe, but be vp in armes against you. Yet blessed be your God who leads you against him, with the qtwo staues, beauty and bands, a q Zech. 11.7. beautifull and comely gouernment, and with the bands of loue: doe not all the r Zech. 5.9. other forerunners follow after with rwind in their wings, swarres abroad, rumours s Matth. 24. of warres at home, a generall conflagration among priuate men, by strife & enuy: the pestilence knocking at our doores: So tlittle faith among men, that the wiser t Luk 25. sort and more nimble headed are pioners & vnderminers of others: which made Dauid in his time say, hauing the choice of three plagues (& we haue now much u 2. Să. 24.14. more cause) uLord let me not fall into the hands of men. Antichrist, *the man of sinne, sitting as God in the temple of God, whose *2. Thes. 3.4. mystery of iniquity beginning to work in Pauls time, hath now filled the world brimme full of poison: many false Christs (if you looke into our Chronicles) haue lift vp their heads many yeares agoe: how many Iews be conuerted to Christ wee cannot tell, but wee are to hope that Gods privy seale hath marked many among them who liue in Italy, France, Germany, and other places of Christendome. Wee haue seene signes by fire, many and fearefull: Signes by water, when God did let it loose to the spoyle of whole countries, the next yeare he bound it

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x Iob. 38.11. y Iob. 38.32. * An. 1 572.

a Psal. 39.5. b Thil 2.10. c. Ma. 24.29.

d Rom. 10.18. * Esa. 58.11.

e Mat. 24–32.

f Psa 14.1.

g Prudent. hymn.

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vp with frosts, and gaue it barres and doores, saying *Hither to shall thou come, and thou shalt come no further, here shalt thou stay the proude waues. There haue bin signes in the stars set by him who guides yArcturn with his sonnes: as there was a blazing starre seen in Cassiopæa, for the iudging of whose place and altitude our Mathematicians wrote two bookes, the one called Ala mathematica, the other called Scala mathematica; but they could neither fly so high nor clime so high, but they found that digitus dei, the finger of God was aboue them. These signes and tokens (beloued) are not lime twigges to / catch you, but rather markes to direct you: let all your kowledge of these and other things end at home: your best Geometry is to measure the length, and the bredth, and the depth of Gods mercy: your best Arithmeticke is to learne to a number your dayes: your best Grammar to learne to know the property of that name which is a name about all names, whereat ball the things in heauen and earth doe bow themselues. These signes are past and gone; when cthe sun will be darkned, and the moon turned into bloud, we cannot tell: but for the publication of the Gospel ouer the world, it may bee proued by many instances. One most pregnant, most fresh, is that of Virginia which now (by God grace) through our English shal heare news of Christ, the gospel of Christ shall be published, no doubt dthe sound of the Preachers will goe out into that corner of the world, and make it as a *well watered garden. There were a people of the like qualitie (with the naturall inhabitants of Virginia) poore and naked things, (I call them so the more to indeare your affections) when they were conquered, there was that cru­ eltie vsed vnto them, that scandall was giuen vnto the name of Christ, the name of Christianity grewe odious vnto them, by reason of that cruelty they would let it haue no roome in their thoughts. It would require a iust volume of it self, to tell you what Benzo and Bartholomeus a Casa write of this argument: but I hope our English are of that metall, that hauing in their hands the key of the kingdome of God, they will not keepe those weake ones out, but rather make way for the Gospell (as I hope they may) by their gentle & humane dealing. You see many of the forerunners of the end, haue already runne their race: eas the summer followeth the blowing of the figge-tree, so the end followes these things; it is the application of Christ himselfe. O that I had the tong of the learned, that I might cloath & inrich with due lights of speech this point, which was euer acknowledged by as many Philosophers as looking vpon the Sun of righteous­ nesse through the cloude of Nature, held the immortality of the soule, and not now denied by any but by f that foole that saith in his heart there is no God. He is a fool, scorne him: / he sayth in his heart, he is a dissembler, trust him not: hee sayth there is no God, therefore he is a blasphemer, abhorre him: and roue not vpon these things in the tempest of your iudgements; but let zeale the carefull nurse of Christianity, whose warmth dooth much helpe the blowing of vertue, maintaine in you these meditations. gSo did it in Prudentius, who framed a song

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vnto the crowing of the cocke, whose noyse resembled the last trumpe, which should awake men sleeping in their graues, and giue warning of the great day. hSo did it in S. Ierome, who (whatsoeuer he did) thought he heard in his eares the sound of the last trumpe, saying, Arise you dead, and come vnto judgement. The Pilot who gouernes the ship, sitteth at the sterne which is at the hinder end of the ship: if a man will gouerne his life well, his meditations must be settled vpon the later end of his life: Who iso remembers his end can neuer do amisse. And (God knowes) it is a needefull thing to bee remembred: for mille modis morimur, vno bene, there be a thousand wayes to die, and but one way to die well. When Christ came first, he came to vanquish the Diuel, that kGoliah that braued the host of the liuing God: When he comes the second time, hee will come to be reuenged of those churlish Nabals, who haue vnkindly rendred vnto him, hatred for his goodwil: examine your selues of what ranke you be: and as Christ aduiseth the man of warre in the Gospell lto sit downe and take counsell whether hee be able with ten thousand to meete him that commeth against him with twenty thousand; if hee bee not, then while he is a great way off (if he be wise) he will send Embas­ sadours and desire conditions of peace: So think and know, that you are not able to answere God one for a thousand: therefore while he is yet afar off, before the ends of the world come vpon you, send your Embassadours to intreat a peace: cast out the dumb spirit and pray vnto him: the deafe spirit and heare his word: the lame spirit and walke vnto him in your liues and conuersations: the fearefull spirit and beleeue in him: that you may sing victoriously as Debora did, mO my soule thou hast marched valiantly. Let your thoughts be sublimed by the the spirit of God. / Arise vnto your selues, arise in your selues, arise from your selues, and arise aboue your selues : vnto your selues by knowing of your sinnes, in your selues by acknowledging of your sinnes, from your selues by forsaking your sinnes, and aboue your selues by hauing nyour liues a conuersation in heauen. God would haue you (his sonnes) to be oas goodly plants; and you (his daughters) to be as the polished corners of the Temple. Therfore he doth in his congreations oft & many a time perswade by his word; therefore, per hac lumina, for the light of the Gospels sake: suggest by his spirit therefore per hac lumina & auras, for the sake of the spirit of God, pthat wind that as rushing & mightie: Gods iustice doth inforce, therefore qper geni­ torem oro, for God the Fathers sake: the mercy of Christ doth allure: therfore per spem surgentis Iüls, for the sake of God the Son in whom you hope, I desire you that you will meditate vpon your day of account. And while I found out vnto you these things, it becomes me like a Cocke to clap mine own wings vpon mine own breast, & rowse vp my self out of my slumber, before I giue you & others warning of the approach of the great day; that you with me, and I with you, may all vpon Angels wings be carried vp to heauen, & like Larks sing merily while we are mounting. Then & there (that at length I may take my worke out of the

h Ierom super Mat.

i Ecclus. 7–36.

k 1. Sam. 17.8.

l Luk. 14.31.

m Iud. 5. 21.

n phil. 3.20. o Ps. 144.12.

p Acts 2.2. q Virg. Aeneid -libro sexto.

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r 1. Cor. 15.

s Lu. 16.24.

t Math. 9.4.

u Reu. 12, 1.2.

*2. Cor. 1.20. x Apoc. 1.5.

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loomes and conclude) shal we haue ioy of ourselues, ioy of our friends, ioie of the King of heauen, and ioy of the ioyes of heauen. Ioie of ourselues; for, though rone differ from an other in glory, yet we shal be like pots ful of water, one being greater then another; he that hath least (being brimmeful) shall haue as much glory as he can haue or desire, Ioy one of another, for if the rich man in hell sknew which was Abraham, and which was Lazarus in heauen: and if at Christs transfiguration (being but a shadow of immortalitie) tPeter, Iames and Iohn, knewe Moses and Elias, though they had neuer seene them before, much more shal we (I take it in the fulnes of glorie) know one another, who haue been acquaniteed vpon earth. Ioy of the king of Heauen, who ushall be our light for euer, at whose right hand there is fulnesse of ioy for euermore. Ioy of / the ioyes of heauen, where we shall not hunger, there is the tree of life: nor perish with thirst, there is the water of life: nor be perplexed with melancholy, there is a quire of Angels & Archangels euer singing & making melody: which melody that we may be partakers of, I desire of God, & let all the people say Amen: and let Christ Iesus *whose wordes are Yea, and Amen, xthat faithfull witnesse in heauen see to his seale, and say Amen vnto it. Euen so Lord Iesus, Amen, Amen.

LAVS DEO SOLI. FINIS.

A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION

A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia, of the Degrees which it hath Received; and Meanes by which it hath beene Advanced: and the Resolution and Conclusion of his Majesties Councel of that Colony, for the Constant and Patient Prosecution thereof, untill by the Mercies of God it shall Retribute a Fruitful Harvest to the Kingdome of Heaven, and this Common-Wealth. Sett forth by the Authority of the Governors and Councellors established for that Planta­ tion (London: I. Stepneth, 1610).

Religious support for the Virginia Company, such as that offered by George Benson at Paul’s Cross, helped save the Jamestown settlement. The long list of Company shareholders in the second charter of 23 May 1609 contained numer­ ous nobles such as the Earl of Pembroke and Lord de la Ware, other eminences like the Lord Mayor of London, a range of individuals including gentlemen, drapers and grocers, and a large number of corporate investors, such as the Company of Blacksmiths, Goldsmiths, Haberdashers, Weavers and so on.1 Their money meant that on 2 June 1609 Admiral Sir George Somers, Captain Chris­ topher Newport, Governor Sir Thomas Gates and 600 migrants aboard the Sea Venture and nine other vessels sailed from Plymouth for Jamestown. In Novem­ ber, however, news reached England that the fleet had been scattered by a storm, and only later did news arrive that some had survived on Bermuda. By that time, however, a new fleet under Thomas West, Lord de la Ware, was in preparation.2 This mission sailed on 1 April 1610 and arrived in mid-May. Meanwhile, when Gates finally reached Jamestown he found surviving colonists insisting on aban­ doning the colony after half their number had died during the winter ‘starving time’ that resulted from his own delayed arrival. De la Ware met them on their way to sea, but persuaded them to turn around and try again.3 The wreck of the Sea Venture, an event that inspired William Shakespeare’s The Tempest, meant that the much maligned Jamestown mission had to be defended once again. The Council of Virginia therefore hurriedly produced A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia, which was licensed by the Company of Stationers on 14 December 1609 and published early the following year. It addressed the Company’s and – 73 –

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colony’s critics directly, aiming ‘to redeeme our selues and so Noble an action, from the imputations and aspertions, with which ignorant rumor, virulent enuy, or impious subtilty, daily callumniateth our industries’ (below, p. 79). A True and Sincere Declaration highlights Jamestown’s ‘religious and Noble, and Feasable ends’ (below, p. 79). Beginning with religious ends, the tract opens with quota­ tions from Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomon, and, following the preachers of 1608–9, claims that ‘The Principall and Maine Ends’ of the colony ‘weare first to preach, & baptize into Christian Religion, and by propagation of that Gos­ pell, to recouer out of the armes of the Diuell, a number of poore and miserable soules, wrapt vpp vnto death, in almost inuincible ignorance’ (below, p. 79). The bulk of the Council’s persuasive forces, however, are spent on other issues. The abovementioned ‘Noble’ ends included intentions originally envisioned by Richard Hakluyt, such as enhancing ‘the publike Honour and safety of our gra­ tious King and his Estates … by trans-planting the rancknesse and multitude of increase in our people’ who may ‘bee seated as a Bulwarke of defence’ and ‘shall in great proportion grow ritch in treasure’, especially by producing and trading goods that Englishmen ‘are now enforced to buy, and receiue at the curtesie of other Princes, vnder the burthen of great Customes, and heauy impositions’ (below, pp. 79, 80). Considering the difficulties the colony had endured, how­ ever, the Council focused mostly on proving that its ends were ‘Feasable’. To that effect its tract distinguishes the mission’s aims from its execution thus far, and tells a narrative of the colony’s history that heaps blame on ‘the misgouernment of the Commãders, by dissention and ambition among themselues, and vpon the Idlenesse and bestiall slouth, of the common sort’ and in certain instances, such as the recent shipwreck, on ‘the hand of God’ (below, pp. 82, 84). The renewed mission would succeed, however, through ‘God’s grace’ and by the Company’s ‘prouiding to attend the Right Honourable the Lord de la War, in this concluded and present supply, men of most vse and necessity, to the foundation of a Com­ mon-wealth.’ It would also ‘auoyde both the scandall and perill, of accepting idle and wicked persons’ among its new recruits (below, pp. 86, 88). The Council ends with a ‘Table of such as are required to this Plantation’ that includes a range of skilled physicians and artisans essential to the settlement’s success. Notes: 1.

The Virginia Company’s three charters (10 April 1606, 23 May 1609 and 12 March 1612) are printed in D. B. Quinn (ed.), New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols (London: Macmillan, 1979), vol. 5, pp. 191–7, 205–12, 226–32. Under the second charter, the Treasurer was Sir Thomas Smith and the Council comprised: Henry, Earl of Southampton; William, Earl of Pembroke; Henry, Earl of Lin­ coln; Thomas, Earl of Exeter; Robert, Lord Viscount Lisle; Lord Theophilus Howard; James, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells; Lord Edward Zouche; Thomas Lord Lawarr; William, Lord Mounteagle; Edmund, Lord Sheffield; Gray, Lord Chandois; John, Lord

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2.

3.

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Stanhope; George, Lord Carew; Sir Humfrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London; Sir Edward Cecil; Sir William Wade; Sir Henry Nevil; Sir Thomas Smith; Sir Oliver Cromwell; Sir Peter Manwood; Sir Thomas Challoner; Sir Henry Hobert; Sir Francis Bacon; Sir George Coppin; Sir John Scot; Sir Henry Carey; Sir Robert Drury; Sir Horatio Vere; Sir Edward Conway; Sir Maurice Berkeley; Sir Thomas Gates; Sir Michael Sandys; Sir Robert Mansell; Sir John Trevor; Sir Amias Preston; Sir William Godolphin; Sir Walter Cope; Sir Robert Killigrew; Sir Henry Fanshaw; Sir Edwin Sandys; Sir John Watts; Sir Henry Montague; Sir William Homney; Sir Thomas Roe; Sir Baptist Hicks; Sir Rich­ ard Williamson; Sir Stephen Poole; Sir Dudley Digges; Christopher Brooke, Esq.; John Eldred; and Jolm Wolstenholme. J. Parker, ‘Religion and the Virginia Colony, 1609–1610’, in K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds), The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlan­ tic, and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978), pp. 245–70, on pp. 262–5. L. Glover and D. B. Smith, The Shipwreck that Saved Jamestown: The Sea Venture Casta­ ways and the Fate of America (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 2008).

A

TRVE AND SINCERE

declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation begun

in Virginia, of the degrees which it hath receiued; and meanes

by which it hath beene advanced: and the resolution and conclu­

sion of his Majesties Councel of that Colony, for the constant

and patient prosecution thereof, vntill by the mercies of GOD

it shall retribute a fruitful haruest to the kingdome of heaven, and

this Common-Wealth.

Sett forth by the authority of the Gouernors and Councellors

established for that Plantation.

A word spoken in due season, is like apples of Gold, with pictures of siluer, Prouer. 25. II. Feare is nothing else but a betraying of the succors which reason offereth. Wis. 17. II.

At london.

Printed for I. Stepneth, and are to be sold at the signe of the Crane in Parks

Churchyard. 1610. /

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A true and sincere declaration of the purpose & ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia; of the degrees which it hath receiued; and meanes by which it hath bene aduanced: And the resolution and conclusion of his Majesties Councell of that Colony, for the constant and patient prosecution thereof, vntill by the mercies of God it shall retribute a fruitfull haruest to the Kingdom of Heauen and to this Common-wealth.

IT IS RESERVED, AND onely proper to Diuine wisedome to fore-see and ordaine, both the Ends and Wayes of euery action. In humaine prudence it is all can be required, to propose religious and Noble, and Feasable ends; & it can haue no absolute assurance, and infalliblenesse in the Waies and Meanes, which are contingent, and various, perhaps equally reasonable, subject to vnpresent cir­ cumstances, and doubtfull euents, which euer dignifie, or beetray the Councells, / from whence they were deriued. And the higher the quality, and nature, and more remoued from ordinary action (such as this is, of which we discourse) the more perplexed and misty are the pathes there-vnto. Vpon which Grounds, we purpose to deliuer roundly and clearely, our endes and Wayes to the hopefull Plantations begun in Virginia: and to examine the truth, and safety of both, to redeeme our selues and so Noble an action, from the imputations and aspertions, with which ignorant rumor, virulent enuy, or impious subtilty, daily callumnia­ teth our industries, and the successe of it: wherein we doubt not, not only to satisfie euery modest and wel-affected heart of this Kingdome; but to excite and kindle the affections of the Incredulous, and lazy; and to coole and asswage the curiosity of the iealous, and suspitious; & to temper and conuince, the malignity of the false, and treacherous. The Principall and Maine Ends (out of which are easily deriued to any meane vnderstanding infinit lesse, & yet great ones) weare first to preach, & baptize into Christian Religion, and by propagation of that Gospell, to recouer out of the armes of the Diuell, a number of poore and miser­ able soules, wrapt vpp vnto death, in almost inuincible ignorance; to / endeauour the fulfilling, and accomplishment of the number of the elect, which shall be gathered from out all corners of the earth; and to add our myte to the treasury of Heauen, that as we pray for the comming of the kingdome of glory, so to expresse in our actions, the same desire, if God haue pleased, to vse so weak instruments, to the ripening & consummation thereof. Secondly, to prouide and build vp for the publike Honour and safety of our gratious King and his Estates (by the fauor of our Superiors euen in that care) some small Rampier of our owne, in this opportune and generall Summer of peace, by trans-planting the rancknesse and multitude of increase in our people; of which there is left no vent, but age; and euident danger that the number and infinitenesse of them, will out-grow the

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(a) Copper, Iron, Steele, Timber for shipps, Yards, Masts. Cordage, Sope­ ashes.

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matter, whereon to worke for their life, and sustentation, and shall one infest and become a burthen to another. But by this prouision they may bee seated as a Bulwarke of defence, in a place of aduantage, against a stranger enemy, who shall in great proportion grow ritch in treasure, which was exhausted to a lowe estate; and may well indure an increase of his people long wasted with a continuall / warre, and dispersed vses and losses of them: Both which cannot choose but threaten vs, if wee consider, and compare the ends, ambitions and practises, of our neighbour Countries, with our owne. Lastly, the apparance and assurance of Priuate commodity to the particular vndertakers, by recouering and possessing to them-selues a fruitfull land, from whence they may furnish and prouide this Kingdome, with all such (a) necessi­ ties, & defects vnder which we labour, and are now enforced to buy, and receiue at the curtesie of other Princes, vnder the burthen of great Customes, and heauy impositions, and at so high rates in trafique, by reason of the great waste of them from whence they are now deriued, which threatens almost an impossibility long to recouer them, or at least such losse in exchange, as both the kingdome and Merchant, will be weary of the deerenesse and perrill. These being the true, and essentiall ends of this Plantation, and corresponding to our first rule, of Reli­ gious, Noble, and Feaseable, two of which are not questioned, the third easie, and demonstrable in the second limme, when wee shall examine the causes of some disaster and distemper in the wayes vnto them: These beeing admitted of, / for such as we pretend them to bee, and standing yet firme and safe in them-selues, we hope easily to iustifie the first part of our vndertaking, and presume to auerre, that in this branche there ariseth to no peaceable man, any scruple or doubt, to suspect the issue, or to with-draw his affection and assistance, or to Callumniat the Proiect, or our choise of it. In discussion and examination of the second part, which is the wayes, by which wee hope to arriue at these ends, and in which no humaine reason can so prouide but that many circumstances, and accidents, shall haue as great a stroake in the euent, as any Councell shall haue; wee must first briefly deliuer the course of this Plantation, from the Infancie thereof; and then let vs equally consider, whether from so small a roote, it hath not had a blessed and vnexpected growth: Next, wee will call before vs all the objections, and confesse ingenuously all the errors & discouragements, which seeme to lye so heauie, as almost to presse to death this braue and hopefull action; and releeue it, wee doubt not, from that, which with reasonable men, can at most bee but a pause, and no entire desertion, and restore it to the Primarie estate, life, and reputation. / In the year 1606. Captaine Newport, with three ships, discouered the Bay of Cheßiopeock in the height of thirty seauen degrees of Northerly latitude, and landed a hundred persons of sundry qualities and Arts, in a Riuer falling into

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it; and left them vnder the Gouernment of a President and Councell, accord­ ing to the authority deriued from, and limited by his Maiesties Letters Pattents. His returne gaue vs no hope of any extraordinary Consequence, yet onely vpon report of the Nauigablenesse of the Riuer, pleasure, fertility, and scituation of the land, to our projected ends, wee freshly and cheerefully sent in the next yeare a like number: and yet also receiuing nothing new, wee had courage and constan­ cie to releeue them the third time, with one hundred more: at which returne experience of error in the equality of Gouernors, and some out-rages, and follies committed by them, had a little shaken so tender a body; after Consultation and aduise of all the inconueniences in these three supplies, and finding them to arise out of two rootes, the forme of Gouernment, and length and danger of the passage, by the Southerly course of the Indyes. To encounter the first, wee did resolue and obteine, to renew our Letters Pattents, / and to procure to our selues, such ample and large priuiledges and powers, by which wee were at liberty to reforme and correct those already discouered, and to preuent such as in the future might threaten vs; and so, to sett and furnish out vnder the Conduct of one able and absolute Gouernor, a large supply of fiue hundred men, with some number of families, of Wife, Children, and Seruants, to take fast holde and roote in that land, and this resolution was, with much alacritie and confidence. And to meete the second Inconuenience, wee did also prepare to sett out, one small shipp, for discouery of a shorter way, and to make tryall of the Fishing within our Bay, and Riuer. Hetherto, vntill the sending of this Auisall for experience, and Fleete for setling the Gouernment, appeares no Distaste, nor despaire; for euery supply in some respect, was greater then other, and that in preparation greater then them all in euery respect, and must in reason hold Anologie and proportion with our expectations and hopes at the dis-inboging of it. So that what-so-euer wound or Palsie this Noble action hath gotten, & the sicknesse vnder which it seemes to faint, must needs arise / out of the successe of these two: which wee will now examine apart with all equity and cleerenesse, and waigh, whither there bee any such reason, to desist from the prosecution thereof, in rectified iudgement; or to fall so lowe in our resolutions, and opin­ ions of it, as rumor and ignorance doth pretend wee doe, or haue cause to doe. For the Discouerie, Captaine Argoll receiued our Commission vnder our Seale, with instruction (to auoide all danger of quarrell with the Subiects of the King of Spaine not to touch vpon any of his Dominions actually possessed, or rightly entituled vnto, and to shape his course free from the roade of Pyrotts, that hang vpon all streights and skirts of lands; and to attempt a direct and cleare passage, by leauing the Canaries to the East, and from thence, to runne in a streight Westerne Course, or some point neere there-vnto. And so to make an experience of the Windes and Currents which haue affrighted all vnder-takers

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He that went for that pur­ pose dyed in the way.

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by the North. By which discouery, there would growe to vs much securitie, and ease, and all occasion of offence remooued, and wee should husband and saue a moyetie of the charge in victuall and freight, which / was expended, and lost in the Southerne passage. To these endes hee sett sayle from Portsmouth the fift day of May; and shap­ ing his course South-south-west to the height of thirty degrees, leauing the Canaries a hundred leagues to the East, hee found the windes large, and so tooke his course direct West, & did neuer turne nearer the South: & beeing in the lon­ gitude of the Barmudos hee found the winde a little scant vppon him, yet so, that on the thirteenth of Iuly he recouered our harbor: and in tryall found no currant, nor any thing else which should deter vs from this way. Hee made his iourney in nine weekes, and of that, was becalmed fourteene dayes: wher-vpon hee hath diuers times since his returne publikely auowed, and vndertaken to make this passage within seauen weeks: and that the windes in all this course, are as variable, as at other places, and no apparant inconuenience in the way. So that the maine end of this aduise hath succeeded almost beyond our hopes; The second for fishing, proued so plentifull, especially of Sturgion, of which sort hee could haue loaded many ships, if he had had, some man of / skill to pickell and prepare it for keeping, whereof he brought sufficient testimony both of the flesh and Caueary, that no discreet man will question the truth of it, so it appeares deerely that from hence there can bee deriued no cause to susspect or desist from our first endes, but so contrary, that in this proiect both our pur­ poses and waies were happy and successefull euen to our desires. But from this Ship ariseth a rumor of the necessity and distresse our people were found in, for want of victuall: of which, though the noise haue exceeded the truth, yet we doe confesse a great part of it; But can lay aside the cause and fault from the dessigne, truely and home vpon the misgouernment of the Commãders, by dissention and ambition among themselues, and vpon the Idlenesse and bestiall slouth, of the common sort, who were actiue in nothing but adhearing to factions and parts, euen to their owne ruine, like men almost desperate of all supply, so conscious, and guilty they were to them-selues of their owne demerit, and lasinesse. But so soone as Captaine Argoll arriued among them, whose presence and example gaue new assurance of our cares, and new life to / their indeauours, by fishing onely in few daies, they were all recouered, growne hearty, able, and ready to vndertake euery action: So that if it bee considered that without industry no land is suffi­ cient to the Inhabitants: and that the trade to which they trusted, betrayed them to loose the opportunity of feed-time, and so to rust and weare out them-selues: for the Naturals withdrew from all commerce and trafficke with them, cunningly making a war vpon them, which they felt not, who durst no other-way appeare an enemye: And they beeing at diuision among themselues, and without war­

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rant from hence, could not resolue to inforce that, which might haue preserued them, and which in such a necessity is most lawfull to doe, euery thing returning from ciuill Propreyety, to Naturall, and Primary Community: Lastly if it bee remembered, that this Extremitie in which they were now relieued, (which is as happy in the presage of Gods future blessing as in his present prouidence and mercy) was but an effect of that, we did fore-see in the first Gouernment, and for which the forme was chaunged, and the new in proiect, and therfore can­ not bee obiected as any iust exception to the successe of this, but a consequent / Considered, and digested, in the former: It is then I say evident, that in al the progresse of this discouery, or any thing accidentall to it, there cannot bee rack’d nor pressed out any confession, either of error in the the ends, or miscarriadges in the waies vnto them. To the establishment of a gouernment, such as should meete with all the reuealed inconueniences; wee gaue our Commission to an able & worthy Gen­ tleman, Sr. Thomas Gates, whome we did nominat and appoint sole and absolute Gouernor of that Colony, vnder diuers limitations, & instructions expressed in writing: and with him wee sent Sir George Summers Admirall, and Captaine Newport Vice-Admirall of Virginia, and diuers other persons of rancke and quality, in seauen shippes, and two pinnaces, with seuerral Commissions sealed, successiuely to take place one after another, considering the mortality, and vncer­ tainty of humaine life, and these to be deuided into seureall ships. Our fleete weighed anchor from Falmouth the eight of Iune, the winde bee­ ing fayre, they shaped a course for the height of the Canaries; within few dayes sayle, the Gouernor calling a Councel of al the Captaines, Maisters and Pilots, it was resolued, they should runne southerly / vnto the Tropicque, and from thence beare away west: (which error will take vpp all the obiections of sickness, the sun being then in it, was the cause of all the infection, and discease of our men) At this consultation, was deliuered an instruction vnder seale, to euery Maister, with a prouision what course should bee taken, if the fleete were separated; which was that if the windes scanted, or were contrary, or that any lost sight of the Admirall they should steere away for the west indies, and make the Baruada an Iland to the North of Dominico, and there to haue their Rendevous, and to stay seauen daies one for another. In this height and resolution, short of the West-Indies 150. leagues, on S. Iames day a terrible tempest ouer took them, and lasted in extremity 48. hours. which scattered the whole fleete, and wherein some of them spent their masts, and others were much distressed: Within three daies foure of the fleete mette in consort, and hearing no newes of their Admirall, and the windes returning large for Virginia, and they wearied and beaten, it was resolued among them, to beare right away for our Bay, and to decline their commission, which / within fewe dayes they made, and arriued in the Kings Riuer, on the eleuenth of August:

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In this passage, foureteene degrees to the South-ward of Virginia, ran no cur­ rent with them, which should hinder or make difficult that in Proposition by the North-west. Within sixe dayes after came in one, and within fiue, another of our fleete, the Maisters of both hauing fallen vpon the same Councell, by the opportunity of the winde, not to seeke the Baruada, but to steere away for out Harbor, which doubtlesse the Admirall him-selfe did not obserue, but obeyed his owne directions, and is the true or probable cause of his beeing cast so farre into suspition; where perhaps bound in with winde, perhaps enforced to stay the Masting or mending of some what in his ship, torne or lost in this tempest, wee doubt not, but by the mercy of God hee is safe, with the Pinnace which attended him, and shall both, or are by this time arriued at our Colony. Not long after these, another of our small Pinnaces, yet also vnaccounted for, recouered the Riuer alone; and now seauen of our Fleete beeing in, they landed in health neere foure hundred persons; who beeing put a shore without their Gouernor, or any order / from him, (all the Commissioners and principall persons beeing aboord him,) no man would acknowledge a superior: nor could from this headlesse and vnbrideled multitude, bee any thing expected, but disor­ der and ryott, nor any councell preuent, or fore-see, the successe of these wayes. Now if wee compare the disasters of this supply, with the maine ends, it will appeare they haue weakened none of them, but that they still remaine safe and feasable, for any thing ariseth in obiection out of them. For that these accidents and contingencies, were euer to bee expected, and a resolution was to bee put on at first, armed against the probability of them. Who can auoid the hand of God, or dispute with him? Is hee fitt to vnder take any great action, whose courage is shaken and dissolued with one storme? Who knows, whither be that disposed of our hearts to so good beginnings, bee now pleased to trye our constancie and perseuerance, and to discerne betweene the ends of our desires, whither Pyety or Couetousnesse carryed vs swifter? For if the first were the principall scope, hence ariseth nothing to infirme or make that impossible: But as it falleth out in busi­ nesse of greatest consequence, some-time / the noblest ends, vpon which wee are most intense, are furthest remooued from the first stepps made vnto them, and must by lesser and meaner bee approached; so Plantation of religion beeing the maine and cheefe purpose, admitts many things of lesse and secondary con­ sequence of necessity to bee done before it: for an error or miscarriage in one of which, to desist or staggar, were to betray our principall end cowardly and saintly, and to drawe vpon our selues iust scorne and reprehension. Whither we shall discourse out of reason, or example; that euery action hath Proportionall difficulties, to the greatnesse thereof, such as must necessarily bee admitted from the first conception, and such as euen in the passage, dignifie both the actors and the worke, if with prudence they fore-see all the hazards, and with Patence and Constancie, meete and encounter them. It must eyther bee con­

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fessed, that it was folly from the Origen and first stepp, not to haue beene prepar’d for such as these; or that it is none now, not to quitt it, for them, but the greatest of all to say, who would haue expected this? If wee cast our eye vpon the Spanish Conquest of the Indyes, how aboundant their / stories are of Fleets, Battailes, & Armies lost: eighteene vpon the attempt of Guiana, and more then seuentie in both the Indies, and yet with how indefatigable industrye, and prosperous fate, they haue pursued and vanquished all these, their many Armies maintained in Europe, can witnesse, with too lamentable an experience. If wee compare the beginnings, they were meaner then ours, and subiect to all the same, and much more vncertainty, If the Religion, which shall crowne the successe, it admitts no Controuersie nor Comparison, among those, to whome we write: if the Commodities, they, which wee haue in asurance and knowledge, are of more necessity, and those in hope equally rich and aboundant. But to come home to our purpose: that which seemes to disharten or shake our first grounds in this supply; ariseth from two principall sources, of which, one was cause of the other; First, the Tempest: and can any man except an answer for that? next, the absence of the Gouernour, an effect of the former, for the losse of him is in suspence, and much reason of his safetye against some doubt; and the hand of G O D reacheth all the Earth. Now if these two onely bee the maine / crosses, which staggar the feasablenesse, consider that of three voyadges before, no man miscaried in the way, and that all other depend on these, as the mis­ gouernment of our men, their Idlenesse, their want, and the empty returne of our fleet, wherein if wee recouer and correct the Cause, we vanquish things consequent vnto it, and yet in apparance, if with these wee compare the aduantages which we haue gotten, in the shortnesse and security of the paßadge, in the intelligence of some of our Nation planted by Sir Water Raleigh (yet a liue) within fifty mile of our fort, who can open the wombe and bowells of this country: as is testefied by two of our colony sent out to seeke them, who, (though denied by the Slauages speech with them) found Croßes, & Leters the Characters & assured Testimonies of Christians newly cut in the barkes of trees: if wee consider the assurednesse of the commodities, Wines, Pitch, sope-ashes, Timber for al vses, Iron, Steele, Copper Dyes, Cordage, Silke-grasse, Pearle, which, (though discoulered and softned by fire, for want of skill in the Naturalls to peirce them) was found in great a bound­ ance in the house of their sepultures. If wee consider I say, and compare these / certainties and truthes, as lesse endes to strengthen, and produce our first and principall, with those casuall and accidentall misaduentures and errors, which haue befalne vs, before euery equall and resolued heart, they will vanish and become smoake and ayre, and not only keep vpright, but raise our spirits and affections, and reconcile our reasons to our desires.

With euery werowan or king, is buried al his wealth, for they beleeue that hee that dieth ritchest liueth in another world hapiest.

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As a doore tur­ neth vpon his hinges, so doth the sluggard vpon his bed. Prou 26.14.

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If any obiect the difficulty of keeping that wee shall possesse; if this discourse could admit a disputation of it, it should easilye appeare, that our confidence against any enemy, is built vppon solid and substantiall reason: and to giue some taste thereof; Our enemies must bee eyther the Natiues, or Strangers; Against the first the war would be as easie as the argument. For the second; a few men may dispute the possession of any place wherin they are fortified, where the enemy is so much a stranger, as that hee must discouer and fight at once: vpon al dis-adu­ antages of Streights, Foords, and Woods; and where hee can neuer march with horse, nor with ordinance without them; nor can abide to stay many months, when all his releefe must bee had from his shipps, which cannot long supply a number competent to besiege: / Neither is it possible to blocke vs vp, by planting betweene vs and the Sea, the Riuers beeinge so broad, and so many out-lets from them into the Bay. Besides the protection and priuiledge of Subiects to so Potent a King, whome any wise estate wilbe wary to affront or prouoke. Wee doubt not, but by examination of what is said, our first ends are yet safe, and the waies vnto them in no sort so difficult, as should more affright and deter vs now, then at the first mediation of them. But if these bee not sufficient to satisfie, and encourage, euery honest affection we will not so desist, but vrge the necessity of a present supply, to redeeme the defects, and misaduentures of the last: that seeing all the dangers and sicknesses haue sprung from want of effect­ ing our purpose of sending an able Gouernor: wee haue concluded and resolued to set forth the Right Honor: the Lord de la Warr by the last of Ianuary, and to giue him all the liberties and priuiledges, which wee haue power to deriue vpon him, and to furnish him with all necessaries fit for his quality, person, and the businesse which he shall vndergoe, and so by Gods grace to persist vntill we haue made perfect our good and happy beginnings. / If these shall not yet suffice to resolution, that a Baron and Peere of this king­ dom (whose Honour nor Fortune needs not any desperate medicine) one of so approued courage, temper, and experience, shall expose him-selfe for the com­ mon-good to al these hazards and paines which we feare and safely talke off, that sitt idle at home; & beare a great part vpon his owne charge, and reuiue and quicken the whole by his example, constancy, and resolution? If you haue no implicite faith nor trust in vs, that gouerne this businesse; to whom there must be some aduantage granted in our practise, and intelligence (especially in this) aboue ordinary persons; that we haue no will nor intent, to betray our poore Country-men, nor to burthen our owne consciences, nor to draw so iust scorne, and reproach vppon our reputations? If our knowledge and constant perswasion, of the fruitfulnesse and wholesomnesse of this Land, and of the recompence it shall in time bring to this Kingdome, and to euery particular member of this plantation, be of no authority? If this seem not to you some argument, that euery man returned is desirous to go back to that which they account and call their

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owne home: and doe vppon their liues iustifie, which else they wilfully betray; that if / the Gouernment be settled, and a supply of victuall for one yeare sent, so that they may haue a seed and Haruest before them, they will neuer neede nor expect to charge vs with more expence, for any thing of necessity to mans life; but they will haue leasure and power, to retribute with infinite aduantage all the cost bestowed vpon them: If all these bee yet too weake to confirme the doubtfull, or awake the drousie, then let vs come nearer, and arise, from their reasons and affections to their soules, and Consciences: remember that what was at first but of Conueniency, and for Honor, is now become a case of necessity, and piety: let them consider, that they haue promised to aduenture and not performd it, that they haue encouraged & exposed many of Honorable birth, and which is of more consequence 600. of our Bretheren by our common mother the Church, Chris­ tians of one faith, and one Baptisme to a miserable and vn-euitable death, Let not any man flatter himselfe, that it concernes not him: for hee that forsakes another, whome he may safely releeue, is as guilty of his death as he that can swimme, and forsakes himselfe by refusing, is of his owne. / Let euery man looke inward, and disperse that clowd of auarice, which dark­ eneth his spirituall sight, and hee will finde there, that when hee shall appeare before the Tribunall of Heauen, it shall be questioned him what hee hath done? Hath hee fed and cloth’d the hungry and naked? It shall be required, what hee hath done for the aduancement of that Gofpell which hath saued him; and for the releefe of his makers Image, whome hee was bound to saue: O let there bee a vertuous emulation betweene vs and the Church of Rome, in her owne Glory, and Treasury of good workes! and let vs turne all our contentions vpon the common enemy of the Name of CHRIST. How farre hath shee sent out her Apostles and thorough how glorious dangers? How is it become a marke of Honor to her faith, to haue conuerted Nations, and an obloquie cast vppon vs; that wee hauing the better Vine, should haue worse dressers and husbanders of it? If Piety, Honour, Easinesse, Profit, nor Conscience, cannot prouoake, and excite (for to all these wee haue applyed our discourse.) Then let vs turne from hearts of Stone and Iron, and pray vnto that mercifull / and tender God, who is both easie & glad to be intreated, that it would please him to blesse and water these fee­ ble beginnings, and that as he is wonderfull in all his workes, so to nourish this graine of seed, that it may spread till all people of the earth admire the greatnesse, and seeke the shades and fruite thereof: That by so faint and weake indeuors his great Councels may bee brought forth, and his secret purposes to light, to our endlesse comforts and the infinite Glorye of his Sacred Name. Amen. /

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To render a more particular satisfaction and account of our care, in prouiding to attend the Right Honourable the Lord de la War, in this concluded and present supply, men of most vse and necessity, to the foundation of a Common-wealth; And to auoyde both the scandall and perill, of accepting idle and wicked persons; such as shame, or feare compels into this action; and such as are the weedes and rancknesse of this land; who beeing the surfet, of an able, healthy, and composed body; must needes bee the poyson of one so tender, feeble, and yet vnformed: And to divulge and declare to all men, what kinde of persons, as well for their religion and conuersations, as Faculities, Arts, and trades, we purpose to accept of: wee haue thought it conuenient to pronounce that for the first prouision, wee will receiue no man, that cannot bring or render some good testimony of his religion to God, and ciuill manners and behauiour to his neighbour, with whom he hath liued; and for the second, wee haue set downe in a Table annexed, the proportion, and number wee will entertaine in euery necessary Arte, vpon proofe and assurance, that euery man shall bee able to performe that which hee doth vndertake, whereby such as are requisite to vs, may / haue knowledge and preparation, to offer themselues, and wee shall bee ready to give honest enter­ tainment and content, and to recompence with extraordinary reward, euery fit and industrious person, respectiuely to his paines and quality.

The Table of such as are required to this Plantation. Foure honest and learned Ministers. 2. Surgeons. 2. Salt-makers. 2. Druggists. 6. Coopers. 10. Iron men for the Furnace and 2. Coller-makers for draught.

Hammer. 2. Plow-wrights.

2. Armorers. 4. Rope-makers. 2. Gun-founders. 6. Vine dressers. 6. Black-smiths. 2. Presse makers. 10. Sawyers. 2. Ioyners. 6. Carpenters. 2. Sope-ashe makers. 6. Ship-wrights. 4. Pitch Boylers. 6. Gardeners. 2. Minerall men. 4. Turners. 2. Planters of Sugar Cane. 4. Brick-makers. 2. Silke dressers. 2. Tile-makers. 2. Pearle Drillers. 10. Fisher-men. 2. Bakers. 6. Fowlers. 2. Brewers. 4. Sturgion dressers, and preseruers 2. Colliers.

of the Cavcary.

FINIS.

[WHITE], THE PLANTERS PLEA

[ John White], The Planters Plea. Or The Grounds of Plantations Examined, and usu­ all Objections Answered. Together with a Manifestation of the Causes Mooving such as have lately Undertaken a Plantation in New-England: For the Satisfaction of Those that Question the Lawfulnesse of the Action (London: William Jones, 1630).

If Virginia’s colonization was largely secular in aims, despite occasional religious justifications, New England’s was certainly more religious. Plymouth Colony’s settlement was led by separatists from the Church of England, some of them ref­ ugees in the Netherlands. The settlement of Massachusetts, on the other hand, was orchestrated by puritans who aimed to reform the Anglican Church from within, albeit by precept and from afar. One of its promoters, though he never went to America himself, was John White. White (1575–1648) was born in Stanton St John, Oxfordshire. After Win­ chester College, he graduated MA from New College, Oxford, in 1601 and became rector of Holy Trinity, Dorset, in 1605. Staying there for over forty years, and founding a workhouse, a free school, library and Christmas charity, he earned the title ‘Patriarch of Dorchester’. Though he remained within and technically conformed to the Church of England, his puritanical streak showed in his preaching and his efforts to make Dorchester a Godly commonwealth, so it was fitting that he was also involved in creating Godly commonwealths in New England. In March 1624, with local merchants Richard Bushrod and Sir Wil­ liam Erle (a member of the Virginia Company), he helped form the Dorchester Company, which obtained a patent from the Council for New England to colo­ nize Cape Ann in 1624. The settlers struggled, however, and some soon moved with Governor Richard Conant to Naumkeag (Salem from 1629). White recruited West Country emigrants to Massachusetts for the Mary and John in March 1630, and next month cosigned with puritan leaders a letter affirming loyalty to the Church that he published with The Planters Plea. This pamphlet first appeared in 1630, well timed to support the ‘Great Migration’ to New Eng­ land that followed the forming of the Massachusetts Bay Company under John Winthrop’s leadership on 4 March 1629. – 89 –

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White begins by citing ‘Gods direction and command … to replenish the earth, and to subdue it’ to Adam and Noah and their posterity (below, p. 97). He adds an early version of the agriculturalist argument by doubting ‘how men should make benefit of the earth, but by habitation and culture’ (below, p. 98). Other divine orders justify colonization less directly but equally decisively, including the necessitie, that yong married persons should remove out of their fathers house, and live apart by themselves, and so erect new families. Now what are new families, but pettie Colonies: and so at last removing further and further they overflow the whole earth. Therefore, so long as there shall be use of marriage, the warrant of deducing Colonies will continue. (below, p. 98)

White believes that it is also a matter of ‘Gods honour’ that ‘together with mens persons, religion is conveyed into the severall parts of the world, and all quarters of the earth sound with his praise’ (below, p. 99). On these grounds ‘Conquests, upon just warres, have beene alwayes approved by the Lawes of God and man’, as was the case with ‘the Romane Conquests’ (below, p. 101). He also argues, like Hakluyt, that England was ‘fit to undertake this taske’ because of overpopulation and its attendant evils and that ‘New-England is a fit Country for the seating of an English Colonie’ due to its environment, natural resources and the receptivity of its natives to English civility and ‘refourmed religion’ (below, p. 106). Fur­ thermore, White also answers scores of ‘Objections’ to his arguments, revealing much about the debates on colonization on the eve of the Great Migration. White found himself increasingly in conflict with Church and state in sub­ sequent years. He preached and organized prayer meetings and petitions in opposition to Charles I’s Church reforms, and raised funds to aid Protestant­ ism abroad, earning the attentions of Archbishop William Laud and leading to his papers being seized, his finances investigated and a failed high commission prosecution. He was watched even more closely after Dorchester opposed the collection of ship money in 1637. When war broke out in August 1642 he sided with Parliament (and his youngest son, Nathaniel, served as a parliamentary cav­ alry captain). A member of the assembly of divines that Parliament ordered to reach a religious settlement with Scottish Presbyterians, he had his papers pil­ laged after Dorchester fell to royalist forces in August 1643, though he found himself at odds with growing numbers of religious radicals as well. In increasing ill-health, White retired to Dorchester in 1646. He also published guidance on good living in The Way to the Tree of Life (1647) and, posthumously through his son, John, A Commentary upon the First Three Chapters of the First Book of Moses called Genesis (1656).1 Notes: 1

R. T. Cornish, ‘White, John (1575–1648), Clergyman and Promoter of Colonization’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols

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(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 58, pp. 594–6; D. Underdown, Fire from Heaven: Life in an English Town in the Seventeenth Century (London: HarperCollins, 1992); F. J. Bremer, Congregational Communion: Clerical Friendship in the Anglo-Ameri­ can Puritan Community, 1610–1692 (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1994).

THE

PLANTERS

PLEA.

OR THE GROVNDS OF

PLANTATIONS EXAMINED,

And vsuall Objections answered.

Together with a manifestation of the causes mooving such as have lately undertaken a plantation in New-England: For the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the Action.

2 Thes. 5. 21,

Prove all things, and holde fast that which is good.

London,

Printed by William Iones.

1630. /

TO THE Reader. Courteous Reader: IT will appeare to any man of common sense at first sight, that this rude draught, that sets forth certaine considerable grounds in planting Colonies, being wrested out of the Authours hand, hardly overlooked, much lesse filed and smoothed for the Presse, was never intended to be presented to publicke view, especially in this attire: wherefore the Reader is intreated to observe, that the particulars of this small Pamphlet, being all ranged under these two heads, matters of Fact or of Opinion: In the former the Authour sets downe his knowledge, and consequently what he resolves to justifie; In the latter what he conceives to be most probable, not what he dares warrant as certaine and infallible. Wherefore if in the declaring of his owne opinion, either concerning Colonies in general, or this in particular, he propose anything that to men of better and more solid judgement upon mature advise shall seeme either not sound, or not evident, or not well fortified by strength of reason; he desires rather advertisement thereof by some private intimation, than by publicke opposition, as not conceiving an argument of this nature, / wherein neither Gods glorie nor mans salvation have any necessary interest, (though the worke be directed to, and doth in a good measure further both,) worth the con­ tending for in a time when so many weighty controversies in the fundamentalls of religion are in agitation: and withall professing himselfe willing to receive backe any light golde that hath passed from him unweighed, and to exchange it for that which will be weight, as being conscious to himselfe, that he desires not willingly to beguile any man. Besides, the Reader may be pleased further to observe, that seeing the arguments produced in this Treatise are rather proposed than handled, they cannot carry with them that appearant and cleare evidence of truth at the first view, as they might and would doe, if they were more largely deduced, and more fully fortified. Wherefore he is intreated not to reject them too easily, as car­ rying more weight than they seeme to doe at the first appearance. Howsoever the Authors intention and opinion be construed & approved; if it may be beleeved that the Gentlemen that are lately issued out from us, to lay the foundatiō of a Colony in New-England, have not beene thrust forward by unadvised precipita­ tion, but led on by such probable grounds of reason and religion, as might be likely to prevaile with men that desire to keepe a good conscience in all things: I trust these will holde themselves reasonably satisfied; howsoever both they, and such as wish the furtherance of your designe, have (I assure my selfe) a testimonie from – 95 –

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God and your owne consciences, that they have endeavoured to take there footing upon warrantable grounds, and to direct themselves to a right scope, as will be further manifested in this ensuing Treatise. /

A BRIEFE SVRVIEW

OF COLONIES:

And first,

Of their Ground and Warrant.

Chap. i. By a Colony we meane a societie of men drawne out of one state or people, and trans­ planted into another Countrey. COlonies (as other conditions and states in humane society) have their war­ rant from Gods direction and command; who as soone as men were, set them their taske, to replenish the earth, and to subdue it, Gen.1.28. Those words, I grant, expresse a promise, as the title of a benediction prefixed unto them here, & in the repetition of them to Noah, implies. Gen. 9. I. But that withal they include a direction or command was never, as I conceive, doubted by any. Iunius upon them: / Prout vim intus indiderat, sic palam mandatum dedit curandoe propa­ gationis & dominationis exercendoe. And Paraus, lubet igitur replere terram, non solum generatione & habitatione, sed cum primis potestate cultu & usu: Etsi vero nonnullae orbis partes manent inhabitabiles; habemus nihilominus totius domin­ ium iure Divino, licet non habemus totius orbis usum culpâ & defectu nostro. And before them, Calvin; Iubet eos crescere & simul benedictionem suam destinat, &c. and divers other’s. It will be granted then that the words include and have the force of a Precept, which perhaps some may conceive was to continue during the worlds Infancy, and no longer; but such a limitation wants ground. It is true that some com­ mandements founded upon, and having respect unto some present state and condition of men, received end or alteration when the condition was ended, or changed. But Precepts given to the body of mankind, as these to Adam & Noah, receive neither alteration in the substantials, nor determination while men, and any void places of the earth continue, so that allowing this Commandement to bind Adam, it must binde his posterity, and consequently our selves in this age, and our issue after us, as long as the earth yeelds empty places to be replenished. Besides, the gift of the earth to the sonnes of men, Psal. 115.16. necessar­ ily inforceth their duty to people it: It were a great wrong to God to conceive that hee doth ought in vaine, or tenders / a gift that he never meant should be – 97 –

I. That Colonies have their war­ rant from God. I. Argument from Gods Commande­ ment.

2. Argument from Gods gift of the earth to men.

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3. Argument from the Law of marriage.

4. Argument from the ben­ efit that comes to mens out­ ward estates.

5. Argument is from the furthering of godlinesse and honesty.

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enjoyed: now how men should make benefit of the earth, but by habitation and culture cannot bee imagined. Neither is this sufficient to conceive that Gods intention is satisfied if some part of the earth be replenished, and used, though the rest be wast; because the same difficulty urgeth us still, that the rest of which we receive no fruit, was never intended to us, because it was never Gods minde wee should possesse it. If it were then the minde of God, that man should possesse all parts of the earth, it must be enforced that we neglect our duty, and crosse his will, if we doe it not, when wee have occasion and opportunitie: and withall doe little lesse then despise his blessing. Withall, that order that God annexed to marriage in his first institution, viz. that married persons should leave father and mother, and cleave each to other, is a good warrant of this practice. For sometime there will be a necessitie, that yong married persons should remove out of their fathers house, and live apart by themselves, and so erect new families. Now what are new families, but pettie Colonies: and so at last removing further and further they overflow the whole earth. Therefore, so long as there shall be use of marriage, the warrant of deduc­ ing Colonies will continue. It is true, that all Gods directions have a double scope, mans good, and Gods honour. Now / that this commandement of God is directed vnto mans good temporall and spirituall, is as cleere as the light. It cannot be denyed but the life of man is every way made more comfortable, and afforded a more plentiful sup­ ply in a larger scope of ground, which moves men to bee so insatiable in their desires to joyne house to house, and land to land, till there be no more place; exceeding, I grant, therein the measure and bounds of Iustice; and yet building upon a principle that nature suggests, that a large place best assures sufficiency: as we see; by nature, trees flourish faire, and prosper well, and waxe fruitfull in a large Orchard, which would otherwise wither and decay, if they were penned up in a little nursery: either all, or at best, a few that are stronger plants and better rooted, would encrease and over-top, and at last, starve the weaker: which falls out in our civil State; where a few men flourish that are best grounded in their estates, or best furnished with abilities, or best fitted with opportunities, and the rest waxe weake and languish, as wanting roome and meanes to nourish them. Now, that the spirits and hearts of men are kept in better temper by spread­ ing wide, and by pouring, as it were, from vessell to vessell (the want whereof is alleaged by the Prophet Ieremy as the cause that Moab setled vpon his lees, and got so harsh a relish Ier. 48. 11.) will bee euident to any man, that shall consider, that the husbanding of unmanured grounds, and shifting into / empty Lands, enforceth men to frugalitie, and quickneth invention: and the setling of new States requireth justice and affection to the common good: and the taking in of large Countreys presents a naturall remedy against couetousnesse, fraud, and

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violence; when euery man may enjoy enough without wrong or injury to his neighbour. Whence it was, that the first ages, by these helpes, were renowned for golden times, wherein men, being newly entred into their possessions, and entertained into a naked soile, and enforced thereby to labour, frugality, simplic­ ity, and justice, had neither leisure, nor occasion, to decline to idlenesse, riot, wantonnesse, fraud, and violence, the fruits of well-peopled Countryes, and of the abundance and superfluities of long setled States. But that which should most sway our hearts, is the respect unto Gods honor, which is much advanced by this worke of replenishing the earth. First, when the largeness of his bounty is tasted by setling of men in al parts of the world, wherby the extent of his munificence to the sonnes of men is discovered; The Psalmist tells us that God is much magnified by this, that the whole earth is full of his riches, yea and the wide sea too, Psal 104.24.25. And God, when hee would have Abraham know what he had bestowed on him when he gave him Canaan, wills him to walke through it in the length of it, and in the breadth of it, Gen. 13.17. Secondly, Gods honour must needs bee much / advanced, when, together with mens persons, religion is conveyed into the severall parts of the world, and all quarters of the earth sound with his praise; and Christ Iesus takes in the Nations for his inheritance, and the ends of the earth for his possession, accord­ ing to Gods decree and promise, Psal. 2.8. Besides all that hath been said, seeing Gods command, and abilities to performe it, usually goe together, we may guesse at his intention and will, to have the earth replenished, by the extra-ordinarie fruitfulnesse that hee gave to man­ kinde in those first times, when men manifested their greatest forwardnesse for the undertaking of this taske; which seemes to bee denyed to the latter ages, and peradventure for this reason among others, because the love of ease and pleasure fixing men to the places and Countreyes which they finde ready furnished to their hand, by their predecessors labours and industry, takes from them a desire and will of undertaking such a laborious and unpleasant taske as is the subduing of unmanured Countreyes. Objection. But, it may be objected, if God intended now the issuing out of Colonies, as in former ages, hee would withall quicken men with the same heroicall spirits which were found in these times: Which wee finde to be farre otherwise. Although the strong impression upon mens spirits that have beene and are stirred up in / this age to this and other Plantations, might be a sufficient answer to this objection, yet we answer further.

6. Argument from the adu­ ancement of Gods glory.

7. Argument from the abili­ ties wherewith God furnisheth men for this worke.

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8. Argument drawne from Gods acknowl­ edgement of peopling the earth to bee his owne worke.

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Answer. Its one thing to guesse what God will bring to passe, and another thing to conclude what hee requires us to undertake. Shall we say that because God gives not men the zeale of Moses and Phineas, therefore hee hath discharged men of the duty of executing judgement? It is true indeed, that God hath hitherto suf­ fered the neglect of many parts of the world, and hidden them from the eyes of former ages, for ends best known to himselfe: but that disproves not that the duty of peopling voyd places lyes upon us still, especially since they are discov­ ered and made knowne to us. And, although I dare not enter so farre into Gods secrets, as to affirme, that hee avengeth the neglect of this duty by Warres, Pes­ tilences and Famines, which unlesse they had wasted the people of these parts of the world, wee should ere this, have devoured one another; Yet it cannot be denyed, but the neare thronging of people together in these full Countreyes, have often occasioned amongst us ciuill Warres, Famines, and Plagues. And it is as true that God hath made advantage of some of these Warres, especially which have laid many fruitfull Countreyes wast, to exercise men in these very labours which employ new Planters; by which he hath reduced them to some degrees of that frugality, industry, and justice, / which had beene disused and forgotten through long continued peace and plenty. Although no man can define what particular summons the first undertak­ ers of planting Colonies had; whether from the mouth of God immediately (as Abraham first, and the Children of Israel afterwards,) or from the advice and Counsell of men; yet, that the wisedome of God directed them in this course, is evident by Moses Testimony, affirming that hee separated the Sonnes of Adam, and set the bounds of their habitation, Deut. 32.8. so that whoever set on the worke, God acknowledgeth it as his owne. /

Chap. II. What ends may bee proposed in planting Colonies? THe Ends that men have proposed to themselves, in issuing out Colonies have beene divers: Some, and the worst, and least warrantable are such as are onely swayed by private respects; as when men shift themselves, and draw others with them out of their Countries, out of undutifull affections to Governours, to exempt themselves from subjection to lawfull power; or aime at a great name to themselves, and to raise their owne glory. As for the enlargement of Trade; which drew on the Spanish and Dutch Colonies in the East Indies, or securing of con­ quered Countries, which occasioned many Colonies of the Romanes in Italy and other lands, they may bee so farre warranted, as the grounds of the Conquests or Trades were warrantable; (if they were caried without injury or wrong to the

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natives) seeing naturall commerce betweene nations, and Conquests, upon just warres, have beene alwayes approved by the Lawes of God and man. As for those Colonies that have beene undertaken upon the desire either of disburthening of / full states of unnecessary multitudes, or of replenishing wast and voyd Countries; they have a cleare and sufficient warrant from the mouth of God, as immediately concurring with one speciall end that God aimed at in the first institution thereof. But, seeing Gods honour, and glory; and next mens Salvation, is his owne principall scope in this and all his wayes; it must withall bee necessarily acknowl­ edged that the desire & respect unto the publishing of his name where it is not knowne, and reducing men, that live without God in this present world, unto a forme of Piety and godlinesse, by how much the more immediately it suites with the mind of God, and is furthest caried from private respects, by so much the more it advanceth this worke of planting Colonies above all civill and humane ends, and deserves honour, and approbation, above the most glorious Conquests, or successefull enterprizes that ever were undertaken by the most renowned men that the Sunne hath seene, and that by how much the subduing of Satan is a more glorious act, then a victory over men: and the enlargement of Christs Kingdome, then the adding unto mens dominions: and the saving of mens soules, then the provision for their lives and bodies. It seemes, this end, in plantation, hath beene specially reserved for this later end of the world: / seeing; before Christ, the Decree of God, that suffered all Nations to walke in their own waies, Acts 14.16. shut up the Church within the narrow bounds of the Promised Land, and so excluded men from the propaga­ tion of Religion to other Countries. And in the Apostles time, God afforded an easier and more speedy course of converting men to the truth by the gift of tongues, seconded by the power of Miracles, to winne the greater credit to their doctrine, which most especially, and first prevailed upon Countries civilized, as the History of the Apostles Acts makes manifest. As for the rest, I make no ques­ tion, but God used the same way to other barbarous Nations, which hee held with us, whom hee first Civilized by the Romane Conquests, and mixture of their Colonies with us, that hee might bring in Religion afterwards: seeing no man can imagine how Religion should prevaile upon those, who are not sub­ dued to the rule of Nature and Reason. Nay, I conceive, God especially directs this worke of erecting Colonies unto the planting and propagating of Religion in the West Indies, (although I will not confine it to those alone) and that for divers Reasons, which ought to be taken into serious consideration, as affording the strongest Motives that can be pro­ posed to draw on the hearts and affections of men to this worke now in hand, for this purpose; which gives occasion unto the publishing of this Treatise. /

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1.Reason from the course of the Gospell from the begin­ ning.

2. Reason from the prom[i]se of manifesting Christ to the whole world.

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There are, and those men of note both for place and learning in the Church, that conceive the course held by God from the beginning in the propagation of Religion, falls in this last age, upon the Westerne parts of the world. It is true, that from the first planting of Religion among men, it hath alwayes held a constant way from East to West, and hath, in that Line, proceeded so farre, that it hath extended to the uttermost Westerne bounds of the formerly knowne world; so that if it make any further passage upon that point of the Compasse, it must necessarily light upon the West Indies. And they conceive withall, that our Saviours Prophecie, Matth. 24.27 points out such a progresse of the Gospell. It is true, that the comparison there used, taken from the Lightning, aymes at the sudden dispersing of the knowledge of Christ by the Apostles ministery: but whereas wee know, the Lightning shines from divers parts of the heaven, shewing it selfe indifferently, sometimes in the West, sometimes in the North, or South; why doth our Saviour in that similitude choose to name the Lightning that shines out of the East into the West, unlesse it be to expresse not only the sudden shining out of the Gospell; but withall the way, and passage, by which it proceedes from one end of the world to the other, that is, from East to West? / But passing by that onely as a probable argument; this which followes seemes to carry greater weight. The knowledge of Christ must certainly be manifested unto all the quarters of the World, according to divers predictions of Prophets, ratified and renewed by Christ and his Apostles. But that the knowledge of Christ hath never been discovered unto these Westerne nations may be almost demonstrated, seeing no Historie for five hundred yeares before Christ, ever mentioned any such Inhabitats of the earth, much lesse left any record of any passage unto them, or commerce with them. So that, unlesse wee should conceive a miraculous worke of conceiving knowledge, without meanes; wee cannot imagine how these Nations should once heare of the name of Christ. Which seemes the more evident by this, that we finde among them not so much as any Reliques of any of those principles which belong to that Mysterie, although in some place may be discoved some foot-steps of the knowledge of God, of the Creation, and of some Legall Observations. As in New England the Nations beleeve the Creation of the world by God, the Creation of one man and woman, their happy condition at the first, and seduction by the envy (as they say) of the Cony, which moves them to abhorre that creature unto this day more then any Serpent. It is also reported that they separate their women / in the times appointed by the Law of Moses, count­ ing them and all they touch uncleane during that time appointed by the Law: whether upon any other ground, or by a tradition received from the Iewes, it is uncertaine. Some conceive, their Predecessors might have had some commerce with the Iewes in times past, by what meanes I know not: Howsoever it bee, it

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fals out that the name of the place, which our late Colony hath chosen for their seat, prooves to bee perfect Hebrew, being called Nahum Keike,1 by interpreta­ tion, The bosome of consolation: which it were pitty that those which observed it not, should change into the name of Salem, though upon a faire ground, in remembrance of a peace setled upon a conference at a generall meeting betweene them and their neighbours, after expectance of some dangerous jarre. Now then, if all nations must have Christ tendred unto them, and the Indies have never yet heard of his name, it must follow, that that worke of conveighing that knowledge to them, remaines to bee undertaken and performed by this last age. Againe, what shall we conceive of that almost miraculous opening the pas­ sage unto, and discovery of these formerly unknowne nations, which must needs have proved impossible unto former ages for want of the knowledge of the use of the Loadstone, as wounderfully found out as these unknowne Countries by it. It were little lesse / then impietie to conceive that GOD, (whose Will concurres with the lighting of a Sparrow upon the ground) had no hand in directing one of the most difficult and observeable workes of this age; and as great folly to imag­ ine, that hee who made all things, and consequently orders and directs them to his owne glory, had no other scope but the satisfying of mens greedy appetites, that thirsted after the riches of that new found world, and to tender unto them the objects of such barbarous cruelties as the world never heard of. Wee can­ not then probably conceive that GOD, in that strange discovery, aymed at any other thing but this, that, after hee had punished the Atheisme, and Idolatry of those heathen and bruitish Nations, by the Conquerors cruelty, and acquainted them, by mixture of some other people, with civility, to cause at length the glori­ ous Gospell of Iesus Christ to shine out unto them, as it did to our forefathers, after those sharpe times of the bitter desolations of our Nation, betweene the Romanes and the Picts. A fourth reason, to prove that God hath left this great, and glorious worke to this age of the world, is the nearnesse of the Iewes conversion; before which, it is conceived by the most, that the fulnesse of the Gentiles must come in, according to the Apostles prophesie, Rom.11.25. That this day cannot be farre off appeares by the fulfilling of the prophesies, precedent to that great and / glorious worke, and the generall expectation thereof by all men, such as was found among the Iewes both in Iudea and in some other parts of the world before the comming of Christ in the flesh, now then let it bee granted that the Iewes conversion is neare, and that the Gentiles, and consequently the Indians must needs bee gathered in before that day; and any man may make the conclusion, that this is the houre for the worke, and consequently of our duty to endeavour the effecting that which God hath determined; the opening of the eyes of those poore ignorant soules, and discovering unto them the glorious mystery of Iesus Christ. /

3. Reason from the miraculous opening of the passage to these parts of the world.

4. Reason from the nearnesse of the Jewes conversion.

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Chap. III.

The English Nation is fit to undertake this taske.

THat this Nation is able and fit to send out Colonies into Forraigne parts will evidently appeare by the consideration of our over flowing multitudes: this being admitted for a received principle, that Countreyes superabound in people when they have more then they can well nourish, or well employ, seeing we know, men are not ordained to live onely, but, withall and especially, to serve one another through love, in some profitable and usefull calling. Granting therefore that this Land by Gods ordinary blessing, yeelds sufficiency of corne and cattell for more then the present Inhabitants, yet, that wee have more people, then wee doe, or can profitably employ, will, I conceive, appeare to any man of understanding, willing to acknowledge the truth, and to consider these foure particulars. I. Many among us live without employment, either wholly, or in the greatest part (especially if there happen any interruption of trade, as of late was mani­ fested not onely in Essex, but in most / parts of the Land) and that doe not onely such as delight in idlenesse: but even folke willing to labour, who either live without exercise in their callings, or are faine to thrust into other mens, to the evident prejudice of both. 2. The labours of many others might well bee spared, and to the States advan­ tage, as serving to little else then luxury and wantonnesse, to the impoverishing and corrupting of the most; of which there needes no better evidence then this, that when we taxe pride and excesse in apparell, buildings, &c. the evills are justi­ fied, and our mouthes stopped with this answer; without this how should many men live and bee maintained? No man is so uncivill, as to deny supernecessaries for distinction of degrees; or supercilious, as to thinke it necessary to reduce a wealthy and abounding State to the plainnesse and homelinesse of the Primitive ages. But let our excesses be limitted to those bounds of decency, modesty, and sobriety that may answer the proportion of mens callings, and degrees, and it will bee demonstrated, the tenth person of such as are busied about superfluities, will hardlie finde sufficient imployment to yeeld themselves and their families necessarie maintenance. 3. That warrantable and usefull callings are overcharged, all mens complaints sufficiently witness; not onely Inholders and Shop-keepers of / both which wee need not the third person, but even handy-craftsmen, as Shoomakers, Taylors, nay Masons, Carpenters, and the like, many of whom with their families live in such a low condition as is little better then beggery, by reason of the multitudes that are bred up and exercised in those employments. And yet through the exces­ sive numbers of persons in those and other callings, necessity enforceth them to require so large a price and recompence of their labours, that a man of good

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estate is not able to afford himselfe conveniencies for his condition (everie call­ ing he hath use of exhausting so much for the commodities it puts off unto him;) whereas, if the number of those persons in their severall callings were abated, the rest having full imployment, might be able to abate of their excessive prices; whereby both they and their chapmen, might live more comfortably and plenti­ fully; and the Common-wealth by this helpe would be eased of many burthens it groanes under, in making supply to the scantie meanes of many thousands in these callings so much overlaid with multitudes. 4. Yea, of such as are imployed, a great part of their labour were needlesse, if their workes were faithfull and loyall; the deceitfulnesse of our workes (of which all men complaine, but few discerne the cause) occasioneth the often renewing of those things which are made, which otherwise would endure for far longer continuance. / Now what a disease this must needes bee in a State, where mens necessi­ ties inforce them to inventions of all wayes and meanes of expence upon the instruments of pride, and wantonnesse; and of as many subtilties and frauds in deceitfull handling all works that passe through their fingers, that by the speedy waiting of what is made, they may bee the sooner called upon for new; I leave it to any wise man to judge. It is a fearfull condition, whereby men are in a sort enforced to perish, or to become meanes and instruments of evill. So that the conclusion must stand firme, we have more men then wee can imploy to any profitable or usefull labour. Objection. But the idlenesse or unprofitable labours of our people arise not from our num­ bers, but from our ill government, inferiour Magistrates being too remisse in their offices; and therefore may more easily be reformed by establishing better order, or executing those good lawes already made at home, then by transporting some of them into forraigne Countreyes. Answer. Good government thought it doe reforme many, yet it cannot reforme all the evills of this kind; because it will bee a great difficulty to finde out profit­ able employments for all that will want; which way we should helpe our selves by tillage I know not: wee can hardly depasture fewer Rother / beasts then we doe, seeing we spend already their flesh and hides: and as for sheepe, the ground depastured with them, doth or might set on worke as many hands as tillage can doe. If we adventure the making of linnen cloth, other soiles are so much fitter to produce the materialls for that worke, their labour is so much cheaper, the hindering of Commerce in trade likely to bee so great, that the undertakers of this worke would in all probability bee soone discouraged. Nay the multiplying

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Argument from the opportunity of the Sea.

3. Argument from our owne practice alreadie.

4. Argument from our fitnes to the maine end of Colonies, the planting of true Religion.

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of new Draperies, which perhaps might effect more then all the rest, yet were in no proportion sufficient to employ the supernumeraries which this Land would yeeld if wee could bee confirmed within the bounds of sobriety and modesty, seeing it may bee demonstrated, that nere a third part of these that inhabite our Townes and Cities (besides such spare men as the Country yeelds) would by good order established, be left to take up new employments. We have as much opportunity as any Nation to transport our men and provi­ sions by Sea into those Countries, without which advantage they cannot possibly be peopled from any part of the world; not from this Christian part at least, as all men know: And how usefull a neighbour the sea is to the furthering of such a worke; the examples of the Grecians and the Phænicians, who filled all the bordering coasts with their Colonies doe sufficiently prove unto all the world: Neither / can it be doubted, but the first Planters wanting this helpe (as Abraham in his removing to Charran first, and to Canaan afterwards) must needs spend much time and indure much labour in passing their famlies and provisions by Land, over rivers and through Woods and Thickets by unbeaten pathes. But what need Arguments to us that have already determined this truth? How many severall Colonies have wee drawne out and passed over into severall parts of the West Indies? And this we have done with the allowance, encourage­ ment, & high cōmendation of State, perhaps not alway[s] with the best success, who knowes whether by erring from the right scope? Questionlesse for want of fit men for that imployment, and experience to direct a worke, which being caried in an untrodden path, must needs be subject to miscarriage into many errours. Now whereas it hath beene manifested that the most eminent and desirable end of planting Colonies, is the propagation of Religion; It may be conceived this Nation is in a sort singled out unto that worke; being of all the States that enjoy the libertie of the Religion Reformed; and are able to spare people for such an employment, the most Orthodoxe in our profession, and behind none in sincerity in embracing it; as will appeare to any indifferent man, that shall duly weigh and / recount the number and condition of those few States of Europe, that continue in the profession of that truth which we imbrace.

Chap. IIII. That New-England is a fit Country for the seating of an English Colonie, for the propagation of Religion. I. Argument or occasion, trade into the countrey.

NOt onely our acquaintance with the soyle and Natives there, but more espe­ cially our opportunity of trading thither for Furres and fish, perswade this truth, if other things be answerable. It is well knowne, before our breach with Spaine, we

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usually sent out to New-England, yearely forty or fifty saile of ships of reasonable good burthen for fishing onely. And howsoever it fals out that our New-found­ land voyages prove more beneficiall to the Merchants; yet it is as true, these to New-England are found farre more profitable to poore Fishermen; so that by that time all reckonings are cast up, these voyages come not farre behind the other in aduantage to the State. No Countrey yeelds a more propitious ayre for our tempor, then New-Eng­ land, as experience / hath made manifest, by all relations: manie of our people that have found themselves alway weake and sickly at home, have become strong, and healthy there: perhaps by the drynesse of the ayre and constant temper of it, which seldome varies suddenly from cold to heate, as it doth with us: So that Rheumes are very rare among our English there; Neyther are the Natives at any time troubled with paine of teeth, sorenesse of eyes, or ache in their limbes. It may bee the nature of the water conduceth somewhat this way; which all affirme to keepe the body alwaies temperately soluble, and consequently helps much to the preventing, and curing of the Gout, and Stone, as some have found by experi­ ence. As for provisions for life: The Corne of the Countrey (which it produceth in good proportion with reasonable labour) is apt for nourishmēt, & agrees, although not so well with our taste at first; yet very well with our health; nay, is held by some Physitians, to be restorative. If wee like not that, wee may make use of our owne Graines, which agree well with that soyle, and so doe our Cat­ tle: nay, they grow unto a greater bulke of body there, then with us in England. Vnto which if wee adde the fish, fowle, and Venison, which that Country yeelds in great abundance, it cannot be questioned but that soile may assure sufficient provision for food. And being naturally apt for Hempe and Flax especially, may promise us Linnen sufficient with our labour, and woollen too if it may be / thought fit to store it with sheepe. The Land affords void ground enough to receive more people then this State can spare, and that not onely wood-grounds, and others, which are unfit for present use: but, in many places, much cleared ground for tillage, and large marshes for hay and feeding of cattle, which comes to passe by the desolatiō hapning through a three yeeres Plague, about twelve or sixteene yeeres past, which swept away most of the Inhabitants all along the Sea coast, and in some places utterly consumed man, woman & childe, so that there is no person left to lay claime to the soyle which they possessed; In most of the rest, the Contagion hath scarce left alive one person of an hundred. And which is remarkable, such a Plague hath not been knowne, or remembred in any age past; nor then raged above twenty or thirty miles up into the Land, nor seized upon any other but the Natives, the English in the heate of the Sicknesse commercing with them without hurt or danger. Besides, the Natives invite us to sit downe by them, and offer us what ground wee will: so that eyther want of possession by others, or the

2. The fitnesse of the countrey for our health and mainte­ nance.

3. Argument from the emp­ tinesse of the Land.

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4. Argument from the use­ fulnesse of that Colony to this State.

1. In our fishing voyages.

5. Argument the benefit of such a Colony to the Natives.

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possessors gift, and sale, may assure our right: we neede not feare a cleare title to the soyle. In all Colonies it is to bee desired that the daughter may answer something backe by way of retribution to the mother that gave her being. Nature hath as much force, and founds as strong a relation betweene people and people, as betweene / person and person: So that a Colonie denying due respect to the State from whose bowels it issued, is as great a monster, as an unnaturall childe. Now, a Colonie planted in New-England may be many wayes usefull to this State. As first, in furthering our Fishing-voyages (one of the most honest, and every way profitable imployment that the Nation undertakes) It must needes be a great advantage unto our men after so long a voyage to be furnished with fresh victuall there; and that supplyed out of that Land, without spending the provisions of our owne countrey. But there is hope besides, that the Colonie shall not onely furnish our Fisher-men with Victuall, but with Salt too, unlesse mens expecta­ tion and conjectures much deceive them: and so quit unto them a great part of the charge of their voyage, beside the hazard of adventure. Next, how serviceable this Country must needs bee for provisions for ship­ ping, is sufficiently knowne already: At present it may yeeld Planks, Masts, Oares, Pitch, Tarre, and Iron; and hereafter (by the aptnesse of the Soyle for Hempe) if the Colonie increase, Sailes and Cordage. What other commodities it may afford besides for trade, time will discover. Of Wines among the rest, there can be no doubt; the ground yeelding naturall Vines in great abundance and varietie; and of these, some as good as any are found in France by humane culture. But in the possibilitie of the serviceablenesse of the Colonie to this / State, the judge­ ment of the Dutch may somewhat confirme us, who have planted in the same soyle, and make great account of their Colonie there. But the greatest advantage must needes come unto the Natives themselves, whom wee shall teach providence and industry, for want whereof they perish oftentimes, while they make short provisions for the present, by reason of their idlenesse, & that they have, they spend and wast unnecessarily, without hav­ ing respect to times to come. Withall, commerce and example of our course of living, cannot but in time breed civility among them, and that by Gods bless­ ing may make way for religion consequently, and for the saving of their soules. Vnto all which may bee added, the safety and protection of the persons of the Natives, which are secured by our Colonies. In times past the Tarentines (who dwell from those of Mattachusets bay,2 neere which our men are seated; about fifty or sixty leagues to the North-East) inhabiting a soile unfit to produce that Countrey graine, being the more hardy people, were accustomed yearely at har­ vest to come down in their Canoes, and reape their fields, and carry away their Corne, and destroy their people, which wonderfully weakened, and kept them low in times past: from this evill our neighbourhood hath wholy freed them, and

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consequently secured their persons and estates; which makes the Natives there so glad of our company. / Objection 1. But if we have any spare people, Ireland is a fitter place to receive them then NewEngland. Being 1, Nearer. 2, Our owne. 3, Void in some parts. 4, Fruitfull. 5, Of importance for the securing of our owne Land. 6, Needing our helpe for their recov­ ery out of blindnesse and superstition. Answere. Ireland is well-nigh sufficiently peopled already, or will be in the next age. Besides, this worke needs not hinder that, no more then the plantation in Vir­ ginia, Bermudas, S. Christophers, Barbados, &c. which are all of them approved, and incouraged as this is. As for religion, it hath reasonable footing in Ireland already, and may easily be propagated further, if wee bee not wanting to our selves. This Countrey of New-England is destitute of all helpes, and meanes, by wch the people might come out of the snare of Satan. Now although it be true, that I should regard my sonne more then my servant; yet I must rather provide a Coate for my servant that goes naked, then give my sonne another, who hath reasonable clothing already. Objection 2. But New-England hath divers discommodities, the Snow, and coldnesse of the winter, which our English bodies can hardly brooke; and the annoyance of men by / Muskitoes, and Serpents: and of Cattle, and Corne, by wilde beasts. Answere. The cold of Winter is tolerable, as experience hath, and doth manifest, and is remedied by the abundance of fuell. The Snow lyes indeed about a foot thicke for ten weekes or there about; but where it lies thicker, and a month longer, as in many parts of Germany, men finde a very comfortable dwelling. As for the Ser­ pents, it is true, there are some, and these larger then our Adders; but in ten yeares experience no man was ever indangered by them; and as the countrey is better stored with people, they will be found fewer, and as rare as among us here. As for the wilde beasts, they are no more, not so much dangerous or hurtfull here, as in germany and other parts of the world. The Muskitoes indeed infest the planters, about foure moneths in the heat of Summer; but after one years acquaintance, men make light account of them; some sleight defence for the hands and face, smoake, and a close house may keepe them off. Neither are they much more noysome then in Spaine, Germany, and other parts; nay, then the fennish parts of Essex, and Lincolne-shire. Besides it is credibly reported, that twenty miles

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inward into the Countrey they are not found: but this is certaine, and tried by experience, after foure or five yeares habitation they waxe very thinne: It may be the hollownesse of the ground / breeds them, which the treading of the earth by men and cattle doth remedy in time. Objection 3. But if the propagation of religion bee the scope of the plantation, New-England which is so naked of inhabitants, is the unfit test of any place for a Colony; it would more further that worke to sit downe in some well-peopled countrey, that might afford many subjects to worke upon, and win to the knowledge of the truth. Answer. 1 But how shall we get footing there? the Virginian Colony may bee our precedent; where our men have beene entertained with continuall broyles by the Natives, and by that meanes shut out from all hope of working any reformation upon them, from which, their hearts must needes be utterly averse by reason of the hatred which they beare unto our persons: whereas, New-England yeelds this advantage, that it affords us a cleare title to our possessions there; and good correspondence with the Natives; whether out of their peaceable disposition, or out of their inability to make resistance, or out of the safety which they finde by our neighbourhood, it skills not much; this is certaine, it yeelds a faire way to work them to that tractablenesse which will never bee found in the Virginians: Neither have wee any cause to complaine for want of men to worke upon; the in land parts are indifferently populous, / & Naraganset-bay and river, which borders upon us, is full of Inhabitants, who are quiet with us, and Trade with us willingly, while wee are their neighbours, but are very jealous of receiving either us or the Dutch into the bowells of their Country, for feare wee should become their Lords. 2 Besides, in probabilitie, it will be more advantagious to this worke to beginne with a place not so populous: For as the resistance will be lesse, so by them having once received the Gospell, it may be more easily and successefully spread to the places better peopled, who will more easily receive it from the com­ mendation of their owne Countrie-men, then from strangers, and flocke to it as Doves to the windowes. 3 Though in the place where they plant, there are not many Natives, yet they have an opportunitie, by way of trafficke and commerce (which at least is gener­ ally once a yeare) with the Natives in a large compasse, though farre distant from them, by which meanes they grow into acquaintance with them, and may take many advantages of convaying to them the knowledge of Christ, though they liue not with them.

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Objection. 4. But the Countrey wants meanes of wealth that might invite men to desire it; for there is nothing to bee expected / in New-England but competency to live on at the best, and that must bee purchased with hard labour, whereas divers other parts of the West-Indies offer a richer soyle, which easily allures Inhabitants, by the tender of a better condition then they live in at present. Answer. An unanswerable argument, to such as make the advancement of their estates, the scope of their undertaking; but no way a discouragement to such as aime at the propagation of the Gospell, which can never bee advanced but by the preser­ vation of Piety in those that carry it to strangers; Now wee know nothing sorts better with Piety them Competēcy; a truth which Agur hath determined long agoe, Prov. 30.8. Nay, Heathen men by the light of Nature were directed so farre as to discover the overflowing of riches to be enemie to labour, sobriety, justice, love and magnanimity: and the nurse of pride, wantonnesse, and contention; and therefore laboured by all meanes to keepe out the love and desire of them from their well-ordered States, and observed and professed the comming in and admiration of them to have beene the foundation of their ruine. If men desire to have a people degenerate speedily, and to corrupt their mindes and bodies too, and besides to tole-in theeves and spoilers from abroad; let them seeke a rich soile, that brings in much with little labour; but if they desire that Piety / and godlinesse should prosper; accompanied with sobriety, justice and love, let them choose a Countrey such as this is; even like France, or England, which may yeeld sufficiency with hard labour and industry: the truth is, there is more cause to feare wealth then poverty in that soyle.

Chap. 5. What persons may be fit to be employed in this worke of planting a Colony. IT seemes to bee a common and grosse errour that Colonies ought to be Emu­ nctories or sinckes of States; to drayne away their filth: whence arise often murmurings at the removall of any men of State or worth, with some wonder and admiration, that men of sufficiency and discretion should preferre any thing before a quiet life at home. An opinion that favours strongly of selfe-love, alwaies opposite and enemy to any publike good. This fundamentall errour hath beene the occasion of the miscariage of most of our Colonies, and the charge­ able destruction of many of our Countrymen, whom when we have once issued out from / us we cast off as we say to the wide world, leaving them to themselves either to sinke or swimme.

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Contrary to this common custome, a State that intends to draw out a Colony for the inhabiting of another Country, must looke at the mother and the daugh­ ter with an equall and indifferent eye; remembring that a Colony is a part and member of her owne body; and such in whose good her selfe hath a peculiar interest, which therfore she should labour to further and cherish by all fit and convenient meanes; and consequently must allow to her such a proportion of able men as may bee sufficient to make the frame of that new formed body: As good Governours, able Ministers, Physitians, Souldiers, Schoolemasters, Mari­ ners, and Mechanicks of all sorts; who had therefore need to bee of the more sufficiency, because the first fashioning of a politicke body is a harder taske then the ordering of that which is already framed; as the first erecting of a house is ever more difficult the the future keeping of it in repaire; or as the breaking of a Colt requires more skill then the riding of a managed horse. When the frame of the body is thus formed and furnished with vitall parts, and knit together with firme bands & sinewes, the bulke may be filled up with flesh, that is with persons of lesse use and activity, so they bee plyable and apt to bee kept in life. / The disposition of these persons must bee respected as much or more then their abilities; men nourished up in idlenesse, unconstant, and affecting nov­ elties, unwilling, stubborne, enclined to faction, covetous, luxurious, prodigall, and generally men habituated to any grosse evill, are no fit members of a Colony. Ill humours soone overthrow a weake body; and false stones in a foundation ruine the whole building: the persons therfore chosen out for this employment, ought to be willing, constant, industrious, obedient, frugall, lovers of the com­ mon good, or at least such as may be easily wroght to this temper; considering that workes of this nature try the undertakers with many difficulties, and eas­ ily discourage minds of base and weake temper. It cannot, I confesse, be hoped that all should be such; care must be had that the principalls be so inclined, and as many of the Vulgar as may bee, at least that they bee willing to submit to authority; mutinies, which many times are kindled by one person, are well nigh as dangerous in a Colony, as in an Armie. These are rules concerning electing of fit persons for Colonies in generall, unto which must be adjoyned the consideration of the principall scope whereat the Colonie aimes; which must be Religion, whether it bee directed to the good of others for their conversion; or of the Planters themselves for their preservation and continuance / in a good condition, in which they cannot long subsist with­ out Religion. To this purpose must be allotted to every Colony, for Governours and Ministers especially, men of piety and blamelesse life, especially in such a Plantation as this in New England, where their lives must be the patternes to the Heathen, and the especiall, effectuall meanes of winning them to the love of the truth. Nay it would bee indeavoured, that all Governours of families, either may be men truly Godly or at least such as consent and agree to a forme of morall,

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honestie and sobrietie. As for other ends lesse principall, which are especially Merchandise & defence, common sense teacheth everie man that the Colonie must be furnished with the greatest store of such persons as are most serviceable to the maine end at which it aimes. Objection. But able and godly persons being in some degree supporters of the State that sends them out, by sparing them she seemes to plucke away her owne props, and so to weaken her owne standing, which is against the rule of charitie, that allowes and perswades every man to have the first care of his owne good and preservation. / Answer. The first, indeed but not the onely care: so I must provide for mine owne family, but not for that alone; But to answer this objection more fully, which troubles many, and distracts their thoughts, and strikes indeede at the foundation of this worke (for either wee must allow some able men for Civil and Ecclesias­ ticall affaires for peace and warre, or no Colonie at all:) First I deny that such as are gone out from the State, are cut off from the State; the rootes that issue out from the Truncke of the Tree, though they be dispersed, yet they are not severed, but doe good offices, by drawing nourishment to the maine body, and the tree is not weakned but strongthened the more they spread, of which wee have a cleere instance in the Romane State: that Citie by the second Punicke Warre had erected thirtie Colonies in severall parts of Italie; and by their strength especially supported her selfe against her most potent enemies. I confesse that in places so farre distant as New England from this land, the case is somewhat different; the intercourse is not so speedy, but it must needs be granted yet, that even those so far remote may be of use and seruice to this State still, as hath beene shewed. / Secondly, if some usefull men bee spared, to whom doe we spare them? is it not to a part of our owne body? Those whom we send out are they not our owne flesh and bones? and if we send them out for their greater good, that they may prosper better in a larger roome; and in part too our owne ease, that their absence may give us the more scope at home; shall it seeme much unto us, to allow them (without any great losse to our selves) a few persons, whom though we would not willingly spare to strangers: yet upon good consideration we may according to the principle of nature bestow upon our owne. Thirdly, are we altogether our owne, and for our selves? or Gods and for his glory? we spare them to God, and to Religion, and to the Churches service. Wee are owners of our owne estates, it is true, but when the service of God or the Church requires a share of them, shall any man answer with Nabal, I Sam. 25.11. shall I take my bread, &c? The Primitive Churches planted by the Apostles, were content to to spare some of their own Pastors, sometimes for the publike service

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of the Church, and good of their brethren. If it be objected, those were brethren, & neighbours, these are Pagans and beasts rather then men; let us bee entreated to reflect upon our selves, and set before us the face of our Progenitors 1500 or 1600 yeares / since, that we may answer to our owne hearts such were some of us, or our progenitors before us. They are beasts wee say, and can wee without compassion, behold men transformed into beasts, we have the light of grace, they have scarce the dim light of nature, wee have fellowship with God, they have scarce heard of him: wee are translated into the glorious libertie of the Sonnes of God, they are bondslaves of Sathan: who hath made us to differ? how long shall we scorne what we should commiserate? what if God should shew mercy unto them, erect a Church among them, recover them out of the power of the Devill; Could any Conquest bee so glorious? would we not glorifie God and rejoyce with all our soules, as the beleeving Iewes did in the Gentiles conversion? How can we refuse to further the prosecuting of that which would bee our glory and joy if it were effected? Fourthly, no man desireth to doe as Sampson, to plucke away the Pillars on which the house leaneth; this worke craves no Councellour of State, no Peere of the Land; nay perhaps no person imployed at present in any place of govern­ ment, private men whom the State we conceive needs not, because it employes not; may serve the turne; suppose it should borrow some men of more speciall use, and returne them home, as men from their travels, / improved not so much by fight as experience, after the affaires of the Colony were setled; what losse were it in lieu of so great a gaine? Lastly, if we spare men for the advancing of Gods honour, men that doe us service that they may attend Gods service, we have as much reason to expect the supply of our losse, as the repayring of our estates, out of which we spare a portion for our brethrens necessities, or the advancing of Gods worship; by the blessing of God according to his promise. /

Chap. VI. What warrant particular men may have to engage their persons, and estates in this imployment of planting Colonies. TO give a cleare Resolution to this Proposition, is a matter of no small difficul­ tie: I shall declare mine owne opinion, and leave it to the censure of the godly wise. It is the conceit of some men, that no man may undertake this taske with­ out an extraordinary warrant, such as Abraham had from God, to call him out of Mesopotamia to Canaan; their opinion seemes to rest upon a ground that will hardly be made good, so That the planting of Colonies is an extraordinarie worke. Which if it be granted, then the argument hath a strong, and for ought I know, a necessary inference: That therefore those that undertake it, must have an

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extraordinary Call. But that Proposition, That planting of Colonies is an extraor­ dinary worke, will not easily be granted. This Argument lyes strongly against it. That Duty that is commanded by a perpetuall Law, cannot be accounted extraor­ dinary. / But the sending out of Colonies is commanded by a perpetuall Law. Therefore it is no extraordinary duty. Now that the commandement is perpetuall, hath beene proved. First, because it was given to mankind; and secondly, because it hath a ground which is per­ petuall, so the emptinesse of the earth, which either is so, or may be so while the world endures; for even those places which are full, may be emptied by warres, or sicknesse; and then an argument presseth as strongly the contrary way. The undertaking of an ordinary duty needs no other then an ordinary warrant; but such is planting of a Colony, as being undertaken by vertue of a perpetuall law; therefore the undertaking to plant a Colony, needs no extraordinary warrant. Indeed Abrahams undertaking was extraordinary in many things, and therefore needed an immediate direction from God. 1, He was to goe alone with his family and brethren. 2, To such a certaine place far distant. 3, Possessed already by the Canaanites. 4, To receive it wholy appropriated to himselfe, and his Issue. 5, Not to plant it at present, but onely sojourne in it, and walke through it for a time. Now none of these circumstances fit our ordinary Colonies; and con­ sequently Abrahams example is nothing to this purpose, because the case is different, though in some other things alike. / Others conceive, that though men may adventure upon the worke upon an ordinary warrant, yet none can give that but the State; therefore they require a command from the highest authoritie unto such as ingage themselves in this affaire. Indeed that the State hath power over all her members, to command and dispose of them within the bounds of justice, is more evident, then can be denyed: but this power she executes diversly; sometime by command, sometimes by permission: as in preparations to warre, sometimes men are compelled to serve, sometimes they are permitted to goe voluntaries that will. Againe, sometimes the Supreme power takes care of the whole businesse; sometimes (as in Musters) commits it to delegates. If the power of State then proclaime liberty to such as will, together and unite into the body of a Colony, and commit the care to some persons that offer themselves, to associate to them whom they thinke fit, and to order them according to discretion; no man can deny but that the State hath given a sufficient warrant. Neither doth it appeare, that ever any State did more; The Romans use was to proclaime that they intended to plant a Colony of such a number in such a place, and as many as would give

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in their names should receive so many acres of Ground, and enjoy such other priviledges as they thought fit to grant them, which they then expressed: Those which gave in their names were inrolled till the number was full, / and then had they certaine Commissioners appointed by the State to see all things ordered and directed accordingly, and to put every man into possession of his inherit­ ance; neither did the State interpose their authority in assigning, and choosing out the men, but left it free and voluntary to every man to take or leave. Seeing nothing can beare out the hazzards, and inconveniences of such toylesome and difficult undertakings, as is the planting of Colonies, but a will­ ing minde: Men can digest any thing that themselves choose or desire; but a commandement makes pleasant things harsh, how much more harsh things intolerable? But to come somewhat nearer unto the grounds of this resolution. In under­ taking an new inployment two things must be taken into consideration, upon which a mans warrant must be grounded. 1, His ingagement unto his present condition in which he is setled. 2, The tender and offer of the new service unto which he is called. In both it must be first granted, that Callings are employments in which we serve one another through love, Gal. 5.13. in something that is good, Ephes. 4.28. not seeking our owne, but other mens profit, 1 Cor. 10.24. In furthering other mens good our ingagements are, 1, To the Church in generall. 2, To that particular State of which wee are / members, either wholy, or any branch of it. 3, To our friends. And these as they have interest in our labours of love in that order that is set downe, so they have power to require them in the same order, and that two wayes, either by their expresse command, or by the manifestation of their neces­ sity, or speciall good proposed. The Church in generall rarely layes any command but mostly chalengeth our service by the discovery of her need, and use of our labours for her good. The particular State, besides the pleading of her neces­ sity; interposeth her authority; and that either immediately, as in deputing men to publike offices; or mediately by our parents, or other governours whom she authorizeth to direct and setle us in such particular callings and imployments as may bee for her use and service. The State then by any publike intimation, proclaming free liberty to men to remove and plant themselves else-where, dis­ chargeth these persons of the obligation wherein by her power and authority they stand bound to their particular calling wherein they are placed, and ought otherwise to continue. So that now particular persons stand no longer bound by the States authoritie, but by the manifestation of her necessities, which crave their ayde and service for their publike good and safety.

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The next thing then to bee taken into consideration, is the advantages or ben­ efits, which may be / gained by our service either to the Church, State, or friends to whom wee have relation by private interest. In all these the first respect must be had to necessity, and the next to conveniency. How much is to bee yeelded to necessity, it hath pleased God to manifest; by dispensing with his owne worship and service, in cases of necessity, not only upon our owne persons: but upon our goods or cattell. It must therefore be duly waighed whether we may be more serviceable to the Church in the State where wee live, or in that wee desire to erect: and againe, whether service is of more necessity: and whether appeares to be greater, that must carry us, unlesse some pressing wants of private friends chal­ lenge our service from them both, which in matters of moment & importance, to them must be conceived to be cast in by God, as a discharge from any other employment. As for example, The furthering of the Gospell in New-England, seemes to bee of more pressing necessity, and consequently by a stronger band to call mee on to that worke, then the State at home to my continuance here; for here though I may doe something for the advancing of Religion, yet my labours that way are not so needfull in the land, because many others may put too their hands to the same work. In New-England there are none to undergo the task but in this case if the preservation of my fathers life or estate required my stay, that is a discharge unto me from this call to New-England; / not because his life or estate is of greater weight then the Churches good, but because his necessity is greater; for no body can procure my fathers safety but my selfe, other men besides my selfe may doe the Church this service. Thus men that are free from engagement may see what weights are allowed to bee cast into the ballance to determine their stay or removall. All the difficulty that remaines, is, who shall cast the scales (that is) who shall determine which benefit or necessity is the greater? No question that which conscience well informed, assures mee to be so: but who shall informe my con­ science, or by what rule shall my conscience judge? It is out of peradventure that God must informe the conscience. But how shall I discover what God adviseth? It is as certaine that if the word, by scanning the grounds which it proposeth, can give a Seer resolution, it must be followed. The things that are revealed belong unto us and our children that we may doe them, Deut. 29.29. But many rules of Scripture though cleere in themselves, yet are doubtfull and ambiguous in the application, because they cannot determine particulars. In this case then wee must have recourse to Christian wisdome; assisted: First, By the advise and counsell of godly wise friends. Secondly, By the observation on of the concur­ rence of opportunities, Occasiones funt Dei nutus. Thirdly, By and consideration of the inclination of the heart proposing a right end and / scope after frequent and earnest prayer. A resolution taken after all these meanes used, as in Gods presence, without prejudice, with a sincere desire to know and bee informed of

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Gods will, and obey it, may be taken for the voice of God at present, and ought to direct the practise, though it binde not the conscience to embrace the things resolved for an infallible and onely the most probable direction. And the truth is, that unlesse this advise and resolution by Christian wisedome, applying the generall rules of Gods word to our owne particular case after wee have sought counsell of God, and our Christian friends may be admitted for a rule to direct our practise, I know not what rule to prescribe to bee followed. Suppose I would marry a wife, nothing but Christian wisedome so assisted, as is expressed before, can shew mee which is the woman. /

Cap. 7.

Answering Objections against the maine bodie of the worke.

I. Objection, from experi­ ence of the ill successe of Colonies.

Objection I. All experience is against the hope and good successe of Colonies; much money, and many mens lives have beene spent upon Virginia, St. Christophers, New­ found-land, &c. with no proportionable successe, and what reason have wee to expect other event of this. Answer. To speake nothing of particulars, which perhaps might occasion some distaste, I denie not but the ends which they proposed may be good and war­ rantable; men may set before themselves civill respects, as advancement of the Nation, and hope and expectation of gaine, which perhaps hath either wholly set on, or strongly swayed these lately undertaken Colonies: But I conceive where the service of the Church, and respect unto the advancement of the Gospell is predominant, we may with greater assiurance depend upon Gods engagement in the worke, and consequently expect a prosperous successe from his hand. Besides, why may not English Plantations thrive as well as Dutch. Where and when have their Colonies failed. To speake nothing of the East-Indies, even this which they have setled in New-England upon Hudsons River with no / extraordinary charge or multitude of people, is knowne to subsist in a comfortable manner, and to promise fairely both to the State and undertakers. The cause is evident: The men whom they carrie, though they be not many, are well chosen and knowne to be usefull and serviceable; and they second them with seasonable and fit sup­ plies, cherishing them as carefully as their owne families, and employ them in profitable labours, that are knowne to be of speciall use to their comfortable subsisting: Let us follow them in these steps, and there will be no question of the like or better successe. But if wee unadvisedly thrust over men of whom wee could never make good use at home, and when we have done, neglect and expose them to want and extremities, and leave them to shift for themselves there, or

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follow a preposterous course, to expect gaine from them before they have taken roote; we can looke for nothing else but the ruine and subversion of all at last. Now upon this ground to have prejudicate thoughts of Colonies before they be undertaken, is not so much to taxe men as God that hath set men a taske to consume and overthrow them. Reply. But such publike workes cannot be mannaged but by a publicke purse; Colo­ nies are workes for a State, and not for private persons, a good treasure being the sinewes of them; and that is the true cause of their miscarriage: for what can wisedome doe where it wants a sufficient subject / to worke upon, or instru­ ments to worke withall. Answer. I grant Colonies are best undertaken by Princes, assisted with the strength of a whole State: yet what may be done in Colonies by private persons, the Dutch have discovered in part already in their Plantation in New-England,3 and may (by Gods blessing) in short time appeare in this lately undertaken Colonie of the English in the same Country: Of which we have reason to be some what the more confident by the experience of our bordering neighbours of New-Plim­ mouth, who (notwithstanding they were men of weake estate, and encountred many disasters in their first arrivall, and since in some of their adventures home­ wards) are growne up into a good firme compacted body, living and subsisting though not in a flourishing estate, yet in a good convenient and comfortable condition. As for this which is of a farre greater bulke, if it might please God to move the hearts of well disposed persons to assist the poorer sort of thē with some reasonable annual supply, or some present sum of money, by which they may be eased in some of their generall burthens, as transportation and mainte­ nance of Ministers and some other publicke persons, erecting of Churches and buildings for publicke use, and the like, untill the fruites of their labours may yeeld them sufficient for publicke and private supplies, which would be effected within a few yeares; there / would be no question of a flourishing State there in convenient time by the concurrence of Gods ordinary blessing. In this duties if we be wanting unto them, there will be great cause to suspect, that the exception against the worke, for the insupportable burthen of the charge, is but a faire pre­ text to colour our feare of our owne purses, which many are more faithfull unto, than unto the service of God and of his Church. Obiection 2. But the pretended end of winning the Heathen to the knowledge of God and embracing of the faith of Christ, is a meere fantasie, and a worke not onely

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of uncertaine but unlikely successe, as appeares by our fruitlesse endeavours that way, both in Virginia and New-England, where New-Plimmouth men inhabiting now these ten yeares, are not able to give account of any one man converted to Christianity. Answer. And no marvell, unlesse God should worke by miracle; neither can it be expected that worke should take effect untill we may be more perfectly acquainted with their language, and they with ours. Indeede it is true, both the Natives and English understand so much of one anothers language, as may ena­ ble them to trade one with another, and fit them for conference about things that are subject to outward sense; and so they understand our use in keeping the Sabbath day, / observe our reverence in the worship of God, are some what acquainted with the morall precepts; know that adultery, theft, murther and lying are forbidden, which nature teacheth, because these things are outward, and may bee understood almost by sense: But how shall a man expresse unto them things meerely spirituall, which have no affinity with sense, unlesse wee were throughly acquainted with their language, and they with ours; neither can we in theirs, or they in our tongue utter any continued speech, because neither we nor they understand the moods, tenses, cases, numbers, præpositions, adver­ bes, &c. which make coherence in words, and expresse a perfect sense. Besides, it hath beene intimated that wee hardly have found a brutish people wonne before they had beene taught civility. So wee must endeavour and expect to worke that in them first, and Religion afterwards. Amongst such as have beene brought over into England from Virginia there was one Nanawack, a youth sent over by the Lo. De Laware, when hee was Governour there, who comming over and living here a yeare or two in houses where hee heard not much of Religion, but saw and heard many times examples of drinking, swearing, and like evills, remained as hee was a meere Pagan; but after removed into a godly family, hee was strangely altered, grew to understand the principles of Religion, learned to reade, delighted in the Scriptures, Sermons, Prayers, and other Christian duties, / wonderfully bewailed the state of his Countrymen, especially his brethren; and gave such testimonies of his love to the truth, that hee was thought fit to be baptised: but being pre­ vented by death, left behinde such testimonies of his desire of Gods favour, that it mooved such godly Christians as knew him, to conceive well of his condition; neither is there any cause to doubt but time may bring on in others, as well as it did in him, that which wee expect upon a sodaine in vaine.

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Reply. But some conceive the Inhabitants of New-England to be Chams posterity, and consequently shutout from grace by Noahs curse, till the conversion of the Iewes be past at least. Answer. How doe they appeare to be Chams posterity whose sonnes by the agree­ ment of Writers, tooke up their dwellings together in Canaan, Palestina, and the parts adjoyning in Arabia, Egypt, Mauritania, Lybia, and other bordering parts of Africke, and consequently for any footsteps of their descents appearing unto us, might bee as farre from peopling the West Indies, as any other part of the posteritie of Noahs sonnes. Neither doe mens conjectures agree, (for wee have no certainties to build on) whence these Countries of the parts of America towards New-England might most probably be peopled. But admit the Inhabitants to be Chams posteritie, doth not the Prophet Esay foretell the conversion of / Chams posterity in Egypt, performed in the Primitive times, all histories witnessing that the Egyptians had amongst them a Church of eminent note, governed by divers Bishops under the Patriarch of Alexandria? And who knowes not the numerous Churches of Africke, wherein were above 160 Bishops in St. Austins time, gov­ erning sundry Nations, all of them of Chams posteritie? But what testimonie of Scripture, or ground of reason from Scripture, layes such a fearefull curse upon all Chams posteritie? Noahs curse reacheth but to one branch, to Canaan, and as Interpreters conceive, with especiall relation to the extirpation of that part of his issue which inhabited Iudea, by the children of Israel. It is too much boldness then to curse where God hath not cursed, and shut out those from the meanes of grace, whom God hath not excluded. Obiection 3. But admit the English might be thought fit to plant a Colony in New-Eng­ land, yet this time is unfit, in this troubled condition of the Church; it were more convenient for men to keepe close together, than to scatter abroad, that so they might be the more able to resist the common enemie. This withdrawing of our selves in time of so great hazard betrayes weaknesse of heart, and proclaimes our despaire of the cause of Religion, which the godly entertaine with sad hearts, and the Iesuites with smiling countenances. / Answer. It is reported that when Annibal lay before Rome, it discouraged him much in his hopes of taking the City, that at the same instant there marched out of the Citty at contrary gates under their colours an Armie of souldiers towards the sea, to be shipped & sent over for a supply into Spaine; for it argued the

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Romans feared him not, that durst spare a supplie of men to a Counttie so farre distant when the enemie lay at the gates: And it seemes to argue courage rather than feare, when in the weakest condition of the Church men testifie their hope and expectation of the enlargement of that Kingdome of Christ which wicked men and his enemies glorie that they have as good as conquered and subdued. I conceive those that engage themselves in this adventure are not so void of Reli­ gion as to conceive the scourge of God cannot reach them in New-England; or of reason, as to thinke New-England safer than olde. But they scatter and with­ draw themselves in a time of neede? Suppose the State were in such neede as is pretended in this objection, yet in such a popular Land, such a number as is employed in this worke is not very considerable; for I thinke no man conceives a thousand or two thousand men are of any great weight to sway the ballance, when so many great stones lie in the skales. Againe, that wherein they seeme to be most usefull to us is their prayers, which (according to their profession and promise) they will performe in absence, as if they, / were present with us. And if any other way their service be required, as they holde themselves bound, so will they at all times doe their uttermost for the discharge of their dutie to this their native Country. And lastly, by that time all the particulars of this Treatise are well weighted, it will be found that their employment there for the present is not inconvenient, and for the future may prove beneficiall to this State. Obiection 4. It may be, passing over of two thousand or three thousand persons will be of no great moment, and so many might be spared; but some mens examples draw­ ing on others, and there being no stint or limits set unto mens itching humours after this new worke, we know not where to expect any end; and what conse­ quents may follow the issuing out of great multitudes, especially on a sodaine, it is easie to conjecture. Answer. If that should be a true and reall feare, and not a pretence, I should much wonder that any man should have so little insight into the disposition of his owne Country-men. Howsoever some men are content to remove from their dwellings, and to leave their beloved Countrie and friends, let no man conceive we shall finde over-many of that humour: We are knowne too well to the world to love the smoake of our owne chimneyes so well, that hopes of great advantages are not likely / to draw many of us from home: And that evidently appeares by the different habits and affections of the mindes of men unto this voyage. Some pittie the exposing of their friends, or such unto whom for the report of their honestie and religion they wish well, unto so many dangers and inconveniences; others and the most part scoffe at their folly; a third sort murmure and grudge

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that they are abandoned and forsaken by them: and good men dispute the warrant of their undertaking this worke, and will not be convinced. It may be, private interests may prevaile with some; One brother may draw over another, a sonne the father, and perhaps some man his inward acquaintance; but let no man feare the over-hasty removall of multitudes of any of estate or abilitie. As for the poorer sort it is true, many of them that want meanes to maintaine them at home, would be glad to passe over into New-England to finde a better condition there; but by what meanes will they be transported, or provided of necessaries for so chargeable a journey: and without such provisions they will be found very unwelcome to such as are alreadie planted there. Besides, it cannot be doubted but the State will be so watchfull as not to suffer any prejudice unto it selfe, if the numbers of those that leave her should increase too fast. If the State should be slacke, even those that now allow the passing over of some good and usefull men, when the number is growen to an indifferent proportion will of themselves be carefull to / restraine the rest as farre as their counsell and advice can prevaile. The truth is when some 800 or 1000 families are seated there, the Colonie will be best filled up with youthes and girles, which must be continually drawne over to supply the roomes of men-servants and maid-servants, which will marry away daily, and leave their Masters destitute. But it may be justly admired, what the cause should be that men of contrary mindes should so strangely concurre in the jealousies and dislikes of this worke, neither opposing any of the former Colo­ nies, where of the least (I meane Virginia, Barmudas, and St. Christophers) drew away two for one of those which are yet passed over to New-England; unlesse it be that the best workes finde commonly worst entertainment amongst men. Obiection 5. It is objected by some, that religion indeede and the colour thereof is the cloake of this work, but under it is secretly harboured faction and separation from the Church. Men of ill affected mindes (they conceive) unwilling to joyne any longer with our assemblies, meane to draw themselves apart, and to unite into a body of their owne, and to make that place a nursery of faction and rebel­ lion, disclaiming and renouncing our Church as a limbe of Antichrist. Answer. A man might justly hope that the letter subscribed / with the hands of the Governour and his associates, wherein they acknowledge the grace they have received, unto this Church; professe their resolution to sympathize and share with her in good and evill, and desire heartily her prayers: would sway and beare downe the ballance against all groundlesse surmises and guesses at mens intentions. What rule of charity will allow jealousies perhaps of an evill affected minde, and it may be ignorant either of the persons whom it censures, or man­

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ner of their carriage, suspecting and designing evill and dangerous resolutions in the undertakers, to sway against the joynt asseveration of so many godly men of good estimation, (who are privie to their owne intentions,) that affirme the con­ trary: Love (saith the Apostle) thinketh no evill, that is, without ground; nay it hopeth all things, though there be some appearance to the contrary; and beleeveth all things, easily and willingly, when they are cleared and made manifest. But if the words and protestations of men carrie no credit with us, let us a little scanne the probabilities which might informe our judgement, and give light unto their intentions. The first thing which I would tender unto men of indifferent mindes, is the carriage of these persons in their owne Country in former times. The men are knowne, and the places of their dwellings: Have they heretofore while they dwelt among us appeared to be men of turbulent or factious dispositions, impatient of the present / government? Where or how have they beene convinced, and in what of any such crime? Have they separated from our Assemblies, refused our Ministery, or the joyning with us in the worship and service of God? let the men be produced and named. Now if their conversation have beene peaceable in times past, how are they become factious upon a sodaine? if there have beene unity among us heretofore, what hath stirred up the spirit of division? It were an unreasonable taske to undertake the defence of every one, it is not easie to finde twelve Disciples without one Iudas; and yet if some one or two, or ten should be found in this number factiously enclined, it were hard measure to condemne a whole Society for ten mens sakes that are mixed with them. Suppose wee should finde ten drunkards in the company, as I make no question wee may easily finde more; were it charitie to cast a scandall upon all the companie, that they are an assembly of drunkards? I perswade my selfe there is no one Separatist knowne unto the Governours, or if there be any, that it is as farre from their purpose as it is from their safety, to continue him amongst them. Obiection. Yea but if they doe not separate, yet they dislike our discipline and ceremo­ nies, and so they will prove themselves semi-separatists at least, and that is their intention in removing from us, that they may free themselves from our govern­ ment. / Answer. I conceive we doe and ought to put a great difference betweene Separation, and Non-conformity; the first we judge as evill in it selfe, so that whosoever shall denie us to be a Church, either of our owne men, or strangers of another Nation, we cannot beare it: but other Churches that conforme not to our orders and ceremonies we dislike not, onely we suffer it not in our owne; not that we

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adjudge the disusing of ceremonies simply evill, but onely evill in our owne men, because wee conceive it is joyned with some contempt of our authority, and may tend to a rent in the Church: But yet neither can this imputation be charged justly on our New-England Colonie; If the men were well scanned, I conceive it may be with good assurance maintained, that at least three parts of foure of the men there planted, are able to justifie themselves to have lived in a constant course of conformity unto our Church government and orders. Yea but they are weary of them now, and goe over with an intention to cast them off ? Intentions are secret, who can discover them; but what have they done to manifest such an intention? What intelligence have they held one with another to such purpose? There passed away about 140 persons out of the western parts from Plimmouth, of which I conceive there were not sixe knowne either by face or same to any of the rest. What subscription or solemne agreement haue they made before hand to binde themselves unto such a resolution? If that were forborne for feare of discovery, yet it concerned / those who had such an intention to be well assured of a Governour that might effectually further their purposes: Mr. Io. Winthrop,4 whom they have all chosen, (and that not the multitude, but all the men of best account amongst them) is sufficiently knowne in the place where he long lived, a publicke person, and consequently of the more observation to have beene every way regular and conformable in the whole course of his practise. Yea but they have taken Ministers with them that are knowne to be unconformable, and they are the men that will sway in the orders of the Church? Neither all nor the greatest part of the Ministers are unconformable. But how shall they prevent it? What Minister among us well seated in a good living, or in faire expectance of one, will be content to leave a certaine maintenance, to expose himselfe to the manifold hazards of so long a journey, to rest upon the providence of God, when all is done, for provision for himselfe and his family? Pardon them if they take such Ministers as they may have, rather than none at all. Hath any conformable Minister of worth, and fit for that employment, tendred his service, whom they have rejected? No man can affirme they have taken such out of choise rather than necessity, unlesse it be manifested where they have refused others whom they might have had. But there are some unconformable men amongst them, yea and men of worse condition too? And if there were no drunkards nor covet­ ous persons nor vicious any way, it would and might justly / move all the world to admiration. But there is great oddes betweene peaceable men, who out of tendernesse of heart forbeare the use of some ceremonies of the Church, (whom this State in some things thinkes fit to winke at, and it may be would doe more if it were assured of their temper) and men of fiery and turbulent spirits, that walke in a crosse way out of distemper of minde. Now suppose some of those men that (knowing the disposition of their owne mindes, how unable they are to bring their hearts to answer the course of our Churches practise in all things) consider

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that their contrary practise gives distaste to government, and occasions some disturbance unto the Churches peace, upon that ground withdraw themselves for quietnesse sake: Would not such dispositions be cherished with great ten­ dernesse? And surely, as farre as guesse by circumstances may leade us, we have more cause to thinke that they are so minded than otherwise; because this will certainly be the consequent of their going out from amongst us, which they can­ not but foresee: and if they had meant otherwise, their way had beene to remaine in the midst of us as thornes in our eyes, and prickes in our sides, and not to depart from us: seeing wee know it is the remaining of the thorne in the midst of the flesh which torments; the plucking it out, and casting it away breedes ease and quietnesse. I should be very unwilling to hide any thing I thinke might be fit to discover the uttermost of the intentions of our Planters in their voyage / to New-England, and therefore shall make bold to manifest not onely what I know, but what I guesse concerning their purpose. As it were absurd to conceive they have all one minde, so were it more ridiculous to imagine they have all one scope. Neces­ sitie may presse some; Noveltie draw on others; hopes of gaine in time to come may prevaile with a third sort: but that the most and most sincere and godly part have the advancement of the Gospel for their maine scope I am confident. That of them, some may entertaine hope and expectation of enjoying greater libertie there than here in the use of some orders and Ceremonies of our Church it seemes very probable. Nay more then that, it is not improbable, that partly for their sakes, and partly for respect to some Germans that are gone ouer with them, and more that intend to follow after, euen those which otherwise would not much desire innovation of themselves, yet for the maintaining of peace and unitie, (the onely foder of a weake unsetled body will) be wonne to consent to some variation from the formes & customes of our Church. Nay I see not how we can expect from them a correspondence in all things to our State civill or Eccle­ siasticall: Wants and necessities cannot but cause many changes. The Churches in the Apostles & in the setled times of peace afterwards were much different in many outward formes. In the maine of their carriage two things may moue them to vary much from us. Respect to the Heathen, before whom it concernes them to shew much pietie, sobrietie, and austeritie; and the consideration / of their owne necessities will certainely enforce them to take away many things that we admit, and to introduce many things that wee reject, which perhaps will minister much matter of sport and scorne unto such as have Relations of these things, and that represented unto them with such additions as fame usually weaves into all reports at the second and third hands. The like by this their varying in civill Con­ versation, wee may expect of the alteration of some things in Church affayres. It were bootlesse to expect that all things will or can be at the first forming of a rude and incohærent body, as they may be found in time to come; and it were strange

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and a thing that never yet happened, if wee should heare a true report of all things as they are. But that men are farre enough from projecting the erecting of this Colony for a Nursery of Schismatickes, will appeare by the ensuing faithfull and unpartiall Narration of the first occasions, beginning, and progresse of the whole worke, layd before the eyes of all that desire to receive satisfaction, by such as have beene privie to the very first conceiving and contriving of this project of planting this Colony, and to the severall passages that have happened since, who also in that they relate, consider they have the searcher of all hearts and observer of all mens wayes witnesse of the truth and falsehood that they deliver. About ten yeares since a company of English, part out of the Low-Countryes, and some out of / London, and other parts, associating themselves into one body, with an intention to plant in Virginia: in their passage thither being taken short by the winde, in the depth of Winter the whole ground being under Snow, were forced with their provisions to land themselves in New-England upon a small Bay beyond Mattachusets, in the place which they now inhabit and call by the name of New-Plimmouth. The ground being covered a foote thicke with snow, and they being without shelter, and having amongst them divers Women and Children, no marvell if, they lost some of their company, it may bee won­ dered how they saved the rest. But notwithstanding this sharpe encounter at the first, and some miscarriages afterward, yet, (conceiving Gods providence had directed them unto that place, and finding great charge and difficultie in removing) they resolved to fixe themselves there; and being assisted by some of their friends in London, having passed over most of the greatest difficulties that usually encounter new Planters, they beganne to subsist at length in a reasonable comfortable manner being notwithstanding men but of meane and weake estates of themselves. And after a yeares experience or two of the Soyle and Inhabitants, sent home tydings of both, and of their well-being there, which occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place, and to take it into consideration. / About the yeare 1623. some Westerne Marchants (who had continued a trade of fishing for Cod and bartering for Furres in those parts for divers yeares before) conceiving that a Colony planted on the Coast might further them in those employments, bethought themselves how they might bring that project to effect, and communicated their purpose to others, alledging the conveniency of compassing their project with a small charge, by the opportunitie of their fish­ ing trade, in which they accustomed to double-man their Ships, that (by the helpe of many hands) they might dispatch their Voyage, and lade their Ship with Fish while the fishing season lasted, which could not be done with a bare sayling company. Now it was conceived, that the fishing being ended, the spare men that were above their necessary saylers, might be left behind with provisions for a yeare; and when that Ship returned the next yeare, they might assist them in fish­ ing, as they had done the former yeare; and, in the meane time, might employ

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themselves in building, and planting Corne, which with the provisions of Fish, Foule, and Venison, that the Land yeelded, would affoord them the chiefe of their foode. This Proposition of theirs tooke so well, that it drew on divers per­ sons, to joyne with them in this project, the rather because it was conceived that not onely their owne Fishermen, but the rest of our Nation that went thither on the same errand, might be much advantaged, not onely by fresh victuall, which that Colony might spare them in time, but withall, and more, / by the benefit of their Ministers labours, which they might enjoy during the fishing season; whereas otherwise being usually upon those Voyages nine or ten moneths in the yeare, they were left all the while without any meanes of instruction at all. Compassion towards the Fishermen, and partly some expectation of gaine, pre­ vailed so farre that for the planting of a Colony in New-England there was raised a Stocke of more then three thousand pounds, intended to be payd in in fiue yeares, but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time. How this Stocke was employed, and by what errours and over-sights it was wasted, is I confesse not much pertinent to this subject in hand: Notwithstand­ ing, because the knowledge thereof may be of use for other mens direction, let me crave leave in a short Digression to present vnto the Readers view, the whole order of the managing of such monies as were collected, with the successe and issue of the businesse vndertaken.

CHAP. VIII. A digression manifesting the successe of the Plantation intended by the Westerne men. THe first imployment then of this new raised Stocke, was in buying a small Ship of fiftie tunnes, which was with as much speed as might be dispatched towards New-England vpon a Fishing Voyage: / the charge of which Ship with a new sute of sayles and other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more then three hundred pound. Now by reason the Voyage was vndertaken too late; shee came at least a moneth or six weekes later then the rest of the Fishing-Shippes, that went for that Coast; and by that meanes wanting Fish to make up her lading, the Master thought good to passe into Mattachusets bay, to try whether that would yeeld him any, which he performed, and speeding there, better then he had reason to expect: having left his spare men behind him in the Country at Cape Ann, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spaine, and so home. The charge of this Voyage, with provision for foureteene spare men left in the Countrey, amounted to above eight hundred pound, with the three hundred pound expended vpon the Shippe, mentioned before. And the whole provenue (besides the Ship which remained to us still) amounted not to above

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two hundred pound; So the expence above the returne of that voyage came to 600li and vpwards. The next yeare was brought to the former Ship a Flemish Fly-boat of about 140. tunnes, which being unfit for a Fishing Voyage, as being built meerly for burthen, and wanting lodging for the men which shee needed for such an employment, they added unto her another deck (which seldome proves well with Flemish buildings) by which meanes shee was carved so high, that shee proved walt, and unable to beare any sayle: so that before shee could passe on upon her Voyage, they were / faine to shift her first, and put her upon a better trimme, and after wardes that proving to little purpose to vnlade her, and take her vp and furre her. Which notwithstanding it were performed with as much speede as might be, yet the yeare was aboue a moneth too far spent before she could dispatch to set to Sea againe. And when she arived in the Country, being directed by the Master of the smaller Ship (vpon the successe of his former yeares Voyage) to fish at Cape Anne not far from Mattachusets Bay, sped very ill, as did also the smaller Ship that led her thither, and found little Fish, so that the greater Ship returned with little more then a third part of her lading: and came backe (contrary to her order by which she was consigned to Bordeaux) directly for England: so that the Company of Aduenturers was put to a new charge to hire a small Shippe to carrie that little quantitie of Fish shee brought Home to Market. The charge of this Voyage with both the ships, amounted to about two thou­ sand two hundred pounds: whereof eight hundred pounds and upward must be accounted for the building, and other charges about the greater Ship. By these two Ships were left behinde in the Country about thirtie-two men, the charges of whose wages and provision, amounted to at the least fiue hundred pounds of the summe formerly mentioned. The provenue of both the Voyages that yeare exceeded not the summe of fiue hundred pounds at the most. / The third yeare 1625. both Ships with a small Vessell of fortie tuns which carried Kine with other prouisions, were againe set to Sea upon the same Voyage with the charge of two thousand pounds, of which summe the Company bor­ rowed, & became indebted for one thousand pounds and upwards. The great Ship being commanded by a uery able Master, hauing passed on about two hun­ dred leagues in her Voyage, found her selfe so leake by the Carpenters fault, (that looked not well to her Calking) that she bare up the Helme and returned for Waymouth, & having unladen her provisions and mended her leake, set her selfe to Sea againe, resolving to take aduice of the Windes whether to passe on her former Voyage or to turne into New-found-land, which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent, that the Master and Company dispaired of doing any good in New-England: where the Fish falls in two or three mounths sooner then at New-found land. There she tooke Fish good store and much more then she

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could lade home: the overplus should have beene sold and deliuered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there if the Voyage had beene well mannaged. But that could not be done by reason that the Ship before she went was not certaine where to make her Fish; by this accident it fell out that a good quantitie of the Fish she tooke was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another Ship. At the returne of the Ships that yeare, Fish by reason of our warres with Spaine / falling to a very low rate; the Company endevoured to send the greater Ship for France: but she being taken short with a contrary Winde in the West-Country, and intelligence given in the meane time that those Markets were over-laid, they were enforced to bring her backe againe, and to sell her Fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the Fish of the smaller Ship, the New-England Fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale or there about; the New-found-land Fish at six shillings foure pence the hundred, of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised vpon it after the Ships returne: by this reason the Fish which at a Market in all likely-hood might have yeelded well nigh two thousand pounds, amounted not with all the Provenue of the Voyage to aboue eleaven hundred pounds. Vnto these losses by Fishing were added two other no small disaduantages, the one in the Country by our Land-Men, who being ill chosen and ill com­ manded, fell into many disorders and did the Company little seruice: The other by the fall of the price of Shipping, which was now abated to more then the one halfe, by which meanes it came to passe, that our Ships which stood vs in little lesse then twelue hundred pounds, were sold for foure hundred and eighty pounds. The occasions and meanes then of wasting this stocke are apparently these. First, the ill choice of the place for fishing; the next, the ill carriage of our men at Land, who having stood vs in two yeares and a halfe in well nigh one thousand / pound charge, never yeelded one hundred pound profit. The last the ill sales of Fish and Shipping. By all which the Aduenturers were so far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prosecution of this Designe, and tooke order for the dissoluing of the company on Land, and sold away their Shipping and other Provisions. Two things withall may be intimated by the way, the first, that the very project it selfe of planting by the helpe of a fishing Voyage, can never answer the successe that it seemes to promise (which experienced Fisher-men easily have foreseene before hand, and by that meanes have preuented divers ensuing errors) whereof amongst divers other reasons these may serue for two. First that no sure fishing place in the Land is fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing, at least neere the Shoare. And secondly, rarely any Fisher-men will worke at Land, neither are Husband-men fit for Fisher-men but with long vse & experience. The second thing to be obserued is, that nothing new fell out in

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the managing of this stocke seeing experience hath taught vs that as in building houses the first stones of the foundation are buried vnder ground, and are not seene, so in planting Colonies, the first stockes employed that way are consumed, although they serue for a foundation to the worke. /

CHAP. IX.

The undertaking and prosecution of the Colony by the Londoners.

BVT to returne to our former subject from which we digressed. Vpon the mani­ festation of the Westerne Aduenturers resolution to give off their worke, most part of the Land-men being sent for, returned; but a few of the most honest and industrious resolved to stay behinde and to take charge of the Cattell sent over the yeare before; which they performed accordingly: and not likeing their seate at Cape Anne chosen especially for the supposed commoditie of fishing, they transported themselues to Nahum-keike, about foure or fiue leagues distant to the South-west from Cape Anne. Some then of the Aduenturers that still continued their desire to set forwards the Plantation of a Colony there; conceiving that if some more Cattell were sent over to those few Men left behinde; they might not onely be a meanes of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already in the Country; but of inviting some other of their Friends and Acquaintance to come over to them: aduentured to send over twelue Kine and Buls more. And conferring casually with some Gentlemen of London, moved them to adde vnto them as many more. By which occasion the businesse came to agitation a-fresh in London, and being at / first approved by some and disliked by others, by argument and disputation it grew to be more vulgar. In so much, that some men shewing some good affection to the worke, and offering the helpe of their purses, if fit men might be procured to goe over; Enquiry was made whither any would be willing to engage their persons in the Voyage: by this enquiry it fell out that among others they lighted at last on Master Endecott, a man well knowne to divers persons of good note: who manifested much willingnesse to accept of the offer as soone as it was tendered: which gaue great encouragement to such as were upon the point of resolution to set on this worke, of erecting a new Colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers persons having subscribed for the raising of a reasonable Summe of Mony: A Patent was granted with large encouragements every way by his most Excellent Maiestie. Master Endecott was sent over Governour assisted with a few men, and arriving in safety there, in September 1618. and uniting his owne men with those which were formerly planted in the Country, into one body, they made up in all not much above fiftie or sixtie persons. His prosperous Iourney and safe arrivall of himselfe and all his Company, and good report which he sent backe of the

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Country, gave such encouragement to the worke, that more Adventurers joyn­ ing with the first Vndertakers, and all engaging themselues more deepely for the prosecution of the Designe; they sent over the next yeare about three hundred persons more, most seruants, / with a conuenient proportion of rother Beasts, to the number of sixty or seventy or there about and some Mares and Horses, of which the Kine came safe for the most part; but the greater part of the Horses dyed, so that there remained not above twelue or foureteen alive. By this time the often agitation of this affayre in sundry parts of the Kingdome, the good report of Captaine Endecotts Governement and the encrease of the Colony began to awaken the Spirits of some Persons of competent estates, not formerly engaged, considering that they lived either without any vsefull employment at home, and might be more seruiceable in assisting the planting of a Colony in New-England, tooke at last a resolution to unite themselues for the prosecution of that worke: And as it usually falls out; some other of their acquaintance, seeing such men of good estates engaged in the Voyage, some for love to their persons, and others upon other respects united unto them, which together made up a competent number (perhaps far lesse then is reported) and embarked themselues for a Voy­ age to New-England, where I hope they are long since safely arrived. This is an unpartiall, though briefe Relation of the occasion of planting of this Colony. The particulars whereof, if they could be entertained, were cleare enough to any indifferent judgement, that the suspicious and scandalous reports raysed upon these Gentlemen and their friends (as if under the colour of planting a Colony they intended to rayse and erect a seminary of faction and separation) / are nothing else but the fruits of jealousie of some distempered minde, or which is worse, perhaps, favour of a desperate malicious plot of men ill affected to Reli­ gion, endeavouring by casting the vndertakers into the jealousie of State, to shut them out of those advantages which otherwise they doe and might expect from the Countenance of Authoritie. Such men would be entreated to forbeare that base and unchristian course of traducing innocent persons, under these odious names of Separatists and enemies to the Church and State, for feare least their owne tongues fall upon themselves by the justice of his hand who will not fayle to cleare the innocency of the just, and to cast backe into the bosome of every slaunderer the filth that he rakes up to throw in other means faces. As for men of more indifferent and better tempered mindes, they would be seriously advised to beware of entertaining and admitting, much more countenancing and crediting such uncharitable persons as discover themselves by their carriage, and that in this particular, to be men ill affected towards the worke it selfe, if not to Religion (at which it aymes) and consequently unlikely to report any truth of such as undertake it. /

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CHAP. X.

The Conclusion of the whole Treatise.

NOw for the better preventing of such suspicions and jealousies, and the ill affections to this Worke, that may arise thereupon; two things are earnestly requested of such as passe their Censures upon it, or the persons that under­ take it. The first is, that although in this barren and corrupt age wherein we live, all our actions are generally swayed and carryed on by private interests; in so much as sincere intentions of furthering the common good; (grounded upon that love through which wee are commanded to serve one another) be the won­ ders of men; notwithstanding men would not thinke it impossible, that the love which waxeth cold and dyeth in the most part, yet may revive and kindle in some mens hearts: and that there may be found some that may neglect their ease and profit to doe the Church good and God service, out of a sincere love and affec­ tion to Gods honour and the Churches good. Why may not wee conceive that God may prevaile upon the hearts of his servants, to set them on as effectually to seeke the inlargement of his kingdome; as a blind zeale fomented by the art and subtiltie of Satan may thrust on Priests and Jesuites, and their partisans, to engage their persons and estates for the advancing of the Devils Kingdome; Or if in the Worlds infancy, men out / of an ambitious humour, or at present for private advantages and expectation of gaine, thrust themselves out from their owne dwellings into parts farre remote from their native soyle; why should not we conceive, that if they doe this for a corruptible crowne; that the desire and expectation of an incorruptible (the reward of such as deny themselves for the service of God and his Church) may as strongly allure such as by patient continu­ ance in well-doing, seeke immortalitie & life? And yet the favourable conceits that men entertaine of such as follow in all their actions the wayes of their private gaine, and the jealousies that they are apt to entertaine of such as pretend onely the advancement of the Gospell, manifestly argue that the generall opinion of the world is that some may be true to themselves and the advancement of their owne private estates, but hardly any to God and his Church. I should be very unwilling to thinke, they cherish this suspition upon that ground that moved that sensuall Emperour to beleeve that no man was cleane or chaste in any part of his body, because himselfe was defiled and uncleane in all. This is then the first favour that is desired, of such as consider this action, to beleeve that it is neither impossible nor unlikely that these mens intentions are truely and really such as they pretend, and not collours and cloakes for secret dangerous purposes, which they closely harbour in their breasts, especially when all apparant circumstances concurre to justifie the contrary. /

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The next request that is presented to all indifferent minded men is; that they would be pleased to set before their eyes that which hath beene alreadie mentioned, that as there followed the children of Israel a mixt multitude out of Egypt, so it is probable there may doe these men out of England, and that of divers tempers: some perhaps men of hot and fiery spirits, making change and innovation their scope, may conceive that (when they see that for the desire and care of preserving unitie and love, and taking away occasions of offence to tender consciences, some changes and alterations are yeelded unto) they have gained what they expect, and may as fondly triumph in their supposed Victory, as if they had overthrowne all order and discipline; as they doe absurdly mistake the grounds and ends which the course of Government proposeth and aymeth at: and thereupon in their Relations to their friends, represent things not as they are really done and intended, but as they apprehend them in their fantasies. Others there will be that prooving refractary to Government, expecting all libertie in an unsetled body; and finding the restraint of Authority, contrary to expectation, in their discontented humours, meeting with no other way of revenge, may be ready to blemish the Government with such scandalous reports as their mali­ cious spirits can devise and utter. Now although some say, that malice is a good informer, notwithstanding no wise or good man admits it for a fit Iudge; if therefore men will be / pleased to forbeare the over-hastie beliefe of such reports, as shall be sent over or given out, either by men of foolish and weake mindes or distempered humors, untill they receive more assured satisfaction from such as understand and are acquainted with the grounds and secret passages of the affayres of Government, they shall keepe their owne hearts upon the even-ballance of a right judgement, and pro­ vide for the innocency of those upon whom they passe their censure. If by these meanes jealousies and suspitions may be prevented, I make no question but the relations which this Worke hath both to the State and Church, will upon mature advise so farre prevaile with all well-minded men, as to move them not onely to affoord their prayers for the prosperous successe of this new planted Colony, that from small and contemptible beginnings, it may grow to a setled and well formed Church; but with all their best furtherance, Consilio, auxilio, re, by advise, friends, and purses. Which howsoever the principalls of this worke, out of their modestie, crave not, yet the necessary burdens which so weightie an undertaking chargeth them withall, will certainely inforce them to need, whatsoever men judge to the contrary. Neither is or will the burden be intolerable to this State; A common stocke of ten thousand pound may be sufficient to support the weight of generall charges of transporting and main­ taining Ministers, Schoole-Masters, Commanders for Warres; and erecting of such / buildings as will be needfull for publique use for the present; and for time to come it cannot be questioned but the Colony it selfe having once

[White], The Planters Plea

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taken roote, when mens labours beginne to yeeld them any fruit, will be found sufficient to beare her own burden. Alas, what were it for a Marchant or a Gen­ tleman of reasonable estate, to disburse twentie-fiue pound or fiftie pound, for the propagating of the Gospell, who casts away in one yeare much more upon superfluities in apparell, dyet, buildings, &c: and let men seriously weigh and consider with themselves, whether a worke of so great importance, so neerely concerning Gods honour, and the service of the Church calling upon them (as Lazarus upon Dives) for some of the wast of their superfluous expences; if they lend a deafe eare to the motion, will not assuredly plead strongly against them at the barre of Christs judgement-feate at the last day? Nay, what a scorne would it be to the Religion we professe, that we should refuse to purchase the propaga­ tion of it at so easie a rate, when the Popish partie charge themselves with such excessiue expences; for the advancement of idolatry and superstition? Its true, it will be valued at a low rate, that the Colony is able to returne you againe by way of recompence; perhaps the enjoying of such immunities and priviledges, as his Majestie hath beene pleased to grant unto them, and an hundred or two hundred acres of Land to every man that shall disburse twentie-fiue pound, and so for more proportionablie, for the / raising of the common Stocke; yet their posteritie (if not themselves) may have cause in time to come, to acknowledge it a good purchase that was made at so low a rate: but if they lend, looking for nothing againe, wee know the promise Luk. 6. 35. he is no looser, that hath made God his debter.

FINIS.

Your reward shall be great, and you shall be the children of the Highest Luk. 6. 35.

MEADOWS, ‘OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING

THE DOMINION AND SOVERAIGNTY OF THE

SEAS’

Sir Philip Meadows, ‘Observations concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas’ (1673; London, 1689). British Library, Add. MS 30221, ff. 13–43.

George Benson, the Virginia Council and John White concerned themselves with the morality and practicalities of colonizing land. From the time of the Elizabethan sea dogs onwards, however, empire was equally obviously oceanic. In 1603, James VI of Scotland brought to England a Scottish, fishing-based con­ cepts of dominium (property) and imperium (sovereignty) over the British seas that was later employed by his son as an argument for ship money and later still was used against the Dutch during the interregnum. Yet this official policy of mare clausum (closed seas) was an interlude between eras of mare liberum (free seas), initially in the Elizabethan period and permanently from the Restoration. The predominance of the idea of free seas (which admittedly existed uneasily alongside the belief that Britannia ruled the waves) did not stop some com­ mentators from arguing for closed ones, however; beginning with John Dee’s General and Rare Memorials Pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation in 1577. In answer to Hugo Grotius’s Mare Liberum (1609), William Welwood pro­ duced An Abridgement of all Sea-Lawes (1613) and De Domino Maris (1615), which influenced John Selden’s Mare Clausum seu De Dominio Maris (1635), translated by Marchamont Nedham as Of the Dominion, or, Ownership of the Sea (1652), which in turn influenced Philip Meadows’s Observations concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas (1689), reprinted here.1 In 1653, Philip Meadows (c. 1626–1718) was appointed to the Council of State as Latin translator for John Milton and later the same year as assistant in foreign affairs to John Thurloe. The following year he helped secure a vital treaty as envoy to Portugal, and as ambassador to Denmark he helped negotiate the March 1657 Treaty of Roskilde that temporarily averted war in the Baltic, and was instrumental in early talks leading to the 1660 Treaty of Copenhagen. – 137 –

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He was knighted by Oliver Cromwell in 1658. Meadows retired from govern­ ment in 1660, though he otherwise suffered little from the Restoration, and was indeed knighted by Charles II in 1662. By the end of the decade he was informally advising the government on foreign affairs. He formally re-entered government after the Glorious Revolution, as commissioner for public accounts in 1692, commissioner for trade and plantations in 1695 and excise commis­ sioner in 1696, only retiring, a very old man, in December 1715. Meadows used his early experience and mid-career retirement to write, publishing A Narrative of the Principal Actions in the Wars betwixt Sweden and Denmark before and after the Roskilde Treaty (1677) and A Brief Enquiry into Leagues and Confederacies made betwixt Princes and Nations (1681).2 Mead­ ows presented his manuscript of Observations concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas to Charles II in 1673, with a dedication to Samuel Pepys added in January 1687 (Gregorian calendar). Originally written ‘as a Memo­ rial or Abstract of Sea-Affairs, to be communicated as Occasion Offered, to our Chief Ministers of State’ (below, p. 144), it was not published until 1689. Meadows employs a mixture of natural jurisprudence with historical treaties and customs to claim English dominion and sovereignty over the seas around the British coasts, as defined by James VI and I in 1604 (though he also dis­ cussed other possible bounds). While acknowledging that water could not be cultivated or occupied like land, a fundamental argument for mare liberum, Meadows establishes three equivalent criteria to assert sovereignty and domin­ ion: exclusion of foreign powers ‘from a General Liberty (without first Asking and Obtaining Special Licence) of puting out upon the British Seas Ships fit­ ted and Equipped for War’; from ‘Juridicial Cognizance of all Causes Civil and Criminal’; and ‘From a Right to Fish within those Seas without Special License’ (below, p. 148). Ever the diplomat, though, and a believer in consent and con­ tract, Meadows also employs his vast knowledge of laws, treaties and customs favouring English sovereignty and dominion from the Angevins to the later Stuarts, as foreigners ‘will Esteem it less Dishonour … to Comply with an old Title, then with a New Usurpation’ (below, p. 143). To avoid misunderstandings, and following a disused precedent established with the Dutch, Meadows advocates that foreign ships’ captains raise their flags and topsails to acknowledge English seaborne sovereignty. Finally, remarkably for someone who made his name and career under Cromwell, Meadows defines England’s sea sovereignty as ‘the Publick Property of the King, in Right of his Crown of England’, though he expressly wished not ‘to Unfix the Constitution at home’ (below, pp. 146, 141). Others, however, would make even stronger cases both for sovereignty and dominion of the sea and for royal prerogative therein.3

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Notes: 1. 2.

3.

D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), pp. 100–24. T. Venning, ‘Meadows, Sir Philip (bap. 1626, d. 1718)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 37, pp. 658–60. Armitage, Ideological Origins of the British Empire, pp. 121–2; K. MacMillan, Sovereignty and Possession in the English New World: The Legal Foundations of Empire, 1576–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 5–8, 17–48.

Observations concerning the Dominion

and Soveraignty of the Seas.

Composed by Sir. Philip Meadows

The Preface.

Shewing the Authors Design The following Discourse may Possibly, upon a Slight and Superficial View, seem to have some tendency towards the Diminution of the Rights of England, and consequently the Enlargement of those of other Governm.ts; but upon a Serious & Deliberate perusal, there will not Appear any Just Ground for Such Imputation. Tis Doubtless highly Commendable in a Subject, if, without intermedling to Unfix the Constitution at home, he can with some Judgement & convincing Reason Advance and Amplifie the Pretensions of the Crown abroad. If it be the part of a good Judge Ampliare Circum, Tis much more of a good Subject Ampliare Coronam; For We all Shine in the Glory of the Crown that is over Us, and even private Persons have Something of Lustre reflected on them from the Honour and Grandure of the Monarchy under which they Live. Upon which Acco:t M.r Selden has Excellently well deserved of the publique, by heightening the Sea Soveraignty of the Crown of England in his Elaborate Mare Clausum.1 A Treatise so full that he that would now Write upon the same Subject / will Add nothing to him; but will certainly incur the whole Censure of Writing an Iliad after Homer. But if all the Claims and Pretensions of the Crown of England, Supported by the Authorities & Allegations produced in that Book, shall be Vouched as the proper Standard and Measure of Right and Wrong betwixt Us & other Nations; If the Controverting thereof by them Shall be deemed and Invasion and Usur­ pation upon Us, and Consequently the just Cause and Foundation of a War; If what is well wrote must be fought for too, because not to be gained but by a longer Tool, than by a Pen; his Maj.tie will Unavoidably be cast upon this hard Delimma, either of being involved in endless and Dangerous Quarrels with all his Neighbours, or of having his Honour and Reputation prostituted & exposed, as lamely Suffering the best Jewels of his Crown to be ravished from it, and the Regalities thereof Transmitted to him from his most Noble progenitors, to be – 141 –

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Usurped by Foreigners. Nor does the Mischief cease here, for in Case his Majesty should at any time enter into a War for the more Vigorous asserting and Main­ taining those Pretensions, and they not be included in the Terms and Conditions of the following Peace, the Inferance will be this, that We were so far Worsted in the War, as to be Constrained to buy a Peace, if not by a Total Abandoning them, yet at least by a Temporary Recession from those Pretensions. Let me Add one Consideration more; If a War betwixt England and any other Kingdome or State be grounded and Stated upon a Sea Dominion, by help of this / Advantage an Enemy will gain the Weather-gage of Us, and drive from it a Considerable benefit to himself, Hoc Ithacus Velit – a Dutch Man will desire no better. For, by this means, We shall disoblige and Disaffect all our Neighbours to our Cause and Quarrel, at such time when we most Need their Friendship and Assistance. This will awaken Fears & jealousy’s, and Strongly Alarm them to an Early securing of their own Navigation and Commerce, against those who would impropriate the Seas. They will not so much regard the Justice of our Cause, as the Consequents of our Success, and will be sure to range themselves with Heart or hand, or both, as Occasion shall require, on that side to which they shall be invited by a Common & Complicate Interest. It will not be a War betwixt this Prince and that, betwixt Holland and England, but betwixt the Continent and an Island; And the Question will be briefly this, whether the Island shall have the Sea to herself, or whether the Continent shall share with her. As this is Con­ sonant and Agreeable to Reason to Suppose that it will be so, so its Verified by Experience, that in Fact it has been so. We need look back no further than the year 1665. England was then in open War with Holland, and as previous thereto, the Parliament granted a Royal Aid, the end whereof is Publickly Declared in the Preamble of the Act Viz.t To Equip and set out to Sea a Royal Navy for the Preservation of his Majesty’s Antient & Undoubted Soveraighnty and Domin­ ion in the Seas. This was exactly Calculated, as it was designed for the Meridian of England, it served to inspire our Captains & Officers with Honour, and Ani­ mate our Seamen with Courage, to dispose the whole Body of the People with Cheerfullness / and Unanimity to Undergo so mighty a Supply, Answerable to the greatness of the Undertaking. But it served not to so good Effects beyond Sea, as soon Appeard, for the Balance of Success had no sooner inclined to Eng­ land, by that Signal Victory Obtained under the Auspicious Conduct of his Royl Highness over the Dutch Fleet, Commanded by Lieutent. Ano 1665 Opdam, but France stood over to Holland, Denmark followed, and had the War con­ tinued, and the Serries of Success not been interrupted by the fatalities of the Plague, Fire and other accidents, by occassion whereof a Peace intervened, there had at that Time been as formidable a Confederacie and Conjunction formed against England as that at Cambray Ano: 1508 against Venice.

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To remedy the said inconveniencies, and obviate the like, I thought it Usefull in the following Discourse, carefully to Distinguish betwixt the Question of Rights, and the Question of Fact; Betwixt the Pretensions of the Crown of England, and the Possesions of it; betwixt what it has continualy Claimed and Demanded as an Antient Right, and what it has been actualy Seized of, by a long, peaceable and Uninterrupted Enjoyment, which implyes a Consent and Acknowledgemt: on the Part of other Nations. This last is the proper Index of Civil Rectitude and Obliquity, and by this we shall easily Discerne, whether the Crown of England Maintains its Ground, or whether it has lost any thing of what it formerly had, by the New Incroacht and [illeg.], such as may furnish Mat­ ter for a just resentment and Vindication. Tis Courage in a Nation Strenuously to Maintain their own, and ’tis Justice rightly to distinguish their own. And the best Temperament of / Government is, neither to do a wrong, nor take it. I thought it needful also to touch upon the Accustomed Salutation at Sea by the Flag & Topsail, and to endeavour to Clear the true Significancy and import of it; And the rather, because it has been the Occassion of Spilling much Blood in Europe, within these Thirty Years last past, & may be of the Effusion of More, if a timely remedy be not Applyed to so growing an Evil, which is almost become a Common make-bate betwixt the European Nations. And all this, partly by overstraining a fine thread, and laying greater Weight upon it than it will bear, but Chiefly for want of a Certain and Determinate Regulation; For whilst Sea Captains are, by the Generality of their Instructions, referred only to former Use and Custom, and what that is, not distinctly known, many irregularitys & indis­ cretsions ensue, not unlike those of some Gallants at land, who think it a point of Honour to quarrel for the Way, or jostle for the Wall with all they meet; But with this Difference, these do it only to the endangering of their own Persons, but the others to the Engaging their Masters many times in Unnecessary Feuds and Disputes. But still the rights and Pretensions of the Crown stand as they did; what they formerly were, that they now are; no renunciation of them, no derogation from them; and they want not their proper Use neither in their due place and Season, for when by the Prosperity of our Arm, or by the Bounty of a favourable Conjunction, the Crown of England Shall be actualy invested and instated in all its Antient Claims and Rightfull Demands, these, if fittly / Applied, will help the Squeamish Digestion of our Neighbours, and dispose them to a more Con­ tented Acquiescence thereto; for they will Esteem it less Dishonour for them to Comply with an old Title, then with a New Usurpation. This is the Mark at which the following discourse is leveled, and by these measures it has been Guided. In Order to which Design, tending to prevent needless quarrels with our Neighbours abroad, and to Assoile our Kings Repu­ tation from groundless Asspersions at home, it was Necessary to remove some

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Obstacles and Impediments, as I found them in my Way. To Clear the true Notion of Dominion and Soveraignty in all the Chief Branches and Dependen­ cies of it. To trace Matters of Fact through the National Treaties made betwixt our Kings and other Princes. To Vindicate some Passages in our Books and Rolls from Mistakes & Misapplications, And all this without any Vanity or Affecta­ tion of Refuting Mr: Selden, who, if he has extend[ed] the Rights of the Crown of England to the Wrong of other Princes, Viderint ipsi, let them look to it, whose concern it is; But if in some things, I dissent from, and not without good Reason, and so far forth only as was Necessary for me in the Prosecution of this Design, therein let me be Excused. And the rather, because I have Collected and Digested these Observations without Intention of Publishing them, but as a Memorial or Abstract of Sea-Affairs, to be communicated as Occassion Offered, to our Chief Ministers of State and such others, whose Publick Employments have a Particular Congress and Suitableness with Enquiries of this Nature. And herein I who have too much leisure, have Consulted the Ease of them who have too much Bussiness, and no Leisure. And if upon / Perusal hereof, any thing can be extracted from it Conducible to his Majestys Service I have Obtained my End, if not; Tis but the Mispence of one hours Reading, though it cost me more in Composing. —

Observations Concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas It has been learnedly Argued on both Sides, whether there x x x x be x x x x any just Dominion or Property in any Sea. For in the Primitive and Natural State of things, antecedent to humane Pact and Consent, the Whole Earth was Common and Undivided to all Mankind, but then as it was Common so it was without Culture, Men living upon the Spontaneous Productions of it, in an Easy and innocent, but rude and Simple manner. Their Dwellings were Tents, their drink watter, their Bread Roots and nuts, their Cloathing the Bark of Trees, or the Skins of Beasts. Wherefore the better the Condition of human Life, by the Encouragement of Ingenious Arts and Industry, Consent Introduced Occu­ pancy and Property, that every Man might enjoy to himself, as a Reward, the benefits of his own skill & Labour. Then were Houses Built, Fields Sown with Corn / Vine Yards Planted, and the Manner of living heightned by Progressive Steps and Gradations, from that plain State of Simple Necessity to a degree of Convenience, from Convenience to delight, from Delight to Luxury; But for as much as the Wide Sea is not Capable of Cultivation or Improvement by Art or Industry, it may therefore be reasonably Supposed never to have been impropri­ ated by Consent, but Left to its primitive & Natural Communion.

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If it be Objected that Sundry People and Nations have been Lords of several Seas, as the Athenians, Carthagenians, Rhodians, and Romans. To that will be replied, that this was Force and Empire, without Property, an Usurpation, not a Right, and that an Armed Conquerg , by the same Rule that he Disposses what is Proper, may impropriate what is Common, only with this diference, that ’tis Extensively more Unjust to debar many from their Common Right, than to dis­ suse a Single Person of his Private Inheritance. I Shall not enter upon the Merits of the Cause, as not being to my Purpose, But as to the forementioned Argument, how Plausible soever, it concludes fala­ ciously, as if that, which is but Causauna, One Cause, were Causa Unica, the only Cause; whereas there may be other Reasons and Considerations, besides that of Encouraging Industry, why Communion was changed into Property, & those equally extendible to Sea, as well as Land. Possibly the Consent of some Nations may Divest themselves of a joint Right, and invest it in one, in order to a publick Benefit. And this is the best part of that Title, which the / Venetian has to the Gulph, Which being a Particular & Remarkable Case, it will not be a Miss, briefly to touch upon it, in the Following Paragraph. The Ottoman Power extending it self into Europe, to the Subversion of the Eastern Empire, Conquering all Greece, with Macedon and Epirus, and Pen­ etrating to the very Banks of the Gulph, almost within sight of Italy, the Italian and other Neighbouring Princes, to interpose the the [sic] best Skreen they could betwixt themselves and the near approaching Danger, did by a Concurring Inter­ est, Impatronize the Venetian in the Gulph, who, by reason of their Potency in Shipping, and the immediate Concern of their own imminent Peril, were the most Proper State to be made the Bulwark of Christendom at Sea. Thus the Pope by a Ceremony of a Ring Weded their Duke every Year to the Adriatick. And in the Gener.l Council of Lyons, in the Presence of the Abassa­ dors of several Princes, upon Complaint made against the Venetians, for laying impositions upon all Ships Sailing within the Gulph, Judgement was given in Favour of the Republick, upon Consideration of their Guarding that Sea against the Courses of the Pirates and Saracens. And the Neighbouring Princes would not so much as send a Gally, without asking leave of the Senate, which respect was so providently Managed by that Wise Council, the better to Assert their Marine Soveraignty, that sometimes they would give leave under some Restric­ tions and Conditions, as in the Case of the sister of Vladislaus King of Naples. Sometimes they denied leave, as in the Case of Mary Sister of Philip / King of Spain, but in those only of the Republick. But ’tis to be Considered also, that the Gulph of Venice is not a wide Sea or Ocean, nor a Straight or Narrow Sea, called in Latin Fretum, but a Sinus, a Bay or Gulph, closed at one end, in the bottom whereof the City of Venice is Situate upon several Small Isles or Insulets. The Seas of England are of a Different Nature, and Condition, they are open

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both above & below, and they are the Mid-way Passage betwixt all Northern and Southern Nations. The Wares and Merchandizes of Muscovy, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Germany, and the Netherlands, are Conveyed by Shipping to France, Spain, Italy, the Levant &c. and so back again from the South to the North, through the North East Sea betwixt England & Germany, and the West­ ern Channel betwixt England and France; Which Shews of what Influence and import this Dominion on the part of England is to the rest of the World. Before I proceed, it will be Necessary first to Explain the Terms, what is meant by Dominion, what by Soveraignty, and what by the Seas, least we lose things in Words, and take up with Names instead of Reality’s. By Dominion is to be understood Property, (for so is that word Domin­ ion always taken in its legal Sense) or a Right of Posessing and Using any thing as one’s own, and of excluding all others from a Promiscuous and equal Use thereof. That is mine which is so mine, as its not Anothers, Eodem modo, in the same manner as ’tis mine. And the Property is two fold, either Publick or Private, for Proper is not Opposed to Publick, but to the Common. Publick Property excludes Comunion a mong Nations, private / Property, Comunion among Persons. For as particular Manors and Tenements, Divided by their respective Bounds and Buttes, are the Private Property of Particular Persons, which they Possess Privately of Other Persons; So Countries and Territory’s, like greater Mannors Divided each from other by limits and Borders are the Publick Property of Nations, which they Possess exclusively one of another. The whole Teritory of England is the Publick Property of the English Nation, and the Property excludes Aliens, or all born out of the King of Englands Ligeance from taking real Inheritances, or holding Lands and Tenements any where in England. The Supream Rule and Jurisdiction in and over this Teritory, is that which we call Soveraignty, and is the Publick Property of the King, in Right of his Crown of England. He is Sole Lord of this great Manor, and all the Lands in England are holden either mediately or imediately of him. And as he is head and Chief Ruler, he bears within him the Person of the whole Nation, & thus all England is his Teritorial Property. And the Royal Demesns and Possessions Annexed to the Crown, as the Publick Revenue thereof, and as Distinct from the Private Possessions of Particular Persons, are his Patrimonial Property. He has them in his Publick and Politick Capacity as King, not in his Private and Natural, as an Individual Person, for Kings as well as Subjects may have Possessions in a private Right, as the King of Egypt, who bought the Lands of his Subjects for Corn, he had not those Lands in Right of his Crown, as King, for he was King before he had them. I have done with the two Terms, Dominion and / Soveraignty, I pass to the third, & that is the Sea or Seas, where, by Sea, is not to be understood such a Collective Body of Waters, Singly and Solely as Water; for the Moveable incon­

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stant Waters, whether of Sea or River, barely as such, are not a capable Subject of Property; but as Waters contained within a fixed & certain Boundary, and Supported by a Standing Bottom. In the first Sense, no Man goes twice into the same River, in the second, a River is the same in a Succession of Ages. And in this latter Sense, the Sea, as it is a Solid Alveus, or Receptor of Waters contained within a certain Boundary, is as truly and as properly, Territory, as the Land. Tis Territorium à Terrâ, from the Standing Bottom of Earth, by which the Waters of it are Supported, and from the unmoveable Shores of Earth, within which those Waters are Contained. Having Sufficiently explained the Terms, if one now Should ask with me, what is meant by the Dominion and Soveraignty of the British Seas, which the Kings of England are said to have Continually Claimed in Right of their Crown of England. I would Answer, by Dominion is meant the Publick property of those Seas, as part of the Territory of their Realm of Engl. and consequently all other Princes and People excluded, not from all, but from an equal Use of them. By Soveraignty is meant, that Sole Supreame Rule and Jurisdiction, which the Kings of England Successively have over the whole Realm of England, of which those Seas are a part; If he Should further Ask me, how does this Right in the Crown of England appear and by what Proofs it is Justify’d. I would refer him to Mr. Selden, for I do not go about Actum Agere, to do over Ill w.t is well done already, or, as I said in the Preface, to Write a new Iliad. But if he Ask me of Mat­ ter of Fact, whether the Kings / of England have for any long time been in the Actual and peaceable Possession of such Dominion, as a Right Acknowledged by the Express or implyed Consent of other Nations, This I Shall Examine by & by. But whereas I hinted before, that the Dominion of the Crown of England in the Seas, did not exclude other Princes and States from all Use of those Seas, this needs a little Explication. In Order to which ’tis to be Considered, that as all Property first began by Human Pact and Consent, Antecedent to which was Comunion, So in this Consent was implied a Reservation & benign Exception of such Use as might be of great benefit to others, without any Considerable Damage to the Proprietor. A River as a Fishery, is a Private Dominion, no Man may Fish there without the owners leave, because it would be a Diminution of his Profit. If Navigable, as a way, ’tis Publick to all the Subjects of that Prince, who is Lord of the Territory; As ’tis runing Water, ’tis Common to all Men, to drink of it, and wash with it. A Field is a private Property, but the Market Path over it is Publick, and when it was first made a Property, it was with a reserva­ tion of a Path. For Fields were not Distinguished by Metes and Bounds to their Respective owners, with design to Confine every Man to his home, but with Exception of Liberty to Pass and repass in a harmless Manner over each oth­ ers Properties, in pursuance of their lawfull Occassions. The Sea, Supposing the

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Dominion of it, is the Publick Property of the Crown of England, but as its a Way, Tis Common to the Peaceable Traders of all Nations. A Path over a Field is of some Damage to the Soile, tho’ Compensated with a greater Utility, but a way over the Sea is of no Damage to the Water, And the Sea being a fluid Body, is all Path where a Ship can Sail, and a Common High Way from one nation to another. / And this is so far from being a Damage to any, that its highly benefi­ cial to all, for as there is no Man so Self Sufficient as not to Need the Continual help of another, So neither is there any Country, which does not at some time or other, need the Growth and Productions of an other. Well then, Since ’tis the Nature of Property in Gen:l so to make a thing mine, as ’tis not anothers, Eodem Modo, in the same manner as ’tis mine; And the Dominion of the Sea in one Prince does not exclude another from all Use of it, It may not be unfitly Demanded, what are those proper Uses which are so pecu­ liarly reserved to the Crown of England in right of such Supposed Domin. as that all other Nations are Excluded from them. I Answer these thus. 1. – They are Excluded from a General Liberty (without first Asking and Obtaining Special Licence) of puting out upon the British Seas Ships fitted and Equipped for War, when & in what Number they Please. The Reason is plain, because it is the Teritory of another Prince, and to enter it without leave with an Armed Force, and in such Numbers as may justly occassion Fear and Suspi­ cian of Danger, is a Publick Hostility. The Persians were restrained by Pact and League made with the Athenians, from Entering with Armed Vessels within the Cyanean & Chaledonian Islands;2 But had the Persians Acknowledged the Ter­ ritorial Property of those Seas to have been in the People of Athens there had been no need of Such Pact, for in the reason of the thing it self Abstracted from Covenant, it had been as much an Hostility to have Entered those Seas with a Fleet of War, as to have landed an Army upon Attica, for both were equally the Athenians Territory. / 2. – From the Juridicial Cognizance of all Causes Civil and x x x Criminal for & Concerning all Matters and things done and Committed in & upon those Seas, the Persons, whom those Causes concern, there abiding. The reason is because Jurisdiction is an Essential & inseperable part of the Soveraignty which a Prince has within his own Territory. All Foreighners, whilst in it, Give him a local Obe­ dience, and are Triable by his Laws, and before his Judicatories only. And for any to Appeal from him, is to set a Superior over him; And to exercise Jurisdiction within his Territory without an Authority derived from him, is to King it in anothers Kingdom, and to Act the Bishop in another Diocese. 3. – From a Right to Fish within those Seas without Special License first Obtained from the Lord of the Seignory, & under such Conditions and Consid­

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erations as he Shall think fit. The Reason is, because this is Patrimonial Property of his Crown, and the Fishery is in a Manner all the Profit that his great Sea Territory yields him. The Dominion of the Sea, without an Appropriate Fishing, is as if a Vineyard Should be proper to one, but the Grapes Common to all. Or like a Possesion at Lands, vested in one Man to the Use of another, and such we had many in England, ’till a good Statute conjoined what ought not to have been Sepperated. Nor can it be Alleged, that a Promiscuous fishing in the Sea is of no Damage to the Proprietor, for Admitting the Multitude of Fish to be so great, as to suffice all Men’s Use, w:ch is not always true, yet this will Abate the Price of the Market for Sail, nor can the Fishery be farmed out, if occassion be, at so good Advantage, For so we read that the Eastern Emperor let out to Farm the Fishing in the Agean Sea near Byzantium, at the yearly Rent of Ten Thousand Crowns, and some times more. / I have now made some Progress towards what I intend. But will some say, what a Stir we have had with many Scholastick Niceties, and fine Spun Distinc­ tions. But Say I, without the help of such a Clew, how fine soever it may appear, we shall be intricated, & lost in a labarinth of Phrases & forms of Speech, or Stumble upon a things with a hard Name called a Logomachy, a frivolous dis­ pute about Words. He who Asserts a Sea Dominion, and does not by Dominion mean Property, embraces a Cloud for Juno. And he who Argues for it, without first Distinctly clearing the true Notion of Property, instead of gaining his Cause beating his Adversary with Proof & Argum.t will only Beat the Air with a Sound of Words. some, when in an Author of Approved Name, they meet with the Seas Environing Great Britain, Stiled by the Name of our Seas, or the Seas of Engl.d, or the British Seas, they are induced to believe that these very Denominations import a Sufficient Dominion and yet Mare Flandricum, Mare Aremoricum, Mare Aquitanicum, and many others, do only Denote a Geographical Descrip­ tion. And nothing more Usual, than for Seas to receive their Names from the Shores they rowle upon, and our Seas are the Seas which rowl upon our Shores. But that which Occassions the Ordinary & most frequent Mistakes is the word Dominion it being Equivocal and of a Doubtfull sense, as the Latin words Imper­ ium & Dominium likewise are. For sometimes they are taken Strictly & legally, denoting Property, and Imperium & Dominium are the same with Publick and Private Proper[t]y according to that of Seneca,3 Rex omnia possed et Imperio, Singuli Dominio. The King Possesses all by his Soveraignty, and yet Particular Persons, have their private Possessions. But then again Sometimes they are taken loosely and historically, denoting Power only and Command, as Pompeio datum est Imperium Maris infrà Herculis Columnas, The Roman People / gave Imper­ ium Maris to Pompey, the Command of the Seas, not the Property of it. They Comission’d him their Adm.l or Gen.l at Sea, as far as the Streights Mouth; Thus

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some of the Roman Emperors were Intituled Terra Marisq Domini, Lords or Despotes of Sea, as well as Land, so is Vespasian called by Josephus; and yet they were but Lords in Power, not in Property, for by the very Text of the Roman Law, as it was afterwards compiled by Justinian, the Sea is accounted as Common as the Air, and that by Natural Right. And thus Some Men Understand no more by Dominion of the Sea, than what our usual Sea Phrase imports, to ride Master at Sea, or of the Sea; But its one thing to be Master of it in an Historical and Mili­ tary Sense, by a Superiority of Power and Command, as the Gen.l of a Victorious Fleet is, Another thing to be Master of it in a Legal Sense, by a Possessary right, as the true owner & Proprietor of it is. In like manner we say of a General at Land, that he is Master of the Field, Ma.r of it in Power, not owner of it in Title. Prop­ erty is a fixed & permanent Right; A Man may lose his Seisine, and yet retain his Title; An Usurper is no owner, But Power is fliting & Transitory, & so soon as the Possession is lost, the Power is gone, if We confound Power & Property, Potestas & Propriety, by a promiscuous Use of the one for the other, the Magni­ fied Dominion of the Sea will amount to no better Title, than what our Cornish Men have to the Ball at one of their Hurlings, Tis his who can Catch it, so long as he can keep it ’till another gets it from him. I Shall Add one Quotation more, because to me it seems remarkable; Tacitus says, Italium utrog Mariduce Classes, Misenum assad et Ravennam, Pre – idemant. Two Fleets guarded Italy on both Seas, one at Misenum, the other Ravenna. And Luctomius / Ascribes the first Institution hereof to Augustus.4 Classem Mise­ num et alteram Ravenna ad tatolum Superi et inferi Maris collo –. The Fleet at Misenum was for the Safety of the upper Sea towards Gaul and Spain Westw: ds , the other at Ravenna, was for the Safety of the Lower Sea tow:ds Epirus & Mac­ edon Eastwards. Our Kings in England have so Exactly followed this Model, that one would think they had Transcribed from this very Copy of Augustus, or Copied from his Original. Has Italy an upper & lower Sea, so has Engla.d; Our upper Sea is that Northw:ds betwixt England & Germany; Our lower Sea, that Southw: ds betwixt Eng.d & France. Had the Roman Emperors their distinct Fleets, one for each Sea, Our Kings had their distinct Admiralty’s, one for the North, and another for the South, reckoning North & South from the Mouth of the River Thames. There Fleets were ad tutelam Maris, says Suetonius,5 for the Safety of the Sea , Ours Ad Custodium, say our Records, for the Custody or Safe keeping it, from being infested by Pirates (a Trade frequent in former Ages among the Northern People) and consequently for securing the Navigation and Commerce of their Subjects & Allies. The two Fleets did prasium Italium, says Tacitus, Guard Italy, as a Garrison Town does a Frontiere. Ours were also called Naves prasidiariae, Garrison Ships, to Guard open Shores & Landing places of a Large Island against the Hostile insults & Descent of Foreigners. They are our

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Moveable Garrisons, our Floating Castles, fifty of which will Defend an Island better than a Thousand Standing and built round the Shores. In the Book of our Municipal Laws, there is frequent Mention made of the Quatous Maria, the four Seas Environing England, to the East, West, North & South, for England as Distinct from Scotland is a Peninsula bounded / in the North by an Isthmus of Land & the Northern Sea. And it is Observable, that to be infrà or intrà quatour Maria, wthn the four Seas, is in Contradiction of our Law, to be within the Kingdom of Engl. d; And to be Extrà quatour Maria, out of the four Seas, is equi pollent, to being out of the Kingdom of England. And it is to be further Noted, that not only he who is upon the Land, but he also, who is upon the Sea, is in our Laws said to be intrà Mare with in the Sea, because he has Sea still before him, ’till he be Arrived on the Opposite Shore, and then, and not ’till then, he is Extrà Mare, out of the Sea, or beyond it. And when an Englishman is upon the other Shore, he is then within the Ligeance of an other Prince, and therefore out of the Kingdom of England; But whilst upon the Sea he is within the Ligeance of his own Prince, and therefore within the Kingdom of England. For Engl.d is not always taken Strictly for the Land of it, in which sense the Isles of Jersey, Guernsey, & Man, are no part of England, but sometimes Comprehensively for all the Dominions of it, and in legal understanding, he is within the Kingdom of England, who is within the local Ligeance of the Crown of England. The Use our Law makes of this Technical Phrase, or Artificial form of Speech, intrà or Extrà quatour Maria, within or without the four Seas, is this, partly to Essoin or excuse Men from appearance in Courts upon Writs of Summons, for if it be truly Alleged, that the party Summoned is Outre la Mare, beyond the Sea, this is accepted as a good Essoin, to save his Default; But principally, to be a certain & regulated distance, within which our Law will admit of some Pre­ sumptions, which beyond that distance it will not. For Example, if a husband be within the four Seas, & his Wife has Isue, the Law Presumes the Issue Legitim. t and will Admit of no Proof to Bastardize the Child, but if the / Husband be out of the four Seas, ’tis otherwise. By the Statute of 18.th Ed. 1.st A fine levied in the Common Bench concludes him who is within the four Seas, if he puts not in his Claim within a Year & a Day, because the Law Presumes him near enough to have timely Notice of so Solemn an Act as a Fine is; and if he suffers himself to be foreclosed for want of an Action or Entry, imputes it to his own Neglect. By the Statute of 4.th Hen. 7. Case 24, the forement. Term of a Year & a Day is enlarged to five Years, And what in the Stat. of Ed. 1st is said to be out of the four Seas, is in this of Hen. 7.th said to be out of the Realm, as Equipollent Phrases, and Signify’s the same thing. And if a Man be out of the Realm, what day a Fine is levied, though it be a Publick Act, the Law Supposes him not to have Sufficient Notice of a thing done within the Realm, and therefore interposes an Exception,

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to the saving of his Right. And this is all which our Law Books mean, when they say, the Sea of England is within the Realm of England, as in the place Quoted in the Margent. But whether the Sea be so within the Realm of England, as to be part of the Territorial Property of it, exclusively of all other Kingdoms & States; that they meddle not with. But to be within the four Seas, and to be within the Realm of Engl.d, is, as to some purposes in Construction & Intendment of our Law, one and the same thing. Our law Books have many other Phrases & Expressions of Special Use, but yet do not reach the Controverted Point betwixt England & other Nations. As where it is said the Sea is of the Ligeance of the King, and parcel of his Crown of England. Le Mer est del Ligeance del Roy et Parcel de so Corone d’Angleterre. And in another place ’tis said, the Sea of England is within the Ligeance of the King, as of his Crown of England. As to the Kings Ligeance, it stands thus in our Law; All / Natives, or Natural born Subjects, or Persons born within the Kings Lige­ ance (for these are Tantamount) wheresoever they are, whether at Sea, or Land, in England, or any Foreign Country, Quocunque sub Axe, They Still owe a Natural & inseperable Faith & Allegiance to their Liege lord the King. Whilst in England, or upon the Seas, besides their Natural Leigeance, they are within the local Leigeance of their own Sovereign, & under his imediate Protection & Defence. But when within the Dominion of a Foreign Prince, tho’ as to Persons, they still retain Faith to their Natur.l Sovereign yet as to the Place, they are out of his Actual Obedience, and within the Protection of another, which draws Subjection along with it, & makes them the Temporary local Subjects of that other Prince, And as this is the Case of Englishmen abroad, so is it of Aliens here in Engl.d. A Child born at Sea in any of the Kings Ships, or other English Vessels, Navigated by English Master and Crew, is a Native, If born upon the Land of England in any Fort or Town Pos­ sessed by an Enemy, ’tis born out of the Kings Ligeance and therefore an Alien, But whereas ’tis said the Sea is within the Ligeance of the Crown of England, this is to be Understood extensively of the Ligeance of the Crown of Engl.d, that it reaches to Sea, as well as Land, not exclusively of the Ligeance of other Crowns, as if no Crown had Ligeance at Sea, but that of Engl.d only; or as if no foreigner Aboard his own Vessell within any of the four Seas were within the Ligeance of his own Natural Sovereign, for this is Manifestly repugnant to dayly Fact & Experience , as we shall see anon, when I come to the Question of Fact. As to that other Expression of the Seas, being Parcel of the Crown of Engld, the aforementioned Author in the place before cited, Expounds his meaning to be, that it is Parcel of the Inheritance of the Crown of England, Thus Jetsam, Flotsam / and Lagan appertain to the King by his Prerogative. Goods thrown over board to lighten a Ship in Disstress of Weather, are called Jetsam; Goods of a Wrecked Ship floating upon the Watters are called Flotsam; Goods Sunk, with a lock or Buoy tied to them, to direct to the Place, are Called Lagan or Ligan;

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all these Goods, if the Ship Perishes, and no owner can be proved, belong to the King, in right of the Crown, as Treasure trové and Estrais at Land do, and all Derelicts whose property is lost, the law adjudges them to the King, as owner Paramount. Also Royal Fishes, as Whales, Sturgeons &c. taken by the Kings Subjects on the Seas of Engl.d Appertain to the King by his Prerogative, but no Mention made in any of our Law Books of an Appropriate Fishing exclusive of the People and Subjects of other Princes and States. I have mentioned these Passages, which occur in the Books of our Municipal Laws, because though of Excell.t Use, & undeniable verity, when fitly Apply’d to what they are designd & intended, Yet if Misaplied to the Case of the Dominion of the four Seas, as it Stands betwixt England, & other Nations, they may & do ocassion Error & Mistake.Those Books handle Cases betwixt Subject & Subject and sometimes betwixt Crown & Subject, but not betwixt Crown & Crown I mean betwixt England & other Kingdoms. Matters of this Nature, must be looked for in the Publick Treaties & Transactions of States betwixt our Kings & Foreign Princes, or in a long peace Possession, which we call Prescription, & these I Shall Examine by & by. But he who is weary in Climbing a Stiff Hill, when he finds a Convenient Standing Place, rests a while & looks back to see how far he is gone, so Shall I here, & for my Entertainm.t Shall contain the wider prospect of the Pretensions of the Crown of England into the Narrow Scheme of a Ficticious Article Sup­ posed to be made betwixt / England & the United Provinces. I call it Ficticious, because it is Composed by my Self only, to State the Pretensions of the Crown, but was never in any Treaty. it is thus in Latin. Quod omnes et Singulee Naves Forderataeum Belgy Priviniarum, law Bel­ licee quam oneraria, qua in Maribus Magnum Britanniam Ambunt –? Navibus Bellicis Regnes Anglia obviam dederint vexilla sive Ap – stria demittant, Supre­ mum – velium é Summitate Male detraitient, in recogniti onem et Testimonium Summi Impery et Dominy, in et Su – dictis Maribus, Corona Anglia – Jure inf – bus Qua tamen recogniti – Dominy et Impery non ita intelligenda est, ac si Libertati Commercy quie quam indé detractum –, Verum é Contrà, – Navi­ bus Belgicis eundi et commercande libra, verum etiam ex Jure Gentium debita. Quantum – Picaturum, quandoquidem Jus Priscande in Jure Dominy fundat –, et qui inde orituri Populus et Subditi dictarum Provinciarum liberam Sibi Pisca­ turum annus pretis redrinent, et Moderatum certaing Pecunia Summam, dequâ – – convenerit, quotannis es nomine persolvent. It may be thus Englished. That all and Singular the Ships, whether of War or Merch.ts belonging to the United Provinces which Shall meet any of the Ships of War of the Kingdom of

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England, within any of the Seas incompassing Great Brittain Shall Strike their Flags & lower their Topsials, as a Recognition & Acknowledgem.t of a Supream Soveraignty and Dominion inherent by a perpetual Right in the Crown of Engld, in & over the said Seas. Which Recognition is not to be Interpreted to the impeachm.t of a free Commerce, but that the Ships of the United Netherlands may notwithstanding freely Pass, Repass, & Trafick in & upon the said Seas, and that not only as permitted / [by] Covenant, but as a Right due by the Law of Nations. But as to the Fishery, for asmuch as the right of Fishing is Originated in the Right of Dominion & derives from it, The People & Subjects of the United Provinces Shall purchase the Liberty of Fishing at a certain Annual Price; And Shall in Consideration thereof Pay Yearly such a Moderate Summ of Money, as Shall for that Purpose be mutually Agreed upon.

May 1652.

The fore recited Article is Penned in General Terms, & Consists of these three Parts. It Asserts the Dominion of the Seas in the Crown of England, It makes the Salutation by the Flag and Topsail an Acknowledgem.t of that Domin­ ion, It Vindicates the Fishery as a Chief Branch of it. The other two of excluding Foreign Men of War, and the Sole Marine Jurisdiction are omitted for Brevity Sake. And it is the worst I wish his Majes:tie, that he had but all Contained in the Article, tho’ he abated these two. The Fishery I Shall reserve to its proper Place, but as to the Acknowledgem.t of the Dominion & Soveraignty of the Sea, by the Salutation of the Flag & Topsail, that I shall take ocassion to discourse of in this Place. The Salutation by the Flag & Topsail was never covenant.d in any the Publick Treaties betwixt England & other Nations, but in those with the United Nether­ lands only. And never in any of them ’till the Year 1654. And I am inclinable to believe, that there were particular Reasons, why it was then Covenanted, partly because at that time the Roy.l Dignity of England was Debased & Disguised under the Obscure Name of a Protectorat, and they who had not refused it to an Antiently Crowned Head, might make some Scruple to do it to an Upstart Mongrell Republick, And partly because that war began upon a Dispute for the Honour of the Flag, I cannot say it was the Sole Cause of the War, but it was the / first Occassion of it. For whilst Blake6 was in the Dover Road with the English Fleet, Tromp7 with Double the Number of Ships, but not equal in goodness, Stood over from the Coast of Calias directly towards him, & came up Close with him, with his Flag aloft, Jacks & Pendants Flying, and all the bravery he could Display. Blake was too Stout to brook the Affront, & so in Plain English the two Generals fell together by the Ears, neither knowing how soon he might be called to a Severe Acco.t by his Superiors for what he had done. But they Justified themselves by casting the blame one upon the other, and thus the Servants quar­ rel soon became the Masters, and both Nations Engaged in a fierce War, which

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ended in 1654 and in the 13 Articles of the Treaty of a Peace then Concluded, to prevent the like Disputes for the future, It was Covenant.d, That the Ships of the United Provinces, as well those fitted for the War, as others, which Should Meet in the British Seas, any of the Ships of War of England, Should Strike the Flag & lower their Topsail, in such manner, as had been any time practised before, under any former Governm:t, but whereas some think, that this was prejudicial to Eng­ land to take that by Covenant, which they held before by Prescription, I am not so Clear in that Opinion. For what Stood before upon the foot of Courtesie only, or of Custom at the best, was now Confirmed by a Supervening Contract, & Passed into a National Law founded upon mutual Consent. And from the Treaty in 1654. it passed into that made at Westminster by his Majes.tie in 1662. & from thence into that made at Breda in 1667. in which, as in the former, the Flag & Topsail are expressly Covenanted for in the British Seas. But by a latter Treaty Viz 1678.8 instead of the British Seas, there is an Enlargem.t to the Seas betwixt Cape Finister to the Middle Point of the Land Van St alen in Norway. But whereas the Aforementioned fictitious Article insinuates / the Striking the Flag & lowering the Topsail, to be a Recognition of the Soveraign Dominion of the Crown of Engl.d in & over the British Seas, this is a Novelty, & no footstep of it in any Publick Treaty. Tis true it was Offer’d at in the Year 1653. for in the Project or Conceit of 27 Articles delivered in by the English Comissioners to the Dutch Ambassadors, in the 15th Article it was proposed; That the Dutch (both Men of War & Merchants) besides Striking the Flag, Should Suffer themselves to be Visited, if required, and x x x perform all due Offices of Honour & Acknowl­ edgem.t to England, to whom the Dominion & Soveraignty of the British Seas of Right Appained. But this Article was rejected by the Dutch, as were several other Proposals of a high Nature; for it was lleged, & for sometime insisted on, that there should be a Coalition of Engl.d & the United Provinces into one & the same Republick. Not an Union only, but an Adunation, not as mere coition into a Stricter Bond & league of Friendship, but by a Coalition of both into one Government; but this was rejected too, as Extravagant. If the Question were only concerning the Antiquity of this Ceremonie, how long it has been Practised among these European Nations, for it does not obtain Universally, We have a Record in our Admiralty which would be pertinent to this Purpose. It is an Edict or Proclamation Published by King John at Hasting’s in Sussex in the 2.d Year of his Reign near 500 Years Since, The Original Record I have not the opportunity of seeing, but its Transcribed by M.r Selden to the following Purport, That if any Ships or Vessels laden or unladen refused to lower their Sails at the Command of the Kings Lieutenant or Admiral, or of his Lieutents, then to be Compelled to do it by Fighting them, & if taken, their Ships & Goods to be Confiscated; As may be seen more at large there. But the Edict says not, that this lowering their Sails, / was to be done as an Acknowledgment of the

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Kings Domin. in the Western Channel, to which Seas it especially relates, And Yet none could have better required it, than King John, for he was at that time in Actual Possession both of England & Normandy, and Consequently was Actual Lord of both Shores, And might have reckoned the Channel as an Appendant and Accession to the Land, and to have followed it, as the Accessory does the principal; As he is the Lord of the intermediate River, who is Lord of both the Banks. But as this Edict expresses no such thing, so neither does the Penning of it seem to incline that way, for it mentions not Ships of War, who, as such, ought the rather to be Obliged to make such Acknowledgem.t but only Ships laden or unladen, referring to Merch.ts & Traders be their Ships light or Freighted; And these Mercht. Men are to do it at the Command of the Kings Lieutent. or Admiral, or his Lieutenant, intimating a respect due to their Rank and Quality, especially from Simple Traders. However tis certain that this Honorary respect or Civility, Call it what you will, is no Natural Expression of a Subjection to a Soveraign; for it is not founded in Nature, but institution, and is a Practice peculiar to the Western Nations. And the Modes of Respect are so various in different Countrys, that what in one is a Civility, in another is a rudeness. And as it is no Natural Expression of Subjec­ tion, so neither is it a Necessary one, as if it must Necessarily Signifie that or nothing; for lowering the Flag or Sails is but like Vailing the Hat or Bonnet, which among us is Used as a token of Subjection to our King, of Respect to our Superiors, of civility to our Equals, of Custom to out Inferiors; Some of our Sea Capt.s though irregularly & for want of Explicit Orders, have requir’d / of the Dutch the Honour of the Flag & Topsail in the Mediterranean & Baltic, where the Crown of England never pretended Soveraignty. And in the foremention’d Treaty made betwixt his Majesty & the States Gen.l in the Year 1673. ’tis by Name termed a Respect. In Acknowledgem.t of the King of Great Britain’s Right, to have his Flag respected, They Shall Strike their Flag & lower their Topsail, in the same Manner, & with the same respect, as has at any time or in any place been formerly practised, Sayeth the Article. And it is to be done not only within the British Seas, but every where betwixt the Capes Finisterre in Spain & Staten in Norway, beyond the limits of the Sea Soveraingty of England, and consequently has no relation to it. Besides, this Honour to the Kings Flag is required from his own Subjects, but it is needless to require from them an Acknowledgem.t of Soveraignty to whose benefit it redounds; the import is, that Foreigners would Acknowledge it, to whose profit it is opposed. Well then, if this Ceremonie does not relate to an Acknowledgem.t of a Sove­ raignty in the Sea, what is it that it relates to. I Answer to these two things. 1.st It is an Expression of Reverence & Respect. 2.d It is a Salutation of Peace & Friendship; The first Consideration is peculiar to the Dutch & other Inferior States, they perform it as a Reverence to the Crowned Head of England. The

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Second is Common with Dutch to all other Crowned Heads, who if in Amity with England, perform it as a Salutation of Peace & Friendship, The Dutch & others do not by the Flag & Topsail recognize the King of England as Soveraign of the 4 Seas nor Acknowledge themselves thereby his local Subjects. And their Persons, Ships & Goods to be under his immediate Jurisdiction & Protection whilst in & upon the Seas, But they Acknowledge him as preeminent in Order & Quality, not as Soveraign over / them, but as Superior to them in Dignity & Degree. Were I to Express it in Latin, I would do it by the Old Phrase of Comiter cofere, Observare Majestatem. They pay Honour or Respect to the Majesty of a Crowned Island, but Crowned Heads being of Equal Degree cannot be Sup­ posed to pay respect as to a Superior; And yet there is a peculiarity on the Part of England in regard to them. A Foreign King, when Ships of War of another Nation, Approach his havens, & come within reach of his Castles, will Expect & justly may, that the Comer should Salute him first, the Guest always gives the first Salute to the Master of the House, who thereupon resalute him, to bid him Welcome. And what does this Salutation Signifie, be it by lowering Flag & Topsail, or by firing Guns, but that they are come Armed before his Doors, but as Friends, & without intention of doing him hurt. But the peculiarity on the Part of England consists in this, England is an Island whose princip.l Defence is at Sea, and the Ships of the Roy.l Navy are the Forts & Castles of it, the Seasidiary Guards, & Garrisons, as I called them before, Answerable to the Frontier Towns of Inland Dominions, & therefore when met within these Seas by the Ships of War belonging to any other Crowned Head, these ought not Approach the Ships of War of England, who are in their Stations upon their Guard and Duty with their Flag aloft, in a posture of Challenge & Defiance. And therefore these Foreign Ships, tho belonging to an equaly becrowned Head do in the Course & Passage call to the Guard ships of Engl.d, to tell them, They are Friends. And what they cannot do by Words at that Distance, they do by Mute Signs, by Striking their Flag or Topsail, which tantamount to these words. And when they Salute those Guarders by Discharging their Guns, it is in Effect to tell them, they were not Charged against them, & tho they Steer their Course along the Coasts of an open Island, yet they meditate no hostility. This is no Diminution to the / Maj­ esty of a Crowned Head, how great soever. And were the Salutation thus Stated, it would be less Controverted, & our King lose nothing by it neither. But if the Dutch perform this Ceremonie, as a Respect to a Crowned head, without relation to Soveraignty, why not to France as well as England, Since they are equally Crowned heads, and one has one Bank of the Channel, & the other has the other. And what shall then become of the Peculiar Preroga­ tive of the Crown of England? This Peculiarity I have touched already, But as to the Dutch performing equal Respect at Sea to the Crown of France, as to that of England, I do not Doubt but they will do it, when required thereto.

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They Steer their Course by the Pole Star of Trade, not by the Punctilio’s of Honour. And were this Construction put upon their Striking their Flag to the Flag of England, that is a Recognition of a Sea Soveraignty, they would do the same to France the rather, & not as a thing imposed, but upon Choice, thereby to dispropriate & lay Common, what Engl.d would inclose as proper & peculier. Nor would it be a New thing for France to set up for the Honour of the Flag & Topsail, for it was expressly Stipulated in the 12th Article of the Leagues Offensive & Defensive made in the year 1635 between Lewis the 14th & the States Gen.l, that upon Occassion of any Conjunction of the French & Dutch Fleets, the Dutch Adml Should first Salute the French w.th Flag & Topsail, & Fire his Guns, in such manner as had been Practised tow.ds the King of great Brittain upon the Like Occassion & Hen. 2.d Hen 3.d of France did both of them publish their Roy.l Edicts, one in the year 1555, the other in 1584. Commanding all Foreign Ships indifinitely (I supose Traders) to lower their Topsails to the Ships of War of France upon Pain of Seizure & Confisca­ tion & Some Hamburgers well / forcibly taken, for not Conforming to those Edicts. But may not the Present French King Say, what Caesar once did, Cylla fecit, non ifise faciam. Did the two Henries do this in the faint times of their languishing Reigns, & Shall not I do it? Who can Cover with Fleets of War the thre Seas, which Cover the Coasts of France. I have Read Somewhere in the French Memoirs, I think in De Sully,9 that the whole Naval Strength of the Crown of France in the begining of Hen. 4th was about half a Dozen Ships of War, such as they were, at Brest & Rochel, & Ab.t a Score of Gallies in the Mediterranean. But this last Named great King dressed a New Plan of the French Monarchy, & drew out of the lines of it larger than before. And tho’ his great Design was interrupted by an immature Death & by the Succeed­ ing Minority of his Son, Yet the great Cardinal, I mean Richelieu, resumed it again, he first taught France, that the French Flower de luces could grow at Sea, as well as Land, he decked & adorned the lofty Sterns of his new Built Ships with this Prophetick Inscription. Florent quaque Libera Ponto. Having done with the Sea Salutation. I come now to the Question of Fact, How far this Dominion & Soveraignty in the Seas, has been acknowledged as a Right inherent in the Crown of Eng­ land by any of the Neighbouring Nations; either expressly in Publick Treaties & Transactions of State or implicitly by an immemorial peaceable & uninterrupted Possession, commonly called Prescription. This I call the Question of Fact, & dis­ tinguish it from that of Right, to which it is Subsequent. For a Right to anything in one, is antecedent to the / Acknowledgem.t of it by another, and tho’ his Nonacknowledgement may render it Controverted, Yet it may be a just Right & legal Claim Notwithstanding. The Right of the Crown of England to the Dominion of the Seas I meddle not with, it stands, as it did unmoveable like Terminus in

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the Capital, with a Cedo Nulli, it gives place to none But the Enquiries whether in Fact it has been Consented to by Foreign Nations; by which Test we shall be all Able to Discover, whether the Crown of England has lost any thing in Matter of Sea Soveraignty, which it formerly Possessed. In Order to which x x x I shall distinctly handle & Examine the three great Branches of the Soveraignty, which I before Named. 1. – The Exclusion of Foreign Men of War from Passing upon any the Seas of England, without Special License for that purpose first Obtained 2. – The Sole Marine Jurisdiction within those Seas 3. – The Appropriate Fishery. I begin with the first, and the Enquiry is, whether any Soveraighn Prince or State having Occassion to enter upon any the Seas of England, with Men of War, either in Entire Fleets, or as Convoy’s to Merchants, have first asked leave so to do of the King of England, as the Supream Lord of the Territory. I have often Met with a Traditional Story both in Discourse & in Printed Pamphlets, that Queen Eliz having Inteligence that Hen. 4th of France had a design to encrease the Naval Strength of his Kingdom, & to equip a Considerable Fleet of War not only for the Mediterranean, but for the Seas also towards Eng­ land, She sent to bid him disist from it. That the Queen might request him not to put out upon these Seas with an unusual Fleet, as that which might Occassion / jealousy in her Subjects, and Oblige her to an Extraordinary Expense in Arm­ ing Proportionably, & tend to Weaken the Amity & good Assurance betwixt the two Crowns, I say, that She might do this, for I do not find that She did it, is nei­ ther morally impossible, nor wholly Disconform to the Practice among Princes. But that She did pro imperio interdict & forbid him so doing, as an intrenchm.t & Invasion of her Right, by entring with an Armed Force upon the Territories of her Crown without her leave; for this I Shall Suspend my belief ’till better Vouchers be produced. It is too Comon among Men first to form their Oppin­ ions, & then to seek for Proofs; & some rather than not find them, will devise them. There is another current Story of the Same Alloy. That Queen Eliz. seised in the Bay of Cascais in Portugal Sixty laden Ships belonging to the Hans Towns of Germany, & afterwards Confiscated both ships & Goods, for having Pre­ sumptuously passed over her Seas without first Obtaining her Roy.l Permission. In this Several Mistakes are Complicated together; One in Law, & two in Fact. That in Law is this, Supposing the Dominion of the Seas to have been universaly Acknowledged in the Queens undoubted Right, yet ought not the Hanseatick, who were friends & Peaceable Traders, & pursuing their Lawfull Occassions, to have been Confiscated for not asking leave of Passage over these Seas, had there been nothing more in the Case. Because they needed not in Law so to have done

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no more than a Market Man needs ask leave of the Owner to pass his Fields, over which the Market Path lies. the two Mistakes in Fact are these. 1. – The said Sixty Sail of Ships did not in Fact pass the Seas of England, & therefore could not be Confiscated upon that Acc.t M.r Camden,10 our Faithfull Analist says expressly and so does Thuanus11 too, that they Passed on the North of Scotland by the Oreades, Hebrides, and great Western Ocean on the back side of / Ireland, a long & dangerous Passage, to avoid being intercepted in the Channel by the Queens Ships. 2. –The Sole Reason why they were Confiscated was this, because they Carried Goods of Contra Banda, Prohibited Goods, Viz.t Corn, w.ch at that time Spain wanted, & Naval Provisions, to the Relief of an Enemy, who at that time was preparing a New Fleet for the Invasion of England, in revenge of the Disgrace he had received the year before, Viz.t in 88. And this they did contrary to the Queens Proclamation &c. Monitory Letters to the Hans Towns whereby She forbid them to Supply Spain her declared Enemy with Such Provisions under the Penality of Forfeiting Ships & Goods. Thus the Dutch in the year 1652. when by their influence & Interest in the Court of Denmark, they had Caused an English Fleet of above twenty Merch.t Men laden with Pitch, Tar, Flax, Hemp & other Naval Stores to be arrested in the Sound, Supposing that England with whom they were then in War would be Distressed, for want of such Provisions, they published Alalacart forbidding all in Gen.l to import into England any the aforesaid Materials, upon Pain of Confiscation thereof; As being a Relief to an Enemy, in things they Particularly wanted for prosecuting the War against them. I enquire not here Quo Jure, by what Right the Dutch did this, & whether it was not a Violation of the free Commerce of Neutral Nations. But I only instance in the Fact, as Parallel with what the Queen did. If we Consult the Publick Treaties which have been betwixt England & other Soveraigns concerning Ships of War Passing these Seas, we Shall find the Man­ ner to have been as follows. The usual Covenants are & have been, that the Ships of War of either Side may freely Come into the Roads, Havens and Rivers each of other, Provided they be not in such Numbers as may Occassion Suspicions, therefore the Number is Ascertain’d, & not to be Exceeded, unless to an / immi­ nent Danger, & in such Case Notice to be given thereof. For Examp. in the Treaty Concluded at Madrid in the Year 1630.12 betwixt Charles the first of England & Philip the fourth of Spain, wch Treaty was but a Renewal of a former made with King James in 160413 it is in the 8th Article agreed, That it Shall be lawfull to have Access unto each others Ports with Ships of War, whether they Shall Arrive there either by force of Tempest, or for Necessary repairs, or for Provision of Victuals, So they exceed not Eight, when they come of their own accord, nor Stay longer

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than they Shall have Cause. And when any greater Number shall have Occassion of Access, they not to enter the Port, without the Privity & Consent of the King. This is the form of all Treaties, & Articles like to this have been Aggreed betwixt England & France, & England & Holland, But they are always reciprocal, & as other Ships of War are restrained from Access to the English Ports, so are the English from Access to theirs in Equal Maner. And it is to be Noted that the restraint is only from Access to each others Ports, but never any restraint of For­ eign Ships of War from Entring in what Number they Please the Seas of England. Thus in the year 1639. which was but Nine years after the Treaty aforemention’d at Madrid a Spanish Fleet of above 60 Sail Equipped for War entred the Western Channel without leave first Asked, bound for Ostend, to Supply the Spanish Netherlands with Men, Munition, & other Necessarys, & passed the Channel to the height of Dover. And the Dutch Fleet put out in like Manner upon the North East Sea, and fought the Spanish Fleet in the Downes; It is true that S.r John Pennington,14 who then Commanded the English Guard, endeavoured to hinder them from fighting so near the Ports, to the disturbance of the Security & protection of them, & troubling the Commerce & intercourse of the Kings Lieges & Others. But no Complaint made either then or afterwards of the two Fleets of War entring the Seas afores.d, Parcel of the Dominion & territory of the / Crown of England, without a Special licence first asked & Obtained. And it would be time Mispent to recount how often, either the Spaniards, French or Dutch have entred these Seas with Armed Fleets & Convoys, as their Occassions Obliged them, freely, without leave & without Comptrol. I Speak not here of the private Notices & intimations, which one King may in Friendly manner give another to Satisfy him of the reason of any extraordinary Military Preparations, & of the Clearness of his Intentions towards him; but of a formal previous leave to be asked and Obtained by a Foreign Prince or State, before they put out to Sea, upon the Maritime Territory of the Crown of England in a Warlike Equippage. In the Year 1652. the States Gen.l gave Publick Notice by their Ambassador here in England, that they had resolved to fit out to Sea an Extraord.ry Fleet of 150 Men of War, besides those in prest Service, for the Security & Preservation of their Navigation & Commerce. They did not ask leave to do it but first resolved upon it, & then gave Notice; And they pretended this Notice was an Argument of Sincerity & good Will, in order to prevent all Misunderstandings & Sinister Interpretations. But they in England understood it otherwise, & resented it as a Bravado & insult. I Pass now to the second Branch of the Soveraignty, to Examine Matter of Fact, as to that, Viz.t the Marine Jurisdiction. It is Commonly Affirmed by English Writers, that our King Rich.d the 1.st (the French gave a different Acc.) did in his return from Holy land make and

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declare certain Marine Laws for the better Regulation of Commerce, which from the Place of their first Publication were called, the Laws of Oleron,15 a small Island, Scituate in the Bay of Acquitain, & a Member of that great & Wealthy Dutchy, which was in the Actual Possession of King Richard, as his Paternal Inheritance, for it came to his Father Henry the 2.d by Marriage with Eleanor Daughtr / and Heir of William Duke of Acquitain. And by the Way it may be noted that the Dutchy, either in whole or Part, Continued in the Possession of the Kings of England by ten Descents, to the 32.d of Hen. 6.th near 300 years, tho’ that of Normandy Continued but five Descents, and ended in King John. But whether these laws were Published as aforesaid by King Rich.d, or whether about 60 Years after, as some Printed Edditions would have them, is not an Enquiry Pertinent to this Place. Be it Admitted, those laws were Published by King Rich­ ard, who was actual Duke both of Acquitain & Normandy, & in right of the latter, Lord on both sides the English Channel. The great Intercourse betwixt his English & French Subjects, and those of his Allies, required a Certain Rule of Sea laws for the more Speedy & impartial determination of all Controversies which might occassionaly arise. These laws of Oleron, as to the Name of them, are but a Transcript of the Old Rhodian Laws,16 with some New Additions & Amendments Accomodated to the Practice of that Age, and the Customs of the Western Nations, who thereupon might readily conform to them, as to Common Standard & Measure, like a Law of Nations, for the more equal Distribution of Justice among the People of different Government. But to infer from hence an Universal Monarchy at Sea, & that King Richard in right of his Imperial Crown of England & Ducal Crowns of Normandy & Aquitaine, did as Sole or Supream Legislator for the Marine, Authoritatively impose Sea Laws upon the People & Subjects of other Nations, is but a Strained inference. The Romans were far enough from Yielding a Sea Soveraignty to the little Republick of Rhodes and yet were so well Satisfied with the Equity of there Sea Laws, that they not only Conformed to them, but incorporated them into the Body of their Digest. And as the Rhodian Laws Obtained in the Mediterranean, and the Laws of Oleron in the Western & English Seas, So the Laws of Wisbury17 (a Town Scituate / upon the little Isle of Gosland in the Eastern part of the Baltick, formerly under Den­ mark, now under the Crown of Sweden) called from thence Leges Wisburienses were received by the General Consent of the Northern Traders, as a Common Measure for all Nautick Affairs, to the Northwards of the Rhine, & throughout the whole Baltick. That the Sea is within the Jurisdiction of the King of England, is a Matter unquestionable, not at home only, but among all Nations. His Admiral has & ever had thro’ a long Series of Ages, the Cognisance of all Contracts, Pleas & Quarrels made upon the Seas, out of the Body of any County of England, Which Power is enlarged by the Statute of 15 Rich. 2 Cap. 3. to Death & May­

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hem upon great Ships in the Main Stream of great Rivers. And by the Statute of 28. Hen. 8.th Cap. 16. a Court of Commission may be held under the great Seal coram Admirallo &c.a to hear & determine all Treasons, Fellonies, Robberies &c. done or Committed upon the Sea. But then it is evident and undeniable also, that the Neighbouring Kingdoms & States who border upon the Sea, have their distinct Admiralties likewise, & have long since had, where their Subjects & People receive final Sentences in all Maritime Causes, without exception of any Seas, or without Appeal to the Admiralty of England, as the last resort, as having Supream Cognizance of all things done & Committed in & upon the British Seas. If a French or Dutch Vessel take a Pirate of what Nation soever, who Comitted a Robbery upon the high Seas, they do not remit him to the Admi­ ralty of England, as to the Sole Tribunal of the Place where the Fact was done, to receive Sentence there; but they carry him before their own Judicatures & Judge him as an Enemy of Mankind by the Law of Nations. If one Foreigner does any Injury to another, be it Fraud or Violence, / upon the British Seas, the Party Injured make not his Complaint to the Admiralty of England, as the Proper Court, and as having the Sole Juridicial Cognizance of his Plea, but resorts to the Jurisdiction of his own Soveraign, or to that of the Soveraign of the wrong doer, & there impleads him, and prays for Justice. If a Frenchman kill a Frenchman, One Alien another upon the Land of England, the Fact is Committed within the local Ligeance of the King of England, & against the Peace & Protection of his Crown, & therefore triable before his Courts. But if two Englishmen be under the Pay and Service of the French King, and one of them Kill the other a board a French Man of War, within the four Seas, The French Kings Judicature will have the Cognizance of the Crime, as done within his Ligeance, and against the Peace and Protection of his Crown. Thus Stands the Matter of Fact, as to the Marine Jurisdiction, and thus it has been for many Ages; but yet there is an Antient Precedent which Seems to impugn something that has been said, & not to take Notice of it were to report things unfaithfully, And therefore I crave leave to Examine it. It is a Bundle or Roll in the Tower of London, Superscribed De Superiortate Maris Anglia et Jure Officy Admiralitatis in Eodem; Record, I can Scarce call it, for its not Judicial Act or Monum.t of a Court of Record; And it may be read as it is transcribed at large by the Lord Chief Justice Coke, & by M.r Selden who highly insists upon it. I Shall Abreviate it truly, & in Short the Case was this. A League had been Concluded between Edw.d 1.st of England & Philip the Fair of France, in which it was Covenanted, that each Should Defend the others Rights, & neither relieve the others Enemy. After this a War ensued between Philip and / the Earl of Flanders, whom Edw.d Secretly favoured. Whereupon Reyner Grimbald, who was Gen.l at Sea for the King of France, took several

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Ships of England & other Nations trading to Flanders, and Confiscated Ships & Goods, & imprisoned Persons, as carrying Relief to an Enemy. Upon which, & other Complaints, Commissioners were appointed by both Kings, Called in the Roll wrote in Norman French Auditeurs Deputez par les Roy’s d’Angleterre et de France, a redressez les Dominages fait. The Plaintiffs, who were of Several Nations, appear by their Procuratirs or Attorny before the said Commissioners, and joyn all together in one Bill or Libell, as being all involved in one Common Cause. In the Rehearsal of the said Libel it is alledged, that, Whereas the King of England, by reason of the said Kingdom from time to time, whereof there is no Memory to the Contrary, have been in Peaceable Possession of the Soveraign Dominion of the Sea of England of the Isles of the same, by Ordaining of Laws &c. And Whereas it is Covenanted in the League lately made betwixt the two Kings, that each Should Defend the others Rights, Franchises & Liberties &c. Monsieur Reyner Grimbald Commander of the Fleet of the King of France, who Names himself Admiral of the said Sea, being Commissioned by that King to serve him in his War against Flanders, has, Contrary to the said League, Wrong­ fully Assumed the Office of the Admiralty in the said Sea of England, upon pretence of the said Comission, taking the People and Merchants &c. They Pray, that the Persons, Ships & Goods so taken may be delivered to the Admiral of the King of England, to whom the Cognizance of the Whole matter of Right appertained. He who shall read more at large in the Places before Quoted, the Magnificient Attributes given to the Kings of England, of their being Peaceably Possessed, time immemorial of the Soveraign Dominion of the Sea of England, by Ordain­ ing Laws & Statutes, prohibiting / Arms & Armed Vessels, taking Sureties & giving Safeguards & ordaining all other things Necessary to the Preservation of Peace & Right among all People Passing upon that Sea &c.a Will at first View be ready to Cry out – fuimus Troes? fuit Ilium? We were Englishmen! England was! and yet perhaps no Need of such Exclamation. At first reading it seemed to me, at some Distance, like a Stone-Wall athwart my Way, and no Possibility of Passing farther; But when I examined it more nearly, I found it but a Silken Curtain of Specious Words, drawn Artificially before the Eye, and easy to be put by with the Hand. 1. – First it is to be noted that all this is but a Pladdoyé, a Plea or Action, a Sup­ plicatory Libel, or Bill of Complaint, no Definitive Sentence or Arrest, nothing that did Pass in rem judicatam. This alone, were there nothing more, is Sufficient to abate the intrinsick Value of it. The Roll makes no mention, of any Decision given by the Delegates upon any the matters contained in the Libell, & either none was given, which seems most Probable, & those Controversies decided some other Way, or the Roll is les imperfect.

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2. – Though the Interessents of several Nations, as Danes, Germans, Holland­ ers &c Suffered Damages by the Seizures of Grimbald, in like manner as the English did, & therefore joined with them in the same Libel; Yet the Libel was Penned by English Council, as is Manifest by the Address or Direction of it, A Vous Seigneurs Auditors deputez, To You Lords Auditors Deputed par les Rois d’Angleterre, et de France, by the Kings of England & France, where England has the Preference of Order to France, contrary to the Stile of Neutral Nations of that Age. 3. – The Allegation of the Kings of England having / been time immemorial in the Peaceable Possession of the Soveraignty of the Sea, was not made by the French Delegates in the Name of the King their Master, but by English Advo­ cates in Favour of their Clients Cause. The French King had Commissioned Grimbald to Exercise Jurisdiction at Sea, by Arresting & Confiscating Ships & Goods, and Imprisoning Persons for carrying relief to the Earl of Flanders, his Enemy, by which Commission Grimbald Justyfied himself in doing such Acts, as were Manifestly repugnant to the Peaceable Possession of the said Soveraign Dominion. If he had Acknowledged the Adm.l of England the only Compe­ tent Judge of things done & Committed upon the Sea of England, why did he, together with the King of England, depute Auditors or Delegates for determin­ ing those matters then in Contoversy. 4. – The Art in Penning the said Bill is remarkable, it affirms the Marine Juris­ diction of the Admiral of England, but it does not except against a Power in the King of France to Constitute an Admiral with the like Jurisdiction & that upon the Sea towards Flanders; For it is Certain that the Crown of France had Admirals before the time of Philip the Fair. It is true, that great Body of the Kingdom of France had been Cantonized & Divided, after the Manner of the German Nations, into many Franca Feuda, as they call them, Free Fees, which are Supream & Independent Soveraignties, only the Persons of those Soveraigns under a Personal Obligation of Treaty to another. The respects of Feudatary Princes were Fiduciary Homagers to the Kings of France, but the Crown of France had no Regal Jurisdiction or Authority within their Principality’s. Thus the great Dukedoms of Aquitain & Normandy were under the Kings of Eng­ land, that of Britany was under a Duke of its own, the Earldoms of Provence, Tholouse, & Flanders Acknowledged / their own Soveraign Courts. In those Days the Crown of France had only a small Sea Coast upon Picardy, & Some in the Mediteranean. But in the time of Philip the Fair, that Crown was in the Actual Possession of all Normandy, And as the other Principalities became reincorporated into the Body of France, from whence they had formerly been dismembred, as now they all are, excepting some part of Flanders, that Kingdom, as it enlarged itself to the Sea, by the Occassion of many new Coasts, so the Marine Jurisdiction thereof Increased Proportionally. I say the fore recited Libel

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does not deny a Civil Power or Capacity in the Crown of France to Create an Admiral, & to invest him with Marine Jurisdiction; But the Exception is partly against the Person of Grimbald, & partly against his illegal Practices & Seizures, contrary to the Alliance made betwixt the two Kings. Now this Grimbald was a Foreigner & a Mercenary, he was a Genoese, whom the King of France had hired with several Gallies of that Republick, to Serve him in the War against Flanders. The Plaintiffs in their Libel call him Maistre de la Navy du Roy de France, Master or Commander of the French Fleet, but would not Vouch safe him the Title of an Admiral, only, qui se dit etre Admiral, that he called himself an Admiral, & Craftily reclaims the Cognizance of their Cause from him, as an incompetent Judge, to the Admiral of England, as an undoubted Authority, & before whom they were sure to gain their Process. I have done with the Marine Jurisdiction, & proceed now to the third & last Branch of the Soveraignty, & that is the appropriate Fishery. This indeed is so Principal a Part, & so Essential to the Soveraignty, that it is convertible with it. He who is the Soveraign of any Sea, not as Sea Relates to Persons only passing over it, or abiding on it, or the Respective Ships and / Goods of those Persons, but as Sea denotes Place or Territory, has the Sole Right of Fishing in that Sea; And he who has the Sole Originary Right, & not Derivative from another of Fishing in that Sea, is the Soveraign of it. The Enquiry is upon the Matter of Fact as to Fishing upon the Seas about England, in which our Publick Treaties made betwixt our Kings & other Soveraigns, will be our best direction. And they stand thus. All the Antient Treaties, I could meet with, concluded betwixt the Several Kings of England & their old Confederates, the Duke of Britany & Burgundy, which in those Ages were the most Powefrfull Neighbours, they had at Sea, are of the same Tenor & run in the same Form, Viz.t, They Covenant on both Sides, that their Respective Subjects Should freely & without the Let, or hindrance, one of another, Fish every where upon the Sea, without asking any Licenses, Passports, or Safe Conducts. This is the General Form of them all. For Example, In the Treaty betwixt Edw.d 4.th of England & Francis Duke of Britany, the Article in the French of that time runs thus. That the Fishermen of both of the Kingdom of England, & of the Dutchy of Britany, pourront peaceablement aller par tout Sur Mer pour pescher et gaigner leur vivre, sans impeachement ou disturber de l’une partie ou de l’autre, et sans leur Soit besoign Sur ceo requerir Sauf Conduit. And the same Form had been Used before in the Treatie betwixt Hen. 6.th & the then Dutchess of Burgundy; Thus also the Famous Treatie called Intercursus Magnus made in the Year 1495. betwixt Hen. The 7.th of England & Philip the 4.th Arch Duke of Austria, & Duke of Burgundy in the 14.th Article it is Agreed, Quod Piscatores utriouq Partis poterint ubiq ire navigare per Mare, Securé piscare, abs – impedimento, Licentiâ Seu salvo conductu. And this form

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also kept to in the Treatie made betwixt Hen. 8.th & Charles Emperor & Duke of Burgundy. In the time of Queen Eliz. / after that Seven of the Seventeen Prov­ inces had set up Distinct Soveraignties of their own, they Still enjoyed the same freedom of Fishing, as they had done before, when united with the House of Burgundy. And in the Treaty made betwixt King James of England & Philip of Spain in the Year 1604. The Antient Treaties of Intercourse & Commerce betwixt the Kingdoms of England & Scotland & Ireland, & the Dominions of the Duke of Burgundy, & Princes of the low Countries were received and reconfirmed. From whence it appears upon the whole matter, that the Kings of England, in their Treaties with other Soveraigns, not once or twice but in a Suc­ cession of Ages, not by Surprize, but Deliberatly, & when the Bussiness of the Fishery came under Special Consultation, did not Challenge to themselves the Sole Right thereof Exclusive of all others, as being appropriated to the Crown of England. For had they esteemed the Fishery the Property of their Crown, & all aliens excluded from it, they would not have Admitted the Subjects of Britany & Burgundy to a Promiscuous Fishing with their own Subjects, without some valuable Consideration had been given for it, or at least some License Obtain’d, as a Beneficiary Grant derived from them, or some Acknowledgement made by way of a Salvo Jure, a Saving to the Right of the Crown of England. Else it would be as unreasonable, as if a Man Should throw down the Enclosures of his own Ground, & lay that Common, which before was his Property; Which is too Gross a Reflection upon the Wisdom of those Ages. And this may be further Illustrated by a familiar instance. Suppose here in England two Great Manors, & betwixt them a large Lake of Fresh Waters well Stored with Fish, and it can be proved, that not only time out of Mind, The Tenants of the two Manors have Promiscuously Fished therein, but that also the Lords of both Manors have in several Ages contracted each / other for a free Fishing, without leave or Licence to be first Asked or Obtained for their Respective Tenants; And in the Contract no Exception or Reservation is made of the Fishery as Parcell of the Inheritance of one of the said manors, nor any word breaking a Tenure whereby one Should hold of the other, nor expressing or implying, that it was but a temporary Suffer­ ance, that one of the Lords should Share for a time in the Profits of the Fishing, without any Share in the Fee or Inheritance of it; And this by the free Donation of the other, commonly called de gratiâ Speciale, or for a Valuable Consideration usually termed, Quid pro quo, as to hold by some Small Acknowledgment of Tenure, as of a Peper Corn Yearly; But the Contract Stands on both sides, upon an equal Foot, both Lords Equaly giving & taking an undisturbed Liberty for their Respective Tenants. This I Humbly Conceive is good Evidence, that the Right of Fishing lies Common to both Manors. Supose again this Lake to be the Sea, & the two manors to be two Kingdoms and the Case will Still be the same.

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None of our Leagues and Treaties made either with the House of Burgundy, or with the House of Austria, since the Union of the two Houses, or with the States General since their disunion from both, have ever reserved to the Crown of England any Annuity Paym.t, Fee Farm or Consideration for their liberty of Fishing of our Seas. A Certain Sum was never agreed, an uncertain one could never be Demanded. And yet S.r John Boroughs in his Book of the Soveraignty of the British Seas18 Says, that Philip the Second King of Spain Obtained of Queen Mary his Wife Licence for his Subjects to Fish upon the North Coasts of Ireland, they paying Yearly for the same One Thousand Pounds Sterling; which was accordingly Paid into the Exchequer of Ireland. But instead of an Authentick Record, he Vouches only the hearsay of / S.r Edward Fitton Son to S.r Henry Fitton Sometime Treasurer of Ireland who, he says, had often testified it. This may the rather be Suspected of Mistake, because M.r Camden relates, how that Queen Eliza. having Sent four Ambassadors, whereof One was Prin­ cipal Secretary of State, & not likely to be Suposed ignorant of such an Affair, to Treat at Bremen with the Ambassadors of Denmark upon Complaint of that Kings forbiding Foreigners the freedom of Fishing betwixt Norway & Iceland, both Appertaining to the Crown of Denmark; The Queens Ambassadors openly Affirmed, that the Kings of England had in no time forbid the Freedom of Fish­ ing in the Irish Seas, albeit they were Lords of both Banks. The said M.r Camden in his Description of the North riding of Yorkshire, Speaking of Scarborough Castle, says, that the Hollanders & Zealanders take wonderfull quantity’s of Herring upon this Coast, Cum Veniam pruis Vet­ eri instituto ex hoc Castro impetraverint, whereas they were wont by Antient Use to ask leave first of the Castle. For, says he, the English always gave leave to Fish, reserving that Honour to themselves, but Slothfully resigning the Profit to others. But all this while he quotes no Authority neither, nor Directs us to any Original Record, where we might Consult the Plain Truth of the Case. Perhaps what he Historically calls, Asking leave, was but giving Notice of their Arrival & Acquainting the Governor who they were, and what their Bussiness was upon the Coast. And Probably, by his Civilities to the Fishermen, might make some Perquisites & Profits to his Place, by permitting them, as Occassion required, to dry their Nets a Shore, to fetch Victuals, or Fresh Water, from Land, to Fish within the Havens & Bays, where Commonly the best fed Fish are taken. But it is not / likely, that the Governor of Scarborough had so indefinate a Power, as to enable him to give leave upon bare Asking, without any further Condition or Consideration, to all Foreigners, to Fish at Pleasure within the Royalties of the Crown. However it is too Manifest, that no Prince, nor State did ever Pay to the Crown of England any Yearly Sum of Mony, or other Valuable Consideration for the Liberty of their Subjects Fishing upon the Seas of England, for had such Sum

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been Paid, it would have Passd into the Acco.t of the Exchequer, as a Branch of the Royal Revenue, and there remained upon Record. As for the Case of my Lord Northumberland in the Year 1636, that is extraor­ dinary, & will not Pass for a Precedent. The Dutch Busses were then required by the English Admiral to take Licences from him for Fishing in the Northern Seas, & to pay Moderate Rates for the obtaining those Licences, which they did to redeem themselves from the forcible Molestation of a well appointed Fleet. So that this was the Compulsory Act of Private Persons, not the Voluntary Act of the States General, who were so far from Consenting to what was done, that they made Remonstrations & Complaints of this Proceeding by their Ambassadors here in England. And as it Appears not by the Records of the Exchequer, that any recompence was give by Foreigners for Liberty of Fishing within our Seas; So neither does it Appear by any the Publick Treaties, that the Subject of any foreign Prince Should ask leave for so doing, by Stipulation & Contract, though they were sure to have it without Paying any thing, only by the bare asking, to keep in Memory a Perpetual Acknowledgement of a Beneficiary Grant derived from the Crown of England, as Supream Lord of the Sea. On the Contrary, the Treaties Caution for a Liberty of Fishing absq Licentiâ, without any leave or / Licence first to be asked. And yet England has asked leave, & Covenanted so to do, of a Foreign Crown. I would not have mentioned this had it been a Secret, but it is a thing Publick & in Print. By Treaty made & Concluded in the Year 1490 betwixt Hen. 7.th of England & John 2.d King of Denmark, which Treaty was afterwards Renewed betwixt our Hen. the 8.th & their Chrissiern the 2.d An.o 1523. it was mutually covenanted, that the Liegemen, Merchants & Fishermen of England Should Fish & Traffick upon the Northern Sea, betwixt Norway & Ireland, but under a Proviso of First asking leave, & renewing their Licences from Seven Years to Seven Years de Septiennio in Septiennium from the Kings of Denmark & Norway & their Successors; They are the Words of the Treaties. But as Navigation enlarged, & England grew more opulent in Trade, & Potent at Sea, all this is gone into utter disuse & Discontinuance. And the Kings of Eng­ land may with better Right Prohibit the Subjects of Denmark from passing the English Sea or Channel, without Special Licence first Obtained, than the Kings of Denmark can the Subjects of England from passing the Northern Sea betwixt Denmark and Ireland. There is a Record, which M.r Selden quotes out of a Parliam.t Roll of King Rich.d 2.d is very remarkable. It is a Grant in Parliament of an Imposition accord­ ing to Certain Rates and Proportions upon all Vessels Passing or Fishing within the Admiralty of the North, Viz. upon the Sea Northwards from the Mouth of the Thames. The Rates were as follows. 1.st To take of every Ship going & com­ ing upon that Sea, Six pence a Tun for the Voyage, 2. To take of every Vessel Fishing for Herring Six pence a Tun by the Week. 3. To take of vessels Fish­

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ing for other Fish, Six Pence a Tun for every three Weeks. 4. Of Ships laden at Newcastle with Coals, Six pence a Tun for every three / Months. 5. To take of all other Ships passing the Sea within the said Admiralty laden in Prusia, Nor­ way Scoven or elsewhere in those parts, Six pence a Last for the Voyage. Some Collect & infer from hence (I confess I cannot) that King Rich.d by Assent in Parliament, did impose these Rates, not only upon Subjects, but Foreigners, for Trading & Fishing within the North East Sea, as part of the Territorial Property of the Crown. Were it so, it would be a matter of mighty Weight & moment. But it is questionable, whether those words of Universality chascun Nefet chascun vaiseau (for the Roll is wrote in Norman French) Every Ship & every Vessel, ought to be Extended to all English Vessels only, and not those of Foreigners. And if extended to Foreigners, since the Grant is said to be made par l’advis des Merchandez de Londres et des autres Merchands vers le Nord. It is worthy considering whether by these other Merchants towards the North, are not to be understood by an equal Coextension, Foreigners, as well Natives, that is to say Hansiaticks & all other Merchants whether English or others dwelling or Trading towards the North, who having often occasion to Pass & Repass the Northern Sea, at that time Infested with Rovers, advised the said Grant, which word imply’s a request or desire somewhat more than a base Consent. And what was this Impost for which they advised might be laid upon all their Ships & Vessels; The Roll tells us expressly, that it was pour la garde et tuition du Mier &c. for the Guard & Security of the Sea, and of the Coasts of the Admiralty of the North, with two Ships, two Barges, & two Ballingers, Armed & Arrayed for War. And it is most Probable, that not the King himself, but Private Persons Commissioned from him, undertook, at their own Expence, to equip & Arm the said Vessels for the Benefit of the Merch.ts & Security of their Commerce, & by this Rated Impost to be reimbursed their Charge, & rewarded for their Service. This may be Collected from / the first Article in the Roll, where there is an Exception of Ships laden with Merchandizes in Flanders bound for London, & laden with Wool and Skins at London, or elsewhere within the Admiralty of the North to be unladen at Calais, of which Ships the Six Pence P Tun aforesaid was not to be required. But then it follows, Les queux Niess les Gardiens de la diete Mer ne Serout tenus de les conduire Sans estre allowez, The Guardians of the Said Sea were not Obliged to give Convoy to those Ships, without an Allow­ ance in Consideration thereof. So that upon the whole matter, here is nothing that relates to the Dominion of the Sea, for the Imposition upon the Ships and Merchandises was not Jure Corona, in right of the Crown, for passage over the Districts, or Fishing within the Royalties of it, but ratione Oneris, in Consideration of a Charge, which some Persons Sustained, and that by Contract to preserve & Defend the freedom & Security of Navigation & Commerce. And it was very Just and reasonable that

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what was undertaken for a Common good & Benefit, Should be Supported & defrayed by a Common Charge & Contribution. The Roll does not say, that the Impost was granted to the King, as an Additional Revenue to his Crown; but it was for the Guarders of the Sea to reimburse their Expence, & recompense their Service. And the Case is Parallel with this other, Suppose the Hamburgers and other Hanseaticks Trading to the Streights, who have very small or no Convoy of their own, & Apprehensive of the Courses of the Rovers of Affrica, the Turks, & Moors, Should Contract with the King of France, or others Comissioned from him, to Supply them with Convoys from the Mouth of the Streights, ’till they are Arrived at the respective Ports whether they are Bound, and in Consideration thereof to give so much a Tun upon every Ship so Convoyed. This would have no relation to any Soveraignty in the Crown of France in & over the Mediterranean Sea; but / would be a Particular Contract only, a Quid pro Quo, Something to be done, and something to be received in Consideration of so doing. There want no Examples in History of those who have exacted Tribute upon all Passing certain Seas adjacent to their Territory’s, and yet not as Proprietary Lords of those Seas neither, but only as Protectors & Defenders of the Navi­ gation thereof, Thus the Romans imposed a Tax upon all Ships Sailing in the Erythran or Red Sea, towards the Maintenance of a Maritime Force, for the repression of Piratical Excursions. And the Athenians did the same in the Helle­ spont. Thus the Duties in the Sound, payable to the Kings of Denmark began at first, not on acco.t of any Soveraignty over that Sea, but because those Kings were at the Charge of Maintaining Continual Fires upon the Col & Annot, & Floating Tuns or Bouys upon the Sands, as a Direction to Merch.ts in that dangerous Enterance into the Baltick. For which was Antiently paid them at Cronembourgh-Castle in the Sound, no more, (’till new Exactions Crept in) than a Rose-Noble for an Empty Ship, & if laden, a Rose-Noble more for her lading, nor could any refuse Payment pretending that he had an Able Pilot, & needed not the Direction of the Kings Fires, for it is not reasonable, that the Contumacy of one or more Particular Persons Should Frustrate or Evacuate a Publick Benefit. In the 7.th Year of King James. An.o 1609 a Proclamation was Published of high Importance, inhibiting all Persons of what Nation or Qual­ ity soever, not being Natural born Subjects, from Fishing upon any the Coasts & Seas of Great Britain & Ireland, & the Isles adjacent, without first obtaining Licences from the King, or his Commissioners, Authorised in their behalf, And those licences to be renewed Yearly. This was the first that ever I could meet with of this Nature; Not but that Particular Fishermen of Diep, Calais, Bruges, &c, have sometimes / both before and since, taken Licences here in England, for the Fishery; but then they did it either as an Abundant Caution, or to gain an Indefi­ nite Liberty of Fishing every where close upon the English Shores, & within the Fryths, Bays & Havens, without fear of Molestation; And they did it Ex proprio

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Motu, without the Privity & knowledge of their Soveraigns; And paid nothing for it to the Treasury of England, only gave Fees and Gratuitys to the Secretar­ ies, & others for Dispatch of their Licenses. But here is a Royal Edict or Law by way of Remonition to all the Neighbouring Princes & States together with their Subjects, to take Licences of the King, or his Commissioners for Fishing upon any of the Coasts & Seas of Great Britain, the Number of their Ships and Vessels together with their Tunnage to be Specified, in Order to a rateable Composi­ tion, to be paid Yearly into the Exchequer of England. And King Charles the 1.st in the 12.th Year of his Reign An.o 1636 Published another Royal Proclamation to the Same Tenour also. By which Act those two Kings kept up the Continual Claim of the Crown of England to a Sole and Appropriate Fishery in the British Seas, and Consequently to the Soveraignty and Dominion thereof. But neither of those Publick Edicts, Obtain’d from any of our Neighbours their due & Just Effect. Thus Stands the Case of the Fishery. And thus I have gone over all the Chief Branches of the Soveraignty, and have faithfully related the Matter of Fact, and how the Practice is and has been betwixt Us and our Neighbours in reference to them all, not so fully indeed and amply as I might, but Sufficiently to my Purpose, who designed not a Volume, but an Abstract. There is still one thing behind concerning the Fishery, which I Shall Mention, and so conclude. It is by way of Temperament or relaxation, and yet without / renouncing any thing; It is a Medium betwixt Grasping at all and holding nothing; It is what would greatly Accommodate England, if it can be Obtained, or if a Proper Season presented for Offering at it; I say, a Season or fit Conjuncture. For what in Natural Philosophy among Chymists is a just degree of heat, Necessary to the Production of all great & Admiral Effects, that in Poli­ ticks among States-Men is a fit Conjuncture. the Temperament or Expedient, which I mean, is briefly this; A Limited Fishing, not a Licensed, but a limited one, without License. This has both a foundation of Solid Reason to Support it, and is backd also with Precedents and Authorities Sufficient to Vindicate it from the imputation of a New Project. The reasonableness of it may be thus Shown. The Soveraignty of any Sea, and the Right of the Sole Fishing in it, are so inta­ mately connec’t, yea so Coessential one to the other, that he who controverts the one, will infallibly dispute and opiniastre the other; But he who Acknowl­ edges – one of them, will, by a Necessary Consequence Yield both. And yet it is a thing undoubted, and never brought into Question by any, but that every Prince, whose Country Adjoynes to the Sea, and whose Shores are indented with Bays, Creeks, Havens, and Rivers, has Some Portion of the Sea, belonging to him in Property, as an Accession of the Land, or Appendant to it, or rather incorporated with it, like veins and Arteries, integral Parts of the Same Body. The Aforementioned King James in the 2.d Year of his Reign Anno 1604. caused a Sea Chart to be Published, describing all the Coasts round England, by

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Strieght lines, drawn from one Promontary or Foreland to another, and all that was intercepted and included within those Lines, was called the Kings Cham­ bers and Royal Ports. And in the Proclamatation / Published the same time, and which refers to the said Sea Chart, they are called the Places of the Kings Dominion and Jurisdiction, Not but that the Kings Dominion at Sea extended beyond those Limits, but all places within those Limits were Signally and immi­ nently so, and all Hostilities betwixt Foreigners in War one with another, but in Amity with England, forbidden within these Precincts. Our Law also makes a Considerable Difference betwixt Havens, Rivers, Creeks, and Bayes, and the Altum Mare, or high Sea, for the Fish are reconed infra Corpus comitatus, as the Law Phrase is, Parts and Members of the Counties of England; & all Pleas of Contract, and other things done there, are triable by Verdict, and Determinable at Common Law. But the Court of Admiralty holds Plea and Conusance of all things done upon the high Sea, as being out of the Body of any County, and Consequently from whence no Jury can be returned for Tryal of Issues. If there be no certain Standard in Nature to Ascertain the Precise Bounda­ rys of that peculiar Marine Territory, I am now Speaking to, which belongs to every Prince in Right of his Land, Yet by Treaty and Agreement they may eas­ ily be reduced to certainty. For as to the Judgement and Oppinion of Private Persons, we cannot fetch from thence any trace Measure; for though they all Agree Unanimously that there is something Due of Right, Yet they vary in the Quantum, or how much. Baldus19 reckons 100 Miles at Sea, as the district of the Adjacent Land. Bodin20 affirms it for a received Law among Nations, that the Prince whose Country abuts upon the Sea, Should have 60 Miles Jurisdiction from the Shore; and that it was so adjusted in the Case of the / Duke of Savory. Another Doctor will tell Us, that so much of the Sea Appertains to the Land, as far as a Man can see from Shore in a fair day. But this will not serve our Turn. For if a Man see from Dover to Calais, I suppose the like may be done from Calais to Dover; And whose Shall the Sea be betwixt? therefore the surest way is to prescribe the Limits of Fishing betwixt Neighbouring Nations by Contract, and not by the less certain Measure of Territory. For if no Bounds be fixed, how many inconveniences and what a licentious Extravagance may Such a Liberty run into? Why may not the Dutch, as formerly they have done, dredge for Oysters upon the Coasts of Essex, within the Fishery of Private Persons, and within Streams and Waters, appertaining to particular Mannors, by Grants from the Crown? Why may they not Fish within the Mouth of the Thames Or within our Creeks, Havens, and Rivers, as far as Salt Water flows? or to the first Bridge? if they will please to Stop there. If it reasonable, that there should be no Distinction, as to Fishing betwixt Native and Alien? why then do they Challenge to themselves, those smaller Seas and Inlets within the Vlie & Texel, and all other Waters which breaking in at a Streight Neck, or Istmus of Land, form a Peninsula, and,

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in the Nature of Standing Lakes, are inclosed within the Banks of those Low Countries. The States there farm out the Fishing of the South Sea or Zuyder, and other Streams to their own People and Subjects, under the Reservation of a Yearly Rent to be Paid therefore; and consequently exclude all others from it. I list these things only to Shew the reasonableness of a Limited Fishing; And as to the Authorities, by which it is Strengthened I shall touch upon them also. It was Antiently Covenanted betwixt the Crown of / Scotland, and the Netherlands, that they should not Fish within fourscore Miles from the Scottish Shores. My Author is Wellwood a Scotch Lawyer, in a little Tract of his, which I have seen and Read De Dominio Maris in the third Chapter His words are Non possum preterire, quodante Saculum hoc post cruentissimam ex occassionibus Maritimis Discordum inter Scotos Batavosq resin hiene modum composita fuit, ut Batavi inposterum abstinerent aboris Scoticis ad Octuaginta Saltem milliara. In the Second Year of King James, Commissioners were Appointed and Authorised under the Great Seals of Engl.d and Scotland to Treat and Conclude an Union betwixt the two Kingdoms, and in the Articles for Regulating Trade betwixt them, it was among other things mutually Agreed, That the Fishing within the Fryth’s and Bays of Scotland, and in the Seas within fourteen Miles distance from the Coasts of that Realm, where neither English, nor other Stran­ gers have Used to Fish, Should be reserved & Appropriated to Scotchmen only. And so reciprocally on the Part of Engl.d, Scotchmen to Abstain from Fishing within the like distance off the Coasts of England. But if English and Scots, who though the two Kingdoms be Sui Juris, and independant one upon another, are tied together in the same Common Bond of Allegiance to one and the same Prince, be excluded from Fishing within fourteen Miles from each others Coasts, how much more reasonable is it that Aliens and Foreigners Should be Obliged to keep the like Distances. King James finding that his forementioned Proclamation, in the 7th Year of his Reign, for a Licenced Fishing was not seconded by a Suitable Compliance on the Part of the Neighbouring Nations, did about Nine Years after, by way of Expedient, propose a limited Fishing instead thereof. For thus I find it in a Letter from Secretary Naunton to the Lord Carlton, English Ambassador at the Hague, bearing Date January 21.st 1618. He Aquaints him, how the King had by him the said Secretary desired of the Commissioners of the States, then residing at London, that they would write to their Supperiors to Publish a Placart, Pro­ hibiting any their Subjects to Fish within fourteen Miles of his Majestys Coasts that Year, or any time after, until Orders be taken by Commissioners Authorised on both sides for a final Settling of the Main Bussiness. And the said Ambas­ sador was Commanded to make the like Instance and Declaration to the States General, in the Name of his Master.

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I am apt to believe, this Distance of fourteen Miles was the rather Pitcht upon, as the regulated Measure, which had been Agreed upon, betwixt the Commissioners of both Kingdoms in the 2.d of the King, as I said before, I have done with the Authorities. And for the better Elucidation of what I have said, Shall briefly Summ it up into a Fictitious Article, like that before Supposed to be mad betwixt England and Holland. To Maintain a due Distinction between Native and Foreigners, in Fishing upon the Coasts of their respectv Soveraigns, and to prevent the Manifold incon­ veniences, which Occassionaly arise by a promiscuous and Unlimited Fishing, it is mutualy Covenanted, Concluded and Agreed that the People and Subjects of the United Netherlands Shall / henceforth Abstain from Fishing within any the Rivers, Fryths, Havens, or Bays of great Britain and Ireland, or within the Distance of leagues from any Point of land thereof, or of any of the Isles thereto belonging, under the Penalty and forfeiture of the Fish that Shall be found a board any Vessel doing to the contrary, and of all the Nets, Utensils, and other Instruments of Fishing. The like Distances, and under the same Penalties, to be kept and Observed by the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Britain and Ireland from any the Coasts belonging to the United Netherlands. But beyond those Precincts and Limits, that the People and Subjects on both sides be at freedome to Use and Exercise Fishing where they Please, without Asking or tak­ ing Licences or Safe Conduct for so doing, and without the lett Hindrance or Molestation one of another. Saving always the Antient Rights of the Crown of England, and that Nothing herein contained, be interpreted, or extended to any Diminution or Impeachment thereof. But that they remain in the same Force and Virtue, as before this Agreement. The Article is Penned and indifferently on both sides, and so much the bet­ ter, because the Equality of it is a further Arguement of its equity, and Yet all the Advantage is to England as may be easily Seen. 1. – The four Maritime Provinces of Holland, Zealand, Friesland and Groninguen are very little, if Compared with the long extended Coasts of Great Britain and Ireland. 2. – This Article Secures not only the Fishery’s of Private Persons, but those within other Places and Precincts of peculiar / benefit and Profit to the English, for the best fed Fish are usualy taken in the Havens, Bay’s, and other places near the Coasts. 3. – Under pretence of Fishing, the Dutch come under our Cliffs and Shores, and Privily export Wool, fullers Earth, and other Prohibited Commodities, and some times Sell fish to the English, to the Discouragement of our Fishermen. 4. – An Unlimited Fishing gives Oppertunities of taking the Soundings of all our Havens, Bays and Coasts, whereas the States by Letting to Farm to their own

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Subjects the Fishing upon theirs, our Fishermen are the less Acquainted with those Coasts; And it is rare to Meet with an English Mariner, who can Pilot a Ship into the Vlie or Texel. What I have written is, with most Loyal and Dutifull Affection to the Sacred Person of his Majestie, the Dignity of his Crown, and Honour of his Govern­ ment, humbly Submitted to better Informed Judgments.

The manuscript Discourse of our Sea Affairs may be Serviceable to his Maj­ esty these two Ways. 1. – To put a Stop to some Popular Errors which prevail to the great inconven­ ience of his Majestie, by Prompting him upon Pretended Points of Honour to Contend with all his / Neighbours, for things not Safe to be insisted on, never enjoyed, nor likely ever to be Obtained. 2. – To Allay the Jealoysies of Foreign Princes which dispose them upon every Occassion to enter into Confederacies prejudicial to his Majesties Interests. For as it has been the Policy of France in this last Age to load Spain with an Impu­ tation of Affecting an Universal Monarchy; So it is the Practice of Holland to Charge England with an Affectation of a Sea Monarchy; to the belief of which We unwarily Contribute. And, under this Covert, the Dutch Advance their own Designs, as the French have done theirs under the former. I only Crave leave to Suggest this Short hint to further Consideration, and remain Sir Your most humble & faithfull Servant Ph: Meadows Jan. 2.d 1686 To Sam.l Pepy’s Esq.r

PETTY, ‘TRADE: DOMINION OF THE SEAS’

William Petty, ‘Trade: Dominion of the Seas’ (c. 1674). British Library, Add. MS 72865, ff. 118–38.1

The idea of sovereignty and dominion of the sea also captured the imagination of William Petty (1623–87), one of the founders of modern political economy. The son of a tailor who became a sailor and was abandoned in France in 1637, where he attended a Jesuit college in Caen and met Thomas Hobbes, Petty led a serendipitous life. Returning home in 1646, he took degrees and became a fellow and vice-principal of Brasenose College, Oxford, before gaining a fellowship of the College of Physicians. In 1652 he became an army doctor in Ireland and in 1654 produced his first famous work, the ‘down survey’ that divided 8.4 million acres of Ireland among migrants (Petty personally acquired 18,000 acres). Later an MP in Dublin and London, he was also a founder of the Royal Society. He used his political and administrative experience to write A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions (1662), The Political Anatomy of Ireland (1672, London, 1691), Political Arithmetick (1676, London, 1690) and numerous smaller treatises.2 He also brought his empirical and his pioneering quantitative methods to bear on his unpublished work on ‘Dominion of the Seas’, which provided the basis for ‘Of a Mare Clausum’ (1687).3 Petty outlines the same three signs of sovereignty that Meadows did: That no [foreign] Ship carry out her Ordnance within the Said enclosed Seas … That the right of fishing every where within this enclosure may belong to the [English] Lord … That all Wrongs between the Subjects of different Nations Comitted upon this Mare Clausum bee tryd in the Admiralty Court of this Lord (below, p. 186)

Petty also agrees with Meadows that for foreign vessels in British waters ‘the Sig­ nification of the flag is The acknowledgmt of all & Singular the premises’ (below, p. 187). As with Meadows, sovereignty would be based on consent and contract, though Petty is more explicitly Hobbesian in his assumptions about nature and authority, arguing that European nations ‘are as to Sea-affaires in the State of Nature and there is bellum Ominium Contrà Omnes’ (below, p. 187) and that – 177 –

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 1 The Words Soveraignty & Empire doe signify even as Large a Power as Mr Hobs attributes to his Leviathan … a Right & power over the Lives, Libertyes, & fortunes of all that Live withn the same, and a right to all Things being or produced therein (below, p. 181)

He imagined Charles II as a Leviathan indeed. Petty goes even further beyond Meadows in his conception of the geographical extent of English sea sov­ ereignty. Petty’s mare clausum not only surrounds the British Isles but also stretches from the Northern Cape in Galizia, all long the Coast of Galizia Biscay & Aquitaine So far from the Shoare from which the Land can bee Seen, or where Soever the ground can bee Struck between the latitude of the Said Cape Galizia and the Cape Van Staten in Norway. Viz from about the latitude of 44 degrees to that of 64 … [encompassing] the Line of Trade extending itselfe from Archangell in Russia round about by Ire­ land to Tangier and thence through the whole Mediterranean Sea to Constantinople. More Over, Ireland & England Stand in the face of the New American World Which doth already & will every day more & More afford a Vast Trade … Above ¾ of all Ships trading to East Indies … The great fisheryes of the Old world … [and] ag t this Enclosure is the greatest fisheryes of the new World namely about Newfoundland (below, pp. 186–9)

Petty calculates that, besides the general benefits of trade and of controlling much of European and American-bound sea traffic, foreign tributes for carrying arms, fishing and admiralty jurisdiction minus the costs of administering this mare clausum would net the English nation £700,000 per annum. Petty is also exceptionally methodological about how to mark British sea bor­ ders. He doubts ‘Whether Those who Strike their Sayles or take in their flag do thereby acknowledge that The Owner of the flag to whom they thus submitt hath the Imperium & Dominium Maris’ (below, p. 181) and outlines complications in distinguishing ‘between Seas & fresh Water-Rivers’ and ‘Lands from Shores, & Shores from Coasts’ (below, p. 183). Furthermore, as treaties and customs ‘onely Oblige the few wch made & accept them’, seas must be ‘Sufficiently limitted by Sensible marks in Order to a Reall & Intellegible dominion’ (below, pp. 182, 185). For Petty, that means ‘boates of about 20 or 30 tons, built in a peculiar Shape, & moared by Long cables or warps of a competent length for their Secure riding all weathers in deep waters, & to bee placed at about 3 leagues distance from each … [with] 3 men upon Each’ (below, p. 185). This idea never caught on. Notes: 1. 2.

See also The Petty Papers: Some Unpublished Writings of Sir William Petty from the Bow­ ood Papers, ed. Marquis of Lansdowne, 2 vols (London: Constable & Company, 1927). T. Barnard, ‘Petty, Sir William (1623–1687)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biog­ raphy, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

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2004), vol. 43, pp. 948–51, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with Observations upon the Bills of Mortality more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. C. H. Hull, 2 vols (1899; New York: A. M. Kelley, 1963–4), vol. 1, pp. xiii–xxxiii. D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), pp. 122–4.

Trade

Dominion of the Seas

The Words Soveraignty & Empire doe signify even as Large a Power as Mr Hobs attributes to his Leviathan[.]1 That is to Say, a Power &Right of doing all things that are naturally Possible. So as Empire in & over any certaine Scope or circuit of Ground, whether dry or covered with water Signifyes a Right & power over the Lives, Libertyes, & fortunes of all that Live withn the same, and a right to all Things being or produced therein. Dominion over the same Land or Ground, signifyes onely such a Right as Landlords have to their Estates of Inheritance[.] That is to Say, a property against all their fellow Subjects, but not against the Soveraigne Power aforementioned. So as the Dominus Maris hath the Same right to all the fish & other production of the Seas, as any Land Lord hath to the Corne & Cattle accrewing from his Lands and it is the Same Trespasse to passe over Such Seas as have a dominus, as to come upon the Lands that have a knowne owner, Lord, or proprietor. / But as the Soveraigne Powere over the Said Land­ lords doth allow all men a way to Churches, Coasts, markets &c., through the Estates of particular Men, and as Some kind of allowance is made to every Man to take fish & Birds on particular mens grounds & waters, with certaine limita­ tions, So Others besides the dominus Maris may have the same allowances in the Sea of passing through it or of taking the fish Living within it or the birds flying over it but all according to the distinctions & Limitations Which the Soveraigne of the Said Seas doth prescribe. Now I doubt Whether Those who Strike their Sayles or take in their flag do thereby acknowledge that The Owner of the flag to whom they thus submitt hath the Imperium & Dominium Maris above men­ tioned Or whether They Believing that God alone hath or can have such power, do onely acknowledge that hee to whom they Strike, hath onely a greater Share thereof than themselves, That is to Say Imperium & dominium over more & more frequented Seas or the Said imperium with fewer limitations & Restric­ tions, Or whether their owne power bee / subordinate & derivative from or by compact with the power they Strike to Or whether It Signify the forme of their owne State & Government bee lesse honble then the forme of his to whom [they] performe the respect. Or whether the flag bee a mere ceremony, signifying little more than a signe of charity & Amity & good will Such as putting off the hatt, or Saying your Servant Is, in these parts of the World; wch are ceremonyes done – 181 –

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by inferiors to superiours and Vice Versa almost indifferently & where the marks of Inferiority are not well ascertaind. In the next place, It Seemes to Mee That who is Dominus Maris may eo Titulo clayme dominium in & over all the Navi­ gable Waters of the whole wch have communication & Interfluence with each Other for although there is Nothing More common then In Talk to distinguish between Seas & fresh Water-Rivers Yet when Wee come to draw lines from One Permanent & conspicuous Mark of the One Side, to the like Mark on the Other Side of any Navigable water, I do not know There are any Rules in Nature for doing thereof, Such the Same, wch may oblige the whole World, nor So much as Statutes or agreemts of people for determining the Same, Nor hath even the Navigating Nation of England got Such marks So much as in their owne 2 great­ est Rivers, the Thames & the Severne. / As for Example If wee would distinguish the Sea from Rivers by Saltnes. 1.st Wee Shall find no 2 tests to agree upon that Signe. 2.d The Salt Waters of the Sea, intrude further upon those fresh rivers of the Land at One time then another. 3. There may bee Saltish Rivers and fresh Seas in the world, enough to disable this Manner of distinguishment. Especially when Matters of great Value & Importance Shall depend thereupon. Againe If wee endeavour this distinction by the limits of Ebbing & flowing, accompting all Waters wch have that Recipocall Motion to bee Sea, 1st We Shall find Waters called Seas wherein those Motions are very Obscure & Small. 2d Waters Ebb & flow differently according to Winds & other Accidents, besides their Monthly & annual differences & besides those more slow changes Where the Sea gaynes on One shore & looses on the Opposite. Lastly If wee would goe about this Water by narrowness or depth. Wee shall find very salt water passe through Very Narrow fretums, & salt water to bee fordable, & on the Other Waters perfectly fresh to bee very broad & deep besides the differences of passa­ bleness which arise from the Sides & bottomes of the waters in question. Now If We can find no Rules in Nature but must fly to Statutes[,] Charters & instances, The same can onely Oblige the few wch made & accept them, not the world & consequently not prevent Wars & bloodshed between the Severall Nations that think it their interest to contend. / As tis usuall to talk of Seas & Rivers, So In all our Maps Wee find the Names of Mare Hibernicum, Mare Brittanicum, Mare Germanicum boldly inserted, & our Lawes do talk of things Done inter or intra quatuor Maria,2 Wee also find Mention of the Deucaledo­ nian Atlantic Oceans &c. But I do not Know That by the Consent of Nations & Princes to bee found in like Records remayning with or Indented between each of them, That there are Permanent and Conspicuous Marks agreed upon On Each side between wch as the Term a quo & ad quem, Those Lines of determina­ tion shall be drawne. Vizt. from What Visible Rock at Dover to what like Marke about Calais the Line shall bee drawne Which divides the Brittaine from Ger­ man Sea, from what points in Wales & Scotland, to What points in the South

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& North of Ireland the 2 lines Shall bee drawne which with the Shoares on Each Side doth enclose the Mare Hibernicum[.] Much lesse do I find what lines distinguish the Brittish Sea from the Westerne Ocean or the German from the Deucaledonian &c. / Or if Such lines were fixed, Can I conceive how One out of the sight of Land can certainly Know when hee is in them, So as to determine the Controversy Whether a Ship of 100m£ Value were prize or not If Shee were prize taken within & not Prize If taken without the said lines of fixt termination. For I can think but of 3 wayes of doing the same, The first Whereof is by latitudes & longitudes. The former whereof is not knowable at Sea within lesse than 20 eng­ lish Miles & that too but when observations may be taken & the latter scarce at all Otherwise than by Conjecture from Clocks, w ch do not goe at Sea Sufficiently for that purpose. The Second way is by Sounding, Whereby the depth & nature of the ground is discovered. But forasmuch as there may bee playnes in the bottome of Sea of many Miles in Length, as also Sudden & frequent Inequalities in the Same, No certainty can bee hoped for from that help. The last is What Men call the Dead Reckoning by Rhombs & distances protracted on the Card, but forasmuch as no man can Streere nearer than to ½ a point, forasmuch as every Ships Course is disturbed by Tides, Currents, & Leward way, forasmuch as the Log & Line is no certayne measure of distance, / for that the Variation of the Needle to Observers Sayling Long Runns from Severall ports, forasmuch as Chartes are not enough or equally true & lastly for that a Long Reckoning Shall by its accumulation of Errors differ much from a Short One I Say for all these Reasons The Dead Reckoning is not to bee relyed upon Where 100m£ is in ques­ tion, for Either part will appeale to Blood & blowes rather than acquiesce in the finest conjectures, When Such a Wager lyes at Stake. Wee have Sayd That neither Seas from Rivers, Seas from Seas Nor Seas from Oceans, can bee distinguished[.] It followes That Lands from Shores, & Shores from Coasts are not distinguished by much more Satisfactory meanes of cer­ tainty. As for the Shoare, I take it to bee Ground reciprocally Shewing It selfe & appearing as Land & Sea, That is to Say a girdle of ground comprehended between the high & Low Water marks of an Ebbing & Flowing Sea. Now how this Girdle Strengthens & widens itselfe every day by the intersession of Winds & Landfloods, by the new & full Moone, by the Seasons of the yeare, by the firmness & loosenes of the Earth upon the Shoare & from Some abstruse causes also is Well Knowne to every observer. Nevertheless The / Limitation of Shoares is much more certayne than that of Coasts Where Certainty is more desirable, & needfull. For I take a Coast as that part of Sea without the Low water Mark to Sea-ward Which by some Kind of Naturall Right belongs to the paralell and adjacent Country washed by it. As for Example, our endeavor Now is to answer this question, how many Miles broad is the Coast of England or of any part of it as of dorset shire devonshire &c.? To wch I offer & propose the severall follow­

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ing answers. Vizt. 1.t The Coast of dorsetshire extends from lowe water mark Vnto halfe the Shortest line between the Shoare of dorsetshire & the Shoare of Opposite france. 2.d It is the distance from the Shoare where the convexity of the Sea terminates the sight of One that Standeth on the ground, or of an Eye 6 foot above the ground. 3.d The disstance at which the biggest ship Suppose of 1000ts can bee Seen from the Shoare. 4 The distance at wch from the tallest Ship the next land may bee Seen. 5t The distance Vnto wch an Open boate of certaine dimensions dares go afishing into the Sea. 6. The distance from the Shoare into the Sea at which the best Gun can Shoote with Effect. 7. The like distance wth respect to a Musket or the biggest bullet Instrument / That the Strength of a man can Wield & use. 8.t The distance at Which from Sea, a Man or other the biggest Animal can bee Seen to move on the Shoare. 9. The distance a Man on horseback can ride from low water mark into the Sea & throw a dart Shoot an Arrow or bullet out of Such Gun as hee can carry thither. * All wch disstances and dimensions of a coast will bee longer and Shorter according to Severall accidents & circumstances easily conceivable without fur­ ther mention. 10. The distance from the Shoare Untill no ground can bee Struck by an Ordinary deep Sea Lead. So as What is meant by the Shoare of france, Upon wch An Englishman may not fish or Vice Versa, without breach of the peace is Unknowne to Mee from any thing I ever yet read or have heard discours’d even by persons concerned even to blood in these matters. Wherefore I humbly Conceive it, a Calamity nay Rudenes babarisme & Incivility to ground the Causes of War & bloodshed upon What hath no ground in Sense upon Naturall Comon & Universall reason Since the Preservation of Mans life & goods & property Seems to be the Very end / Of all lawes & of the whole Second Table of the god’s owne Decalogue[.]

Chapt. II Since the late & former Laws of England do not onely mention Empire & Domin­ ion [of the] Seas, Since The Kings of England have many yeares insisted upon the acknowlegement of the Same or of Some thing like it, Since Wee find the duty of the flag granted by the Sea-potent Hollanders to his Majty of England,3 Since Wee have had Ships called The Soveraigne of the Seas in order to assure them the Right, Since our Learnd Men have so bravely from Treatys Records &c. asserted that our clayme, Since the greatest Potentates do but faintly evade it Since the dutyes of Tonnage & Poundage worth in all his Majty dominions near 1000m£ per an & Sufficient to keep above 20m men at Sea in good Equipage Was given by the Parlament to maintayne that honble pretennce, Not Withstanding / I Say That Nothwithstanding all the uncertaintyes in the last Chapter mentioned, There is

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SomeSuch Thing as a dominion of the Seas, & that belonging to the Crowne of England. Wherefor The End of this Ensuing Chapter is to Shew how the Same may bee & bee practically understood & exercisd by all ptis concernd, Submit­ ting Whatever I Shall Say hereupon to Authority the Lawes Customes & the Judgements of reasoning & Inquisitive Men. My first position is That Seas & Navigable Waters may bee Sufficiently lim­ itted by Sensible marks in Order to a Reall & Intellegible dominion in & over them. But Note That We exclude all Waters from whence no land can bee Seen & where no ground can bee found, wth the usuall deep Sea-leads or Cables at least Untill the art of finding Longitudes & Latitudes bee better emproved: 2.d Note that distinction between [illeg.] Seas & Navigable rivers is neither Easy not necessary & therefore Omitted also in this Essay. 3ly I allow for coast the distance at wch any Animall on the Shoare may bee Seene to move from the Sea. / Over wch coast & Shoare between it & the Land I do not Suppose the Dominius Maris to have any Dominion at all, no more than over the Land Itselfe. The reasons Which I pitch upon this definition of a coast rather then any of the other 9 aforementioned are these: 1.t because this coast is but Small, & the same seemes naturally necessary for a passage & competent fishery. 2.d because The Coast according to this Rule cannot well bee above 3 miles broad & cannot differ above a Mile or 2 in & according to all the vsuall & ordinary Variety of acidents & differences in Sight, Medium & object. 3. This rule differs not much from the distance at which the largest & best Guns may hurt or do some execution. 4 The Other rules may differ twice or thrice nay 10 times as much from themselves, as the whole coast by the way I have pitchd upon can ever bee. These things being premised, The Seas may bee Limitted by boates of about 20 or 30 tons, built in a peculiar Shape, & moared by Long cables or warps of a competent length for their Secure riding all weathers in deep waters, / & to bee placed at about 3 leagues distance from each so as they may easily at least by glasses see the Signs which they Shall have occasion to make Unto Each Other for the reasons hereafter to be mentiond. The Charge of these Vessells & their moarings I conceive may bee within 150£ Each, & the Charge of mantayning 3 men upon Each, may bee about 150£ pr an, So as Every league of Sea which is to bee enclosed & limitted by the means aforementiond may cost 50£ principall & about 50£ pr an. At wch rate to enclose the Sea from Cape Clear in Ireland to Scylly nere the Lands End of England & from thence to Ushant in france, & Moreover from the Isle of Raghlins4 in the North of Ireland to Cantyre in Scotland, from Schetland north of Scotland to the next land of Norway Viz Cap. Van Staten5 & lastly from the Naze in Norway to the next land of Jutland in Denmark / together wth 3 cross cuts the One between dover & Calais the other between Yarmouth & Texell & the 3d between the Isle of Wight & Cape de la Hogue Normandy making in all under 200 Leagues May cost about 10000£ &

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10,000£ pr an Vizt Scarce 1/100 pt of what It hath always cost the King of Eng­ land communibus annis to make good the Soveraignty of Sea. Which is no more Then in Order to a building of 10,000£ value, to bestow about 100£ in draughts modells & other drawing. This enclosure contayneth those Seas over wch His Maty seemeth to have, may or ought to have Dominion. Which were it well establisht & Secured the Dominion of the Baltic must by consequence follow. Now forasmuch as his Maty demandeth the flag from the Cape Finisterre in Galicia as well as in the Seas above limited It onely remaynes now to conceive how the same / may also bee intelligibly answered & complyd with. Which I Suppose may bee If the flag bee given from the Said Northern Cape in Galizia, all long the Coast of Galizia Bis­ cay & Aquitaine So far from the Shoare from which the Land can bee Seen, or where Soever the ground can bee Struck between the latitude of the Said Cape Galizia and the Cape Van Staten in Norway. Viz from about the latitude of 44 degrees to that of 64. Concerning wch there can bee little difference, the Medium of the last observations made in both Ships, beeing the Rule. So as this Line of honor would run all along by the coast of Biscay and Aquitaine in the Outward & Westward Side of the Boundary-boates abovementiond, and So on the back or Westward Side of Ireland & Westward of the Hebrides & Orcades6 up to Schetland. Latitude, Sight of Lands and Soundings, being the Rule & gauges of it. / Having thus ascertaynd the Limits of a Sea or Seas capable of and lyable to Dominion, as also Layd downe how even without the Sayd Circuit, The flag may bee demanded upon Sensible grounds Viz every[where] Westward of france Ireland & Scotland or between the latitude of 44 & 64 degrees Where either ground can be Struck by the Lead or where the lands of Biscay france the bound­ ary boates Ireland or Scotland wth their adjacent Islands can bee Seene. Whereby provision is made both for cleere & thick weather, Nor is the Want of celes­ tiall Observations any thing since the medium of the last Observations made by both the meeting Ships is in this Case to bee the Rule of Situation. Having I say thus ascertayned the premises Wee come next to describe Empire & dominion by Sensible marks & limitations also Vizt. / First. That no Ship carry out her Ordnance within the Said enclosed Seas. Nor carry any at all if her Voyage bee terminated within the same, The Lord of this Sea taking care of the Common Safety of all from the Victims & Injuryes of Each other. 2.d That the right of fishing every where within this enclosure may belong to the Lord excepting the Coasts of Each Country described as aforesayd. 3. That all Wrongs between the Subjects of different Nations Comitted upon this Mare Clausum bee tryd in the Admiralty Court of this Lord[.] Wrongs comitted between the Subjects of the Same Prince or State being left to their owne Princes Respectively & wrongs

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between the Subjects of the Sea Lord & other Princes to bee tryd in the Sayd Lord Admiralty by Judges halfe Strangers. From whence It follows that the Signification / of the flag is The acknowl­ edgmt of all & Singular the premises. Whereunto I ad That I do not Say that all this is due Vnto any person, nor can I say the Contrary, but My Meaning onely being to prove That there may bee a Reall & Intelligible dominion of the Seas and consequently That the Sea & its products may bee appropriated. It remayns now to Shew That Such a dominion and property ought to be instituted and ascertaynd, for the common good & peace of all pretenders & aspirers vnto it. To wch purpose I Say. 1.t That without this establishmt the Kings of Brittayne, Ireland Denmark france & Spayne as also the States of the United Netherlands & of Severall hanse-Townes are as to Sea-affaires in the State of Nature and there is bellum Ominium Contrà Omnes between them and their respective Subjects about the Right of passag, fishings & Jurisdiction, & the use of armes upon the Said Seas. / Whereas If all and every of them did transferre their Rights into Some One of their Number, Peace & profitt would ensue. So as Even those who Should Relinquish & transferre their power, Should bee protected at lesse expense and danger than now they are at. As for Example Suppose a Million pr an were Requisite to protect the Navigation & Trade of all those who dwell upon the Severall Coasts of the Sayd mare clausum. Who doth not See That It were beter for all the Princes to trust One Who is best qualifyd for it, & Neither of them to take more care than to pay his just proportion of the Sayd Million, Then that Each Ship should bee forced besides Seamen to carry as it were sol­ diers Armes & amunition for his owne particular protection Which can bee but against piccaroones of lesse force then himselfle. I do not doubt but the freight of Shipping within the Enclosure abovementiond / Is above 4 millions p an & That at least ⅓ thereof is Spent in defence & consequently amounts to much above A million Whereas in the way proposd lesse [than] a million might Suffice. 2.d As to the fishery. forasmuch as the Value of all the fish inter communibus annis within that enclosure is not One Million p an, and what is cleerly gaynd thereby above what might bee gayned at any ordinary trades is not 50000£ thereof It fol­ lows that the Dominus Maris could not reasonably ask 30000£ p an for license to fish, Now the question is Whether It were not more profitable for all the fishers of all nations fishing within this enclosure to pay So much then to make provi­ sion Each in particular for his owne defence both at his Work & in his way to market. 3. As to Jurisdiction. how much better were it to have all causes tryed before Indifferent & Unconcerned / Judges than by partyes, for it comes to passe that for Want of a comon Dominus Maris, There is So much partiality observd to bee in our Admiralty Courts that a Ship were as good bee Sunk as to come into them as the Proverb has it. And this I take to be Sufficient for proofe That It is the Comon Interest to have a Comon Dominus Maris and that the Rights of

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Severall pretenders transfer’d Upon him would bee more for each mans comod­ ity than Whilst as now they Remayne to himselfe.

Chap. III That the King of England hath not onely Right by ancient Customes, & by Trea­ ties with Neighbouring Nations to this dominion But hath also more Naturall Right & better qualifications for the Same Then any of the Princes & States who have shoare Within the Enclosure aforementioned. & Consequently hath good pretences to the flag from the Northward Cape to Cap van Staten mentioned in the late Treaty wth the Hollanders. Whatsoever the meaning of that Treaty may bee or Whatsoever Construction may be putt upon it. / I take it for good, That his Mats Right to the Dominion of the Seas depending vpon the Atchievemts of his ancestors & the Concessions of his Neighbors as the same appeares in ancient Records & Treatyes hath been Sufficiently asserted by Severall Learned Antiquaryes & Lawyers Who have undertaken the Same. And Therefore Wholly Omitting to Repeate their Arguments, I rather Superadde Others depending upon principles in Nature Vizt. Supposing aforesayd That the Mare Clausum Wee intend bee the Seas comprehended within a Line beginning at the Isle of Scilly passing thence to Cape Cleere in Ireland from thence by the back or West of Ireland to the North-Westernmost point thereof, thence by the Hebrides Westward to Schetland, thence to Cape Van Staten, thence to the Naze of Nor­ way, thence to the next Land of Jutland, thence to the Elbs mouth thence by Holland, Zealand & Flanders to Calais & thence to Hey Sant Isle7 in Brittany & thence to Scilly Where we began. I Say first That the King of England hath nere thrice as much Shore / As the King of france Spayne Denmark the States of Holland with the Townes of Hamburg Emden, & Bremen putt altogether, do possesse. And if the Baltic Seas were added (The Sinus Bodicus excluded lying without the Latitude of Cap Van Staten) as much as all the Princes & States aforementiond (adding the King of Sweden, Elector of Brandenburg with the Towns of Lubec & Danzig) also have. Nay If the bay of Biscay were also added to this enclosure The King of England hath more Shore in all the 3 serverall Enclosures abovemennd [than] any 2 of the first named Princes who have the most have or can have within the Same. 2.d The Isles of Great Brittaine & Ireland doe lye about the Middle of the Line of Trade extending itselfe from Archang­ ell in Russia round about by Ireland to Tangier and thence through the whole Mediterranean Sea to Constantinople. More Over, Ireland & England Stand in the face of the New American World Which doth already & will every day more & More afford a Vast Trade, Nor have france Spayne & Portugall Which also have the Same aspect to the new world / halfe so many Ports & Conveniencies for this New Worlds Trade, as the King of Englands Countyes have. 3.d Above ¾

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of all Ships trading to East Indies Guiny the Straights and America must passe in their Voyage thither either between Scilly & Hey Sant or between Scotland & Schetland or between Schetland & Norway. All wch passages Wee Supposd may bee enclosed as aforesd and as Shall hereafter bee better explaynd. Moreo­ ver the great Magazine of Navall provisions as Timber plank board, Iron Hemp Masts & Tar as also of Corne must have Vent through the Same passages. 4. The great fisheryes of the Old world particularly that of herrings & the Indies of the hollanders are within the chiefe of these 3 enclosures and within the Same is the greatest market & Consumption of the french bulky Comodityes of Wine brandy Salt paper & fruites. Moreover over agt this Enclosure is the greatest fisheryes of the new World namely about Newfoundland, & lastly through the aforenamd passages must the Greenland & Mucovy Trade bee managed. / 5t The King of England and his Subjects have already more Shipping of Warre & Trade Then any 2 of the Princes aforenamd, the States of holland Onely excepted, but hee hath 4 times as many Subjects as that State hath, who when they find it their Interest to look after the dominion of Seas may also beare the Same propor­ tion to the Hollanders in Navall Strength also. 6 It hath been else where Shewne that the King of france is or may bee Superior to the King of Spayne in Nav­ all force, but without that the King of france is Under Naturall & perpetuall Impediments of ever being as powerfull at Sea as either the English or hollanders now are. 7 The Scituation of Denmark & Sweden is Such in Comparison of great Brittaine & Ireland with Respect to this dominion, That the English can do more towards it wth 2 than they can with 4. Nor are the danes & Swedes any thing as to this matter unlesse they could bee alwayes as One with / Which the likeness of their Interest will Seldome Suffer them to bee. 8.t Great Brittaine & Ireland are under an Absolute Necessity to bee Strong in Shipping & Sea-Sol­ diers to defend themselves from foraign Invasion Wch Soldiers are also best for Suppressing any intestine Commotions amongst themselves. Now 60m men at Sea is neere treble the force that ever any Enemy appeared with against England, and yet may bee maintaynd with 1/16 pt of the Expense of the King of Englands Subjects, The raising of wch 1/16th part can bee no Sensible pressure upon his Subjects – Since few can discerne the quantity & quality of the Commodityes they Spend & use within 1/16 pt of the Same. Wherefore If as was Shewne in the foregoing Chapter It bee the Interest of all Princes & States who have Shoar within this enclosure to transfer their Power to Some One of their Number to prevent Bellum Omnium contrà Omnes concerning the Same, And Since the King of England hath already So faire So probable / and So ancient a pretence to this power, Which neither hee nor his Subjects will ever quietly part with, I conceive that It is the Interest of the Sd Princes for the Sd additionall arguments abovemened to confirme the Said power & authority unto him without further

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Trouble, which doubtlesse his people Seeing their Right & Interest therein can otherwise force them vnto. As an Appendix to this Chapter, Tis not amisse to conjecture the Severall constructions which may bee put upon the Hollanders being obligd to give the flag between the Cap Van Staten to that in Galizia aforemened Viz. Some thinke That the Hollanders are bound to Strike in all places of the world betweene the paralells passing by both these Capes[;] that is not onely the bay of Biscay the Brittish Irish and German Seas but Also in the Westerne Ocean the Baltics (excepting the Sinus Bodicus) but also even in the Seas of China & Tartary. 2.d Others think That The Hollanders are bound to Strike within that Space of the Seas comprehended / between the Meridian passing by the Northern Cape in Galizia and the paralell passing by the Cape Van Staten on the West & North, and the Shores of Biscay france the Netherlands denmarke & of the Baltic Seas on the South & West. 3.d Others Say more Simmetrically That They are to Strike in the Seas comprehended between the Meridian passing by the Cape Van Staten & the paralell passing by the northern Cape of Galizia. 4. Others say Tis onely within Sight of Land of all the Shores betweene the Sd 2 Capes 5 Others more rationally Say tis in all places where the ground may bee Struck between the paralells passing by either Capes. 6. Other Within the Space comprehended between the paralells and meridians passing by both Capes. 7 Others Say tis onely in all places within the last mennd Space from where the King of Eng­ lands territoryes can be Seene. 8. Others onely where his Guns can doe execution within that Space. &c. / 9. Others Say Onely within the Sd last mentiond Space where the English Guns do really more execution than those of the Hollanders. 10 Others The Seas between the Meridians of both places, from Pole to Pole. So as Tis Manifest the Said limitations can onely encourage those who think themselves Strongest to put Some Sinister Interpretation on the Treaty & to do the like concerning the Signification of the flag. Which Some would have an Ordinary Salute as aforesaid Such as Inferiors give Casually to Superiors indiffer­ ently [or] promiscuously & Vice Versâ. & Such as Is not worth the Expense of 15 millions within these 25 yeares to contend for & Such as is not proportionable to the King of Englands ancient pretence & the Visible Interest hee now holds in the Lands & Seas which the Hollanders Visitt & passe through.

Chap. IV Contayning the Computation and ballance of the profit & losse accrewing to the Crown & people of England by the dominion of the Seas. In this Computation I understand by the Sea, Onely the Enclosure abovemened, excluding the baltic & the bay of Biscay though the Treaty with the hollanders made ano 1674 Seems to comprehend them. And by dominion I

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understand not the duty of the flag otherws than it Signifyes, Right of passage & Contrary, Right of fishery & other productions of the Sea, & right of Jurisdic­ tion in all that Sea excepting on the Coast & Shoare of Each Country measured by the reach of a Mans Sight or Ken from the Sea of any Animal moving on the Shoare or next Land. Wherefore The questions are 1.t What is [the] charge of p an Guns ammunition & other habillaments of war, and of men Other than mar­ riners necessary for Sayling, Which all the Shipping is at Communibus Annis Which Sayle to & againe through this enclosure, & for how much lesse England to equivalently protect the Said Shipping by their arms and the authority of their dominion. 2 how much is all the fish taken within that enclosure / worth more than the same cost of takeing? And how Much is that profit greater than is usuall in Other Trades Requiring the Same Stock Ware & Tare & Ensurance. 3.d What may bee the Expense of all the Admiralty Causes hapning between Severall nations according to ordinary & moderate fees without extortion or briberyes. & On the Other hand the Questions will Be 1.t What may it cost England to purchase & Settle this dominion? What will bee their Lurum cessus and damnum emergens Whilst they are about it. And lastly what the Annual charge will bee of maintayning & continuing it. All wch questions being new, unlimitted depending upon many future Contingen­ cyes and Requiring such helps & accompts as the world are not yet accustomed unto I cannot promise much in the solving of them but do in Charity venture my Reputation upon these Wild difficultyes for the good of my Country. / Really submitting my endeavors to the review & Correction of every candid undertaker. But first, by way of digression, I think It reasonable That If the dane & Swede in conjunction or Either of them without or against the Other could Enable them selves to protect all Shipping in the Baltic, that the same dominion bee allowd to him or them these as is propounded in the English Enclosure, Moreover The King of Spayne & Duke of Tuscany If the King of france could arrive to the like power in the mediterranean from the Straights mouth to Malta, That the Same bee allowed him also, & the like to the Commonwealth of Venice for the rest of the Sea to the Dardanelles, leaving the Pontus Euxinus palus Moeotis &c.8 to the Grand Signior. Each of which may distinguish their respective Enclosures in the Same Manner as was Sayd concerning that of England for, as I Sayd at first It were for the peace of the world, that Each enclosed & tradeable Sea Should have his proprietor as well as the Land, / Nor is the One Much more impractical than Other as to experiences is Manifest upon the practises of Severall States & kingdoms of the world especially when the territoryes are Wast & Uninhabitd as Muscovy Tartary &c; Nay the Lands of Severall Gentlemen & familyes had not till of late other bounds & Meets than the power of Some garrison seated on it. But to Return from whence I digressd If Other Princes would attempt to make the Same enclosures & appropriations of the Seas as the King of England may

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by Severall Titles doe, Then the Opposition of other princes would bee the lesse towards him, and Consequently his damage & Expence there upon which we are now to compute would be the lesse. In the Mean Time Tis almost a Miracle that the Hollanders, who have not above 2 millions of Subjects & few Naturall helps or Titles to this Dominion Should have proceded So far as they [have] of late done to compasse it / not only about home but almost every where abroad also in Some degree or other. So great is the power of Industry. I Say againe If the dane & Swede Should attempt the like dominion in the Baltic and the french and Spanyard in the Mediterranean, Tis likely they would not oppose the King of England Whereby hee Should onley have the hollanders Hamburghers and few others of lesser power to contest his Enterprize. Nay hee would have them to oppose the hollanders by hindring their Usurpations in the Baltic & Mediter­ ranean. I Say the profits arising from the Dominion of the Seas are but 3, Viz 1.t That of Convoyes of all Vessells passing through the Enclosure Which Must not bee more than they now pay 2.d The Rent of the fisheryes. 3 The Emolu­ ments arising from the Admiralty Jurisdictions. Now how much Each of these is Must bee our Inquiry. To find the first. My first Supposition is that there are not more than 20000 Seamen employed Upon all the merchant shipping of Eng­ land Scotland & Ireland 2.d That More than 4 tymes so much Shipping doth not Ordinarily trade through this enclosure. / 3.d That the charge of Guns Ammuni­ tion & Extraordinary Men for the defence is about ⅛ of the whole freight. 4.h That the freight of the Shipping mannd by 20000 Seamen is is about 800,000£ p an. From all which data (for each of which I have competent ground, & for Some of them too good proofe) I inferre That the freight of all the Shipping passing Yearely through the Enclosure is about 3,200,000£. The 1/5 part Whereof is about 630.000£ Or the Sum which the Said Shipping may afford to pay for their reall protection in their respective Trades. As to the Rent of the fisheryes. My data are these Viz. 1.t I know Severall fishing places for pilchard Herring Cod &c. let for 10£ p an Where perhaps 200£ worth of fish is taken communibus Annis. 2.d There are not in all Ireland 100 of Such fishing places. 3 The fishing places of England & Scotland are not 10 times better than those of Ireland, Wherefore The Rent of the Whole must not exceed 10000£. Nor the fish taken in them bee worth above 200.000£. Unto Which Sum may be added as much more for the fishing upon banks remote from the Coasts / Which are within the Enclosure. So as the whole fish [we] May estimate at 400000£ and the Rent of the fisheryes (which is the Sum that can bee earned More by these fisherys than by other Ordinary Trades) is about 20000£ p an. Now this Estimate agreeing well enough wth the sober Accompts Wee have of the hollanders fishing Busses (The Which being about 800 & Mannd with 8000 men, & Each of them taking 40£ worth of fish in a Season Makes in all 320.000£

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worth of fish, besides the 200000£ Worth taken elsewhere & by other hands) I offer for tollerable. But let This Rent bee 25000£ p an, nay 30m. Nay 50. Lastly for the gayne to the Nation by the beeing and holding of an Admi­ ralty Court for all causes hapning within & upon this enclosed Sea, Suppose the Same bee 4 tymes as much as the Emoluments fees & perquisites arising from our present Courts in England Vizt. 40000£ at most in a faire & Open Way. So as the Country Money being 630m the Rent of the fishery 30m & the profits of the generall Jurisdiction 40m, The 3 Sums put together make but 700m£ worth. / Having thus estimated the Gayne of the Dominion Wee talk of to bee about 700m£ p an. It followes to compute the charge of deserving the Same. To Which purpose My data grounds or supposings are. 1.t That in the 6 yeares of war with the Hollanders which have hapnd Since the yeare 1660 upon this Matter & for a lesse consideration than the above described Dominion, The Whole Navall Expense hath beene more than 6 tymes 700m£, or 4mill 200m£. for that Some Say the whole Navall Expense Ordinary & Extraordinary Within the Sd 6 yeares hath beene nearer 10 millions or double the abovementiond Sum of 4,200m£. Agayne I Suppose That about 15000 Seamen & 10000 Landmen were one time wth another Emplyd on that Service. Now the charge of a Seaman wth all Appurtenances is estimated to bee 50£ p an and of a Landman at least 20£ p an. According to which Rates the Whole Annuall charge must bee 750000£ for the Seamen & 200000£ for the Landmen In all 950000 & for the 6 years 5,700m besides the Ordinary & that of building new Ships. / But if the 25000 Men abovemend have purchased as appeared in the Treaty made wth the Hollanders Ano 1674 but the duty of the flag between Cap Van Staten & that in Galizia abovemend without any certayne or cleer Signification of the Same almost in any One circumstance or particular. What will it cost more & what Number of Men & Shipping will bee Requisite to enclose the Sea as aforesd and to establish the Right of Convoy fishing & Jurisdiction within the Same. And Is the Crowne & People of Great Brittaine & Ireland with all their Colonyes able to force the Same in case neighboring & Concerned States Should not See their Interest in a peaceable compliance with it? Now to what our Ambitions & Strength [add to] our endeavour for an Abso­ lute Empire as well as dominion within this enclosure, & perhaps consequently over the Other circumjacent waters. I will Suppose added to the Right of Con­ voy fishery & Jurisdiction, the Right or / Monopoly of Venture & passage Itselfe. Then upon Brittaine & Ireland the grounds abovemend The Nation of employ­ ing 80000 or quadruple their present Number might receive or Earne 3200m p [annum] for freight. for defence [of ] these Vast Rights I allow the charge of our Navall power to bee doubld & made 1900m£ p an (frugally Speaking) The Which Sum added to wages & Victuals of 80000 Men & the charge of the Ware & Tare Ensurance & Interest of that Stock of Shipping which they are to Man­

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age. It is Manifest That Nothing but Honour & Glory could bee gotten by the busines Unlesse the profitt of the Trade also arising from the cargoes of all that Shipping Should also bee added The Computation Whereof is too Vnruly a dif­ ficulty for this time & place & my abilityes. Wherefore I Shall conclude this Chapter with Intimating That if the Navy of England did consist Onely of so many great Ships of Strength & of Small Ships for Swiftnes as 20m Seamen & 10m Land-Soldiers Could manage, & that the Rest of Shipping Employd about this domain being of a midle nature Were as many as 1500 Seamen & 1500 Landmen could manage. I humbly conceive that the Sd force at Sea & 5000 horse at Land were not onely the greatest defence from foraigne Invasion that ever Engld had but also the most Effectual Remedy even of domestic insurrections. When the position & fabrick of the boundary boates beacons of Intelligence & also the Station of the Said Ships of warre Should be Regulated & the Various contrivances belong­ ing to the Same Requires a particular Essay by itselfe, Which may bee time enough Expresd, When there appeare any Tendency in earnest towards the Reall & Intelligible dominion of the Seas. Lastly I adde that 60m employd in the said Men of war & 80000 In the merchant men both at Sea together with about 60000 more employed at Shoare about What belongs to the Sd Shipping In all 200000 May at many Other Trades & employments gett 3200000£ p an the full freight of all the Said Ships for that Number of Men payd but as laborers would at 25£ p an Each, gett 4500m£ p an.9

EVELYN, NAVIGATION AND COMMERCE

John Evelyn, Navigation and Commerce, their Original and Progress. Containing a Succinct Account of Traffick in General; its Benefits and Improvements: Of Discov­ eries, Wars and Conflicts at Sea, from the Original of Navigation to this Day; with Special Regard to the English Nation; their several Voyages and Expeditions, to the Beginning of our late Differences with Holland; in which His Majesties Title to the: Dominion of the Sea is Asserted, against the Novel, and later Pretenders (London: Benj. Tooke, 1674).

John Evelyn (1620–1706) was a writer of extraordinary breadth, even by sev­ enteenth-century standards. His Diary is his most famous legacy, but he also wrote and translated works on art, architecture, literature, language, philosophy, theology, mathematics, physics, chemistry, botany and horticulture, and was a founder member of the Royal Society. He even wrote a play, Thersander (1650s). His political writings, principally A Character of England (1659), An Apology for the Royal Party (1659), The Late Newes from Brussels Unmasked (1660) and Tyr­ annus (1661) reveal his royalism and his disillusionment with private and public life, though he served in various public capacities after the Restoration, includ­ ing on the council for foreign plantations (1670–4). He was also an investor in the East India Company. When Charles II requested Evelyn to write about the Anglo-Dutch contest over the seas, he was therefore well placed to respond.1 Answering the argument ‘That the Sea is Fluxile Elementum’ and therefore ‘That Water is as Free as the Air’ (below, p. 231), Evelyn (like Meadows and Petty) notes that rivers and seas have ‘a Channel and a Bottom to contain them’ and that ‘God gave to Man the Soveraignty of the Ocean, by intitling him to the Fish’ (below, p. 232). Navigation and commerce are not only Godly but gentle­ manly, civic activities, and if ‘Staple, and Useful Commodities can be brought in to supply the Needs of whole Countries, ’tis a commendable Service’ (below, p. 207). Empire is also virtuous, allowing Englishmen ‘to People, Cultivate, and Civilize un-inhabited, and Barbarous Regions, and to proclaim to the Universe, the Wonders of the Architect, the Skill of the Pilot, and, above all, the Benefits of Commerce’ (below, p. 204). – 195 –

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Evelyn explores the subjects of shipbuilding, exploration, war, empire and trade throughout history and across the world, but his main mission is to glorify and justify English and British oceanic endeavours and sovereignty. Thus the Renowned ARTHUR … led his Squadrons as far as Ise-Land, and brought the Northern People under his Flag, planting the Confines of the British-Ocean, as far as the Russian Tracts; and this (together with all the Northern, and Eastern Isles) to be Dejure, Appendices unto this Kingdom (below, p. 226)

Anglo-Saxon sea dominance was ‘confirm’d by the Norman Conquerour’ and his successors (below, p. 226). Further afield, the Cabots ‘discover’d Florida, and the Shoars of Virginia, with that whole Tract as far as New-found-Land’ (below, p. 222). Elizabethans ‘discover’d far into the North-East, and North-West, Catha­ ian, and China Passages’ and ‘establish’d the Trade of Muscovy, Turky, Barbary, and even that of the East-Indies too’ (below, pp. 229, 230). Evelyn almost wor­ shipped the Elizabethan sea dogs, calling Francis Drake ‘the First of any Mortal, to whom God vouchsafed the stupendious Atchievment of Encompassing, not this New-World alone, but New and Old together: Both of them Twice embrac’d by this Demi-God’ (below, pp. 222–3). Later, ‘The Summer-Islands, and the goodly Continent of Virginia, were first detected, and then Planted by the Eng­ lish’ (below, p. 229). Under the early Stuarts ‘One Lusty Ship of his Majesties, would have made forty Hollanders Strike Sail’ (below, p. 231). On the specific issue of ‘the Inherent Right of the Crown of England to the Dominion of the Seas’ (below, p. 231), Evelyn claims that ‘the British Sea, fol­ lowing the fate of the whole Island, came with the same privileges to be annex’d to the [Roman] Empire’ (below, p. 233). After that, ‘Edgar Canutus and others, asserted, and protected it, under no lower Style, than that of King, Supream Lord and Governour of the Ocean, Lying round about Britain’. ‘Since the Norman Conquest’, Evelyn continues, ‘Sheriffs, exercised Jurisdiction on the Sea’, medi­ eval kings created Admirals, Elizabeth instituted passports, James delineated a British ocean, ‘Cinque-Ports give another noble Testimony to this Claim’, and customary foreign tributes for using the British fishery is ‘another irrefragable Proof of his Majesties Dominion’ as far away as ‘the Coasts of Virginia, Green­ land, Barmudas, &c.’ (below, pp. 233, 236, 237, 242). Dedicated ‘To The King’, Navigation and Commerce thus describes Charles II as ‘the most Absolute Arbiter of any Potentate on Earth’, for ‘whoever Commands the Ocean, Commands the Trade of the World, and whoever Commands the Trade of the World, Com­ mands the Riches of the World, and whoever is Master of That, Commands the World it self ’ (below, p. 201). Significantly, for the royalist Evelyn, ‘That the Kings of England were Lords of the Sea’ is even acknowledged ‘by Authority of Parliament’ (below, p. 234).

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Notes: 1.

D. D. C. Chambers, ‘Evelyn, John (1620–1706), in Oxford Dictionary of National Biog­ raphy, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 18, pp. 770–5; G. Darley, John Evelyn: Living for Ingenuity (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006).

NAVIGATION and

Commerce, their

ORIGINAL and

PROGRESS. Containing.

A succinct Account of Traffick in General; its Benefits and Improvements: Of Discoveries, Wars and Conflicts at Sea, from the Original of Navigation to this Day; with Special Regard to the ENGLISH Nation; Their several Voyages and Expeditions, to the Beginning of our late Differences with HOLLAND; In which His Majesties Title to the DOMINION of the SEA is Asserted, against the Novel, and later Pretenders.

By J. EVELYN Esq; S.R.S. Cicero ad Attic. L.10. Ep.7.

Qui MARE tenet, udm necesse est RERUM Potiri.

LONDON,

Printed by T.R. for Benj. Tooke, at the Sign of the Ship in St. Pauls Churchyard,

1674. /

TO

The King.

SIR, That I take the Boldness to Inscribe Your Majesties Name on the Front of this little History, is to pay a Tribute, the most due, and the most becoming my Relation to your Majesties Service of any that I could devise; since Your Majesty has been pleas’d among so / many Noble and Illustrious Persons, to name me of the Councel of Your Commerce, and Plantations: And if it may afford Your Majesty some diversion, to behold, as in a Table, the Course, and Importance of what Your Majesty is the most Absolute Arbiter of any Potentate on Earth, and Excite in Your Loyal Subjects a Courage, and an Industry becoming the Advantages which God and Nature have put into their Hands, I shall have reach’d my humble Ambition, and Your Majesty will not Reprove / these Expressions of it in SIR, Your Majestie’s Most Dutiful, Most Obedient, and ever Loyal Subject and Servant, J. Evelyn. /

– 201 –

NAVIGATION AND

COMMERCE

THEIR

Original and Progress.

1. Whosoever shall with serious Attention Contemplate the divine Fabrick of this Inferiour Orb, the various, and admirable Furniture which fills, and Adorns it; the Constitution of the Elements about it, and, above all, the Nature of Man (for whom they were Created) he must needs acknowledge, / that there is nothing more agreable to Reason, than that they were All of them Ordain’d for mutual Use and Communication. 2. The Earth, and every Prospect of her Superficies, presents us with a thou­ sand Objects of Utility and Delight, in which consists the Perfection of all Sublunary things: And, though, through her rugged and dissever’d Parts, Rocks, Seas and remoter Islands, she seem at first, to check our Addresses; Yet, when we ag’en behold in what ample Baies, Creeks, trending-Shores, inviting Harbours and Stations, she appears spreading her Arms upon the Bordures of the Ocean; whiles the Rivers, who re-pay their Tributes to it, glide not in direct, and præcip­ itate Courses from their Conceil’d, and distant Heads, but in various flexures and Meanders (as well to temper the rapidity of their Streams, as to Water and refresh the fruitful Plains) methinks she seems, from the very Beginning, to have been dispos’d for Trafick and Commerce, and even Courts us to visit her most solitary Recesses. 3. This Meditation sometimes affecting my Thoughts, did exceedingly / confirm, and not a little surprize me; when reflecting on the Situation of the Mediterranean Sea (So aptly contriv’d for Inter-course to so vast a part of the World) I concluded; That if the Hollanders themselves (who of all the Inhab­ itants in it, are the best skill’d in making Canales and Trenches, and to derive Waters) had joyn’d in Consultation, how the scatter’d parts of the Earth might be rendred most Accessible, and easie for Commerce; They could not have contriv’d, where to have made the In-let with so much advantage, as GOD and Nature have done it for Us; Since by means of this Sea, we have admission to no less-than Three Parts of the habitable World, and there seems nothing left (in – 203 –

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this regard) to humane Industry, which could render it more consummate; So Impious was the saying of Alphonsus (not worthy the name of Prince) That had he been of Counsel with the Creator when he made the Universe, he could have fram’d it better. 4. If we cast our Eyes on the Plains and the Mountains; behold them naturally furnish’d with goodly Trees; of which some there are, which grow / as it were, spontaneously into Vessels and Canoes, wanting nothing but the Launching, to render them useful: But, when the Art of Man, or of God rather (for it was he, who first instructed him to Build) conspires, and that he but sets his divine Gen­ ius on work, the same Earth furnishes Materials, to equip, and perfect the most Beautiful, Useful, and stupendious Creature (so let us be permitted to call her) the whole World has to shew: And if the Winds, and Elements prove Auspicious (which was the Third Instance of our Contemplation) this enormous Machine (as if inspir’d with Life too) is ready for every Motion, and to brave all encoun­ ters and adventures, undertakes to fathom the World it self; to visit strange, and distant Lands; to People, Cultivate, and Civilize un-inhabited, and Barbarous Regions, and to proclaim to the Universe, the Wonders of the Architect, the Skill of the Pilot, and, above all, the Benefits of Commerce. 5. So great, and unspeakable were the Blessings which Man-kind received by his yet infant Adventures; that it is no wonder, to see how every Nation / contended, who should surpass each other in the Art of Navigation, and apply the means of Commerce to promote and derive it to themselves; God-Almighty (as we have shew’d) in the Constitution of the World, prompting us to awaken our Industry for the supply of our Necessities: For Man only being oblig’d to live Politickly, and in Society, for mutual assistance, found it would not be accomplish’d without Labour and Industry; Nature, which ordains all things necessary for other Creatures, in the place where she produces them, did not so for Man; but ennobling him with a superiour Faculty, supply’d him with all things his needs could require. Wheresoever therefore Men are born (unless wanting to themselves) they have it in their power, to exalt themselves, even in these regards, above the other Creature; and the Lillies which spin not, and are yet so splendidly clad, are not in this respect, so happy as an Industrious and prudent Man; because they have neither knowledge, or sense of their Being and Perfections: And, though few things indeed are necessary for the Animal life; yet, has it no prerogative by that alone, above / the more Rational, which Man onely enjoys, and for whom the World was made; seeing the variety of Blessings that were ordained to serve him, proclaims his Dominion, and the vastness of his Nature; Nor, had the great Creator himself been so Glorified, without an Intel­ lectual Being, that could Contemplate, and make use of them. We are therefore rather to admire that stupendious mixture of Plenty and Want, which we find disseminated throughout the Creation; What St. Paul affirms of the Members of

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the Little World, being so applicable to those of the Greater, and no one Place, or Country able to say, I have no need of another, Considered not onely as to consummate Perfections, but even divers things, if not absolutely necessary, at least, Convenient. 6. To Demonstrate this in a most conspicuous Instance, we need look no farther than HOLLAND, of which fertile (shall we say) or Inchanted Spot, ’tis hard to decide, whether its Wants, or Abundance are really greater, than any other Countries under Heaven; Since, by the Quality, and other Circumstances of Situation (though / otherwise productive enough) it affords neither Grain, Wine, Oyle, Timber, Mettal, Stone, Wool, Hemp, Pitch, nor, almost, any other Commodity of Use; and yet we find, there is hardly a Nation in the World, which enjoyes all these things in greater affluence: and all this, from Commerce alone, and the effects of Industry, to which not onely the Neighbouring parts of Europe contribute, but the Indies, and Antipodes: So as the whole World (as vast as it appears to others) seems but a Farm, scarce another Province to them; and indeed it is That alone, which has Built, and Peopl’d goodly Cities, where nothing but Rushes grew; Cultivated an heavy Genius with all the politer Arts; Enlarg’d, and secur’d their Boundaries, and made them a Name in the World, who, within less than an Age, were hardly consider’d in it. 7. What Fame and Riches the Venetians acquir’d, whilst they were true to their Spouse, the SEA (and in acknowledgment whereof, they still repeat and celebrate the Nuptials) Histories are loud of: But, This, no longer contnu’d than whilst they had regard to their Fleets, and their Trafick, the / proper business, and the most genuine to their Situation. From hence, they Founded a glorious City, fixt upon a few muddy, and scatter’d Islands; and Thence, distributed over Europe, the product of the Eastern World, ’till changing this Industry into Ambi­ tion, and applying it to the Inlarging of their Territories in Italy, they lost their Interests, and Acquists in the Mediterranean, which were infinitely more consid­ erable. Nor in this Recension of the advantages of Commerce, is her Neighbour Genoa to be forgotten; whose narrow Dominions (not exceeding some private Lordships in England) have grown to a considerable state; and from a barren Rock, to a proud City, emulous for Wealth and Magnificence, with the stateliest Emporiums of the World. 8. The Easterlings, and Anseatick Towns (famous for early Traffick) had per­ haps never been heard of, but for Courting this Mistress; no more than those vaster Tracts of Sweden, Norway, Muscovy, &c. which the late Industry of our own People, has rendred considerable. The Danes, ’tis confess’d, had long signaliz’d themselves by their importunate / Descents on this Island, and universal Pira­ cies; whilst negligent of our Advantages at Sea, we often became Obnoxious to them; But, when once we set-up our moving Fortresses, and grew numerous in

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Antiq. l. 1.

Lib. 1. Dec. 3.

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Shipping, we liv’d in profound Tranquillity, grew opulent, and formidable to our Enemies. 9. It was Commerce, and Navigation (the Daughter of Peace, and good Intel­ ligence) that gave Reputation to the most noble of our Native-staples, WOOL, exceedingly Improv’d by forreigners; especially, since the Reigns of Edward the Second, and Third; and has been the principal occasion, of Instituting, and Estab­ lishing our Merchant-Adventurers, and other worthy Fraternities; to mention onely the esteem of our Horses, Corn, Tin, Lead, Iron, Saffron, Fullers-Earth, Hides, Wax, Fish, and other Natural, and Artificial Commodities, most of which are Indigene, and Domestick, others Imported, and brought from forraign Coun­ tries. Thus, Asia Refreshes us with Spices, Recreates us with Perfumes, Cures us with Drougs, and adorns us with Jewels: Africa / sends us Ivory and Gold; Amer­ ica, Silver, Sugar and Cotton: France, Spain and Italy, give us Wine, Oyl and Silk: Russia, Warms us in Furrs; Swethen, supplies us with Copper; Denmark, and the Northern Tracts, with Masts, and Materials for Shipping, without which, all this were nothing. It is Commerce, and Navigation that Breeds, and Accomplishes that most honourable and useful Race of Men (the Pillars of all See Mr.Coock. Magnificence) to skill in the Exportation of Superfluities, Importation of Neces­ saries; to settle Staples, with regard to the Publick Stock: What ’tis fit to keep at Home, and what to send Abroad: To be Vigilant over the Course of Exchange; to employ Hands for Regulated Salaries; and, by their dexterity, to moderate all this, by a true, and solid Interest of State, which, without this Mystery, can­ not long subsist, as not alwaies admitting permanent, and immutable Rules: In a word, the SEA (which covers half the Patrimony of Man, renders the whole World a stranger to it self, and the Inhabitants, for whom’t was made, as rude as Canibals) becomes but one Family, by the / Miracles of Commerce, and yet we have said nothing of the most Illustrious product of it; That it has taught us Religion, Instructed us in Polity, Cultivated our Manners, and Furnish’d us with all the delicacies of Virtuous and happy Living. 10. Whether the First Author of Traffick were the Tyrians, Trojans, Lydians; those of Carthage; or (as Josephus will) the Mercurial Spirits soon after the Flood, to repair, and supply the Ruines of that universal Overthrow, we are not solici­ tous: That it entered with the Earliest, and best daies of the restored-World, we shall prove hereafter, by the timely applications of Industrious Men, to inlarge, and improve their Condition. The Romans indeed, were not of a good while, favourable to Merchandizing; For, the Patricians, Senators and Great-Men might not be Owners in particular, of any considerable Vessel, besides small Barks, and Pleasure Boats, and the most illustrious Nations have esteem’d the gain by Traffick and Commerce incompatible with Nobleß: Not, for being Enemies to Trade; but, because they esteem’d it an Ignoble way of / Gain, Quæstus Omnis indecorus Patribus, saies Livy,2 and were all for Conquest and the Sword; for,

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otherwise, they so encourag’d this Industry, that the Latins (whom for a long time, they held under such servitude, that they might not devise their Estates when they dyed) if any one of them came to be able to build an handsome Ship, fit for Burthen and Traffick, he was Libertate donatus, and obtained his Free­ dom, with power to make his Testament, and capable of bearing Office: And one would wonder that Traffick being so profitable, Lycurgus3 (that great Law­ giver amongst the Lacedemonians) should prohibit it; some believe it was for its being so obnoxious to Corruption, and the Luxury introduc’d amongst the People by Commerce with Strangers; the Lying and Deceit, Perjury and Theft, in buying, selling, and making bargains; for which reason Plato design’d the Towns of his Common-wealth to be built far distant from the Sea; and our Saviour scourg’d the Mony-Changers out of the Temple; so difficult a thing it is for those who Deal much, to preserve their hands clean: But, ’tis said, Plato changed his / mind; and we all know, that as the Romans themselves grew Wiser, so they dignified it, and took-off that ill-understood Reproach, as the Orator has him­ self told us, when (condemning the Pedlary, and sordid.* Vices of Retailers) he acknowledges, That where Staple, and Useful Commodities can be brought in to supply the Needs of whole Countries, ’tis a commendable Service, Videtúrque jure optimo, posse laudari; nay, shew’d by their own Example, that for the Greatest Men to turn Merchants, did less taint their Blood, than their Sloth and Effemi­ nacy; and upon this account, the Wisest of the Heathens (for such were Thales, Solon, Hippocrates, and even Plato himself ) have honour’d Merchandize; and, of later times, many Kings and Princes; and then indeed, does Traffick rise to its Ascendent, when ’tis dignified by their Example, and desended by their Power: This, the Dukes of Florence, and other Potentates have long since understood; and, now at last, the French King: witness the Repair of his Ports, Building of Ships, Cutting new Channels, Instituting Companies, Planting of Colonies, and Universal encouragement / of Manufactures by cherishing, and ennobling of Sedulous and Industrious persons: But, more yet than all this, or rather all this in more Perfection; His Majesty (our glorious Monarch) by whose Influences alone (after all the Combinations of his late powerful Enemies) such a Trade has been Reviv’d, and Carried on, and such a Fleet, and Strength at Sea to protect it, as never this Nation had a greater, nor any other of the past Ages has approach’d; Witness, You Three mighty Neighbours, at Once, taught to submit to him! For the Blessings of Navigation, and visiting distant Climes, does not stop at Traffick only; but (since ’tis no less perfection to keep, than obtain a Good) it enables us likewise with means to defend, what our honest Industry has gotten; and, if necessity, and Justice require; with Inlarging our Dominions too: Vindicating our Rights, Repelling Injuries, Protecting the Oppress’d, and with all the Offices of Humanity, and good Nature; In a word, Justice, and the Right of Nations, are the Objects of Commerce: It maintains Society, disposes to Action, and Com-

Latini multis modis consequ­ untur Civitatem Romanam; Ut, si Navem ædificaverint duorum Mil­ lium Mediarum capacem, &c. Ulpian, Instit. Tit. Latinis, N.6.4

* Offic. l. 1. Mercatura, si tenuis est, sordida putanda est. – Nihil enim proficient, nisi admodum mentiantur.

208

Athenæus Deip­ nosoph. l.8.5

In Repub. Ahen.

Polibyus.7

Illirobur & as triplex circa pectus – Hor. digitis à morte remotus quatnor –

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municates the Graces, and Riches / which God has Variously imparted: From all which Considerations, ’tis evident; That a Spirit of Commerce, and strength at Sea to protect it, are the most certain marks of the Greatness of Empire, deduced from an undeniable Sorites; That whoever Commands the Ocean, Commands the Trade of the World, and whoever Commands the Trade of the World, Com­ mands the Riches of the World, and whoever is Master of That, Commands the World it self; so as had the Spaniard treble his Wealth, he could neither be Rich, nor Safe with his prodigious Sloth; since, whilst he has been sitting-still; We, and other Nations have driven the Trade of the East-Indies, with his Treasure of the West, and, uniting, as it were, Extreams, made the Poles to kiss: They are not therefore small Matters, you see, which Men so much contend about, when they strive to Improve Commerce, and, by degrees, promote the Art of Navigation, and set their Empire in the Deep, from whence they have found to flow such notable Advantages. Instances of this we might add in abundance; and that it is not the vastness of Territory, but / the Convenience of Situation; nor the Mul­ titude of men, but their Address and Industry which improve a Nation. Cosimo di Medices would often say; That the Prince who had not the Sea to friend, was but half a Prince: And, this, Charles the Fifth had well considered, when he gave it for a Maxime to his Son Philip, That if ever he would sit quiet at home, and advance his Affairs abroad, he should be sure to keep up his Reputation on the Waters, The truth is, this great Emperour had neglected his Interest at Sea, and it laid the foundation of the Rebellion of his Low-Country Subjects, against his Suc­ cessor: To pretend to Universal Monarchy without Fleets, was long since looked on, as a Politick Chymera, and was wittily insinuated to Antigonus by Patroclus, when (being a Commander under Ptolomy Lagus’s Son) he sent him a Present of Fish and green Figgs, intimating, that unless he had the Sea in his power, he had as good sit at home, and trifle: it was but labour in vain: And this was the sense of another as great a Captain, when reckoning up the infinite prerogatives which the Sea afforded; Xenophon6 seems to despise the / Advantages of the Land in Comparison: Truly the Romans themselves, were longer in struggling for a little Earth in Italy only, than in subduing the whole World, after once their Eagles had taken flight towards the Sea, and urg’d their fortune on the deep. When once they had subdu’d Agrigentum, Carthage was no longer impregnable; and after they had pass’d Gades and the Herculean Streight, nothing was too hard for them, they went whither they would, and cruiz’d as far as Thule. 11. We shall not adventure to divine, who the hardy Person was who first resolv’d to trust himself to a Plank within an inch of Death, to compel the Woods to descend into the Waters, and to back the most impetuous, and unconstant Element; though probably, and for many Reasons, some-body long before the Deluge; Isti sunt potentes: 6. Gen. 4. Grotius8 on the place will have the Naviga­ tionis repertores, pirate, such as in succeeding Ages were Jupiter, Cretensis, Minos,

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&c. Since it is not imaginable, the World, that must needs be so Populous, and was so Curious, should have continu’d so many Ages without Adventures by Sea: But, the / first Vessel which we read of, was made by divine Instinct and direc­ tion, and whilst the Prototype lasted (which Histories tell us was many hundred years) doubtless they built many strong, and goodly Ships: But, as all things are in continual flux and Vicissitude; so the Art in time impair’d, and Men began anew to Contrive for their Safety or Necessity in Rafts, and hollow-Trees; nay, Paper, Reeds, Twigs and Leather (for of such were the rude beginnings of the finish’d Pieces we now admire) till advancing the Art, by making use of more durable Materials, they then began to Build like Ship-Wrights, when Pyrrhon the Lydian invented the bending of Planks by Fire, and made Boats of several Contignations; nor contented with the same Model, the Platenses, Mysians, Tro­ jans and other Nations, contended for the various Shapes. Thus to Sesostris is ascribed the Long-Ship sitted for Expedition: Hippus the Tyrrian devis’d Carricks and Onerary Vessels of prodigious bulk, for Trafick or Offence: Athenaus speaks of some that for their enormous structure had been taken for Mountains, and floating-Islands; such was that of / Hiero describ’d by the Deipnosophist, a mooving Palace adorn’d with Gardens of the Choicest Fruit, and Trees for shade: Hippagines is said to have transported the first Horses in larger Boats; Others ascribe it to Darius, when he retir’d into Thrace; though we think them rather of antienter date; for what else means, the Ferrying over King Davids Goods and Carriages, mention’d in the second of Samuel? Thus far the Keel; for to the divers parts of Vessels, for better Speed, and Government, several were the Pre­ tenders. The Thasu added Decks; Piseus the Rostrum or Beak-head; Tiphys the Rudder; Epalamius compleated the Anker, which was at first but of one Flook: But, before all these, was the Use of Oars, which from the Bireme, invented by the Erythrai, came at last to no less than fourty Ordines, or Banks (for so many had Ptolomy Philopater’s Gally) which, how to reconcile with possible (though that famous Vessel were built for Pomp, and Ostentation only, and therefore with a double Prow) together with those monstrous Ships of War set forth by Demetrius, which had in them 4000 Rowers, let the Curious / consult the most learned Palmerius, in his Diatriba upon a fragment of * Memnon: and for portenious and Costly Vessels, The late Vendosme built by Lewis the XIIIth. of France; the Swedish Magaleza, the Venetian Bucentoro; not to omit those Carricks which the Spaniard emploies yearly to his Indies. But, neither did all these helps suffice, ’till they added Wings too: They attribute indeed the Invention of Masts, and Cross-Yards to those of Creete; but to Theseus, Icarus, and Dedalus the application of Sails, which ’tis said, Proteus first skill’d to manage, and shift with that dexterity, as he was fain’d to turn himself into all shapes; and it was doubtless, no little wonder, to see that a piece of Cloth (or, as Pliny, wittily, a des­ picable Seed, for so he calls that of Hemp, of which Sails were made) should be

Onetaria Cerealis Siracu­ sia, &c.

2 Sam. 19.

Biremis Plistrix, Vatlata Turrita, &c. Plutarch, in Demet, Athenæus, lib. c.9.9 Phoc. 717.

210

Vegetius, Pollux, Laz. Bajisius, Cresentius, Fournier, &c.

Diod eus, 1.6. Strabo, 1.10.

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contriv’d to stir such a Bulk, and carry it with that incredible celerity, from One extream of the Earth to the Other. Of that esteem was this ingenious Invention, that, besides Prometheus, and the rest we nam’d, whole Countries challeng’d it, and the Rhodians, Iönians, Corinthians, those of Tyrus, Ægypt / Ægineta, Loetia with innumerable other, vaunt themselves Masters of the Science, nor is there any end of their Names. It were a thing impossible, to investigate by whom the several Riggings of Vessels, and compleat Equipment were brought into Use: The Skill of Pilotage has aids from the Mathematics, and Astronomy; and that of governing Ships in Fight is another, and a different talent. These, and many more, were the Daughters of Time, Necessity, and Accident; so as even to our Dates, there is ever something adding, or still wanting to the Complement of this incomparable Art. Of the Magnet we shall speak hereafter, nor are we to despair in the perfecting of Longitudes, Dies, Diem docet, and whilst many pass, Science shall be still improv’d: We shall onely observe, concerning Men of War, Fleets, and Armada’s for Battel, that Minos was reported to be the Author, which shews that manner of desperate Combat on the Waters, to be neer as antient as Men themselves, since the Deluge: Indeed, to this Prince do some attribute the first knowledge of Navigation, and that he disputed the Empire of the / Seas with Neptune himself, who, for his Power on the Watry Element, was esteem’d a God: But, however these particulars may be uncertain, we are able to make proof, That the first Fregats were built by the English, and generally, the best, and most Commodious Vessels for all sort of Uses in the World; and, as the Ships, so Those who Man them, acknowledg’d for the most Expert, and Couragious in it. But, 12. From the Building of Ships, we pass to the most Celebrious Expeditions that have been made in them. The Gentiles (who doubtless took Saturn for Noah, and his Sons, for other of the Deities) magnifie sundry of their Adventures by Sea: And, if from the immediate Off-spring of that ancient Patriarch, Sem, and Japhet, the Asiatick-Iles, and those at remoter distance in the Mediterranean and European Seas, were peopl’d (whilst the Continent, and less dissever’d Asrick, was left to Cham) we have a certain Epoche, for the earliest Expeditions, and, shall less need to insist on those of the Mythical, and Heroic Age; the Exploits of Osiris, Hercules, Cadmus; the Wandrings of / Ulysses, and the Leaders that expugn’d Troy. To touch but a few of these; Bacchus, whose Dominion lay about the Gulph of Persia, made of the first Adventures, when from him (after the Rape of Ariadne) the Tyrrian Pirates learn’d the Art of Navigation, or rather to become more skillful Rovers; If at least, they were not of the first for Antiquity in this Art; Since the Phoenicians (whether expell’d by Joshua, or transported by their Curiosity) having spread their name in the Mediterranean, were admir’d as Gods for their boldness on the Waters, and esteem’d among the first that Navi­ gated, according to that of the Poet,

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Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus. That Cadmus sail’d into Greece, Peopl’d those Iles in the Ægean, taught them Let­ ters, and Sciences, as he had learn’d them from the Hebrews, we have undoubted testimony: Some affirm that the Phoenicians circl’d the World long since, and Herodotus has something to that purpose, where in his Melpomene, he speaks of those whom King Necus caus’d to Embark / from the Red Sea, and that ten years after return’d home by the Columns of Hercules through the Streights: However, that they penetrated far beyond the Western Ocean, and the Shores of Africk, the Expedition of Hanno in a Navy of LX. Ships makes out by Grave Writers; so their coming as far as our Britain, the Pillars which they fixt at Gades, and Tingis, to which some report they were crept in early daies: And as towards the West, so Eastward, taking Colonies from Elana and the Persian-Gulph. As to what they might be for Merchants, illustrious is the proof out of Esay, where Tyrus is call’d the Crowning City, whose Merchants are Princes, and whose Trafickers the honourable of the Earth; when under the pretence of Transporting Commodi­ ties into Greece, they carried away Iô, Daughter of Inachus, which the Cretans requited, when shortly after, their amorous God, sail’d away with the fair Europa in the White-Bull; for so was the Vessel call’d, which gave Occasion to the Fable, and serves to prove, how antient the giving Names, and *Badges is. Indeed so expert were those of crete in Sea-Affairs, and so / numerous in Shipping, as by the suffrage of ancient times, there were none durst contend with them for Sover­ eignty: let us hear the Tragædian, O maria vasti Creta Dominatrix freti, Cujus per omne littus innumere rates Tenuere Pontum: quicquid Assyria tenus Tellure Nereus pervium Rostris secat.

Tibullus.10

Procopius.11

*Vide Valer, Flaccum Argonaut. l.8. Herodet. Hesychium, Suidam, Senecam, Lucianum, Strabonem. Amongst the Poets, Virgil. Pers. Statius, &c. Sen. Trag. in Hippolyto.12

13. The Colchick Exploit in the famous Argo (so call’d from her nimble Sail­ ing) was perform’d by above 50 Gallants, of which Nine were Chief under Jason, and Glaucus his Experienc’d Pilot: But, whether they went to those Countries about the Euxine Shores in hopes of Golden Mines (shadow’d by the Fleece) or in expectation of the Philosophers Stone (said to be in possession of King Æta) we leave to the Romancers: There is in Homer a List of Hero’s, and Ships under their command, mention’d to be set out by the Παναχαίοι, or States-General of those Provinces, reported to have been no less than a Thousand; Non anni domuêre decem, non mille Carinæ. / And that this Number is not fictitious; not onely the wondrous exactness of the Poet in describing the Commanders by Name, but the Number of Ships under each Flag, as the Learned Mr. Stanley14 shews us beyond exception in his

Iliad. 2.13

212

*Πρῶτοι δ’ ἀμποςίης άλιδίνεθ ἀήσυδο. Dionys. Πιειυγ.15

2 Chro. 9.21.

Cant. 5.11. Dan. 10.5.

See Bochartus Phaleg. l. 3. c.7. Canaan, l.i.c.34.16

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excellent Notes upon Æschylus, and we propose the Instance, because it is so very remarkable for its Antiquity. 14. But, to quit these dark, and less certain Memorials, and mingle that of Commerce with Martial Undertakings: The First for whom we have Divine, and Infallible Record, is of the Greatest, and the Wisest Prince, that ever sway’d a Scepter: For, though it appear, the Phoenicians had us’d the Sea before, and, per­ haps, were the *first Merchants in the World since the Deluge: Yet, it was Solomon doubtless, who open’d the Passages to the South, when animated by his directions, and now leaving-off their Rafts, and Improving their Adventures in Ships, and Stouter Vessels, they assay’d to penetrate the farthest Indies, and visit an Unknown Hemisphere: or if haply, they prevented him; yet, were now glad to joyn with this glorious Monarch; because of those advantagious / Ports his Father had taken from the Idumeans, which might otherwise interrupt their Expeditions. What a Mass of Gold, and other precious things (the peculiar Treasure of Princes) this Fleet of his brought home, the succeeding story relates; and there is farther notice of Mariners, whose Trading was for Spices and Curiosities; and the Voyage to Tarshish (which by some is interpreted the Ocean, as indeed it signifies in the Chaldæan Language, but doubtless, means Tartessus in Spain) is again repeated. Jehoshaphat, after Solomon, neglected not these prosperous beginnings, though, not with equal Success; for the Ships were broken at Esion-Geber: We shall onely remark, upon the Account of Commerce, that Solomon had no less than two Fleets destin’d for Trafick, of which, One went to Ophir (perhaps Sophra, Taproban, or Ceilon) in the East-Indies, and the Other to Tarsis, that is (Tartessus) Cales; which being Then, and long after esteem’d for the utmost Confine of the World, had its name from the Phænicians, as well as divers other places, and Ports of Europe (even as far as Italy, France, and Britany it self ) which both They, and / We reserve to this day in no obscure footsteps: And that Spain abounded in plenty of Gold too (whatever some superficial Searchers think) we learn from Strabo, Diodorus, Mela, Pliny, and several Grave Authors, whose attestation may be of good weight; the Tyrians, and Phænicians frequently Sailing into those Parts. But, though we had yet no print of this from the Sacred Volumes, it is not to be devis’d, how the Isles of the Gentiles, and other Places of inaccessible distance could be planted and furnish’d, without those early Intercourses by Sea, which, by degrees (as in part is shew’d) accomplish’d the Dominions of Warlike-Men, and States, and encourag’d some to stupendious Attempts. 15. To proceed to Instances of unquestionable Credit, we have those of the Persians, and Greeks both before, and since the Peloponnesiack War: And, indeed the Greeks were the first of the Heathens that joyn’d Learning with Arms, that did both Do and Write what was worthy to be remembred; and that small parcel of Ground, whose greatness was then onely valu’d by the vertue of the Inhabit­ ants, planted Trapizond / in the East, and divers other Cities in Asia the Less,

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the protection of whose Liberties was the first Cause of War between them and the Persians: As to Exploits, the Athenians, and smaller Islands of the Ægean, exceedingly amplified their Bounds with their Naval-Power; so as Thucydides enumerates their Annual descents upon Peloponnesus, during that Quarrel: But, the Exploits of Alcibiades, both when so ungratefully Exil’d from his Country, and after he was again restor’d to it, were celebrated in story, as well as those of Conon, under whom, we first hear of a Treasurer of the Navy, for the better Pay­ ing of the Sea-men, even in those early daies: But, these Conflicts did many of them concern the Persian by Tissaphernes under Darius, Artaxerxes, and others: The Differences also with the Megarenses, where Pisistratus obtain’d the Victory, and the Exploits of Themistosles; but, especially that decretory Battle in which Xerxes’s Fleet of 1500 Men of War, was vanquish’d by less than 400, which gave the absolute Dominion of the Sea to one City, and so inrich’d it, that the Lacede­ monians (envious at her / prosperity) maintain’d a War against it, to the almost ruine of both, see the effects of Avarice! But this was indeed before the Pelopon­ nesian War, between the LXXX and LXXXIV Olympiad, and first commenc’d against Strangers, and then the Lacedemonians, Corcyreans, and other their Neighbours for the space of Seven years continuance, till by the Courage, and good Conduct of Lysander, a Peace was at last concluded, with the destruction of Athens, as it usually happens to the First who give the Occasion, and are the Aggressors. She was yet set-up once again, by that gallant Exile whom we nam’d, under the Banner of Artaxerxes; but so to the desolation of poor Greece (weakn’d by her many Conflicts) that King Philip, and his Son Alexander, soon took their Advantage, to make themselves, first Masters at Sea, and then of the World; for they are infallible Consequents. And here we might speak something of Cor­ inth, a City (if ever any) emulous of the highest praises for Traffick, and Exploits at Sea; but we involve her amongst the Grecians, and pass over to the opposite shoar; where; upon division of the Macedonian / Empire, we find the Carthagin­ ians (a People originally from Tyrus) of the earliest same for Commerce, and so well appointed for the Sea, as gave terrour to Rome her self: Nor do we forget the Syracusans, renown’d for their many glorious Actions at Sea, which continu’d to the very Punick War, the most obstinate that History has recorded. 16. It was 492 years from the Foundation of the City, before they had Atch­ ieved any thing considerable on the Waters; when finding the wonted Progress of their Victories obstructed by those of Carthage (then Lords at Sea) they fell in earnest to the Building of Ships of War, and devising Engines of Offence, which before they hardly thought of. Their first Expedition by Sea, was under Appius Cloudius, against the Sicilians, which made those of Africa look about them, and gave rise to the Punick War under Cajus Duillius, and his Collegue, with an hundred Rostrated Vessels, and 75 Gallies: But, the most memorable for number, was, when the two Admirals Regulus, and L. Manlius, with above

Justin. l.5.

214

Florus,18 Plu­ tarch.19

† Call’d alf. Menas by h. race Eqed.

*Especially Clem. Romanus. See also Clau­ dius, Servius, Josephus, Dio, Eutropius, Scaliger, &c,

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an hundred thousand Men (in Ships that / had every one 300 at the Oar) were encounter’d with a yet more prodigious force, in the Battle at Heraclea, unfortu­ nate to the Carthaginians: But, neither did it so determine: For, when Hannibal (returning out of Spain) invaded Italy; The Romans found no better expedient to divert him, than by dispatching Scipio, with a Fleet into Africa. The third, and last Contest (after a little repose) determin’d not till the utter ruine, and subver­ sion of that emulous Neighbour. These several Conflicts with this hostile City (which lasted near Twenty years) are admirably describ’d by Polybius; especially that of M.Regulus, who, with that unequal Power, fought three Battles in one day; and, in another, Æmilius(with about the same number of Ships) took, and sunk above an hundred more, and slew near 40000 of the Enemy, though by the terrible and unfortunate Wrack, which afterwards surpriz’d him, such another Victory had undone them. They made War, after this, with the Achaians, Balear­ ians, Cilicians, Sertorians, and those of Crete; indeed, wheresoever they found Resistance, diffident yet at first, / of this unaccustom’d manner of Combate, and which for sometime, caus’d them to lay it by; but, they quickly resum’d it, and overcoming all difficulties, then Onely might be said to speed Conquerours of the World, when they had Conquer’d the Sea, and subdu’d the Waters. 17. The Piratick War of Pompey we find celebrated by Tully,17 pro Lege Manilia: He invaded the Cyclades; won Corcyra, got Athens, Pontus, and Bithy­ nia, and cleared the Seas with that wonderful diligence, that in forty daies time, he left not a Rover in all the Mediterranean, though grown to that power, and number, as to give terrour to the Common-wealth. We forbear to speak of Sextus his unfortunate Son, vanquish’d by the Treachery of his Libertus † Menodorus, and pass to the great Augustus, who in many Sea-Conflicts signaliz’d his Cour­ age; especially, in that Decretory Battail at Actium, where the Contest was de summa Rerum, and the World by Sea, first subdu’d to the Empire of a single Person. What discoveries this mighty Prince made, did as far exceed his Præd­ ecessours, as the frozen North, / and horrid Coasts of Cimbria, the milder Clime of our Britain, which was yet in those daies esteem’d another World, and her Boundaries, as much unknown, as those of Virginia to us: ’T was call’d Alter Orbis; and Grave * Authors, who speak of the unpassableness of the Ocean, men­ tion the Worlds that lay beyond it: Morinorum gentem altimam esse Mortalium, says Ptolomy; and the Prince of Poets, – Extremique hominum Morini. For it appears no late fancy, that all was not discover’d long before Colum­ bus; though those who took the Heavens for a kind of hollow-Arch, covering onely what was then detected, little dream’d of Antipodes: ’Tis famous yet what the Prophetick Tragædian has offer’d at, and a thing beyond dispute, that the

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Antients had the same notions of our Country, as we of America: But to leave these Enquiries at present (till we come more particularly to speak of our Coun­ try in the following Series) we shall onely, as to the Romans, give the Curious a tast, what Care these Wise People / had of their Naval Preparations, when once (as we have shew’d) they found the Importance of it, and after how prudent a Method they dispos’d it. 18. Augustus had in his Military Establishment one Squadron of Men of War at Ravenna, as a constant Guard of the Adriatic; and another riding at Misenam, to scowr the Tyrrhen-Sea, together with a Brigade of Foot-Souldiers at either Port, to clap on Board upon any sudden occasion. The Misenian-Fleet lay con­ veniently for France, Spain, Morocco, Africk, Ægypt, Sardinia, and Sicily; That at Ravenna, for Epirus, Macedon, Achain, Propontis, Pontus; The Levantine parts, Creete, Rhodes, and Cyprus, &c. So as by the Number of their Vessels, and Arms, they made a Bridge (as it were) to all their Provinces, and vast Dominions at what distance soever: And many of these particulars we could farther Illustrate by Meda’s, and noble Inscriptions, to be gather’d out of good Records, did we need the Ostentation of any farther Researches: We shall only observe, that they had their Præterio Præfectus, who Inspected / all this. Marine Laws and Customes they also had: Whence was it else that the Corn-fleet was still from Alexandria to make Puteoli, as it were by Coquet bound? So the Ships of that Port: See Acts 28. 11, 12, 13. Whence else was it that onely the same Corn-fleet, as being of so abso­ lute necessity for the sustenance of the Imperial City, had the Priviledge to come into Harbour with Top and Top-Gallant; unless the rest did Supparum dimere, or strike Sail to the Ports of the Empire? So early was the claim to the Flag, and the Ceremonies of Naval-Honour stated. Yet higher; Their Rostrate Crowns; and that pretty Insolence by Act of Senate allow’d to C. Duillius after having won the Romans their first Victory at Sea, that he should, all his life after, be brought to the publick Entertainments in the Town-Hall with a Pipe playing before him; and Hambeaux on each side; that Column too, whose Fragments yet preserv’d, exhibit with the memory of that Illusirious Action, perhaps the Ancientest piece of Latin now extant, at least in the Originals. All these allegations do abundantly testifie with what transports / of joy that aspiring people receiv’d the Accession of Power by Sea. They also had their Decuriæ Fabrorum Rhavennatium, Master Ship-Wrights of the Dock at Rhavenna; and, we find Fire-Ships mention’d in * Frontinus; Stink-Pots, nay Snake-Pots, and False-Colours; for such, we read, were us’d by Cassius, Scipio, Annibal, M. Portius, Iphicrates, Pisistratus, and oth­ ers: And, if the Trajan Port at Ostia were now extant, we might see such a pattern of a Mole, Lantern, Magazine for Ships, and Accommodation for Merchants Goods, as was never before in the World, and would put to shame all modern Industry of that Nature; to shew the care they had, and the prodigious Expences they made, for this so important, and necessary a Work: But these things hapn-

Sen. in Med.

[illeg.], in Aug. c.49.

Vegetius. Notitia Imperis.

MIL. CL.P.

R AR. Miles

Classin Frætoriæ

Ravennatis.

PRÆTOR.

MAR. ET CL.

M. R. Militia Ravennatis.

Sce Tully de Sinist.

Gimer’s Inscriptions.

Front. Strata­ gem, l.4 c.7.

216 † Vide Pro­ copium, l 3. Paulus Diaconus l. 14.20

[illeg.]

† Lib. 17.

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ing in her early and best daies, the fervour quickly abated; for from the Death of Augustus, and some few of the succeeding Emperours (as in that † decline, by the Conduct of Belizarius, Artabanes, and some of the later Captains) the Romans, as powerful by Land as they were, performed not much at Sea: Those glorious Actions were the Consequents of / a frugal and vigilant People; But, when Soft­ ness, and Prodigality took off their Minds from the great, and noble Enterprizes of their Ancestors, and the Defence of their Country was discompos’d by Fac­ tions among themselves, the Goths, Vandales, Lombards, and Saracens broke in upon them, to the utter ruine, and subversion of that renowned Empire. 19. But the Business of Navigation, and Commerce (which could not long be Eclips’d, so soon as a Magnanimous Prince appear’d) was again Reviv’d under Charles the Great; about whose time, it were not hard to find out the Origi­ nal of almost all the Naval-Offices, and Thalassarchia or Admiralty, to this Day continuing; as appears in both the Notitiæ Imperii Occidentalis & Orientalis, wherein there occur divers notable Particulars concerning them, even till the loss of Constantinople, and the Imperial Seat it self: But, to trace this great Article from its source, and shew the Progress it has made in the Ages past, we have but to look over the Catalogue which Eusebins has given us, adjusted to the I poche in which they had successive Dominion of the Sea; / namely, the Lydians whom (as appearing the most Conspicuous) he sets in the Van: Then the Pelasgi, Thra­ ces, Rhodians, Phrygians, Phænicians, the Ægyptians, Milesians, those of Caria, Lesbia, the Phocenses, Naxii, Eretrienses, Æginetæ and others too long to recite: Let us look back to the Ægyptians, who we read, were so addicted to Traffick, as they essayed to joyn the Mediterranean with the Red-Sea, and thereby open a passage to the Commerce of Arabia, Æthiopia, and the Shoars of India: Which attempt (unsuccessful as it prov’d) did not yet impeach the Alexandrian Sta­ ple, from whence Rome of Old, the Genoezes, Venetians, and others of later date, have inricht themselves: For the Eastern Scale being in Cæsars time at Coptos, and afterwards, remov’d to Alexandria; when the Arabs and Goths overran the World (and the Indian Trade interrupted) was convey’d to Trebezond upon the Euxine, and from thence by Caravan to Aleppo, thence again recover’d to the Red-Sea, and Alexandria by the Sultan, who then possessed Cairo, where it was long Monopoliz’d by the Venetians, of whom we / give a more particular Account. What immense Treasure the Romans received out of Asia, and Syria; out of Africa from Ægypt, and by the Nile; the Persian Gulph, and from India, we are told out of Strabo†. This Merchandize was first convey’d over-Land from Berenice, by Philadelphus (to avoid the perils of Navigating the Red-Sea) to Popta on the Nilus; and thence (with the Stream) to Alexandria, though many Ships adventur’d to pass from Maris (or the Berenice above-mention’d) even to the very Indies; by which means there came Yearly to Rome, no less than 1000 Tuns of Gold, besides other precious Commodities. But, when the Empire fell to

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decay, the Venetians (as we noted) took their advantage, till then a few scatter’d Cotages of poor Fisher-men, and others, Fugitives from the Gotic Inundation, and setling by degrees upon a Cluster of divers muddy, and almost, inaccessible Islands: See what Commerce can effect! But, these Industrious People assay’d another way, namely, from Ganges through Bactria, and the River Oxus, and so the Caspian Lake, Aslracan and the Volga; thence / to Ianais by the Euxine, and so to Venice; truly an immense Circle, and which soon wearied them out, when even of later times, the Negoce of India was supplied from Tripoly, and Alexan­ dretta (Cities of Syria) and from Aleppo by Caravan, to which Scale Merchants came from Armenia, Arabia, Ægypt, Persia, and generally, from all the Oriental Countries. From Aleppo again they return’d to Bir near the Euphrates; thence to Badaget, or Ophram in Media; Balsara, and the Gulph all down the Stream: To this Balsara is yet brought all sorts of Indian Commodities, as far as Æthio­ pia, and the Islands of that Ocean; where being charg’d on smaller Vessels, they are tow’d-up against the Euphrates to Bagdet; in which Passage, being now and then interrupted by the Thievish Arabs (especially at the Frontiers) Intelligence is familiarly convey’d by the Inter-nunce of Pidgeons trained up for the purpose, that is, carried in open Cages from the Dove-houses, and freed, with their Letters of Advice (contriv’d in narrow scrowls about their bodies, and under the wing) which they bring with wonderful Expedition: / as they likewise practice it from Scanderoon to Aleppo upon the coming-in of Ships, and other Occasions. These were the later Intercourses from Venice to, and from the Oriental Parts, till in the Year 1497, that the famous Vasco de Gama (that fortunate Portugueze, and whom we may truly call the Restorer of Navigation) found out a nearer Way, by going farther about: For Henry, the Third Son of John the First of Portugal, hearing that Bethen-Court, a Norman, had detected certain Islands in the Atlantick Ocean some years before; sent two Ships in search of the Africa Shoars Southwards: Ten Years after this, Consalvo, and Tristan Vaz made discovery of * Madera, and certain Genoëzes had sail’d as far as the Sierra Lione, within eight Degrees of the Æquator; after which, there was little advance till the Reign of Alphonsus the Second, in whose time, the Portuguezes Coasted as far as the Promontory of St. Katharine under the second Degree of Southern Latitude: But, John the Second sending men by the old Way of Alexandria, and the Midland-Sea to Goa, Peter Covilan, an Active Spirit amongst them, hearing of / a famous Cape, which extending it self far into the Sea, and that being doubl’d, did open a passage into the East, brought News of it to King Emanuel (then Reigning) who thereupon, employ’d the two Brothers Vasques (whom we nam’d) and Paulo, with four Ves­ sels, and 160 Men, with that Success, as to discover a passage to the Indies by Long-Sea, to the almost utter ruine of Venice; and, in a short time after, to the total Interruption of that tedious Circle by Land, Rivers, and Lakes, which we have been describing; nor are we to forget Petrus Alvarez, Almeïda, and others:

1497. 1410.

1344. * Detected before by one Macha an Eng­ lish-man.21

218

1595. 1624. 1628.

Strabo,22 Dionys. Hellicannas.23 See [illeg.] c. 23. See Isaiah, c. 23.

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And in this manner, for divers Years (at least till the Reign of John the Third) did the Portugals and Spaniards carry the Trade of the World, from the rest of the World, till the HOLLANDERS (being prohibited all Intercourse with the Ports belonging to the Catholick-Kings) attempted the same Discovery, and in short time, so out-did the former; that, by the Year 1595, they had Establish’d a Com­ pany for the East-Indies, and within a while after, another for the West, which has subdu’d the best part of Brazile, / and in the Year 1628, fought, and took the Spanish Plate-Fleet, to their immense Inrichment: But, in what manner they have setled themselves and Factories in those Parts, and by what Arts maintain’d it, will require a fuller discovery. 20. We not long-since mention’d the Goths and Vandals, and who almost has taken Notice of the Ancient Port of Wisbuy, formerly a Receptacle of Ships, and famous Emporium in those Parts? when even the Laws, and Ordinances of Wisbu[r]y, took place like those of Oleron, from Muscovy, to the Streights of Gibraltar; and though both Olaus Magnus, Herbestan, and Others have exceed­ ingly celebrated this City, and Haven; Yet we cannot learn, how it came to be deserted, unless by the Luxury, and Dissentions of the Inhabitants; by none (that we can find) recorded: But, that it was once in so flourishing a state, testifie the yet remaining Heaps, the Columns of Marble, Jasper, and Porphyrie: the Gates of Brass and Iron, exquisitely wrought, and other foot-steps of August founda­ tions. Albertus the Swedish King, endeavour’d by great Privileges, to / have (it seems) establish’d again, and restor’d it to its ancient splendour, but it did not succeed: Nevertheless, the Laws we mention’d (written in the Old Theutonick Language, and without date) obtain’d amongst the Germans, Danes, Flemmings, and almost all the Northern People: We mention the Instance to shew, that as some Places have set up, and thriven by their Industry; so Others, have lost what they once possess’d; and that this Vicissitude is unavoidable, Tyrus, and Carthage, and Corinth, and Syracuse (that in their turns contended with all the World for Navigation and Commerce) are pregnant Examples. The famous Brundusium (whence the Great Pompey fled from the fortune of Cæsar) is now quite choak’d­ up: Joppa is no more, and Tingis, which of old deriv’d its Name from Commerce, and was a renown’d Emporium near three hundred Years before Carthage was a City, was lately the Desolate Tanger; though now again, by the Influence of our glorious Monarch, raising its aged head with fresh vigour: But, what’s become of hundreds we might Name; Spina near Ravenna, Luna in Etruria, Lesbus, and / even Athens her self ? When nearer home, and at our own doors, Stavernen in Friezland, anciently a famous Port, now desolate, Antwerp (lately the Staple for the Spice and Riches of the East, and that Sold more in one Month, than Venice did in four and twenty) lies abandon’d: The stately Genoa (which once employ’d twice-twenty thousand hands in the Silken Manufacture) is now, with her Elder Sister Venice, ebbing apace; Venice, I say, the Belov’d of the Sea, seems

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now forlorne, compar’d to what she was, and from how a small a principle she had spread! 21. The Bretons and Normans (especially against the Saracens) those of Prov­ ince, Marselles, Narbon, &c. had long since been famous at Sea, we say, long since; for the ancient Gaules had great Commerce with those of Carthage (as appears out of Polibyus and Livy but the French in general, have of later daies, and since the Reign of Charles the Eighth, performed little considerable: Francis the First (that Magnificent Prince, who had made the famous Andrea d’ Oria his Admiral) built indeed no less than fifty Gallies for the Italick-War, and had some Conflicts / with our King his Neighbour; But Henry the Fourth, seem’d wholly negligent of Sea-affairs, as relying upon the Generosity of Queen Elizabeth, in whose daies, neither He, nor any other Potentate about her, durst pretend to Shipping, or such Fleets as might give jealousie to their Allies; which, had this incomparable Princess, or, rather, her Peaceful Successor, as well observ’d with the Hollanders in point of Commerce and Trade too; the Ages to come, as well as present, had been doubly oblig’d to their memory: But the Scene is now chang’d, as well with them as with France; since Cardinal de Richlieu, in the Reign of Lewis the Thirteenth, Instituting a Colledge, and Fraternity of Merchants about thirty Years since; and by Opening, Enlarging, and Improving their Ports and Magazines, has put the present Monarch into such a Condition, as has exceed­ ingly advanc’d his Commerce, and given Principle to no inconsiderable Navy; and if *Claudius Sesellius the Bishop of Marselles’s Prophecies succeed (who writ about the time of Lewis the Twelfth) the Northern World is like to have an importunate / Neighbour within few Years to come, from his growing Power, even upon the Ocean. 22. The Danes, and more Northern People were formidable (especially to this Island) under the Conduct of their brave Canute, Ubbon the Frizian, and other Captains; making frequent descents upon Us in mighty Fleets, encounter’d by the Saxons: But, all these living more by Brigandize, and Piracy, than by Traf­ fick, gave place to the Spaniard, and Portugals, whose successful Expeditions, and Discoveries, have rendered them deservedly more Worthy for these last six, or seven hundred Years, than any we have hitherto mention’d, for their shedding of Blood, and Invasions. Nor with less Glory, and timely application of themselves to Sea-Affairs, did the formerly-mention’d Genoezes, and others of the Ligurian Coast, signalize their Courage, as well as their dexterity in Traffick; especially, against the Saracens; since which, they did exceedingly flourish; till the Dukes of Tuscany, by better Policy, and the direction of Count Dudley (pretended Duke of Northumberland) raising its Neighbour Ligorn from a / despicable, and neglected Place, to a Free and well-defended Port, did well nigh ruin it; for, by this means, the greatest Merchants for repute in the World (namely those of Genoa) are become the greatest, and sordidst Usurers in it; as having otherwise

Phil. Comines.24

*De Repub. Gal­ liæ, l. 2.25

220

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little means to employ the Riches, which they formerly got, by a more honest, and natural way of Trade: But, as the Opening of Marselles may in time endanger that of Ligorn, whilst the French King is courting all the World with Naturaliza­ tion, and other popular Immunities; other Princes are instructed how to render themselves Considerable, who are blest with any advantagious Post upon the bordures of the Ocean; and, of This, Gotenberg (not to mention Villa-Franca, and some other Ports) is now a worthy Instance, which, till of late, was hardly known beyond its Wooden Suburbs, though it must be acknowledg’d, that both the Danes and Sweeds had perform’d notable Exploits; the former from Herald the Third, by the Conduct of Ubbon the Frisian (not to insist on their heavy Impositions on this Island) and the latter from Gustavus the first, who / serv’d himself of Gallies even upon the Northern Seas, built for him by the Venetians, and set out that enormous Ship, we mention’d, which carryed 1300 Men: What Conquests the late Great Adolphus made, who went into Prusia with an Armada of 200 Ships, is known to the amazement of Europe. 23. We have more than once shew’d, from how humble a rise Venice had exalted her head, and spread the same of her Conquests, as well as Navigation, over Asia, Ægypt, Syria, Pontus, Greece and other Countries, bordering upon the Ocean: she War’d against the Istrians, vanquish’d the Saracens. In the Holy land; they won Smyrna, devasted all the Phœnician Shoars, especially under Dominico Michaele, who with 200 Vessels, having rais’d the Siege of Joppa, took Chins, Samos, Lesbos; to omit their Successes against the Genoezes emulous of their growth, but never to forget the former, and of late, strenuous resistance against the Turk; especially in that signal Battle of Lepanto, and what their famous Gen­ eral Capello did at Tunis and Algiers of later time, and the Building, Furniture, and / Oeconomy of their Arsenal, and Magazines Celebrated throughout the World; when (before the lucky Portuguezes had doubl’d the Cape of Bon Espe­ ranza) the sweet of the Levantine Commerce (transfer’d from this Port onely) invited men to build not Ships alone, but Houses, and Palaces in the very bosom of Neptune, with a stupendious Expence, and almost miraculous: The Govern­ ment of their Maritime-Affairs, care of their Forrests, Victualling, Courage and Industry of their Greatest Noble-men who are frequently made Captains of single Gallies, and sometimes arriving to be Chief Admirals, come near a Dictatorship; are things worthy of praise; and of the Name they have obtain’d. Genoa (whom we mention’d) had signaliz’d it self against the Saracens, the Republic of Pisa, and even Venice it self, especially under Paganus Doria in the Year 1352, near the Bosphorus Streight; and with the Island of Tenidos had been hir’d by the Young Andronicus to come into his assistance: From the time of Cosimo di Medices, and Sylvias Piccolemini their Admiral, the Florentines gave proof of their Valour in Africa, and of / their Care for Sea Affairs, the Arsenal at Pisa gives a commend­ able instance.

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24. The Rhodans (to whom some attribute even the Invention of Navigation, and whose Constitutions were universally receiv’d) obtain’d a mighty repute at Sea; and the Couragious Exploits of the Maltezes, and other Military Orders against the Common Enemy, the Turk are renown’d over the World; witness, ten thousand which they slew, and half as many that they took in the Year 1308, with hundred thousands of those Miscreants destroy’d by them since their removal to Malta; especially when joyn’d with the Gallies of Venice and Genoa, in the Years 1601, 1625, 1638, and other slaughters innumerable. We name the Turk, and they give us Cause to remember them, by what the Christian Pale has too often felt, when more by their Numbers, than their Courage, they took from it Cyprus, Rhodes, and the never to be forgotten candie; besides, their Conquests and Incur­ sions, on the rest of Europe and Asia: They are not, ‘tis Confess’d, of any Name for much Commerce, but for the Disturbance of it, which calls / aloud upon the Christian World to put a timely period to their insolence, before it be incor­ rigible, and to pursue the bold, and brave Exploits of our Blakes, Lawsons, and Sprags against the Moores and Barbares, and by Example of our Heroic Prince, to restore that Security to Trade, which can onely make it Re-flourish. 25. The Æthopians, Persians, Indians and Chinezes (for those of Tartary, present, or ancient Scyths, come hardly into this Account) may be reckon’d among the Nations of Traffic; Especially, the last nam’d, as who are by some thought to have had knowledge of the Magnet before the Europeans: nay, so addicted were they to Sailing, that they invented Veliserous Chariots, and to Sail upon the Land: It was long since that they had intercourse with those of Madagascar, and came sometimes as far as the Red-Sea with their Wares; and for Veßels, have to this day about Nankin, Jonks of such prodigious size, as seem like Cities, rather than Ships, built full of Houses, and replenish’d with whole Families: In short, There is hardly a Nation so rude but, who in some degree, Cultivate / Naviga­ tion, and are Charm’d with the Advantages of Commerce: But, it would cost an immense Volume, to discourse at large of these things in particular, and to men­ tion onely, the brave, Men, who have in all Ages signaliz’d themselves at Sea for their Arms, or, more peaceful Arts; to Count the Names of the famous Captains, and Adventures of later times, whose Expeditions have been War-like, and for Invasion, and many for Discoveries and Commerce. Here, then we Contract our Sails, and shall direct our Course nearer home, from whence we have been so long diverted. 26. The First, that presents it self to our second Consideration, are the Span­ iards, and Castilians, who (upon the Success of their Neighbours the Portugals) making use of that fortunate Stranger Columbus, prompted by a magnanimous Genius, and a little Philosophy, discover’d to us a New World: This Great Man, being furnish’d-out by Ferdinand, and Isabella of Castile, in four Voyages, which he made from the Year 1492, to An. 1502, detected the Antillias, Cuba, Jamaica,

1492.

222

1390.

1497.

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&c. with some of the Terra firma; / though to let pass Zeno (a Noble Venetian, reported to have discover’d the North-East part of America above an hundred Years before) there be, who tell us, that a certain obscure Mariner (Alphonso Zanches de Huelva by name) had the first sight of this goodly prospect, eight years before this glorious Genoëze (for Columbus was of that City) or any the pre­ tenders: This poor Sea-man, hurried upon those unknown Coasts by Tempests (which continu’d for almost a full Month) was carried as far as St. Domingo in Hispaniola: How he return’d is not said; but, that from the Observations of this Adventure, Christophero receiv’d the first notices of what he afterwards improv’d being at that time in the Maderas, where Zanches arriving, died not long after, and bequeath’d him all his Charts and Papers. There are likewise who affirm, that some mean Bisayers (loosing themselves in pursuit of Whale-Fishing) had fall’n upon some of the American Islands, above an hundred years, before either of the former; but, since of this we have no Authentic proofs; Certain it is, that Columbus, taking his Conjectures from the Spring of certain / Winds from the Western Points, by strong Impulse, concluded, that there must needs be some Continent towards those Quarters: Upon this Confidence, he offers first, his Service to John King of Portugal, and then, to our Henry the Seventh of England, by both which Princes rejected for a Romantic Dream, he repairs to the Court of Spain, where, partly by his Importunity, and much by the favour of Isabella, he was with great difficulty set out at last, when to equip him, the Royal Lady was fain to pawn some of her Jewels: But it was well Repaid, when for the value of 17000 Crowns, he not long after, return’d her almost as many Tuns of Treasure, and, within eight or nine Years, to the Kings sole Use, above 1500000 of Silver, and 360 Tuns of Gold: See the Reward of Faith, and of things not seen! These fortunate beginnings were pursu’d by Americus Vesputius (a Florentine, and a Stranger too) who being sent by Emanuel of Portugal to the Molucca Islands (five Years after) hapning to be driven upon the same Coast, carried away the Name, though not the Honour from all the former, though, there / be, who upon good proof affirm, that John Chabet a Venetian, and his Son Sebastian (born with us at Bristol) had discover’d Florida, and the Shoars of Virginia, with that whole Tract as far as New-found-Land, before the bold Genoëze; nay, that Thorn, and Eliot (both Countrymen of ours) detected this New-World before Columbus ever set foot upon it; for we will say nothing of the famous Owen Gwynedd, whose Adventures are of yet greater Antiquity, and might serve to give Reputation to that noble Enterprize, if we had a mind to be contentious for it. But, 27. That indeed the most shining Exploits of this Age of Discoveries, were chiefly due to the several Hero’s of this Island, we have but to call-over the Names of Drake, Hawkins, Cavendish, Furbisher, Davis, Hudson, Raleigh, and others of no less merit: For impossible it was, that the English should not share in Dangers with the most Renowned, in so glorious an Enterprize; Our Drake being the

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First of any Mortal, to whom God vouchsafed the stupendious Atchievment of Encompassing, not this New-World alone, but New and Old together: Both of them / Twice embrac’d by this Demi-God; for Magellan being slain at the Manil­ lias, was interrupted in his intended Course, and left the Exploit to Sebastian Gamus his Collegue. 28. This Voyage of Drake was first to Nombre de Dios; where coming to a sight of the South-Seas, with tears of Joy in his eyes, his mind was never in repose, till he had gotten into it, as in five years after he accomplish’d it, when passing through the Magellan Streight towards the other Indies, and doubling the famous Promontory, he Circum-navigated the whole Earth, and taking from the Spaniard St. Jago, Domingo, Cartagena, and other signal Places, Crown’d in the Name of his Mistress the Queen, at Nova Albion, he return’d to his Country, and to a Crown of Immortal Honour. This gallant Man was Leader to Cavend­ ish, another Country-man of Ours, of no less Resolution; for these brave Persons scorning any longer to creep by Shoars, and be oblig’d to uncertain Constella­ tions; plow’d-up unfathomable Abysses, without ken of Earth or Heaven, and really accomplish’d Actions, beyond all that the Poets of / Old, or any former Record (fruitful in Wonders) could Invent or Relate. 29. And now Every Nation, stimulated by these Adventures, daily added New-things to the Accomplishment of the Art: Things, I say, unknown to former Ages: And herein were the Portugals very prosperous, One of whose Princes brought first into Use the Astrolabe, and Tables of Declination, with other Arith­ metical, and Astronomical Rules, applicable to Navigation; besides, what several others had from time to time Invented: But, neither were these to be compar’d to the Nautic Box, and feats of the Magnet; before which the Science was so imper­ fect, and Mariners so terrified at Long Voyages; that there were Laws to prohibit Sailing even upon the Mediterranean, during the Winter Season; and, however great things have been reported of Plato’s Atlantic, the Discoveries of Hanno, Endoxius, and others of Old time, from the Persian Gulph, as far as Cales; it was still with sneaking by the Shoar, in continual sight of Land; or by Chance, which indeed has been a fruitful Mother in / these, and most other Discoveries; that Men might learn Humility, and not Sacrifice to their own uncertain Reason­ ings. In that memorable Expedition of the French to Invade our Country, there was hardly a Pilot to be found, who durst adventure Twenty Leagues into the Main; and those who had been the most assur’d, did hardly reach within many degrees of the Æquinoctial. The Azores were first stumbl’d upon by a roming Pirat, surpriz’d by Storm: All the Asiatic Indian Seas, and some of Africa, lay almost as much in the dark, as the Hyperboreans, and horrid North. And though this defect was encounter’d more than two Ages past, by that ever to be renown’d Italian Flavio of Amalphi (for we pass what is reported of the Ancient Arabs, Paulus Venetus, and Others) yet, was it near fourscore Years after, ere it came so

1528.

1305.

1465.

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Bentivoglio hist. Flan.26

1219.

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far North as these Countries of Ours, to which his Needles continually pointed. But, it was now when the Fullness of Time was come, that by this means, the Western Indies should be no longer a Secret, and what have been the incom­ parable Advantages, which this despicable Stone has / produced (the property whereof is ever to have its Poles, converted to the Poles of the World, and its Axes directed Parallel to the Axes of the World) is Argument of Admiration: But, that by vertue of this dull Pibble, such a Continent of Land, such Myri­ ads of People, such inexhaustible Treasures, and so many Wonders should be brought to light, plainly Astonishes, and may Instruct the proudest of us all, not to contemn small-things; since so it oftentimes pleases the Almighty to humble the Loftiness of Men, and to Choose the Base things of the World, to Confound the Things that are Mighty. And less than This we could not say, concerning that inestimable Jewel, by whose Aid and Direction, the Commerce, and Traffick of the World has receiv’d such Advantages. 30. We have now dispatched the Portugals and the Spaniards: There remain the ENGLISH and the HOLLANDERS, who Courting the good Graces of the same Mistris, the TRADE of the WORLD, divide the WORLD between them: Deservedly then we Celebrate the Industry of the Batavians: They must really be look’d upon / as a Wonderful People; nor do we diminish our selves whilst we magnifie any worthy Actions of theirs; since it cannot but redound to our Glory, who have been the Occasion of it; and, that as oft as they have forgotten it, we have been able to Chastize them for it: It is, I say, a Miracle, that a People (who have no Principle of Trade among themselves) should in so short a space, become such Masters of it: Their Growth (’tis Confess’d) is admirable; and if it prove as solid, and permanent, as it has been speedy, ROME must her-self submit to the Comparison: But, we know, who has Calculated her Nativity, and that Violent things are not alwaies lasting. We will yet give them their due; They are Gyants for stature, fierce in Beard and Countenance, full of goodly Towns; Strong in Muni­ tion, Numerous in Shipping; in a Word HIGH and MIGHTY-STATES, and all this the product of Commerce and Navigation; but by what just Arts equally, and in all parts improv’d we may hereafter enquire, as well as to whose Kindness they have been the most Obliged, and the most Ingrateful: We / omit to speak here of their Discoveries, and Plantations, which the Curious may find in the Journals of Heemskerk, Oliver Vander-Nordt, Spilberg, Le Maire (who went six Degrees far­ ther South than Magellan himself, and found a shorter passage into those Seas) to these we may add L’Eremite, the late Compilers of their Atlases, and Others, which many Volumes would hardly comprehend, and because they are generally known; Tacitus, and other famous Authors have celebrated their Early Exploits at Sea, and of later times, Fredric Barburossa did bravely against the Saracens at Pelusium in Ægypt: The Frizians greatly infested the Danes, and those of Flan­ ders, especially under William the Son of John Count of Holland, and in the time

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of Philip the good Duke of Burgundy: They were the first that wore the Broome, when, Anno 1438, they had clear’d the Levantine Seas, subdu’d the Genoëzes, and vanquish’d the French about an hundred years after: How they plagu’d the Spaniard and Portugals, from the year 1572 to almost this day, there is no body ignorant of; and for that of their Discoveries, Que / vero ignota littora, quasve desinentis mundi oras Scrutata non est Belgarum Nautica? was justly due to them from Strada; and the Truth is, they have merited of Fame for many Vertues, and shew’d from what small, and despicable Rudiments, Great things have emerged; and that Traffick alone, which at the first raised, has hitherto supported this Grandure against a most puissant Monarch, for almost an Age intire: But, their Admission of Foreigners, Increase of Hands, Encouraging Manufactures, Free, and Open Ports, Low Customes, Tolleration of Religions, Natural Frugality, and Indefatigable Industry could indeed, portend no less. We conclude then with ENGLAND, which though last in Order, was not the last in our Design; when upon reflection on our late Differences with our Neighbours of HOLLAND, we thought it not unsuitable to Præface something concerning the Progress of that Commerce, which has been the Subject of so many Conflicts between us. 31. To the little which has been hitherto said of the great things which Our Nation has perform’d by Sea in / the later Ages, we might super-add the Gal­ lantry, and brave Adventures of former; since from no obscure Authors we learn, the Britains to have accompanied the Cimbrians and Gauls, in their memora­ ble Expedition into Greece, long before the Incarnation of our Lord, and whilst they were yet Strangers to the Roman World; not to insist on the Cassiterides, known to the Phoenicians, and with so much judgment, vindicated by a Learned Author, in that his excellent and useful Institution: In all events, we resort to the greatest Captain, and, without dispute, the purest of Ancient Writers: The Description which Cesar27 makes of the Supplies this Island afforded the Gauls (and, which made him think it worth his while to bring-over his Legions hither) will inform us, that the structure of their Vessels was not altogether of Twigs, and Oxes-Hides; And the Veneti, it seems, had then a Navy of no less than 200 Sail, built of goodly Oak, tall, and so bravely equipped for War, and to endure the Sea, as that great General acknowledg’d the Romans themselves had noth­ ing approach’d it: which we mention, because divers / grave Authors believe the British Vessels (sent sometime as Auxiliaries) were thought to be like them: And the slender Experience which the Gauls (or, in truth any other Neighbour of theirs) had of the opposite Shoars, when the Britains were thus Instructed both for Defence, and Commerce (and, at that time permitted certain Merchants onely to frequent their Coasts) is a fair Præscription, how Early She Intituled her self to the Dominion of the Seas; which, if at any time interrupted by barbarous Surprize, or Invasion (as in the Ages following it seem’d to be) yet, neither did That continue any longer, than till the prevalent Force was established, which

V.Pont. Heut­ erm Austr. 1.13. Dec. 1.l.1.

Camdenus. Strabo, 1.3. W. Howel lnstit. Hist. Bocharti Canaan, l.1.c.39. & l.3.c.9. De Bello Gall. lib.3.

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See APXAIONO­ MIA, sive, de Priscis Anglorum Legibus, written by Lambard, and Publish’d by Mr. Whee­ lock.28

Nimis multa extare docu­ menta Britaniz esse Dominos, qui essent Maris. Grot. Hist.l.13.

Cic.ad Atic. l.10. Ep.7.

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soon Asserting the Title, as Lords, and in Right of England, maintain’d her Præ­ rogative from Time immemorial: I know not why therefore, a solitary Writer, or two, should go about to deprive this Nation of more than Twelve hundred Years at Once; because an Heroick Prince has had the Misfortune to have his Mighty Actions reported by some weak, and less-accurate Pens: Yet, such, as the Times wherein they liv’d, could furnish; / especially too, since this has been the Fate of as brave Men, as any whom History has Recorded: But, by this Pretence, some there are, who would take from us, the Renowned ARTHUR, who is reported to have led his Squadrons as far as Ise-Land, and brought the Northern People under his Flag, planting the Confines of the British-Ocean, as far as the Russian Tracts; and this (together with all the Northern, and Eastern Isles) to be Dejure, Appendices unto this Kingdom, we may find in the Leges Edwardi, confirm’d by the Norman Conquerour; for so it had indeed been left to the famous EDGAR (to mention onely Egbert, Althred, Ethelfred, & c.) Princes, all of them, signally meritorious for their Care of the Sea) who soon finding by Experience what Ben­ efit, and Protection his Country receiv’d by the extraordinary Vigilancy on the Coasts, and the Vindicating of his Dominions on the Waters, Cover’d them at Once, with no less than Four thousand Sail; nor, it seems, without Cause (the time consider’d) since we lay so expos’d to a barbarous Enemy. Alfred (whom we mention’d) found it so in / his dales; a sober, and well-Consulted Prince; and therefore provided himself of the same Expedient against the troublesome Danes, whom he not seldome humbld: But, this MAXIME, as often as Neglected, did as certainly expose the Nation to Prey, and Contempt, as not long after it, to the Norman Power, and may so again to a Greater, when through a fatal Supine­ ness, we shall either Remit of our wonted Vigilancy, and due Provisions, or suffer our Up-start Neighbours to Incroach upon us; so True is that saying, By what means any Thing is Acquired, by the same ’tis Preserv’d. Did this Island wisely Consider the Happiness of not needing many Frontiers to protect her from hourly Alarms, or In-Land Fortresses to check the suddain, and rude Incursions, to which all Continents are Obnoxious; she would not think her Bounty to her Prince a Burthen; who by maintaining a glorious, and formidable Navy at Sea, not onely renders her Inhabitants secure at Home, without multiplying of Gov­ ernours, and Guarrisons (which are ever jealous to a Free, and Loyal People) but, unless wanting to themselves, Repairs / their Layings-out, with immense Advan­ tages; and by securing, and Improving that Trade, and Commerce, which onely can render a Nation flourishing, and, which has hitherto given us the Ascendent over the rest of the World: so True is another Axiom, Qui MARE tenet, cum necesse eße rerumpotiri; but, without which, ’tis in vain to talk of Sovereignty. 32. By these Politicks King John was enabl’d to pass the Seas into Ireland with a Fleet of 500 Sail; Imperiously Commanding whatever Vessels they should meet withal about the Eight Circumfluent Seas, to Arrest them, and bring them to

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understand their Duty: But, our Third Edward (to whom the House of Burgundy ow’d so much) Equipp’d above a Thousand tall Ships upon another Occasion; with an handful whereof, he defeated a prodigious Navy of the French, and Spaniard, that were gotten together; and we have seen a perfect, and undoubted List of no fewer than 700 Men of War, which this Prince brought before Calais, though he made use of but 200 of them, to vanquish a Fleet consisting of more than double the / Number with the loss of Thirty thousand French; which had such an Influence on his Neighbours, that, whereas, till then, there had been some Remisness in the Nation, and a declension of Sea-Affairs; the bravest, and greatest Men in the Land, began greedily to embrace Maritime Employments; and the Title of * Admiral, introduc’d in his Prædecessors time, was now held in highest Esteem. 33. We mention’d the House of Burgundy, and it had reason to Remember us, and our Wool, which was the fairest Flower of that Ducal Coronet, and as some good Antiquaries remark, really gave Institution to their Golden Fleece: However it were, this Wise Prince, representing to the Flemings their miserable Posture (at that time obnoxious to the French, as of late they have likewise been) and, Inhibiting the Importation of Forraign Cloths; the Serene and quiet Condition of this happy Island, invited them over to settle here, erect their Manufactures amongst us, and joyn their Art to our Nature. / 34. We pass by the Exploits, and glorious Atchievments perform’d by our Kings against the Saracens in the Holy-War, which charg’d the Shields of the ancient Nobless, and, of which, all Asia resounded: Here, our Edwards, Henries, and Richards did memorable things; in particular, Richard the Second took of the French, almost an hundred Ships at once, of which some were Vessels of great burthen, richly Fraire: And an Earl of Arundel (bearing this Princes Name) beat, took, and destroy’d 226 Ships deep laden with 19000 Tuns of Wine, comming from La Rochelle, after an obstinate Encounter, and many brave Exploits: To these we might add, the Gallant Preparations of Henry the Fifth, and of several more, had we a design, or any need to accumulate Instances of our Puissance, and Successes at Sea, so thick sown in Forreign, as well as Domestic Histories: But, he that would be Instructed for a more ample Discourse, may take notice of the League made between Charles the Great, and our Mercian Offa (now more than 700 years since) as he may find it in an Epistle of Albinus, or the Learned / Alcuin (’tis all one) and Consult our Country-men Walsingham, Malmesbury, and other Writers; where he will see in what high repute this Nation has been, both for its numerous Shipping, and the flourishing Commerce it maintain’d in most known-Parts of the World; and, which we may farther confirm, by the several Authentic Statutes, and Immunities yet extant, not omitting the Policy of Keeping the Sea, facetiously, yet solidly, set forth in the good Old Prologue, intit­ uled, The Process of the Libel, written more than 200 years past, not unworthy

*Thalassiarcha. See Vossius de Vitiu Sermonis Lat. 1.2.29 It’s deriv’d from Emir, or Amir Prafectus in Arab.

1358.

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† Lord Cher­ bery Hist. Hen. 8.30 See also that rare piece of Hans Holbein’s in his Majesties Gallery WhiteHall.

1588. Anual. l. 5.

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our deepest reflexions: And verily, it were a madness in us to neglect the Care of those Causes, from whence (as by a Series of them will yet appear) the Effects of all our Temporal Blessings spring, and, by Vertue whereof, they can only be maintain’d. 35. Henry the Seventh, and his Magnificent Successor, were both of them pow­ erful at Sea; though the too weak-Faith of the former, depriv’d him of the most glorious Accession, that was ever offer’d to Mortal-man: This, he endeavour’d to have repair’d, by the famous Cabot, whom he afterwards / employ’d to seek Adventures; and, though the Success were not equal, it was yet highly laudable, and (as we have shew’d) not altogether without Fruit. 36. Henry the Eight his Son, had divers Conflicts with the French, † Tri­ umphing sometimes in Sails of Cloth-of- Gold, and Cordage of Silk: But, that which indeed repair’d the Remisness of the One, and Profusion of the Other, and gave a Demonstration of how absolute concern, Traffic, and Strength at Sea are to this Island, was the Care which Queen ELIZABETH took, when by her Address alone, she not onely secur’d her Kingdoms from the formidable Power of Spain; but, Reap’d the Harvest too, of that Opulent Monarch, and brought his Indies into her own Exchequer; whilst that Mighty Prince, had onely the trouble to Conquer the New-World, and prepare the Treasure for her: And this she did, by her Influence on Navigation, and by the Courage and Conduct of those renowned Hero’s, who made her Reign so famous. / 37. This glorious Princess had 130 Sail of fair Ships, when she sent over for the Island Voyages, of which 60 were stout men of War; and with these (besides many other Exploits) she defended HOLLAND, defied Parma, and aw’d the whole Power of Spain: With an handful of these (comparatively) she defeated the Invincible Armada in LXXXVIII, Encounter’d, and took Gallions, and other Vessels of prodigious strength and bulk; and, what havock was made at Gales, by yet a smaller number, her Enemies to this day feel: Grotius, speaking of this Action, tells us, that the Wealth gotten there by the Earl of Essex, was never any where parallel’d with the like Naval Success; and, that if these begin­ nings had been pursu’d (as with ease they might, had the brave Mans Counsel been follow’d) it had prov’d one of the most glorious Enterprises that History has recorded: However, besides the immense Spoil, and Treasure they took, and the Marks they left of their Fortitude (to the loss of 1200 Great-Guns of the Enemies, irreparable in those daies) the Spaniard was not so redoubted Abroad, as they left him / miserably weakn’d at Home: To these, we may number the Tro­ phies won by particular Adventurers: Sir Francis Drake, having with four Ships onely, taken from the Spaniard a Million, and 189200 Ducats in one Expedition, Anno 1587, in a single bottom 25000 Pezos of the most refined Gold; and after, with a Squadron of Five and twenty Sail, terrifying the whole Ocean, he sack’d St. Jago, Domingo, and Cartagena (as before mention’d) and, carried away with

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him, besides other incredible Booty, 240 Pieces of Artillery, which was a pro­ digious Spoil in those early daies, and, when those Instruments of Destruction were not in such plenty as now they are. What shall we say of John Oxenham, one of the Argo-nauts with Drake? who, in a slender Bark, near Nombre de Dios (having drawn-up his Vessel to Land, and cover’d it with a few boughs) marched with his small Crue over unknown paths, till arriv’d at a certain River, and there building a Pinnace, with the Timber which they fell’d upon the Spot, he boldly launches into the South-Sea, and, at the Island of Pearls, took from the Span­ iard 60000 l. weight of / Massie-Gold, and 200000 in Silver! though lost in his Return with it, by the perfidy of his Associates; such an Exploit is hardly to be parallel’d in any story. Sir Richard Grinvill, in another Voyage to Cadiz, with but 180 Souldiers (of which 90 were sick and useless) in the Ship Revenge, maintain’d a Conflict for 24 hours, against 50 Spanish Gallions, and slew above 7000 Men, sinking four of their best Vessels: Than this, what have we more – ! What, can be greater! In sum, so universal was the Reputation of our Country-men in those daies, for their strenuous Exploits at Sea; That even Those who took all Occa­ sions to depress, and extenuate them, are forc’d here to Acknowledge, and that from the Pen of an Author whose Word goes far, * That the Greeks and Romans, who of Old, made good all their mighty Actions by Naval Victories, were at this time, equal’d by the Fortitude and Courage of the English. 38. ’Twas in Her daies, they discover’d far into the North-East, and NorthWest, Cathaian, and China Passages, by the indefatigable diligence of Willoughby, Burroughs, Chanceler, Button, / Buffin, Furbisher, James, Middleton, Gilbert, Cumberland, and others, worthy to be consign’d to Fame: In her Brothers the Sixt Edwards Reign, the formerly mention’d Chabot, had six times attempted the North-West Tracts to the Indies; and, long before these, a bold Prince of Ours, essay’d to pass the Moluccos by the same Course; entred the streights of Anian, and is, by some, intituled to the first Discovery of the Canaries. The Sum­ mer-Islands, and the goodly Continent of Virginia, were first detected, and then Planted by the English; among whom we may not pass by the Industry of Cap­ tain Jones, Smith, and other late Adventurers, whose great Exploits (as Romantic as they appear) were the steady effects of their Courage and good Fortune: We have said yet nothing of Pool, who began the Whale-fishing, nor of Captain Bennet, who discover’d Cherry-Island: Pet, and Jack-man that pass’d the Vaigates, Scythian Ices, and the River Ob, as far as Nova Zembla: Of John Davis, who had penetrated to 86 degrees of Latitude, and almost set his foot upon the North­ ern-Pole Here let us also remember / Captain Gillan, to the lasting honour of his Highness, Prince Rupert, and the rest of those Illustrious Adventurers; nor forget to celebrate the Heroic Inclination of his Sacred MAJESTY, our Great CHARLES, under whose Auspices, Sir John Norborough has lately Pass’d, and Re-pass’d the Magellan Streight; by which that Modest, and Industrious Man,

* Graiorum, Romano­ rumque gloriæ, qui res olim suas Nava­ les per acies asseruerunt, non dabie tunc Anglorum & fortuna, Virtus respondit. Grot. Hist. l. 1.

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has not onely performed what was never done before; but has also made way for a Prospect of immense Improvement, Finally, 39. It was Queen Elizabeth who began, and establish’d the Trade of Muscovy, Turky, Barbary, and even that of the East-Indies too, however of late Interrupted by ungrateful Neighbours: Nor less was she vigilant at Land, than at Sea; Mus­ tering at once no fewer than One hundred and twenty Thousand fighting-Men of her own Vassals, not by uncertain Computation; but, effectually fit for War: And indeed, but for the extraordinary Vertue of this brave Virago, not England alone, but even France and Holland had truckl’d under the weight of Spain, whose Ambition was then upon its / highest Pinnacle: In one word, Navigation and Commerce were in her days in so prosperous a Condition, that they seem to have ever since subsisted but upon the Reputation of it; and the success of our Country-men in their Attempts at Sea was so far Superiour to other Nations, as by the suffrage of the most Learned Strangers (and to shew it was universal) they could not but acknowledge, Omnibus bodie Gentibus Navigandi industria, & peritia, Superiores esse Anglos, & post Anglos, Hollandos; for we do not fear to give even our greatest Enemies their Dues, when they deserve it. 40. We now arive to King JAMES, and CHARLES the First (Princes of immortal Memory) And for the former; there was in his time built (besides many others) those two gallant Ships, The Trades-Increase, and the Prince; The one for encouragement of Commerce, and the other a Man of War; And, though upon different Accounts, and at different times, they both unhappily miscar­ ried; yet, they serv’d to testifie, that neither Defense, nor Trade were neglected; since, as to that of the first, Sir Walter Raleigh doubts not / to affirm; That the Shipping of this Nation, with a Squadron of the Navy-Royal, was in this Princes time, able, in despight of Europe, to Command the Ocean, much more, to bring the Nether-Lands to due Obedience: But, says he, as I shall never think him a lover of his Country, or Prince, who shall perswade His Majesty from Cultivat­ ing their Amity; so would I counsel Them to remember, and consider it: That seeing their Inter-course lies so much through the British-Seas, that there is no part of France, from Calais to Flushing, capable of succouring them; that, fre­ quently, Outwards by Western-Winds, and ordinarily, Home-wards, both from the Indies, Straites, and Spain, all Southerly-Winds (the Breezes of our Climat) thrust them of necessity into His Majesties Harbours; how much his Majesties favour does import them: For, if (as themselves confess) they subsist by Com­ merce onely; the disturbance of That (and, which England alone can disturb) will also disturb their Subsistence: I omit the rest: Because I can never doubt either their Gratitude, or their Prudence, But, this / brave Man was it seems, no Prophet, to fore see how soon they would forget themselves: They began in his days to be hardly warm in comparison, and indeed it is not (as observes the same Person) much beyond a Century, that either the French, Spanish, or Hollander,

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had any proper Fleets belonging to them as Kingdoms, or States; the Venetians, Jenoezes and Portugals, being then (as we have noted) the only Competitors both for Strengh, and Traffick; the Dutch little Considerable; since within these fifty years, the Spanish and Portugals employ’d many more Ships at Sea than the Hol­ lander (their Fishing-Busses excepted) who, ’til furnish’d with our Artillery, were very Contemptible, as might be made out by undeniable Evidence: Insomuch that the formerly mention’d Raleigh affirms, One Lusty Ship of his Majesties, would have made forty Hollanders Strike Sail, and come to an Anchor: They did not then (says he) dispute de Mari Libero. But will you know in a word from him, what it was that has exalted them to this monstrous Pitch? It was, the employ­ ing their own People in the Fishery upon our Coasts; by which they infinitely / Inrich’d themselves; 2. Their Entertaining of Auxilliaries in their difficult Land Services; by which they preserv’d their own Vassals: 3. The Fidelity of the House of Nassaw; from which they had a wise, and experienc’d General: 4. The frequent Excursions of the Duke of Parma into France, hindring the Prosecution of his growing Successes: 5. The Imbargo of their Ships in Spain, and interdicting them Free-Trade with that Nation, which first set them upon their Indian Adventures: 6. And, above All, the Kindness of Queen Elizabeth: But, the Case is (it seems) much alter’d since that worthy Knight made his Observations and took his Leave of the Prince of Orange at Antwerp; When (after Leicesters return) he pray’d him to say to her Majesty, Sub Umbra Alarum tuarum Protegimur; for that they had wither’d in the End, without her Assistance. 41. We have yet but only mention’d the Inherent Right of the Crown of England to the Dominion of the Seas; because the Legality and the Reason of it have been Asserted by so many able and famous Pens, from which we learn, that it doth of Justice appertain to the / Kings of Great Britain, not only as far as Protection extends (though there were no other Argument to favour us) but, of sacred, and immemorial Royalty: But, ’tis Pretended by those great Names, who have of late disputed this Subject, and endeavoured to Depose our Princes of this Empire Jure Nature & Gentium: That the Sea is Fluxile Elementum, & quod nun­ quam idem, possideri non posse; That ’tis always in Succession, and, that one can never Anchor on the same Billow; That Water is as Free as the Air; and that the Sea terminates Empires which have no Bounds; and therefore, that no Empire can terminate that which acknowledges none; and, though all this were noth­ ing; That his Majesties Father, had tamely lost it to the late Usurpers, which is an insolent scoff of Marisotus’s, triumphing ore a fetter’d Lion; Whilst for all this, to patch up a wratched Pretence, he descends to take hold of a certain Obsolete, and Foeudatarie Complement, sometime since passing between the two Kings; as if a Ceremonious Acknowledgement for a Province or two in France (which is an usual deference among Princes upon certain Tenures) gave sufficient / Title, and Investiture to All that the Kings of England possess in the World besides. But

Seldenus.32 Grotius. Mari­ seus. Clairacis. Pontanus. Falatus, &c.

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Meldo.

Jo. Tillius de Reb. Oal. L. 2.

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in this sort do the Partizans of aspiring Monarchs manage their egregious Flat­ teries. Whilst to silence all the World, we can shew it Prescription so far beyond the present Race of Kings, that even the Name of their PHARAMOND was not known, when our EMPIRE on the SEA set Limits to the Coasts of Gauls, and said, Hitherto shall ye Come – Nor, to that alone, but even as far as Spain it self: For, what pretence could those Princes have to this Dominion, whose very Monarchy is but of Yesterday, in respect to the goodly extent, which now they call France? and especially when the only Maritime Provinces were shread into so many Fragments and Cantons, under their petty Princes; for so were Narbon, Bretayne, Aquitaine and even Normandy it self (portions belonging then to our Kings) nor had they ’till of later days, so much as the Office of Admiral belonging to the Sea, that is, till their Expedition into the Holy-Land, when yet they were fain to make use of the Genoezes to transport them as we have it confess’d by their own Authors. / As to their other Arguments, we need not spend much breath to dilute those pittiful Cavels of the Instability, and Fluctuation of the Waves &c which could not be there, without a Channel and a Bottom to contain them, as if we contended for the Drops of the Sea, and not for its situation, and the Bed of those Waters; and since Rivers and Streams have the same Reason on their side to exempt them from being in Common, and at every mans disposure. And these things I have only touch’d, to repress the pruriency of some late Flatterers, who not only injure a Truth as resplendent as the Sun; but the Justice of a great Prince, whom by these false Colours, they wou’d provoke to unright­ eous disputes; whilst we pretend to nothing but what carries with it, the strongest Eviction, a thing of this nature is capable of. 42. Needless it wou’d be to amuse the Reader with recounting to him at large, how in the ancient Division of things, the Sea, having been assign’d over with the Land, there sprung up from the same Original, a Private Dominion; but undoubtedly, when God gave to Man the Soveraignty of the Ocean, by / intitling him to the Fish, which were produc’d in the bowels of it (that is, to the Thing it self, by its Use, and Enjoyment) by the same Grant, he passed over to him, and consign’d to his disposure, the distribution of it, and introduction of a separate, and peculiar Jurisdiction: There is nothing more perspicuous than our case, and as to his Majesties Claim (the Reasons for it rightly consider’d) from so many Royal Predecessours, and so long a tract of years, who for security of Navi­ gation, and Commerce between their Neighbours and Allies, were at such vast expences, to Equip, and set forth Great Ships, and Navies; and that, upon the intreaty, and solicitation of those, who recurr’d to their protection; and might themselves justifie the prescribing Rules and Boundaries to such as should pass the Seas, and receive such Recognitions, and Emoluments, as were peculiar, and within their Circle, both for their Honour, and Maintenance.

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The deduction shall be very short, considering how vast an Ocean of matter lies before us; but it shall be full. 43. Cæsar, he had invaded Britain, / summoning the Gallic Merchants to inform him of the shores, and situation of our Ports, could it seems learn noth­ ing from them; for, says he, not a man of them frequented that Rivage without licence; and when Claudius had subdu’d the more Southern parts of the Nation, the British Sea, following the fate of the whole Island, came with the same privi­ leges to be annex’d to the Empire, and did never loose them, through all the Revolutions which happen’d; but that as soon as the prevalent power came to be settl’d they immediately asserted their Dominion on the Sea. That of very wide extent this Nation had peculiars of its own, the Consternation of the Calidoni­ ans evince; when in the time of Domitian, Agricola sailing round the Island, they were in such perplexity to see him in their Chambers, for so they called those Northern Streams. But not longer to insist on these early beginnings, and what the Romans did; when the frame of that Empire was chang’d, about the time of the Great Constantine, the Comites of the Saxon shore (substitutes to him who commanded the West) had their Jurisdiction over all the Sea, from / the Borders of that Shoar, and West part of Denmark, to the Western Gallia, all along the otherside. 44. There are who put some stress here, upon ancient Inscriptions, especially that mention’d by Greater, of a Prefect of a British Fleet; and on the Ornaments, and Ensigns of Dominion, found in several Medals, and Antiquities to be met withal in the Collections of learned men; vindicating the peculiar we contend for, and continu’d from Edward the Third in several fair stamps, nor are they to be rejected: It suffices us, that whatever the Government were, still the domin­ ion of the Sea return’d with that of the land to the Nation; as when the Britains rejected, the Roman Yoak, which how extended, when it came under the power of the English Saxon Kings, and Danes, is known to all the World, as well as with what mighty Navies, Edgar Canutus and others, asserted, and protected it, under no lower Style, than that of King, Supream Lord and Governour of the Ocean, Lying round about Britain; for so runs the settlement of certain Revenues, given by King Edgar, to the Cathedral of Worcester, says Mr. Selden. / 45. Since the Norman Conquest, the Government of the several Provinces, or Sheriffs, exercised Jurisdiction on the Sea, as far as their Countys extended. Henry the Third constituted Captain Guardians; and our First Edward distrib­ uted this Guard to three Admirals; so did the second of that name; and the form of our ancient Commissions to the several Admiralties, mention the dominion of our Kings upon the Sea; nor did any other Nation whatsoever Contest it, as having little, or nothing on the opposite Shoars; whilst ’tis evident, the English Monarchs possess’d their Right in its intire Latitude, for more than a thousand

De Bello Gall. Lib. 4.

Tacit in Vit. Agric.33

Natitia Imp. Occid.

Zozimus 1. 6.34 An. 43c. See [illeg.] [illeg.] l. 2.

234

Rot. Pat. 2. Jac. part 32.

Rot. Scot. 10. Ed. Membran. 16. Rot. Pat. 46. Ed. 3. N. 2.

Rot. Pat. 8. Hen. 5. Mem. 3. Art. 6.

Rot. Pat. 14. Ed. 2. P. 2. M. 26. in dorso.

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Years, under one intire Empire, and an un-interrupted enjoyment of the Sea, as an appendant. 46. To this we might add the Pass-Ports sued for by Forreigners from the Reign of Henry the Fourth, and so down to Queen Elizabeth, who during her War with Spain sometimes gave leave to the Swedes, Danes, and Ansiatic Towns, and sometimes prohibited them, Petitioning for Passes, to sail through her Seas; nay, more, she caus’d to be taken, and brought into her Harbours, / Laden-ships of those Nations transgressing her Orders; as far as the Streights of Lisbon, which she cou’d never have justify’d, had she not been acknowledged Soveraign of the Seas, through which they were to pass: And though her Successour King James, appointed certain limits on the English Coast, by imaginary lines drawn from point to point, round the Island, in which he sometimes extended them far into the Sea; I was not to Circumscribe a Jurisdiction (a thing which he most indus­ triously caution’d his Ministers never to yield, so much as in discourse) beyond which he did not pretend; but in relation only to Acts of Hostility, between the two great Antagonists, the Spaniard and the Hollander, declaring himself both Lord, and Moderator of the British Seas from his Royal Predecessors. 47. In several Commissions given to Sea Commanders, by Edward the Third, the words are, Our Progenitors, the Kings of England, have before these times, been Lords of the British Seas on every side; and in a certain Bill, prefer’d in Parliament to the same Prince, ’tis said, That the English were / ever in the Ages past so renown’d for Navies, and Sea-Affairs; that the Countries about them, usually esteem’d, and call’d them Soveraigns of the Sea; And from the same Par­ liamentory testimony in the Reign of Henry the Fifth we learn, that the Estates in that august Assembly, did with one Consent affirm it as a thing unquestion­ able, That the Kings of England were Lords of the Sea, and that That Sea was all which flow’d between the stream on both sides, and made no doubt, but a Tribute might be impos’d, by Authority of Parliament upon all Strangers passing through them, as we shall find Richard the Second to have done long before. 48. In the Reign of Edward the Second, Robert Earl of Flanders, complaining of Injuries done his Subjects at Sea, alledges, that the King of England is bound in Right to do him justice, for that he was Lord of the Sea: But there cannot in the World be a more pregnant Instance for the vindication of this dominion, and the silencing all Objections, than the famous complaint against the Genoeze Grimbaldi, who during the War between the French and those of Flanders, infesting the Seas, / and disturbing Commerce, occasion’d all the Nations of Europe, bordering on the Sea, to have recourse, and appeal to the Kings of Eng­ land; whom from time to time, and by Right immemorial, they acknowledged to be in peaceable possession of the Soveraign Lordship and dominion of the Seas of England, and Islands of the same; This Libel, or Complaint was exhibited in

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the time of Edward the First, almost three hundred years since, and is still extant in the Archives of the Tower. 49. And thus we have seen how the Sea is not only a distinct province, Capa­ ble of Propriety, Limits, and other just Circumstances of Peculiar Dominion, as a Bound, not Bounding his Majesties Empire, but as bounded by it in another respect; and that this was never violated so much as by Syllogism, ’till some Mer­ cenary pens were set on work against Spain, through whose tender sides, at that time, and with great artifice, the Barnevelt faction endeavour’d to transfix us; Soon it was perceiv’d, and as soon encounter’d; in the mean time, that one would smile to find their mighty Champion then fairly accknowledg upon another Occasion, and / when it seems he resolv’d to speak out. Anglia Regina Oceani Imperium – That the Queen of England, was Dominatrix of the Sea – So great is the Truth, and will prevail: In a word, if the premier Occupant. be a legal and just plea to the Right of other possessions, the Kings and Queens of England, descending from, or succeeding to them who first asserted the Title, are still invested with it; sure we are, this Argument was held good, and illustrated by the First, and best foundation of Empire, when the State of Venice (claiming the Adriatic by no other) held that famous Controversie with Ferdinand of Friuli by their Advocate Rapicio and Chizzola, Commissioners being mutually chosen to determine it; and how far Antiquity is on our side, The Greeks, Romans, Tyr­ ians, Phænicians, and others have abundantly declar’d, and with what caution they interdicted Strangers here with us, till the Claudian Expedition annex’d it, with the dominion of all Britain, to that Glorious Empire; which to protect against the Piratical Saxons (then not seldom infesting our Coasts) the Comites Maritimi Tractus were by the Præfect establish’d, as we have already / shew’d: And so it continu’d for near five hundred years after, when the Saxons taking greater advantage of the Roman remissness (distracted as they grew by intestine troubles) made their descents upon us, and with the fortune of Conquest, car­ ried that likewise of the Sea. 50. We have but mention’d King Edgar, whose survey is so famous in Story, when with more than four thousand Vessels, he destin’d a Quaternion to every Sea, which annually circl’d this Isle, and as a Monument of their submission, was sometime Row’d in his royal Gally by the hands of Eight Kings. This Signal Action becoming the Reverse of a Medail, was by a like device illustrated in the Rose-Noble, in which we have represented the figure of a King invested with his Regalia, standing in the middle of a Ship, as in his proper, and most resplendent Throne; for the same reason likewise (as some interpret) did Henry the Eight, add the Portcluse to his current Mony, as a Character of his peculiar Title to this Dition, exclusive to all others. 51. We have spoken of the Danes, and Normans, and their successive claim, / and of the Custodes Maritimi, more antient than that of Admiral, as now con­

1509. Treaty with Spain, concerning Trade to the Indies. Grot. Annal. 1. 2. 1570.35

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1166.

1200 M.S.Commen. de Rebus Admir. fol. 18.

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stituted, which indeed began with the Edwards, when the French, at war with Flanders, but pretending to usurp that dignity, were fain to abolish their new office, and acknowledging they had no Right, pay the damages of the depreda­ tions they made, as a appears by that famous Record in the Tower, mention’d by Sir John Burroughs36 in which the Title of our Kings is asserted from immemorial prescription; nay, when at this time, he had not all the opposite Shoar to friend. 52. The Constitution of our Cinque-Ports give another noble Testimony to this Claim, and the addition of two more Admirals by our Third Edward, guard­ ing as many Seas, as there were Superiour Officers of this denomination, not omitting the Title of Lords of both Shoars, anciently us’d from hence to Henry the Fifth; nay, when Edward renounc’d his Claim to Normandy (as at the Treaty of Charters) the French themselves acknowledg’d this Right, and therefore nei­ ther here, nor at the Court of Delegates in France, did they claim any pretence to the Islands, / or Interfluent Seas. But what need we a more pregnant Instance, than that Universal deference to the Laws of OLERON37 (an Island of Aquita­ nia then belonging to this Crown) published after the Rhodan38 had been long Antiquated, which obtain’d over all the Christian World. And to this we might add the Dane-Gelt (in plain English, a Ship-mony Tax) impos’d as well on Stran­ gers as Denisons that practic’d Commerce upon our Coasts and Sea; East and North, where the great Intercursus was; nor expir’d it here, but continu’d Cus­ tomary, as appears by innumerable Records, for enabling the King to protect the Seas, and to Obstruct, or Open them as he saw convenient, with Title to all Royal Fishes, Wracks, and Goods found floating in Alto-mari, as we can prove by several Commissions, and Instruments, and confirm by precedents, not of our Municipal constitutions alone, but, such as have been binding, and accepted for such, of the Nations about us; Witness that famous Accord made between our Edward the First, and the French King Phillip the Fair, calling him to account for the piracies we have mention’d. And / 53. To this we might produce the spontaneous submission of the Flemings in open Parliament, in Edward the Seconds Reign, and the Honour, or rather Duty of the Flag, which King John with his Peers, had many Ages since, challeng’d, upon the Custom ordain’d at Hastings, decreed to take place universally, not barely as a Civility, but as a Right of importance for the making out, and confir­ mation of our Title to the Dominion we have been vindicating; And that this has been claim’d and pay’d Cum debitâ Reverentiâ (to use the express words of those old Commissions, which had been long since given by William and Mau­ rice Princes of Orange) to all the Sea Commanders in those days; we have for almost this whole later Century, seen the matter of fact testified not only by con­ tinual Claims, Orders, Commissions and Instructions; but by searching divers authentick Journals, which have noted the particulars in a thousand Instances: Nor has this been paid to whole Fleets only, bearing the Royal Pavillion; but to

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single Vessels, and those of the smaller Craft (as they are stil’d) wearing his Maj­ esties Cognizance, to whom this homage has been / done, even by the greatest Navies, meeting them in any of the British Seas in their utmost Latitudes. Nor has this been so much as question’d, til that arch Rebel for end, of his own, would once have betray’d it; and that the late Demagogue De Witt, with no less insolence, would have perverted his Countrymen, by entring into an injurious disquisition in justification of the Wrong he would have made us swallow; but his Majesty was not so to be Hector’d out of his Right as appears by the honourable provi­ sion he has made to seeme it, in the late Treaty with the Dutch and what all the World has paid us, which puts it out of dispute: In the mean time it was neces­ sary, and no way improper to the Scope of this Treatise, that after what has been so newly pretended, to the prejudice of the Title we have asserted; something should be said to abate the Confidence of impertinent Men, and to let the World know, that our Princes (to whom God, and Nature has imparted such preroga­ tives) will not be baffl’d out of them, by the sentences, and sophisms of Lawyers, much less by Sycophants, and such as carry not the least shadow of reason: But it would / fill many Volumes to exemplifie the Forms of our ancient Commissions from time to time, Investing our Admirals, with the Exercise of this Soveraign Power; as well as that of safe Conducts, Writts of Seizure, and Arrests; the Cop­ ies of Grants, and Permission to Fish (of which in the next period) obtain’d of our Kings, by Petition &c. to be found at large in our Books, Parliament Rolls, and other Authentick Pieces too long for this Tract: But, if any will be conten­ tious, because they are some of them of ancient Date, we have, and shall yet shew Instances sufficient, and Ex abundanti for this last age, to which our Antagonists have from time to time submitted, not only in the wide, and ample Sea, or at our own Coasts, but in the very Ports, and Harbours of Strangers, where they looked for Protection; that all the World may blush at the weak and unreasonable Con­ tentions, which would invalidate this Claim, if at least there be in the World any such thing as Right, Prescription, Deference, or other Evidence, which amongst sober men, is agreed to be LAW, for the Clearing of a Title. To Sum up all then, If Right of Prescription, / succession of Inheritance, Continual Claim, Matter of Fact, Consent of History, and Confessions even from the mouths, and pens of Adversaries, be of any moment to the gaining of a Cause; We may bespeak our Nation, as he did King James upon another Occasion, and as justly transfer it to his glorious Successor – Qucis dat jura Mari &c. And with this I should conclude, did not the Fishery, which is another irre­ fragable Proof of his Majestics Dominion, require a little Survey, before we shut up this discourse. 54. How far this Royal Jurisdiction has extended, may best be gather’d out of the Reverend Camden, speaking of King James the Sixth of Scotland, and of Queen Elizabeth of England; who first discovering the Whale-Fishing, had con-

O. C 1672. [illeg.]

Grot. Sylva. l.2.39

Eliz. & Britan.

238

1489.

Rot. F[illeg.] 3. Meub. 9 & 14. Hen. 6.

[illeg.] 6. Mar.

1295.

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sequently, Title to those Seas, as far as Green-land Northward; and what it was to the South, the Proclamation of our Third Edward (yet extant) abundantly makes appear: This, consum’d by the Fourth of that Name, Guards, and Convoys, were appointed to preserve the Rights inviolable; as was likewise continued by the Three succeeding / Henrys, Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh, and their descendents, who impos’d a certain Tribute upon all Forreiners, in Recognition of their Indul­ gence to them. Witness the French, the Dukes of Britain, of Burgundy (especially Philip) and those of Flanders, who never presum’d to cast a Net without Permis­ sion, and a formal instrument first obtained, the Originals whereof are yet to be seen, and may be collected out of both the French, and Burgundian stories; and, as it doth indeed to this day appear by his Majesties neighbourly Civility, granted to the French King for the Provision of his own Table, and to the Town of Bruges in Flanders, by a late Concession; the number and size of Boats, and other Circumstances being limited, upon transgression whereof, the offenders have been Imprison’d, and otherwise mulcted. 55. And, as the French, so the Spaniard did always sue to our Princes for the like priviledg and kindness: King Phillip the Second (as nearly related as he was to Queen Mary his Wife) finding a Proviso in an Act of Parliament, that no For­ reiner should fish in those Seas without permission, paid into the / Exchequer no less than an annual rent of one thousand pounds, for leave to fish upon the North of Ireland for the supply of his dominions in Flanders: Now for the Dutch. 56. That famous Record Pro Hominibus Hollandiæ (so the Title runs) points to us as far as our First Edward, not only how obsequious then they were in Acknowledging the Kings Dominion on the Sea, but his Protection, and per­ mission to Fish on the environs of it; And his Successor Edward the Third, as he gave leave to the Counts of Holland (who always petition’d for it) so he pre­ scribed Laws, and Orders concerning the Burden of the Vessels to be employ’d about it: The like did Henry the Sixth to the French, and others; with the Sea­ son, Place, and Method to be observ’d, which are all of main importance in the Cause: And this was so religiously inspected in former times, that Edward the Fourth, constituted a Triumvirat power to guard both the Seas, and the Fish­ ery against all Pretenders whatsoever, as had Richard the Second long before him, who impos’d a Tribute on every individual Ship that pass’d through the Northern Admiralty, / for the maintenance of that Sea-Guard, amounting to six pence a Tun, upon every Fishing Vessell weekly, as appears by a most authentick Record, and the Opinion of the most eminent Judges, at that early day; who upon consideration, that none but a Soverein power could impose such a pay­ ment, gave it in as their opinion, that this Right and Dominion, was of the royal Patrimony, and inseparable: Nay, that wise Prince Henry the Seventh, thought it so infinitley considerable, that (upon deeply weighing the great Advantages) he was setting up a Trade, or Staple of Fish, in preference (say some) to that of Wool

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itself, and all other Commerce of his Dominions; which being long before the Low-Countries had a Name for Merchant, they had still perhaps, [illeg.] if some Renegado’s of our own [illeg.] Stephens by Name) had not encourag’d the Dutch of Enchusen (with other Malcontented Persons of the [illeg.], deserting their Country, and their [illeg.] to molest his Majesties [illeg.], upon the accompt of these Men; since when They, and Others, have conceived their Presumptions even to Insolence: / 57. Neither was less the Care of King James, to vindicate this incomparable prerogative, than any of his vigilant Predecessors, who, having deriv’d that acces­ sion of the Shetland Islands by marriage with a Daughter of Denmark, publish’d his Proclamations immediately after his coming into England: For it must be acknowledg’d, that Queen Elizabeth did not so nicely and warily look after this jealous Article, as had been wish’d; diverted by her extraordinary Pitty, and abundant Indulgence to the distressed States. But, this Prince roundly asserts his Patrimony, upon many prudent Reasons of state, and especially, for encour­ agement of the Maritime Towns, fallen much to decay, and plainly succumbing under the injurious dealing of such as took the Fish from before their dores; and renew’d his Commands, that none should for the future, presume so much as to hover about, much less abide on our Coasts, without Permission first obtain’d under the Great Seal of England, and upon which the Hollanders petition’d for Leave, and Acknowledged the Limits appointed them, as formerly they had done: Let us hear the Historian Describe it and blush. / ‘The Hollanders (says he) taking infinite plenty of Herring upon this Coast, and thereby making a most gainful Trade, were first to procure leave (by ancient Custom) out of Scarborow-Castle; for the English permit them to Fish; reserv­ ing indeed the Honour to themselves, but, Resigning the Benefit to Strangers, to their incredible Inriching &c. What could be said more to our purpose, or to our Reproach? This was that which King James endeavour’d to bring into a better method, when taking notice of the daily incroachment of our Neighbours, he enjoyn’d his Ambassador (who was then Sir Dudley Carleton) to Expostulate it with the States, as may be seen in that sharp Letter of Mr. Secretaries: Dated the twenty first of December 1618, in which he tells them, ‘That unless they sought leave from his Majesty, and acknowledg his Right, as other Princes had done, and did; it might well come to pass, that they who would needs bear all the World before them by their Mare Liberum, might soon endanger their having neither Terram, Nec Solum, Nec Rempublicam Liberam: I do only recite the / Passage as I find it publish’d, and take notice how Prophetick it had lately like to have been. 58. This happy Prince taking umbrage at the War between the Hollander and the Spaniard, did fix Limits by Commission, and Survey, nearer than which though as Moderator, he offer’d equal Protection to both) no Enemy to another State, might commit any hostile Act, and producing his Reasons for it, asserted

1606. 1458. 1609.

See Copy of a Letter in Sir Rob. Cotton’s Library,40 and the Credentials given to Sir Hen. Wotton.41

Camden in Br42

1618.

Seldinus l. 2. c. 23

240

1639.

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his Right so to do; not as if those Boundaries circumserib’d his dominions, but, as being sufficient for the vindication of his due in that great Article. And their not observing this, incited King Charles the First of Blessed memory, to Ani­ madvert upon it, when in the year 1639, our good friends behaved themselves with so little respect, in that memorable Conflict with the Spaniard; and when approaching too near our Shoars, they were check’d for their Irreverence in his Majesties Imperial Chambers; Indeed, for the First (but seeming) Affront, that this Nation did ever receive upon it. 59. And now it will not be amiss, nor inconsistent with our Title, to let the World see, the immense advantages / of the Trade which has been driven upon the sole account of the Fishery; by the prodigious emolument which it has (to our cost and reproach) afforded our more industrious Neighbours, the foun­ dation of whose Greatness has been laid in the bottom of our Seas; which has yielded them more Treasure than the Mines of Potosi, or both Indies to Spain. Who would believe that this People raise yearly by the Herring, and other fisheries, a Million of pound Sterling, and that Holland, and Zealand alone (whose utmost Verge doth hardly exceed many English Shires) should from a few despicable Boats, be able to set forth above Twenty thousand Vessels of all Sorts, fit for the rude Seas, and of which more than 7000, are yearly employ’d upon this Occasion? ’Tis evident, that by this particular Trade, they are able to breed above fourty thousand Fisher-men, and one hundred and sixteen thousand Mariners (as the Census has been accurately calculated) and the gain of it is so universal, that there’s hardly a Beggar in their Country, nor an hand, which doth not earn it’s bread: This is Literally true, and / the Consideration of it seem’d so important, that even in the days of Charles the Fifth, that great Monarch is reported to have sometimes visited the Tomb of Bucckeld (where he had been above two hundred years Interr’d) in solemn recognition of his Merit, for having, as ’tis said, been the Inventor of Pickling and Curing Herring: In a word, so immense is the advan­ tage which this article alone brings the State, that a very favourable Rent, still in arrear to his Majesties Exchequer, for permission to Fish (as should be prescribed, and appointed them) amounts to more than half a Million of pounds, and the Custom only at home of what they take, with the Tenth Fish for Wastage, to near five hundred thousand pounds more; but the quantities which they sell abroad, to a sum almost not to be reckon’d: Then let it be computed, the Hands employ’d for Spinning of Yarn, Weaving of Nets, and making other necessaries for the Salting, Curing, Packing, and Barelling, Building of Vessels, and sitting them out to Sea: It is certain the Shipping (which is more than all Europe can assemb’e besides) Sea-men, Commerce, Towns, Harbours, Power, Publick-Wealth, and / affluence of all other things, is sprung from this source; and, that in Barter for Fish (without exportation of Coin) they receive from Spain, Italy, Germany, &c. Oil, Wine, Fruit, Corn, Hony, Wax, Allum, Salt, Wool, Flax, Hemp, Pitch, Tarr,

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Sope-Ashes, Iron, Copper, Steel, Claw-Boards; Timber, Masts, Dollars, Armour, Glass, Mill-Stones, Plate, Tapestry, Munition, and all things that a Country (which has no one Material of these of proper Growth) can need to render it consummately happy. The Indies and farthest Regions of the Earth, participate of this Industry; and to our shame be it spoken, we blush not to buy our own Fish of them, and purchase that of Strangers, which God, and Nature has made our own, inriching others to our destruction, by a detestable sloath; whilst to encourage us, we have Timber, Victuals, Havens, Men, and all that at our dores, which these people adventure for in remoter Seas, and at excessive charges; And thus the prize is put into our hands, whilst we have not the hearts to use it; nor do we produce any reasons, why we are thus unconcern’d, that ever I could find, were solid; some Objections indeed are presented, but they / appear’d to me so dilute, and insignificant, that ’tis not possible to compose ones Indignation at the hearing of them, and see a Kingdom growing every day thinner of People, and fuller of Indigence, without some extraordinary emotion: To see with what numerous, and insulting Fleets, our Neighbours have been often prepar’d to dis­ pute our Title to these Advantages, by the benefit and supply of that which we neglect, and condemn as unpracticable: If this be not enough to raise in us some worthy Resentments; Let the Confession of the Dutch themselves incite us to it; who (in a Proclamation, publish’d near fifty years since) have stil’d their Fishing Trade, the Golden Mines of their Provinces, and stimulated an Industrious and emulous people with all the Topicks of Encouragement: Were this alone well consider’d, and briskly pursu’d, there would need no great Magick to reduce our bold Supplanters to a more Neighbourly temper: The Subjects of this Nation have no more to do, than apply themselves to the Fishery, to recover at once their Losses, and as infallibly advance the prosperity of the Kingdom, as ’tis evident / it has enabled our late Antagonists to humble Spain, and from little of them­ selves, to grapple with the most puissant Monarch of Europe; and bring him to the ground: For my part, I do not see how we can be able to answer this prodi­ gious floath of ours any longer; and especially, since ’tis evident, it will cost us but a laudable Industry; and (in regard of our situation, and very many Advantages above them) much less trouble and charge: Or suppose a Considerable part of our forrein lessneedful Expences were diverted to this Work, what were the dis­ advantages? We talk much of France (and perhaps with reason) but are we so safe from our dear friend, upon this Composure, as never to apprehend any future unkindness? For my own part, I wish it with my Soul: But of this I am sure, We may prevent, or encounter open defiance; but whilst we are thus undermin’d, we suffer a continual Hostility; since the Effects of it ruin our Commerce, and by Consequence the Nation: Nor speak I here of our Neighbours the Hollanders Only; but of those of Hamborough, Lubee, Embden, and other Interloopers, who grow exceedingly / Opulent, whilst we sit still, and perish, whose advantages

See Mr. L’Estrange’s late Discourse of the Fishery.43

1624.

242

1613.

1608. 1609. 1616.

1617. 1635. See Mr Sec­ retary Cook’s letter April 16. 1635 to his Majestie’s Resident at the Hague.

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for Taking, Curing, Uttering and Employing of hands (were the Expedients mention’d put in practice, or the ruinous numbers of our Men, daily flocking to the American Plantations, and from whence so few return, prudently stated, and Acts of Naturalization promoted) are so infinitely Superiour to theirs: But, so our cursed Negligence, will yet have it, not for want of all Royal Encouragement, but a fatality, plainly insuperable. 60. We have said little yet of our American Fishery, and the loss we make of a vast Treasure on the Coasts of Virginia, Green-land, Barmudas, &c. sacrific­ ing infinite Wealth both at home, and abroad to the Spaniards, French, those of Portugal, and Biscay. ’Tis well known that Green-land, was first detected by the English, about the latter end of Queen Elizabeths reign, and afterwards the Royal Standard erected there, in token of Dominion, by the Name of King James’s New-land, his Majesty asserting his just Rights, by many Acts of State, as more particularly on the Tenth of January 1613, when / he signified his pleasure by Sir Noel Caroon then in Holland, in vindication of his Title both to the Island Fish­ ery, and all other emoluments whatsoever Jure Dominii, as first discoverer, and to prohibite Strangers interposing, and fishing in his Seas without permission: For this effect, Commissioners were establish’d at London to grant Licences, yearly renewable for such as would Fish on the English Coast; at Edenbrough, on the Northern, and by Proclamation, Interdicting all un-licenced Practises; the Duke of Lennox (as Admiral of Scotland) being order’d to assert the Right of the Assize-Herring, which was paid. 61. The following years, what interruptions happen’d, upon our Neighbours desires of coming to an adjustment for the Indu’gences they had found, is uni­ versally known, ’till the Year 1635, when to prevent some incroachments, and disorders of those who Fished under his protection, the late King Charles of Blessed Memory issu’d out his Proclamations, and gave Instructions to his Min­ isters abroad, signifying that no Strangers should presume to Fish in the British Seas without / his Majesties Licence; and that those who desired them, might be Protected, he thought fit to equip, and set forth such a Fleet, as became his Care, and Vigilancy for the good and safety of his People, and the honour of the Nation: This was the Year, and the Occasion of building several considerable Ships, and amongst others, that famous Vessel, the Royal Soveraign, which to this day, bears our Triumphant Edgar for its badge and Cognizance, and to mind the World of his undoubted Right to the Dominion of the Seas, which he had by this time asserted and secur’d beyond danger of dispute, had not a deluded people (as to their own highest Concern, Glory, and Interest) and the fatality of the Times, disturb’d the project of an Easie Tax as an imaginary invasion of their Liberties, which that blessed Prince, design’d only to protect them; It is fresh in memory what were the Opinions of Attourny Noy, many learned Civilians, and near a Jury of grave Judges upon this Conjuncture; and the Instances of King

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Ethelred’s having levy’d it many hundred years before, shew’d it to be no such innovation; nor could there be a / more pressing Occasion than when all our Neighbours around us were (as now) in a state of Hostility: but I list not here to interrupt my Reader upon this Chapter, which has already suffer’d so many sore digladiations and Contests; only as to matter of Fact, and as concern’d the Navigation, and improvement of Commerce, I touch it briefly, and pass to what follow’d, which was the setting out no less than sixty tall Ships, first under the Earl of Lindsey, and afterwards Northumberland, by the Account of whose accu­ rate Journal, it appears, how readily our Neighbour Fisher-men (though under convoy of Fleets superiour to ours in number) sued for, and took Licences to the value of Fifteen hundred Pounds, Fifteen Shillings and two Pence, as I have perus’d the particulars: I do only mention the Licences, which were also taken, and accepted at Land, and they not a few, distributed by Sir William Boswell at the Hague it self, upon which his Majestie’s Minister then at Bruxelles, adver­ tised the Infanta, that the Dunkerkers should take care not to molest such of the Hollanders (though at that time in actual hostility with them) as had his Majestie’s Permission, / and accordingly, the Cardinal did grant them Passes, which they took without Scruple; so as we find it was not for nothing, that they came under protection, but receiv’d a real benefit; Nor was this a novel Imposi­ tion, but familiar, and Customary, as appears by the many precedents which we have recited; to which we may add, that of the Scotch Fishery, under King James the first: 1424, 21, Act. of the first Parliament, having already spoken of what concern’d our own Princes, especially what Richard the Second impos’d, Henry I.V.VI.VII. Queens Mary, &c. with that of Edward the First Pro Hominibus Hol­ landiæ &c, which protection is yet extant, and granted frequently by Treaties, as a priviledg only during the subsistance of such Treaties, and no farther, totally rescinding and abolishing the pretences grounded by some upon the Intercursus magnus made with the Dukes of Burgundy: So as to summ up all that has been produc’d to fortifie our domestick Evidences, we have many Acts of Parliament, we have the several Successours of our Princes granting Licences to Strangers; we have the assiduous instances made by King James, / by his Ambassadours, and Secretaries of State; We have the Acknowledgments actually, and already paid, and accounted for to the Exchequer, and have seen the occasion of the late Inter­ ruptions of it, and the invalidity of mens pretences; and if these be not evidences sufficient to subvert the Sophisms of a few mercenary pens, and dismount the Confidence of unreasonable people, it is because there is so little vigour in our resolutions at home, and so little Justice in the World abroad: Nor has this been arrogated by the Monarchs of this Nation, but a Right establish’d upon just rea­ son; namely, that they might be enabl’d to clear the Seas of Rovers, and Pirates, and protect such as follow’d their lawful affairs: And for this effect, the Kings of England, did not only take care to defend their own Subjects, but to Convoy,

1635. 1636.

1495.

244

Rot. Fra. Hen. 4.29.

Edæ 4. Rich. 3. Henr. 7.

1649.

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and secure all Strangers, sometimes (as we have seen) by Proclamation, some­ times by Fleets, and Men of War, where they Fish’d by Agreement, upon Treaty, or leave obtain’d, yet restraining them to certain limits, retaining the dominion of the Neighbouring Seas, as in the Reign of Henry the / Fourth, where we find an Accord made between him and the French King, that the Subjects of either Nation might fish in one part of the Seas, and not in another; the Possession of all Privileges of this nature ever accompanying the Royal Licence, and Strangers having either special Indulgences, or being under protection of special Officers, appointed in former times for the safe Guarding of the Fishery, who were so impower’d by Patent, and had certain dues appointed for that attendance, which they levied upon all Forreiners, with the express Direction (in the reign of Henry the Seventh) that the Acknowledgment was to be so levied, notwithstanding any Letter of Safe-Conduct, which Stranger Fishermen might pretend from any King, Prince or Government whatsoever: So as by all the Arguments of Right, Claim, and prescription, the Title is firm; all other pretences of Right or posses­ sion interrupted, arrogated and precarious, or else extinguish’d by Infractions of Treaties, never since revived by any subsequent Act: 62. We might here mention the Toll paid the King of Denmark at the Sundt, / and the respect which Strangers shew to his Castle at Cronnenburg, according to a Treaty made between them and the Dutch; and to the Swedish King, whom they acknowledg Sovereign of the Baltick, and Northern Tracts to an immense extent, where he receives Tribute, as well as those of Denmark, and Poland by impositions at Dantzick and the Pillan, where they only enjoy for it a cold and hungry passage, whilst with us, we give them not only Passage, Harbours, and Protection through a dangerous Sea, but an Emolument accompanying it, which inriches our Neighbours with one of the most inestimable Treasures, and Advan­ tagious Commerce under heaven: To this we also might add what has obtain’d the Suffrages not only of our own Countrymen of the Long Robe and others, but of almost all the dis-interested Learned persons who have discuss’d this Sub­ ject; universally agreeing, that as to a peculiar, and restrictive Right, Fisheries may, and ought to be Appropriated, and that as well in the high-Seas (as the Lawyers term them) as in Lakes, and Rivers, and narrower Confinements, and as the Republick of Genoa does at this day, let to Farm / their Fishery for Thunnies in their neighbouring Seas; and the Contract between Queen Elizabeth, and Denmark about the like liberty upon the Coast of Norway, and the Prohibi­ tions made, and the licences given by that Crown at this present, do abundantly evince; namely that the Dane is, and hath of long time, been in possession upon the Coasts we have mention’d, and of as much as we asser’t to be due to his maj­ esty in the British Seas.

EDITORIAL NOTES

Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse 1. Stulta est clemantia … Sat. I: Juvenal (late first, early second century ad), Stulta est clem­ entia, cum tot ubique vatibus occurras, periturae parcere chartae (Satires), I.17–18. 2. Plut, Symp. lib. 3: Plutarch (ad c. 46–120), also known as Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, Greek historian, biographer and philosopher. See his Symposiacs, Book III, which refers to the Greek poet Simonides (c. 556–468 bc). 3. Andromache (when her son Astyanax was in danger of the enemy): Andromache and Astyanax were the wife and son of Hector, killed by Achilles. Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 bc–ad 65), also known as Seneca or Seneca the Younger, Roman philosopher and dramatist, relates the story in Troades (The Trojan Women). 4. Simon Patrichs ansswere to Mach. part. 3. maxim. 5: Innocent Gentillet (1535–88), French lawyer and theologian, Discours sur un bien gouverner, et maintenir en bonne paix un royaume ou autre principauté, divisé en trois parties, a savoir, du Conseil, de la Religion et de la Police que doit tenir un Prince. Contre Nicolas Machiavel (1576); translated by Simon Patrick as A Discourse upon the Means of Well Governing and Maintaining in Good Peace, a Kingdome, or other Principalitie [Contre-Machiavel] (London, 1602). 5. A rist. Metor. 2. Cap. 6: Aristotle (384–322 bc), Greek philosopher, Rhetoric. Book II, ch. 6 actually mentions Cydias, an Athenian orator and contemporary of Aristotle. 6. variance betweene the Pope and Venice pag. 43: A Declaration of the Variance betweene the Pope and Segniory of Venice written by an Italian Doctor of Diuinitie against the Censure of Paulus Quintus, Proouing the Nullitie thereof by Holy Scriptures, Canons, and Catholique Doctors (London, 1606). 7. Salmacis: Salmacis is a Greek mythological nymph who rejected the virginal ways of Artemis and attempted to rape Hermaphroditus. See Ovid (43 bc–ad 17/18), also known as Publius Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses, IV.306–12. 8. Eusebius de vita Cōst. 2.4: Eusebius of Caesarea (ad c. 263–339), Church historian and Bishop of Caesarea Palaestina, De Vita Constantini (Life of Constantine) (unfinished at death). 9. See Doc Willet vpon Gen.: Andrew Willet (1562–1621), English Calvinist clergyman, Hexapla in Genesim (London, 1608). 10. M. Bilney: Thomas Bilney (c. 1495–1531), Protestant reformer and preacher burned to death in Lollard’s Pit in Norwich, his probable home town. He appears in John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (1563), ch. XIV. – 245 –

246

Notes to pages 21–9

11. Opinio Chabriæ apud Plut. in apotheg: Plutarch, Apopthegmata Laconica (ad c. 65), (The Morals, vol. 1: The Apothegms or Remarkable Sayings of Kings and Great Commanders, para. 415). 12. Virg. Eclog. 8: Publius Virgil Maro (70–19 bc), also known as Virgil or Vergil, Roman poet, Ecologues, 8 (37 bc). 13. Lactantius: Lactantius (ad c. 240–320), also known as Lucius Caelius (or Caecilius) Firmianus Lactantius, early North African Christian convert and author of The Divine Institutions (Divinarum Institutionum), written between 303 and 311. 14. Aug. Ench. ad. Laur.: Augustine or St Augustine (ad 354–430), Bishop of Hippo, Berber theologian, Enchiridion ad Laurentium, seu de fide, spe et caritate (c. 420) (The Enchiridion, also called The Manual, The Handbook or Faith, Love, and Hope) 15. Aug. de bono pers. cap. 19: Augustine, De bono coniugali (ad c. 401) (On the Good Mar­ riage). 16. Plinie the second, who wrot vnto Traian: Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (ad 61– c. 113), also known as Pliny the Younger, magistrate and author. He was famous for his letters, including to Roman Emperors, and this one to Trajan was written when Pliny was governor of Pontus/Bithynia from 111 to 113. See Epistulae (Letters), X.96. 17. Hoc colligitur ex varijs locis eccles. hist. Socr. & Soz.: Socrates Scholasticus of Constanti­ nople (b. ad c. 380), Church historian, Historia Ecclesiastica (Church History) (c. 439); Salminius Hermias Sozomen (ad c. 400–450), Palestinian Christian Church historian, Historia Ecclesiastica (Ecclesiastical History). 18. Arrian heresies spred so fast … all the world against Athanasius: The Arian heresies derived from the teachings of Arius (ad 250–336), in particular the view that Jesus was divine but not the son of God. Athanasius of Alexandria (ad c. 293–373) argued against Arian­ ism at the First Council of Nicaea that declared Arius a heretic. 19. Fimbria in Tullies pleadings … Scœuola: Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), also known as Tully or Cicero, Roman philosopher and statesman renowned for oratory. He success­ fully defended Sextus Roscius (n.d.) in Rome for parricide in 80 bc. Scoeula was Lucius Cornelius Chrysoganus of Sulla, dictator of Rome, whom Cicero accused of involve­ ment in the crime. Gaius Flavius Fimbria (n.d.) was a Roman Consul whose speeches Cicero read as a child. 20. Brownists and Barowists: followers of Robert Browne (n.d.) and Henry Barrowe (c. 1550–93), English Puritan separatists. 21. M. Gifford and others against them: George Gifford (c. 1548–1600), Calvinist Puritan preacher at Malden, Essex, A Plaine Declaration that our Brownists be Donatists (Lon­ don, 1590). 22. The sonnes of Sophocles … to themselves: As related in Cicero, De Senectute (On Old Age) (4 bc), Sophocles’s sons took him to court for continuing to write plays rather than look after his property in his old age. Sophocles was a Greek playwright and author of Oedipus and Antigone. 23. Plin. nat. hist.: Gaius Plinius Secundus (ad 23–79), also known as Pliny the Elder, soldier, sailor, natural philosopher and uncle of Pliny the Younger, Naturalis Historius (Natural History) (77–79). 24. Sen. in Thebaid: The Thebaid is an ancient Greek epic poem (of unknown authorship, though some identify Homer as the author) about war between brothers Eteocles and Polynices. 25. Philip. Camerar. in operibus successiuis: Philippus Camerarius (1537–1624), author of Operae Horarum Subcisivarum, Sive Meditationes Historicae (Frankfurt, 1602).

Notes to pages 29–56

247

26. M. Bezaes epistles: Theodore Beza (1519–1605), Protestant theologian, friend and successor of John Calvin, took the ‘Codex Bezae’, a fifth-century codex of the New Testa­ ment, and in 1562 gave it to the University of Cambridge. 27. Aduerso sole colores Virg.: Virgil, Aeniad (29–19 bc), Book V. 28. Gregory Nazianzen in his Monodia: Gregory of Nazianzus (ad 330–389/390), also known as Gregory the Theologian, Archbishop of Constantinople. Monod is his tribute to St Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea (c. 330–379). 29. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 4: Eusebius of Caesarea (ad c. 263–c. 339), also known as Eusebius Pamphili, Church historian and friend of Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea from 314. See Eusebius’s Historia Ecclesiastica (Church History) (before 326). 30. Thales Milesius: Thales of Melitus (c. 624–546 bc), pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, mentioned in Plutarch, Solon (ad 75). 31. Herodotus in Clio: Herodotus of Halicarnassus (c. 484–425 bc), Greek historian. Clio is Book I of The Persian Wars. 32. disswasiue vied by Celsus of Verona: Celsus of Verona (c. 1425–1508), also known as Aulus Cornelius Celsus, Platonic philosopher. The text was probably Celsus of Verona, his Dissuasive, translated into English, trans. E. Digby (London, 1589). 33. Animula vagula blandula: Publius Aelius Adranius (ad 76–138), also known as Hadrian, Roman Emperor (117–138). Animula, vagula, blandula (Little Soul, Roamer and Charmer) was a poem Hadrian composed shortly before his death, according to The Augustan Histories, which focus on Roman Emperors from 117 to 284. 34. Clodoueus … ouerthrowe in battle: The French king Clodoueus (ad c. 466–511), also known as Clovis, was influenced by his wife, Clotilda of Burgundy (ad c. 475–545), to introduce Christianity to France. 35. Plu. & Val. Max.: Valerius Maximus was a first-century ad Latin writer and collator of historical anecdotes, cited several times by Plutarch. 36. George Castroit, or Scanderbegge: George Castroit (1405–68), also known as Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg and Dragon of Albania, who fought against the Ottoman Empire. 37. Theodore tripartit hist. lib. 6. cap. 17: Theodore Lector (early sixth century ad), also known as Theodore the Reader, Greek Church historian who collected works by Socra­ tes Scholasticus, Sozomen (see note 18 above) and others to produce Historia Tripartita (c. 520–530), also known as Selections from Church History. 38. Peter Lumbard: Peter Lombard (c. 1095/1100–1160), theologian and Bishop of Paris, originally from Piedmont, Italy, author of Libri Quator Sententarum (Four Books of Sen­ tences), a compilation of biblical texts and other early Christian writings. 39. A. Gellius: Aulus Gellius (ad c. 125–180), Latin author and grammarian, probably born in Africa, author of Noctes Atticae (Attic Nights), comprising his commonplace books. 40. Electra … brother Orestes in a pot: In Greek mythology, Electra and Orestes were son and daughter of King Agamemnon and Queen Clytemnestra. 41. Verconius … did them no good at all: Verconius Turinus was indeed reputedly an overly self-regarding courtier of Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander (ad 208–235), Roman Emperor from 11 May 222. See Lamprid (n.d.), De Severo Alexandro Imperator. 42. Prester Iohn: Prester John was a mythical medieval and early modern Christian leader in pagan lands. 43. Iulius Æmilianus: Julius Aemelianus (ad c. 207/213–253), also known as Marcus and Caius Aemilian, Roman Emperor for about three months in 253.

248

Notes to pages 59–160

44. master Knowles his Turkish Historie in the life of Amurath the 2: Richard Knowles or Knolles (c. 1545–1610), English historian, Generall Historie of the Turkes (London, 1603). 45. Petr. de remedie vtriulque fortune: Petrarch (1304–74), also known as Francesco Petrarca, Renaissance Italian humanist scholar and poet, De Remediis Utriusque Fortunae (Rem­ edies for Fortune Fair and Foul) (1370s). 46. Hottoman a learned Lawyer: François Hotman (1524–90), also known as Hotmanus, French lawyer, humanist, writer, most famous for Franco-Gallia (1573).

[White], The Planters Plea 1. Nahum Keike: Nahum keike or Naumkeg was later renamed Salem, Massachusetts. 2. Mattachusets bay: Massachusetts was sometimes spelled Mattachusetts in the seven­ teenth century, including in the charters of 1629 and 1691. 3. the Dutch … Plantation in New-England: The Dutch settled in modern-day New York which, in the seventeenth century, was sometimes said to be included in ‘New England’. 4. Io. Winthrop: John Winthrop (1588–1649), founder of the Massachusetts Bay Com­ pany and first governor of the colony.

Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas’ 1. M.r Selden … Mare Clausum: John Selden (1584–1654), English jurist and legal and constitutional historian, Mare Clausum seu De Domino Maris (1635), translated by Mar­ chamont Needham as Of the Dominion, or, Ownership of the Sea (London, 1652). 2. The Persians were restrained … Chaledonian Islands: The Delian League (478–404 bc) of approximately 150 Greek city states, created during the Greco-Persian Wars of 499 to 450 bc in order to fight the Persian Empire. 3. Seneca: see note 3 to Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse, above, p. 245. See Seneca’s De Beneficiis (Of Benefits), VII.5. 4. Augustus: Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus (63 bc–14), first Roman Emperor from 27 bc to ad 14. 5. Suetonius: Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus (ad c. 69/75–after 130), Roman historian best known for De Vita Caesarum (The Lives of the Twelve Caesars). 6. Blake: Admiral Robert Blake (1599–1657), Commonwealth naval commander. 7. Tromp: Admiral Maarten Harpertszoon Tromp (1598–1653), supreme commander of the Dutch confederate fleet, killed at the Battle of Scheveningen. 8. Treaty Viz 1678: the Treaty of Nijmegen, actually a series of treaties made between August 1678 and December 1679 ending the Third Anglo-Dutch War, the Scanian War and the Franco-Dutch War. 9. De Sully: Maximilien de Béthune, duc de Sully (1560–1641), French Huguenot, soldier and minister for Henry IV, famous for his Mémoires or Économies royales (Amsterdam, 1638). 10. Mr. Camden: William Camden (1551–1623), antiquarian and historian, author of Annales Rerum Gestarum Angliae et Hiberniae Regnate Elizabetha (London, 1615, 1627).

Notes to pages 160–204

249

11. Thuanus: Jacques August de Thou (1553–1617), also known as Thuanus, French histo­ rian, Historia sui Temporis (Paris, 1604). 12. Treaty Concluded at Madrid in the Year 1630: the Treaty of Peace and Commerce (1630) 13. former made with King James in 1604: the Treaty of London (1604). 14. S.r John Pennington: Admiral Sir John Pennington (c. 1568–1646), naval officer. 15. Laws of Oleron: The Laws of Oléron were first issued by Eleanor of Aquitaine around 1160. 16. Old Rhodian Laws: The Rhodian Sea Law governed Byzantine Mediterranean commerce and navigation from the seventh century ad. 17. Laws of Wisbury: The Laws of Wisbury were established in 1305. 18. S.r John Boroughs in his Book of the Soveraignty of the British Seas: Sir John Burroughs (n.d.), The Sovereignty of the British Seas, proved by Records, History, and the Municipal Law of this Kingdom, &c. Written in the Year 1635 (London, 1651). 19. Baldus: Bladus de Ubaldis (1327–1400), Italian jurist. The reference is probably to his 3,000 consilia, or legal opinions. 20. Bodin: Jean Bodin (1530–96), French jurist, philosopher and historian, most famous for Les Six livres de la République (Paris, 1576).

Petty, ‘Trade: Dominion of the Seas’ 1. Mr Hobs attributes to his Leviathan: Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), English philosopher, Leviathan (London, 1651). 2. quatuor Maria: The Quatour Maria were probably part of the Atlantic Ocean north-west of Scotland, according to The Petty Papers: Some Unpublished Writings of Sir William Petty from the Bowood Papers, ed. Marquis of Lansdowne, 2 vols (London: Constable & Company, 1927), vol. 1, p. 222. 3. duty of the flag granted … to his Majty of England: Though abandoned under James I, salut­ ing the flag was revived for the Dutch under the 1674 Treaty of Westminster. 4. Isle of Raghlins: Rathin Island, according to The Petty Papers ed. Lansdowne, vol. 1, p. 227. 5. Cap. Van Staten: probably referring to Statland, according to ibid., vol. 1, p. 227. 6. Orcades: the Orkneys. See ibid., vol. 1, p. 228. 7. Hey Sant Isle: the Île d’Ouessant off Finistère, Brittany. See ibid., vol. 1, p. 231. 8. Pontus Euxinus palus Moeotis &c.: the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 237. 9. laborers would at 25£ p an Each, gett 4500m£ p an: As noted in ibid., vol. 1, p. 241, ‘200,000 men at £25 would earn 5 – not 4½ millions’.

Evelyn, Navigation and Commerce 1.

Rhoderico de Toledo, lib. 1. c.6: Rodrigo Jimenez (or Ximenez) de Roda (c. 1170–1247), Navarrese lawyer and theologian, Archbishop of Toledo from 1209, author of De rebus Hispaniae (Cronicó del Toledano, A General History of Spain), completed shortly before he died. He refers to Alphonso Jiménez (1073–1134), King of Navarre (1103–34), also known as ‘el Batallador’, or the Warrior.

250

Notes to pages 206–18

2. Livy: Titus Livius, or Livy (59 bc–ad 17), Roman historian, author of Ab Urbe Condita Libri (History of Rome), covering the period from the legendary origins of the city before 753 bc to the reign of Augustus up to 9 bc. 3. Lycurgus: Lycurgus (c. 800–730 bc), lawgiver of Sparta (Lacedaemon). 4. Latini multis … Ulpian, Instit. Titl. Latinis, N.6: Domitius Ulpianus (ad c. 170–228), also known as Ulpia, Roman jurist, author of Libri ad Sabinum (51 books on civil law) and Libri ad Edictum (81 books on praetorian edicts), although Tituli corpore Ulpian is no longer thought to be his. 5. A thenæus Deipnosoph. l.8: Athenaeus, Greek mathematician and grammarian of late second and early third centuries, author of the Deipnosophistae (The Banquet of the Learned or Philosophers at Dinner). 6. Xenophon: Xenophon (c. 430–354 bc), Athenian soldier and historian, probably refer­ ring to The Constitution of Athens, now known not to have been written by Xenophon. 7. P olybius: Polybius (c. 203–120 bc), Greek historian of the Hellenistic period, The His­ tories cover the period 220–146 bc. 8. Grotius: Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Dutch jurist and author of De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War and Peace) (1625) and Mare Liberum (The Free Sea) (1609). 9. Plutarch, in Demet, Athenæus, lib. c.9: see note 2 to Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse, above, p. 245. See his ‘Demetrius’, in Parallel Lives, or Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. 10. Tibullus: Albius Tibullus (54–19 bc), Latin poet, Elegiae, or Elegies, Book I. 11. Procopius: Procopius of Caesarea (ad c. 500–565), Byzantine scholar, author of De Bellis (The Wars of Justinian) (545), Historia Arcana (Secret History) (c. 550s) and De Aedificiis (The Buildings of Justinian) (c. 550s). 12. Sen. Trag. in Hippolyto: Euripides (c. 480–406 bc), Greek tragedian, playwright, from his Hippolytus. 13. Iliad. 2: The Illiad, an ancient Greek poem attributed to the legendary Homer. 14. Mr. Stanley: Thomas Stanley (1625–1678), English author and translator, Aeschylus (1664), about the ancient Greek playwright. 15. Dionys. Πιειυγ: probably Dionysius, Phocaean admiral during the Persian Wars of the fifth century bc. 16. Bochartus Phaleg. l. 3. c. 7. Canaan, l.i.c.34: Samuel Bochart (1599–1667), also known as Bochartus, French Protestant biblical scholar, Geographia Sacra seu Phaleg et Canaan (Caen, 1646). 17. celebrated by Tully: see note 19 to Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse, above, p. 246. See his Pro Lege Manilia, or Oratorio de Imperio Cn Pompei (In Favour of the Manil­ ian Law on the Command of Pompey) (66 bc). 18. Florus: Publius Annias Florus (c. second century ad), Roman historian, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo. 19. Plutarch: Plutarch, ‘The Life of Pompey’, in Parallel Lives. 20. Paulus Diaconus l. 14: Paulus Diaconus (ad c. 720–799), also known as Paul the Dea­ con, Historia Langobardorum (History of the Lombards) (787–795/796). 21. Detected before by one Macha an English-man: in the legend of two lovers, Robert Machim and Anna d’Arfit, who were shipwrecked on Madeira. 22. Strabo: Strabo (63/64 bc–ad 24), Greek historian, geographer and philosopher, Geo­ graphica. 23. Dionys. Hellicannas: Dionysus of Halicarnassus (c. 60–after 7 bc), Greek historian and rhetorician, Archaeolgia (Roman Antiquities).

Notes to pages 219–39

251

24. Phil. Comines: Philippe de Commynes (1445 or 1447–c. 1511), also known as Philippus Cominaeus, French historian, memorialist and diplomat, author of Les Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes (Paris, 1524, 1528). 25. De Repub. Galliæ, l. 2: Claudius Sesellius, or Claude de Seyssel (d. 1520), French human­ ist writer, Viri Patricii, De Republica Galliae et regum offijs (1548), originally La Grand Monarchie de France (Paris, 1519). 26. Bentivoglio hist. Flan.: Guido Bentivoglio d’Aragona (1579–1644), Italian statesman, Papal nuncio in Flanders, cardinal, historian, Della Guerra di Fiandria, translated by Henry, Earl of Monmouth, as The Complete History of the Warrs of Flanders, Bound with the author’s Historicall Relations of the United Provinces of Flanders (London, 1654). 27. Cesar: Julius Caesar (100–44 bc), Roman military and political leader, Commentario de Bello Gallico (58–51 bc). 28. APXAIONOMIA … by Lambard, and Published by Mr. Wheelock: William Lambarde (1536–1601), legal and constitutional historian, Archaionomia, sive de priscis anglo­ rum legibus libri (1568), ed. Abraham Wheelock and Sir Roger Twysden (Cambridge, 1644). 29. Vossius de Vitiu Sermonis Lat. 1.2: Gerardus Joannes Vossius (1577–1649), Dutch classicist, grammarian, and theologian, De vitiis sermonis et glossematis Latinae Linguae (Amsterdam, 1645). 30. Lord Cherbery Hist. Hen. 8: Edward Herbert, first Baron Cherbury (1583–1648), sol­ dier, diplomat, theologian, philosopher and historian, The Life and Raigne of King Henry VIII (London, 1649). 31. Keckerman: Bartholomäus Keckermann (1572–1609), German Calvinist theologian and philosopher. 32. Seldenus: see note 1 to Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Sove­ raignty of the Seas’, above, p. 248. 33. Tacit in Vit. Agric.: Publius (or Gaius) Cornelius Tacitus (ad c. 56–117), senator and historian of the Roman Empire, De vita et moribus lulii Agricolae (On the Life and Character of Julius Agricola) (c. 98), about the life of his uncle, General Gnaeus Julius Agricola. 34. Zozimus 1. 6: in Historia Ecclesiastica; see note 17 to Benson, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse, above, p. 246. 35. Grot. Annal. 1. 2. 1570: Hugo Grotius, Annales et Historiae de Rebus Belgicis (Annals and Histories of the Revolts of the Low Countries) published posthumously in 1657. 36. mentioned by Sir John Burroughs: in his The Sovereignty of the British Seas; see note 18 to Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas’, above, p. 249. 37. Laws of OLERON: see note 15 to Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas’, above, p. 249. 38. Rhodan: see note 16 to Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Sove­ raignty of the Seas’, above, p. 249. 39. Grot. Sylva. l.2: Hugo Grotius, Sylva ad Franciscum Augustum Thuanum (a poem) in Sophompaneas (Joseph, a tragedy) (Amsterdam, 1635). 40. Sir Rob. Cotton’s Library: Robert Bruce Cotton, first Baronet of Connington (1571– 1631), English politician and founder of the Cotton Library, now part of the British Library. 41. Sir Hen. Wotton: Sir Henry Wotton (1568–1639), diplomat and poet.

252

Notes to pages 239–41

42. Camden in Br: see note 10 to Meadows, ‘Observations Concerning the Dominion and Soveraignty of the Seas’, above, p. 248. See his Britannia (London, 1607, and later revised editions). 43. See Mr. L’Estrange’s late Discourse of the Fishery: Roger L’Estrange (1616–1704), roy­ alist author and pamphleteer, A Discourse of the Fishery. Briefly Laying Open, not only the Advantages, and Facility of the Undertaking, but likewise the Absolute Necessity of it. Asserted, and Vindicated from all Material Objections (London, 1674).

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Contents of the Edition

PART I

volume 1

General Introduction

Introduction, 1607–1763

1607–75

volume 2

1676–1714

volume 3

1715–52

volume 4

1753–63

PART II

volume 5

Introduction, 1764–83

1764–8

volume 6

1769–75

volume 7

1775–7

volume 8

1777–83

Index

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Editor

Steven Sarson

Consulting Editor

Jack P. Greene

Volume 2

1676–1714

First published 2010 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Taylor & Francis 2010

Copyright © Editorial material Steven Sarson 2010

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.

No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or

by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter

invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage

or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and

are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

british library cataloguing in publication data

The American colonies and the British Empire, 1607–1783. Part 1, Volumes 1–4. 1. United States – History – Colonial period, ca. 1600–1775. 2. Great Britain – Colonies – America. I. Sarson, Steven. II. Greene, Jack P. 973.2-dc22 ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-948-7 (set) Typeset by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

CONTENTS

[ Josias Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye and a Peti­

tion out of Virginia and Maryland’ (1676) 1

R. B. [Nathaniel Crouch], The English Empire in America: or A Prospect of

His Majesties Dominions in the West-Indies (1685) 19

John Palmer, The Present State of New-England Impartially Considered, In

a Letter to the Clergy (1689) 171

[Edward Rawson and Samuel Sewall], The Revolution in New England

Justified, and the People there Vindicated from the Aspersions cast upon

them by Mr. John Palmer (1691) 213

[William Cleland], The Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d

(1713) 257

Editorial Notes

277

[FENDALL], ‘COMPLAINT FROM HEAVEN W TH A HUY & CRYE’

[ Josias Fendall] ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye and a Petition out of Virginia and Maryland’ (1676), Archives of Maryland, 5, pp. 134–49.

In 1676 Virginia was wracked by Bacon’s Rebellion. The rebellion began because Governor Sir William Berkeley preferred defensive forts against Susquehanna Indian attacks to the offensive and indiscriminate campaigns demanded by Nath­ aniel Bacon and others. It gained momentum through a coalition of wealthy men (like Bacon) excluded from Berkeley’s ‘Green Spring faction’ (so-called after Berkeley’s mansion), with yeomen and servants suffering growing economic ine­ quality, high taxes and restrictive franchise. After attacking Amerindians, Bacon sacked Jamestown in September and freed the Green Spring men’s servants and slaves. British soldiers and Berkeley’s militia crushed the rebellion after Bacon died of dysentery in October. Bacon’s Rebellion spilled into Maryland, which had long been afflicted by unrest. Chartered in 1632 and settled in 1634 as the hereditary proprietary right of the Catholic Calverts, then headed by Cecilius, second Baron Baltimore (1605–75), the colony suffered endemic conflict over proprietorial power and legislative privilege, a ‘plundering time’ in 1645–6 by roundhead raiders, and a Cromwellian commission that in cahoots with internal enemies deposed Balti­ more and sparked local civil war in 1654. Cromwell restored Baltimore in 1657, but the proprietor’s own governor, Josias Fendall, sided with Protestant legisla­ tors’ ‘Pygmie Rebellion’ against the Calverts in 1659–60. The Restoration restored Baltimore as well as Charles II, but in August 1676, inspired by Bacon, William Davyes and John Pate led sixty armed men in Calvert County to rebel against Indian raids, arbitrary government and high taxes. They failed to arouse a popular uprising, however, and Davyes and Pate were hanged. The Governor’s council responded to this ‘Affair of the Clifts’ with a ‘remonstrance to complaints’ that asserted proprietorial privilege and power and castigated people’s ingratitude towards their noble patriarch. The surviving –1–

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 2

rebels responded with their ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye and a Petition out of Virginia and Maryland’.1 The ‘Complaint’ begins with accusations that ‘the Berklieu and Baltimore Partys’ had colluded with ‘french spirits from Canada’ in recent Indian attacks, and that Baltimore was thus ‘guilty of the late Murthers in Virginia & Mary­ land, and a great many of the Kings Majst. Subjects lyves lost before, and the ruynatinge of their Estates’ (below, pp. 5, 6). It also complains that Baltimore ‘raysed the People in Armes for his privat gaine and Interest, onely to oppress the kings Subjects with great taxes in his & own Creatures pokket’ (below, p. 6). Moreover, in addition to detailing Baltimore’s actions, the ‘Complaint’ subverts proprietorial colonial governance itself. It accuses Baltimore of treason for act­ ing as ‘an absolute prince in Maryland, with as absolute prerogative Royall Right and Power as owr gratious Souveraigne in Engeland’ (below, p. 9). It also under­ mines Baltimore’s chartered feudal land rights to Maryland territory, utilizing contract theory to note that migrants ‘have transported owr Selfes … purchased the land from the Indians … and must defend owr Selves Continually without my Lord Baltemores Ability, whereby our land & possessions are become Owr Owne’ (below, p. 10). While the ‘Complaint’ makes some common cause with Bacon’s Rebellion, it does not call for independence (as Bacon reputedly did), but prays that owr Souveraigne Lord and Emperiall Majesty: may bee pleased to take the Govermt of Maryld unto his Gratious Selfe; Appointing protestant Governrs & Officers that have or Shall take first the usuall Oath off Alleagiance & Supremacy And to Swear & rule the inhabitants accordinge to the Custom of England. (below, p. 18)

Baltimore would retain his private property, but Maryland would become a royal colony.2 The detailed knowledge of local history and the commonwealthman appeals to Parliament as well as the King suggest that the anonymous ‘Complaint’ was authored by Josias Fendall (c. 1628–87).3 Fendall probably arrived in Maryland (from England) in January 1655 and originally fought for Baltimore against Puritan insurgents at the Battle of the Severn (25 March 1655). He was rewarded with 2,000 acres of land and the governorship of the colony in 1656. His initial punishment for participating in the ‘Pygmie Rebellion’ was confiscation of his property and banishment from Maryland, though this was later commuted to disfranchisement and exclusion from public office. In 1681, however, he was fined 40,000 pounds of tobacco and banished to Virginia for fomenting antiproprietary rebellion during the Exclusion Crisis. He died in 1687, but his ally in 1676 and 1681, John Coode (1648–1709), who had escaped punishment in both instances due to insufficient evidence, went on to form the Protestant Association that finally overthrew the proprietorship in 1689, following the top­

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

3

pling of James II in the Glorious Revolution. Maryland remained a royal colony until the fourth Lord Baltimore, Benedict Leonard Calvert, turned Anglican in 1715.4 Notes: 1.

2. 3. 4.

D. S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (1972; Hanover, NH: Wesleyan Uni­ versity Press, 1987), pp. 32–60; S. S. Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), pp. 3–163; R. J. Brugger, Maryland: A Middle Temperament, 1634–1980 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), pp. 3–40. Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution, pp. 78–84; Webb, 1676, pp. 79–83; Archives of Maryland, 15, pp. 137–40. Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution, p. 83. Ibid., pp. 84–90, 258–68, 272–4, 281–311, 328–9, 361, 364–70; L. G. Carr and D. W. Jordan, Maryland’s Revolution of Government, 1689–1692 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univer­ sity Press, 1974); Archives of Maryland, 5, pp. 280–2, 312–34.

Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & crye and a petition out of Virginia and Maryland. 1 To our great Gratious Kinge and Souvereigne Charles y II, King of Engeld. &c. with his parliament.

It is high time, that the Originall Cause of the late & former distractions should bee inquired into: the Berklieu and Baltimore Partys will tell a great many over smothed Contraries: the platt form is, Pope Jesuit determined to over terne Engeld., with feyer, sword & distractions, within themselves, and by the Mary­ land Papists, to drive us Protestants to Purgatory within owr Selves in America, with the help of the french spirits from Canada. Now mark the late Tragedy: Old Governr. Barkly,1 Altered by marrying a Young Wyff,2 from his wonted Publicq good, to a Covetou’s Fools-age, relished Indians presents, with som that hath a like feelinge, so wel, that many Christians Blood is pukkuted up, with other mischievs, in So much that his lady tould, that it would bee the Overthrow of the Country: of which Dissembling Baltemr. is glad, because it is his Custom to exchaince the King’s Majtys Subjects, for furr: & now presents an Opportunity to give Virginia a good Blow, if not an Overthrow, by Maryland Piscattaway Indians in Potomoke River, who encourradged by their own if not a Popish Divell, went over to Virginy Side, to doe mischeief. but at Laest by the inhabitants followed back into their cabbins, demanding the Mur­ therers of the King of that Nation, who laughinge and peremptorily denying, beeinge killed, did give the Virginyans a greater mistrust of a treachery espe­ cially Under standing that the piscattaway Indians hath invited the Susquahana Indian to their Assistance, and Inforced them, Whereby a greater incursion feared & forseen, governr. Barkly was thereupon persuaded, to send Washington and Allerthon with 200 men to cut them off, and cominge to govr Baltemores for consent who not daringe to denye, under Collor to Assist, raysed first and Laust above a 1000 men to protect, & so hindered the Virginians to destroy them, and therefore Ordered his Maj: Gen: Trueman, Onely to besiege the fort, wh they at first might have easily taken, beeinge not quit Finished & not a 100 fighting Ind: in it, besids women and Children. Thus where the Soldiery mis­ –5–

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led and entrenched, and the Susquahana Indian Sent out 5. of their great men, whom the souldiers Knowing to be Som of the Murtherers, would not let com to a treaty, killed, And thus where 8. or 10. weeks spent to Consume the Kings Subjects, & put both Countrys. to an excessive charge & a generall Allarum, for the Indians often Salleyed out, killed many and toke their Spades and Armes, and made themselves there with Stronger and Stronger, another party wth. other Indians, fell uppon Virginia, And notwithstanding govr Baltemr. hyred Ships, Sloups and planted great gunns, the Indians marched through Owr Campe with wyff & chilldren fightinge, And escaped clear, they broak that Shamefull Siege up, with the loss of above 200. Souldiers and 12 or 13,00000. lbs of tob. charges to the Country, besids Virginia, the Indians loosinge but now and then One by chaince, but in Virg. where destroyed above 5 or 600. Men, weemen and chilldrn., without any resistance Considerable, untill Sqr. Bacon, moved with the peoples & his Owne loss, repulsed the Indians, wh hath taken full effect, iff not hindered by Som ill wishers abovesd. wh brought the Country into a further Confusion & distraction amongst themselves. But the Sassquahana Indians retreyted mean while to their Susquahan. river againe, & cut off Severall families at the head of the Baye, And thus are the Indians encourradged, who call the christians Cowwards & childeren to fight wth. This doth Set a genrl. fear & perplexity uppon the People all the Country Over. But Govr. Baltemore, to cloake his policy with an Assembly, condemned his Majr Trueman into a fine of 10000 lbs of tob: & imprisonment duering pleasur, for having suffered the abovesd 5. susquahana Inds to bee Killed, and not that he hath let them all escape, notwithstanding the Assembly cleared Trueman uppon the produce of Baltemrs Ordre, but it is as it was thought, to stop his mouth and prevent his Complaininge to Engeld., to reveal Secrets. O Treachery plainly discovered out of the Cabinet of Popish Maryland, wh opened further out starts a Number of grievances, wh prognosti­ cat an absolut ruyn & Subversion of the Kings Majs Loyall Subjects in Maryland, as hereafter is Manifested, for wh they call now Govr. Baltemore to An Acct. before our Souveraigne Lord, the King and parliament in Engeland, and doe charge him. / That he is guilty of the late Murthers in Virginia & Maryland, and a great many of the Kings Majst. Subjects lyves lost before, and the ruynatinge of their Estates. That Hee is guilty of the Mischief done & to doe by the Sinnico Indian, that com now every Year downe & robb the Country, by not havinge & and joyned with the Governr. of New York,3 to enter into a league wth. them, as hee was advised divers years agoe, but refused & Neglected it. That Hee raysed the People in Armes for his privat gaine and Interest, onely to oppress the kings Sub­ jects with great taxes in his & own Creatures pokket as principally may appear out of the leavy laest year, when hee overcharged the Country with about 190 others Say, 20.0000 lbs of tob. And perswaded afterward the Assembly men, not

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

7

to call him to an Acct. for it, but to give it him. So did hee likewise in the former Indian Wiccomisso Warr, when they tooke all the plunder from the poore Souldiers and Sent the Indian prisonrs. to Barbados for Negros, but forced the poore inhabitants to bear and pay all the charges. That hee hath defrauded the Country of Severall thousands of pounds of tob wh was Leavied and Hee intrusted to provide a Magazyn for the Country’s defence, and uppon divers Occasions against the Indians, little or nothing came forth, safe a fewe in the laest Indian Siege. And well remembred the exployet of the wherekill in Delewar Bay. when the inhabitants Powder & shot, guns, pistolls, Shoes, Stokkins and cloaths from the peoples fetes pressed off, provision taken by force & Vyolence, contrary to the libberties & priviledges of the King’s Majst free born Subjects off Engd. That Hee did press 50 men, by Capt Howell from the head of the Bay, to goe in the very Winter a hundrd. and forty or 50. miles downe to the Whorekill Ao. 73. to Burn a few poore inhabitants out off all their Houses, corn and every thing els thy hath, leaving poore Weemen with child Naked, to the mercy of a desperat hard winter, when no botes nor reliefe could com to them, divers per­ ished in that Very Misery: Wh popish Cruelty can not bee out faced that it was then in Warr time and in the Dutch possessions againe, for it was done after they hath Submitted themselves to Baltemore againe and entertained the Souldiers freely, without any of the least resistance, uppon promis that no harm should happen to them, but wee leave that to his Royall Highnis, to call Baltemr. to An Acc. for the ruyn of that whole Country, & the loss of many mens lives, for when th[e]y hath done that Misschief thy left the place againe, And So Som two years before one jones was Commissionated to plunder the poore people there, And it is notice to be taken, that if god hath not then Send peace betweene the two Nations, it was determined by the Dutch, wth. fregats by Water and Souldiers by Land to have ruyanated the Kings Subjects in Maryland for it: Now this Tyranny was after chalked over with an Assembly and made the Country for that Very pleasur pay 50. or 60000 pounds of tob., When hee might have it done from Chaptank or Sumerset County, wth. 10. or 12. men, & not above 2 or 3000 lbs tob. Charges Thus and in many other concernmts are the Kings Majs. Subjects Continually more & more Oppressed: Contrary to the Lord Proprietarys and their Tennants in Engeld., also contrary to an Old Act of Assembly Ao. 49. or 50. wherein the freemen (then most popish recusants) aknowledge him their Lord Proprietary4 according to his patent bearinge date at Westminster the 20. June 1632. So farr as it should not in any way infringe or prejudice, the just and lawful libberties or priviledges of the free born Subjects off the Kingdom off Engeland. And by another Act that he was not to press any men to goe to warr out of the Province, without an Assembly & the peoples free will. But Hee comitts the fact first, then calls an Assembly to Assent unto and pay the charges. Hee Over­ swaded an Assembly a few years agoe to give him power, to raise men Uppon a

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Sudden Occasion, And with that Hee Studied the late Misschief, to yoak the inhabitants, Overturne Virginia, and get a good lump of tobacco into his Pokket. So Hee doth likwise, by Pretendinge & clayminge Unjustly, Severall mens plan­ tations, as if thy were his reserved or Esscheat lands, wh where legally taken up, by his warrant, by his Surveyor Gener. Recorded in the Secretarys office, and granted firm pattents under hand & great seal off the province, and likwise con­ trary to Act of Assembly Ao. 63. concerninge quiet possession with Another Act of 5. years land in Possession a good titall iff held by patent under the greate seale. Why did Hee not primitivo = / Tempore cause His Surveyor Generall to have marked & laieth out, lands for Townes for his Lordsps and the publicq Use? And now the Country is brought into a confusion about it the provintiall Court men must further all errours, but the Countrys good wellfare is thereby utterly interrupted. But before wee proceed any further, wee must Annatomize owr present provintiall Court and Assembly, = that Engeland may See Who are owr Governrs. and chief Rulers and thereby measur the exactnes of the legalls. Viz. Young child Charles Baltemore5 about 9 or 10. years of age, Governor in Eng & chirurgien warden, a sonn in law Deputy Governr. in Maryland. Philip Calvert,6 Depty Chancellor., William Calvert7 Nephew, Secretary, Brooks Surveyr. Genl., Kindsman, (besides the secret Councell of priests and Natlyes) with perhaps a Son in law or kindered more) Stronge papists, besides Mr. Chew Taylor and . . . . . half ones, with Som protestants for fashion sake, in Number easily overrated with Law-Brother Loe all most forgott. Now when any thing in the popish Chamber is Hatched that must have a country cloack, warrants issue forth to every County to choose 4. men, which my Lords officer Sheriff binds by 4 intendures to serve his turne: But at a day afterward appointed, a writt coms but for 2 out of theas 4., pikt out for his purpus, viz. either papists, Owne creatures & familiars or ignoramuses: These are called Delegates, but the Country calls them Delicats, for thy gladly com to sutch Christenings at St. Marys, where there is good cheere made, and the poore Country payes every time, One two or more hundrd thou­ sand pounds of tobacco for it. For there is many Items: and item for Chancellors. ffees; Item secretary ffees etc: And the more Assemblies the oftner it goes about, all dae thy nothing els, but Augment ffees uppon ffees and Continue Temperary lawes as thy call them, Now when these are Confined in a room together, thy are Called the lower house and the provintiall Court men in an other chamber, stiles themselves the upper house, and prescribes what the lower house is to consent unto, wh iff any grummeles at, then perswadinge Spirits goe forth, and if any stands out or up for the comon good, frowns & treathnings Scares them to be quieth right or wronge: and this thy call Acts of Assembly, but the Country calls them, Dissemblings, & abreptive procured Acts. These Acts must bee first over & above Sent into England to the proprietary there, (and why not then to the Kings Majesty) and what Hee then doth not Relish is of no force, but his selfe

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

9

Interest irrevocable & perpetuall wh causes the Assembly now to Act for the most part Temporary for 3 years or the next generall Assembly, and thus doeinge & Undoeinge is the reason the Country can Never com to any Estability. the One not dareinge trust the other. And now pray where is the liberty of the freeborne Subjects of Engeld. and Owr Priviledges in Maryland, The Lord proprietary Assums & Attracts more Royall Power to himselfe over his Tennants then owr Gratious Kinge over his Subjects in Engeld., and therefore Charge the Lord Pro­ prietary with Breach of Charter, who gives him noe warrant to deal wth. the Kings Majests. Subjects in Maryland so deceitfully, as further appeared by the Sheriffs, wh my Lord puts in & out, when, whom & howe longe him pleased, Contrary to the custom off Engeld. and is direct repugnant, as it is also against two Express Acts off Assembly, Ao. 61. and 62. wherein the Commissionrs of every Country where to present. 3 persons every Martch, out of wh the governr. was to choose one every year & no longer. But in coms a greater Consequence, The proprietary with his familiars houlds forth, That Hee is an absolute prince in Maryland, with as absolute prerogative Royall Right and Power as owr gra­ tious Souveraigne in Engeland, and according to that, thy set their Compass to Steere by, and governe by: But wee replye, That iff it is not within the compass of treason, to Saye So, Sure it is to Acte So, for what els Sygnifyed, that my Lord Baltemore puts himselfe in equall Computation with his court of Armes, next to the Kings Majesty in the great Mapp of Virginia & Maryland, prikkinge him selfe distinctly in, and the Kings Majesty out of Maryland? To what purpos els are his Courts off Armes put up in every Court, and Under that Authority onely Justice Administered, all Writts & Warrants issued forth, and Under or by their Dominion all process and other writings Concluded; Appeals to his Royall Maj­ esty into Engeld. termed Criminall & denyed ? / Nay what els imports, an Act of Assembly caused to be made Ao. 50. that all men Shall Swear Alleagiance & Supremacy Under the Tittle of Fidelity to the Lord proprietary & his Hyres & Successors for ever, or Shall bee bannished the province, as by the sd. oath at large is to bee seen uppon wh then the Seavorn fight Orriginated, and the Lord pro­ prietary l[ost] the Country by it, to Wh Sd. Oath Openly maintained, as if the Kings Majesty in Engeland hath nothing to doe there, which is wunderfull Strange, Consideringe New Yorke and all other Provinces in America, Honour the Kings most excelt. Majesty., with the Emperial Armes & Suppremacy off Engeld. But wee leave that great Consequence to his Royall Majst. and parliamt., to deliberat further upon, And say Onely – Grante, that owr Emperiall King charles the 1. of blessed Memory was Surprised by the Penn man, to intitall my Lord Baltemore by his lettr. pattent dated abovesd., absolute Lord and Proprie­ tary of this then Unknowne great Tract of land, it was by misinformation and Undoubtedly intented Conditionally, as playnly appears by the Petition in the preamble & the sd. Charter, as the Groundwork to all, Viz. to Civilize & propo­

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gate the Gosple, amongst the barbarous indians, and not to make himselfe or his posterity in time to com, an absolute Prince over the Kings freeborn Subjects off Engeld. and propagate Papacy, Whereby our posterity will bee brought either to becom pageans or papists, for protestant Ministry is rather depressed then Advanced, Sometimes not beeinge above 2. or 3. orthodox Ministers in the whole province & Sometimes non at all. O yee Reverent Bisshops in Engeland Here lays the Keye of the work, & the popes Service, why doe ye. not take care for the Sheep in Maryland, and send protestant pastores, as the pope doth to his papists, in America ? Next, Wee Aknowledge Lord Baltemore owr landlord pro­ prietary and the inhabitants his Tennants, in Maryland, by fealty Onely, payeinge for all manner of services the yearly quitt Rent as by owr pattents Wee are no otherwise injoyned: But owr Souveraigne Lord the Kinge, proprietor over Mar­ yland, and wee his Onely Subjects and liege freeborne People of Engeland to whom Wee Owe Alleageance and fidelity & to no other. And to him wee Will Swear & engage, To bee True and faithfull, Under the Conduct of the Lord pro­ prietary as His Majsts. Generall and his lift Tennant & Governor and Governmt. Established here not Repugnant to the Laws & Customs (without infringeing uppon the liberties and priviledges) off the ffree-borne Subjects of Engeland. And hereuppon wee doe now appeal to owr Gratious Kinge & parliament, iff wee by Maryland charter are otherwise Oblidged, and produce by the proprie­ tarys first Comistione off Plantations published, that wee are not otherwise required nor invited, and therefore by an Usurped Power thy Will make them­ selves absolute over Owr lives, fortunes & Estates. Furthermore owr Priviledges are preserved by the expression in Maryland charter to the Adventurers, for wee Owr Selves thereuppon have transported owr Selfes & owr Estates into this Country, purchased the land from the Indians with Loss of Estates and many hundred mens lives (yea thousands) and must defend owr Selves Continually without my Lord Baltemores Ability, whereby our land & possessions are become Owr Owne, and now wee have made it a Country for the glory & enlargemt. of the Dominion and Emperiall Crowne of Engeld. Shall wee & our posterity bee Domineered over by the Proprietary, as Rebells to him, because wee will not bee Rebells and Traytors to the Kinge and Kingdom of England and become his Purgatory slaves ? And for this thy begin to Hange and fine People. Wee confess a great many of us came in Servants to others, but wee Adventured owr lives for it, and got owr Poore living with hard labour out of the ground in a terrible Will­ dernis, and Som have advanced themselves much thereby: And so was my Lord Baltemore but an Inferiour Yrish Lord, and as is Sayth one of the Popes privy Agents in Engeland. / The Kings Majesty hath intrusted the Proprietary with Maryland by Char­ ter, to bee a good Steward to the Reallm of England with it and to Manage the affayres thereof for the comon good, establishing the Country from the begin­

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

11

ninge in Townes and Corporations, that the Kings Subjects might live Secure from the incursion of the Indians and not bee cut of and Massacrated as before times they where in Roanok & Virginia and New England was a good pattern, to have Maryland seated with the Same felicity, but thy have made Merchan­ dize of the land, and now it is passed all most remedy; take peoples lands and will make Townes on 50. or 100 acres without comons or possibility for poore people to live in. Thy King’s Majesty hath encourradged his Subjects by that Charter to com and to Inhabit Maryland as his other liege people, produce now out of that Charter the power to make the Tennants swear Alleagiance and Sup­ premacy Under the cloake of fidelitye to you and your Heyres and Posterity with the Pope for ever or els that thy Shall or may bee Hanged, Banished and their Estates Confiscated? Unmask the Vizard, and ye. Will see a Young Pope and a New Souveraigne pepe out of his shell, and all the Popish faction bents & points at that in their Old and first Acts of Assemblys, and so it is Carryed alonge and all Art & devises Used, to perswade and create fitt Turne-coats, to bring their purpos step by step to pass, from one degree to Another, But wee doe Challange yr. Turne-Coates. Viz. yr. provintialls and privat Councellors and Collonells & Cheef Officers, for beeinge CHAMPIONS, with the Attournys to judge, Advise & maintaine the Lord Proprietarys devises in his privat enter­ prises, with the Assembly men, that betray yr. trust to yr. Country, for a Collonls. or Captains name & office, or peculiar favour, to the oppression and ruyn of many of the Kinges poore Subjects, as for Example Taylor, who beeinge Speaker in an Assembly Ano. for having directed his Brethren to Establish the two shil­ ling for every hogs head of tobacco custom goeing out of the province, by an Act intituled a Support for the Lord proprietarys lyff time, to his proper Use onely, was therefore exalted into the place of a Councell and Majr Genll. as a Speciall favouritt when the said Custom 2 or 3. Assemblys before was onely pro­ pounded that it should bee for to defray the Publicq Charges for the ease of the comon taxes; Yet then denyed, because not to obstruct free trade and comerce with the Merchants of owr Native Country: produce the Annals of those Assem­ blys Uncorrupted (for the Secretary may tear & for Swear, and have the popes pardon for it) or els it will bee Witnessed by those wh where there present and yet alive. And Natley: speaker of the laest Assembly 1676. for having bespoke the said 2 shilg Custom pr hoghshd. to my Lords Heyre (Signifying Heyres and Successors) and made it Heriditary Appears now owr Deputy Deputy Governor, Mr. Warden beeinge called into the other World. Natly, Nat indeed, you & Sutch are the instruments, with which my Lord Baltemore worked, & converts the comon good to his privat ends, Under the cloak of Assemblys & Assent of the freemen within the Province wh is Utterly denyed. See the old Act of Assembly, made the 2. january 1646. at St. Inagoes fort, for Customs, wherein the Lord pro­ prietary for the same Undertaked the Whole charge of the Governmt. in peace

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and Warr, and in order to that, there was by an Assembly Ao. 50. enacted 10. shl. pr. hh. Custom Shipped in Dutch Vessells bound for any other port then into Engeld., But this not turning to an Accot. because that the one halfe was to goe to Support the Lord proprietary, The other halfe to Satisfye the Arrears the prov­ ince, thy got a repeal enacted Ao. 61. and that the Charge of leavyinge any Warr, should bee leavied uppon the province, then also came port duties proclaymed. with severall other penall Lawes wth. fines to the Lord proprietary; Ano. 1662 was out of Gratuity for terms of years leavyed 25. lb. tob: pr poll to the liftn Genrl Charles Calvert then com in Governr from his father Lord Proprietary. Ano. 64. was a Magazine Leavied in his hands, for Armes & Ammunition, in cause of an invasion, And now thy gott the two shill. pr. hoghshd tob. from the Merchants out of the Country too, And wee must bear the burthen of Oppression & Taxa­ tion in all other respects whatsoever besids. The now Lord Baltemore has gone to Engeld to make fair weather and left his Champions instructed, to enforce that treacherous oath abovesd. with / an Addition, uppon the Kings Majs. freeborn Subjects of England againe, Som have taken it by perswasion, Som by Compul­ sion out of fear & treathnings, others & the most part will not take it, and thy are trethned with banishment and not protection of law, to bee prosecuted as Mutinours & rebells, Wh causes a new disturbance and distraction amongst the People, and hereuppon Wee doe Appeal againe to owr gratious Kinge & parlia­ ment in Engeland, and there pray Produce that oath Unfalsyfied and iff ye escape there to be Called Traytors to ensnare and for Subvertinge the freeborn Subjects from the Kings Majesty (Onely due) Oath of Alleagiance & Suppremacy, Unto the Lord Proprietary, Wee Charge you with treachery & breach of Covenant made by an express treaty & Composition, made and agreed On, Viz: between Cecilius Primus proprietary, by his Comission and instructions to his then Lieftenant & cheef & principal Secretary, Philip Calvert (now Chancellor.) Under his Lordshs hand & greater Seale of Armes bearing date the 18. day of Novembr. Ao. 1657 at London the one party: And Captain Josias Fendall his Lordships Governr. with the Assembly for and in the behalfe off the free-men of Maryland, held at St. Leonards the 2 day of April 1658 the other party, upon wh the Coun­ try (lost by reason of the said Oath by the Seavorn fight abovesd.) was yeelded to his Lordship againe, namently: Articl. 6: that the Sd. Oath of fidelity Should not bee pressed uppon the People within this Province, but an engagement taken & Subscribed, Viz Capt: Fendall & others can give a larger Acco iff sent for & examined. I. A. B. doe promes & engage to Submitt to the Authority of the Right Honoble Caecilius Lord Baltemore, and his Heires within this province of Maryland, Accordinge to his pattent of the sd. province, and to his present lieutenant & other Officers here by his Lords. appointed, to Whom I will bee Aidinge & Assistinge, and will not Obye or Assist any here in Opposition to them. Item,

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

13

articl. 7. That no mans Arms and Ammunition should bee pressed away, except those that should appear in a Hostill Manner. And it was enacted then by that Assembly, viz. findinge these articles greatly Conduceing to the Honor of his Lordship & the peace of the province, as also tendinge to the removall of those feares & jealousies, and to Aid the whole inhabitants, have therefore enacted, that the Sd. articles bee to all intent & Purposes inviolable Observed and Confirmed. O. Owr. great King and Parliament, judge now between your loyall Subjects & my Lord Baltemore & his Champions & favorits, in Maryland are wee Rebells because wee will not submit to their Arbitrary governmt. & entangle our inno­ cent Posterity Under that Tyranicall Yoake of papacy? (pray was it not a cruel act to turne a few poore harmles inhabitants out of all thy hath in the midle of a hard winter at the whorekyll, that never hath done any harm to Maryland but Submit­ ted imediatly, Without the least resistance, Under promesed good quarter & Save guarde, Wh was after Shamefully broak and the poore people ruynated? To Such & many the like Rigours, (the Lord Proprietarys Naturall Tyrannycall dis­ position) Under the cloake of Mutiniers and Disaffected persons, Thy attempt to force us to bee their Asses with their sword=lawes and popish inquisition, Wh if wee, (marke wee doe not protest against Reall but partiall Justice) repulse with owr English retortsion, pray who gives Occasion to it? and therefore with all Humility, cry & flye to owr gratious Kinge & Parliament for Relief and protec­ tion. For Onely to terrify others, did ye cause Willm. Davis & [ John Pate] to bee fetched bake againe from New Castle upon delowar, out of his Royal Highnes governmt by force; and Hanged them up as if thy hath been Ring leaders to a raising in denyall & opposition of the abovesaid oath, uppon the cliffts, not abso­ lutely prooved to what intent, neither Confessed, neither absolute found guilty by a jury, onely Suppository Viz. if the Court found them guilty thy / found them guilty, and if the Court did not find them guilty, thy did not find them guilty) and so where Executed uppon a Stretcht forth chancellors lawe; wh wel exam­ ined in Engeland, is questionable wether thy would bee Condemned as Traytors to the Lord proprietary, because thy would not aknowledge and Swear to him for their Souveraigne, but decleared themselves onely ffreeborn Subjects to the King & Kingdom of Engeld. But that thy Under that Cullour have taxed the Country with a 100 lbs tob. for every tythable, and fined the Conspirators unmercifully exactinge many 1000. of pounds of tob. into their & the proprietarys pokket, is truth, and thether thy Stretch all their Law proceedings & acts of Assembly. O Hypocrits, You Whitlime your fals metle Actions over with my Lord’ & yr glister­ inge paternall care, in a late Remonstrance throughout the province published Under Protestation, Wherein yr. Selfe aknowledge the peoples Grievances, and now the chop is done promise that all foure elected Burgesses shall com to the Assembly. That Davis was Capt of as an ill branch of a tree (a the like smoth (a turning) Attornys speaches against wh wee declare & protest, That all the good

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you & my Lord hast done to the Country & comon good, by exactinge and forc­ ing from the people, so many hundrd thousands pound of tobacco, takinge awaye especially within this two years, the fourth parts of poore peoples livelyhood & yearly produce out of their labour, and with som that haes greater charges then workers more is That yu have destroyed there with many 100.s of the Kings Sub­ jects; Shewed the folly to the very Indians orriginated the distractions in Virginia & Maryland, and make us & owr wyffs & chilldren crye, flye: trye: Dye, paye, Suffer & Curss ye for it. O yee Assembly men, you have no Power to yeeld to all their perswasions & Subtelties, to enslave us & our posterity, to give owr labours and substance away with the Customs mony from the Merchants, to Maintain my lord a Prince & his upstarts Lords here ? Have wee not given him gratituds and doth his quitt rent not amount to a Vast Sum of Mony, besides port dutys, fines, Escheats, entring, clearing & takeing of Ships & Vessells, item licences, fees, merchandizing: and a great many other imunities besides a number of mannours, iff he would improve them & plantations etc. All this is Yearly extracted out of the Country to particular Uses, and the poore people left, to maintain themselves and all other publiq charges, So that there is little difference between them & bondslaves that work 3 days for them selves and 3 days to main­ taine others, for Set the inland Store keepers: the Ordinary Keepers; Attournys: and fee Officers, a Side, wh feed upon the people (as the Woolves uppon the Sheepe) no other is the Condition of a poore planter that haes nothing els to trust to, which perhaps from the beginninge havinge worked from hand to mouth for his wyff & chilldren, becoms at length able, to buye him a servant or two, may bee 3. Wh hee must cloath, dyed and season to the Country & to lerne how to worke and live: and Pay Taxes and Country leavis for, and may bee, is sikly all the Yeare and at laest dyeth, and if his catle and hoghs, most comonly in hard Win­ ters, dyes too, a way is the planters Estate gone & hee must Shuffle and cut amongst the great ones, to begin againe. Others make a fayre outside, whilst thy live, but after death, their debts can not bee payed, and the childeren have a litle land left, and must trust to ye How! Another sort of people gets an Estate by the rule of Right and Wronge, with an intent to bee gone out of this distracted Coun­ try: and thus the poore Country is robbed, cheated by the Supperiours and inferiours, every one Serving their owne turne, without any true feare & worship of god, Wh denotes that the Country is but in a feeble minority, and Onely a good poore mans Country, with their labour for their paines, and therefore Wants Nurrishinge or els the one will overthrow the Other. for what can be expected otherwise, then that GOD will destroy that people that serves Baalam and Belzebub / & woolves in sheepes cloaths, tho a great many heas no chilldren for posterity, will you not give som leave to bee godly minded your hould with that Maxim, to keep people in Awe, is to keep them poore, will not houlde longe, nor maintaine the Country, neither is proffitable to your reelm of Engeld. Will

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

15

you overpress poore people in their infancy ? This is the Way to exasperate mens Spirits, to depopulate the Country in stead of encreasinge, and iff the Proprietary could give us the reall [illeg.] for owr Estats, a great many Protestants would leave the Country to him & his papists. Wh is the Very Neetle the politik compass turns upon Viz, either to turne papists, or to be turned and banished out of the Country in tyme to com by degrees. Wh is a miserable extreamity, the poore inhabitants are & See themselves involved: Viz. with oppression & Warr from within, and Hazard of life & Estate by Indians from without, & att harm. Wee doe not exclaime against Reall and Necessary Taxes & Duties, without wh the Country can not Subsist, but against Sutch fines & leavis that are onely to main­ taine my Lord and his Champions in their prince=Ship, and not the peoples good nor the Countrys Wellfare.) for now the Country is divided in factions & affections, the papists & other Turn Coats sworne for the proprietary vapour and Domineere, and those wh houlds to swear fidelity and Alleagiance & Supprem­ acy to the King & Kingdom of Engeld. onely are clouded under the Out cry of ill membres, and handled accordingly. Consider further, That notwithstanding, all the great revenues, Taxes and leavys the Country Stands & remains Still in the Same Continuall Danger and unprovidetnes as before, & Worse, especially those that lives on the heads of Rivers & the Baye, where the people must worke with their guns in the field with a perpetuall fear, for now the Indians Seeinge a 1000. Englishmen not over com a 100 in a Cowpenn with stekkadoes,8 When thy were besieged all the winter over, 10. Indians will now Scare (a plague a 100) inhabit­ ants in the sumer by watching their Opportunities, in a surprising & treacherous Manner, and therefore Som are cut of in the field before thy see their enemy or can recover their houses, others are treathend in their houses, men, Weomen and chillderen and the houses pluntered before any neighbour corns to know of it, wh is the cause that many plantations are deserted allready (aske the people in putocsto, Gunnpowder river, bush river, Susquahana rivers ecorith, & others, wether it is not true, at Ritch: Witton, was not Longe cut off, his wyff with two chilldren and another weeman, both bigh with child, and two lusty able men and all the house pluntered Ritch but the third escaped by runninge,: Witton him­ selfe beeinge at his Neighbours att worke & mean while knew nothing of it, and after this manner goes the poore planter to rak, and must pay Taxes and leavies for Souldiers too, wh the great ones keep for their owne defence, but the poore out side plantations must defend themselves as well as they can, wh is, every one is listed under a Captaine, and when the misschiefe is done, thy press Som Men to goe to See, and when thy com to the place Somtimes after the Indians are gone, and thy buruy the dead, with all the haest thy can & So returne from Whence thy came: The Grandees about St. Marys & the midle of the Country meane while beeing Securely guarded by the out side plantations and able gangs or guarrised, knows nothing of it, nor will beleeve, and therefore upon the peoples great Com­

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plaint, all the Assistance that came from owr governors, was of late a proclamation which commanded that 10 men of the neighbourhood should resort to gether into one plantation & fortify themselves, but if above 10. Should Assemble together besids the family of the house, Should be punished as rebells & muti­ niers; and So all is uppon that ketch pray produce that proclamation to the people of Engeland, otherwise no man Will beleeve this is true. And thus wee live & goe like unto the Butchers Sheep in the paster, and this is owr rulers and proprietarys paternall Care, for owr great leavies and doings thy So much bragg off. / O yee Assemby men, Why are yee so meal mouthed and affraighted, to speke the truth & for the peoples comon good & the publick wellfare of the Country? Wee doe Protest against the assentings & enactings, And Sumons you before owr Souveraigne judge & Kings Majesty and his parliament, in Engeland, to declare with & for us, uppon your Solemne Oaths and Consciences as you or either of you will answer the Contrary before the great judge of Heaven & Earth, Wether this complaint & outcry is not true & the very truth it Selfe. Nay that a great many enormities more will be discovered and privat wrongs made appear, when time shall Serve, to represent all other transactions. As yet wee must bee Nicodemusses, or els the inquisition will make Som Saye that black is white, and therefore breake off with a discovery of Owr priests & Jesuits in Maryland, which wander up & down in Engeld. apparrelled as Tradsmen & som otherwise, and so are send over, but as Soon as thy com out from the Ships Shourfoted, Appear in their plus Ultra in their Chapples, (aske Capt. Miles Cooke, & his Company How thy brought lately 3 Sutch passengers & by Ordre of my Lord in Court hath nothing for their passadge, but a great deal damage with his ship. These blake Spirits dispers themselves all over the Country in America, and as is Saith have 5. pounds Sterl. for every Turne-Coat thy Convert, good reason thy make all the haste thy can to Set the protestants at Odds, to propagate the Popes interest and Suppremacy in America, but will not this in time Overturne the Protestants? for it is decreed to bring them first into a Confusion & ruynated Nothing, and then out of the Ashe’s, the pope Shall Spring aloft, and my lord Baltemore will bee Canonised at Rome as thy Say Hide is.9 Thus have they prevayled wth the Virginians to Hange their best comon Wealths men out of the Way by advysing Sr. Will Barkly to doe as thy did with Davis, wh they say kept Maryland in Awe from a raysinge, wh is fals, for thy did not expect thyr redress by the Sword, but from owr own Souveraigne Lord the King and parliament out of England, which is the legal way, notwithstanding that it is otherwise interpreted by the Contrary Party, Who also Say that the papists are no Sutch people as thy are blakned. But thy by their Canon law not beeinge Bound to keep faith with Protestants, the Protestants are also not bound to beleeve their fayr outsides: Remember the Solemne Oath made a few yeares Since with Virginia, for Stending the planting of tobaco that year and to raise corne & stoks,10 How thy where foresworne &

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’

17

Swallowed their oath as Babel use to doe) and therefore say that it is absolute repugnant to the lawes & Customs & Severall Acts of parliamt. in Engeland & no ways Warrantable by Maryland Charter to turne the Province to the Popes Devotion. Liberty of conscience will not, nor cover that Neither. These Popes Messengers, hould a Secret Correspondence with the french pater nostres, that com now a days from Canada or Nova Franciae over the lake into the Sinniko Indian Country amongst the Indians, West [illeg.] if from Newyorke Albany: Wh Sinnoko indian beeinge then Utter Enemys & moste destroyed the Susqua­ hana Indian, Severall French cam downe in Indian Apparrill amongst them, and eversince this 3 or 4 years robbed divers plantats. in Maryland, and killed Cattle and hoghs, especially uppon Kent ile, Where amongst other Plunter thy Carryed away the records wh was of late redeemed by Governr Andros & returned from Albany, and pray god thy doe not take the susquehana part, and revenge their quarrell uppon maryland, which thy say haes dealt all ways treacherously with them, Wh is easily proved true, and no Wunder, sence thy no otherwise doe to their owne inhabitants, & Country-people. And there is good Notice to be taken, that whensoever Engeld. falls out wth france, the French (who is believed hath a great Hand in the late New Engeld. Indian Warr & burning Boston,) Sur­ roundinge New Engeld., New Yorke, New jersey and delowar, connivinge with Maryland papists, will with the indians / make Protestants feele their Smart, iff not timely foreseen & circumvented by bringinge these Severall distinct Governnts to a better Concord & Amity instead of enmity one with another, every one maintaininge Selfe ownd Suppremacy, which a Vice Roye or Governor General­ lissimo from his Majesty would Reconcile, els as there is Civill Contention so will it at laest breake out in a Civill Warr & destruction one with another. O owr greate Kinge and Souveraigne lord; By your Majesty’s Royall appoint­ ment, are yor. Majest. Humble and loyall Subjects, inhabited in the American parts, to make it a Continent for the enlargement of yr. Majst. Emperial Crowne & Dignity: receivinge a Considerable Custome, out off the fruit of owr labours and industry: Wee humbly pray, suffer not us with owr Chillderen and posterity after us, to become a Sacrifice to Chamoch & Molech.11 O great Noble and Prudent parliament in Engeld. comisserate owr deplorable condition & Tranquillity, and Helpe, Redress & reliefe us and owr Chilldren & posterity. O magnificent Lord Mayr & Alldermen with all the good Cittizens and Mer­ chants in London and els where in Engeld. Whoes off Springs Wee are: and to whom owr Labour & industry affords, in Exchance for the Merchandize many a thousand of thousands of returnes, and employment for a great Numbre of ships & men, wh will encrease by gods permission as wee increase, and decreas iff wee decreas: Assist, praye and intercede for us and owr posterity because owr mouths are lokt up, and treathned with destruction iff wee stirr.

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1. That owr Souveraigne Lord and Emperiall Majesty: may bee pleased to take the Govermt of Maryld unto his Gratious Selfe; Appointing protestant Governrs & Officers that have or Shall take first the usuall Oath off Alleagiance & Supremacy And to Swear & rule the inhabitants accordinge to the Custom of England. 2. That the charter of Maryland may bee justice Regiorum interpreted & all disorders Regulated & Overruled, between the proprietary & the good peo­ ple inhabiting: by his Royall Majesty and Parliamt. for ever. 3. That the present two shill. pr. hoghh. tob. from the Merchants or any other Custom’s hereafter, with som certain fines and Amersiaments, may bee enacted, & employed, for maintaining the Governor and other Support of the Governmt. and Publick uses (Viz.) building of forts to defend the Country: guarrisons and the like neces­ sities for the comon Wellfare. 4. That the Lord Proprietary may not exact & oppress his Tennants but bee Satisfyed to receive the quitt rent in tobacco at two pence per 1b as now it is both in Maryld. and Virginia. beeinge no other Silver & gold in the Country. 5. That Protestant Ministers & free schools & glebe lands may be errected & Established in every Country, notwithstandinge liberty of Conscience and Maintained by the people: Iteni the free men to choose their delegates & those, free votes in the Assemblys, to enact for the comon Generall good for the people & Country; without any by respect, compellmt. and perswa­ sion or interruption. 6. That in cause of any emergent Necessity, the freemen may have a gratious recours & appeale to Owr Gratious King into Engeld. and iff his Royall Majesty would Pleas to Send or Cause to com over 6. or 700 good resolute Scotts Highlanders, to Seat on the head of Rivers and the Baye, beeinge men Supposed onely fitt to encounter wth. the Indians, & keep the French Rob­ bers at a distance, thy would bee a great Save guard to the Country, with the helpe of the other Inhabitants. GOD bless & preserve owr glorious Majesty & Souveraigne Lord CHARLES the II. King of Engeld., Scotland France Yreland, and all the English Provinces in America, Defender of the Faith. With his illustrious and puisant parliament in the Twenty & Aight year off his Majests Emperiall Dominion Ano: 1676.

[CROUCH], THE ENGLISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA

R. B. [Nathaniel Crouch], The English Empire in America: or A Prospect of His Majesties Dominions in the West-Indies … With an Account of the Discovery, Scituation, Prod­ uct, and other Excellencies of these Countries. To which is Prefixed a Relation of the first Discovery of the New World called America, by the Spaniards. And of the Remarkable Voyages of several Englishmen to divers Places therein (London: Nath. Crouch, 1685).

Nathaniel Crouch (c. 1620–c. 1725) was a London-based publisher, bookseller and writer. He wrote and sold books on miscellaneous subjects, but his greatest interest seems to have been history. As a writer, he adopted the pseudonym R.B. after Robert Burton, author of The Anatomy of Melancholy (1620) that translated classical literature into accessible English. Crouch’s equally accessible histories sold for just a shilling apiece, and often went through many editions (The Eng­ lish Empire in America went through eleven by 1760). The intelligentsia coveted Crouch’s histories too, including Benjamin Franklin and Samuel Johnson a cen­ tury later and on then opposing sides of the Atlantic.1 Among his many histories were Wars in England, Scotland and Ireland (1681), Historical Remarques (1681), Admirable Curiosities (1682), England’s Monarchs (1685) and The History of the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland (1686). After The English Empire, Crouch also published other works of wider scope, including A View of the English Acquisi­ tions in Guinea and the East Indies (1687), The English Hero, or, Sir Francis Drake Reviv’d (1687) and The History of the Nine Worthies of the World (1687).2 Crouch saw his imperial histories not as separate from but as extensions of the English and British stories, opening the first chapter of The English Empire by noting that ‘Having already given an account of His Majesty of Great Britains three famous Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, we shall now ship our selves for a New World’ (below, p. 25). That chapter recounts Iberian discov­ eries and the next continues with English explorers, dwelling longest on Drake. The twenty remaining chapters describe the ‘Discovery, Plantation, and Product’ of particular colonies. Though Crouch treated colonies mostly individually, the book’s general scope and in particular its north-south topographical approach – 19 –

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from Newfoundland to Jamaica, irrespective of chronology or other concerns, promoted the notion of a unified American empire.3 Crouch may have written of that empire as ‘English’ because he focused on landed territory, from which Scots were formally excluded until parliamentary unification in 1707. By contrast, advocates of a sea empire wrote of a ‘British’ empire because the already unified Crown of Great Britain, not the English Par­ liament, exercised oceanic sovereignty. Yet Crouch subtitled The English Empire ‘a Prospect of His Majesties Dominions’ and wrote of ‘Acquisitions and Dominions of the English Monarchy in America’ (below, pp. 23, 25), so he too might have conceptualized empire as ‘British’ even before parliamentary union. Even then, however, the ‘little-Englander’ may still have called the empire ‘English’ as he still sometimes used ‘English monarchy’ to refer to the sovereign of the British Isles.4 Crouch often appears careless with geographical nomenclature. His use of ‘West Indies’ to include mainland North America is strange, even for the time, and his inclusion of Roanoke in the New England chapter is even stranger. Some­ times his eccentricities are politically explicable, however. Neglecting William Bradford’s and John Winthrop’s roles in settling puritan New England is under­ standable in the Restoration era. Not mentioning that Henry Hudson worked for the Dutch in a chapter on ‘English’ discovery saves him from undermining his implied argument for English possession of the region Hudson explored. Crouch’s justifications of English usurpations of Spanish and Indian land claims are mostly implicit, though thinly veiled. While implying right of possession by discovery, Crouch also portrays Spanish depredations against Indians as cruel, while Indians, besides being pagan, are ‘inconstant, crafty, timorous … angry … malicious … barbarously cruel … prone to injurious violence and slaughter … Letcherous … thievish, and great haters of Strangers, all of them Canibals’ (below, p. 80). Harking back to his writing about Irish colonization to show that Indians could be similarly Christianized and civilized, ‘so were formerly the Hea­ then Irish, who use to feed upon the Buttocks of Boys, and the Paps of Women’ (below, p. 80). As well as writing in an accessible style, Crouch focuses on topics he felt would appeal to a wide audience. Despite the chapters’ generic titles that prom­ ise attention to Eurocentric issues, many chapters in fact focus primarily on Amerindians. Though distorted by obsession with Indian otherness, Crouch nevertheless gives extraordinary attention to Indians and Euro-Native American relations. He even transcribes here a fascinating captivity narrative from Meta­ com’s War by ‘one Stockwell of Deerfield’, Massachusetts (below, pp. 79–93). Notes: 1.

R. C. Simmons, ‘Americana in British Books, 1621–1760’, in K. O. Kupperman (ed.), America in European Consciousness, 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North

[Crouch], The English Empire in America

2.

3.

4.

21

Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 361–87, on p. 377; R. Mayer, ‘Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian: Popular Historiography and Cultural Power in Late Seventeenth-Cen­ tury England’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 27:3 (Spring 1994), pp. 391–419. J. McElligott, ‘Crouch, Nathaniel [pseud. Robert Burton] (c. 1640–1725?), Bookseller and Writer’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Har­ rison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 14, 465–6; Nicholas Canny notes that the Beinecke Library at Yale University also lists R.B. as Robert Burton: ‘The Origins of Empire: An Introduction’, in N. Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 1–33, on p. 22, n. 59. D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), p. 174; J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 118–19; J. E. Crowley, ‘A Visual Empire: Seeing the Atlantic World from a Global Perspective’, in E. Mancke and C. Shammas, The Creation of the British Atlantic World: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), pp. 283–303. Nicholas Canny justifiably calls Crouch a ‘little-Englander’ for his celebratory tone and for his inattention to Scottish and Irish migrants to English America: ‘The Origins of Empire’, p. 22.

THE ENGLISH

EMPIRE

IN

AMERICA:

Or a Prospect of His Majesties Dominions in the West-Indies.

Namely, Newfoundland New-England New-York Pensylvania New-Jersey Maryland Virginia

Carolina Bermuda’s Barbuda Anguilla Montserrat Dominica St. Vincent

Antego Mevis, Or Nevis S. Christophers Barbadoes Jamaica

With an account of the Discovery, Scituation, Product, and

other Excellencies of these Countries.

To which is prefixed a Relation of the first Discovery of the New

World called America, by the Spaniards. And of the Remarkable

Voyages of several Englishmen to divers places therein.

Illustrated with maps and pictures.

By R. B. Author of Englands Monarchs, &c. Admirable

Curiosities in England, &c. Historical Remarks of London, &c.

The late Wars in England, &c. And, The History of Scotland and

Ireland.

LONDON, Printed for Nath.Crouch at the Bell in the

Poultrey near Cheapside. 1685. /

TO THE

READER.

VAriety and Novelty are the most pleasant Entertainments of Mankind, and if so, then certainly nothing can be more divertive than Relations of this New World, which as our English Laureat Sings, is so happy a Climate. As if our Old World modestly withdrew,

And here in private had brought forth a New.

Here nature spreads her fruitful sweetness round,

Breaths on the Air, and Broods upon the Ground;

Here days and nights the only seasons be,

The Sun no Climate does so gladly see,

When forc’d from hence, to view our parts, he mourns,

Takes little Journeys, and makes quick returns;

Nay in this Bounteous, and this Blessed Land,

The Golden Ore lies mixt with Common Sand,

Each down fall of a flood the Mountains pour,

From their Rich Bowels, rolls a Silver Shower;

All lay conceal’d for many Ages past,

And the best portion of the Earth was wast.1 /

I need say no more in commendation of this Land of Wonders, but only to add, that the continued Encouragement I have received in publishing several former Tracts of this volume, especially those which had reference to His Majesties Dominions in Europe, have induced me to proceed upon those Gallant Atchievements of our Eng­ lish Hero’s in this New World, and to give my Countrymen a short view of those Territories now in possession of the English Monarchy in the West-Indies, of which many have only heard the names, but may here find the nature, commodities and other Excellencies therein, which I doubt not will sufficiently recommend it to the perusal of every Ingenious Reader. So wishes R.B. /

– 24 –

THE

FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE

NEW WORLD CALLED

AMERICA.

CHAP. I. HAving already given an account of His Majesty of Great Britains three famous Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, we shall now ship our selves for a New World, and therein discover the Acquisitions and Dominions of the English Monarchy in Amercia [sic]. The New World is the most proper name for this immense Countrey, and new, as being discovered by Christopher Columbus, not two hundred years ago, in 1492. The Ancient Fathers, Philosophers, and Poets, were of opinion, that those places near the North and South Pole were inhabitable [sic], by the extrem­ ity of cold, and the middle parts, because of unreasonable heat, and thought it a great solecism or contradiction, to believe the Earth was round, for hold­ ing which opinion Pope Zachaus2 was so zealous against Bishop Virgil,3 that he sentenced him, To be cast out of / the Temple, and Church of God, and to be deprived of his Bishoprick for this perverse Doctrine, that there were Antipodes, or people whose feet are placed against was, though this discovery of America has fully confirmed these opinions, and evinced that there is no such torrid Zone, where the heat is so noxious, as to unpeople any part of the Earth, and the yearly compassing of the World, evidenceth the necessity of Inhabitants, living on all parts of this earthly Globe; The next inquiry may be, whether the Ancient had any knowledge of these Regions, which many incline to think they had not; for though Seneca says in his Medea,4 That new Worlds shall be discovered in the last Ages of the World, and Thule in Norway,5 shall be no longer the utmost Nation of the World, yet this seems only to intimate the common effects and discover­ ies of Navigation; And Plato’s Atlantis,6 cannot intend this Countrey, because he placeth it at the mouth of the Streights or Mediterranean Sea, which is sepa­ rated from America by a vast Ocean, and saies it is not now in being, but was – 25 –

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by an earthquake sunk and over-whelmed in the Sea: Other Authors since that time have mentioned some Islands in that Great Sea, but they seem rather to be some of those on the Coasts of Africa, than America, it being improbable, if not impossible, any should undertake such long and dangerous Voyages, before the compass was found out, when they were only directed by the motion of the Sun and Stars. Yet is it not incredible but that in former Ages, some Ships might by Tem­ pest or other Casualties be driven to these parts, whereby some parts of America were peopled, but it is likely none ever returned back again to bring any news of their voyage. The most probable Relation of this kind is that of Madoc ap Owen Gwyneth, who upon the Civil dissentions in his own Countrey of Wales, adven­ tured to Sea, and leaving Ireland on the North, came to a Land unknown, where he saw many very wonderful things, which by Dr. Powel and Mr. Humfrey Lloyd is judged to be the main Land of America,7 being confirmed therein, as well by the / saying of Montezuma Emperor of Mexico, who declared that his Progeni­ tors were Strangers as well as the rest of the Mexicans, as by the use of divers Welch words amongst them observed by Travellers; the story adds, that Madoc left several of his People there, and coming home, returned back with ten sail full of Welchmen, yet it is certain there are now left very few footsteps of this Brit­ tish expedition, and no signs thereof were found at the Spaniards Arrival; they indeed used a Cross at Cumana. and worshipped it at Acuzamil, but without the least memory or knowledge of Jesus Christ, and the Welch words are very few, which might happen by chance to any other Language. Mr. Bretewood, and other learned writers are of Opinion, that America received her first Inhabitants from those parts of Asia, where the Tartars first inhabited the Coasts of both Coun­ treys, being in that place not far asunder, and the likeness of the People favouring the same, though the Indians in general are so very ignorant as to ascribe their beginning, some to a Fountain, and others to a Lake or Cave; But leaving these uncertainties, let us give a brief account of the real discovery thereof by Colum­ bus, which is thus related by Gomara and Mariana,8 two Spanish writers. A certain Caravel sailing in the Ocean, was carried by a strong East wind of long continuance to an unknown Land never mentioned in the Maps or Charts of that Age; this Ship was much longer in returning than going, so that all the company perisht by famine or other extremities, except the Pilot, and three or four Mariners, who all likewise died soon after their arrival, leaving to Columbus their Landlord their Papers, with some account of their Discoveries; the time, place, Countrey, and name of this Pilot is uncertain, and therefore other Authors affirm it to be a fable or Spanish contrivance, as envying that an Italian and For­ reigner should have the glory of being the first discoverer of the Indies, and the more judicious Spaniards account it a Tale, and give a more probable Relation thereof, and of the cause which moved Columbus to this mighty undertaking,

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/ and not the Pilots Papers or reports; For they write, that Christopher Colon or Columbus, was born at Nervi in the Territories of Genoa, and bred a Mari­ ner from his Child hood, trading into Syria and other Eastern Countries, after which he learnt the art of making Sea Cards, and went to Portugal to acquaint himself with the Coasts of Africa, and there married; In sayling about these Seas, he observed, that at certain seasons of the year, the winds blew from the West, for a great while together, and judging they came from some Coasts beyond the Sea, he was so concerned, that he resolved to make a Trial thereof; He was now forty years old, and propounding to the State of Genoa, that if they would fur­ nish him with Ships, he would find a way by the West to the Islands of Spices, they rejected it as a dream or idle fancy; Being thus frustrate of his hopes, he goes to Portugal, and communicates his design to King Alphonsus,9 but with the same success; upon which he sent his Brother Bartholomew Columbus, to King Henry the Seventh of England, to solicit his assistance, while himself went into Spain, to implore aid of the Castilians. Bartholomew was unhappily taken by Pirates in his vovage to England, who robbing him and his company of all they had, he at length arrived, and was forced to get a mean livelyhood by making Sea Cards, and in a short time presents a Map of the World to King Henry, with his Brothers offer of discovery, which the King gladly accepted, and sent for him into England; But he had sped in his suit before in Spain, for coming thither, and conferring with two able Spanish Pilots they advised him to apply himself to the Dukes of Medina Sidonia, and Medina Cali, who giving him recommendation to the Queens Confessor, he arrived at the Court of Castile, in 1486. but Ferdinando and Isabella then King and Queen of Spain, being ingaged hotly in the Wars of Granada against the Moors, he at first found but cold entertainment. Thus he continued for some time in a mean and contemptible Condition, till at / length the Archbishop of Toledo procured him audience, where he was favourably received, and promised dispatch upon concluding the Wars in Granada, and accordingly he was furnished with three Caravels at the Kings charges, and sixteen thousand Duckets in money. In 1492. August 3. Columbus accompanied with about one hundred and Twenty Persons, set sail for Gomera, one of the Canary Islands, where having refresht, after many days, they encountred the Sea called Sargasso, from an Herb like Sampire, wherewith it is so covered, that it appears like a green Field, with empty berries, like a Gooseberry, and is so thick, that the Water cannot be seen, hindring the passage of the Ship, without a strong wind; these weeds are thought to reach to the bottom of the Sea, though there exceeding deep, and above four hundred miles distant from the Coast of Africa; This strange accident much surprized the Spaniards, and had occasioned their return, had not the sight of some birds incouraged them with hopes of Land not far off ; After thirty three days sayling, despairing of success, the company mutined, threatning to throw

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Columbus into the Sea, disdaining that a Genouse stranger should thus abuse them, but at length by soft words, and strong promises he qualified their anger, Oct. 11. following, one Roderigo di Triana, cried out, Land, Land; the best musick that Columbus could desire, who to pacify the Spaniards, had ingaged, that if no Land appeared in three days he would then return; one of the company the night before had descried Fire, which raised his expectation of having some great reward from the King of Spain, of which being frustrate at his return, he in a rage renounced his Christianity and turned Moor. With Tears of Joy, the late mutinous Mariners behold the desired Land, and they that Yesterday were ready to destroy, now as far distracted with contrary passions, imbrace and almost adore their dear Columbus, for so happily bringing them to this Land of Promise; / On shore they go, and felling a Tree, make a Cross thereof, which they there erected, and took possession of this New World, in the name of the Catholick King; They first landed in an Island called Guanahani, one of the Lucai, which Columbus named St. Salvadore, from whence he sayled to Baracoa, an Haven on the North side of the Isle of Cuba, and landing, inquired of the Inhabitants for Cipango, or Japan, which they understanding to be Cibao in Hispaniola, where are the richest Mines, they made signs to them that they were in Haiti, which name they gave to Hispaniola, and some of them went with him thither; but no earthly joy is without some disaster, for here their Admiral split upon a Rock, but the men were saved by the help of other Ships; This happened on the North part of Hispaniola, where they saw some Inhabitants, who for fear of strangers, instantly fled into the Mountains: One woman they got, whom they used kindly, giving her meat, drink and clothes, and so dismissing her, who declaring their civility to the rest, they soon came in Troops to the Ships, judging the Spaniards to be some Divine Nation sent from Heaven; Though before they thought them Canibals or Man-eaters, and such indeed they afterward proved in some sense, not leaving in some few years after their arrival above two hundred Indians, alive, of four Millions that before inhabited these Countries. Before the discovery of this Island by Columbus, the People were informed thereof by an Oracle, for one of their Kings being very importunate with their Zemes, or Gods, to know future events, fasted five days together, spending his time in continual mourning; After which the Zemes declared; That some years after there would arrive a strange Nation, clothed, bearded, and armed with shin­ ing Swords, which would cut a man asunder in the middle, who should destroy the ancient Images of their Gods, abolish their Ceremonies, and slay their Children. In remembrance of which Oracle they composed a solemn Elegy, which upon Holy days they used mournfully to sing. Nothing / more pleased the Spaniards than the Gold, which the Innocent Inhabitants exchanged with them for Bells, Glasses, Points, and other Trifles. Columbus got leave of the King of Hispaniola to build a Fort, and leaving 38 Spaniards therein, taking with him six Indians,

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he returned to Spain, and was highly caressed by the King and Q. and being honoured with the Title of Admiral, and inriched with the Tenths of the Spanish gains in the Indies, he is sent a second time (with his Brother Bartholomew, who was made Vice-Roy of Hispaniola,) with seventeen sail of Ships, and fifteen hun­ dred men; when he arrived, he found all his men were murdered by the Indians, who laid the blame on their insolent carriage toward them. Columbus now built the Town of Isabella, and afterward Saint Domingo, and Fort St. Thomas, but in both places the Spaniards died of Famine; for the Indians being unwilling to have such Neighbours, refused to plant their Maiz and Jucca, and so starved both themselves and their new Guests. At this place the Spaniards got that terrible disease called since the French Pox, of the Indian women, and in requital brought among them a more mortal and infectious distemper, that is, the Small-Pox, which destroyed Thousands, and was utterly unknown before in that Countrey. After this Columbus discovered Cuba, Jamaica, and other adja­ cent Isles, and likewise part of the main Land of America; He repaired his Fleet at Jamaica, where some of his men were sick, and others mutinous, which the Indians observing, refused to bring him in provisions, whereupon being strained, he thought of this Stratagem, sending for some of the Islanders, he assured them, that if they did not furnish him with necessaries, the Divine wrath would con­ sume them, a token where of would be, that within two days, the face of the Moon should be darkned, at which time he knew there would be an Ecclipse of the Moon, which these simple People finding / to happen accordingly, they came and humbly submitted themselves to him, offering all the Assistance and sup­ plies he desired. Another time some difference happening among the Spaniards, Columbus sent a Letter to reduce them to Peace by some of the Indians, who had extraordinary reverence for it, thinking the Paper to have some Spirit or Deity inclosed in it, whereby they could understand one anothers minds at so great distance. Columbus at length returning into Spain, he there died in 1506, and was buried at Sevil; after whose example several others made further Discoveries, till at last this New World, is now almost wholly come to the knowledge of the Old. II. Among other great Adventurers Hernando Cortes may be recorded, who in 1485. sailed out of Spain, being but 19 Years old, to the Island of St. Domingo, where being kindly received by Ovando the Governour, he discovered many new Provinces, and designed farther Westward, because he heard there were Mines of Gold; and having first made the Inhabitants Swear Allegiance to the King of Spain, to whom he said the Monarchy of the Universe did belong, he Sailed up the River Tavasco, where a Town which stood thereon refusing him Victuals, he took and plundred it; the Indi­ ans hereat inraged, raised an Army of Forty Thousand Men, but Cortes by his Horse and great Guns, soon defeated them, they imagining the Horse and Man to be but one Creature, and when they heard them Neigh, thought the Horses could speak, and inquired what they said, the Spaniards answered, these Horses are very much offended

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with you for fighting with them, and would have you severely punished; the Innocent Indians hereupon presented Roses and Hens to the Beasts, desiring them to eat, and to pardon their Miscarriages. The Spaniards named this Town Victory, containing near twenty five thousand Houses, many of them Built of Lime, Stone and Brick; he then sailed farther West to St. John de Vlla, where the Governour of the Country came to him, with four Thousand Indians, adoring and burning Frankincense / and little Straws dipt in his own blood to Cortes, and then presented him Victuals, Jewels, Gold, and curious works of Feathers, which Cortes requited with a Collar of Glass, and other things of small value; a Woman Slave given him at the Town of Victory, was his Interpreter, by whom Cortes informed the Governour, that he was Servant to the greatest Emperour upon Earth, at which the other much wondred, thinking there had been none so mighty as his Soveraign Montezuma Emperour of Mexico, to whom the Governour sent the Pictures of these bearded Men, their Horses, Apparel, Weapons, great Guns, and other Rarities, Painted in Cotton Cloths, with an account of their Ships and numbers, which were conveyed by Posts to Mexico in a day and a night, though two hundred and ten Miles distant. Cortes asked the Governour whether Montezuma had any Gold, who answered him, yea, I am very glad of it, said Cortes, for I and my Companions are troubled with a Disease at the Heart, to which Gold is the only Soveraign Remedy, and therefore we desire him to furnish us with the greatest quantity he can pos­ sible of that Mettal. Montezuma upon receipt of those things, sent back Cotton Cloths of divers Colours, many tuffts of Feathers; with two Wheels, each two yards and an half broad, one of Silver representing the Moon, the other of Gold like the Sun, the whole Present being in value Twenty Thousand Duckets; he likewise exprest much Joy to hear of so great a Prince, and such a strange People, and promised all kind of necessaries, but was very unwilling Cortes should come to visit him, though Cortes was resolved to see him; the Indians came daily to his Camp, to see these strange sights, and when the great Guns were discharged, they fell flat on their Faces, thinking the Heavens were falling; among the rest were divers Indians of differing habit, taller than the rest, the Gristles of their Noses slit, and hanging over their Mouths, and Rings of Jet and Amber fastned thereto; they had holes in their lower Lips, wherein were put Rings of / Gold, and Turkess Stones, so heavy, that their Lips hung over their Chins, leaving their Teeth bare; Cortes understood these deformed Gallants were of Zempoallan, a City a days Journey off, whom their Lords had sent to discover what Gods were come in those Temples (meaning the Ships) for they daily expected the God of the Air to appear. They were not willingly subject to Montezuma, neither con­ verst with any other Indians, and therefore Cortes resolved to make use of them against him, upon the first occasion. He sailed from thence to Panuco, a little Town, where was a Temple ascended by twenty Steps, in which they found Idols, Bloody Papers, much Blood of Men

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Sacrificed, the Block whereon they cut them up, and the Razors of Flint where­ with they opened their Breasts, which struck horror into the Spaniards; Cortes then proceeded to Zempoallan, where he was Solemnly received, and lodged in a great House of Lime and Stone, whited with Plaister that shined like Silver against the Sun; then causing all his Ships to be sunk, that there might be no hope of return, he persuaded the Natives to submit to the Spaniards, and join with them against Montezuma, which they readily complied with; leaving a Guard in this his new Town, he marched with four hundred Spaniards, fifteen Horses, six pieces of Artillery, and thirteen hundred Indians to Zaclotan, whereof Olintler was Governour for Montezuma, who to testify his joy, and Honour Cortes com­ manded fifty men to be Sacrificed, whose Blood lay fresh upon the Ground, and his People carried the Spaniards in triumph upon their Shoulders; he boasted as much of the power of Montezuma, as the Spaniards did of their Emperour affirm­ ing that he had 30 Vassals, or petty Kings under him, each of whom were able to bring an hundred Thousand Souldiers into the Field, and then Montezuma Sacri­ ficed some years Fifty Thousand Men to his Gods; this was a great Town, having 13 Temples, in each of which were Idols of Stone of several fashions, before whom they Sacrificed Men, / Doves, Quails, and other things, with Perfumes and great Veneration; here Montezuma had five Thousand Men in Garrison. Cortes went from hence toward Mexico, passing by the Frontiers of Taxallan, who were Enemies to the Mexicans, and whom Montezuma might easily have subdued, but reserved partly to keep his Subjects in continual Exercises of War, and partly to Sacrifice them to his Gods; these Taxallans raised an hundred and fifty Thousand Men against Cortes, judging him to be a Friend and Confederate of Montezuma’s, and yet they every day sent the Spaniards Guinney-cocks and Bread, as well to espy his strength, as that they scorned to obscure their Glory, by Conquering People already starved; but when in many Skirmishes, they could not prevail against that small handful of Spaniards, they then believed them to be preserved by Inchantments, and sent Cortes three Presents with this threefold Message; I. That if he were that cruel God, who eateth Mans Fresh, he should eat those five Slaves which they had now sent, and then they would bring him more. 2. If he were the meek and gentle Deity, they then presented him with Frankincense and Feathers. 3. If he were a Mortal, then let him take and eat Bread, Fowl and Cherries, but at length they submitted, and delivered Taxallan to him, a great City by a Rivers side, having four Streets, each of which had their Captain in time of War; their Government was by the Nobility, under which were 28 Villages containing above an hundred and fifty Thousand Housholds, the Men very Valiant, though very Poor; there was one Market-Place so large, that thirty Thousand People came thither daily to exchange Commodities, for Money they had none. Montezuma had formerly promised, whatever Tribute the King of Spain should desire, and now he sent again to Cortes, not to depend on the beggerly

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Friendship of the Taxallans, and they on the contrary advised him to repose no trust in Montezuma; however Cortes resolved for Mexico, and accompanied with many Taxallans, / went to Cholola, at which place the Spaniards reported Montezuma had prepared an Army to surprise them, whereupon they used very great severity against them; (though it was said they had Sacrificed 10 Children, of both Sexes, of three years old to their God for success,) for all the chief Men and Priests coming to meet and entertain them, they made them all Prisoners, and afterward cut them off, some being tyed to Stakes and burnt to death, and others suffered great Tortures; the Chief Commander escaped with about 30 or 40 Men, and got into a Temple which was like a Castle, there defending himself a good part of the day, but the Spaniards firing the Temple, burnt them all within it, who as they were dying, broke forth into these Lamentations; O Wicked Men! How have we injured you, that you should thus torment us? away, away to Mexico, where our Chief Lord Montezuma will revenge our Quarrel. It is reported, that while the Spaniards were acting this Bloody Tragedy, upon above six Thousand Innocent Creatures, their Chief Captain in sport sung these Verses. One flame the Roman City now destroys,

And Shreeks of People make a dismal noise,

While Nero sung, and (moved with delight)

From Tarpey Hill beheld the woful sight.

Eight Leagues from Cholola is Popocatapec, a burning Mountain, the mouth whereof is about half a League in compass, from whence issued out great quanti­ ties of Fire, Smoak and Ashes, with terrible noise, the Indians believed it to be Hell, wherein wicked Men were punished; two Spaniards adventured near it, but narrowly escaped being destroyed, being sheltred by a Rock from the violent Eruption which then happened, which is sometimes so furious, that the fiery ashes are carried 15 Leagues off, burning their Corn, Fruits, Herbs, and Clothes on the Hedges; The Indians kissed the Garments of these adventurous Spaniards, an honour only / given to their Gods. Cortes drawing near Mexico, Montezuma was much afraid, saying, These are the men whom our Gods told us should inherit our Land; He then shut up himself eight days in his Oratory, praying and fasting, and sacrificing many men to appease his offended Deities; The Oracle or Devil bids him not fear, but to continue these inhumane massacres, assuring him he should have two Gods to preserve him, saying, that Quezal permitted that great destruction at Cholola, for want of that bloudy Sacrifice. Cortes went forward passing over a Mountain six miles in height, covered with Snow continually, and the passage very difficult, so that the Mexicans might easily have prevented his proceeding further; from hence he had sight of the Lake whereon Mexico, and many other great Towns were built, filled with Inhab­ itants, and adorned with divers Temples and Towers, which beautify the Lake;

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being arrived at Mexico, Montezuma received him with all kind of solemnity, excusing his former unkindnesses, and providing all necessaries for him and his Spaniards, making Beds of Flowers for their Horses instead of Litter, but Cortes being full of Ambitious designs, seized upon the King, and put him in chains with a Spanish Guard of 80 men, whereupon Montezuma’s Nephew fled to arms, but by the Treachery of his own People, was presented to Montezuma, whom Cortes permitted to exercise Regal Authority, and by whose order he summoned a Parliament, or Assembly of the chief of his People, where he made an Oration to his Subjects, declaring, That he and his Predecessors were not naturally born in the Countrey, but that his Fore-Fathers came from a strange Land, and that their Kings of old, had promised to send such as should rule them, and had accordingly sent these Spaniards. He therefore advised them to yield themselves Vassals to the Emperour of Spain. This request they yielded to, though with many tears on either side in thus forever departing from their Liberty. Montezuma then pre­ sented Cortes a vast quantity of Gold and Jewels, in the nature of a Tribute, / valued at sixteen hundred thousand Castellins. Hitherto Cortes had obtained a continual victory without fighting, when he had Intelligence that Pamphilo de Narva, and some hundreds of Spaniards, were sent from Velasques another Spanish Captain, to interrupt his proceedings, who leaving two hundred of his Men in Mexico, he with two hundred and fifty oth­ ers, suddenly surprized Narva and his company, and brought him Prisoner to Mexico; While this was doing one of Cortes his Captains at Mexico resolved to perform something in his absence, which might render the Spaniards dreadful & terrible to the Indians, a policy they often used; it happened that the Nobility & Commons of the City, used all kind of sports & recreations, to divert their Captive King, and none more than dancing and revelling all night long in the streets, in which divertisements they brought forth all their Wealth, Richest Garments, and whatever they esteem’d precious; The Nobility and Princes of the Royal-Bloud, exercised themselves herein, near the Houses where their King was confined, there being above Two Thousand youths, even the flower of the Nobil­ ity ingaged therein. The Spanish Captain came with a small party of Souldiers, as if to be Spectators, sending more Troops into other parts of the City, giving them Command to be ready at a certain signal, and then leading the way, he himself cryed out aloud, St. Jago, let us fall upon them; The watchword thus given, the Souldiers began to cut and mangle those noble and delicate youths, with such fury, that they left not one alive, and their rich Garments and Jewels, were made a prize by the Spaniards. The Indians beholding this unheard of cruelty and in-justice, having long endured with patience, the imprisonment of their King, who had charged them to be quiet, now fly all to arms, and falling upon the Spaniards wounded many, and pursued others, at length putting a dagger to the breast of their King Mon­

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tezuma, they threatned to kill him, unless he would look out at the Window, and Command his Subjects to lay down their / Arms; But they contemning his Orders, chose themselves a Captain; when Cortes returned again, in good time to relieve his men, and Montezuma being again commanded by his Spanish Guard­ ians to speak to the People, he was wounded on the Temples by a stone, whereof he died 3 daies after. Cortes had some Thousands of Taxallans to assist him, and yet was forced to fly out of Mexico privately by night, with all his Spaniards and Indians, which yet was not unknown by the Mexicans, so that an alarm being raised, they cut off their Bridges, and made a great slaughter among them, the Spaniards losing most of their ill got Treasure; And their number increasing to two hundred thousand, they pursued them with all speed, but Cortes having the good fortune to kill their Standard-bearer, the Indians forsook the Field. The Taxallans raising an Army of fifty thousand men, joined with Cortes, and took in divers places, and then building several Frigots or Brigantines, he soon took all the Indian Canoes upon the Lake. Quabutimoc, who succeeded Montezuma, being incouraged from the Devils Oracle, made all possible defence for saving Mexico, sometimes conquering, and being other while beaten by the Spaniards, who fired a great part of the City. One day the Mexicans having gotten an advantage against the Spaniards, they thereupon celebrated a Feast of Victory; The Priests going into the Temple, made a Perfume of sweet Gums, and then sacrified forty Spanish Prisoners, opening their breasts, plucking out their hearts, and sprinkling their bloud in the Air, their companions looking on, unable to revenge it, the Mexicans mean while, dancing, beating their drums, drinking themselves drunk, and using all manner of expressions of joy. At length Rage, Revenge and Disdain had so filled the Spaniards breasts, that having hith­ erto been more careful of ruining the City, which they hoped to preserve for their own use, they now resolved utterly to destroy it, to which the dreadful Famine and Pestilence within, did as much contribute, as their Fury / without; so that after three months Siege, Mexico is taken, and rased to the ground, with the loss of Fifty Spaniards, and Six Horses; but of the Mexicans, an hundred thousand, besides those who died of the Plague and Hunger; the King himself being taken Prisoner, and that mighty City and State utterly subverted; this hap­ pened Aug. 13. 1521. which day is kept as a yearly Festival by the Spaniards to this day. Mexico was afterward rebuilt, with an hundred thousand Houses, fairer and stronger than before. Thus fell the Great Montezuma and his mighty Empire with him; Thus fell he who was honoured as a God, whom it was death for any of the Common People to look in the face, who never set his foot on the ground abroad, but was carried upon the shoulders of Noblemen in a Chariot of pure Gold, and if he happened to alight, trod upon rich Tapestry; He who never put on one Garment twice, never us’d any Vessel or Dish, though of Gold, but once, and yet all these

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Magnificences were so far from procuring him happiness, that they were the chief incentives to covetous and ambitious Spirits to contrive his Ruin. Yet was not this general Devastation without some prodigous forerunners of the same. The King of Tiscuco, a great Magician, and divers other Sorcerers, confirmed the declaration of the idol Cholola; That a strange People should come and possess his Kingdom; These Sorcerers being imprisoned by the King, immediately vanished away But a stranger thing happened by report to a poor man, who was taken up by an Eagle, and carried into a certain Cave, where being set down, the Eagle pronounced these words, Most mighty Lord, I have brought him whom thou hast commanded; There he saw one like Montezuma lying asleep, who uttering several dreadful threatnings against the King, the man was again carried away by the Eagle, and set down in the place where he had been first seized. Strange voices were likewise heard, with Earth quakes and overflowings of Rivers; A prodigious Bird of the bigness of a Crane, / was taken, having on his head as it were a Glass representing armed men, which being brought into the Kings presence, instantly disappeared, and was never seen after; The King endeavoured to have appeased his Gods by Sacrifice, and would therefore have removed a great Stone, which yet he could not possibly do, by any strength or other means he used, which was thought to be an Ominous presage, that his Deities were not to be reconciled. These things were certainly told by the Indians, which if true, may be accounted the illusions of the Devil, whereby he sometimes, forwarns his Votaries. III. Neither ought Americus Vespusius, a Florentine, to be forgotten, who was Second to Columbus in the glory of this grand and successful enterprize of discovering the New World, who at the charge of Emanuel King of Portugal, undertook the business; He had been one of Columbus his Companions in the first expedition, and consequently did now but trace the way that Columbus had before shewed him, yet had he this happiness and Honour above his Predeces­ sor, to give his name unto the discovered Country; the whole continent of the New World being ever since from him generally called America; this man at the charge of King Emanuel in 1502. with a competent number of Ships and men crossed the Equinoctial Line, and discovered the Coasts of Guiana and Brasil, beyond the Tropique of Capricorn, to 32 degrees of Southern Latitude, where having stay’d some time, and taken possession of the Countrey after their usual Formalities, they held on their course beyond the River of Plate, to 52 degrees, to the height of the Streights of Magellane, but being here taken with foul weather, and their Ships much impaired by Storms, they were forced to return homeward by the Coast of Africa. The year following he attempted another Voyage, direct­ ing his course for Insula Real in the Country of Brasil; but having passed Cape Verde and Sierra Liona, upon the Coast of Guinney, by great misfortune the Ship which carried / their Provisions was sunk, and 300 Hogsheads of Victuals and other necessaries, for the Company were utterly lost, by which disaster they were

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forced again to turn homeward; how long he lived, and what expeditions he made after this, are not remembred in History. IV. Francis Pizarro, a Person of very mean birth and Education, was likewise very fortunate in discoveries, for going from Sivil in Spain where he was born, to the Indies, he went in company of Almagro and others, to discover the South-sea in 1526. Pizarro offering to land his men, was wounded, and forced to retire to his Ships. Almagro in another place had better success, the Indians using him kindly, and presenting him three thousand Duckets of Gold, but endeavouring to land in that place of Pizarro’s misfortune, he was set upon by the Indians, and lost one of his eyes in the encounter. At length they met at Panama, and hav­ ing cured their wounds, and recruited their Forces with two hundred men, and many Slaves, they set sail, and landed at another place, but are beaten back to their Ships, and forced to an Island called Gorgon, six miles from the Continent, where Pizarro stay’d while Almagro went back for greater supplies, but both he and his company were almost starved before Almagro’s return; being refreshed and strengthned, they once more attempt the Indian Shore, but were again repelled both from thence and the Island, so that they resolved to go further, coursing this Land and their ill fortune and having sailed five hundred miles, they came to Chira a Province in Perue, and having Intelligence by some of the Natives of the great wealth of this Countrey, Pizarro sent one Peter a Candian on shore, who was kindly treated by the Governor, by whom he was shewed a Temple dedicated to the Sun, wherein were inestimable riches, whereupon it was agreed among the Partners in this Enterprize, that Pizarro should return to Spain and get a License for this Conquest, which he did accordingly, but yet only for himself, absolutely leaving his / Companions out of the Grant, and return­ ing with Letters Pattents to Panama with his four brethren Hernando, Gonzalo, John, and Martin de Alcantara his brother by the Mothers side, his Partners were much disturbed thereat; however, after much quarelling, Pizarro and Almagro agreed to make an equal division of their booty; Pizarro goes before with an hundred and fifty Souldiers, (ordering Almagro to follow with all the strength he could make) and Lands in Peru, a River so called, which gave name to those great and wealthy Provinces; they went by Land, enduring much misery by the way, till they came to Puna, where they were well received of the Governor, till by abusing their Wives, they provoked the Indians to take Arms, but were soon defeated, and thereby their Riches became a prey to the prevailing Spaniards. The Governor of this Island, to satisfy his Jealousy, cut off the Noses, Privy Members, and Arms of his Eunuchs. Here Pizarro heard first of Atabaliba, for the Governor taking part with Guascar Atabaliba’s Brother, who were at that time at War, about the Soveraignty of the Kingdom, he had taken six hundred of his Enemies Prisoners, who now coming into Pizarro’s hands, he freely sent them to Tumbez, a great Indian Town belonging to Atabaliba, and three Messengers

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with them to demand peace and safe entrance; but notwithstanding their Cap­ tives were so generously restored, they ingratefully delivered the three Spaniards to their bloudy Priests to be sacrificed to the Idol of the Sun Upon this Pizarro took Tumbez, and plunder’d the Temple and City; From thence he marches toward Guatimala, where Guascar sent some with great promises to desire his aid against his Brother; Soon after others came from Atabalibs, with a peremp­ tory command that he should return back to his Ships. Pizarro answered, That he came thither not to hurt any, but for their good, as his Lord and Emperour had given him in charge, nor could he now return without much dishonour, being an Ambassador from the Pope and Emperor, who were Lords of the World, before he had / seen King Atabaliba’s Royal Person, and bad communicated to him such wholsome Counsels and Instructions as might be good both for his body and Soul. Pizarro passed forward, and as he went through the Province of Chira, the Lords thereof provoked him against Atabaliba, who had lately conquered their Countreys; these Civil distractions did much facilitate the Spaniards Victories; on the River Chira he setled the Colony of St. Michael for securing his Spoils, and then marcht on to Guatimala, sending Messengers on Horseback to give notice of his coming; the Indians having never before seen an Horse, were extreamly surprised, but Atabaliba was little moved thereat, though very much concerned that those Bearded Men afforded him such small Reverence and Respect; he sent Pizarro a Pair of Shoes cut and Gilded, under pretence of distinguishing, and knowing him from others, though it was judged a design to seize and kill him. The next day the King was carried in Solemn Triumph upon the Shoulders of his Nobility in great Pomp and Magnificence, Guarded with Twenty five Thousand Indians; when Vincent a Dominican Frier, coming before him with great Rever­ ence, holding a Cross in one hand, and his Breviary, or as some say, a Bible, in the other, he blessed him with the Cross, and said, Most Excellent Prince, it much concerns you to believe, that God in Trinity and Unity Created the World out of nothing, and Formed a Man of the Earth whom he called Adam, of whom we had all our beginning, that Adam sinned against his Creator by disobedience, and in him all his Posterity, except Jesus Christ, who being God, came down from Heaven, and took the flesh of the Virgin Mary, and to save and redeem Mankind, dyed upon a Cross like to this in my hand, for which cause we worship it. After his death he rose again the third day, and after forty days ascended into Heaven, leaving for his Vicar on Earth St. Peter and his Successors, which we call Popes, one of whom hath now given the most Puissant King of Spain Emperor of the Romans, the Monarchy of the World. Obey the Pope therefore, worthy Prince, and receive the faith of Christ, which if you / will believe to be most Holy, and your own most false, you shall do well, but know, that if you do the contrary, we will make War upon you, and destroy and break your Idols to pieces; Let me then advise you to leave off your false worship, and thereby prevent all these mischiefs.

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Atabaliba seemed to wonder at the Preaching of this Frier, and replied, That he was a free Prince, and would become Tributary to none, neither did he acknowl­ edge any greater Lord than himself; As for the Emperour he could be well content to be in friendship with so great a Monarch, and to be acquainted with him, but for the Pope, he would not obey him, who gave away what was none of his own, and took a Kingdom from him whom he had never seen; As for Religion he liked well his own, neither would nor ought he to question the Truth thereof, it being so ancient and approved, especially since Christ died, which never happened to the Sun and Moon whom he worshipped. And how do you know, said he, that the God of the Christians created the World? Frier Vincent answered, That his book told it him, giving him his Breviary or Bible, Atabaliba looked in it, and said, It told him no such thing, throwing it on the ground; The Frier took it up, and went to Pizarro, crying out, He hath cast the Gospels on the Ground, Revenge it O Christians upon these Infidel Dogs, and since they will not accept our friendship nor our Law, let us utterly destroy them. Pizarro hereupon set up his Standard, and planted his Ordinance, and his Horsemen in 3 Squadons assulted Atabaliba’s people, making great slaugh­ ter, Pizarro himself with his Foot came in and did much execution with their swords, all charged against Atabaliba, killing them who carried him on their Shouldiers in his Pavillion, whose Rooms were presently supplied by others, till at last Pizarro pluckt him down by his Cloaths; All the while not one Indian made resistance, either because they had no Command, or with the amazement to see their Soveraign so abused, so that never a Spainard was slain, though sev­ eral Indians were thurst through; thus were the Indians routed, their King and other rich spoyls remaining to the Spaniards, reckoned / at fourscore thousand Castilians in Gold, and Seven Thousand Marks in Silver, of the houshold Plate of Atabaliba, every Mark being eight Ounces; And in Guatimala they found several Houses filled up to the roof with rich Garments, besides Armour and Weapons, of which some were Axes and Pole-axes of Gold and Silver. The next day the Spaniards searcht all about for spoil, and found five thousand women belonging to the King, with much Treasure. Atabaliba was much disturbed at his imprisonment, but especially because they put a chain upon him, and when many proposals had been made about his ransom, a Souldier said, If you will give us this House full of Gold and Silver thus high, (lifting up his Sword, and making a mark upon the wall) you shall have your Freedom; Atabaliba, promised if they would give him Liberty to send throughout his Kingdom, he would fulfil their demand, whereat the Spaniards amazed, gave him three months time, but he had filled the House in two months and an half, a thing hardly to be credited; but saith Lopez Vaz,10 I know above twenty men who were there at that time, and all affirmed that there was above ten Millions of Gold and Silver. Another Spanish Captain relates that Atabaliba

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promised to give them so much Gold, as should reach up to a Mark which was a span higher than a tall man could reach, the room being 25 Foot long and 15 wide, and the Governor demanding how much Silver he would give, he said, he would fill up a large inclosed Garden, with Vessels of Plate for his ransom; this Captain was made Guardian of this Golden House and saw this vast mass of [illeg.] melted down; the Governor sent a fifth part to the King of Spain, and part of the rest, giving to every Footman which were [illeg.] two, four, thou­ sand eight hundred pieces of [illeg.] amounted to above seven thousand [illeg.] Horsman 63 in number [illeg.] advantage [illeg.] the Victory [illeg.] twenty­ five thousand Pezo’s [illeg.] / thousand to the Inhabitants of St. Michael; Many other gifts he gave to Merchants and others, and yet after the Governor was gone, there was more Gold brought in, than that which had been shared; Ten or twelve days, after the Spaniards who were sent to Cusco, brought in as much Gold, as amounted to two Millions and an half, and half a million of Silver; When Ata­ baliba had procured this immense sum, he was discharged from his promise by sound of Trumpet, and yet was still kept under a Guard for the Spaniards security, under pretence that his Subjects were again gathered together by his Command, he argued with them, that if they were assembled together, it was no more by his Authority, than the moving of the Leaves of the Trees, but however, being their Captive, he said, it was in their power to take away his Life. Notwithstanding these so reasonable Remonstrances, they consulted whether they should burn him alive, and at last Condemned him to that cruel death, but by the intreaty of some, that Sentence was mitigated, and he was ordered to be strangled by four Negro’s, whom Pizarro kept for that purpose, which one night was accordingly performed; the King understanding he was to dye, spake thus to his Murderers, Why do you kill me? Did not you promise to set me at liberty, if I would give you Gold? I procured it for you, yea, more than you required, yet if it be your pleasure that I must be killed, send me to your King of Spain, that I may clear myself of what you falsly object against me; but the Executioners stopt his Breath before he could proceed further, yet did not vengeance suffer these Ingrateful Villains to escape. Almagro was Executed by order of Pizarro, and young Almagro slew Pizarro, who was likewise put to death by de Castro John Pizarro was slaughtered by the Indians, Martin and Francis, two other of his Brethren were likewise killed; Ferdinand was imprisoned in Spain, and his end unknown; Gonzales was put to death by Gasca, and the Civil Wars among them­ selves uterly destroyed the rest of these Treacherous Spaniards. / The difference between the two Brethren accelerated their Ruin, Guascar succeeded his Father in the Kingdom, and the Province of Quito was assigned to Atabaliba, who being of an aspiring Spirit, seized on Tumebamba a rich Province, upon which his Brother raising Forces, took him Prisoner; Atabaliba making his escape, got back to Quito, where he made his People believe that their God the

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Sun, had turned him into a Serpent, and thereby he got through a hole in the Prison; the conceit of this Miracle, made them instantly rise in Arms against Guascar, with whose assistance Atabaliba made such Slaughter of his Enemies, that there are great heaps of Bones to be seen at this day, Threescore Thousand being killed, and many Provinces Conquered; during Atabaliba’s Imprisonment, some of his Captains had taken his Brother Guascar, who sent word to one of the Spanish Commanders, that if he would restore him to his Liberty and King­ dom, he would fill up a large Room at Guatimala with Gold and Silver, which was thrice as much as Atabaliba had promised, adding, that his Father Guayna, who was a great Sorcerer, had commanded him on his Death-bed to be kind to the white and Bearded Men, who should come and rule in those parts. Ata­ baliba hearing of these offers, sent to have his Brother put to death, which the Spaniards took no notice of, and which seemed justly to befall him, since he had before Murthered another of his Brethren, and drunk in his Skull, as he had sworn to deal with Atabaliba. Though the Spaniards got vast Treasures in this Countrey, yet the Indians hid great quantities of Gold, Silver and Jewels, which never came to their hands, formerly belonging to Guayna: one of Atabaliba’s Chief Captains visited him in Prison with great reverence, he and the chief of his Company, laying Burdens on their Shoulders, and so entred into his presence lifting up their hands to the Sun, with great thankfulness for giving them sight of their Lord, and then kneeling down, kissed his hands and feet; this Captain told the / Spaniards, that an Indian had conveyed away vast Treasures, and upon Torture discovered a great House full of Vessels of Gold, with a Shepherd and his Sheep all of Gold, as great as if living; he likewise reported he heard Atabaliba say, that in an Island called Col­ las, was a very great House covered all over with Gold, the Ceilings, Walls and Pavements within, being likewise all Beaten Gold; the Spaniards so abounded in Gold, that they would give a Thousand or fifteen hundred Pezo’s for an Horse; Debtors sought out their Creditors with Indians loaden with Gold, from House to House to pay them; they took from the Walls of some Houses, and the Roof of the Temple at Cusco, Plates of Gold often or twelve Pound weight, they car­ ried into Spain one Vessel of Gold, and another of Silver, each of so vast extent, as they were big enough to boil a Cow whole therein, likewise a huge Eagle, an Image of Gold, as long as a Child of four years old, Drums, and Statues of Women in Gold to the full proportion; with several others of Silver, Sheep of fine Gold curiously wrought, and other admirable Rarities. In this Kingdom of Joseph Acosta ascended as well provided as possible, being sensible of the Danger, but in the ascent he and his Companions were suddenly, surprized with looseness Vomiting, casting up Flegm, Choler and Bloud, so that they expected present death. There are other Desarts in Peru called Punas, where the Air cuts off men without feeling, a small breath depriving them sometimes

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of their feet and hands, which fall off like leaves in Autumn, without pain, and other times of their Lives, and yet after death the same piercing cold Air pre­ serves the body from Putrefaction. Cuba an Island of 230 Leagues in length was about this time possessed by the Spaniards, where they executed great severity as well as in other places. A certain Lord of great power who had fled over the Continent to this Isle to avoid either death or perpetual / Captivity, hearing that the Spaniards were come hither, hav­ ing assembled the Principal Indians, spake to them to this effect; Countrymen and Friends, you are not ignorant of the rumour that the Spaniards are arrived amongst us, neither need I tell you how barbarously they have used the Inhabitants of His­ paniola, you know it by too certain Intelligence, nor can we hope to find them more merciful than they did; But my dear Countrymen, do you know their Errand? if not, I will tell you the cause of their coming, they worship some covetous and insatiate God, and to content their greedy Deity, they require all our Gold and Silver from us, for this they endeavour continually to murther and enslave us. See here this little Chest of Gold, and therein behold the God of the Spaniards, therefore if you think fit let us dance and sing before this their God, perhaps we may hereby appease his rage, and he will then command his worshippers to let us alone. To this motion they all assented, and danced round about the Box till they were throughly wearied, when the Lord thus proceeded, If we should keep this God till he be taken from us, we shall be certainly slain, I therefore think it expedient for us to cast him into the River; whose Counsel being followed, the Chest was thrown into the River. When the Spaniards first landed in this Island, this Nobleman having suffi­ cient experience of their cruelty; avoided them as much as possible, still flying and defending himself by force of Arms upon all occasions, at length being taken, for no other reason, but endeavouring to preserve his Life from his Enemies, he was by the Spaniards burnt alive; being tied to a Stake, a Franciscan Monk began to discourse him of God, and the Articles of his Religion, telling him that the small time allowed him by the Executioner, was sufficient to make his Salvation sure, if he did heartily believe in the true Faith; having a while considered his words, he asked the Monk whether the Door of Heaven was open to the Spaniards, who answering yea, then, said he Let me go to Hell, that I may not come where they are. In this Island the Spaniards got above a Million of Gold, / and vast sums more in the other spacious. Provinces of this New World, the greatest part whereof came into their Possession in a few years, and which they enjoy to this very day.

CHAP. II.

The Voyages and Discoveries of several Englishmen into America. IN the former Chapter I have, according to my usual scantling,11 given a suffi­ cient account of the Fortunate Acquisitions of the Spaniards, and now think my self in justice obliged to let my Countrymen know what Adventurous Voyages, and extream dangers some of our brave English Spirits have surmounted in their Discoveries of this New World; wherein I shall follow the Sun, beginning first Northward, and so proceed toward, and beyond the Equinoctial. I. In which number, Sir Sebastian Cabot ought to be first mentioned, born and living in England, though a Venetian Gentleman by Extraction, who in 1496 at the charge of Henry the 7th King of England, set one with two Carravels, for discovering a Northwest Passage to Cathay and the East Indies, according to design which Columbus had first suggested to him; in pursuit whereof, he is reported to have sailed to 67 Degrees of Northern Latitude, upon the Coast of America, and finding Land, called it Prima Vista; the Inhabitants wore the Skins of Beasts, there were white Bears, and Stags far greater than ours, with great plenty of Seal and Sole fish, above a yard long, and such vast quantities of other Fish, that they sometimes staid the course of the Ship; the Bears caught these Fish with their Claws, and drawing them to Land, eat them; / he then discovered all along the Coast to Florida, and afterward returned, at which time strong preparations being making for Wars with Scotland, this design was wholly laid aside to the great prejudice of the English Nation, who in all probability might have made themselves Quarter-masters, at least with the Spaniards, in the wealthiest Parts and Provinces of America, if the business had been well fol­ lowed. Sir Sebastian himself went immediately to Spain, and was imployed by that King in discovering the Coasts of Brasil, and though he afterward returned again to England in 1549, and was honoured by King Edward the Sixth, with the Title of Grand Pilot of England, and the yearly Pension of an hundred and sixty Pound, yet his design was never effectually revived. II. Sir Martin Frobisher, justly deserves the second place, who in the reign of Queen Elizabeth made three several voyages to discover the North-west Passage. – 42 –

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June 15. 1576 he sailed from Blackwall, and July 7 had sight of Frizeland, but could not get ashoar, because of the abundance of Ice, and an extream Fog. July 20. he had sight of an High Land, which he named Queen Elizabeth Foreland, very full of Ice, but sailing further Northward, he descried another Foreland with a Great Bay, whereinto he entred, calling it Frobishers Streights, suppos­ ing it to divide Asia from America; Having sailed sixty Leagues, he went ashore, and was encountred with mighty Deer, who ran at him & indangered his Life. He had there a sight of the Savage Inhabitants, who rowed to his Ship in Boars of Seals Skins, they eat or rather devour raw Flesh and Fish, their hair was long and black, broad faces, flat noses, colour tawny or Olive, which neither Sun nor Wind, but nature it self imprinted on them, as appeared by their Infants, and seems to be the complexion of all the Americans; their clothing was Seals Skins, the women were painted on the Cheeks, and about the Eyes with blew streaks. These Savages intercepted 5 Englishmen and their Boat, they took also one of them, whom / they brought into England, where they arrived Oct. 2. 1576. hav­ ing taken possession of the Country, in right of the Queen of England, every man of the company being commanded to bring home somewhat in witness thereof; one brought a piece of black stone like Seacoal, which was found to hold Gold in a good quantity. Whereupon the next year a second voyage was made to bring home more of this Ore, and coming into these Streights in July 1577. they found them in a manner shut up with a long wall of Ice, which very much indangered their Ships. They found a Fish as big as a Porpice dead upon the Shoar twelve foot long, hav­ ing a Horn of two yards growing out of the Snout, wreathed and streight like a wax tapor, & was thought to be a Sea Unicorn; It was broken on the top, wherein the Sailers affirmed they put Spiders which presently died. It was presented to the Queen at their return, and sent to Winsor to be reserved in the Wardrope for a curiosity. They went on Shoar, and had some skirmishes with the Inhabitants, who were so fierce and resolute, that finding themselves wounded, they leapt off the Rocks into the Sea rather than fall into the hands of the English, the rest fled, only one Woman and her Child they brought away, and another man, who seeing the Picture of his Countreyman in the Ship that was taken the year before, thought him to be alive, and was very angry that he would not speak to him, wondring how our People could make men live or die at their pleasure. It was very pleasant to observe the behaviour of the man and woman when they were brought together; who though put into the same Cabbin, shewed such signs of Chastity, and Modesty, as might justly shame Christians who come so far short of them; when these Savages would trade, their manner was to lay down somewhat of theirs and go their ways, expecting the English should lay down something in exchange; if they like the value when they come again, they take it, otherwise they take away only their own; they made / signs that their Catchoe or

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King was higher of stature than any of ours, and carried upon mens Shoulders. They could not hear what became of their five men taken the year before, only they found some of their Apparel, which made them judge the Savages had eaten them; Having laden their Ship with Oar, they returned. The next year 1578. with fifteen sail another Voyage was made by Captain Frobisher for further discovery. He went on shoar June 20 on Frizeland, which is in length about 25 Leagues, in 57 degrees of Latitude, which he named West England, where they espied certain Tents and People like the former, who upon their approach fled; in the Tents they found a Box of small Nails, red Herrings, and boards of Fir-tree, with other things wrought very Artificially, so that they were either ingenious workmen themselves, or traded with others; some think this to be Friesland, and joined to Greenland. In going from hence one Ship called the Salamander sailing with a strong gale, struck with such violence upon the back of a Whale with her full stem that she stood still without motion, whereat the Whale made a hideous roaring, and lifting up his body and tail above water, sunk instantly to the bottom; Two days after they found a dead Whale, which was supposed the same. July 2. they entred the Strieghts, the mouth whereof of was barr’d with Mountains of Ice, wherewith a Bark was sunk, with part of a house they designed to erect there, the men were all saved, and the other Ships in much danger by the severity of the Ice, Fogs, and Snow. These Islands of Ice seem to be congealed in the winter further North in some Bays or Rivers, the waters thereof being fresh, and the Sun melting the tops of the Ice rills of fresh water run down, which meeting together make an indifferent Stream; these Rocks being by the summers Sun loosed and broken from their natural Scituation, are carried whither the swift Current and the outragious Winds drive them. Some of these Icy Rocks or Islands are half a mile about, and fourscore fath­ oms above water, besides the / unknown depth beneath, the usual rule being, that only one part of seven is seen above water; strange is their multitude, more strange their deformed Shapes, but most strange, that instead of destroying, they some­ times save both men and Ships, suffering the mooring of Anchors, entertaining them with sports, as walking, leaping, shooting forty miles from Land without any Vessel or Ship under them, presenting them with running Streams of fresh water sufficient to drive a Mill. The People represent the Tartars in apparel and living. It is colder here in 62, than in ten degrees farther North, which happens from the cold North East Winds, which brings this sharp Air off the Ice; The Natives are excellent Archers, they wear the Skins of Deer, Bears, Foxes, Hares, and of Fowls sowed together; in the Summer the hary side outward, in the Win­ ter inward, yet many go naked; they shoot Fish with their Darts, and kindle Fire by rubbing two sticks together; The Beasts, Fowls and Fishes they kill, are their Houses, Bedding, Meat, Drink, Hose, Shoes Apparel, Sails Boats, and indeed all their riches; they eat all things raw, yea Grass and Shrubs, and suck Ice to satisfy

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their thirst; there is no flesh or fish which they find dead, though never so filthy, but they will take it up and eat it, yet somtimes they parboil their meats in little kettles made of Beasts Skins, the bloud and water they drink, and lick the bloody Knife with their Tongues and use the same remedy for curing their wounds, that is, licking them only with their Tongues. They have great plenty of Fowl, our men killing 15 hundred in one day; they have thicker Skins, and more Feathers than ours, which requires them to be flea’d before eaten; They have no hurtful creeping things but Spiders, and a Gnat, which is very troublesom, nor any Timber but what the undermining water brings from other places; They are great Magicians, and when their heads ake, they tie a great Stone with a string into a stick, and using certain Charms, the / Stone cannot be moved with all the force of a man, yet at other times seems as light as a Feather; they lie grovelling with their Faces on the Ground, making a noise as if they Worshiped the Devil under the Earth; they use great black Dogs like Wolves to draw their Sleds, and some of a lesser kind they feed upon. In the midst of Summer, they have Hail and Snow, sometimes a Foot thick, which Freezeth as it Falls, and the Ground is Frozen 3 Fathom deep, at which time the Sun is not absent above 3 hours and an half, during which it was so very light, that we could see to read. There are no Rivers or Running Springs, but what the Sun causes to come from the Snow. They Row in their Leather Boats faster with one Oar, than we can ours with all our Oars. They seem to have commerce with other Nations, from whom they have a small quantity of Iron. III. In 1585. Mr. John Davis made his first Voyage for the Northwest Discov­ ery, and in 54 Degrees, they went on Shore on an Island where they saw divers Savages, who seem’d to Worship the Sun, pointing up to it with their Hands, and therewith striking their Breasts, the English answering them with the same Actions, they took it for a confirmed League and Agreement between them, they then leaped and danced with a kind of Timbrel, which they struck with a stick, their Garments were the Skins of Birds and Beasts, they killed white Bears, one of whose Forefeet was fourteen Inches broad, and the Flesh so fat, they were forc’t to throw it away; by their dung they seem’d to seed on Grass, which was like Horse-dung, they heard tame Dogs howl on the Shore, for killing one he had a Collar about his Neck, he had a Bone in his Pizel [penis], and seem’d inured to the Sled, two of which they found. Next year Captain Davis made a second Voyage, and found the Savage People very tractable; they are great Idolaters and Witches, having many Images which they carried about them, and in their Boats; they found a Grave wherein many were buried, and covered / with Seals Skins, with a Cross laid over them; they are very Thievish, eat raw Fish, Grass and Ice, and drink Salt Water; here they saw a Whirlwind take up a great quantity of Water, which mounted violently into the Air three hours together with little intermission; In 63 Degrees they

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met with a vast Mass of Ice in one piece, so very large, that it appeared like an Island, with Bays and Capes like a high Cliff Land, whereupon they sent their Pinnace to discover it, who found it to be only Ice, this was July 17. 1586. and they Coasted it till the 30th following. In 66 Degrees they found it very hot, and were much troubled with Musketto Flies; all the Coasts hereabout seemed broken Islands; then returning Southward, they Coasted Greenland, but were hindred from Harbour by the Ice, their Houses near the Seaside were made with pieces of Wood crossed over with Poles, and covered with Earth; our Men plaid at Football with the Islanders upon the Ice. Captain Davis his third Voyage was performed the next year 1587. wherein he discovered to 73 Degrees, find­ ing the Sea all open, and forty Leagues between the Shore on each side, having Greenland on the East, and America on the West, near which was another Island, which for its dreadful aspect, being covered with Snow, without Wood, Earth, or Grass to be seen, and the terrible noise of the Ice, he named the Isle of Desolation, but the untimely death of Sir Francis Walsingham, hindred the further Prosecu­ tion of these Discoveries. IV. In 1602. Captain George Weymouth set forth with two Flyboats at the charge of the Muscovy Company, to find out the Northwest Passage, he saw the South part of Greenland, the Water in an 120 Fathom was black as puddle, and suddenly clear again; the breach of the Ice made a noise like Thunder, and indan­ gered the overturning both their Vessels; they had thick Fogs and Mists, which Froze as they fell; in 68 Degrees, they met with an inlet, Forty Leagues broad, and sailed therein an hundred Leagues West and by South. / V. In 1605 – Captain James Hall Sailed to Greenland and had the like Encounters of Ice, which made as much noise as five Cannons discharged at once; the People were like those mentioned by Frobisher, they make Sails of Guts sowed together, and deceive the Seals by taking them with their Seals Skin Gar­ ments the Countrey is high, Mountainous, and full of broken Islands along the Coasts, the Rivers are Navigable, and full of Fish, between the Mountains are such pleasant Plains and Valleys, as is hardly to be imagined in that cold Coun­ trey. He saw store of Fowl, no Beasts but black Foxes and Deer. The Natives wander in Companies in Summer for Hunting and Fishing, removing from one place to another, with their Families, Tents, and Baggage, they are of a reasonable Stature, Brown, Active and Warlike, eat their Meat either raw or parboil’d with Blood, Oil, or a little Water which they drink; their Arrows have two Feathers, and a Bone Head, they have no Wood, but what the Sea drives ashore. In 1606. He made a second Voyage thither, and found their Winter Houses Built with Whalebones, and covered with Earth, with Vaults two yards deep, and square underground. The next year he sailed thither a third time, and in a fourth Voy­ age, 1612. was Slain by a Savage, in revenge as was thought of some of theirs formerly carried away from thence. They have Hares as white as Snow, Dogs that

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live on Fish, their Pizles, as of their Foxes, being Bone; their work in Summer is to dry their Fish on the Rocks. Every Man and Woman hath a Boat made of long pieces of Fir, covered with Seals Skins, and sowed with Sinews and Guts, about 20 Foot long, and two and an half broad, like a Weavers Shuttle, so light and swift, that no Ship with any Wind is able to hold way with them, and yet use but one Oar, which they hold by the middle in the midst of their Boat, wherewith they Row forward and backward at pleasure; they generally Worship the Sun, to which they pointed at the approach of the English, striking their Breasts and crying Ilyout, not / coming near till they had done the same; they bury their dead in their cloths on the tops of Hills in the midst of heaps of Stones, to preserve them from the Foxes, making another grave hard by wherein they place his Bow, Arrows, Darts, and other Utensils. The next year Mr. John Knight made a North­ west Voyage, losing his Ship, which was sunk in the Ice, and was with three more of his company surprized by the Savages. VI. About this time three of our Countrymen named Stephen Burrough, Mr. Pet. and Mr. Jackman, went toward the North-West touching upon the North­ erly parts of Greenland, and sailed from 80 degrees to Nova Zembla; in one place they saw red Geese, and in another blue Ice, but at length loosing their Ship by the Ice, they were forced to set up an House to winter in the Isle of Desolation; they began their building about the 10 of September, the cold even then kissing his Newcome Tenants so eagerly, that when the Carpenter did but put a nail into his mouth, the Ice would hang thereon, and the bloud followed in plucking it out. In December their Fire could not heat them, their Sack was frozen, & they were forced to melt it, their Beer when thawed drunk like water; They endeavoured to remedy it with Sea-coal fire, as being hotter than wood, and stopped the Chim­ ney and Doors to keep in the heat, when they instantly swounded away for want of Air; Their Shoes froze as hard as horns to their feet, and when they sate at the fire while they were almost burnt on the forepart, they were frozen white on their backs; The Snow rose higher than the House, which in clear weather they endeavoured to remove, cutting out steps, and ascending up as out of a Vault or Cellar; when neither Cloths nor great fires would keep out the cold, they were forced to heat Stones and apply them burning hot to their feet and bodys; in one night a barrel of water was turned into Ice; They saw no Sun from November 3. to Jan. 24. a long night of fifty two days; When the Sun had left them, they saw the Moon continually day and night never going / down, the twilight like­ wise remaining several days, and they saw some daylight sixteen days before the return of the Sun; The Bears who had held them beseiged, and often endangered them, forsook them with the returning Sun; these Bears are very large and cruel, some of their Skins being thirteen foot long, and yeilding an hundred pound of fat, which served them for Oyl in their Lamps; the flesh they durst not eat, some of them losing all their own skin by eating a Bears Liver; they devour any thing,

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even their own kind; for having killed one with a Gun, another Bear carried it a great way over the Ice in his mouth, and then fell to eating it, whereupon making to him with their weapons, he fled, leaving his purchase half eaten, and four men could hardly carry the other half, when the whole body seemed to be very lightly carried by his fellow; The white Foxes continually visited them, of which they took many, whose flesh was good Venison to them, and their Skins in the linings of their Caps a comfortable remedy against the extream cold; they used Pattens of wood12 with Sheepskins above, and many Socks and Soles under their feet, with shoes of Rug or Felt; Their Diet was very mean, but at length despairing of relief, they made them two open Scutes,13 wherein they sailed above a Thou­ sand miles after ten months continuance in this desolate Habitation, and though incompassed with a thousand dangers from the Ice which surrounded them like Tents, Towns, and Fortifications, yet at length happily returned to their own Country; However, no further progress was made till the English several years after made more profitable Discoveries, and found in Greenland (not far off ) a very beneficial Trade of Whale-fishing, which continues to this time. Now, though this Countrey is reckoned to be in Europe, and therefore out of our present survey, yet being so near adjacent, it may not be unpleasant to give a brief relation of an hunting spectacle, of the greatest chase which nature hath created; I mean, the killing / of Whales; when they spy him on the top of the water, to which he is often forced to get breath, they row toward him in a Shal­ lop, wherein the Harponier stands ready to dart his harping Iron with both his hands, to which is fastened a line of such length, that the Whale finding himself wounded, and sinking to the bottom, may carry it down with him, it being con­ trived the Shallop shall incur no danger thereby; when he rises, they strike him again with Lances about twelve foot long, the Iron being eight therof, and the blade eighteen inches, the sharping Iron being chiefly intended only to fasten him to the Shallop, and thus they hold him in hot persuit, till after having cast up first Rivers of Water, and then of bloud, as being angry with both Elements, for suffering such weak hands to destroy him, he at length yields his stain Carcass a prey to the Conquerors; The Tragedy is thus exprest by the Poet. When the Whale felt his side so rudely goar’d,

Loud as the Sea that nourisht him he roar’d.

As a broad Bream to please some curious taste,

While yet alive in boyling water cast.

Vext with unwonted heat, boyls, flings about

The Scorching brass, and hurls the liquor out;

So with the barbed javeling stung, he raves,

And courges with his tail the suffering waves.

His fury doth the Seas with Billows fill,

And makes a Tempest, though the winds be still,

He Swims in bloud, and bloud do’s spouting throw

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To Heav’n, that Heav’n mens Cruelties might know,

Roaring, he tears the Air with such a noise,

As well resembles the conspiring voice,

Of routed Armies when the Field is won, &c.14

Being dead, they tow him to the Ship with two or three Shallops joined together, and then floating at the stern of the Ship, they cut the blubber or fat from the flesh in pieces three or four foot long, which are cut smaller ashore, and boiled in Cop­ pers, which done, / they take them out, and put them into wicker Baskets, which are set in Shallops half full of water, into which the Oil runneth, and is thence put into Buts. The ordinary length of a Whale is sixty Foot, his brains are said to be the Sperma Caeti, his head is the third part of him, his mouth sixteen foot wide, the Whalebones or Finns are no other than the rough and inward part of the mouth, of which he hath five hundred, which close in the shutting thereof, like the fingers of both hands within each other; he hath a Trunk or breathing hole in his head; he hath no teeth but sucks his meat; his Tongue is monstrous great and deformed like a Woolsack, about eight Tun in Weight, part of which yeildeth eleven Hogs­ heads of Oyl; His food, (that nature might teach the greatest to be content with little, and that greatness may be maintained without rapine, as in the Elephant and Whale, the greatest of Land and Sea-Monsters) is grass and weeds of the Sea, and a kind of water-worm like a Beetle, whereof the Finns in his mouth hang full, and sometimes little birds, all which striking the Water with his Tail, and making a small Tide, he gapes and receives into his Mouth, neither is any thing else found in his Belly, as is affirmed by Eye-witnesses; this great Head hath little Eyes, not much unlike an Ox, and a little Throat not greater than for a Mans Fist to enter; with such huge Bones on each side, as suffer it not to stretch wider; his body is round, fourteen or sixteen Foot thick, his Genitals hang from him as in Beasts, in Generation they go into shallow Waters near the Shore, and in the Act join Bel­ lies, (as is said of the Elephant) at which time much of their Sperm Floats on the Water, their Tail is like a Swallows, at least twenty Foot broad at the end, they have but one young one at a time, which is brought forth as in Beasts, about the bigness, but longer than an Hogshead; the Female Whale hath two Breasts, and Teats no bigger than a Mans Head, wherewith she Suckleth her young, of which she is very tender; one being killed, they could not get the young / one from the Dam; there hath been made twenty seven Tun of Oil out of one Whale. VII. But to return from this diversion; Captain Henry Hudson15 in 1607. dis­ covered farther North toward the Pole than perhaps any before him; he found himself in 80 Degrees, where they felt it hot, and drank Water to cool their Thirst, they judg’d they saw Land to 82 Degrees and farther; on the Shore they found Snow, Morses16 Teeth, Deers Horns, Bones, and Whalebones, and the footing of other Beasts, with a stream of fresh Water; the next year 1608. he set forth on a Discovery to the North-east, at which time, as several of the Company solemnly

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affirmed, they saw a Mermaid in the Sea; he made another Voyage in 1609. and Coasted New-found land, and thence along to Cape Cod; his last and fatal Voyage was in 1610. being imployed by several Merchants, to try if through any of those Inlets which Captain Davis saw but durst not enter, there might be a passage found to the South Sea; Their Ship was called the Discovery, they passed by Iseland, and saw Mount Hecla cast out Fire, a certain Presage of foul Weather; they gave the name of Lousy Bay to one Harbour in Iseland, and found a Bath there hot enough to scald a Fowl. June 4. They saw Greenland, and after that Desolation Isle, and then plied North-west among the Islands of Ice; they ran, plaid, and filled sweet Water out of the Ponds that were upon them, some of them were aground in six or seven score Fathom Water, and on divers they saw Bears and Patridges; they gave names to certain Islands, as Gods Mercy, Prince Henrys Foreland, King James Cape, Queen Anns Cape. One Morning in a Fog they were carryed by a strong Tide into one of those Inlets, the depth whereof, and the plying forward of the Ice, gave Hudson great hope it would prove a thorough-fair. After they had Sailed herein near 300 Leagues West, he came to a small Streight of two Leagues over, and very deep Water, through which he passed between / the two Capes, one of which he called Digges Island in 62 Degrees, into a spacious Sea, wherein he sailed above an hundred Leagues South, being now over-confident that he had found the Passage, but perceiving by the Shoal Water, that it was only a Bay, he was much surprised, committing many errors, especially in resolving to Winter in that desolate place, in such want of necessary Provisions. November 3. He moored his Ship in a small Cove, where they had all undoubtedly perished, but that it pleased God to send them several kinds of Fowl; they killed of white Patridges above an hundred and twenty Dozen, these left them in the Spring, and others succeeded as Swans, Geese, Teal, Ducks, all easy to take, besides the blessing of a Tree, which in December blossomed with green & yellow Leaves, of a smell like Spice, which being boiled yielded an Oily substance, that proved an excellent Salve, and the Decoction being drunk, an wholesom Potion for curing the Scurvy, Sciatica, Cramps, Convulsions, and other Diseases bred by the coldness of the Climate. At the opening of the year there came to the side of his Ship such a multi­ tude of fish of all sorts, that they might easily have fraught themselves for their return, if Hudson had not too desperately pursued his Voyage, neglecting this opportunity of storing themselves, which he committed to the care of certain careless dissolute Villains, who in his absence conspired against him; in few days all the fish forsook them; one time a Savage visited them who for a Knife, Glass, and Beads, gave them Bever and Deers Skin, with a Sled: At Hudsons return they set Sail for England, but in few dayes their Victuals being almost spent and he in despair, letting fall some words of setting some on shore, the Conspirators entered his Cabin in the night, and forced Hudson, his Son and six more, to go

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out of the ship into the Shallop and seek their Fortune, after which they were never heard of, but certainly perished in the Sea. In a few days the Victuals in the Ship being spent, they took 2 or 300 tame Fowls, and traded with the / Savages for Deer skins, Morse teeth and Furrs. One of their men went a shore, and found they lived in Tents, Men, Women, and Children, together; they were big-boned, broad faced, flat noosed and small feet like the Tartars, their Garments, Gloves, and Shoes were of Skins handsomely wrought; next morning Green, one of the principal Conspirators would needs go on shore, with divers others unarmed, the Savages lay in ambush, and at the first onset shot this mutinous Ringleader to the heart, and another as had who dyed swearing and cursing, the rest of these Traytors dyed a few days after of their wounds, Divine Justice finding executioners by these barbarous people. The Ship escaped narrowly, for one Abraham Prichard (a servant to Sir Dudley Diggs, whom the Mutineers had saved in hope he would procure their pardon from his Master) was left to keep the Vessel where he sate at the Stern in his Gown sick and lame, when the Leader of the Savages sud­ denly leapt from a Rock, and with a strange kind of weapon of Steel wounded him desperately before he could draw out a small Scotch Dagger from under his Gown, where with at one thrust into the side of the Savage he killed him, and brought off the Ship, and some of the wounded company Swimming to him, they hastned homeward without ever striking Sail, being so distrest for food, that they were forced to fry the weeds of the Sea with Candles ends to sustain their lives, Sept. 6. 1611. they met with a Fisherman of Foy in Cornwal, by whose means they came safe to England. VIII. But above all, Sir Francis Drake, whose memory is most deservedly hon­ oured of all men, ought to be recorded for his extraordinary Abilities, Experience and happy Conduct at Sea. This brave Seaman in the beginning of his Actions was Captain of the Judith with Sir John Hawkins, in the Voyage to Guiana 1567. where they received some considerable damage from the Spaniards in the Port of St. John de Vilua, contrary to their promise and agreement; and therefore / to repair himself, having first been assured by Divines, that his Cause was just, in 1572. he set out for America with two Ships and a Pinnace, one called the Dragon, wherein he himself was, and at his first attempt surprized Nombre de Dios, at that time one of the richest Towns in America; but in the Action, hap­ pening to receive a wound in one of his Feet, which disabled him, he was not able to command, nor gather that rich Spoil that lay even in sight before him; for his Company being too much discouraged with this disaster, carried him back to the Ships, even almost whether he would or no, leaving the Town, and an infinite Mass of Treasure behind them untouched, (to the great joy of the Spaniards,) a great part whereof they saw in the Governours House with their own Eyes, namely, huge. Bars of Silver lying round about the Hall, piled up a great height from the ground, ready to be transported to Spain; yet his Men forced him to

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put to Sea, so that this Voyage served only to whet his stomach to give them a second Visit with all speed. Being somewhat recovered of his wounds, he falls with his Ships into the Sound of Darien, where he found a certain People called Symerons, which are for the most part Negro’s, and such as having been Slaves to the Spaniards, by reason of their cruelty and hard usage run away from them, and live in woods and wild places of the Countrey in great companies together like other Savages, hating the Spaniards deadly, and doing them what mischief they can upon all occasions; By these he got Intelligence that a Requa, as they call it, or a certain number of Mules, commonly 40 or 50 in a company laden with Treasure and other things was to pass in few dates from Panama in the South Sea to Nom­ bre de Dios to be shipped from thence for Spain, which he therefore resolved, if it were possible, to surprize. These Requa’s do constantly Travel in the night, (by reason of the openness of the way, and the excessive heats in the day) from Panama to Ventacruz about six Leagues in the road to Nombre de Dios, neither had / they then any other Guard but only of those that drive them, and perhaps some Gentleman or Officer of the Kings to oversee the Treasure, by reason of their great security, having till then lived without any fear of an enemy upon that Coast, which made the design seem easy. Having therefore engaged a sufficient number of these Symerons with no more than eighteen resolved men of his own, leaving the rest with the ships, they marcht by night over the strait of Darien, so called, as being that Neck of Land that joins the Northern and Southern part of America together, and is not above 20 mile over from Sea to Sea, though many Leagues long; They travelled undiscovered within a Leagues of Panama, and lodged themselves in a wood on each side the Road where the Mules were to pass, who at length came, so tyed one to another, as the manner is, that by stopping one, all the rest stand still. The Requa which was coming, belonged chiefly to the Treasurer of Lima, who with his daughter and Family were going for Spain, with 8 Mules laden with Gold, and one with Jewels, which doubtless had been all taken, had not one Robert Pike an Englishman prevented it, who being got drunk with Strong-waters, out of a vain ambition to be first in the action, stood up, and wearing his shirt upper­ most, as they did all to distinguish each other in the night, was instantly descried by a Spanish Cavaleer, who rid somewhat before the rest, and turning his Horse, gave such speedy notice, that the chief part of the Treasure, with the Treasure himself, his Daughter and others, were saved by a timely retreat, and only some few of the foremost Mules taken, which though they had some Treasure, yet the English knowing how soon the Countrey would be alarm’d durst, scarce stay to ransack them, but taking a little of what came next to hand resolutely made their way through Venta Cruz, and so by woods and wild Forrests of the Countrey to the Ships which expected them in the Sound, yet had the good fortune to meet

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with a smaller Requa of / Mules laden with Silver and some Gold, which having better leisure to examine, they carried away as much as they were able to the Ships, burying the rest in the ground. In 1577. Sr. Francis Drake made his Voyage about the World, in which to his immortal Fame and Honour he was the first Commander of note that incompassed this Globe of the Earth, and returned safe home again. For though Ferdinand Magellan had discovered the Streights which yet bear his name, and had gone far yet he lived not to return home, being slain at the Molucca Islands, while he was reducing them to the obedience of his new Master the King of Spain. This Voyage made Drake some amends from the Spaniards, takeing and rifling many Towns, and divers rich prizes at Sea, as at Valparaiso in the South Sea, where he took a Ship loaden with Wines, and as much of the finest Gold of Baldivia accounted the best as amounted to thirty seven Duckets of Spanish Money, besides Silver and other goods of value. At Tarapaca on the same Coasts, he met with thirteen bars of pure Silver valued at four Thousand Duckets, and after that with eight hundred Pound weight of Silver laden to Panama upon cer­ tain Sheep of America, as big as Asses, which they use for Burden. At Arica they rifled certain Barks and other small Vessels which they found in the Port, and took out of them, besides other Merchandise, fifty seven wedges of pure Silver, every one twenty pound weight, and amounting in all to one hundred and forty pound weight of Silver. At Lima they enter the Haven, where they found twelve Ships moored fast at Anchor, their Sails taken off, and all the Mariners secure on shore, whereupon searching the Ships, they found, besides abundance of Silks, Linnen, and other rich Goods, one chest full of Ryals of Plate, which they did not think convenient to leave behind, and, which pleased them more, had there Intelligence of another Great Spanish Ship called the Cacafuego which was at Payta, laden with noth­ ing / but treasure; this Ship had perceived them at Sea, and was making all the Sail she could for Pariama, but before she could recovor the Port, they persuing her very hard got sight of her about Cape Francisco, and after some short dispute board her, and make her yield. In this Ship they found thirteen great Chests full of Ryals of Plate, twenty six Tun of other Silver, fourscore pound weight of pure Gold, besides abundance of Jewels, precious Stones, and other rich Merchandize, all which became prize, meeting likewise in the persuit of her a single Bark laden above only with ropes & tackle for ships, but examining her within, they found no less than seventy eight pound weight of fine Gold, besides many curious Emer­ alds, and other choice Jewels, which having taken they sailed for Acapulco, a noted and much frequented Port in those Seas, in their way they met a Ship from China laden with Silks and China-dishes, of which they took as much as they thought good, and after that rifled the Town of Acapulco, where besides some quantity of Gold, Jewels, and other Plate, they found one pot of the bigness of an English

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bushel full of Spanish Ryals, which having emptied, they departed without being farther troublesom, only one Moon an Englishman borrowed a Chain of Gold, which he hapned to find about a Spaniard just as they were going out of Town. Finding themselves reasonably loaden, and that their Ships had endured the Sea a long time, they resolve to return for England by the Molucca and Philippine Islands, Sailing in this South Sea to forty degrees of Northerly Latitude, where he landed, and named it Nova Albion. The Inhabitants presented him Feath­ ers and Kalls of Network, which he required with other things, the men went naked, the Women had loose Garments of Bulrushes tyed about their middles; They came a second time and brought Feathers, and bags of Tobacco, and after a long oration by one that was Speaker for the rest, they left their bows on an Hill, and came down to our men, the women in the mean time remaining on the Hill, tormented themselves tearing their flesh from / their cheeks, whereby it appeared they were about some sacrifice, the news being further spread, brought the King thither, who was a very proper man, and had the like to attend him, two Ambassadours, with a Speech of half an hour long, gave an account of his intended coming; when he appeared, one went before him with a Scepter or Mace, whereon there hung two Crowns with 3 Chains, the Crowns were of knitwork wrought artificially with feathers of divers colour, the chains made of bone. The King was clothed in Conyskins,17 his Followers had their faces painted with white, black, and other colours, every one even the Children bring­ ing their Presents. He that carried the Scepter made a loud Speech of half an hour, repeating it from another, who whispered to him, which being ended with a Solemn applause, they all came orderly down the Hill without their weapons, the Scepter-bearer beginning a Song and dance and all the rest following him. The King and several others made many Orations or Supplications to Drake that he would be their King, and the King with a Song set the Crown on his head, and put the Chains about his neck, honouring him by the name of Hioh. The Common sort leaving the King and his Guard, mingled themselves among the English, viewing them severely, and offering their Sacrifices to those they best liked, which were commonly the youngest, weeping, and rending their flesh with much effusion of bloud. Our men misliked their Devotions, and directed them to worship the Living God: Every third day they brought their Sacrifices till they found them displeasing, yet at the departure of the English they, very much grieved, and secretly provided a Sacrifice; They found Herds of Deer feed­ ing by thousands and strange Conies with heads like ours, feet like a Mole and the tail of a Cat, having under their chains a bag into which they put their meat when their Bellies are full. Sailing from hence they went back by the Cape of Good Hope; And Nov. 3. 1580. Which was the third year of their Voyage they safely arrived at Plymouth. /

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In 1585. This Gallant Seaman, having been Knighted, and much Honoured by Queen Elizabeth, made another Voyage to America, with a greater number of Ships, in which, besides other places of note, he took and burnt a good part of St. Domingo in Hispaniola; forcing the Inhabitants to redeem the other part with twenty five Thousand Duckets in Money, he took also Carthagena a Town upon the Continent, and in it Alonso Bravo the Governour, and after burning some Houses, had eleven Thousand Duckets paid him by the Inhabitants to spare the rest; he took likewise the Towns of St. Anthony and St. Helena; but at last the English in the Ships falling Sick of the Calenture, and many dying, he was forced to return for England, with what he had already got, which was valued at threescore Thousand Pound Sterling of cleer Prize, besides two hundred Pieces of Brass Ordnance and Forty of Iron. In 1595. Sir Francis Drake made his last Voyage, which proved not altogether so successful to him as the former, by reason, as was thought, of some misunder­ standing between him and Sir John Hawkins, who was the other General joined in Commission with him for the Expedition; they both died in this Voyage, Sir John Hawkins first, as soon as ever the Ship came in sight of Porto Rico; after which Drake being Sole General, made an attempt upon that place, but could only Fire some Ships in the Haven, receiving some loss himself; yet he proceeded and took Rio de la Hatha, Raucherit, at that time a Wealthy Town, by the Trade of Pearl Fishing, and lastly Nombre de dios, but found nothing so much Treasure now, as he saw the first time, from hence marching by Land he designed to surprize Panama, but Sir Thomas Baskervile, who commanded a party of seven hundred and fifty Souldiers for that purpose, found the Passages over the Mountains so difficult, and the passes so well guarded, that he was forced to retreat, not without loss of Men, whom the Spaniards being acquainted with the / Countrey, and lying in the woods through which they were to pass, killed in their return: Hereupon they were forced to put to Sea again, and not long after Sir Francis Drake himself fell sick, and partly of a Flux and grief for his ill success, having hitherto been acquainted with nothing but good Fortune and Victory, he died within few days before Porto bello, and the Fleet under Sir Tho. Baskervile return’d to England. IX. Another renowned worthy among the English Adventurers of America, and especially for a prosperous and compleat circumnavigation of the Ocean, was Sir Thomas Cavendish of Trimley in Suffolk, who in July 1586 with three Ships and 120 Men set out from Plymouth for the West Indies, and Aug. 29 follow­ ing fell with the Point of Sierra Liona on the Coast of Guiny, and from thence Sept: 7 with the Isle of Madrabamba about Cape Verde, a place very convenient for taking in fresh water and other necessaries for men at Sea, but otherwise much subject to sudden claps of Thunder, Lightning and storms, especially in winter. Their design was for the Streights of Magellan, and the South sea, there­ fore steering directly South, by the latter end of October they discover Cape Frio

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on the Coasts of Brasil, and put in at an Harbour between the Isle of St Sebastian and the Continent, where they stayed some time building a New Pinnace, and supplying their Ships with necessaries; Then sailing toward the Streights Jan. 6. they came to an Anchor at the Streights mouth not far from the place where the Spaniards intended a Town and Fort for commanding the Streights, and secur­ ing the Passage into the South-Sea against all Nations but themselves. But as it appeared that project took no effect, for of 400 Men left there three Years before by Don Pedro Sarmiento to that purpose by order of the King of Spain, there were scarce 20 remaining alive when Sir Tho: Cavendish sailed that way, the rest were either starved for want of necessary Provisions, or destroyed by the Natives. They had begun their Town which they named / St. Philip upon the narrowest Passage of the Streights about half a mile broad, in a place very convenient for their purpose, and the Town it self well contrived with four several Forts, every one having some Guns which the Spaniards when they saw themselves lost des­ titute and not able to subsist any longer there had buried in the ground, but the Carriages of them standing open and in view, upon search the Peices themselves were found and now taken by the English. Many Spaniards who had been left there were found dead in their houses, and lying in their Cloaths unburied. Those few who were alive, which were only twenty three, whereof two Women, though they were scarce able to go or help themselves, yet were resolved, as they said, to travel by Land toward Rio De La Plata, distant some hundreds of Leagues from the place where they were, which they had free leave to do. Cavendish made no long stay here, but calling the place Port Famin instead of St. Philip, they held their course along the Streights till Feb. 24. they entred the South Sea, finding the whole length of the Streights to be about ninety Leagues in length in 52 degrees of South Latitude, having good and convenient Harbours on both sides almost at every Leagues end, but otherwise of most dif­ ficult passage by reason of the many windings and turnings of the Sea, and of so many contrary winds, with which from several Coasts this Passage is almost continually infested, but especially in the depth of winter at which time by the intolerable sharpnes of the cold, frequent storms, and huge flights of Snow, there is neither Sailing nor abiding upon those Seas, neither is the return so safe as the going thither. Being now got into Mare Del Zur, and as it were upon the backside of Amer­ ica, they ply up and down those Coasts, visiting and not seldom pillaging the Towns, taking such Ships as they met withall, and steering their course so far Northwest, till at last / June 12. 1587. they cross the Equinoctial Line, sailing Northward up toward Panama and New Spain, but whether Intelligence had been given to those parts of their being upon the Coasts, it was some time before they could Spy any Ships. The first was July 9 when they took a New Ship of 120 Tuns burthen coming from Puna laden with ropes and other tackle, and in her

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one Michael Sancius a Provincial born at Marseilles, who to do the Spaniards a pleasure gave them information of a great Ship called the St. Anna expected from the Phillippine Islands, and which upon his Information they took within a few days after, being one of the richest Prizes that ever was taken and carried off those Seas by Englishmen, but first they Sail to Acapulco and having rifled the Town, they took a Bark in the Haven of fifty Tuns Burthen, laden with 600 bags of Anile, which is a rich sort of Dye, every bag being estimated at forty Crowns, and 400 bags of Cacao an American fruit like Almonds, and so much valued that they pass there for Meat and Money, every bag being worth Ten Crowns the whole prize in the Bark (beside what they got in the Town) amounted to twenty eight thousand Crowns. From hence they Sail Northward to the Bay of St. Jago, and being come as far as the Tropique of Capricorn, they were in some distress for want of Water, thinking they had none nearer than thirty or forty Leagues, but by the advice of the afore named Michael the Frenchman, who was a man of long and great experience upon those Coasts, they digged about 5 foot deep on the adjoining shore, and found very good fresh Water in a soil outwardly dry and Sandy, which he told them was an usual experiment in many other places upon those Coasts. About October they came to St. Lucar on the West side of the point of California, where they resolved to wait the coming of the St. Anna above mentioned, which about Nov. 4. appeared to their no small content. She was a Ship of Seven Hun­ dred Tuns and Admiral of the Seas, and therefore not only / richly loaden but well mann’d, by noon the English Ships got up with her, and gave her a broadside which she answered, but soon after put her self to a close fight, and expected boarding, which the English attempting were twice beaten off, and forced to be take themselves again to their Guns, with which they so beraked her from side to side, and played it so continually, that after a dispute of 5 or 6 hours, she was made to yield, the Captain hanging out a flag of Truce, and begging mercy for their Lives, which the General readily granted, and thereupon commanding him to strike Sail and come on board, the Captain, Pilot, and some of the principal Merchants did so, they were in all 190 Persons in the Ship, Men and Women, and declared that their Lading was one hundred twenty two Thousand Pezo’s, of fine Gold, abundance of Silks, Sattins, Damask, Musk, Conserve of Fruits, Drugs, and other the richest Merchandize of India, of which they could give no certain estimate, now every Pezo in Silver is valued at eight shillings, and consequently in proportion a Pezo in Gold must be worth four pound sixteen Shillings, so that the whole value of the Prize would not be less than Ten Hundred Thousand Pound, or a Million of Sterling Money, enough to make them all Gentlemen that shared in it. The Spaniards and other People of the Ship were according to their desire set a shore at the next Port, with necessary Provisions given them, both for subsistence and their defence in Travel.

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From hence they sailed to the Philippine Islands, and in 45 days reached the Islands Ladrones, so called, which lye in the way thither about 17 or 18 hundred Leagues from California whence they came, very convenient for fresh Water but the people wholly barbarous and Savage, and so extreamly given to pilfering and Stealing, that from thence Magellane gave them the name of Ladrones, or the Island of Thieves. In January they came to Maúilla the chief of the Phillippine Islands, which is counted the richest Countrey for Gold in the / World, but scarce of silver, the Sanguelos as they call them, who are great and rich Merchants of the Country trade continually with the Americans of New Spain for their Silver, giv­ ing weight for weight in pure Gold, from hence about the middle of March they reach the Islands of Java, where by way of barter with the Inhabitants for such things as they had got upon the Coasts of America, they plentifully stored their Ships with all kind of Flesh Meats, Fowls and Fruits, necessary for their subsist­ ence homeward, receiving at their going away a Present of the same nature from the King of the Countrey, namely, two fat Oxen alive, ten great and fat Hoggs, abundance of Hens, Ducks, Geese and Eggs, a great quantity of Sugar Canes, Sugar in plate, Coco’s, Plantans, sweet Oranges, sowre Lemons, great store of good Wines, Aquavitæ, Salt, with almost all manner of Victuals besides; and it was no more than they had need of in the place where they were, for putting again to Sea, and making for the Cape of Good Hope; which is the utmost Point of Africk Southward; they sailed upon that vast Atlantick Ocean, before they could reach the Cape, almost nine weeks, running a Course of at least eighteen hundred and fifty Leagues without touching Land, it being reckoned to be full 2000 Leagues from the Islands of Java to the Cape of Good Hope; There lies about forty or fifty Leagues short of the Cape, a certain Foreland called Cabo Falso, because it is usu­ ally at its first discovery at Sea mistaken by Mariners for the true Cape. From hence by June 18. 1588. they fall in sight of the Island of St. Helena, which lieth in the main Ocean, and as it were in the middle way between the Coast of Africk and Brasil, in fifteen degrees, and forty eight minutes of South­ ern Latitude, distant from the Cape about six hundred Leagues. It is a pleasant Island, well stored with Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranats, Pomecitrons, Dates, and so proper for Figgs, that the Trees bear all the year long; so that there are blossoms, green and ripe Figgs at all times on the same Tree. It / affords also store of wild Fowl, Partridges, and Pheasants; a kind of Turkies black and white, and as big as ours in England; great plenty of Goats, and such abundance of Swine, fat and large, that they live in Herds upon the Mountains, and are not to be taken but by hunting, and that with great pain and industry. From hence by August 24. they discover Flores, and Corvo, two of the Azores or Tercera Islands; and Sept. 9. having first suffered a terrible Storm upon the English Coast, which carried away all their Sails, and indangered the loss of all they had got; yet at last by the mercy of God, and favour of a good Wind, they arrived safely at Plymouth.

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X. The Right Honourable George Lord Clifford Earl of Cumberland had made several Voyages and Adventures against the Spaniards, in and toward the parts of America, in 1586. 89, 92 and 94, with various success, but in 1597. He more publickly and avowedly in his own Person undertook an expedition with eighteen or twenty good Ships, and about a Thousand Men, being him­ self Admiral and Commander in Chief. He set out from Portsmouth, March 6. 1597. with design at first to attend the coming out of the Carracks, which go yearly from Spain to the West Indies; but being disappointed of them through some Intelligence that the Spaniards had gotten of his Lordships being at Sea, he Sailed on for the Coast of America resolving by the way, with the consent of the Principal Commanders with him, to make an attempt upon St. John de Porto Rico, the Principal Town and Port of the Island of that name, in nineteen Degrees of North Latitude, a place where a few years before Sir Francis Drake had received some loss, Sir Nicholas Clifford the Earls Brother being slain, by a shot from one of the Platforms, as he sat at Supper with the General in the Ship called the Distance. The Town stands in a Peninsula by itself, yet closely joined to the main Island toward the North, being a place very well seated, and fortified with two / strong Castles, one for defence of the Haven, the other of the Town; about three or four Leagues off lies a fair sandy Bay or Beach, which the Sea washeth on one side, over which the English at their landing marched directly to the Town through a thick Wood, and upon a Cawsey of some length, but of breadth only to admit three Persons to march abreast; at the end thereof, was built a strong Bridge of Wood, which reached from one Island to the other, and joined them both together, having also some Barricado’s to defend it, and a Block-house with Ordnance on the further side of the Water. They were informed that at low Water they might pass the Bridge on either side the Cawsey; whereupon waiting till two a Clock next Morning, when the Ebb would be, they attempt the Passage, but could not gain it, because the Great Guns played so directly against the Cawsey, retreat­ ing with the loss of about Fifty Men killed and wounded. Next day the General ordered another Forestanding upon the Principal Island should he attacke by Sea, the place was of dangerous access, yet by the help of some Musketeers that were gotten upon certain Rocks within the Island, so near, that they could play upon them in the Fort, within an hour the Spaniards, that kept it quitted the place, and those from Sea entred it in Boats, though the Ship that brought them near was her self cast away upon the Rocks at the first ebbing of the Water, as it was at first feared she would. The Spaniards, who quitted the Fort, with the chief of the Town who were not already fled, retired to another Fort called Mora giving the English leave to enter the Town, and block up the Fort wherein they were, so that in few days they surrendred upon discretion, and the English were Masters of all. The Gen­

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eral designed to have kept it but the English by the intemperature of the Air, and their own intemperance, especially in eating many strange and luscious Fruits, contracted such sickness, so many dying of the Calenture, / bloody Flux, and other hot diseases, that after ten weeks possession, and 600 of his men dead, his Lordship was forced to return for England, doing no further hurt to the Town, save only bringing away 80 peices of Ordnance, the Bells of their Church, and some quantity of Sugar and Ginger, sustaining no other loss in the Voyage, than of sixty men slain upon taking the Town, the six hundred dying of the Flux and other diseases, the Ship Pegasus wrackt upon Goodwin Sands, an old Frigot lost upon Ushant on the Coast of Normandy with 40 men in them, add a Bark lost by Tempest about Bermudas. The Admiral at his return left Sir John Barclay behind, with some Men and Ships to compound with the Spaniards for the Town, but they seeing the Gen­ eral gone, and the English by reason of sickness not like to continue long after him, made no great hast to compound, but delayed so long that at last the Eng­ lish were forced to leave it to them, without burning or doing them any other mischief, as the Admiral had left Order, who sought Honour more than Spoil by this expedition as the Spaniards happily experienced. XI. Captain John Oxenham who had formerly been Servant, Souldier and Mariner with Sir Francis Drake, and together with him had sustained some loss by the Spaniards in the Port of Sir John De Vilua, was resolved to recover that by force which he complained was by force taken from him, and having by his former Adventures gained competent skill in Maritime Affairs, being particu­ larly acquainted with the Coast and Commodities of the West Indies, in 1575 he got to be Captain of a Ship of an hundred and forty Tuns burden carrying seventy men, with whom he sailed for America, & arrived at the Sound of Dar­ ien where Sir Francis Drake formerly fell acquainted with the Symerons who put him upon surprizing the Treasure at Panama, a Place and People which Captain Oxenham very well knew, and intended now to make use of; Nor was it / long ere he met with some of them, who inform him that the Mules now travel with a strong Guard of Souldiers, which was somewhat contrary to his expectation, and quite altered his design; However being resolved to act some great thing, it did not much disanimate him, and therefore finding little hopes of success here, they resolve to try their Fortunes on the South Sea. To this purpose the Captain brings his own Ship on ground, and covers her with boughs and rubbish as well as he could, and burying his great Guns in the Earth he with his Company and 6 Negro’s to conduct them march by land toward the Coast of Panama and Peru. Having gone about 14 Leagues, they came to a River which the Symerons told them ran directly into the South Sea; Here they cut down wood, and built themselves a Pinnace about 45 foot long, wherein they put to Sea, mak­ ing toward the Island of Pearls 25 Leagues South of Panama hoping some Ships

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from Peru or other places from the South would be sailing that way for Panama. So that though Sir Francis Drake hath deservedly the honour of first discovering the South Sea to the English by the open and known way of the Streights, yet Captain Oxenham was the first Englishman that ever sailed upon it with com­ mand. He had not waited long but there came a Bark from Quito a Province of Peru laden with Goods, and sixty Thousand Pezo’s of fine Gold, which he took, and within six days after; another from Lima, wherein were no less than two hundred Thousand Pezo’s of Silver in Bars, the value of a Pezo, both in Gold and Silver, you have in Sir Tho. Cavendishes Voyage; according to which account, this Prize amounted to nine hundred and sixty Thousand Pound Sterling in Gold, and fourscore Thousand Pound in Silver, which being enough to satisfy rea­ sonable Men, they retire with their Pinnace up the River, intending to make all speed to their Ship, but unhappily by the Covetousness and Dissention of some of the Company, so much / time was spent about sharing their Booty, that the Spaniards at Panama had notice of it, whereupon Ships were presently dispatcht to pursue them at Sea, and Souldiers to intercept them at Land. The Captain himself through the obstinacy and wilfulness of some of the Company, was forced to leave the Treasure with them, and Travel some Leagues up into the Country, to find Negro’s that might help him to carry it, his own Men refusing to do it, but quarrelling with him for larger pay. In the mean time the Spanish Ships came to the mouth of the River, and by the Feathers of certain Hens which the English had taken and pluckt there, they judged them to be gone up the River, and putting in after them to be soon overtook them, and their Prize together. The Captain was absent, but either the Negro’s or some of the English having discovered that their Ship lay in the Sound, neither he nor any of the rest escaped, but were all in a short time met with by the Spaniards, and having no Commission to shew, he going only upon his own Account, every Man of them were Executed save two Boys. Thus ended the stout and resolute Captain Oxenham, the Justice of whose Cause (saith my Author) I will not dispute with his Adversaries, but could wish it had been as perfectly just in all respects, as it was gallant and bravely managed on the Captains part, insomuch that his very Enemies who put him to death, do yet admire and extol it, miscarrying only through Passion, Covetousness, and Self-will of some of his Company, whose Lives paid for their folly. XII. That Valiant and Learned Knight, Sir Walter Rawleigh, having Intel­ ligence of the Rich and Mighty Empire of Guiana in America, which is bounded on the North with Orenoque River and the Sea, on the East and South, with the River of Amazones, and on the West with the Mountains of Peru; In March 1595. he set forth for discovery thereof, and landed at Curiapan in Trinidado, taking the City of St. Joseph, and therein Antony Berreo the Spanish Governour; leaving / his Ships, he went with an hundred Men in Boats, and a little Galley

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with Indian Pilots, into the famous River of Orenoque, which runs from Quito in Peru on the West, and hath nine Branches on the North side, and seven on the South, the Inhabitants on the Northern them Branches are the Tivitivas a Valiant Nation, and of the most manly and deliberate Speech that I have heard, saith Sir Walter.18 In Summer they Build Houses on the Ground, in Winter upon Trees, where they Build very Artificial Towns and Villages, for between May and September, the River rises thirty Foot upright, and then are these Islands, which the River makes, overflown twenty five Foot high, except in some raised Grounds; the Natives never eat any thing that is set or sown, using the tops of Palmettos for Bread, and killing Deer, Fish, and Pork for Meat; those that dwell on some other Branches are chiefly imployed in making Canoos, which they fell into Guiana for Gold, and to Trinidado for Tobacco, in taking of which they exceed all Nations; when their King dies, they use great lamentation, and when they think the flesh is putrified and fallen from the Bones, they take up the Carcass again, and hang it up in his House, decking his Skull with Feathers of all Colours, and hanging Plates of Gold about his Arms, Thighs and Legs; those who dwell on the South beat the Bones of their King to Powder, which their Wives and Friends Drink. As they passed along these Streams, they were entertained with several curi­ ous Divertisements, the Deer feeding by the Water-side, the Birds of variety of colours and notes singing, the Fields embroidered with Plants and Flowers, the Fishes and Fowls of all kinds playing in the River, only the Crocodile, who preys both on the Land and Water, had almost spoiled the Comedy, by turning it into a Tragedy, feasting himself with a Negro of their company before their Eyes. Passing hence to Cumana 120 Leagues North, they came to a People as black as Negro’s, but with smooth / Hair, whose Arrows are so mortally poisoned, that they kill with unspeakable Torments, especially if men drink after they are wounded. At the Port of Morequito they anchored, and the King, who was an hundred and ten years old, came fourteen miles on foot to see them, returning the same day; they brought them Fruits great store, a sort of Pariquetto’s no bigger than Wrens; An Armadilla which seemed covered all over with small Plates, somewhat like a Rhi­ noceros, with a white Horn growing in his hinder parts, which they use to wind instead of a Trumpet, and the Snout of a Pig; this Beast they afterward eat. They passed forward till they came in sight of those strange Cataracts or Over falls of Caroli, of which there appeared ten or twelve in sight, every one as high above the other as a Church Steeple. They likewise saw a Mountain of Chrystal, which appeared afar off like a white Tower, exceeding high, over which there falls a mighty River, which touches no part of the side of the Mountain, but rusheth over, leaving all hollow underneath, with such a dreadful noise, as if a thousand great Bells were rung together. Further South they were told is the Nation of the Amazons, where none but Women inhabit, conversing with the Men only once

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a year, but none of these were seen by our Men; nor any of those People whose Mouths are said to be in their Breasts, and their Eyes in their Shoulders; and others who have Heads like Dogs, and live all the day in the Sea, which Relations we may justly esteem fabulous, till we are certified of their reality by some hon­ est Eye-witness; yet one Francis Parrey left there by Sir Walter Rawleigh, tells of a place called Camala, where at certain times Women are sold as at a Fair, and says he bought eight young Girls, the Eldest of which was not eighteen for a Red hasted Knife, which in England cost an half-penny, he bestowed these Lasses upon the Savages, and was himself afterward sent Prisoner to Spain. After four­ teen years Imprisonment in the Tower of London, / Sir Walter Rawleigh made another Voyage to Guiana, which proved very Unfortunate, and soon after his return, he was beheaded in the Palace Yard Westminster, October 29. 1618.

CHAP. III.

A Prospect of New found-land, with the Discovery, Plantation, and

Product thereof.

HItherto I have treated only of some Voyages and Discoveries made by divers worthy Englishmen into several parts of America, I shall now proceed to give an Account of the Discovery, Plantation, and Settlement of those Countreys and Islands in the West-Indies, of which the English are in Possession at this day, and shall therefore begin with this Country, as being farthest North, and so proceed South, toward the Equinoctial Line, according to my proposed Method. New found-land was first discovered by Sebastian Cabot, though not then known to be an Island. Fabian in his Chronicle says, that in the time of Henry the 7th three Men were brought to the King taken in New found-land; and Rob­ ert Thorn writes that his Father, and one Mr. Eliot were the Discoverers of the New-found-lands. In 1530. Mr. Hore set out for a further Discovery, but was brought to such extremity by Famine, that many of the Company were killed and eaten by their Fellows and those which returned were so altered that Sir William Butts a Norfolk Knight, could not know their Son Thomas, one of this starved number, but only by a Wart which grew upon one of his Knees. It is a great Island, judged as big as England, / scituated between 46 and 53 Degrees North Latitude. The North part is better Inhabited than the South, though fitter for Habitation; it is furnished upon the Sea coasts with abundance of Cod-fish, Herrings, Salmons, Thorn-back, Oysters and Muscles with Pearls; it abounds with Bears and Foxes, who will rob you of your Flesh and Fish before your Face. Within Fifty Leagues of the Shore lies a Bank or Ridge of Ground, extending in length many hundred Leagues, in breadth twenty four where broadest, in other places but sixteen. And all about it are certain Islands, which Cabot by one com­ mon name called Bacalans, for the great number of Cod-fish which swarmed so much thereabout, that it hindred the passage of his Ship. After the first discovery, the business of Trading thither, was laid aside for many years; in the mean time, the Normans, Portugals, and Brittains of France – 64 –

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resorted to it, and changed the names which had been given by the English to the Bays and Promontories; but the English would not so soon relinquish their pretensions, and therefore in 1583. Sir Humfry Gilbert took Possession thereof in the name, and by the Commission of Queen Elizabeth, forbidding all other Nations to use Fishing, and intended to have setled an English Colony there, but being Wrackt in his return, the setling of the Colony was discontinued till 1608. and then undertook by John Guy a Merchant of Bristol, who in twenty three days sailed from thence to Conception Bay in Newfoundland. In 1611. they had scarce six days of Frost in October and November, which presently thawed, the rest of the Months being warmer and dryer than in England, neither were the Brooks Frozen over three Nights together with Ice able to bear a Dog; they had Filberds, Fish, Mackerel and Foxes in the Winter; white Partridges in the Summer larger than ours, who are much afraid of Ravens, they killed a wolf with a Mastiff and a Greyhound. In 1612. They found some Houses of Savages, which were nothing but Poles set round, and meeting / on the Top, ten Footbroad, the Fire in the midst, cov­ ered with Deerskins. The people are of a reasonable stature, beardless, broadfaced, their Faces coloured with Oker; some of them went Naked only their Privities covered with a Skin; they believe in one God who Created all things, but have many whimsical notions and ridiculous opinions, for they say, that after God had made all things, he took a number of Arrows, and stuck them in the Ground, from whence Men and Women first sprung up, and have multiplied ever since; a Sagamor or Governor being asked concerning the Trinity, answered, there was only one God, one Son, one Mother, and the Sun, which were four. Yet God was above all; being questioned if they or their Ancestors had heard, that God was come into the World, he said, that he had not seen him; some among them speak visibly to the Devil, and he tells them what they must do as well in War, as other matters. One Samuel Chaplain19 in 1603. tells of a Feast made by one of their Great Lords in his Cabin; eight or ten kettles of meat were set on several Fires four yards asunder; The men sate on both sides the room, each having a dish of the Bark of a Tree, one of which was appointed to give every man his portion. Before the meat was boyled one took his Dog and danced about the Kettles, and when he came before the Sagamor threw the Dog down, and then another succeeded in the like exercise, after the Feast they danced with the heads of their Enemies in their hands, singing all the while; Their Canoos are of the bark of birch, strengthened with little wooden Hoops, they have many Fires in their Cabins, ten housholds sometimes live together, lying upon skins one by another, and their Dogs with them, which are like Foxes; At another Feast, the men caused all the women and maids to sit in ranks, themselves standing behind singing, suddenly all the women threw off their Manties of skins, and stript themselves stark naked, not at all / ashamed of their shame; Their Songs ended they cryed with one voice

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Ho, Ho, Ho, and then covered themselves with their mantles, and after a while renued their former Songs and nakedness. When a maid is fourteen or fifteen years old, she hath many Lovers, and uses her pleasure with as many of them as she pleases, for five or six years, and then takes whom she likes for a Husband, provided he be a good Hunter, living chastly with him all her life after, except for barrenness he forsake her. When any dies they make a Pit, and therein put all his goods with the Corps, covering it with Earth, and setting many pieces of wood over it, and a stake painted red. They believe the Immortality of the soul, and that the dead go into a far Countrey to make merry with their Friends. If any fell sick they sent to one Sagamor Memberton, a great Conjurer who made Prayers to the Devil, and blowed upon the party, and cutting him sucks the bloud, if it be a wound he heals it after the same manner, applying a round slice of Bever Stones, for which they make him a Present of Venison or skins; If they desire news of things absent, the Spirit answers doubtfully and sometimes false; when the Savages are hun­ gry they consult with this Oracle, and he tells them the place where they shall go, if they find no game, the excuse is, the Beast hath wandered and changed his place, but most times they speed, which makes them believe the Devil to be God, though they do not Worship him; when these Conjurers consult with the Devil, they fix a staff in a Pit, to which they tye a Cord, and putting their Head into the Pit, make Invocations in an unknown Language, with so much stirring and pains, that they sweat again, when the Devil is come, the Wizard persuades them, he holds him fast with his Cord, forcing him to answer before he lets him go. Then he begins to sing something in praise of the Spirit, who hath discovered where there are some Deer, and the other Savages answer in the same Tune, they / then dance and sing in a strange Tongue, after which they make a Fire and leap over it, putting an half Pole out of the top of the Cabbin, wherein they are with something tyed thereto, which the Devil carrieth away. Memberton wore about his Neck the mark of his Profession, which was a triangle Purse, with some what within it like a Nut, which he said was his Spirit. This Office is Hereditary, they teaching this Mystery of Iniquity to their Sons by Tradition. In 1613 fifty four Englishmen, six women, and two Children wintred there; they killed Bears, Otters and Sables, sowed wheat, Rie, Turneps and Coleworts; their winter was dry and clear with some Frost and Snow, divers had the Scurvy whereto the Turneps there Sown were a Soveraign Remedy. There are Musk Cats and Musk Rats, and near the Coasts is great killing of Morses or Sea Oxen, a small Ship in a short time slew fifteen hundred of them, they are bigger than an Oxe, the Hide dressed is as thick again as a Bulls, they have teeth like Elephants about a foot long, growing downward out of the upper Jaw, and therefore less dangerous, it is sold dearer than Ivory, and by some thought as great an Antidote as the Unicorns Horn; The young ones eat like Veal, which the old will defend to

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the utmost, holding them in their Arms or Forefeet. Out of the Bellies of five of these Fishes, (which live both on the Land and water) they make an Hogshead of Train-Oyle; Thomas James20 says, these Morses sleep in great Companys and have one Centinel or watchman to wake the rest upon occasion. Their skins are short-haired like Seals, their face resembles a Lion, and may therefore more justly be called Sea Lions than Sea Oxen or Morses. About the great Bank aforementioned (which is covered with Water when the Sea is high & uncovered and dry on the Ebb, on all sides whereof the Sea is 200 Fathom deep) is the great Fishing for Cod, and here the Ships do for the most part stop and make their Freight. It is almost incredible how many / Nations, and of each how many Sail of ships, go yearly to fish for these Cods, with the prodigious quantity they take, one man catching an hundred in an hour; They fish with Hooks which are no sooner thrown into the Sea but the greedy Fish snapping the Bait is taken, and drawn on shipboard, where they lay him on a Plank, one cuts off his head, another guts him, and takes out its biggest bones, another salts and barrels it, which being thus ordered is hence transported by the European Nations to all parts of Christendom, yea throughout most other parts of the world; They fish only in the day, the Cod not biting in the night, nor doth this fishing last all seasons, but begins toward Spring, and ends in Sep­ tember, for in Winter they retire to the bottom of the Sea, where storms and Tempests have no Power. Near these Coasts is another kind of fishing for Cod which they call Dried, as the other Green Fish. The Ships retire into some Harbour, & every morning send forth their Shallops two or three Leagues into the Sea, who fail not of their Load by noon or soon after, which they bring to Land and order as the other, after this Fish hath layn some days in Salt they take it out and dry it in the wind laying it again in heaps, and exposing sit dayly to the open Air till it be dry, which ought to be good and Temperate to make the Fish saleable, for Mists moisten and make it rot, and the Sun causes yellowness. At this their fishing, the Mariners have likewise the pleasure of taking Fowl without going out of their Vessels, for bait­ ing their Hook with the Code Liver these Fowls are so greedy that they come by Flocks, and fight who shall get the bait first, which soon proves its death, and one being taken the Hook is no sooner thrown out but another is instantly catched. In 1623. Sir George Calvert after Lord Baltimore had a Patent for part of New-found-land which was erected into the Province of Avalon, where he setled a Plantation, and erected a stately house and Fort at Ferriland, where he dwelt for some time, which after his death / descended to his Son the present Lord Baltimore, who is also Proprietor of Maryland.

CHAP IV.

A Prospect of New-England with the Discovery, Plantation and

Product thereof.

This Countrey was first discovered as well as the other Northern Coasts of America by Sebastian Cabot aforementioned in 1497. And in 1584. Mr. Philip Amadas, and Mr. Arthur Barlow were the first of a [illeg.] Christians who took possession thereof for Q. Elizabeth. The next year Sir Richard Greenvile con­ veyed an English Colony thither under the Government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there till the next year, and the upon some urgent occasions returned with Sir Francis Drake into England, who is by some accounted the first dis­ coverer thereof It hath New France on the North and Virginia on the South, lying between 40. and 48 degrees of North Latitude; His Travels were first much perfected by the Industry and Voyages of Certain Gosnold, Captain Hudson, Captain Smith, and others the last of whom gives a very large account of the worship and Ceremonies of the Indians: This Captain was taken Prisoner by the Natives, and whiile he stayed among them observed their Magical Rites. Three or four days after his being seized, seven of their Priests in the House where he lay, each with a Rattle, (making him sit down by them) began about 10 in the morning to sing about a Fire, which they incompassed with a circle of Meal, at the end of every Song (which the chief Priest begun, the rest following in order they layd down 2 or 3 grains of wheat. Then the / Priest disguised with a great Skin, his head hung round with little Skins of Weasels and other Vermine, and a Coronet of Feathers, painted as ugly as the Devil, at the end of every song he used strange and vehement gestures throwing great Cakes of Deer suet and Tobacco into the Fire, thus these howling Devotions continued till 6 a clock at night, and held so 3 days. This they pretended was to know of their God whether any more English should arrive, and what they intended to do in that Countrey. They fed Captain Smith so high, that he much doubted they would have sacri­ ficed him to their chief Deity, the Image of whom is so deformed that nothing can be more monstrous, the Women likewise after he was freed and President of – 68 –

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the Company made him a very odd entertainment; Thirty of them came out of the Woods only covered before and behind with a few green leaves, their bodies painted of different colours, the Commander of these Nymphs had on her head a large pair of Staggs Horns, and a Quiver of Arrows at her back with Bow and Arrows in her hand; The rest followed with Horns and Weapons all alike, they rushed through the Trees with hellish shouts and cryes, dancing about a Fire, which was there made to that purpose, for an hour together. Then they solemnly invited him to their Lodging, where he was no sooner come but they all sur­ rounded him, declaring great kindness to him, and crying, Love you not me? after which they feasted him with great variety cook’d after their mad fashion, some singing and dancing all the while, and at last lighted him home with a Firebrand instead of a Torch to his Lodgings. When they design to make War, they first consult with their Priests and Con­ jurers, no People being so barbarous almost, but they have their Gods, Priests and Religion, they adore as it were all things, that they think may unavoidably hurt them, as Fire, Water, Lightning, Thunder, our great Guns, Muskets and Horses; yea some of them once seeing an English Boar were struck with much terror, because he bristled / up his Hair, and gnashed his Teeth, believing him to be the God of the Swine, who was offended with them. The chief God they worship is the Devil, which they call Okee, they have conference with him, and fashion themselves into his shape; in their Temples they have his Image ilfavouredly carved, painted, & adorned with Chains, Copper and Beads, and covered with a Skin; the Sepulchre of their Kings, is commonly neer him, whose bodies are first Imbowelled, dried on a hurdle, adorned with Chains and Beads, and then wrapped in white Skins, over which are Matts, they are afterward intombed orderly in Arches made of Matts, their wealth being placed at their Feet; for their ordinary burials, they dig a deep hole in the Earth with sharp Stakes, and the Corps being wrapped in Skins and Matts, they lay them upon Sticks in the ground, and cover them with Earth. The Burial ended, the Women having their Faces painted black with Cole and Oil, sit mourning in the Houses twenty four hours together, yelling and howling by turns. The People are clothed with loose Mantles made of Deer skins, and Aprons of the same round their middles, all else naked, of stature like to us in England, they paint themselves and their Children, and he is most gallant who is most deformed; the Women imbroider their Legs, Hands and other parts with divers works, as of Serpents and the like, making black Spots in their Flesh. Their Houses are made of small Poles, round, and fastned at the top in a circle, like our Arbours covered with Matts, twice as long as broad; they are exact Archers and with their Arrows will kill Birds flying, or Beasts running full speed, one of our Men was with an Arrow shot through the Body and both the Arms at once, another Indian shot an Arrow of an Ell long through a Target, that a Pistol Bul­

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let could not pierce, their Bows are of tough Hazel, and their strings of Leather, their Arrows of Cane or Hazel, headed with Stones or Horn, and Feathered arti­ ficially, they soon grow heartless, if they find their / Arrows do no Execution; they speak of Men among them, of above two hundred years of Age. Though the Planting of this Country by the English was designed by divers, yet it lay much neglected till a small Company of Planters under the Command of Captain George Popham, and Captain Gilbert were sent over at the charge of Sir John Popham, in 1606 to begin a Colony upon a tract of Land about Saga de hoch the most Northerly part of New-England, but that design within two years expiring with its first Founder, soon after some Honourable Persons of the West of England, commonly called the Council of Plymouth, being more certainly informed of several Navigable Rivers, and commodious Havens, with other places fit either for Traffick or Planting, newly discovered by many skilful Navi­ gators, obtained of King James the first, a Patent under the Great Seal of all that part of North-America called New-England, from Forty to Forty eight Degrees of North Latitude. This vast Tract of Land, was in 1612. cantoned and divided by Grants into many lesser parcels, according as Adventurers presented; which Grants being founded upon uncertain and false Descriptions, and Reports of some that Travelled thither, did much interfere one upon another to the great disturbance of the first Planters, so that little Profit was reaped from thence, nor was any greater Improvement made of those Grand Portions of Land, save the erecting some few Cottages for Fishermen, and a few inconsiderable Buildings for the Planters; yea for want of good conduct they were by degrees in a manner quite destitute of Laws and Government, and lest to shift for themselves. This was the beginning of New-England, when in the year 1610. One Mr. Robinson a Presbyterian, or rather Independent Preacher, and several other Eng­ lish then at Leyden in Holland, though they had been courteously entertained by the Dutch as Strangers, yet foreseeing many inconveniences might happen, and that they could not so well provide for the good of their Posterity / under the Government of a Foreign Nation, they resolved to intreat so much favour from their own Sovereign Prince, King James, as to grant them liberty under the shelter of his Royal Authority, to place themselves in some part of New-England; having therefore obtained some kind of Patent or Grant for some place about Hudsons River, they set Sail from Plymouth in September for the Southern parts of NewEngland, but as they intended their course thitherward, they were through many dangers, at last, about November 11, cast upon a bosom of the South Cape of the Massachusets Bay, called Cape Cod. When Winter approached so fast that they had no opportunity to remove, and finding some Incouragement from the hope­ fulness of the Soil, and courtesie of the Heathen, they resolved there to make their aboad, laying the Foundation of a new Colony, which from the last Town they Sailed from in England they named New Plymouth, containing no consid­

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erable Tract of Land, scarce extending an hundred Miles in length through the whole Cape, and not half so much in breadth where broadest. From this time to the year 1636. things were very prosperously & successfully carried on in New-England, which was much increased in Buildings and Inhabit­ ants, at which time the Naraganset Indians, who are the most warlike and Feirce, and much dreaded by all the rest, committed many barbarous outrages upon some of them, and likewise upon the English and Dutch as they came occasionally to trade with them, barbarously murdering Captain Stone, Captain Oldham and others, whereupon the Inhabitants of all the Colonies unanimously falling upon them in 1637. they were easily suppressed, about 700 of them being destroyed, and the rest cut off by their Neighbour Indians; Upon which Miantonimoh the Cheif of the Mogehins expecting to be Sole Lord and Ruler over all the Indians, committed many Insolencies upon some others who were in confederacy with the English as well as himself, and he being sent for to the / Massacusets Court at Boston, endevoured to clear himself, but was clearly convicted by one of his Fel­ lows named Uncas, in revenge of which after his return home he made War upon Uncas, by whom being taken Prisoner, by the advice and Counsel of the English, he cut off his head, it being justly feared no firm Peace could be concluded while he was alive; This happened in 1643. from whence to 1675. there was always an appearance of Amity and good correspondence on all sides, only in 1671. one Matoonas being vexed that an intended design against the English did not take effect, out of meer malice against them slew an Englishman on the Road; This murtherer was a Nipnet Indian and under the command of the Sachem of Mount Hope, the Author of all the mischiefs against the English in 1675.21 Upon a due inquiry therefore of all the Transactions between the Indians and English from their first setling on these Coasts there will appear no Ground of quarrel, or provocation given by the English. For when Plymouth Colony was first planted in 1620. within three months after Massasoit the chief Sachem or Commander of all that side of the Country repaired thither to the English, and entred Solemnly into a League upon the following Articles. I, That neither be nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of their People. 2. If any of his hurt the English he should send them the Offender to punish. 3. If any thing should be taken away by his, he should see it restored and the English to do the like to them. 4. If any made War unjustly against him they were to aid him, and he likewise them. 5. that he should certify his Neighbour Consederates hereof, that they might be likewise comprized in the Peace. 6. That when his men should come to the English they should leave their Arms behind. Which were then Bows and Arrows, and were then their only weapons though now they have learned the use of Guns and Swords as well as the christians. This League the same Sachem confirmed a little before his death in 1630. coming with his 2 Sons Alexander and Philip to Plymouth, and renewing the same for / himself, his Heirs and successors; Yet it

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is apparent this Massasoit never loved the English, and would have ingaged them never to have attempted to draw away any of his People from their old Pagan superstition and devilish Idolatry to the Christian Religion, but finding they would make no Treaty with him upon such conditions he urged into further. But this was a bad Omen, that whatever kindness he pretended to the English, yet he hated them for being Christians; which strain was more apparent in his Son that succeeded him and all his People, insomuch that some discerning Persons of that Jurisdiction were afraid that that part of the Indians would be all rooted out as it is since come to pass. Neither was Passaconaway the great Sagamore or Sachim of Merimack River insensible of the fatal consequence of opposing the English; for a Person of Quality relates, that being invited by some Sachims to a great Dance in 1660. Passaconaway intending at that time to make his last and farewel Speech to his Children and People that were then all gathered together, he addressed himself to them in this manner; I am now going the way of all flesh, or ready to die, and not likely to see you ever met together any more, I will now leave this word of Coun­ sel with you, that you take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief yet assuredly you will all be destroyed and rooted off the Earth it you do: For I was as much an Enemy to them as their first coming into these parts as any one whatsoever, and tryed all ways and means possible to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them sitting down here, but could no way effect it, therefore I advise you never to contend with the English nor make War with them. And accordingly his eldest Son as soon as he perceived the Indians were up in Arms, with drew himself into some remote place that he might not be hurt either by the English or Indians. It is observable that this Passaconoway was the most noted Pawaw and Sorcerer of all the Country, and might therefore like Balaam at that time utter this from some divine Illumination. / But to proceed after this digression, after the death of Massasoit his eld­ est Son Alexander succeeded about twenty years since, who notwithstanding the League he had entred into with the English with his Father in 1639. had no affection to them nor their Religion, but was plotting to rise against them, whereupon a stout Gentleman was sent to bring him before the Council of Ply­ mouth, who found him and eighty more in an Hunting house, where they were just come in from Hunting, leaving all their Guns without Doors, which being seized by the English, they then entred the Wigwam, and demanded Alexander to go along with them before the Governour; at which Message he was much appalled, but being told that if he stirred or refused to go, he was a dead Man, he was persuaded by one of his chief Confidents to go, but such was the Pride of his Spirit, that his very indignation for this surprizal, cast him into a Feaver, whereof he soon after died. After his death Philip his Brother, Nick-named King Philip, for his haughty Spirit came in his own Person in 1662, with Sausaman his Chief

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Secretary and Counsellor, to renew the former League, that had been made with his Predecessors, and there was as much correspondence betwixt them for the next seven years, as had ever been in former times, and yet with out any kind of provocation, this treacherous Caitiff in 1676. harboured mischeivous thoughts again them, plotting a General Insurrection in all the English Colonies, all the Indians being to rise as one man against the Plantations which were next them; which being discovered by John Sausaman, Philip thereupon caused him to be murdered, the Murderers being apprehended were Executed, and Philip fearing his own Head, got openly into Arms, killing, burning and destroying the English, and their Habitations, with all manner of Barbarity and Cruelty, which troubles continued almost two years, till at length after several defeats given to Philip and his Forces, the loss of his Friends, bereavement of his dear Wife and beloved / Son, whom in his hast he was forced to leave Prisoners to save his own Life, his Treasures taken, and his own Followers plotting against his Life, Divine Venge­ ance overtook him, for causlesly breaking his League. For having been hunted like a Savage Beast through the Woods, above an hundred Miles backward and forward, at last he was driven to his own Den upon Mount Hope, retiring himself with a few of his best Friends in a Swamp, which proved now a Prison to secure him, till the Messengers of death came. For such was his inveteracy against the English that he could not bear any­ thing should be suggested to him about Peace; insomuch that he caused one of his Confederates to be killed for propounding it, which so provoked some of his Company not altogether so desperate as himself, that one of them who was near akin to him that was killed fled to Road Island, and informed Captain Church were Philip was, offering to lead him thither; Upon this welcome news a small Party of English and Indians, came very early in the morning and sur­ rounded his Swamp, from whence as he was endeavouring to make his escape, he was shot through the heart by an Indian of his own Nation, for Captain Church having appointed an Englishman and an Indian to stand at such a place of the Swamp where it hapned that Philip was breaking through, the morning being very wet and rainy the Englishmans Gun would not fire, the Indian having an old Musket with a larg touchhole, it took Fire the more readily, with which Philip was dispatcht, the bullet passing directly through his Heart soon after several of his Confederates and Counsellors were taken, and suffered deserved punish­ ment, and in a while most of these murderers received their condign rewards. It cannot be altogether impertinent, but may discover much of the temper and management of the Indians in this War, to insert an account of one Stockwell of Deerfield,22 concerning his Captivity and Redemption, with other notable Occurrences during his continuance among them, written with his own hand; and thus follows in his own words. /

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Sept. 19. 1677. About Sun-set I and another man being together, the Indians with great shouting and shooting came upon us, and some other of the English hard by, at which we ran to a Swamp for refuge, which they perceiving, made after us, and shot at us, three Guns being discharged upon me; the Swamp being miry, I slipt in and fell down, whereupon an Indian stept to me with his Hatchet lift up, to knock me on the head, supposing I was wounded, and unfit for Travel; it hapned I had a Pistol in my Pocket, which though uncharged, I presented to him, who presently stept back, and told me, if I would yield, I should have no hurt, boasting falsly that they had destroyed all Hatfield, and that the Woods were full of Indians, whereupon I yielded my self, and so fell into the Enemies hands, and by three of them was led away to the place whence I first fled. where two other Indians came running to us, and one lifting up the But-end of his Gun to knock me on the head, the other with his hand put by the blow, and said, I was his friend. I was now near my own House, which the Indians burnt last year, and I was about to build up again, and there I had some hopes to escape from them; there was a Horse just by which they bid me take, I did so, but attempted no escape, because the Beast was dull and slow, and I thought they would send me to take my own Horses, which they did, but they were so frighted that I could not come near them, and so fell again into the Enemies hands, who now took me, bound me, and led me away. Soon after I was brought to other Captives, who were that day taken at Hatfield, which moved two contrary Passions, Joy to have company, and Sorrow that we were in this miserable condition: We were all pinioned, and led away in the night over the Mountains in dark and hideous ways about four Miles further, before we took up our place of rest, which was in a dismal place of a Wood on the East-side of that Mountain; we were kept bound all that night, the Indians watching us, who as they travelled made strange noises, / as of Wolves, Owls, and other Birds and Beasts, that they might not lose one another, and if followed, might not be discovered by the English. About break of day we marched again, and got over the great River of Pecomp­ tuck, there the Indians marked out upon Trays the number of their Captives and and Slain, as their manner is: Here I was again in great danger, a quarrel arising whose Captive I was, and I was afraid I must be killed to end the Controversie; they then asked me whose I was, I said, three Indians took me, so they agreed to have all a share in me; I had now three Masters, but the chief was he who first laid hands on me, which hapned to be the worst of the company, as Ashpelon the Indian Captain told me, who was always very kind to me, and a great comfort to the English. In this place they gave us Victuals which they had brought away from the English, and ten Men were again sent out for more plunder, some of whom brought Provision, others corn out of the Meadows upon Horses; from hence we went up about the Falls, where we crost that River again, when I fell downright Lame of my old Wounds received in the War, but the apprehension

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of being killed by the Indians and what cruel death they would put me to, soon frighted away my pain, and I was very brisk again. We had eleven Horses in that Company, which carried Burdens, and the Women; we Travelled up the River till Night, and then took up our Lodging in a dismal place, being laid on our Backs and staked down, in which posture we lay many Nights together, the man­ ner was, our Arms and Legs being stretched out, were staked fast down, and a Cord put about our Necks, so that we could not possibly stir; the first Night being much tired, I slept as comfortable as ever, the next we lay in the Squahag Meadows, our Provision was soon spent, and whilst we were there, the Indi­ ans went a Hunting, and the English Army came out after us. Then the Indians moved again, dividing themselves and the Captives into many Companies, that the English / might not follow their Track. At Night having crossed the River, we met again at the place appointed, the next day we repassed it, where we contin­ ued a long time, which being about thirty Mile above Squahag, the Indians were quite out of fear of the English, but much afraid of the Mohawks, another sort of Indians, Enemies to them. In this place they built a long Wigwam, and had a great Dance, as they called it, where it was concluded to burn three of us, having provided Bark for that pur­ pose, of whom, as I heard afterward, I was to be one, Serjeant Plympton another, and the wife of Benjamin Wait the third; I knew not then who they were, yet I understood so much of their Language that I perceived some were designed thereto; That night I could not sleep for fear of the next days work, the Indi­ ans weary with dancing lay down and slept soundly; The English were all loose, whereupon I went out for Wood and mended the Fire, making a noise on pur­ pose but none awaked, I thought if any of the English should wake we might kill them all sleeping, to which end I removed out of the way all the Guns and Hatchets, but my heart failing I put all things where they were again. The next day when they intended to burn us our Master and some others spoke for us, and the Evil was prevented at this time; we lay here about three weeks, where I had a shirt brought me to make, one Indian said it should be made this way, another a different way, and a third his way, whereupon I told them I would make it according to my cheife Masters Order; Upon this an Indian struck me on the face with his Fist, I suddenly rose in anger to return it again which raised a great Hubbub, the Indians and English coming about me, I was fain to humble my self to my Master which ended the matter. Before I came to this place my three Masters were gone a hunting, and I was left with only one Indian (all the com­ pany being upon a March) who fell sick so that I was fain to carry his Gun and Hatchet whereby I had opportunity to have / dispatcht him, but did not because the English Captives had ingaged the contrary to each other, since if one should run away it would much indanger the remainder; whilst we were here Benjamin Stebbins, going with some Indians to Wachuset Hills made his escape, the ridings

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whereof caused us all be called in and bound. One of the Indian Captains and always our great friend met me coming in and told me Stebbins was run away, and the Indians spoke of burning us, some were only for burning our fingers, and then biting them off; He said there would be a Court and all would speak their minds, but he would speak last and declare, That the Indian who suffered Stebbins to make his escape was only in fault, and bid us not fear any hurt should happen to us, and so it proved accordingly. Whilst we lingred hereabout, Provision grew scarce, one Bears foot must serve five of us a whole day, we began to eat Horsflesh, and devoured several Horses three only being left alive. At this time the Indians had fallen upon Hadly where some of them being taken were released upon promise of meeting the English on such a Plain to make further Terms. Captain Ashpalon was much for it but the Sachims of Wachuset when they came were against it, yet were will­ ing to meet the English only to fall upon and destroy them. Ashpalon charged us English not to speak a word of this, since mischief would come of it. With these Indians from Wachuset there came above fourscore Squaws or Women, and Children, who reported the English had taken Uncas and all his men, and sent them beyond the Seas, whereat they were much inraged, asking us if it were true, we denied it, which made Ashpalon angry saying he would no more believe Englishmen; They then examined every one a part and dealt worse with us for a time than before: Still Provision was scarce, at length we came to a place called Squaro Maug River where we hoped to find Salmon, but came too late, this place I reckon 200 miles above Deerfield, then we parted into two Companys some went one / way, and some another; we passed over a mighty Mountain being eight days in travelling it though we marched very hard, and had every day either Snow or Rain; we observed that on this Mountain all the water ran Northward, Here we likewise wanted provision, at length we got over and came neer a Lake where we stated a great while to make Canoos wherein to pass over. Here I was frozen, and here again we were like to starve, all the Indians went a Hunting but could get nothing, several days they Pawawed or Conjured but to no purpose, then they desired the English to Pray, confessing they could do nothing and would have us try what the Englishmans God could do. I prayed, so did Serjeant Plympton in another place, the Indians reverently attended morning and night; next day they killed some Bears, then they would needs make us desire a Bless­ ing, and return Thanks at Meals, but after a while they grew weary of it, and the Sachim forbid us, when I was frozen they were very cruel to me because I could not do as at other times. When we came to the Lake, we were again sadly streightned for Provision, and forc’t to eat Touchwood fryed in Bears Grease, at last we found a Company of Racoons, and then we made a Feast, the Custom being that we must eat all, I perceived I had too much for one time, which an Indian that sat by me observ­

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ing, bid me slip away some to him under his Coat, and he would hide it for me till another time, this Indian as soon as he had got my Meat, stood up and made a Speech to the rest, discovering what I had done, whereat they were very angry, and cut me another piece, forcing me to drink Racoon Grease, which made me Sick and vomit, I told them I had enough after which they would give me no more, but still tell me I had Racoon enough, whereby I suffered much, and being Frozen was in great pain, sleeping but little, and yet must do my task that was set me; as they came to the Lake, they killed a great Moose, staying there / till it was all eaten, and then entring upon the Lake, a Storm arose, which indangered us all, but at last we got to an Island, and there the Indians went to Powawing or Conjuring; the Powaw declared that Benjamin Wait and another were coming, and that Storm was raised to cast them away; This afterward appeared to be true, though then I believed it not, upon this Island we lay still several days, and then set out again, but a Storm took us, so that we continued to and fro upon certain Islands about three Weeks; we had no Provision but Racoons, that the Indians themselves were afraid of being Starved; they would give me nothing, whereby I was several days without any victuals. At length we went upon the Lake on the Ice, having a little Sled, upon which we drew our Loads before Noon I tired, and just then the Indians met with some Frenchmen; one of the Indians who took me, came and called me all manner of ill names, throwing me on my Back, I told him I could do no more, then he said he must kill me, which I thought he was about to do, for pulling out his Knife, he cut off my Pockets and wrapt them about my Face, and then helped me up, and took my Sled and went away, giving me a bit of Bisket like a Walnut, which he had of the Frenchman, and told me he would give me a Pipe of Tobacco; when my Sled was gone, I ran after him, but being tired, soon fell to a foot pace, whereby the Indians were out of sight, I fol­ lowed as well as I could, having many falls upon the Ice, at length I was so spent, I had not strength enough to rise again, but crept to a Tree that lay along, upon which I continued all the cold Night, it being very sharp Weather. I now counted no other but that I must here die, which whilst I was rumi­ nating of, an Indian hollow’d, and I answered, he came to me and called me bad names, telling me if I would not go, he must knock me on the head, I told him he must then do so, he saw how I had wallowed in the Snow, but could not me, hereupon he wrapt me in his Coat, and going / back, sent two Indians with a Sled, one said he must knock me on the head, the other said no, they would carry me away and burn me; then they bid me stir my Instep, to see if that were Frozen, I did so, when they saw that, they said there was a Surgeon with the French, that could cure me, then they took me upon a Sled, and carried me to the Fire, mak­ ing much of me, pulling off my wet, and wrapping me in dry Cloths, laying me in a good Bed; they had killed an Otter, and gave me some of the Broth, and a bit of the Flesh, here I slept till toward day, and was then able to get up, and put on

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my Cloths; one of the Indians awaked, and seeing me go, shouted as rejoicing at it. As soon as it was light, I and Samuel Russel went afore on the Ice upon a River, they said I must go on Foot as much as I could for fear of Freezing, Russel slipt into the River with one Foot, the Indians called him back, and dried his Stock­ ings, and then sent us away with an Indian Guide, we went four or five Miles before the rest of the Indians overtook us, I was then pretty well spent, Russel said he was faint, and wondred how I could live, for he said he had ten Meals to my one; I was then laid on the Sled, and they ran away with me on the Ice, the rest and Russel came softly after, whose Face I never saw more, nor know what became of him. About Midnight we got neer Shamblee a French Town where the River was open; when I came to Travel, I was not able, whereupon an Indian who staid with me would carry me a few Rods, and then I would go as many, telling me I would dye if he did not carry me, and that I must tell the English how kind he was. When we came to the first House there was no Inhabitant, the Indian and I were both spent and discouraged, he said we must now both die; at last he left me alone, and got to another House, from whence came some French and Indi­ ans, who brought me in, the French were very kind, putting my hands and feet in cold Water, and gave me a dram of Brandy, with a little Hasty-pudding and Milk; when I tasted Victuals, / I was very hungry, but they would not suffer me to eat too much; I lay by the Fire with the Indians that night, yet could not sleep for pain; next morning the Indians and French fell out about me, the Indians saying, that the French loved the English better than the Indians. The French presently turned the Indians out of doors, being very careful of me, and all the men in the Town came to see me; here I continued three or four days, and was invited from one House to another, receiving much civility from a young man, who let me lie in his Bed, and would have bought me, but that the Indians demanded an hundred pound; we travelled to a place called Surril, whither this young man accompanied me, to prevent my being abused by the Indians, he carried me on the Ice one days Journey, for now I could not go at all, when we came to the place the People were kind. Next day being in much pain, I asked the Indians to carry me to the Chyrurgions, as they had promised, whereat they were angry, one tak­ ing up his Gun to knock me down, but the French would not suffer it, falling upon them, and kicking them out of doors; we went away from thence to a place two or three Miles off, where the Indians had Wigwams, some of whom knew me, and seemed to pity me; while I was here, which was three or four days, the French came to see me, and it being Christmas time they brought me Cakes and other Provisions; the Indians tried to cure me, but could not; then I asked for the Chyrurgion, at which one of them in anger struck me on the face with his Fist, a Frenchman being by, who spoke to him some words, and went his way; soon after came the Captain of the place to the Wigwam, with about twelve Armed

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men, and asked where the Indian was that struck the Englishman, and seizing him, told him, he should go to the Bilboes, and then be hanged: The Indians were much terrified at this, as appeared by their countenance and trembling, I would have gone away too, but the Frenchmen bid me not fear, the Indians durst not hurt me. / When that Indian was gone, I had two Masters still, I asked them to carry me to that Captain, that I might speak in behalf of the Indian, they answered, I was a Fool, did I think the Frenchmen were like the English, to say one thing, and do another? they were men of their words. But at length I prevailed with them to help me thither: and speaking to the Captain by an Interpreter, told him, I desired him to set the Indian free, declaring how kind he had been to me; he replyed, He was a Rogue, and should be hanged; then I privately alledged, that if he were hanged it might fare the worse with the English Captives; the Captain said, That ought to be considered, whereupon he set him at liberty upon condition he should never strike me more, and bring me every day to his House to eat Vict­ uals; I perceived the common people did not approve of what the Indians acted against the English. When he was free, he came and took me about the middle, saying, I was his Brother, I had saved his life once, and he had saved mine, he said, thrice; He then called for Brandy, and made me drink, and had me away to the Wigwam again; when I came there, the Indians one after another shook hands with me, and were very kind, thinking no other but I had saved the Indian’s life. Next day he carried me to the Captains House, and set me down, they gave me my Victuals and Wine, and being left there a while by the Indians, I shewed the Captain and his Wife my Fingers, who were affrighted thereat, and bid me lap it up again, and sent for the Chyrurgion, who when he came, said, he would cure me, and dressed it. The Indians came for me toward night, I told them I could not go with them, whereat being angry, they called me Rogue, and went away. That night I was full of pain, the French were afraid I would die, five men did watch me, and strove to keep me chearful, for I was sometimes ready to faint; oft-times they gave me a little Brandy: The next day the Chyrurgion came again and dressed me, and so he did all the while I was among the French, which was from Christmas till May. / I continued in this Captains House till Benjamin Wait came, and my Indian Master being in want of Mony, pawned me to the Captain for fourteen Beavers, or the worth of them by such a day, which if he did not pay, he must lose his Pawn, or else sell me for 21 Beavers; but he could get no Beaver, and so I was sold, and in God’s good time set at Liberty, and returned to my Friends in New-England again. Though I have already given some Account of the Indians in this Country, yet having met with a Relation of them from one J.J. an Englishman, in the year 1673.23 I think it not improper to collect some brief Remarks concerning them, and of the present State of the English in New-England.

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The People that inhabited this Country are judged to be of the Tartars called Samoids, who border upon Muscovia, and are divided into Tribes, those to the East and North East are called Churchers, Tarentines, and Monhegans; To the South are the Pequets and Narracansets, Westward Connecticuts and Mowhacks; To the North Aberginians, which consist of Mattachusets Wippanaps and Tar­ rentines. The Posanets live to the Westward of Plymouth. Not long before the English came into the Country hapned a great Mortality among them, especially where the English afterward planted. The East and Northern Parts-were sore smitten, first by the Plague, after when the English came, by the Small Pox, the three Kingdoms or Sagamorships of the Mattachusets being before very popu­ lous, having under them seven Dukedoms or Petty-Sagamorships, but were now by the Plague reduced from thirty thousand to three hundred. There are not now many to the Eastward, the Pequods were destroyed by the English; the Mowhacks are about five hundred; their Speech is a Dialect of the Tartars; they are of Person tall and well limb’d, of a pale and lean Visage, black-eved, which is counted strongest for sight, and black-hair’d, both smooth and curled, generally wearing it long; they have seldom any Beards, their Teeth very white, / short and even, which they account the most necessary and best part of man; and as the Austrians are known by by their great Lips, the Bavarians by their Pokes under their Chins, the Jews by their goggle Eyes; so the Indians are remarkable for their flat Noses. The Indesses or young Women are some very comely, with round plump faces, and generally plump of their Bodies (as well as the Men,) soft and smooth like a Moleskin, of reasonable good complexions, but that they dye themselves Tawny; yet many pretty Brownetto’s and small-finger’d Lasses are found amongst them. The Vetuala’s or old Women are lean and ugly, yet all of a modest demeanour, considering their Savage Breeding; and indeed they shame our English Rusticks, whose rudeness in many things exceeds theirs. The Indians are of disposition very inconstant, crafty, timorous, quick of apprehension, and very ingenious, soon angry, and so malicious, that they sel­ dom forget an injury, and barbarously cruel, witness their direful revenges upon each other; prone to injurious violence and slaughter, by reason of their blood dried up by over-much Fire; very Letcherous, proceeding from adust choler and melancholy, and a salt and sharp humour; both Men and Women are very thiev­ ish, and great haters of Strangers, all of them Canibals or eaters of Human flesh, and so were formerly the Heathen Irish, who use to feed upon the Buttocks of Boys, and the Paps of Women. I have read in the Spaniard Relations, that the Indians would not eat a Spaniard till they had kept him two or three days dead to grow tender, because their flesh was hard. At Martins Vineyard, an Island that lies South of Plymouth in the way to Virginia, certain Indians (whilst I was in the Countrey) seized upon a Boat that put into a By Cove, killed the Men, and in a short time eat them up before they were discovered. Their Houses which they

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call Wigwams, are built with Poles pitcht into the ground, commonly round, sometimes square, leaving a hole for the Smoak, covering the rest with Barks of Trees, / and line the inside of their Wigwams with Matts made of Rushes painted with several colours, one good Post they set up in the middle, which reaches to the hole in the top, with a staff across, whereon they hang their Kettle, beneath they set a broad Stone for a back, which keeps the Post from burning, round by the Walls they spread their Matts and Skins, where the Men sleep while their Women dress their Victuals; they have commonly two Doors, one opening to the South, the other to the North, and according as the Wind sits, they close up one Door with Bark, and hang a Deer-skin or the like before the other. Towns they have none, removing always from one place to another for conveniency of food, sometimes where one sort of Fish is plentiful, and then where another. I have seen an hundred of their Wigwams together in a piece of ground, which shews prettily, and within a week they have all vanished. They live chiefly by the Seaside, especially in the Spring and Summer: In Winter they go up in the Countrey to hunt Deer and Beaver: Tame Cattel they have none except Lice, and certain Dogs of a wild breed, which they bring up to hunt with. Wives they have two or three according to their ability and strength of body, the women have the easiest labour of any in the world, for when their time is come they go out alone carrying a board with them two foot long, and a foot and half broad, boared full of holes on each side, having a foot beneath, and on the top a broad strap of Leather which they put over their forehead, the board hang­ ing at their back; when they come to a convenient Bush or Tree they lay them down, and are delivered in an instant without so much as one groan, they wrap the child up in a young Beaver-skin with his heels close to his Buttocks, and lace him down to the board upon his back, his knees resting upon the foot beneath, then putting the strap of Leather upon their forehead with the Infant hanging at their back home they trudg, and die the Child with a liquor of boil’d Hemlock bark, and then throw him into the / water if they suspect it gotten by any other Nation, if it will swim, they acknowledge it for their own; They give them names when they are men grown, and love the English, as Robin, Harry, Philip, and the like, they are very indulgent to their Children, as well as Parents, but if they live so long as to be burdensome they either starve or bury them alive, as it was sup­ posed an Indian did by his mother at Casco in 1669. Their Apparrel before the English came among them was the skins of wild Beasts with the hair on, Buskings of Deerskin or Moose drest and drawn with lines into several works, the lines being coloured with Yellow, Blue or Red, Pumps too they have made of tough skins without Soles. In winter when the snow will bear them, they fasten to their feet snow-shooes made like a larg Racket for Tennis play, faced on before and behind they wear a square peice of Leather tied about their middle with a string to hide their Secrets, and go bareheaded. But since they have had to do with the

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English they buy of them a cloth called trading cloth of which they make Man­ tles, Coats with short sleeves and caps for their heads, but the men keep their old Fashion. They are very proud as appears by decking themselves with white and blue beads of their own making, and painting their faces with colours, and sometimes weave curious Coats with Turkies Feathers for their Children; Their Diet is fish, Fowl, Bear, Wild Cat Raccoon and Deer, dried Oysters, Lobsters roasted or dried in the smoak, Lampreys, and dri’d Moose tongues, which they esteem a dish for a Sagamor or Prince, likewise Earthnuts, Chesnuts and divers Berries, they beat their Corn to Powder, and put it into bags which they make use of when Stormy weather hinders them of food. If they have none of this (being careles providers against necessity) they use Sir Francis Drakes remedy for hunger, to go to sleep. They live to an hundred years old, if they be not cut off by their own Chil­ dren, War, Plague or small Pox, when they have any of the two last diseases, / they cover their wigwams with Barks so close that no Air can enter, and making a great Fire remain there in a stewing heat till they are in an extream sweat, and then run out naked into the Sea or River, and presently after their return they either recover, or give up the Ghost. They die patiently both men and women, not knowing of a Hell to scare them or a Conscience to terrify them, they howl at their funerals like the wild Irish, blaming the Devil for his hard heartednes, and concluding with rude Prayers to him to afflict them no further. They acknowl­ edge a God who they called Squantam but worship him not, because they say he will do them no hurt, but Abbomocho or Cheepie many times smites them with incurable diseases, scares them with apparitions, and panick Terrors, so that they live in a wretched Consternation, worshipping the Devil for fear. One black Robin an Indian sitting in a Cornfield neer the House I was in, ran about extreamly frighted with the appearance of two Infernal Spirits like Mohawks; Another time two Indians and an Indess came crying out they should all die, for Cheepei was gone over the Feild gliding in the Air with a long Rope hanging from one of his legs, we ask’d them what he was like, they said, He had Hat, Coat, Shoes and stockings like an Englishman; They have a remarkable observation of a flame that appears before the death of an Indian or English upon their Wigwams in the dead of the night, I was called out once about twelve a clock in a very dark night, and plainly perceived it mounting into the Air over a Church about half a Quarter of a Mile off, toward the North, on what side of a House it appears, from that Coast you may certainly expect a dead Corps in two or three days. As they Worship the Devil, their Preists who are called Powaws, are little better than Witches, who have familiar conference with him; he makes them invulnerable and Shotfree. They are Crafty Rogues, abusing the rest at their pleasure, by pretending to cure Diseases with Barbarous Charms, for which if / they recover, they send great Gifts, as Bows, Arrows, and rich Furrs to the East­

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ward, where there: is a vast Rock not far from the Shore, having a hole in it of an unsearchable depth, into which they throw them. Their Divinity is not much, yet say, that after death they go to Heaven beyond the white Mountains, and hint at Noahs Flood by Tradition from their Fathers, affirming, that a great while ago their Country was drowned, and all the People, and other Creatures in it, only one Powaw and his Webb or Wife foreseeing the Flood, fled to the white Mountains, carrying a Hare with them and so escaped, after a while the Powaw sent the Hare away, who not returning, imboldened thereby they descended, and lived many years, after having divers Children, from whom the Country was again filled with Indians; some of them tell another Story, saying the Bever was their Father. Their learning is very little or none, Poets they may be guessed by their formal Speeches, sometimes an hour long; Musical too they be, having many pretty od Barbarous Tunes, which they sing at Marriages and Feastings. Their Exercises are Fishing and Hunting, they sometimes Hunt forty or fifty Mile up in the Countrey, especially when they happen upon a Moose or Elk, which is a Creature, or rather if you will a Monster of Superfluity, being in his full growth many times bigger than an English Ox, the Horns are very big, brancht out into many Palms, and the tips thereof, are sometimes twelve Foot asunder, and in height, from the Toe of the Fore-foot to the pitch of the Shoulder twelve Foot, they are accounted a kind of Deer, and have three young ones at a time, which they hide a Mile asunder, when the Indians hunt him, which is commonly in Winter, they run him down sometimes in half a day, otherwhile a whole day, but never give over till he is tired; the Snow being usually four Foot deep, and the Beast very heavy, he sinks every stop, and as he runs, breaks down the Trees in his way with / his Horns, as big as a Mans Thigh at last they get up and pierce him with their Lances, upon which the poor Creature groans, and walks on heavily, till at length he sinks and falls like a ruined Building, making the Earth shake, becoming a Sacrifice to the Victors, who cut him up, and making a Fire near the place, they there Boil and eat their Venison, fetching their drink from the next Spring, being unacquainted with any other, till the French and English taught them the use of that cursed Liquor, called Rum, Rumbullion or Killdevil, stronger than Spirit of Wine drawn from the dross of Sugar and Sugar Canes, which they love dearer than their lives, wherewith if they had it, they would be perpetually drunk, though it hath killed many of them, especially old Women. Their Wars are with their Neighboring Tribes, but the Mowhawks especially, who are Enemies to all other Indians, their Weapons were Bows and Arrows, but of late he is a poor Indian, that is not Master of two Guns, which they purchase of the French, with Powder and Shot; the Victors Flea the Skin off the Skull of the Principal slain Enemies, which they carry away in Triumph; their Prisoners they bring home, the old Men and Women they knock on the Head, the young Women they keep, and the Men of War they Torture to death, as the Eastern

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Indians did two Mowhawks whilst I was there, they bind him to a Tree and make a great Fire before him, then with sharp Knives, they cut off his Fingers and Toes, then clap upon them hot Embers to sear the Veins; thus they cut him to pieces joint after joint, still applying Fire for stanching the Blood, making the poor Wretch Sing all the while; when Armes and Legs are gone, they Flea the Skin off their Heads, and presently apply thereto a Cap of burning Coals, then they open his Breast and take out his Heart, which while it is yet living in a manner, they give to their old Squa’s or Women, who are every one to have a bit of it. These Barbarous Customs they used more frequently before the English / came, but since there are endeavours to Convert them to Christianity, by Mr. Eliot and his Son who Preach to them in their own Language, into which they have likewise Translated the Bible; these go Clothed like the English, live in framed Houses, have Stocks of Corn and Cattel about them, which when Fat they bring to Mar­ ket; some of their Sons have been brought up Schollers in Harward Colledge. New-England is seated in the midst of the Temperate Zone, yet is the Clime more uncertain as to heat and cold than those European Kingdoms which are in the same Latitude; The Air is cleer, healthful, and Agreeable to the English, well watered with Rivers, having variety of Beasts both tame and wild, with several sorts of Trees and excellent Fruits; the Commodities it yeildeth are rich Furs, Flax, Linnen, Amber, Iron, Pitch, Tarr, Cables, Masts, and Timber to build Ships, with several sorts of Grain, wherewith they drive a considerable Trade to Barbado’s, and other English Plantations in America, supplying them with Flower, Bisket, Salt, Flesh and Fish, and in return bring Sugars and other Goods; To England they trade for Stuffs, Silks, Cloath, Iron, Brass and other Utensils for their Houses; The weights and measures are the same with England. The English possess many potent Colonies, being very numerous and powerful, and are gov­ erned by Laws of their own making, having several Courts of Judicature, where they meet once a month, so they be not repugnant to the Laws of England; every Town sends two Burgesses to their great and solemn General Court. The Government both Civil and Ecclesiastical is in the hands of the Independents, or Presbyterians; The Military part of their Government is by one Major General and three Serjeant Majors to whom belong the four Countys of Suffolk, Mid­ dlesex, Essex and Norfolk. They have several fine Towns, where of Boston is the Metropolis, likewise Dorchester, Cambridg, beautified with two Colledges and many well built Houses; Reading, Salem, / Berwick, Braintree, Bristol, Concorde, Dartmouth, Dedham, Dover, Exeter, Falmouth, Glocester, Greensharbour, Hamp­ ton, Harford, Haverhill, Weymouth Yarmouth, New Haven, Oxford, Salisbury, Taunton, Southampton, Newbury, Springfield, Sudbury, Ipswich, Lin[coln,?] Hull, Sandwich, Malden, Norwich, Roxbury, Sandwich, Wenham; Rowley, Hing­ ham and others, most of them having the names of some Towns in England. The present Governor for his Majesty of England is Henry Cranfield Esquire.24

CHAP. V.

A prospect of New York, with the Scituation Plantation and Product thereof. New York so called from our present gracious Sovereign when Duke of York, formerly named New-Netherlands, being part of that New-England which the Dutch on[c]e possessed, it was first discovered by Mr. Hudson, and sold presently by him to the Dutch without Authority from his Sovereign the King of England in 1608. The Hollanders in 1614. began to plant there and called it New-Nether­ lands, but Sir Samuel Argall Governor of Virginia routed them, after which they go leave of King James to put in there for fresh water in their passage to Brasile, and did not offer to plant till a good while after the English were setled in the Country. In 1664. his late Majesty King Charles the Second sent over four Com­ missioners, to reduce the Colonies into bounds that had before incroached upon each other, who marching with 300 Redcoats to Manhadees or Manhataes took from the Dutch, their chief Town then called New-Amsterdam, now New-York and Aug. 29. turned out their Governor with a Silver Leg, and all the rest but those who acknowledged / subjection to the King of England, suffering them to enjoy their Houses and Estates as before; thirteen daies after Sir Robert Car took the Fort and Town of Aurania now called Albany, and twelve daies after that the Fort and Town of Arosapha, then Dela-ware Castle man’d with Dutch and Sweeds. So that now the English are Masters of three handsom Towns, three strong Forts and a Castle, without the loss of one man, the first Governor of these parts for the King of England was Colonel Nichols25 one of the Commis­ sioners; This Country is blessed with the richest soyl in all New-England; I have heard it reported from men of Judgment (saies my Author) that one Bushel of European wheat hath yeilded an hundred in one year. The Town of New-York is well seated both for Trade, security and pleasure, in a small Isle called Manahatan, at the mouth of the great River Mohegan, which is very commodious for Shipping, and about two Leagues broad, the Town is large, built with Dutch Brick, alla Moderna, consisting of above 500 fair Houses, the – 85 –

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meanest not valued under one hundred Pounds, to the Landward it is incom­ passed with a Wall of good thickness, and fortified at the entrance of the River, so as to command any Ship which passes that way by a Fort called James-Fort: It hath a Mayor, Aldermen, a Sheriff, and Justices of Peace for their Magistrates; the Inhabitants are most English and Dutch, and have a considerable Trade with the Indians, for Bever, Otter, Racoon Skins, with other rich Furs; likewise for Bear, Deer and Elk Skins, and are supplyed with Venison and Fowl in the Win­ ter, and Fish in the Summer by the Indians, at an easy Price. The Province of New-York formerly contained all that Land, which lies in the North-parts or America, betwixt New-England and Mary-Land, the length toward the North is not fully known, the breadth is about 200 Miles, the princi­ pal Rivers are Hudsons River, Raritan River, and Delaaware Bay, the chief Islands are the Manahatan, Island, Long Island, and Staten Island; / Manahatan Island so called by the Indians, lyeth within Land, betwixt forty one and forty two Degrees of North Latitude, and is about fourteen Miles long, and two broad. New-York is seated on the West end of this Island, having a small Arm of the Sea, which divides it from Long Island on the South. Long Island runs East­ ward above an hundred Miles, and is in some places eight, twelve and fourteen Miles broad, inhabited from one end to the other, having an excellent Soil for all English Grain; the Fruits, Trees, and Herbs very good, in May you may see the Woods and Fields so curiously bedeckt with Roses, and a multitude of other delightful Flowers, as equal if not excel many Gardens in England; there are sev­ eral Navigable Rivers which run very swift, and are well furnished with variety of Fish, as the Land is with all sorts of English Cattel, besides Deer, Bear, Wolves, Racoons, Otters, and Wild Fowl in abundance. There are now but few Indians upon the Island, and these not unserviceable to the English, being strangely decreased since the English first setled there, for not long ago there were six Towns full of them, which are now reduced to two Villages, the rest being cut off by Wars among themselves, or some raging mor­ tal diseases. They live principally by Hunting, Fowling and Fishing, their Wives tilling the Land, and planting the Corn; They feed on Fish, Fowl and Venison, likewise Polcats, Turtles, Racoon and the like; They build small moveable Tents, which they remove three times a year, cheifly quartering where they plant their Corn, besides their Hunting and Fishing Quarters. Their Recreations are cheifly Football and Cards, at which they will play away all they have, except a Flap to cover their nakedness; They are great Lovers of strong drink, so that except they have enough to be drunk; they care not to drink at all; If there be so many in a company that there is not sufficient to make them all drunk, they usually chuse so many as are proportionable to that quantity, / and the rest must be Specta­ tors, if any chance to be drunk before he has taken his share, which is ordinarily a Quart of Brandy, Rum or Strong Waters, to shew their Justice, they will forci­

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bly pour the rest down his throat. In these debauches they often kill each other, which the Friends of the dead revenge upon the Murderer, unless he purchase his life with money, which is made of a Periwinkle shell, both black and white, strung like beads. Their Worship is Diabolical, and usually performed but once or twice a year, unless upon some extraordinary occasion, as making war or the like; The time about Michaelmas when their Corn is ripe; The day being appointed by their chief Priest or Pawaw most of them go a hunting for venison; when they are all assembled, if the Priest wants money he then tells them, their God will accept no offering but money, which the People believing, every one gives according to their ability. The Priest takes the money and putting it into some dishes, sets them upon the top of their low flat-roofed Houses, and falls to invocating their God to come and receive it, which with many loud hollows and outcries, striking the ground with sticks, and beating themselves is performed by the Priest, and seconded by the People. After being thus wearied, a Devil by this Conjuration appears amongst them, sometimes in the shape of a Fowle, a Beast, or a Man, at which the People being amazed not daring to stir, the Priest improves the oppor­ tunity and stepping out makes sure of the money, and then returns to lay the Spirit, who is sometimes gone before he comes back, having taken some of the Company along with him, but if at such times any English come among them it puts a period to their proceeding, and they will desire his absence, saying their God will not come till they are departed. In their Wars they fight no pitcht Battel, but upon their enemies approach, (having first secured their Wives and Children in some Island or thick Swamp) armed / with Guns and Hatchets, they way-lay their Enemies and ’tis counted a great fight where seven or eight are slain. When an Indian dies they bury him upright sitting upon a seat, with his Gun, money, and goods, to furnish him in the other World, which they con­ ceive is Westward, where they shall have great store of Game for Hunting and live at ease; At his buriall his nearest Relations paint their faces black, and make sad lamentations at his Grave once or twice every day, till by time the black­ ness is worn off their faces, and after that once a year their mourn a fresh for him visiting and trimming up the Grave, not suffering any Grass to grow neer it, fencing it with a hedge, and covering it with Mats for a shelter from the rain. Notwithstanding all this bustle, when an Indian is dead his name dies with him, none daring ever after to mention his name, it being not only a breach of their Law, but an affront to his Friends and Relations, as if done on purpose to renew their greife. And every Person who hath the same Name Instantly changes it for another, which every one invents for himself, some calling themselves Ratle­ snake, others Buck shorn or the like; Yea if a Person die whose Name is some word used in common speech, they change that word, and invent a new one, which makes a troublesome alteration in their Language. When any one is sick,

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after some means used by his Friends every one pretending skill in Physick, that proving ineffectual, they send for a Pawaw or Priest, who sitting down by the sick Person without the least inquiry after the distemper expects a Fee or gift, according to which he proportions his work, beginning with a low voice to call sometimes upon one God, and then another, still raising his voice, beating his naked breasts and sides till the sweat runs down, and his breath is almost gone, the little that remains he breathes upon the face of the sick Person three or four times together, and so takes his leave. Their Weddings are performed without any Ceremony, the Match being first made by mony which / being agreed on and given to the woman make a Con­ summation of the Marrage if we may so call it; After which he keeps her during pleasure, and upon the least dislike turns her away and takes another. It is not offence for their married women to lie with another man provided she acquaint her husband, or some of her nearest Relations therewith, but if not, they account it such a fault as is sometimes punishable by death; some write that when an Indian woman finds her self with Child, she continues Chast or untouched by man until her delivery, the like she observes in her giving suck, a strange Cus­ tom, which our European Ladys would not well relish. An Indian may have two, three or more wives if he please, but it is not now so much used as before the English came, they being inclined to imitate them in things both good and bad. Any Maid before she is married lies with whom she please for Mony, without the least Scandal or aspersion, it being not only customary but lawful. They are extream charitable to each other, for if any one has to spare, he freely imparts it to his Freinds, and whatever they get by gaming or otherwise they share one with another, leaving commonly the least part to themselves. At their Cantica’s or Dancing Matches, all persons that come are freely entertain’d, it being then Festival time, their Custom is that all but the Danc­ ers have a short stick where with they strike the ground, and sing altogether, while those that Dance sometimes Act warlike Postures, and then come in with faces painted black and Red like Warriors, or some all black, others all red, with streaks of white under their Eyes, and so jump and hop about without any order, uttering many expressions of their designed valour; In other Dances they only shew what Antick Tricks their Ignorance will lead them to, wringing their Bod­ ies and Faces in a strange manner, sometimes leaping into the Fire, then catching up a Fire-brand, and biting off a live coal with many such tricks, which more affright than please an Englishman, resembling rather a Crew of Infernal / Furies than reasonable Creatures; when their King or Sachem sits in Council, he hath a Company of armed men to Guard his Person, great respect being shewed him by the People, which chiefly appears by their silence; After he has declared the cause of their Convention he demands their Opinions, ordering who shall begin first, who having delivered his mind, tells them he hath done, for no man inter­

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rupts him, though he make never so many long stops and halts, till he says he has no more to say; The Council having all delivered their Opinions, the King after some pause gives the definitive sentence, which is commonly seconded with a shout from the People, thereby signifying their assent or applause. If any Person be condemned to dye, which is seldom but for murder or incest, the king himself goes out in Person, (for they have no Prisons, and the guilty Person flies into the woods) to seek him out, and having found him, the King shoots first, though at never such a distance, and then happy is the man that can shoot him down, who for his pains is made some Captain or military Officer. Their cloathing is a yard and half of broad cloth, which they hang on their Shoulders, and half a yard of the same being put betwixt their Legs, is tyed up before and behind, and fastned with a Girdle about their middle hangs with a flap on each side, they wear no hats, but commonly tye either a Snakes skin about their Heads, a belt of their mony, or a kind of Ruff made with Deers hair, and died of a Scarlet Colour, which they esteem very rich; They grease their bodies and hair very often, and paint their faces with divers Colours, as Black, White, Red, Yellow, Blew, which they take great pride in every one being painted in a several manner; Thus much of the Customs of the Indians, and the Colony of New York. Hudsons River runs by New-York Northward into the Country, toward the head of which is seated New-Albany, a place of great trade with the Indians, betwixt which and New York being above an hundred / Miles distance is as good Corn-Land as the World affords, it was reduced to his Majesties Obedience by Colonel Nichols, and a League of Friendship26 concluded between the Inhabit­ ants and the Indians, by whom they have never been since disturbed, but every man hath sate under his own vine, and hath peaceably reaped and enjoyed the fruits of his own Labours, which God continue[.]

CHAP VI.

A Prospect of New-Jersey, with the Scituation, Plantation and Product thereof. NEw-Jersey is part of the Province of New-Albion aforementioned, and is subdi­ vided into East and West Jersey.27 East-Jersey lies between 39 and 41 Degrees of North Latitude being about 12 Degrees more to the South than the City of Lon­ don; It is bounded on the South-East by the main Sea, East by that vast Navigable stream called Hudsons River, west by a line of Division which separates it from West-Jersey, and North upon the Main Land, and extends it self in length on the Sea-Coasts, and along Hudsons River, one Hundred English Miles and upward. The Proprietors of this Province, who in 1682. were William Penn, Robert West, Thomas Redyard, Samuel Groom, Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, Thomas Wilcox, Ambrose Rigg, John Heywood, Hugh Harthorn, Clement Plumstead and Thomas Cooper, have published the following Account28 for the Information, and Incouragement of all Persons, who are inclined to settle themselves, Fami­ lies and Servants in that Country, which may give sufficient Satisfaction of the Scituation, Conveniencies and Product thereof. The conveniency of Scituation, temperature of Air and fertility of Soyl is such, That there are no less than seven considerable Towns, viz. Shrewsbury, Middle­ town, Burgin, Newark, Elizabeth Town, Woodbridge, and Piscataway: which are well inhabited by a Sober and Industrious / People, who have necessary Provisions for themselves and Families; and for the comfortable entertainment of Strangers and Travellers. And this Colony is experimentally found Generally to agree well with English Constitutions. For Navigation it hath these Advantages, not only to be Scituate along the Navigable part of Hudsons River, but lies also Fifty Miles on the Main Sea. And near the midst of this Province is that Noted Bay for Ships, within Sandy Hook, very well known not to be inferiour to any in America, where Ships not only Harbour in greatest Storms but Ride safe with all Winds, and Sail in and out thence, as well in Winter as Summer. For Fishery the Sea Banks there are very well stor’d with variety of Fish, not only such as are profitable for Trans­ – 90 –

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portation but fit for Food there: As Whales, Cod-fish, Cole and Hake-fish, large Mackerill, and many other sorts of Flat and small Fish. The Bay also and Hudsons River are plentifully stored with Sturgeon, Great Basse, and other Scale Fish; Eels and Shell-Fish, as Oysters, &c. in great plenty, and easie to take. This Country is plentifully supplied with lovely Springs, Rivuolets, In-land Rivers, and Creeks which fall into the Sea, and Hudsons-River, in which is much plenty and variety of Fresh-Fish and Water-Fowl. There is great plenty of OakTimber fit for Shipping, and Masts for Ships, and other variety of Wood, like the adjacent Colonies, as Chesnut, Walnut, Poplar, Cedar, Ash, Farr, &c. fit for building within the Country. The Land or Soyle (as in other places) varies in goodness and richness, but generally fertile, and with much smaller labour than in England, produceth plentiful Corps of all sorts of English Grain. Besides Indian Corn, which the English Planters find not only to be of vast increase but very wholesome and good in use. It also produceth good Flax and Hemp, which they now Spin and Manufacture into Linen Cloth. There’s sufficient Meadow and Marsh to their Up-lands. And the very Barrens there (as they are call’d) are not like / some in England, but produce Grass fit for Grazing Cattle in Summer Sea­ son. The Country is well stored with wilde Deer, Conies, and wild Fowl of several sorts, as Turkeys, Pidgeons, Partridges, Plover, Quailes, Wilde Swans, Geese, Ducks, &c. in great plenty. It produceth variety of good and delicious Fruits, as Grapes, Plumbs, Mulberryes, Apricocks, Peaches, Pears, Apples, Quinces, Water-Melons, &c. which are here in England planted in Orchards and Gardens: These, as also many other Fruits which come not to perfection in England, are the more natural product of this Country. There are already great store of Horses, Cowes, Hogs and some Sheep, which may be bought at reasonable Prises, with English Monys, or English Commodities, or mans Labour, where Monys and Goods are wanting. What sort of Mine or Minerals are in the Bowels of the Earth, After-time must produce, the Inhabitants not having yet employed themselves in search thereof. But there is already a Smelting-furnice and Forge set up in this Colony, where is made good Iron, which is of great benefit to the Country. It is exceedingly well furnished with safe and covenient Harbours for Shipping, which is of great advantage to that Country and affords already for Exportation great plenty of Horses; And also Beef, Pork, Pipestaves, Boards, Bread, Flowre, Wheat, Barly, Rie, Indian Corn, Butter and Cheese which they Export for Barbados, Jamaica, Mevis, and other adjacent Islands, as also to Portugal, Spain, the Canaries, &c. their Whale Oyle and Whale-Fins, Bever, Monky Racoon and Martin Skins, (which this Country produceth) they Transport for England. The Scituation and Soyle of this Country may invite any who are inclin’d to Transport themselves into those parts of America. For, 1. It being considerably Peopled and Scituate on the Sea Coast, with convenient Harbours, and so near adjacent to the Province of New-York, and Long Island, being also well Peopled

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Colonies may be proper for Merchants, Tradsemen, and Navigators 2. It’s likewise proper for such who are inclined / to Fishery, the whole Coast and very Har­ bours Mouth’s being fit for it, which has been no small Risc to the New England people, and may be here carryed on also with great advantage. 3. For its Soyle it’s proper for all Industrious Husband-men, and such who by hard Labour here on Rack Rents are scarce able to maintain themselves, much less to raise any Estate for their Children, may, with God’s blessing on their Labours, there live comfort­ ably, and provide well for their families. 4. For Carpenters, Bricklayers, Masons Smiths, Mill-wrights and Wheel wrights, Bakers, Tanners, Taylors, Weavers, Shoomakers, Hatters, and all or most Handicrafts, where their Labour is much more valued than in these Parts, and Provisions much Cheaper. 5. And chiefly for such of the above mentioned, or any other who upon solid Grounds and weighty Con­ siderations are inclined in their minds to go into those Parts, without which, their going their, cannot be comfortable, or answer their expectation. The Indian Natives in this Country are but few, comparative to the Neighbour­ ing Colonies; and those that are there are so far from being formidable or injurious to the Planters and Inhabitants, that they are really servicable and advantageous to the English, not only in Hunting and taking the Deer, and other wilde Crea­ tures; and catching of Fish and Fowl fit for food in their Seasons, but in the killing and destroying of Bears, Wolves, Foxes, and other Vermine and Poltry, whose Skins and Furrs they bring the English, and sell at a less price than the value of time an Englishman must spend to take them. As for the Constitutions of the Country, they were made in the Time of John Lord Barclay, and Sir George Carteret, the late Proprietors thereof; in which, such provision was made for Liberty in mat­ ters of Religion and Property in their Estates, that under the Farms thereof that Colony has been considerably Peopled, and that, much from the adjacent Coun­ tries, where they have not only for many years enjoyed their Estates according the Concessions, but also an uninterrupted Exercise of / their Particular perswasions in matters of Religion. And we the present Proprietors so soon as any persons here in England, or elsewhere are willing to be Engaged with us, shall be ready and desir­ ous to make such farther Additions and Supplements to the said Constitutions as shall be thought fit for the encouragement of all Planters and Adventurers; And for the farther setling the said Colony with a Sober and Industrious People. Having with all possible brevity given an Account of the Country, we shall say something as to the disposition of Lands there. I. Our Purpose is, with all convenient expedition, to erect and build one Principal Town; which by reason of Scituation, must in all probability be the most considerable for Merchandize, Trade and Fishery in those Parts. It’s designed to be placed upon a Neck or Point of Rich-land called Ambo-point, lying on Raritan-River, and pointing to SandyHook-Bay, and near adjacent to the place where Ships in that Great Harbour commonly Ride at Anchor: A Scheme of which is already drawn, and those who

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shall desire to be satisfied therewith many treat for a share thereof. 2. As for Encouragement of Servants, &c. We allow the same Priviledges as were provided in the Concessions at first. 3. Such who are desirous to Purchase any Lands in this Province, Free from all Charge, and to pay down their Purchase Monys here, for any quantities of Acres; Or that desire to take up Lands there, upon any small Quit-Rents to be Reserved; shall have Grants to them and their Heirs, on mod­ erate and reasonable Terms. 4. Those who are desirous to Transport themselves into those Parts, before they Purchase, if any thing there present to their satis­ faction, we doubt not but the Terms of Purchase will be so Moderate, Equal and Encouraging, that may Engage them to settle in that Colony. Our Purpose being with all possible Expedition to dispatch Persons thither, with whom they may Treat; and who shall have our full Power in the Premises. As for Passage to this Province, Ships are going hence the whole Year about, as well in Winter as Summer, Sandy-hook-Bay / being never frozen. The usual price is 5l. per Head, as well Master as Servant, who are above 10 years of Age; all under 10 years, and not Children at the Breast pay 50 s. Sucking Children pay nothing. Carriage of Goods is usually 40s. per Ton, and sometimes less, as we can Agree. The Cheapest and chiefest time of the year for Passage is from Midsummer till the later end of September, when many Virginia and Mary-land Ships are going out of England into those Parts; and such who take then their Voyage, arrive usually in good time to Plant Corn sufficient for next Summer. The Goods to be carried there, are first for peoples own use, all sorts of Apparel and Houshold-stuff, and also Utensils for Husbandry and Building; and 2dly. Linen and Wollen Cloths, and Stuffs fitting for Apparel, &c. which are fit for Merchandize and Truck there in the Country, and that to good Advantage for the Importer; Lastly, Although this Country, by reason of its being already considerably inhabited, may afford many conveniencies to Stran­ gers, of which unpeopled Countries are destitute, as Lodging, Victualling, &c. Yet all persons inclining unto those Parts must know that in their Settlement there, they will find they must have their Winter as well as Summer. They must Labour before they Reap. And till their Plantations be cleared (in Summer time) they must expect, (as in all those Countries) the Muscato Flyes, Gnats, and such like, may in Hot and Fair Weather give them some disturbance, where People provide not against them. Which as Land is cleared are less troublesome. The South and South West part of New-Jersey lying on the Sea and Dela ware River is called West Jersey of which Mr. Edward Billing is now Proprietor; It hath all the Conveniencies and Excellencies of the other part aforementioned, and may be made one of the best Colonies in America for the Scituation, Air and Soil; The Ports, Creeks, good Harbours, and Havens being not inferior to any in that part of the World, having no less than 30 Navigable Creeks ranging themselves at a / Convenient distance upon the Sea, and that stately River of Dela Ware, the Shoars whereof are generally very deep and bold. The English that are setled here

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buy the Lands of the Natives, and give them real satisfaction for the same, whereby they are assured of their love and Friendship forever, and the poor creatures are never the worse but much better, as themselves confess, being now supplyed by way of Trade with all they want or stand in need of, hunting and fishing as they did before except in inclosed or planted ground, bringing home to the English Seven or Eight fat Bucks in a day. There is a Town called Burlington, which will quickly be a place of great Trade, their Orchards are so loaden with Fruit that the very Branches have been torn away with the weight thereof, it is delightful to the Eye, and most delicious to the Tast; Peaches in such plenty that they bring them home in Carts, they are very delicate Fruit and hang almost like our Onions tyed upon Ropes; They receive 40 Bushels of good English Wheat for one Bushel sown; Cherries they have in abundance and Fowl and Fish great plenty, with sev­ eral that are unknown in England; There are likewise Bears, Wolves, Foxes, Rattle Snakes, and several other Creatures, as I imagin (saith my Author) because the Indians bring such Skins to sell, but I have travelled several hundreds of Miles to and fro, yet never to my knowledge saw one of them except 2 Rattle-Snakes, and I killed them both, so that the fear of them is more than the hurt, neither are we troubled with the Muskato Fly in this place, our Land lying generally high and Healthy, and they being commonly in boggy ground; with common and reasona­ ble care there may in a few years be Horses, Beef, Pork, Flouer, Bisket and Pease to spare, Yea this Country will produce Honey, Wax, Silk, Hemp, Flax, Hops, Woad, Rapeseed, Madder, Potashes, Anniseed and Salt, Hides raw or tanned, and there is a very large vast Creature called a Moose, of whose Skins are made excellent Buff; besides the natural product of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Turpentine, / &c. As for furs, there are Beaver, black Fox and Otter with divers other sorts; The Tobacco is excellent upon the River Dela Ware; There may be very good fishing for Cod and Cusk as several have found by experience, who have caught great plenty of wellgrown Fish; upon the whole matter this Province affords all that is either for the necessity, conveniency, Profit, or Pleasure of humane life; and it may therefore be reasonably expected, that this Country with the rest of America may in a few Ages be throughly peopled with Christians: I shall conclude with the Prophecy of the pious, learned and Honourable Mr. George Herbert Oratour to the University of Cambridge, written many years since. Religion stands on Tiptoe in our Land,

Ready to pass to the American Strand,

When height of Malice, and Prodigious Lusts,

Impudent Sinning, Witchcraft, and Distrusts,

(The Mark of future Bane) shall fill our Cup

Unto the Brim, and make our measure up.

When Sein shall swallow Tyber, and the Thames,

By letting in them both, pollutes her Streams.

The English Empire in America When Italy of us shall have her will.

And all her Kalender of sins fulfil.

Whereby one may foretel what sins next year.

Shall both in France and England domineer.

Then shall Religion to America flee.

They have their time of Gospel even as we.29 /

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CHAP. VII.

A Prospect of Pensylvania with the Scituation, Product and

Conveniencies thereof.

It is the Jus Gentium or Law of Nations that whatever wast or unculted Country is the Discovery of any Prince, it is the Right of that Prince who was at the charge of that Discovery; Now this Province is a Member of that part of America which the King of Englands Ancestors have been at the charge of discove[r]ing, and which they and he have taken care to preserve and improve; And his late Majesty of happy memory upon the Petition of William Penn Esq: (wherein he set forth his Fathers Services, his own Sufferings and his Losses in relation to his Fathers Estate, and lastly his long and costly attendance without success) was pleased in right and consideration thereof to make a Grant, to the sai’d William Penn of all that Tract of Land in America which is exprest in the following Declaration to the Inhabitants and Planters of the Province of Pensylvania. CHARLES R. WHereas His Majesty in consideration of the great merit and faithful services of Sir William Penn deceased, and for divers other good Causes Him thereunto mov­ ing, hath been graciously pleased by Letters Patents bearing Date the Fourth day of March last past, to Give and Grant into William Penn Esquire, Son and Heir of the Sir William Penn, all that Tract of Land in America, called by the Name of Pensylvania, as the same is / Bounded on the East by Delaware River, from Twelve miles distance Northwards of New-Castle Town, into the three and fortieth Degree of Northern Latitude, if the said River doth extend so far Northwards, and if the said River shall not extend so far Northward, then by the said River so far as it doth extend: And from the Head of the said River the Eastern Bounds to be determined by a Meridian Line to be drawn from the Head of the said River, unto the said three and fortieth Degree, the said Province to extend Westward Five Degrees in Longitude, to be Computed from the said Eastern Bounds, and to be bounded on the North, by the Beginning of the three and fortieth Degree of Northern Latitude, and on the South, by a Circle drawn at Twelve Miles distance from New-Castle – 96 –

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Northwards, and Westwards unto the beginning of the fortieth Degree of Northern Latitude, and then by a straight Line Westwards to the limit of Longitude aboue mentioned, together with all Powers, Preheminences, and Jurisdictions necessary for the Government of the said Province, as by the said Letters Patents, reference being thereunto had, doth more at large appear. His Majesty doth therefore hereby Publish and Declare his Royal Will and Pleasure, That all Persons Settled or Inhabiting within the Limits of the said Prov­ ince, do yield all Due Obedience to the said William Penn, His Heirs and Assigns, as absolute Proprietaries and Governours thereof, as also to the Deputy or Depu­ ties, Agents or Lieutenants, Lawfully Commissioned by him or them, according to the Powers and Authorities Granted by the said Letters Patents: Wherewith his Majesty Expects and Requires a ready Compliance from all persons whom it may concern, as they tender his Majesties Displeasure. Given at the Court at White-Hall the Second day of April, 1681, In the Three and thirtieth year of Our Reign. By His Majesties Command, Conway. / The Description of this Province cannot better be given by any than William Penn himself, who sent the following account from off the place in a Letter dated from Philadelphia, Aug. 16.1683.30 For this PROVINCE, the general Condition of it take as followeth. The Coun­ try it self in its Soil, Air, Water, Seasons and Produce both Natural and Artificial is not to be despised. The Land containeth divers sorts of Earth, as Sand Yellow and Black, Poor and Rich: also Gravel both Loomy and Dusty; and in some places a fast fat Earth, like to our best Vales in England, especially by Inland-Brooks and Rivers, God in his Wisdom having ordered it so, that the Advantages of the Country are divided, the Back-Lands being generally three to one Richer than those that ly by Navigable Waters. We have much of another Soyl, and that is a black Hasel Mould, upon a Stony or Rocky bottom. The Air is sweet and cleer, the Heavens serene, like the Southparts of France, rarely Overcast; and as the Woods come by numbers of People to be more clear’d, that it self will Refine. The Waters are generally good, for the Rivers and Brooks have mostly Gravel and Stony Bot­ toms, and in Number hardly credible. We have also Mineral Waters, that operate in the same manner with Barnet and North-Hall, not two Miles from Philadel­ phia. For the Seasons of the Year, having by God’s goodness now lived over the Coldest and Hottest, that the Oldest Liver in the Province can remember, I can say something to an English Understanding. Ist, Of the Fall, for then I came in: I found it from the 24th of October to the beginning of December, to the begin­ ning of the in England in September, or rather like an English mild Spring. From

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December to the beginning of the Month called March, we had sharp Frosty Weather; nor foul, thick black Weather, as our North East Winds bring with them in England; but a Skie as clear as in Summer, and the Air dry, cold, piercing and hungry; yet I remember not, that I wore more Clothes than in England. The reason of this Cold is given / from the great Lakes that are fed by the Fountains of Canada. The Winter before was as mild, scarce any Ice at all; while this for a few days Froze up our great River Delaware. From that Month to the Month called June, we enjoy’d a sweet Spring, no Gusts, but gentle Showers and a fine Skie. Yet this I observe, that the Winds here as there, are most Inconstant Spring and Fall, upon that turn of Nature, than in Summer of Winter. From thence to this present Month, which ended the Summer (commonly speaking) we have had extraordinary Heats yet mitigated sometimes by Cool Breezes. The Wind that ruleth the Summer season, is the South-West; but Spring, Fall and Winter, ’tis rare to want the wholesome North Western seven days together: And whatever Mists, Fogs or Vapours foul the Heavens by Easterly or Southerly Winds, in two Hours time are blown away; the one is alwayes followed by the other. A Remedy that seems to have a pecular Providence in it to the Inhabitants; the multitude of Trees yet standing, being liable to retain Mists and Vapours, and yet not one quarter so think as I expected. The Natural Produce of the Country, of Vegetables, is Trees, Fruits, Plants, Flowers. The Trees of most note are, the black Walnut, Cedar, Cyprus, Chestnut, Poplar, Gumwood, Hickery, Sassafrax, Ash, Beech and Oak of divers sorts, as Red, White & Black; Spanish Chestnut and Swamp, the most durable of all: of All which there is plenty for use of man. The Fruits that I find in the Woods, are the White and Black Mulberry, Chestnut, Walnut, Plumbs, Strawberries Cranberies, Hurtleberries & Grapes of divers sorts. The great Red Grape (now ripe) called by Ignorance, the Fox Grape (because of the Relish it hath with unskilful Palates) is in it self an extraordinary Grape, and by Art doubtless may be Cultivated to an excellent Wine, if not so sweet, yet little inferior to the Frontiniack, as it is not much unlike in tast, Rud­ diness set aside, which in such things, as well as Mankind, differs the case much. There is a white kind of Muskadel, and a little black Grape / like the cluster Grape of England, not yet so ripe as the other; but they tell me, when ripe, sweeter, and that the only want skillful Vinerons to make good use of them: I intend to venture on it with my French man this season who shews some knowledge in those things. Here are also Peaches, and very good, and in great quantities, not an Indian Plantation without them; but whether naturally here at first, I know not, however one may have them by Bushels for little; they make a pleas­ ant Drink, and I think not inferior to any Peach you have in England, except the true Newington. ’Tis disputable with me, whether it be best to fall to Fining the Fruits of the Country, especially the Grape, by the care and skill of Art, or send

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for foreign Stems and Sets already good and approved, it seems most reasonable to believe, that not only a thing groweth best, where it naturally grows; but will hardly be equalled by another Species of the same kind, that doth not naturally grow there. But to resolve the doubt, I intend, if God give me Life, to try both, and hope the consequence will be as good Wine as any European Countries of the same Latitude do yield. The Artificial Produce of the Country, is Wheat, Barley, Oats, Rye, Pease, Beanes, Squashes, Pumkins, Water-Melons, Musk-Melons, and all Herbs and Roots that our Gardens in England usually bring forth. Of living Creatures; Fish, Fowl and the Beasts of the Woods, here are divers sorts, some for Food and Profit, and some for Profit only: For Food as well as Profit, the Elk, as big as a small Ox Deer bigger than ours, Beaver, Racoon, Rab­ bits, Squirrels, and some eat young Bear, and commend it. Of Fowl of the Land, there is the Turkey (Forty and Fifty Pound weight) which is very great; Pheas­ ants, Heath-Birds, Pidgeons and Partridges in abundance. Of the Water, the Swan, Goose, white and gray, Brand, Ducks, Teal, also the Snipe and Curloe, and that in great Numbers; but the Duck and Teal excel, nor so good have I ever eat in other / Countries. Of Fish, there is the Sturgeon, Herring, Rock, Shad, Cat­ shead, Sheepshead, Ele, Smelt, Pearch, Roch; and in Inland Rivers, Trout, some say Salmon, above the falls. Of Shel fish, we have Oysters, Crabs, Cockles, Concks and Mus[el?]as; some Oysters six Inches long, and one sort of Cockles as big as the Stewing Oysters, they make a rich Broth. The Creatures for Profit only by Skin or Fur, and that are natural to these parts, are the Wild Cat, Panther, Otter, Wolf, Fox, Fisher, Minx, Musk-Rat; and of the Water, the Whale for Oyl, of which we have good store, and two Companies of Whalers, whose Boats are built, will soon begin their Work, which hath the appearance of a considerable Improve­ ment; to say nothing of our reasonable Hopes of good God in the Bay. We have no want of Horses, and some are very good and shapely enough; two Ships have been freighted to Barbadoes with Horses and Pipe-Staves, since my coming in. Here is also Plenty of Cow-Cattle, and some Sheep; the People Plow mostly with Oxen. There are divers Plants that not only the Indians tell us, but we have had occasion to prove by Swellings, Burnings, Cuts, &c. that they are of great Virtue, suddenly curing the Patient: and for smell, I have observed several, especially one, the wild Mirtle; the other I know not what to call, but are most fragrant. The Woods are adorned with lovely Flowers, for colour, greatness, figure and variety; I have seen the Gardens of London best stored with that sort of Beauty, but think they may be improved by our Woods: I have sent a few to a Person of Quality this Year for a tryal. Thus much of the Country, next of the Natives or Aborigines. The NATIVES I shall consider in their Persons, Language, Manners, Religion and Government, with my sense of their Original. For their Persons, they are gen­ erally tall, straight, well-built, and of singular Proportion; they tread strong and

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clever, and mostly walk with a lofty Chin: Of Complexion, Black but by design, as the Gypsies in England: They grease themselves with Bears fat clarified, and using no defence / against Son or Weather, their skins must needs be swarthy: Their Eye is little and black, not unlike a straight-look’t Jew: The thick Lip and flat Nose, so frequent with the East-Indians and Blacks, are not common to them; for I have seen as comely European-like faces among them of both, as on your side the Sea; and truly an Italian Complexion hath not much more of the White, and the Noses of several of them have as much of the Roman. Their Language is lofty, yet narrow, but like the Hebrew; in Signification full, like Short-hand in writing; one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understand­ ing of the Hearer: Imperfect in their Tenses, wanting in their Moods, Participles, Adverbs, Conjunctions, Intersections: I have made it my business to understand it, that I might not want an Interpreter on any occasion: And I must say, that I know not a Language spoken in Europe, that hath words of more sweetness or greatness, in Accent and Emphasis, than theirs, for Instance, Octorockon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shakamazon, Poquesin, all which are names of Places, and have Grandeur in them: Of words of Sweetness, Anna, is Mother; Issimus, a Brother; Netap, Friend; usque oret, very good; ponc, Bread; metse, eat, matta, no, hatta to have, payo, to come; Sepassen, Passejon, the Names of Places; Tamane, Secane, Minanse, Secatereus, are the Names of Persons. If one ask them for any thing they have not, they will answer, matta ne hotta, which to translate is, not I have, instead of I have not. Of their Customs and Manners there is much to be said; I will begin with Children. So soon as they are born, they wash them in Water, and while very young, and in cold Weather to chuse, they Plunge them in the Rivers to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a Clour, they lay them on a straight thin Board, a little more than the length and breadth of the Child, and swaddle it fast upon the Board to make it straight; wherefore all Indians have flat Heads; and thus they carry them at their Backs. / The Children will go very young, at nine Moneths commonly; they wear only a small Clout31 round their Waste, till they are big; if Boys, they go a Fishing till ripe for the Woods, which is about Fifteen; then they Hunt, and after having given some Proofs of their Manhood, by a good return of Skins, they may Marry, else it is a shame to think of a Wife. The Girls stay with their Mothers, and help to hoe the Ground, plant Corn and carry Burthens; and they do well to use them to that Young, they must do when they are Old; for the Wives are the true Servants of their Husbands: otherwise the Men are very affectionate to them. When the Young Women are fit for Mar­ raige, they wear something upon their Heads for an Advertisement, but so as their Faces are hardly to be seen, but when they please: The Age they Marry at if Women, is about thirteen and fourteen; if Men, seventeen and eighteen; they are rarely elder. Their Houses are Mats, or Barks of Trees set on Poles, in the fashion

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of an English Barn, but out of the Power of the Winds, for they are hardly higher than a Man; they lie on Reeds or Grass. In Travel they lodge in the Woods about a great Fire, with the Mantle of Duffils they wear by day, wrapt about them, and a few Boughs stuck round them. Their Diet is Maze or Indian Corn, divers ways prepared; sometimes Roasted in the Ashes, sometimes beaten and Boyled with Water, which they call Homine; they also make Cakes, not unpleasant to eat: They have likewise several sorts of Beans and Pease that are good Nourishment; and the Woods and Rivers are their Larder. If an European comes to see them, or calls for Lodging at their House or Wig­ wam, they give him the best place and first cut. If they come to visit us, they salute us with an It ah, which is as much as to say, Good be to you, and set them down, which is mostly on the Ground, close to their Heels, their Legs upright; may be they speak not a word more, but observe all Passages: If you give them any thing to eat or drink, well, / for they will not ask; and be it little or much if it be with Kindness, they are well pleased, else they go away sullen, but say nothing. They are great Concealers of their own Resentments, brought to it, I believe, by the Revenge that hath been practised among them; in either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. A Tragical Instance fell out since I came into the Country; A King’s Daughter thinking her self slighted by her Husband, in suffering another Woman to lie down between them, rose up, went out, pluck’t a Root out of the Ground, and ate it, upon which she immediately dyed; and for which, last Week he made an Offering to her Kindred for Atonement and liberty of Marriage; as two others did to the Kindred of their Wives, that dyed a natural Death: For till Widowers have done so, they must not marry again. Some of the young Women are said to take undue liberty before Marriage for a Portion; but when marryed, chaste: when with Child, they know their Husbands no more, till delivered; and during their Month, they touch no Meat they eat, but with a Stick, lest they should defile it; nor do their Husbands frequent them, till that time be expired. But in Liberality they excell, nothing is too good for their friend; give them a fine Gun, Coat, or other thing it may pass twenty hands, before it sticks; light of Heart, strong Affections, but soon spent; the most merry Creatures that live, Feast and Dance perpetually; they never have much, nor want much: Wealth circulateth like the Blood, all parts partake; and though none shall want what another hath, yet exact Observers of Property. Some Kings have sold, others pre­ sented me with several parcels of Land; the Pay or Presents I made them, were not boarded by the particular Owners, but the neighbouring Kings and their Clans being present when the Goods were brought out, the Parties chiefly concerned consulted, what and to whom they should give them? To every King then, by the hands of a Person for that work appointed, is a proportion sent, so / sorted and folded, and with that Gravity, that is admirable. Then that King sub-divideth it in like manner among his Dependants, they hardly leaving themselves an Equal

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share with one of their Subjects: and be it on such occasions, at Festivals, or at their common Meals, the Kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, because they want but little; and the Reason is, a little contents them: In this they are sufficiently revenged on us; if they are ignorant of our Pleasures, they are also free from our Pains. They are not disquieted with Bills of Lading and Exchange, not perplexed with Chancery-Suits and Exchequer-Reckonings. We sweat and toil to live; their pleasure feeds them, I mean, their Hunting, Fishing and Fowling, and this Table is spread every where, they eat twice a day, Morning and Evening, their Seats and Table are the Ground. Since the Europeans came into these parts, they are grown great lovers of Strong Liquors, Rum especially, and for it exchange the richest of their Skins and Furs: If they are heated with Liquors, they are restless till they have enough to sleep; that is their cry, some more, and I will go to sleep; but when Drunk, one of the most wretchedst Spectacles in the World. In Sickness impatient to be cured, and for it give any thing, especially for their Children, to whom they are extreamly natural; they drink at those times a Teran or Decoc­ tion of some Roots in spring Water; and if they eat any Flesh, it must be of the Female of any Creature: If they dye, they bury them with their Apparel, be they Men or Women, and the nearest of Kin sling in something precious with them, as a token of their Love: Their Morning is blacking of their Faces, which they con­ tinue for a year: They are choice of the Graves of their Dead; for lest they should be lost by time, and fall to common use, they pick off the Grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen Earth with great care and exactness. These poor People are under a dark Night in things relating to Religion, to be sure, the Tradition of it; yet / they believe a God and Immortality, without the help of Metaphysicks; for they say, There is a great King that made them, who dwells in a glorious Countrey to the Southward of them, and that the Souls of the good shall go thither, where they shall live again. Their Worship consists of two parts, Sacri­ fice and Cantico. Their Sacrifice is their first Fruits; the first and fattest Buck they kill goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt with a Mournful Ditty of him that per­ formeth the Ceremony, but with such marvellous Fervency and Labour of Body, that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their Cantico, performed by round-Dances, sometimes words, sometimes Songs, then Shouts, two being in the middle that begin, and by Singing and Drumming on a Board, direct the Chorus: Their Postures in the Dance are very Antick and differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal Earnestness and Labour, but great appearance of Joy. In the Fall, when the Corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another; there have been two great Festivals already, to which all come that will: I was at one my self, their Entertainment was a green Seat by a Spring, under some shady Trees, and twenty Bucks, with hot Cakes of new Corn, both Wheat and Beans, which they make up in a square form, in the leaves of the Stem, and bake them in the Ashes; and after that they fell to Dance. But they that go, must carry a small Present of

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their Money, it may be six Pence, which is made in the Bone of a Fish; the black is with them as Gold; the white, Silver; they call it all Wampum. Their Government is by Kings, which they call Sachema, and those by Suc­ cession, but always of the Mothersside; for Instance, the Children of him that is now King will not succeed, but his Brother by the Mother, or the Children of his Sister, whose Sons (and after them the Children of her Daughters) will Reign; for no Woman inherits; the Reason they render for this way of Descent, is, that their Issue may not be spurious. Every King hath his Council, and that consists of all the Old / and Wise-men of his Nation, which perhaps is two hundred People: nothing of Moment is undertaken, be it War, Peace, Selling of Land or Traffick, without advising with them; and which is more, with the Young Men too. ’Tis admirable to consider, how Powerful the Kings are, and yet how they move by the Breath of their People. I have had occasion to be in Council with them upon Treaties for Land, and to adjust the terms of Trade; their Order is thus: The King sits in the middle of an half Moon, and hath his Council, the Old and Wise on each hand; behind them, or at a little distance, sit the younger Fry, in the same figure. Having consulted and resolved their business, the King ordered one of them to speak to me; he stood up, came to me, and in the Name of his King saluted me, then took me by the hand, and told me, That he was ordered by his King to speak to me, and that now it was not he, but the King that spoke, because what he should say, was the King’s mind. He first pray’d me, to excuse them that they had not complied with me the last time; he feared, that might be some fault in the Interpreter, being neither Indian nor English; besides, it was the Indian Custom to delibrate, and take up much time in Council, before they resolve; and that if the Young People and Owners of the Land had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay. Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the Bounds of the Land they had agreed to dispose of, and the Price, (which now is little and dear, that which would have bought twenty Miles, not buying now two.) During the time that this Person spoke, not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile; the Old Grave, the Young Reverend in their Deportment; they do speak little, but fervently, and with Elegancy: I have never seen more natural Sagacity, consider­ ing them without the help, (I was a going to say, the spoil) of Tradition: and he will deserve the Name of Wise, that Out-wits them in any Treaty about a thing they understand. When the Purchase was agreed, great Promises past between us of Kindness and good Neighbourhood, and that the Indians / and English must live in Love, as long as the Sun gave light. Which done, another made a Speech to the Indians, in the Name of all the Sachamakers or Kings, first to tell them what was done; next, to charge and command them, To love the Christians, and par­ ticularly live in Peace with me, and the People under my Government: That many Governours had been in the River, but that no Governor had come himself to live and stay here before; and having now such a one that had treated them well, they

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should never do him or his any wrong. At every sentence of which they shouted and said, Amen, in their way. The Justice they have is Pecuniary: In case of any Wrong or evil Fact, be it Murther it self, they Atone by Feasts and Presents of their Wampum, which is proportioned to the quality of the Offence or Person injured, or of the Sex they are of: For in case they kill a Woman, they pay double, and the Reason they render, is, That she breedeth Children, which Men cannot do. ’Tis rare that they fall out, if Sober; and if Drunk, they forgive it, saying, it was the Drink, and not the Man, that abused them. We have agreed, that in all differences between us, six of each side shall end the matter: Don’t abuse them, but let them have Justice, and you win them: The worst is, that they are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their Vices, and yielded them Tradition for ill, and not for good things. But as low an Ebb as they are at, and as in glorious as their Condition looks, the Christians have not out-liv’d their fight with all their Pretensions to an higher Manifestation: What good then might not a good People graft, where there is so distinct a Knowledg left between good and evil? I beseech God to incline the Hearts of all that come into these parts, to out-live the Knowledge of the Natives, by a fixt Obedience to their greater Knowledge of the Will of God; for it were miserable indeed for us to fall under the just censure of the Poor Indian Conscience, while we make profession of things so far transcending. For their Original, I am ready to believe them of / the Jewish Race, I mean, of the stock of the Ten Tribes, and that for the following Reasons; first. They were to go to a Land not Planted or known, which to be sure Asia and Africa were, if not Europe; and he that intended that extraordinary Judgment upon them, might make the Passage not uneasy to them, as it is not impossible in it self, from the Easter-most parts of Asia, to the Wester-most of America. In the next place, I find them of like countenance, and their Children of so lively Resemblance, that a Man would think himself in Dukes-place or Berry-street in London, when he seeth them. But this is not all, they agree in Rites, they reckon by Moons; they offer their first Fruits, they have a kind of Feast of Tabernacles; they are said to lay their Altar upon twelve Stones; their Mourning a year, Customs of Women, with many things that do not now ocur. So much for the Natives, next the Old Planters will be considered in this Relation, before I come to our Colony, and the Concerns of it. The first Planters in these parts were the Dutch, and soon after them the Swedes and Finns. The Dutch applied themselves to Traffick the Swedes and Finns to Husbandry. There were some Disputes between them some years, the Dutch looking upon them as Intruders upon their Purchase and Possession, which was finally ended in the Surrender made by John Rizing, the Sweeds Governour, to Peter Styvesant, Gov­ ernour for the States of Holland. Anno. 1655. The Dutch inhabit mostly those parts of the Province, that lie upon or near to the Bay, and the Swedes the Freshes

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of the River Delaware. There is no need of giving any Description of them, who are better-known there than here; but they are a plain, strong, industrious People, yet have made no great progress in Culture or propagation of fruit-Trees, as if they desired rather to have enough, than Plenty or Traffick. But I presume, the Indians made them the more careless, by furnishing with the means of Profit, to wit, Skins and Furs for Rum, and such strong Liquor. They kindly received me, as well as the English, who were few, before the / People concerned with me came among them: I must needs commend their Respect to Authority, and kind Behaviour to the English; they do not degenerate from the Old friendship between both King­ doms. As they are People proper and strong of Body, so they have fine Children, and almost every house full; rare to find one of them without three or four Boys, and as many Girls, some six, seven and eight Sons: And I must do them that right, I see few Young men more sober and laborious. The Dutch have a Meeting-place for Religious Worship at New-Castle, and the Swedes, three, one at Christina, one at Tenecum, and one at Wicoco, within half a Mile of this Town. There rests, that I speak of the Condition we are in, and what Settlement we have made, in which I will be as short as I can; for I fear, and not without reason, that I have tryed your Patience with this long Story. The Country lieth bounded on the East, by the River and Bay of Delaware, and Eastern Sea; it hath the Advan­ tage of many Creeks or Rivers rather, that run into the main River or Bay; some Navigable for great Ships; some for small Craft: Those of most Eminency are Christina, Brandy-wine, Skilpot and Skulkill;32 any one of which have room to lay up the Royal Navy of England, there being from four to eight Fathom Water. The lesser Creeks or Rivers, yet convenient for Sloops and Ketches of good Burthen, are Lewis, Mespilion, Cedar, Dover, Cranbrook, Feversham, and Georges below and Chichester, Chester, Toacamny, Pemmapecka, Fortquessin, Neshimenek and Pennberry in the Freshes; many lesser that admit Boats and Shallops. Our Peo­ ple are mostly settled upon the upper Rivers, which are pleasant and sweet, and generally bounded with good Land. The Planted part of the Province and Ter­ ritories is cast into six Counties, Philadelphia, Buckingham, Chester, Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, containing about Four Thousand Souls. Two General Assemblies have been held, and with such Concord and Dispatch, that they sate but three Weeks, and at least seventy Laws were past without one / Dissent in any material thing. But of this more hereafter, being yet Raw and New in our Geer: However, I cannot forget their singular Respect to me in this Infancy of things, who by their own private Expences so early consider’d Mine for the Publick, as to present me with an Impost upon certain Goods Imported and Exported: Which after my Acknowledgments of their Affection, I did as freely remit to the Province and the Traders to it. And for the well Government of the said Counties, Courts of Justices are established in every County, with proper Officers, as Justices, Sheriffs, Clarks, Constables, &c. which Courts are held every two Months. But to prevent

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Law-Suits, there are three Peace-makers chosen by each County-Court, in the nature of common Arbitrators, to hear and end Differences betwixt man and man; and Spring and Fall there is an Orphan’s Court in each Country, to inspect and regulate the Affairs of Orphans and Widows. Philadelphia, the Expectation of those that are concern’d in this Province, is at last laid out to the great Content of those here, that are any wayes Interested therein: The Scituation is a Neck of Land, and lieth between two Navigable Riv­ ers, Delaware and Skulkil, whereby it hath two Fronts upon the Water, each a Mile, and two from River to River. Delaware is a glorious River but the Skulkil being an hundred Miles Boarable above the Falls, and its Course North-East toward the Fountain of Susquahannah (that tends to the Heart of the Province, and both sides our own) it is like to be a great part of the Settlement of this Age, in which those who are Purchasers of me, will find their Names and Interest. But this I will say for the good Providence of God, that of all the many Places I have seen in the World, I remember not one better seated; so that it seems to me to have been appointed for a Town, whether we regard the Rivers, or the conven­ iency of the Coves, Docks, Springs, the loftiness and soundness of the Land and the Air, held by the People of those parts to be very good. It is advanced within less than a / Year to about four score Houses and Cottages, such as they are, where Merchants and Handicrafts are following their Vocations as fast as they can, while the Country-men are close at their Farms: Some of them got a little Winter-Corn in the Ground last Season, and the generality have had a handsom SummerCrop, and are preparing for their Winter-Corn. They reaped their Barley this Year in the Month called May; the Wheat in the Month following; so that there is time in these parts for another Crop of divers things before the Winter Season. We are daily in hopes of Shipping to add to our Number; for blessed be God here is both Room and Accommodation for them; the Stories of our Necessity, being either the Fear of our Friends, or the Scare-Crows of our Enemies; for the greatest hardship, we have suffered, hath been Salt-Meat, which by Fowl in Win­ ter, and Fish in Summer, together with some Poultry, Lamb, Mutton, Veal, and plenty of Venison the best part of the year, hath been made very passable. I bless God, I am fully satisfyed with the Country and Entertainment I can get in it; for I find that particular Content which hath always attended me, where God in his Providence hath made it my place and service to reside. You cannot Imagin, my Station can be at present free of more than ordinary business, and as such, I may say, it is a troublesome Work; but the Method things are putting in, will facilitate the charge, and give an easier Motion to the Administration of Affairs. However, as it is some Mens Duty to Plow, some to Sow, some to Water, and some to Reap; so it is the Wisdom as well as Duty of a Man, to yield to the mind of Providence, and chearfully, as well as carefully imbrace and follow the Guidance of it.

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The City of Philadelphia, as it is now laid out, extends in Length, from River to River, two Miles, and in Breadth near a Mile; and the Governour, as a fur­ ther manifestation of his kindness to the Purchasers, hath freely given them their respective Lots in the City, without defalcation of any of their / Quantities of Purchased Lands; and as its now placed and modelled between two Navigable Rivers upon a Neck of Land, and that Ships may ride in good Anchorage, in six or eight Fathom Water in both Rivers, close to the City, and the Land of the City level, dry and wholsom; such a Scituation is scarce to be parallel’d. The City is so ordered now, by the Governour’s Care and Prudence, that it hath a front to each River, one half at Delaware, the other at Skulkil; and though all this cannot make way for small Purchasers to be in the Fronts, yet they are placed in the next Streets, contiguous to each Front, viz all Purchasers of one Thousand Acres, and upwards, have the Fronts (and the High-street) and to every five Thousand Acres Purchase, in the Front about an Acre, and the smaller Purchasers about half an Acre in the backward-Street; By which means the least hath room enough for House, Garden and small Orchard, to the great Content and Satisfaction of all here concerned. The City consists of a large Front-street to each River, and a High-street (near the middle) from Front (or River) to Front, of one hundred Foot broad, and a broad Street in the middle of the City, from side to side, of the like breadth. In the Center of the City, is a Square of Ten Acres; at each Angle are to be Houses for Publick Affairs, as a Meeting-House, Assembly or State-House, Market-House, School-House, and several other Buildings for Publick Concerns. There are also in each Quarter of the City, a Square of eight Acres, to be for the like Uses, as the More-Fields in London; and right Streets (besides the said High Street) that run from Front to Front, and twenty Streets (besides the Broad Street) that run cross the City from side to side, all these Streets are of fifty Foot breadth. /

CHAP. VIII.

A Prospect of Mary-land, with the Plantation, Scituation and Product thereof. THE Province is bounded on the North with Pensylvania, on the East by Dela­ ware Bay and the Atlantick Ocean, on the South by Virginia, from whence it is parted by the River Patowmeck; Chesopeak Bay, is the passage for Ships both into this Countrey and Virginia, and runs through the middle of Maryland, being found Navigable neer 200 miles into the Land, into which fall divers very considerable Rivers. The Climate is very agreeable to the English Constitution, especially since the cleering of the ground from Trees and Woods, which for­ merly caused much unhealthfulness, neither is the heat extream in Summer, being much qualified by the cool winds from the Sea, and refreshing Showers, and the Winter so moderate as doth no way incommode the Inhabitants. It is seated between 37 and 40 Degrees of North Latitude, and was discoverers at the same time with Virginia; Our first Discoverers relate many strange Rites and Ceremonies used by the Native Indians; Mr. T. H.33 an Englishman writes, they believe there are many Gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees, yet that there is one only Chief and Great God which hath been from all Eternity, who, (they say) when he purposed to make the World, created first other Gods of a Principal Order to be as Means and Instruments used in the Creation, and then the Sun, Moon, and Stars as petty Gods; Out of the Waters, they affirm, all the diversity / of Creatures were made, and for Mankind that Woman was made first, who by the assistance of one of the Gods conceived and brought forth Children, but know not how long it was since this was done, hav­ ing no Arithmetick nor Records, but only Tradition from Father to Son; They make the Images of their Gods in the Shapes of men, placing one at least in their Houses or Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make offerings. They believe, that after this Life, the Soul shall be disposed of according to its works here, either to the habitacle of the Gods to enjoy perpetual happiness, or to a great pit or hole in the furthest part of their Countrey toward Sunset, – 108 –

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(which they think the furthest part of the World) there to be burnt continually. This place they call Popogusso, and relate that the Grave of one who was buried was the next day seen to move, whereupon his Body was taken up again, who then revived and declared that his Soul was very near entring into Popogusso, had not one of the Gods saved him, and suffered him to return and warn his Friends, to avoid that terrible place; another, being taken up, related, that his Soul was alive, while his Body was in the Grave, and had been Travelling in a long broad way, on both sides whereof, grew delicate Trees bearing excellent Fruits, and at length arrived to most curious Houses, where he met his Father, that was dead before, who charged him to go back, and shew his Friends, what good they were to do, to enjoy the pleasures of this place, and then to return to him again; what­ ever tricks or subtilty the Priests use, the Vulgar are hereby very respectful to their Governours, and careful of their Actions, though in Criminal Causes they inflict punishments, according to the quality of the offence; they are great Nec­ romancers, and account our Fire-works, Guns, and Writing to be the Works of Gods rather than Men; when one of their Kings was sick, he sent to the English to pray for him; some of them imagin that we are not mortal Men, nor / born of women, but an old Generation revived, and believe that there are more-of us yet to come to kil their nation and take their places, who are at present invisibly in the Air without bodys, and that at their Intercession they cause those of their Nation to die, who wrong the English. Their Idol they place in the innermost room of their House, of whom they relate incredible storys; they carry it with them to the Wars and ask Counsel thereof, as the Romans did of their Oracles; They sing Songs as they march toward battle instead of Drums and Trumpets, their Wars are exceeding bloudy and have wasted the people very much. A certain King, called Piemacum, hav­ ing invited many men and Women of the Secotans to a Feast, whilst they were merry and praying before their Idol came upon them and slew them; When one of their Kings had conspired against the English, a Chief man about him said, That we were the servants of God, and not subject to be destroyed by them, and that when we were dead we could do them more hurt than when alive. One Owen Griffin an Eye-witness thus tells of their Ceremonies; The eldest among them riseth upright, the rest sitting still, and looking about cryes out aloud Baw Waw, then the women fall down and lie upon the ground, and repeating BawWaw altogether, fall to stamping furiously with both feet round the Fire making the ground shake with dreadful shoutings and outcryes, thrusting firebrands into the Earth and then ceasing a while of a sudden they begin as before, stamping till the younger sort fetched many stones from the shoar, of which every man took one, and first beat upon them with their firesticks, and then the earth with all their-strength, in which exercise they continued above two hours, after which, they that had wives withdrew themselves with them severally into the Woods,

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this seemed to be their Evening Devotion; when they have obtained some great Victory or deliverance, they use solemn rejoycing by making a great Fire, and / incompassing the same promiscuously men and women together, making a great noise with rattles in their hands; Once a year they hold a great Festival, meeting together our of divers Villages, each having a certain Mark or Character on his back, whereby it may be discerned, whose Subject he is; The place where they meet is spacious, and round about are Posts carved on the top like a Nuns head, in the midst are three of the fairest Virgins lovingly imbracing and clasping each other, about this living Image and Artificial Circle they dance in their Savage manner. Their chief Idol called Kiwasa is made of wood four foot High, the face resembling the Inhabitants of Florida, painted with flesh-colour, the brest white, the other parts black, the legs only spotted with white, with chains and strings of Beads about his Neck; This Idol is the keeper of the dead bodies of their Kings, which are advanced on Scaffolds nine or ten foot high, this Kiwasa or Guardian being placed neer them, and underneath lives a Priest who there mumbleth his Devotions Night and Day. The Countrey is generally plain and even, the soyl rich and Fertile naturally, producing all such Commodities as are found in New-England, as to Fish, Fruits, Plants Roots. &c. The chief Trade of the English there is Tobacco, which is not inconsiderable, since an hundred sail of Ships have in one year traded thither from England and the neighbouring English Plantations. It is divided into ten Counties, in each of which a Court is held every two months for little Mat­ ters, with Appeal to the Provincial Court at St. Maries, which is the principal Town seated on St. Georges River, and beautified with several well built Houses. This Province is granted by Patent to the Right Honorable the Lord Baltimore and to his Heirs and Assigns, with many Civil and Military-Prerogatives and Jurisdictions, as conferring Honours, Coyning money, &c. paying yearly as an acknowledgment to his Majesty and his Successors, two Indian Arrows at Windsor Castle / upon Easter Tuesday. The Lord Baltimore hath his residence at Mattapany about eight miles distant from St. Maries where he hath a pleas­ ant seat, though the General Assemblies and provincial Courts are kept at St. Maries; And for incouraging People to settle here, his Lordship, by advice of the General Assembly, hath long since established a Model of excellent Laws for the case and security of the Inhabitants, with Toleration of Religion to all that pro­ fess Faith in Christ, which hath been a principal Motive to many to settle there.

CHAP. IX.

A Prospect of Virginia with the Discovery, Plantation and Product thereof. THis Countrey with the other adjoining Coasts, was first discovered by Sebas­ tian Cabot with his English Mariners in 1497. And may therefore be justly claimed by England, it was afterward visited by Sir Francis Drake, and called Vir­ ginia by Sir Walter Rawleigh in honour of his Virgin Mistress, Queen Elizabeth; In 1603. some Persons at Bristol by leave from Sir Walter Rawleigh, who had the Propriety thereof, made a Voyage thither, who discovered Whitson-Bay in forty one Degrees, the People used Snakeskins of six Foot long for Girdles, and were exceedingly ravished with the Musick of a Gittern34 Boy, dancing in a ring about him, they were more afraid of two English Mastives than of twenty Men; In 1607. Sir John Popham, and others setled a Plantation at the mouth of the River Sagahadoc, the Captain James Davis chose a small place, almost an Island to set down in, where having heard a Sermon, read their Patent and Laws, and Built a Fort, / they Sailed to discover further up the River and Countrey, and encoun­ tred with an Island, where was a great Fall of Water, over which they haled their Boat with a Rope, and came to another Fall, shallow, swift and unpassable, they found the Countrey stored with white and red Grapes, good Hops, Onions, Garlick, Oaks, Walnuts, and the Soil good, the Head of the River being in about forty five Degrees; they called their Fort St. George, Captain George Popham being President, the People seemed much affected with our Mens Devotions, and would say, King James is a good King, and his god a good God, but our God Tanto a naughty God; which is the name of the evil Spirit that haunts them every new Moon, and makes them Worship him for fear; he commanded the Indians not to converse nor come near the English, threatning some to kill them, and to inflict Sickness upon others if they disobeyed him, beginning with two of their Sagamors or Kings Children, affirming he had power to do the like against the English, and would execute it on them the next new Moon. The Natives told our Men of Cannibals near Sagadohoc, with Teeth three Inches long, but they saw – 111 –

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them not. In January they had in the space of seven hours Thunder, Lightning, Rain, Frost and Snow all in abundance; they found a Bath two Miles about, so hot they could not drink of it. One of the Savages for a Straw hat and Knife stript himself of his Clothing of Bevers Skins worth in England 50 s. or 3l. to Present them to the President, leaving only a Flap to cover his Nudities. About this time Captain Gosnold set Sail for Virginia, and arrived there after long contending with furious Storms and Tempests; and soon after by the Industry of Captain Smith, James-Town was Built, the Savages supplying their necessities which were sometimes very extream; the Winter approaching, the Rivers afforded them plenty of Cranes, Swans, Geese, Ducks, wherewith they had Pease, and Wild Beasts, as Bevers, Otters, Martins, and black Foxes, upon which / they daily Feasted; but in the discovery of Chickahamine River, George Casson was surprized, and Smith with two others beset with two hundred Savages, his Men Slain, and himself in a Quagmire taken Prisoner, but after a Month, he pro­ cured not only his Liberty, but was in great esteem among them, being extreamly pleased with his Discourses of God, Nature and Art, and had Royal Entertain­ ment from Powhatan one of their Emperours, who sat in State upon his Bed of Matts, his Pillow of Leather imbroidered with Pearl and white Beads, attired with a Robe of Skins as large as an Irish Mantle, at his Head sat a handsom young Woman, and another at his Feet, and on each side the Room, twenty others, their Heads and Shoulders painted red with a great Chain of white Beads about their Necks, and a Robe of Skins large like an Irish Mantle, before these sat his chiefest men in their Orders: in this Palace or Arbour, one Newport, who accom­ panied Captain Smith, gave the Emperour a Boy, in requital whereof, Powhatan bestowed upon him Namontack his Servant, who was after brought into Eng­ land; yet after this Powhatan treacherously contrived the Murther of sixteen of our Men, which was happily prevented by Captain Smith, who seized another of their Kings, and thereby procured Peace from them on his own Terms. This Powhatan had about thirty Kings under him, his Treasure consisted of Skins, Copper, Pearls, Beads, and the like, kept in a house on purpose against the time of his Burial; this House was fifty or sixty Yards long, frequented only by Priests, at the four Corners stood four Images as Centinels, one of a Bear, another a Dragon, a third a Leopard, and the fourth a Giant; he hath as many Women as he please, whom when he is weary of, he bestows upon his Favourites; his Will and the Customs of the Countrey are his Laws, Malefactors are pun­ ished, by broiling to death, incompassed with Fire, and divers other Tortures; Mr. White relates, that about ten Mile from James.-Town, / one of their Kings made a Feast in the Woods, the People were monstrously painted, some like black Devils, with Horns, and their Hair loose of divers Colours, they continued two days dancing in a circle of a Quarter of a Mile about, for in a rank, in two Companies, using several Antick Tricks, the King leading the dance; all in the

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midst had black horns on their Heads, and Green Boughs in their Hands, next whom were four or five Principal Men differently painted, who with Clubs beat those forward that tired in the Dance, which held so long that they were neither able to go nor stand; they made a hellish noise, and every one throwing away his Bough, ran clapping their Hands up into a Tree, and tearing down a Branch fell into their Order again. After this fifteen of their properest Boys between ten and fifteen years old, painted white, were brought forth to the People, who spent the Forenoon in dancing and singing about them with rattles; Then the Children were fetched away, the Women weeping and passionately crying out, providing Moss Skins, Matts and dry Wood, making Wreaths for their Heads, and deck­ ing their Hair with Leaves, after which they were all cast on an heap in a Valley as dead, where a great Feast was made for all the Company for two Hours, they then fell again into a Circle and danced about the Youths, causing a Fire to be made upon an Altar, which our Men thought was designed to Sacrifice them to the Devil, but it was a mistake, and the Indians deluded our Men by false Sto­ ries, one denying and another affirming the same thing, being either ignorant or unwilling to discover the devilish Mysteries of their Religion; but Captain Smith says, that a King being demanded the meaning of this Sacrifice, answered, that the Children were not all dead, but that Okee or the Devil, did suck the Blood from their left Breast, till some of them died, but the rest were kept in the Wilderness till nine Moons were expired, during which they must not converse with any, and of these were made Priests and Conjurers. / They think these Sacrifices so necessary, that if omitted, they believe their Okee or Devil, and their other Gods would hinder them from having any Deer, Turkies, Corn or Fish, and would likewise make a great Slaughter among them. They imagin their Priests after death go beyond the Mountains toward the Sunsetting, and remain there continually in the shape of their Okee, having their Heads painted with Oil, and finely trimmed with Feathers, being furnished with Beads, Hatchers, Copper and Tobacco, never ceasing to dance and sing with their Predecessors, yet they suppose the Common People shall dye like Beasts, and never live after death; some of their Priests were so far convinced, that they declared they believed, our God exceeded theirs, as much as our Guns did their Bows and Arrows, and sent many Presents to the President, intreating him to pray to his God for Rain, for their God would not send them any. By break of day before they eat or drink, the Men, Women and Children above ten years old run into the Water, and there wash a good space till the Sun arise, then they offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the Land and Water, repeating the same Ceremonies at Sun set; George Casson aforementioned was Sacrificed, as they thought, to the Devil, being stript naked and bound to two Stakes with his back against a great Fire, after which they ript up his Belly and burnt his Bowels, dry­ ing his Flesh to the Bones, which they kept above ground in a by Room; many

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other Englishmen were cruelly and treacherously Executed by them, though per­ haps not Sacrificed, and none had escaped if their Ambushes had succeeded. Powhatan invited one Captain Ratcliff and thirty others to Trade for Corn, and having brought them within his Ambush, Murdered them all. One Tomocomo an Indian and Counsellor to one of their Kings, came into England in the Reign of King James the first, who landing in the West was much surprized at our plenty of Corn and Trees, imagining / we ventured into their Countrey to supply those defects, he began then to number the Men he met with, but his Arithmetick soon failed him; he related that Okee their God did often appear to him in his temple, to which purpose four of their Priests go into the House, and using certain strange words and gestures, eight more are called in, to whom he discovers what his will is; upon him they depend in all their Pro­ ceedings, as in taking Journeys or the like; sometimes when they resolve to go on hunting, he by some known token will direct where they shall find Game, which they with great cheerfulness acknowledging, follow his directions, and many times succeed therein; he appears like a handsom Indian with long black Locks of Hair, after he hath staid with his twelve Confederates for some time, he ascen­ deth into the Air from whence he came. The Natives think it a disgrace to fear death, and therefore when they must dye, they do it resolutely, as it happened to one who robbed an Englishman, and was by Powhatan (vpon complaint made against him,) fetched sixty Miles from the place where he lay concealed, and by this Tomocomo Executed in the presence of the English, his Brains being knockt out, without the least shew of fear or terrour. The Virginians are not born so swarthy as they appear, their hair is generally black, few men have beards, because they pluck out the hair that would grow, their Ointments and smoaky houses do in a great measure cause their blackness, whereby they look like Bacon, they have one wife, many Concubines, and are likewise Sodomites; The Ancient Women are used for Cooks, Barbers, and other services, the younger for dalliance, they are modest in their carriage, and seldom quarrel, in entertaining a stranger they spread a Matt for him to sit down, and then dance before him, they wear their nails long to flea their Deer, and put Bows and Arrows into the Hands of their Children, before they are six years old. In each Ear they have generally three great holes wherein / they commonly hang chains, bracelets, or Copper, some wear a Snake therein coloured green and yellow near half a yard long, which crawling about their necks offers to kiss their lips, others have a dead Rat tyed by the Tail. The Women raze their bodies, legs and thighs with an Iron in curious knots, and Shapes of Fowles, Fishes, & Beasts, and Rub a painting therein which will never come out; The Queen of Apamerica was attired with a Coronet beset with many white Bones; with Copper in her ears, and a Chain of the same six times incompassing her neck; The Sasqueh­ anocks are Giantlike people, very monstrous in proportion, behaviour and attire,

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their voice sounds as if out of a Cave, their Garments are Bears-Skins, hanged with Bears Paws, a Wolfes head, and such odd Jewels; their Tobacco Pipes, three quarters of a yard long with the head of some beast at the end so weighty as to beat out the brains of a Horse. The calf of one of their legs was measured three quarters of a yard about, their other limbs being proportionable. They have divers ridiculous conceits concerning their Original, as that a Hare came into their Countrey, and made the first men and after preserved them from a great Serpent, and two other Hares coming thither, the first killed a Deer for their entertainment, which was then the only Deer in the World, and strewing the hairs of that Deers hide, every Hair proved a Deer. Virginia after the first discovery cost no small pains and experience before it was brought to perfection, with the loss of many Englishmens lives. In the Reign of King James the first, a Patent was granted to certain Persons as a Corpora­ tion who were called, The Company of Adventurers of Virginia. But upon several misdemeanors & miscarriages in 1623 the Patent was made void, & it hath been since free for all his Majesties Subjects to trade to; It is Scituate South of Mary-land, and hath the Atlantick Ocean on the East; The Air is good, and the Climate so agreeable to the English, especially since the clearing it from Woods, that few / dye of the Countrey disease called Seasoning. The Soil is so fruitful that an Acre of ground commonly yeilds 200 Bushels of Corn, and produces readily the Grain, Fruits, Plants, Seeds, and Roots, which are brought from Eng­ land, besides those that are natural to this Countrey and the rest of America. They have plenty of Beasts, Fish, and Fowl, some of their Turkeys being affirmed to weigh six stone or 48 pound; The Mockbird is very delightful, imitating the notes of all other Birds. The Produce of this Country are Flax, Hemp, Woad, Madder, Pot-ashes, Hops, Honey, Wax, Rape-seed, Annise-seed, Silk if they would make it, since Mulberry Trees grow here in so great plenty, several sweet Gums and excellent Balsoms, Allum, Iron, Copper; divers sorts of Woods, and Plants used by Dyers, together with Pitch, Tar, Rozin, Turpentine and sundry sorts of rich Furs, Elk-skins, and other Hides; but above all, Tobacco, which is their prin­ cipal Commodity, and the Standard whereby all the rest are prized. This Countrey is well watered with many great, and swift Rivers that lose themselves in the Gulf or Bay of Chesapeak, which gives entrance into this Countrey as well as Mary-land, being a very large and Capacious Bay, and run­ ning up into the Countrey Northward above two hundred Miles; The Rivers of most Account are James River, navigable a hundred and fifty miles, York River large and navigable above 60 miles, and Rapahanok Navigable above a hundred and twenty miles; Adjoining to these Rivers are the English setled for the con­ veniency of shipping, having several Towns, the chief whereof is James-Town commodiously seated on James-River, very neat and well beautified with Brick Houses, where are kept the Courts of Judicature, and all Publick Offices which

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concern the Countrey. Next to James is Elizabeth Town, well built and seated on the mouth of a River so called; Likewise the Towns of Bermuda Wicacomoco, and Dales-gift; The Governour is sent over by his Majesty, who / at present is the Right Honourable the L. Howard of Effingham,35 & the Countrey governed by Laws agreeable to those of England, for the better observing therof, those Parts possessed by the English are divided into the Counties of Caroluck, Charles, Glocester, Hartford, Henrico, James, New Kent, Lancaster, Middlesex, Nause­ mund, Lower, Norfolk, Northampton, Northumberland, Rappahanock, Surrey, Warwick, Westmoreland, the Isle of Wight and York. In each of which Counties are held petty Courts every Month, from which there may be Appeals to the Quarter Court at James Town. They have great store of Wild Beasts as Lyons, Bears, Leopards, Tigers, Wolves and Dogs like Wolves but bark not, Buffelo’s, Elke whose flesh is as good as Beef. Likewise Deer, Hares, Bevers, Otters, Foxes, Mar­ tins, Poulcats, Weasels, Musk-Rats Flying Squirrels, &c. And for tame Cattle, Cows, Sheep, Goats, and Horses in great plenty.

CHAP. X.

A Prospect of Carolina with the Scituation and Product thereof. CArolina, so called from his late Majesty King Charles the Second of Glorious memory, is a Colony not long since established by the English, and is that part of Florida adjoining to Virginia, between twenty nine and thirty six degrees of Northern Latitude; On the East it is washed with the Atlantick Ocean, and is bounded on the West by Mare Pacificum or the South Sea, and within these bounds is contained the most fertile and pleasant part of Florida which is so much commended by the Spanish Authors; Of which I cannot give a more ample Account than has been done already by an Englishman, who has lived, and was concerned in the settlement thereof, and shall therefore / repeat what he has delivered in his own words.36 This Province of Carolina was in the Year 1663. Granted by Letters Patents of his late Gracious Majesty, in Propriety unto the Right Honorable Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarl, William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkely, Anthony Lord Ashly, now Earl of Shaftsbury, Sir George Carteret, and Sir John Colleton, Knights and Baronets, Sir William Berkely Knight, by which Letters Patents the Laws of Eagland are to be of force in Carolina: but the Lords Proprietors have power with the consent of the Inhabitants to make By-Laws for the better Government of the said Province: So that no Money can be raised or Law made, without the consent of the Inhabitants or their Representatives. They have also power to appoint and impower Governours, and other Magistrates to Grant Liberty of Conscience, make Constitutions, &c. With many other great Priviledges, as by the said Letters Patents will more largely appear. And the said Lords Proprietors have there setled a Constitution of Government, whereby is granted Liberty of Conscience, and wherein all possible care is taken for the equal Administration of Justice, and for the lasting Security of the Inhabitants both in their Persons and Estates. By the care and endeavours of the said Lords Proprietors, and at their very great charge, two Colonies have been setled in this Province, the one at Albemarle – 117 –

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in the most Northerly part, the other at Ashly River, which is in the Latitude of thirty two Degrees or Minutes. Albemarle bordering upon Virginia, and only exceeding it in Health, Fertil­ ity, and Mildness of the Winter, is in the Growths, Productions, and other things much of the same nature with it: Wherefore I shall not trouble the Reader with a particular Description of that part; but apply my self principally to discourse of the Colony at Ashly-River, which being many Degrees more Southward than Virginia, differs / much from it in the Nature of its Climate and Productions. Ashly-River was first setled in April 1670. the Lords Proprietors having at their sole charge, set out three Vessels, with a considerable number of able Men, eighteen Moneths Victuals, with Clothes, Tools, Ammunition, and what else was thought necessary for a new Settlement, and continued at this charge to sup­ ply the Colony for divers years after, until the Inhabitants were able by their own Industry to live of themselves; in which condition they have been for divers years past, and are arrived to a very great Degree of Plenty of all sorts of Provisions. Insomuch, that most sorts are already cheaper there, than in any other of the English Colonys, and they are plentifully enough supplied with all things from England or other Parts. Ashly-River, about seven Miles in from the Sea, divides it self into two Branches; the Southermost retaining the name of Ashly-River, the North Branch is called Cooper-River. In May, 1680. the Lords Proprietors sent their Orders to the Government their, appointing the Port-Town for these two Rivers to be Built on the Point of Land that divides them, and to be called Charles Town, since which time about an hundred Houses are there Built, and more are Building daily by the Persons of all sorts that come there to Inhabit, from the more Northern English Colonys, and the Sugar Islands, England and Ireland; and many Persons who went to Carolina Servants, being Industrious, since they came out of their times with their Masters, at whose charge they were Transported, have gotten good Stocks of Cattle, and Servants of their own; have here also Built Houses, and exercise their Trades: And many that went thither in that condition, are now worth several Hundreds of Pounds, and live in a very plentiful condition, and their Estates still encreasing. And Land is become of that value near the Town, that it is sold for twenty Shillings per Acre, though pillaged of all its valuable Timber, and / not cleared of the rest, and Land that is clear’d and fitted for Planting, and Fenced, is let for ten shillings per annum the Acre, though twenty miles distant from the Town, and six men will in six weeks time, Fall, Clear, Fence in, and fit for Planting, six Acres of Land. At this Town in November, 1680. There Rode at one time sixteen Sail of Vessels (some of which were upwards of 200 Tuns) that came from divers parts of the Kings Dominions to trade there, which great concourse of shipping, will undoubtebly in a short time make it a considerable Town.

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The Eastern Shore of America, whether it be by reason of its having the great Body of the Continent to the Westward of it, and by consequence the NorthwestWind (which blows contrary to the Sun) the Freezing-Wind, as the North-East is in Europe, or that the Frozen Lakes which lie-in, beyond Canada, and lie North and West from the Shore, Impregnate the Freezing Wind with more chill and congealing qualities, or that the uncultivated Earth, covered for the most part with large shading Trees, breathes forth more nitrous Vapours, than that which is cultivated; or all these Reasons together, it is certainly much more cold than any part of Europe, in the same Degree of Latitude, insomuch that New England and those parts of America about the Latitude of thirty nine and forty, and more North, though above six hundred miles nearer the Sun than England; is notwith­ standing many degrees colder in the Winter. The Author having been informed by those that say they have seen it, that in those Parts it Freezeth about six Inches thick in a Night, and great Navigable Rivers are Frozen over in the same space of time; and the Country about AshlyRiver, though within nine Degrees of the Tropick, hath seldom any Winter that doth not produce some Ice, though I cannot yet learn that any hath been seen on Rivers or Ponds, above a quarter of an Inch thick, which vanisheth as soon as the Sun is an hour or two high / and when the Wind is not at North-west, the Weather is very mild; So that the December and January of Ashly-River, I sup­ pose to be of the same Temperature with the latter end of March, and beginning of April in England; this small Winter causeth a fall of the Leaf, and adapts the Countrey to the production of all the Grains and Fruits of England, as well as those that require more Sun; insomuch, that at Ashly-River, the Apple, the Pear, the Plum, the Quince, Apricock, Peach, Medlar, Walnut, Mulberry; and Ches­ nut, thrive very well in the same Garden, together with the Orange, the Lemon, the Olive, the Pomgranate, the Fig and Almond; nor is the Winter here cloudy, Overcast, or Foggy, but it hath been observed that from the twentieth of August to the tenth of March, including all the Winter Months, there have been but eight overcast days, and though Rains fall pretty often in the Winter, it is most commonly in quick Showers, which when past, the Sun shines out clear again. The Summer is not near so hot as in Virginia, or the other Northern Ameri­ can English Colonies, which may hardly gain belief with those that have not considered the reason; which is its neerness to the Tropicks, which makes it in a greater measure than those ports more Northward partake of those Breezes, which almost constantly rise about eight or nine of the Clock, within the Trop­ icks, and blow fresh from the East till about four in the Afternoon, and a little after the Sea-breeze dies away, there rise a North-wind, which blowing all night, keeps it fresh and cool. In short, I take Carolina to be much of the same nature with those delicious Countries about Aleppo, Antioch, and Smyrna: But hath the advantage of being under an equal English Government.

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Such, who in this Countrey have seated themselves near great Marshes, are subject to Agues, as those are who are so seated in England; But such who are planted / Swan, wild Geese, Duck, Widgeon, Teal, Curlew, Snipe, Shell Drake, and a certain sort of black Duck that is excellent meat, and stayes there all the year. Neat Cattle thrive and increase here exceedingly, there being perticular Planters that have already seven or eight hundred head, and will in a few years in all prob­ ability, have as many thousands, unless they sell some part; [t]he Cattle are not subject to any Disease as yet perceiv’d, and are fat all the Year long without any Fother; the little Winter they have not pinching them so as to be perceiv’d which is a great advantage, the Planters here have of the more Northern Plantations, who are all forc’d to give their Cattle Fother, and must spend a great part of their Summers Labour in providing three or four Months Fother for their Cattle in the Winter, or else would have sew of them alive in the Spring, which will keep them from ever having very great Herds, or be able to do much in Planting any Commodity for Foreign Markets: the providing Winter Food for their Cattle, taking up so much of their Summers Labour; So that many Judicious Persons think that Carolina will be able by Sea, to supply those Northern Colonies, with salted Beef for their Shipping, cheaper than they themselves with what is bred among them; for, considering that all the Woods in Carolina afford good Pastur­ age, and the small Rent that is paid to the Lords Proprietors for Land, an Ox is raised at almost as little expence in Carolina, as a Hen is in England. And it hath by experience been found that Beef will take salt at Ashly-River any Month in the Year, and save very well. Ewes have most commonly two or three Lambs at a time; their Wool is a good Staple, and they thrive very well, but require a Shepherd to drive them to Feed, and to bring them home at night to preserve them from the Wolves. Hogs increase in Carolina abundantly, and in a manner without any charge or trouble to the Planter, only to make them Sheds, wherein they may be protected from the Sun and / Rain, and Morning and Evening to give them a little Indian Corn, or the pickings and parings of Potatoes, Turnips, or other Roots, and at the same time blowing a Horn, or making any other constant noise to which being us’d, they will afterwards upon hearing it, repair home, the rest of their Food they get in the Woods, of Masts, and Nuts of several sorts; and when those fail, they have Grass and Roots enough, the ground being never frozen so hard as to keep them from Rooting, these conveniencies breeds them large, and in the Mast time they are very fat, all which makes the rearing them so easy, that there are many Planters that are single and have never a Servant, that have two or three hundred Hogs, of which they make great profit; Barbados, Jamaica, and New-England, affording a constant good price for their Pork; by which means they get where­ withal to build them more convenient Houses, and to purchase Servants, and Negro Slaves.

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There have been imported into Carolina, about an hundred and fifty Mares, and some Horses from New-York and Road-Island, which breed well, and the Colts they have are finer Limb’d and Headed than their Dams or Sires, which gives great hopes of an excellent breed of Horses as soon as they gotten have good Stalions amongst them. Negros by reason of the mildness of the Winter thrive and stand much better, than in any of the Northern Colonys, and require less clothes, which is a great charged sav’d. With the Indians the English have a perfect friendship, they being both use­ ful to one another. And care is taken by the Lords Proprietors, that no Injustice shall be done them; In order to which they have established a particular Court of Judicature, (compos’d of the soberest and most disinterested Inhabitants) to determine all differences that shall happen between the English and any of the Indians, this they do upon a Christian and Moral Consideration, and not out of any apprehension of danger from them, for the Indians have / been always so ingaged in Wars one Town or Village against another, (their Government being usually of no greater extent) that they have not suffered any increase of People, there having been several Nations in a manner quite extirpated by Wars amongst themselves since the English setled at Ashly River: This keeps them so thin of people, and so divided, that the English have not the least apprehensions of danger from them; the English being already too strong for all the Indians within five hundred Miles of them, if they were united, and this the Indians so wel know, that they will never dare to break with the English, or do an Injury to any particular person, for fear of having it reveng’d upon their whole Nation. The Lords Proprietors do at present grant to all persons that come there to Inhabit as follows, viz. To each Master or Mistress of a Family fifty acres, & for every able son or man servant they shall carry or cause to be transported into Carolina fifty acres more, and the like for each Daughter or Woman servant that is marriageable, and for each child, man or woman servant under sixteen years of age, forty acres, and fifty acres of Land to each servant when out of their time, this Land to be injoy’d by them and their Heirs for ever, they paying a penny an Acre Quit-rent to the Lords Proprietors, the Rent to commence in two years after their taking up their Land. But for as much as divers persons who are already Inhabitants of Carolina & others that have Intentions to transport themselves into that Province, desire not to be cumber’d with paying of a Rent, & also to secure to themselves good large convenient tracts of Land without being forc’d to bring thither a great number of servants at one time; The Lords Proprietors have been Prevail’d upon, and have agreed to sell to those who have a mind to buy Land, after the rate of fifty pound for a Thousand Acres, reserving a Pepper-Corn per annum Rent when demanded. The way of any ones taking up his Land, due to him either by carrying himself or servants into the Country, or by purchasing it of / the Lords Proprietors, is after this manner: He first seeks out

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a place to his mind that is not already possessed by any other, then applyes him­ self to the Governour and Proprietors Deputies, and shew what rights he hath to Land, either by Purchase or otherwise, who thereupon give out their Warrant to the Survevor-General to measure him out a Plantation containing the number of acres due to him; who making certificate that he hath measur’d out so much Land and the Bounds, a Deed is prepar’d of course, which is Signed by the Gov­ ernour and the Lords Proprietors Deputies, and the Proprietors Seal affixed to it and Registr’d, which is a good Conveyance in Law of the Land therein mention’d to the Party and his Heirs for ever. I have here, as I take it, described a pleasant and fertile Country, abounding in health and pleasure, and with all things necessary for the sustenance of mankind, and wherein I think I have written nothing but truth, sure I am I have inserted no wilful falshood: I have also told you, how men are to have Land that go there to Inhabit. But a rational man will certainly inquire, When I have Land, what shall I doe with it what Commoditys shall I be able to produce that will yield me mony in other Countrys, that I may be inabled to buy Negro slaves (without which a Planter can never do any great matter) and purchase other things for my pleasure and convenience, that Carolina doth not produce? To this I answer, That besides the great profit that will be made by the vast Herds of Cattle and Swine, the Country appears to be proper for the Commoditys following. viz. Wine. There are growing naturally in the Country five sorts of Grapes, three of which the French Vignaroons, who are there, judge will make very good Wine, and some of the Lords Proprietors have taken care to send plants of the Rhenish, Canary, Claret, Muscat, Madera, and Spanish Grapes, of all which divers Vin­ yards are planted; some wine was made this year that proved very / good both in colour and taste, and an indifferent good quantity may be expected the next year: The Country hath gentle rising hills of fertil sand proper for Vines, and farther from the Sea, rock and gravel on which very good grapes grow natu­ rally, ripen well, and together, and very lushious in taste, insomuch as the French Protestants who are there, and skill’d in wine, do no way doubt of producing great quantitys and very good Oyl. There are several Olive trees growing, which were carryed thither, some from Portugal, and same from Bermudas and flourish exceedingly, and the Inhabitants take great care to propagate more, so that in all probability it will be an excellent Oyl Country. Silk. There is in Carolina great plenty of Mulberry Trees, such as are by expe­ rience found to feed the Silkworm very well, yea as well as the white Mulberry, but there is of that sort also, which are propagated with a great deal of ease, a stick new-cut and thrust into the ground, seldom failing to grow, and so likewise if the Seed of them be sown. Tobacco doth here grow very well, and is nearer to the nature of the Spanish Tobacco than that of Virginia. Indigo thrives well here, and very good hath been made. Cotten of the Cyprus and Smyrna for will

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grow well, and good plenty of the Seed is sent thither. Flax and Hemp thrive exceedly. Good plenty of Pitch and Tar is there made, there being particular per­ sons that have made above a thousand barrels. Here is great plenty of Oake for Pipe-staves, which are a good Commodity in the Maderas, Canaryes, Barbados, and the Leeward Islands. Sumack. Sumack growes in great abundance naturally, so undoubtedly would Woad, Madder and Sa-Flower, if planted. Drugs. Jallop, Sassaparilla, Turmerick, Sassafras, Snake-root, and divers others. In short. This Country being of the same Climate and Temperature of Aleppo, Smyrna, Antioch, Judea, and the Province of Nanking, the richest in China, will (I conceive) produce any thing which those Countrys do, were the Seeds brought into it. The / Tools that men who goe thither ought to take with them are these, viz. An Ax, a Bill, and a broad Hoe, and grabbing Hoe, for every man, and a cross cut Saw to every four men, a Whip saw, a set of Wedges and Fraus and BetleRings to every family, and some Reaping Hooks and Sythes, as likewise Nails of all sorts, Hooks, Hinges, Bolts and Locks for their Houses. The Merchandizes which sell best in Carolina, are Linnen and Wollen, and all other Stuffs to make clothes of, with Thread, Sowing Silk, Buttons, Ribbons, Hats, Stockings, Shoes, &c. which they sell at very good rates, and for these goods any man may purchase the Provision he hath need of. The Passage of a man or women to Carolina is five Pound. Ships are going thither all times of the year. Mr I. L. an Englishman, having about fourteen year since travelled into the western parts of Carolina, has given a very ingenious relation of his Discoverys; Has says the Indians now seated in these parts are none of those which the Eng­ lish removed from Virginia, but people driven by an Enemy from the North-west, and invited to sit down here by an Oracle above four hundred years ago as they pretend; For the ancient Inhabitants of Virginia and Carolina were far more rude and barbarous, feeding only upon raw flesh and Fish till these taught them to plant Corn, and shewed them the use of it. They have no Letters, yet supply that defecit either by Counters, Emblems or Hieroglyphicks, or else by Tradition delivered in long Tales from Father to Son, which when children they are taught to say by rote; where a battel has been fought they raise a small Pyramid of stones consisting of the number of the slain and Prisoners taken; By the picture of a Stag they express Swiftness; By a Serpent, wrath; By a Lion, Courage; By a Dog, Faith­ fulness; By a Swan they signify the English, alluding to their white Complexion, and flight over the Sea; They worship one God the Creator of all things whom they call Okee, and to whom the High Priest offers Sacrifice, yet they / believe he has no care of worldly affairs, but commits the Government of Mankind to good and Evil Spirits, to whom the Inferior Priests pay their Devotion and Sacrifice, at which in a lamentable Tune they recite the great things done by their Ancestors. They religiously observe Marriage, and distinguish themselves into four Tribes, believing that all mankind were derived from four women, whereupon they

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divide their places of Buriall into four Quarters, assigning one to every Tribe, for they hold it wicked and ominous to mingle their bodys even when dead; they commonly wrap up the Corps in the skins of Beasts and bury provision and householdstuff for its use in the other world; when their Great men die they kill some Prisoners of War to attend them, they believe the Transmigration of Souls, for the Angry they say are possest with the Spirit of a Serpent; the Bloudy, that of a Wolf; the Fearful, of a Deer; and the Faithful of a Dog, The Residue of their lesser Gods they place beyond the Mountains and the Indian Ocean, and though they want those helps of Education which we have, yet in solemn debares they will deliver themselves with excellent Judgment and Eloquence. This Author relates that in his Travels with some Indians, they met with a Rattlesnake, in length two yards and an half and as big as a mans arm, which by the greatness of her Belly they judged to be full with young, but having killed and opened her, found there a small Squirrel whole; The Indians assured him that these Serpents lying under a Tree fix their Eyes stedfastly upon the Squirrel, which so affrights the little Beast that he tumbles into the Jaws of his Enemy; Travelling through the Woods a Deer seized by a wild-Cat crossed their way, being almost spent with the burden and cruelty of her Rider, who having fastned on her Shoulder left not sucking her Blood till she fell down under him; which an Indian perceiving, shot a lucky Arrow which peircing the wild Cat under the Belly made him leave his prey already slain, and turn / toward them with a dreadful fierce look, but his strength and Spirits failing, they escaped his revenge which they had certainly felt had not his wound been mortal. This Creature is somewhat bigger than our English Fox, of a reddish grey Colour, and in fig­ ure every way like an ordinary Cat, fierce, ravenous and cunning for knowing the Deer, (upon which they chiefly prey) too swift for them, they watch upon Branches of Trees, and as they walk or feed under, jump down upon them; The Fur is counted excellent, and the Flesh eaten by the Indians, though as rank as a Dogs. They saw great Herds of Red and Fallow Deer daily feeding, and on the sides of the Hills Bears crashing Masts like Swine; Small Leopards they saw, but never any Lions, though their Skins are much worn by the Indians; The Wolves were so ravenous, that they often feared their Horses would have been devoured, in the night they gathered up and howled so close about them, if the Fires they made had not scar’d them away; The Woods were full of Bever, Otter and grey Foxes; They then arrived to the Apalatean Mountains, which were so high and steep that they were from break of Day till Evening, ere they could gain the top from whence next Morning they had a beautiful Prospect of the Atlantick Ocean washing the Virginian Shores, but to the North and West other higher Moun­ tains hindred their sight: Here they wandred in Snow three or four days hoping to find some passage through the Mountains, but the coldness of the Earth and

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Air seizing their hands and feet, caused their return and put a stop to their fur­ ther Travels. In a second Expedition, he came to another sort of Indians, enemies to the Christians, yet ventured among them because they hurt none whom they do not fear, and after he had given them some small Trifles of Glass and Metal they were very kind to him, and consulted with their Gods, whether to admit him into their Nation and Councils, and oblige him to stay among them by a Marriage with their Kings or some / of their great Mens daughters, but he with much ado waved their courtesies and got leave to depart upon promise to return in six Months. At length he came to a Town more populous than any he had seen before in his Journey; The King whereof though his Dominions are large and populous is in continual fear of his Neighbour Indians, who are a People so addicted to Arms that even their Women come into the Field, and shoot Arrows over their Husbands Shoulders. The men it seems fight with Silver hatchets, for an Indian told him, they were of the same metal with the hilt of his Sword. They are a cruel Nation and steal their Neighbours Children to sacrifice them to their Idols: The Women delight much in Ornaments of Feathers of which they have great Variety, but Peacocks are most in esteem because not common in that Countrey; They are reasonably handsom and more civil in their Carriage than their Neighbours, but miserably infatuated with the Illusions of the Devil, it caused no small horror in him to see one of them, with his neck all one side, foam at the mouth, stand barefoot upon burnings Coals for neer an hour, and then, recovering his senses, leap out of the fire without hurt or sign of any; this he was an Eye witness of. Southwest from hence he arrived at a Nation who dif­ fer in Government from all the other Indians of these parts, being slaves rather than Subjects to their King; their Monarch was a grave man, and courteous to Strangers, yet our Authour could not without horror observe his barbarous Superstition, in hiring 3 Youths to kill as many young Women of their Enemies, as they could meet withal to serve his Son, then newly dead in the other World as he vainly imagined. These youths during his stay returned with Skins torn off the Heads and Faces of three young Girls which they presented to their King and were by him gratefully received. Our Author in his sleep was stung by a Mountain Spider, and had not an Indian suckt out the Poyson he had died for receiving the hurt at the tip of one of his Fingers, / the venom shot up immedi­ ately into his shoulder, and so inflamed his side that it is not possible to express the Torment; the means used by the Indian was, first a small Dose of Snake-root Powder which he gave him in a little Water, and then making a kind of Plaister of the same, applyed it neer to the place affected; which when he had done he swallowed some himself by way of Antidote, and then suckt the wounded Fin­ ger so violently that the patient felt the venom retire back from his side into his Shoulder and from thence down his arms. The Indian having thus suckt half a

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score times and spit as often, our Author was eased of all his pain and prefectly recovered. He thought he had been bit with a Rattle-Snake for he did not see who hurt him, but the Indian found by the wound and the effects of it, that it was given by a Spider, one of which he saw the next day much like our great blue Spider, only some what longer; It is probable the nature of this Poyson is much like that of the Tarantula; being thus beyond hope and expectation, restored to himself, he with his fellow travellers resolved to return back to Carolina without making any further discovery.

CHAP. XI.

A Prospect of Bermudas, or the Summer Islands, with the Discovery,

Plantation, and Product thereof.

Having travelled thus long upon the Main Land of America, let us now ven­ ture again to Sea, and look into the Islands belonging to his Majesty in the West Indies. The first which offers it self is Bermudas or the Summer Islands, which are a multitude of broken Isles, some write no less than four hundred, scituate directly East from Virginia from which they are distant / five hundred Eng­ lish Miles, and three Thousand three hundred Miles from the City of London, so named from John Bermudaz a Spaniard who first discovered them. Oviedo writes, that he was near it, and had thought to have sent some Hogs on Shore for increase, but by force of Tempest was driven from thence, it being extreamly subject to furious Rains, Lightning and Thunder, for which and the many Shipwracks that have hapned upon the Coast, it is called the Island of Devils. Job Hartop relates that in the height of Bermudas, they had sight of a Sea-Monster, which shewed it self three times from the middle upward, in shape like a man of an Indian or Mulatto Complexion; It was after named the Summer Islands from the shipwrack of Sr George Summers who was so much delighted with the misad­ venture, that he endeavoured what he could to settle a Plantation there, together with Sr Thos. Gates. They found there plenty and Variety of Fish, an abundance of Hogs which probably escaped out of some shipwrack; Mulberries, Silkworms, Palmettos, Cedars, Pearls and Ambergreice, but the most surprizing thing was the Variety of Fowl, taking a Thousand of one kind in two or three hours as big as a Pigeon laying speckled Eggs as large as hens on the Sand, which they do dayly without affright though men sit down by them; Other Birds were so tame that by whistling to them they would come and gaze at you, while with your stick you might kill them; when they had taken a Thousand soon after they might have as many more; They had other Eggs of Tortoises, a bushell being found in the belly of one of them which were very sweet and good, they took fourty of these Tur­ tles or Tortoises in a day, one of which would serve fifty men at a meal. – 127 –

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This shipwrackt Company built here a ship and a Pinnace, two of their Company being Married, and two born among them, where by they took the most natural possession thereof for our Nation. These Islands seem rent asun­ der with Tempests which threaten in appearance to swallow them all in time, the / storms in the Full and Change keep their unchangable course Winter and Summer, rather thundring than following from every Quarter sometimes for 48 hours together. The North and North-West Winds cause Winter in December, January, and February. Yet not so severe, but young Birds are then seen. That Island of most fame and greatness than all the rest, and to which the name of Bermuda’s is most properly ascribed is scituated in the Latitude of thirty two degrees and thirty Minuts North; the Air is sound and healthy very agreeable to English Bodies, the Soil as Fertile as any, well Watered, plentiful in Maize, of which they have two harvests yearly, that which is sowed in March being cut in July, and what is sowed in August is mowed in December. No venemous Creature is to be found in this Country, nor will live if brought thither, and besides these advantages, it is so fenced about with Rocks, and Islets that without knowledge of the Passages a Boat of Ten Tun cannot be brought into the Haven, yet with such knowledg there is entrance for the greatest Ships. The English have since added to these natural strengths such Artificial helps, by Block-houses, Forts and Bulwarks in convenient places, as may give it the Title of Impregnable. It was first discovered rather accidentally than upon design by John Bermu­ daz a Spaniard about 1522, and there upon a Proposition made in the Council of Spain for setling a Plantation therein, as a place very convenient for the Span­ ish Fleet in their return from the Bay of Mexico by the streights of Bahama; yet was it neglected, and without any Inhabitant till the like accidental coming of Sr. George Summers Sent to Virginia with some Companies of the English by the Lord Dela Ware in 1609. Who being Shipwrackt on this Coast had the opportunity to survey the Island which he so well liked, that he endeavoured to settle a Plantation in it at his return in 1612. The First Colony was sent over under Richard More, who in three years erected eight or ninth Forts in conven­ ient places, which he / planted with Ordinance. In 1616. a new Supply was sent over under Captain Tucker, who applied themselves to sowing of Corn, setting of Trees brought thither from other parts of America, and planting that gain­ ful Weed Tobacco. In 1619. the business was taken more to heart, and made a publick matter, many great Lords and Persons of honour being interested in it; Captain Butler was sent thither with 500 Men. The Isle was divided into Tribes or Countries, a Borough belonging to each Tribe, and the whole reduced to a settle Government both in Church and State according to the Laws of England. After this all succeeded so well, that in 1623. There were said to be 3000 English, and ten Forts, whereon were planted fifty pieces of Ordnance, their Numbers

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since increasing dayly both by Children born within the Island, and supplies from England. All the Isles together represent an Half-Moon, and inclose very good Ports, as the Great Sound, Harrington Inlet, Southampton and Pagets Bay, with Dover and Warwick Forts, having their Names from the Noble Men who were under­ taker therein; The greatest Isle is called St. George, five or six Leagues long, and almost throughout not above a quarter or half a League long. The Air is almost constantly clear, (except when it Thunders and Lightens) is extream temperate and healthful, few dying of any Disease but Age; so that many have removed on purpose from England hither, only to enjoy a long and healthful Life, and after having continued there are fearful of removing out of so pure an Air; the very Spiders here are not venemous, but of divers curious Colour, and make their Webs so strong, that of times small Birds are intangled and caught therein; Their Cedar Trees are different from all others, and the Wood very sweet; But the excellencies of this curious place are sufficiently exprest by our English Virgil in the following Poem, where with I shall conclude this Prospect of Bermuda’s the present Governour where of for his Majesty, is Sir Henry Heydon.37 / Bermudas Wall’d with Rocks, who does not know

That happy Island where huge Lemons grow

And Orange Trees which Golden Fruit do bear,

Th’ Hisperian Garden boasts of none so fair.

Where shining Pearl, Coral, and many a Pound

On the rich Shore of Amber-greece is found:

The lofty Cedar which to Heaven aspires,

The Prince of Trees is Fewel for their Fires;

The Smoak by which their loaded Spits do turn,

For Incense might on Sacred Altars burn:

Their private Roofs on odrous Timber born,

Such as might Palaces for Kings adorn;

The sweet Palmettas a new Bacchus yield,

With Leaves as ample as the broadest Shield,

Under the shadow of whose friendly Boughs,

They sit carowsing where their Liquor grows;

Figs there unplanted through the Fields do grow,

Such as fierce Cato did the Romans show,

With the rare Fruit inviting them to spoil

Carthage the Mistress of so rich a Soil;

The naked Rocks are not unfruitful there,

But at some constant Seasons every Year,

Their barren tops with luscious food abound

And with the Eggs of various Fowls are crown’d.

Tobacco is the worst of things which they

To English Landlords as their Tribute pay.

Such is the Mould that the best Tenant seeds.

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With candid Plantines, and the juicy Pine,

On choicest Melons and sweet Grapes they dine,

And with Potato’s sat their wanton Swine

Nature these Cates with such a lavish hand

Pours out among them, that our courser Land

Tasts of that bounty, and does Cloth return,

Which not for warmth, but O[r]nament is worn,

For the kind Spring which but Salutes us here

Inhabits there, and courts them all the Year.

Ripe Fruits and Blossoms on the same Trees live,

At once they promise what at once they give, /

So sweet the Air, so moderate the Clime

None sickly lives, or dies before his time,

Heaven sure has kept this spot of Earth uncurst,

To shew how all things were created first,

The tardy Plants in our cold Orchards plac’d,

Reserve their Fruits for the next Ages tast,

There a small Grain in some few Months will be

A firm, a lofty, and a spacious Tree:

The Palma Christi, and the fair Papah

Now but a Seed (preventing Natures Law)

In half the Circle of the hasty year

Project a Shade, and lovely Fruits do wear.

The Rocks so high about this Island rise.

That well they may the numerous Turk despise.38

CHAP. XII.

A Prospect of the Island of Barbuda. The next that present themselves are the Caribbee Islands so called in General, because inhabired, by Cannibals or Man-eating People at the first discovery, as the word Caribes imports. They lie extended like a Bow from the Coast of Paria to the Isle of Porto Rica many in number, twenty seaven of them known by proper names, in nine whereof the English are concerned namely Barbuda, Anguilla, Montserrat, Dominica, St Vincent, Antego, Mevis or Nevis, St Christophers and Barbadoes; Of which I shall give a brief Account as to the Natives, Birds, Beasts, Fishes, Monsters and other Remarkable in each as I pass along, which may be very divertive to the Reader. To begin with Barbada or Berbuda. It it is scituate in seaventeen degrees of North Latitude, of no great extent nor above fifteen miles long lying Northeast from Monserrat; The English are reckoned between four and five hundred men, who find whereupon conveniently to subsist; The Soil is fertile and well stored with Cattle and sheep, and may produce other Commodities / if well managed, but subject to one great Anoyance as well as some other of these Islands, that the Indians of Dominico and other places many times commit great spoils in it, the Enmity and Aversion which these Barbarians have conceived against the English Nation in general being such, that there hardly passes a year, but, they make irruptions into one of these lands & if not timely discovered & valiantly opposed, kill all the men they meet, ransack the Houses and burn them, and if they get any of the women and children, carry them Prisoners to their own Teri­ tories with all the Booty they have a mind to. The Caribeans who inhabite several of these Islands are thought to have been formerly forced by their Enemies from the main Land of America, & to have shel­ ted themselves here, having various Opinions, Customs and Ceremonies; Those who converse with the Christians have left off many of their ancient barbarous usages, and have complied to our evil as well as good manners, and therefore two Ancient Caribeans considering the degeneration of their Countrey-men, took occasion to entertain some Europeans with a discourse to this purpose, Our peo­ – 131 –

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ple in a manner are become like yours, since they came to be acquainted with you, and we find it some difficulty to know our selves, so different are we grown from what we were heretofore; It is to this alteration, that our People attribute the more frequent hapning of Hurricanes, than they were observed to be in the days of old, and conclude hence that Maboya (that is the Devil) hath reduced us under the power of the French, English, Spaniards and others, who have driven us out of the best-part of our Countrey. The Caribeans are a handsom shaped People, well proportioned, of a smiling Countenance, their Complexions Olive Colour, that spreads to the Whites of their Eyes, which are black, as likewise their Hair Somewhat like the Chinesses or Tartars; Their Foreheads and Noses are flat, their Mothers crushing them down at their Birth, and all the time of their Sucking, imagining it a king of Beauty and Perfection; Their Feet / large and thick because they go barefoot, but are with all so hard that they defie Woods and Rocks; neither shall you meet any of them who are Blind, One eyed, Lame, Crook-backt, Bald, or having any other natu­ ral Infirmity; Those Scars or Deformities they get in the Wars, they glory in as demonstrations of their Valour; Their Hair is streight and long, and the Women attribute the highest excellency to the blackness there of, which they are very careful in Combing, anointing it with Oil, and using Receipts to make it grow; Both Men and Women tye up their Hair behind, winding it up so that it stands like a Horn on the Crown, parting it to fall down on both sides their Heads; The Men seem to have no Beards at all, but as soon as they grown pluck them up by the Roots, thinking it a great deformity in our Countrey-men to wear any. They go stark naked both Men and Women, as many other Nations do, and if any among them should endeavour to hide their Privy Parts, all the rest would laugh at it: Yea though the Christians have conversed very much among them, yet have all their persuasions to cover themselves been to no purpose, and though when they come to visit the Europeans, or treat with them, they have so far complied as to cover themselves by putting on a Shirt, Drawers, Hat, or such Cloths as have been given them, yet as soon as they are returned to their own Habitations they strip themselves, and put up all in their Closets, till some such occasion shall happen again; To require which compliance, some of the French having occasion to go among them, make no difficulty to strip themselves after their example, and this defiance of Clothes is well known to Reign in all places under the Torrid Zone, and being reproached for it, they reply, That we came naked into the World, and it were a mad thing to hide the Bodies given its by Nature. Yet these Caribeans change the natural Colour of their Bodies, by painting and dying them with a Composition which makes them red all over; for as soon as they have washed themselves, which they do / every morning at some River or Spring near hand, they return to their Houses, and dry themselves by a little Fire, after which one takes a red Composition, which being mixt with Oil, they rub

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therewith the whole Body and Face, and to appear more gallant, they many times make black circles about their Eyes with the Juice of Junipa Apples, this painting they reckon useful both for Ornament, and to increase their Strength and Activ­ ity, securing them likewise against the coldness of the nights and rain, the stinging of Mesquito’s, and the heat of the Sun, and serves instead of Shirts, Cloaks, and Coats; Sometimes to add to their gallantry they wear a Crown of Feathers of dif­ ferent colours, and hang the Bones of certain Fishes, and of late buckles of Gold, Silver and Tin in their Ears, but are most taken with those of Chrystal, Amber, or Coral: some of them make holes through their lips, yea in the space between their Nostrils wherein they hang a Ring, Fishbone or some such toy; They weare also Necklaces and Bracelets of Amber, Coral, or such glittering stuff. There are excellent Fruits growing in these Islands, as Oranges, Pomegranates, Citrons, Rasins, Indian Figs. and Coco’s, that famous Fruit whereof Historians tell such Miracles; It grows on the very trunck or top of the Tree in form of a Nut, but much bigger, one of them sometimes weighing above ten Pound; from the first bearing this Tree is never found without Fruit, for it bears new every Month; When the Coco Nut is opened, the Meat is white as Snow, extreamly nourish­ ing and tasts like an Almond, enough to fill an ordinary Dish, in the midst of it there is a Glass full of Liquor clear and pleasant as perfumed Wine; There are also excellent Trees and Wood, as Brast, Ebony, Iron and yellow Wood: Like wise Cassia, Cinalmon and Cotton Trees, with Pepper, Tobacco, Indigo, Ginger Pota­ toes, Pine-apples and Sugar Canes, and a Living or Sensible Plant esteemed one of the most admirable Rarities in the World, which as soon as one fastens on it with his hand, draws backs its leaves / and wriggles them under its little branches as if the were withered, and when the hand is removed and the party gone some distance from it, spreads the abroad again; some call it the Chaste Herbe, because it cannot endure to be touched without expressing its resentments of the injury. T[r]avellers relate that there are whole woods neer Panama of the Trees called a Sensitive Tree, which being touched, the branches and leaves start up, making a great noise and close together into the Figure of a Globe. There are very few venemous Creatures in the Caribees, though there be many Snakes and Serpents of several colours and Figures; some nine or ten foot long, and as big as a mans Arm or Thigh, nay one was killed which had in her belly a whole Hen feathers and all, & above a dozen Eggs, being seized as she was sitting; Another snake had devoured a Cat, whence guess may be given of their bignes: Not with standing which, they are not poysonons, but do the Inhabitants Curtesy in freeing their Houses from Rats which they devour; Other Serpents are very delightful to the Eye, being green all over about an ell and half long not above an inch about, feeding on Frogs in Brooks and birds upon Trees. These dangerous snakes are of two kinds, some grey on the back and feel like velvet others Yellow or red, dreadful to look on, their heads are flat and broad, and their

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jaws extreamly wide, and armed with eight or ten teeth, extraordinary sharp, and hollow within, from whence they disperse their Poyson which lies in little Purses just at the roots of their Teeth, they never chew any thing but swallow it down whole after they have crushed and made it flat; some say, if they chewed there food they would poyson themselves, to prevent which they cover their Teeth with their Gums when they take their nourishment; these Creatures are so ven­ emous, that when they sting any, if present help be not had the wound in two hours is incurable, their only commendation is, that they never hurt any who do not either touch them, or something whereon they repose. /

CHAP. XIII.

A Prospect of the Island of Anguilla Anguilla, sometimes called Snake Island from its Shape, is a long Tract of Land of about Thirty mile, and nine mile broad, winding almost about neer St. Martins Island, whence it is very plainly perceived; There is not any Mountain in it, the ground lying low and even; Where it is broadest there is a Pond, about which some English have setled themselves in number two or three hundred, and where they plant Tobacco, which is highly esteemed by those who are good Judges in that Commodity. The Island lyes in Eighteen Degrees and Twenty Minutes on this side the Equinoctial. Before the discovery of America, there were not to be found in these parts any Horses, Kine,39 Oxen, Sheep, Goats, Swine, or Dogs, but for the better conveniency of their Navigations and supply of their Ships in case of necessity they left some of these Creatures in several parts of this New found World, where they have since multiplyed so exceedingly, that now they are more common, as well on the Continent as the Caribees, than in any part of Europe. But beside these Foreign kinds of Cattle, there were before in these Islands certain sorts of strange fourfooted Beasts, as the Opassum about the bigness of a Cat with a Sharp Snout, the neither40 Jaw being shorter than the upper like a Pigs, it hath very sharp Claws, and climbs Trees easily, feeding upon Birds, and in want thereof upon fruit, it is Remarkable for a purse or bag of its own Skin folded together under its belly, / wherein it carries its young, which it lays upon the ground at pleasure by opening that natural purse, when he would leave that place he opens it again, and the young ones get in, and so he carries them with him wherever he goes. The female suckles them without setting them on the ground, for her Teats lye within that Purse, which is much softer within than without; The Female commonly brings six young ones, but the Male who hath such another natural Purse under his Belly, carries them in his turn to ease the Female. There are also in some of these Islands a kind of Wild Swine, with Short Ears, almost no Tails, and their Navels on their backs, some of them are all black, oth­ ers have certain white Spots, their strange grunting is more hideous than that of Swine, they are called Javaris; The flesh is of tast good enough, but very hardly – 135 –

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taken, in regard the Bore having a kind of vent or hole on the back, by which he refreshes his Lungs, is in a manner unwearied, and if he be forced to stop, and be persued by the Dogs, he is armed with such Sharp and cutting Tushes, that he tears to pieces all who set upon him. The Tatous is another strange creature, armed with a hard scaly coat wherewith they cover and secure themselves as with Armour: They have a head and snout like a Pig, wherewith they turn up the ground, they have also in every Paw five very sharp Claws, which they use more readily to thrust away the Earth and discover the Roots, where with they are fat­ tened in the night time. Some affirm their flesh is very delicate meat, and that there is a small bone in their Tails which helps deafness: It is known to be good for noise and pains in the ears, some of these are as big as Foxes; when they are persued, or sleep, which is commonly in the day time, they close together like a Bowl, and so dexterously get in their feet head, and ears under their hard scales, that all the parts of their Body are by that natural Armour secured against all the attempts of Huntsmen or Dogs, and if / they are neer some precipice or steep Hill they roll down without peril. The Agouty is another, of a dark colour and a little Tail without hair, it hath two teeth in the upper Jaw, and as many in the neather: It holds its meat in the Two fore Paws like a Squirrel, and crys as if it dis­ tinctly pronounced the word Covey; When it is hunted it gets into hollow Trees, out of which it is forced by smoak after it hath made a strange cry; If taken young it is easily tamed; When angry the hair of his back stands upright and he strikes on the ground with his hind feet like a Rabbit, being much of the same bigness, but his ears are short and round, and his Teeth as Sharp as a Razor. There are also Musk-Rats who live in holes and Berries like Rabbits, there comes from them a scent like Musk, which causes Melancholy and makes such a strong perfume about their holes that it is easy to find them out. But of all, the Caymaa, Crocodile or Allegator is very remarkable it keeps neer the Sea and in Rivers and Islands uninhabited, and sometimes among the Reeds on Land, very hideous to look on. It is thought to live very long, and grows bigger to the very last day, even to eighteen foot long and as big about as an Hogshead, it hath four feet well armed with crooked Claws; The skin, which is covered all over with scales, is so hard on the back that a Bullet from a Musket shot at him shall hardly make any Impression on it, but if be hurt under the belly, or in the eyes he is soon gone; his lower Jaw is immoveable, but hath so wide a mouth, and so well set with sharp Teeth that he makes nothing to cut a man in two; He runs fast enough on the Land, but the weight of his body makes as deep a Track in the sand as a Coach-horse, and having no joints in the backbone, he goes streight forward, not being able to turn his vast body without much difficulty, so that to avoid him one need only turn aside several times. Those that are bred in the fresh-water smell of Musk, while they are alive, / and the Air is perfumed an hundred paces about them; nay the water retains somewhat of the smell, which

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is inclosed in certain Glandules under his Thighs, and being taken thence retain their scent long; It may be Providence hath bestowed it upon them, that men and other Creatures may avoid being made a Prey to these cruel Monsters. Those that live in the Sea have no such smell, but both kinds are very danger­ ous to those that swim; They have a cunning slight for seizing Oxen and Cows, for one of them will lye lurking at the places where they come to Water, aud find­ ing one at his advantage he half shuts his eyes, and floats on the top of the Water like a peice of rotten wood, and getting still nearer to the poor Beast which is drinking and unaware of him, he immediately fastens on him by the lips, forcing him under Water, drowning and then eating him. He likewise takes men by the same sleight, for Vincent Le Blanc41 relates, that the Servant of a Consul of Alex­ andria going to take up one of these cruel Creatures, thinking it had been a peice of wood, was drawn by it to the bottom of the River, and never seen more. There are abundance of these Monstrous Crocodiles in these Islands who come in great numbers in the night to the places where the Tortoises are killed (of which here­ after) to feed on the entrails and carcass of them that are left by Fishermen; who are obliged to carry great wooden Leavers with them to keep off these Crocodiles, and of times kill them by first breaking their back therewith. Several parts of this Ravenous Monster are accounted good for many Diseases, the wise Author of Nature having provided some advantages from those Creatures which are other­ wise most pernicious. /

CHAP. XIV.

A Prospect of the Island of Montserrat. THe Island of Montserrat received that Title of the Spaniards from the resem­ blance of a Mountain therein to that of Montserrat neer Barcelona in Spain, and hath retained the name ever since; It is of a small extent, not above three Leagues or nine Miles in length, and neer as much in bredth, so that it seems almost round. It lies in the Latitude of seventeen degrees on this side the Line, full of mountains whereon grow plenty of Cedar and other Trees: The Valleys and plains being very fertile. It is chiefly inhabited by the Irish, with some English, in all about six or seven hundred persons; There is in it a very fair Church of a delightful structure, built by the contributions of the Governor and Inhabitants: The Pulpit, Seats, and all the Joyners and Carpenters work within it are of the most precious and sweet-scented wood growing it the Countrey. On the Coasts of these Islands there is sometimes taken by the Fishers a Monster so dreadful that they call it the Sea-Devil about four foot long and proportionably big, it hath on the back a great bunch full of Prickles like an Hedghog; The Skin thereof is hard, uneven and rugged like that of a Sea-dog and of a black colour, the head is flat and on the upper part hath many little risings, and among them two small very black eyes. The mouth is extream wide, with several very sharp Teeth, two of them crooked like a Wild Boars, it hath four Fins and a broad forked Tail; but has the name of Sea-Devil, because above the eyes there / are two little sharp black Horns, which turn toward his back like a Rams; As this Monster is extream ugly, the Meat of it, which is soft and full of strings, is absolute Poyson, causing strange Vomitings and Swoonings, which prove mortal if not prevented by a good Dose of Mithridate or some other Antidote, this dangerous Creature is only desired by the curious to adorn their Closets, whereby it happens that this Devil who was never profitable while alive, gives a little satisfaction to their Eyes after death. The Sea Unicorn is a Fish no less Miraculous, a Prodigious one, being cast ashore about these Islands, is thus described by an Ingenious occular Witness; This Unicorn, saith he, was pursuing a smaller Fish with such earnestness and – 138 –

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impetuosity, that it stuck with half the body dry on a Sand-bank, and before it could recover the deep, was destroyed by the Inhabitants; It was about eighteen Foot long, and in compass as big as a Barrel, having six great Fins like the ends of Galley Oars, whereof two were placed near the Gills, and the other four at the sides of the Belly at equal distances, they were of a Vermilion red Colour; All the upper part of the Body was covered with great Scales about the bigness of a Crown peice, of a blew Colour, intermixt with Spangles of Silver, near the Neck the Scales were closer, and of a dark Colour like a Collar; The Scales under the Belly were yellow, the Tail Forked, the Head somewhat bigger than that of a Horse, and near the same shape; The lower part of the Body was covered with an hard dark Skin, and as, it is said, the Land Unicorn hath one Horn in his Forehead, so this Sea Unicorn had a very fair one issuing out of his Head about nine Foot and an half in length, it was very straight, and grew smaller to the very point, which was sharp enough to peirce Wood, Stone, or any thing more hard: Toward the Head it was sixteen Inches about, and from thence almost to the end waved like a wreathed Pillar, growing smaller till they gently ended in a point, it was naturally polished of a / shining black, marked with certain small white and yellow strokes, and of such solidity, that a sharp File could hardly get a little small Powder from it. It had no Ears standing up, but two spacious Gills as the other Fishes. The Eyes are about the bigness of an Hens Egg, the Ball which was of a Skie Colour, Enameld with yellow, was of Vermillion Colour, and beyond it another as clear as Chrystal; The Mouth was wide enough, with several extream sharp Teeth; The Tongue proportionable, covered with a rough red Skin; Upon the Head was a Crown rising two Inches above the Skin, made Oval, and end­ ing in a point. Above three hundred Persons eat of the Meat of it, and thought it exceeding delicate, being Inter-larded with white fat, and when Boiled, came up in Fleaks like fresh Cod, but of a more excellent tast; Those who saw it alive, and broke its back with Leavers, affirmed that he made prodigious attempts to thrust them with his Horn, using it with much nimbleness and dexterity, and if he had not wanted Water, would have been too hard for them all, within him they found the scales of several Fishes, a token that he lived by prey. Of all the Sea-Monsters that are good to eat, and kept for Provision as Salmon and Cod are in Europe the most esteemed in these Islands is a certain Fish by the French called Lamantine and Manaty; It is a Monster that in time grows to that bulk that some of them are eighteen foot in length and seven in bigness, the head is like a Cow, and from thence termed by some the Sea-Cow, with small Eyes and a thick Skin of a dark colour wrinkled and hairy, which being dryed serves for a Buckler42 against the Arrows of the Indians. They have no Fins, but instead thereof two short feet under their Bellies, each of which hath four fin­ gers, very weak to support the weight of so heavy a Body, nor hath he any other defensive weapons; It lives on the grass and Herbage about the Rocks, in those

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Shallow places that have not much above a fathom of Sea-Water. The / Females are disburthened of their young like Cows; and have two Teats wherewith they suckle them, they bring forth two at a time, who forsake not the old one till they no longer need Milk, and can feed on Grass as she does. Of all Fish none are so good meat as this, two or three will load a great Canow, and eat short like a Land creature, of a Vermilion colour, not cloying or fulsom, and mixt with fat, which being melted never grows musty: It is much more wholsom salted a day or two than fresh; Certain small stone found in his head are highly valued for the Stone and Gravel when dissolved to Powder. There are often seen rising out of the Sea about these Islands great numbers of Fishes which fly fifteen or twenty foot above Water, and neer an hundred paces in Length, but no more in regard their Wings are dried by the Sun, they are somewhat like Herrings but of a rounder head and broader back, their wings like a Bats, which begin a little below the head, and reach almost to the Tail. In their flight they many times strike against the Sails of Ships, and fall even in the day time upon the Decks, some say they are very good meat; the cause of their flying is to avoid danger from greater Fishes but they meet with Enemies in the Air as well as Water, for certain Sea Fowl which live only by Prey have open hostility with them and seize them as they fly. The Sword-Fish is worth observing as well as the Flying-Fish, it hath at the end of the upper Jaw a defensive weapon about the bredth of a great broad Sword, which hath Sharp Hard teeth on both sides, some of these Swords are five foot long, and six inches broad at the lower end with twenty seaven white solid teeth in each rank, and the bulk of their Bod­ ies bears a proportion thereto. The head of this Monster is flat and hideous to behold, being in the Shape of an Heart, neer their Eyes they have two Vents at which they cast out the Water which they have swallowed; They have no Scales but a greyish Skin on their back, and white / under the belly which is rough like a file; They have seaven Fins, two of each side, two on the back, and and one which serves them for a Tail, some call them Saw-fishes, and some Emperors, because there is always open War between them and the Whale, which is many times wounded to death by this their dreadful weapon.

CHAP. XV.

A Prospect of the Island of Dominica. THe Island of Dominica lyes in the Latitude of fifteen degrees and thirty Min­ utes, judged to be in length about thirteen Leagues or forty Mile and not much less in breadth where it is greatest. On the West side of the Isle is a very conven­ ient Harbour for Ships. It is very Mountainous in the midst which incompasses an inaccessible bottom, where from the tops of certain Rocks may be seen an infinite number of Vipers, Dragons and other dreadful venemous Creatures, whom none dares approach unto. Yet there are many fruitful valleys producing several commodities, but especiably Tobacco which is planted by the English, but the Natives who are Cannibals and very barbarous do much hinder the com­ ing of the English to settle there: For the Caribeans are very numerous in it, and have a long time entertained those who came to visit them with a story of a vast and monstrous Serpent which had its aboad in that bottom, affirming that there was on the head of it a very sparkling stone like a Carbuncle of inestimable price, and that it commonly covered this Rich Jewel with a thin moving Skin like that of a mans Eye-lid, but that when it went to drink or sported / it self within the midst of that deep bottom he fully discovered it, and that the Rocks & all about received a a wonderful lustre from the Fire issuing out of that precious Crown. The Supream Person of this Island was heretofore one of the most consid­ erable among those of the same Nation, for when all their forces marched out against the Arovagues their Common Enemies of the Continent, he had still the conduct of the Van-guard, and was known by a particular Mark which he had about him; When any French ships come neer this Island there are immediately seen several Canows in each of which there are are three or four Indians at the most who come to direct them to the Havens where they may safely Anchor. They commonly bring along with them some of the Countrey fruits, whereof having presented the Captains and other Officers with the choicest, they offer the rest in exchange for Fishing hooks, graines of Chrystal and such trifles as they Account precious. They have had some differences with the English upon the account of damage received from some particular Persons which though our – 141 –

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nation hath protested against yet their reveng is so implacable that they hardly ever forgive nor pass by any injuries; And upon this Account next the Arov­ ages on the Continent of America the greatest enemies the Caeibbeans [sic] have are the English, which enmity took his rise from hence, that some ill principled Englishmen under the Flags of other Nations having by pretended kindness, and little gifts and Aqua Vitæ which they dearly love, got divers of the Carribbeans aboard their Ships, when they saw their Vessel ful of these poor people who never dreamt of such Treachery, carried away men, Women and Children into their Plantations, were they are still kept slaves. Hence it happens they bear such a grudg to the English, as hardly to endure to hear their Language, and if a Frenchman or some other Nation in Friendship with them chance to use any English expression he runs the hazard of their Enmity. In revenge hereof they oft / make Incursions into Montserrat, Antego and other English Settlements, firing their Houses, and carrying away Goods, Men, Women, and Children with them, but do not eat them as they do the Arovagues. They do not love to be called Cannibals though they eat the Flesh of their Enemies, which they say they do to satisfy their Indignation and revenge, and not out of any delicacy they find in it more than in any thing else which they eat; In other things they are of a good tractable disposition, and so great enemies to severity that if the European or other Nations who have any of them slaves, treat them with rigour, they dye out of pure grief. They commonly reproach the Europeans with their Avarice and immoderate industry in getting wealth for themselves and Children, since the Earth is able to find sufficient sustenance for all men, if they will take pains to cultivate it; As for themselves, they say they are not perplexed with care for those things wherewith their lives are preserved, and it is apparent they are much fatter and healthier than those that fare deliciously; They live with­ out Ambition, without vexation, without disquiet having no desire of acquiring Honours or Wealth, slighting Gold and Silver, and seeming astonished to see us so much esteem them considering we are so well furnished with Glass or Chrystall, which they think more beautiful and valuable. When they go a hunting, Fishing, or root up Trees for ground to make a little Garden, or to build Houses, which are innocent Imployments, and sutable to the nature of man, they do all without eagerness and as it were in a way of divertisement and Recreation. When they see the Christians sad or perplext at any thing; They give them this Gentle Reprehension; Compeer (a Familiar word they learn of the French signifying Friend or Gossip) how miserable art thou thus to expose thy Person to such tedious and dangerous Voyages and to suffer thy self to be orepressed with cares, The inornate desire of getting wealth puts thee to all this trouble, and / all these inconveniences, and yet thou art no less disquieted for the goods thou hast already gotten than for these thou art desirous to get; Thou art in continual fear less some body should rob thee either in thy own Countrey or upon the Seas or that thy Goods

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should be lost by shipwrack or the Waters, thus thou growest Old in a short time, thy hair turn grey, thy forehead is wrinckled, a thousand inconveniencies attend thy Body, a thousand afflictions surround thy heart, and thou makest all the hast thou canst to the Grave; Why art thou not content with what thy own Countrey produces? Why dost thou not contemn Riches as we do? That wealth which you Christians persue with so much earnestness, doth it any way promote your advance­ ment in the grace of God? Doth it prevent your dying? Do you carry them along with you to the Grave? They further reproach the Europeans with usurpation of their Country, which they reckon manifest injustice. Thou hast driven me (say this poor people) out of St. Christophers, Mevis, Montserrat, St. Martins, Antego, Guadelupe, Barbuda, St. Eustace, &c. Neither of which places belonged to thee, and whereto thou couldst not make any lawful pretence; And thou threatnest me every day to take away that little which is left me: What shall become of the poor miserable Caribean? Must we go and live in the Sea with the Fishes. Thy Country must needs be a wretched one since thou havest it to come and take away mine, or thou must needs be very barbarous and full of malice thus to persecute me only for divertisement and Recreation. This kind of discourse may well exempt them from the opprobrious denomination of Savages. They are great enemies to thieving and live without distrust of each other, their Houses and Plantations being left without keepers, but if the least thing be taken from them, such as a little knife wherewith they do strange things in Joyn­ ers work, they so highly prize its usefulness, that such a loss is enough to make them weep and grieve a week after, nay ingages them to join with their friends and demand reparations, and to be revenged on the Person, especially where the / Christians live neer them, for then upon missing any thing they presently cry, Some Christian has been here; And among the Grievances and Complaints which they make to the Governours of the French Nation, this comes always in the Front, Compere Governour, thy Mariners (for so they call all Forreigners) have taken away a knife out of my Cottage, or some such small household stuff ; They are a people associated in one common Interest and extream loving to each other, from whence there are few Quarrels or Animosities among them, but if they are once injured either by a stranger or their own Countreymen they never forgive, but contrive all ways to be revenged; Thus when their Sorcerers or Con­ jurers tell them, any one hath done them the mischief which happens to them, they endeavour all they can to kill him, saying, He hath bewitched me, I will be revenged on him; And this furious passion and desire of Revenge is that which makes them so brutish as to eat the very flesh of their enemies. This implacable Animosity is a Vice generally Reigning among them, and exercises the same Tyranny without exception over all the Savages of America. The revenge of the Canadians is very pleasant, who eat their own Lice because they bite them: If the

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Brasileans hurt themselves against a stone, to be revenged they bite it as hard as that can, yea they bite the Arrows which light upon them in fighting; They bear great respect to ancient People, hearing them speak with much attention, the younger complying in all things to their Sentiments and Wills. The young men among the Caribeans have no conversation either with the Maids or Married Women, and it is observed that the men in this Countrey are less amo­ rous than the Women, as they are in several places under the Torrid Zone; Yet both sexes are very chast, a rare quality among Savages. When those of other Nations look earnestly upon the Women, and laugh at their nakedness they are wont to / say to them. Friends you are to look on us only between both our Eyes; A virtue worthy admiration in a people that go naked and are as barbarous as these. It is related that Captain Baron a Caribean, in one of the Incursions they made upon the English in Montserrat, from whence he carried a great Booty, took among other Prisoners a young Gentlewoman wife to one of the Officers of the Island, whom he caused to be brought to one of his Houses in Dominica, and being big with Child she was carefully attended by the Savage Women of the Island during her lying in, and though she lived a great while among them, yet neither he nor any other ever touched her, a great example of reservedness in such People. Yet it must be acknowledged some of them have since degenerated from that and many other Virtues of their Ancestors, the Europeans by their Unchristianlike Treatment and pernicious examples, their perfidious breach of promises, rifling and burning their Houses, and Villages, and Ravishing and Debauching their Wives and Daughters, having taught them (to the perpetual Infamy of the Christian name) dissimulation, lying, Treachery, perfidiousness, Luxury, and several other vices which were unknown before in these parts. These Caribbeans are great lovers of cleanliness, a thing extraordinary among Savages, so that if one should ease himself in their Gardens where their Potato’s & Cas­ savy Roots are planted, they would presently forsake them and not make use of any thing therein. /

CHAP. XVI.

A Prospect of the Island of St. Vincent. THe Island of St. Vincent lies in sixteen Degrees North from the Line, and is about twenty four Miles long, and eighteen broad, wherein are several high Mountains, between which are very fruitful Plains, yielding abundance of Sugar Canes, which grow naturally without Planting; It is well watred with Rivers, and hath several good Harbours and Bays for Shipping; The English have here some Plantations, but they are neither very considerable nor powerful herein, it being the most populous of Caribeans, of any possessed by them, who have here many Fair Villages, where they dwell pleasantly and without any disturbance, and though they are jealous of the Strangers that live about them, and stand on their Guard, when they come to their Roads, yet they do not deny Cassavy Bread, Water, Fruits, and other Provisions growing in their Country to them that want them, taking in Exchange, Wedges, Hooks, and other Implements of Iron, which they much esteem. Their simplicity is very remarkable in several things, as in admiring our Fire-Arms, but especially Fire-locks, to which they see no Fire put as to Muskets, and therefore believe Maboya or the Devil sets them on Fire; When the Moon is Eclipsed, they believe the Devil eats her, and dance all night making a noise with Gourds, wherein are many pebble Stones; When they smell any evil scent, they cry, Maboya or the Devil is here, let us be gone from him. Some years since most of the Caribeans were persuaded / that Gunpowder was the Seed of some Herb, and sowed some in their Gardens; They never make use of Salt, accounting it extreamly prejudicial to health, and when they see Christians use it, cry, Compere, thou hastnest thy own death; but instead thereof they season all things with American Pepper, neither do they eat Swines-Flesh for this simple reason, lest they should have small Eyes like that Beast, which they judge the greatest deformity, nor Tortoise or Turtle, least they should participate of its lazyness and stupidity. They have no notion of a Deity, so that neither Prayers, Ceremonies, Sacrifices, or any exercise or Assembly whatsoever is to be found amongst them, but say the Earth is their indulgent Mother, who furnishes them with all things necessary to Life; if any discourse to them about God, and – 145 –

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the Mysteries of our Religion, they hearken attentively, but in the end, answer as it were in jest; Friend, thou art very Eloquent and Subtle, I wish I could talk as well as thee: Nay they sometimes say, That if they should be persuaded by such dis­ courses, their Neighbours would laugh at them; A certain Caribean being at Work on a Sunday, Mounsieur Mortel said to him, Friend, he that made Heaven and Earth will be angry with thee for working on this Day, for he hath appointed this Day for his Service, and I, replyed the Savage very bluntly, am already very angry with him, for thou sayest, he is Master of the World and the Seasons; He it is there­ fore that hath forborn to send Rain in due time, and by reason of the great drowth, hath caused my Manioc, and my Potatoes to rot in the Ground; now since he hath treated me so ill, I will Work on every Sunday on purpose to vex him; A pregnant Example of the brutality of this wretched People. Yet have they a natural Sentiment of some Divinity or Superior power, that hath its residence in Heaven, which they say is contented to enjoy quietly the delights of its own felicity, without being offended at the ill actions of Men, and is endued with so great goodness, as not to take any revenge even of Enemies, from / whence they render Heaven, neither Honour nor Adoration interpreting its liberality and long sufferance, an effect either of its weakness or indifference toward Mankind; yet they believe there are a number of good and evil Spirits, the good are their Gods, and every one imagins that their is one of them par­ ticularly designed for his conduct, yet will not acknowledge them Creators of the World, and when the Christians test them, we adore that God who made Heaven and Earth, and causeth the Earth to bring forth Fruits and Herbs for our nourishment, they answer; It is true thy God hath made the Heaven and the Earth of France, (or some other Countrey that they name) and causes the Wheat to grow there, but our Gods have made our Countrey, and cause our Manioc to grow; This Manioc is a Root of a small Tree or Shrub, whereof the Caribeans make Bread. When they recover of some Disease, they set a little Table at the end of their Hutts, and upon it their offerings, but without any Adoration or Prayers, yet they invocate their false Gods, when they desire his presence, but this is done by the Priest, and that upon four occasions; To demand Revenge, To be healed of Diseases, To know the event of their Wars, To invocate them to drive away the great Devil! or Maboya, for they never pray to him; His invocation is by singing some words and burning Tobacco, the scent whereof is so pleasant, that it makes this little Devil appear, and when several Priests call upon their several Gods together, as they speak, these Gods or rather Devils rail, quarrel, and seem to fight with each other; These Demons shelter themselves, sometimes in the Bones of dead Men taken out of the Graves and wrapt in Cotton, and thereby give Oracles, saying it is the Soul of the Deceased Person, they make use of them to bewitch their Enemies, the Sorcerers wrapping up these Bones with something that belongs to the Enemy.

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These Devils do also sometimes enter into the Bodies of Women, and speak by them, clearly answering all questions demanded, after the Boye or Priest is / retired, the Devil stirs the Vessels, and makes a noise with his Jaws, as if he were eating and drinking the Presents prepared for him, but the next day they find he hath not medled with any thing. These poor wretches complain that some­ times Maboya hears them severely, which though some impute to Melancholy Dreams, yet other Persons of Quality and exquisite knowledge, who have long lived in St. Vincents Island, do affirm that the Devils do effectually beat them, and that they often shew on their Bodies the visible marks of the blows they have received, and they sometimes make horrid complaints of his cruelty, saying, That he is of Late mightily incensed against the Caribeans, accounting the Europeans happy that their Maboya does not beat them. Mounsieur Montel, who hath been oft present at their Assemblies, and converst much with the Inhabitants of St. Vincent, gives this Testimony upon this sad occasion. Notwithstanding the igno­ rance and Irreligion, wherein our Caribeans live, they know by experience, and fear more than death the Evil Spirit whom they call Maboya, for that dreadfull Enemy doth many times appear to them under most hideous shapes: And what is more par­ ticularly observable, that unmerciful and bloody Executioner, who is an insatiable Murtherer from the beginning of the World, cruelly wounds and torments those miserable People, when they are not so forward as he would have them to engage in War, so that when they are reproached with Blood-Thirstness, their Answer is, they are forced thereto by Maboya against their wills. This cursed Spirit it is that inflames them to act such cruelty upon their Ene­ mies taken in War, in relating whereof we had need dip our pen in bloud, being to draw a Picture which must raise horror in the beholder; In this there appears nothing but Inhumanity, Barbarism, and Rage; to see rational Creatures cruelly devouring those of the same kind with them, and filling themselves with their flesh and bloud, a thing which Pagans heretofore thought so full of Execration that they imagined the Sun withdrew / himself because he would not give light to such bloudy banquets. When these Cannibals or Eaters of men (which is here their proper names) have brought home a Prisoner of War of the Arovages, he belongs of right to him who either seized him in fight, or took him running away, being then brought to this Island, he keeps him safe in his house, and after he has made him fast four or five daies, produces him upon some solemn day of debauch to serve for a publick Sacrifice to the immortal hatred of his Coun­ treymen toward that Nation. If any of their enemies dye on the place of battel, they eat them there before they leave it, they design for slavery only the young maids and Women taken in the War. They have tasted of all the Nations that frequented them, and upon experience affirm that the French are the most ten­ der, and the Spaniards the hardest flesh of digestion, but now, they feed on no Christians at all.

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They abstain from several Cruelties formerly used before they killed their Enemies, for whereas at present they think it enough to dispatch them at a blow or two with a Club, and afterward cut them into peices and having boyl’d to devour them; They heretofore put them to several Torments before they gave them the mortal blow, of which they themselves have given this deplorable rela­ tion to those who have been so curious to inform themselves from their own mouths; The Prisoner of War who had been so unfortunate to fall into their hands, and was not ignorant that he was designed to receive the most cruel Treatment which rage could suggest, armed himself with constancy, and to express how generous a People the Arovages were, marched very cheerfully to the place of execution, not being either bound or drag’d thereto, and presented himself with a mild and steady countenance in the midst of the Assembly, which he knew desired nothing so much as his death, and not expecting their abuses and bitter discourses, he prevented them in these Terms. / I know well enough upon what account you have brought me to this place, I doubt not but you are desirous to fill yourselves with my bloud, and that you are impatient to exercise your Teeth upon my Body; But you have not so much reason to Triumph to see me in this Condition, nor I much to be troubled threat; My Countreymen have put your Predecessors to greater miseries than you are now able to invent against me; And I have done my part with them in mangling, Massacring and devouring your People, your Friends, and your Fathers, besides that I have Relations who will not fail to revenge my quarrel with advantage upon you and upon your Children, for the most inhumane tortures you intend against me, what Torments soever the most ingenious cruelty can dictate to you for the taking away of my life is nothing in com­ parison of those which my generous Nation prepares for you in exchange, therefore delay not the utmost of your cruelty any longer, and assure your selves I both slight and laugh at it; Somewhat of this Nature is that brave and bloudy Bravado which we read of a Brasilean Prisoner ready to be devoured of his Enemies; Come on boldly, said he to them, and feast your selves upon me, for at the same time you will feed on your Fathers and Grand-Fathers, who serv’d for nourishment to my Body; These Muscles, this flesh, and these veins are yours, blind Fools as you are; You do not observe that the substance of the Members of your Ancestors are yet to be seen in them, tast them well and you will find the tast of your own flesh. The Great Soul of our Arovagues was not only his lips, but shewed it self also in the effects which followed this Bravado; For after the company had a while endured his menaces and arrogant defiance without touching him, one among them came and burnt his sides with a flaming brand, another cut great Gobbets of flesh out of him, and would cut bigger if the bones would have admitted it, then they cast pepper into his wounds, others diverted themselves in shooting Arrows at the poor Patient, and every one took a pleasure in tormenting him, but he suffered with the same unconcerned countenance, and expressed not / the least

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sence of pain; After they had thus sported a long time with the poor wretch, at last growing weary of insulting and out-braved by his constancy which seemed still the same, one of them came and at one blow dispatched him with his Club. This is the usage wherewith the Caribeans heretofore treated their Prisoners of War, but now they think it enough to put them to a speedy death. As soon as this unfortunate Person is thus laid dead upon the place, the young men take the Body, and having washed it cut it in peices, and then boyl some part, and broil some upon wooden Frames made like a Gridiron for that purpose. When this detestable dish is ready and seasoned according to their Palates they divide it into so many parts as there are persons present, and joyfully devour it, thinking that the World cannot afford any other repast equally delicious; The Women lick the very sticks whereon the fat dropped, not so much from the deliciousness they find in that kind of sustenance as from the excessive pleasure they conceive in being revenged in that manner of their cheifest enemies, and to heighten this rage and hatred against the Arovages they save the fat that comes from it; and keep it carefully in little Gourds to pour some few drops thereof into their sauces at their solemn entertainments, so to perpetuate as much as lies in their power, the motive of revenge. /

CHAP. XIX.

A Prospect of the Island of Antego. THe Island of Antego lies in the Latitude of sixteen degrees and eleven minutes between Barbadoes and Desiderado. In length about Twenty Miles, and much of the same bredth; The access to it is dangerous for shipping by reason of the Rocks which incompass it; It was conceived heretofore that it was not to be inhabited upon presumption that there was no fresh Water in it, but the English who have planted themselves in it have met with some, and make Ponds and Cisterns to supply that defect, it being inhabited by eight or nine hundred Per­ sons. The Commodities this Island affords are Sugar, Indico, Ginger and Tobacco. It abounds in tame Cattel, and all sorts of Fish, among which the Shark-Fish deserves remark; It is a kind of Sea-dog, or Sea-Wolf, the most devouring of all Fishes, & the most greedy of mans flesh & therefore dangerous to those that swim, he lives altogether by prey, and commonly follows ships to feed on the filth cast out of them into the Sea; These Monsters seem yellow in the Water, some of them of a vast length and bigness, insomuch that they are able to cut a man in two at one bite; Their Skin so rough that files are made of it to polish wood; Their heads are flat, and the opening of their mouth not just before the snout but under it, so that they are forced to turn their Bellies almost upward when they seize their Prey; Their Teeth are very sharp and broad jagged about like a Saw, of which some have three or four ranks in each Jaw-Bone, they lye within his gums, but sufficiently appear when there is occasion. These cruel SeaDogs / are attended by two or three small Fishes and sometimes more, which go before them with such swiftness, and exactness that they either go forward or stay as he does; The Meat of him is not good, but the brains are counted useful against the stone and Gravel. Another Ravenous Sea-Monster found on these Coasts is called the Becune, a dreadful enemy to Mankind, in shape like a Pike but seven or eight foot long, he lives by prey, & furiously fastens like a bloud-hound on the men he perceives in the Water. He carries away whatever he once fastens on, and his teeth are so venemous, that the least touch of them becomes mortal, if some Soveraign Anti­ – 150 –

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dote be not instantly applied to divert and abate the Poyson. There are another kind of Becunes by some call Sea Wood-Cocks, their beaks being somewhat like a Wood-cocks bill only the upper part is much longer than the lower, and it moves both Jaws with like facility; Some of them are four foot long and twelve Inches broad neer the head, which is somewhat like a Swines, with two large eyes extreamly Shining, he hath two Fins on the sides and under the Belly a great plume rising higher like a Cocks comb, reaching from head to Tail: Besides the long solid beak, it hath two sorts of Horns, hard, black, and about a foot and an half in length which hang down under his throat and are particular to this kind of fish, and these he can easily hide in a hollow place under his Belly which serves them for a Sheath, it hath no Scales but a rough black Skin on the back, and the meat is eatable. Another Fish found neer these Islands is called the Sea Urchin or Hedghog, and well deserves that name, it is round as a Ball and full of Sharp prickles for which it is feared, some call it the armed Fish, they are sent as Presents to the curious to hang in their closets. The Sea Parrots are likewise admirable which have beautiful sparkling eyes the Balls cleer as Chrystal, inclosed within a circle as green as an Emerald of which / colour are the Scales of their backs; They have no Teeth but Jaws above and below of a solid bone very strong, of the same colour with their Scales and divided into little Compartiments very beautiful to the Eye, they live on shel fish, and with those hard Jaw-bones they crush, as between two Milstones, Oys­ ters, Muscles and other shell fish to get out the meat. They are an excellent kind of Fish to eat, and so big that some of them have weighed above Twenty pound. The Dorado by some called the Sea Bream, by others the Amber-Fish is also com­ mon in these parts, so called, because in the Water the head seems to be of a green gilt, and the rest of the Body as yellow as gold. It has pleasure in following Ships, but is so swift that it is very hard to take, being extreamly well furnished for swimming, having the forepart of the head sharp, the back bristled with prickles reaching to the Tail which is forked, two Fins on each side the head and as many under the Belly, and the whole body rather broad than big, all which give him a strange command of the Water, he is as good meat as Trout or Salmon, they are caught only with a peice of White Linnen tyed to the Hook. This Island likewise abounds in several sorts of Fowls and Birds, those of an extraordinary kind are first the Canades, which are the most beautiful Birds in the World (saith my Author,) under the belly and Wings it is of a waving Aurora colour, the back and one half of the Wings of a very bright Sky colour, the tail and greater feathers of the Wings are mixt with a Sparkling Carnation, diversi­ fyed with a Sky, upon the back it was grass green and shining black, which very much added to the Gold and Azure of the other Plumage, but the most beau­ tiful part was the head covered with a murrey43 down, chequered with green, yellow, and a pale blew which reach’d down wavingly to his back, the eye-lids

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were white, and the apple of the eye yellow and red like a Ruby set in Gold, it had upon the head a tuft or Cup of Feathers of a / Vermillion Red sparkling like a lighted Coal, which was incompassed by other lesser Feathers of a Pearl colour. It was about the bigess of a Pheasant, and very kind and familiar with its friends, but severe to its Enemies. This that our Author saw spoke the Dutch, Spanish, and Indian Language, and in the last he sung Airs as a natural Indian; He also imitated the cries of all sorts of Poultry and other creatures about the House, he called his Friends by their Names and Sirnames, and flew to them when he saw them especially when he was hungry, and if they had been long absent, exprest his Joy at their return. In a word, he was a present for a Prince, if he could have been brought over the Sea. The Flamant is a great and beautiful bird about the bigness of a Wild goose, his beak is like a Spoon, his Neck and Legs very long, so that his Body is three foot from the ground, when they are young their feathers are white, then murrey, and when old of a bright Carnation, they are seldom seen but in great Companies, & their hearing & smelling is so perfect that they smell the Huntsmen and fire­ arms at a great distance, and therefore for fear of surprize they live in open places in the midst of the Fens, one of them being always on the Guard, while the rest are searching the Waters for a livelihood; as soon as he hears the least noise or perceives a man, he takes his flight and gives a great cry for a signal to the rest to follow him; when the Huntsmen take them they get the wind of them that they may not smell the Powder, and covering themselves with an Oxhide creep on their hands and feet till they come to a place whence they may be sure to kill them. /

CHAP. XVIII

A Prospect of the Island of Mevis. THe Island of Mevis or Nevis lies in seventeen degrees, and nineteen Minutes North of the Line; It is not above eighteen Miles round, and in the midst there is but one only Mountain, which is very high, and covered with great Trees up to the very top, about which all the Plantations are setled, beginning from the Sea­ side to the very highest part of it; It hath within it divers Springs of Fresh-water, whereof some are strong enough to make their way into the Sea, one Spring hath the waters so hot and Mineral, that from the force of it there are Baths made, found very beneficial in several Diseases. The English who planted themselves there in 1628. and are still Possessors thereof, being now about three or four Thousand Inhabitants, drive a very handsome Trade with Sugar, Ginger, Tobacco and Cotton, which they exchange for other conveniencies, it is the best governed of any of the Caribee Islands, impartial justice being administred, and all debauchery and immorality severely punished by a Council of the most Eminent and Ancient Inhabitants. There are three Churches erected for the Service of God; And for the security of Vessels in the Road, there is a Fort, wherein are planted several great Guns, that command at a great distance, which likewise secure their Storehouses, into which all the Commodities imported for the use of the Inhabitants are dis­ posed, and from thence distributed to those that have occasion for them; It is indifferent Fruitful, and hath store of Deer, and other Game for Hunting. In this Island there are Lizards five Foot in length, and a Foot about, their skins are of divers Colours, / according to the different Soil they are bred in, some of them have their Scales and Skin so glittering, that at a distance they look like rich Cloth of Gold and Silver, they have four Feet, each with five Claws, and very sharp Nails, they run fast and climb Trees dexterously, and whether they love Men or are stupid, they stand still, looking on the Huntsmen, suffering them to put a Gin with a running knot about their Necks, which is fastened to the end of a Pole, whereby they get them off the Trees where they rest themselves; Their Jaws are wide, with very sharp Teeth, their Tongues thick, and they hold fast what they catch with their Teeth, which are not at all venemous, the Females lay – 153 –

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Eggs about the bigness of Woodcocks, the Shell is soft, which they lay deep in the Sand on the Sea-shores to be hatched by the Sun, they are sometimes eaten though disliked by many. The Annolis is another creature very common in all the Plantations, about the bigness of a Lizard, but the head longer, the Skin yellow­ ish, and on their backs they have green, blew and gray streaks drawn from the top of the head to the end of the Tail, they live in holes under ground, whence in the night they make a very loud and importunate noise, in the day they are continually wandring about Cottages for subsistence. A Land-pike is another strange Reptile so called from its likeness to that Fish, but instead of Fins it hath four feet which are so weak that they only crawl on the ground, and wind their bodies as Pikes newly taken out of the Water, the longest are about fifteen inches and proportionably big; Their Skin is covered with little Scales which shine extreamly, and are of a Silver gray colour, in the night they make a hideous noise from under the Rocks, and the bottoms of hollow places where they are lodg’d; It is more sharp and grating to the ear than Frogs or Toads, and they change their notes according to the variety of the place where they lurk, they are seldom seen but a little before night, and when met in the day their strange motion is apt on a sudden to affright the Spectator. / There is an Insect in these Islands called a Souldier, somewhat like a Snail, but have no Shells proper to themselves, and therefore to secure the weakness of their little bodies against the injuries of the Air, and the attempts of other Beasts, they take possession of such a shell as they find most convenient, which is com­ monly that of Perriwinkles; As they grow bigger they Shift their Shells and get into larger, they have instead of a foot an instrument like a Crabs Claw, where­ with they close the entrance of their Shells, and secure their whole body, if he be set neer the Fire he forsakes his Quarters, if it be presented to him to get in again he goes in backward, when they all intend to change lodgings, to which they are much inclined, there happens a serious engagement managed with that clasp­ ing Instrument, till at length the strongest by Conquest gets possession which he peaceably enjoys during his pleasure. Another Insect called the flying Tygar is observable, the Body is chequered with spots of divers colours as the Tygar, is about the bigness of an horned Beetle, the head sharp with two great Eyes as green and Sparkling as an Emerald, his mouth is arm’d with two hard hooks extreamly sharp, wherewith he holds fast his prey while he gets the substance, the whole body is covered with a hard and swarthy crustiness which serves him for armour; Under his Wings, which are also of solid matter, there are four less Wings as soft as Silk, it hath six Legs, each whereof hath three Joints, and they are bristled with certain little prickles; In the day he is continually catching Flies, and other little Animals, and in the Night sits Singing on the Trees. The Hornfly is another which hath two snouts like an Elephant, one turning upward, and the other down about three Inches long, the head is blew like a Grashopper, the two

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Eyes green, the upper side of the Wings of a bright Violet, Damaskt with Carna­ tion, heightned by a small natural thred of Silver, the Colours drawn with such Curiosity, that the most curious Painting cannot / reach it. I imagined (saith my Author) it had been Artificial because of the lively Carnation colour and the string of Silver, but having taken it in my hand, I thought nature must certainly be in an excellent humour, and had a mind to divert her self when she bestowed such sumptuous Robes on this little Q. of Insects. A Monstruous Spider is likewise found in these parts so large that when her legs are spred she takes up above the bredth of a mans hand, the Body consists of 2 parts, one flat and the other round, smaller at one end like a Pigeons egg, with a hole in the back, which is as it were their Navil, it is armed with two Sharp tushes solid and black, smoot and shining, so that some set them in Gold for Tooth-pickers, esteemed to have a virtue of preserving from pain and corrup­ tion the places rubbed therewith, when they grow old they are covered with a swarthy down soft as Velvet, they have ten feet having each four Joints armed at the ends with a black hard-horn. They every year shift their old Skins and their two Tushes, they feed on flyes and such vermine, and it hath been observed that in some places their Webs are so strong that little Birds can hardly extri­ cate themselves from them. The Palmer worm is notable from the almost infinite number of Feet, which are as bristles under his Body, and help him to creep along the ground with incredible swiftness if persued; It is half a Foot long, the upper part covered with swarthy Scales, which are hard and jointed one within another like the Tiles of a House, but what is dangerous in this Creature is, that he hath a kind of Claw both in his head and Tail, wherewith he twitches so home and so poysonous the wounded place, that for four and twenty hours the patient feels great pain. There was some years since brought from thence a Bird about the big­ ness & shape of a Swallow, only the two great Feathers of the Tail a little shorter and the beak turned down like a Parrot, and the feet like a Ducks, it was black only under the Belly, a little white like our Swallows, in fine, it was so like them that it may be called the Swallow of America. / The Fly Catcher is a very pretty Animal, it is a four legged Creature, of a very small size, some of them seem to be covered with fine Gold or Silver Brocado, others with a mixture of green, Gold, and other delightful colours, they are so familiar that they come boldly into rooms, where they do no mischief, may on the contrary cleer them of Flyes and such Vermine, which they perform with such nimbleness and slight that the cunning of Huntsmen is not comparable to it, for he lies down on a plank where he hopes the Fly will come and keeps his eye alway fixt upon in, putting his head into as many different postures as the Fly shifts places and standing upon his fore-feet and gaping after it, he half opens his little Wide Mouth as if he had already swallowed it in hope, nay though a noise be made and one come neer him, nothing disturbs him and having at last found

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his advantage he starts so directly on his prey that he very seldom misses it; They are so tame as to come upon the Table at dinner, and attempt to catch a Fly there or upon their hands or cloths being very neat clean things; They lay small eggs as big as Pease, which having covered with a little Earth they leave to be hatched by the Sun, as soon as they are killed all their beauty vanishes, and they become pale. It may be reckoned a kind of Camelion, assuming the colour of those things on which it makes its ordinary residence, for being about Palm Trees it is green, about Orange Trees yellow and the like.

CHAP. XIX.

A Prospect of the Island of St. Christophers. THis Island was so named by Christopher Columbus, who finding it very pleas­ ant gave it his own name, which the shape of the Mountains likewise inclined him to, for it hath on its upper part as it were upon one of its shoulders another lesser Mountain, as St. Christopher is painted like a Giant, carrying our Saviour / upon his as it were a little Child; It is scituated seventeen degrees and twenty five Minutes on this side the Line, & is about twenty five Leagues in compass, the soil being light and sandy is apt to produce all sorts of the Country Fruits, with many of the choicest growing in Europe; It lyes high in the midst by reason of some very high Mountains, out of which arise several Rivers, which do sometimes so suddenly overflow through the Rains falling from the Mountains, that the Inhab­ itants are thereby surprized; The whole Island is divided into four Cantons or Quarters, two where of are possessed by the English, and two by the French, but so separated that People cannot go from one quarter to the other, without passing over the Lands of one of the two Nations. The English have more little Rivers in their Division, the French more of the plain Country fit for Tillage; The English exceed the French in number, but the French have four Forts and the English only two, and to prevent differences between the two Nations, each of them have a Guard upon the Frontiers of their Division, which is renewed every day. There is a fine Salt Pit in the Island, and some conceive there is a Silver Mine, but because the Salt Pits, Woods, Havens and Mines are common to both People, it is not regarded, besides the great stock, and multitude of slaves which such an enterprize would require; The true Silver Mine is Sugar; This Island may be easily incompassed by Land, but one cannot pass through the midst of it, by reason of several great and steep Mountains, between which are dreadful Rocks, Precipices, and springs of hot Water, yea some springs of Sulphur which causeth one of them to be called the Sulphur Mountain; The Island seems to descend gently toward the Sea, and is divided into several Stages, from the uppermost whereof a man may take a very pleasant Prospect of all the Plantations from thence downward; There are many gallant Houses built both by the English and French, / and the – 157 –

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English have also erected five fair Churches well furnished within with Pulpits and Seats of excellent Joyners work of precious wood; The Ministers being sent thither by the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury. The French and English Colo­ nies, had their beginning at the same time, for in 1625. Monsieur Desnambuck a French, and St. Thomas Warner an English Gentleman jointly took possession of St. Christophers on the same day, in the names of the Kings of Great Britain and France their Masters, that they might have a place of safe retreat, and a good Haven for the Ships of both Nations bound for America, as being well furnished with Provisious, and therefore often visited by the Spaniards, who sometimes left the sick there to be look’d to by the Caribeans with whom they had made a peace upon those Terms. These two Gentlemen having thus taken possession of the Island, left some men therein to secure it, and returned for the further establishment of these Colonies, to their respective Countreys; But before they parted hence, suspect­ ing some private Intelligence between the Indians and Spaniards for destroying all the English and French in their absence, they in one night rid their hands of the most factious of that Nation, and soon after forced all the rest, who were got together in several Bodies and stood upon their Guard, to retire to some other Islands, and leave that to their disposal. After this they both returned home, where their Conquests and Proceedings being approved of by the Kings their Masters, they returned with recruits of men in the quality of Governors, and Lieutenants under the Kings of Great Britain and France, and having divided the Island according to their first Agreement, and the English having plentiful Provisions from London, prospered much more than the French, who wanted necessary assistance. In 1629. a powerfull Fleet from Spain under Don Frederick de Toledo had received order from that King, that before he fell down to the Havana, he should / touch at St. Christophers, and force thence all the English and French, who had planted themselves there for some years before. This Navy consisted of twenty four great Ships of Burden, and fifteen Frigots, who first seized some English Ships lying at Anchor near the Isle of Mevis; And then came and cast Anchor in the Road of St. Christophers, in the French Division and the Forts of both Colonies being not in a condition to stand out a Siege, unfurnished with Ammunition and Provisions, nay all the Forces of the Nations in Conjunction, not being able to have opposed so great an Army, it was a great discouragement to them, yet resolv­ ing the Enemy should not boast they had compassed their designs without blows they made a very Vigorous opposition, but being overpowered by number, the French forsook the Island, Desnambuck Imbarquing all his Men in certain Ships, which chanced to be in the Haven. The Quarters of the English upon this Intel­ ligence were in great disorder, and in continual expectation that the Spaniards would fall upon them. Some endeavouring to escape by Sea, or shelter themselves

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in the Mountains, while others somewhat more couragious, sent Deputies to Don Frederick to propose an accommodation; But all the answer they received was, an express command immediately to depart the Island, or to be treated with that Rigour, which the Law of Arms permits to be used toward those who wrongfully possess what belongs not to them, and to speed their departure, he ordered those English Ships taken at Mevis should be restored to them, wherein they should Imbarque Instantly for England, and because it was impossible those Vessels should contain so great a number, he permitted the rest to continue in the Isle till they had opportunity of Transportation. These things dispatcht, Don Frederick weighed Anchor, but as soon as the Fleet was out of sight, the English who were left behind, began to rally, and took a resolution couragiously to carry on the Settlement of their Colony; During these Transactions at St. Christophers, / the French who went to Sea, having suf­ fered many inconveniences, were forced to put in at the Islands of St. Martin and Montserrat, but looked on them as Desarts in comparison of the place they had left, and being desirous to be informed of the condition of the Spaniards there, sent one of their Ships to St. Christophers, who returning gave them an account the Enemy was gone, and the English couragiously imployed in Re building, Planting, and repairing Desolations; This unexpected good News revived their decayed hopes and persuaded them to a speedy return; The English Colony with constant supplies from London, from that time grew very powerful, peopling not only this place, but sending new Plantations from hence to Barbada, Montserrat, [An?]tego and Barbadoes, which are grown very numerous and famous for the Trade of the rich commodities they are furnished with, as well as this curious Island, whose chiefest Trade is Sugar Tobacco, Cotton, Ginger, with several other Sorts of Fruits and Provisions. The Rocquet is a pretty Animal in this Isle, their skin is of the colour of a with­ ered leaf, marked with little Yellow or blewish Points, they go on four feet those before being highest, their Eyes lively and sparkling, their heads always lifted up, and so active that they leap up and down perpetually like Birds when they make no use of their Wings, their Tails are so turned up toward their back that they make a Circle and an half; They love to look upon men, and are constantly star­ ing on them; When they are pursued they open their Mouths, and put out their Tongues like little Hounds. There is a large Bird in the Carribees called the Eagle of Orinca much like an Eagle in shape; All his Feathers are of light Gray marked with black Spots, save that the ends of his Wings and Tail are yellow, he hath a piercing sight, and feeds on other Birds, yet to shew his generosity he never sets upon the waeker sort, but those that are armed with crooked beaks and sharp Tallons like himself, nay it is observable / he never seizes his prey on the ground or a Tree, but stays till it has taken his flight that he may ingage it in the open air with equal advantage, upon whom he furiously fastens his Tallons, and having

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mastered them tears them in peices and devours them. There is also a large Bird in these Islands called a Craw fowl about the bigness of a great Duck, the feathers Ash colour, and hideous to the eye, it hath a long Flat beak, a great head, small eyes deep set in his heed, and a short neck, under which hangs a bag or Craw so big that it will contain two Gallons of Water, they are commonly found on Trees by the Seaside, where as soon as they perceive a Fish at advantage they seize it, and swallow it whole, they are so attentive on their Fishing having their Eye constantly on the Sea, that they are easily shot and become a Prey to others; their sight is so admirable that they will discover a Fish at a great distance in the Sea and above a fathom under Water, yet stay till they come almost even with it before they seize; Their Flesh is not to be eaten; Here are likewise found a kind of Pheasants which are called Pintado’s, because they are as it were painted with colours, and have about them small points like so many Eyes on a Dark ground. To conclude with these Fowls we shall give an Account of the Colibry, or Humming Bird, which is admirable for its beauty, bulk, sweet scent, and man­ ner of life, for being the least of all Birds he gloriously confirm the saying of Pliny,44 That nature is ever greatest in its least Productions; Some of these Birds are no bigger bodied than the greater sorts of Flies, yet of such beautiful feath­ ers, that the neck, wings and back represent the Rain-bow, there are others that have such a bright red under their neck that at a distance one would imagine it to be a Carbuncle, the Belly and under the Wings are yellow as Gold, the thighs Green like an Emerald, the feet and beak as black as polished Ebony, the two lit­ tle eyes two diamonds set in an oval of the colour / of burnished steel, the Head is grass green, which gives it such a lustre that it looks as if gilt; The Male hath a little Tuft on the head in which may be seen all the colours that enamel this little Body, the miralcle of the feathered Common wealth and one of the rarest productions of nature; He moves that little Crown of Feathers at pleasure, and is more beautiful than the Female; As his bulk and plumage is miraculous, so is the activity of his flight, making a noise with his Wings as if a little Whirl-Wind were suddenly raised in the Air, which surprizes those who hear him before they see him; He lives only on the dew which he sucks from the Flowers of Trees with his Tongue which is longer than his beak, hollow as a reed, and about the big­ ness of a small needle; ’tis pleasant to look on him in that posture for spreading abroad his little crest, one would think he had on his head a Crown of Rubies and all sorts of precious stones and the Sun adding to his Lustre makes him look like a composition of precious Stones animated and flying in the Air; The female commonly lays but two Eggs which are oval about the bigness of a Pea or small Pearl: And though he lose much of his beauty when dead, yet there is so much left, that some Ladies have worn them for Pendants, and imagined they became them better than any other, its smell being also excellent, even like the finest Musk and Amber.

CHAP. XXI.

A Prospect of the Island of Barbadoes. BArbadoes is the most considerable Island the English have among the Car­ ribees, & lies in thirteen degrees and twenty Minutes on this side the Equator, and though not above Twenty four Miles long and fifteen broad, yet was many years ago accounted to have above / Twenty thousand Inhabitants besides Negro Slaves who are thought a far greater number. In the reign of K. James the first a Ship of Sr. William Curteens returning from Pernambuck in Brasil, being driven by foul weather upon this Coast, chanced to fall upon this Island, and anchoring before it staid some time to inform themselves of the nature thereof, which was so exceedingly over-grown with Woods that they could find no Champion45 or Savana’s for men to dwell in, nor any Beasts but a multitude of Swine, which the Portugals put ashoar long before for breed, if they should at any time be cast on that shoar in foul weather, and the fruits and roots that grew there afforded so great plenty of food as they multiplied abundantly, so that the Natives of the other Islands use to come thither a hunting; This discovery being made, and advice given to their Friends in England, other Ships were sent, and having cut down the Woods, and cleered the ground, they planted Potatoes, Plantines and Maiz, which with the Hogs flesh they found served only to keep Life and Soul together, and their supplies from England, coming so slow and uncertain, they were oft driven to great extremities, but in the year 1627. when they had more hands, and having Tobacco, Indico, Cotton Wool, and Fustick46 Wood to trade with, some Ships were invited with hope of gain to visit them, bringing for exchange such things as they wanted, as working Tools of Iron, and Steel, Cloaths, Shirts, Drawers, Hose, Shoes, Hats, and more Planters; So that in a short time they grew very considerable, especially when their Sugar Canes were grown and they had learned the Art of making Sugar; The Inhabitants which consist of English, Scotch, Irish, with some few Dutch, French and Jews, were lately calculated to be above fifty Thousand, and the Negro’s about an hundred Thousand; So that they can in a short time arm Ten Thousand fighting men, which with the natural

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advantage of the place, is able to defy the most potent Enemy, as the Spaniards have found / to their cost, having in vain assaulted it several times. It hath only one River or rather a Lake which runs not far into the Land, yet the Country lying low, and level they have divers Ponds, and are supplyed with Rain Water by making Cisterns in their Houses; The Air is very hot for eight months, and would be more insupportable were it not for the cool breezes which rise with the Sun, and blow still fresher as that grows higher, but always from the Northeast except in the Turnado, and then it chop about to the South an hour or two, and after returns as before, the other four months are not so hot, but like the air of England about the middle of May, and though they sweat yet find not such faintness as in England in August, neither are they thirsty unless overheated with labour or strong drink. Their Bread is made of the root of a small Tree or Shrub which they call Cassavy, and account it wholsome and nourishing. They have a drink called Mobbie made of Potatoes; Another named Perino, which is reckoned much better though not altogether so pleasant, made by the Indians for their own drinking of the Cassavy Root, which of it self is a strong Poyson, and this they cause their old Women whose Breath and Teeth have been tainted with many several Poxes, to chew and spit our into the Water, for the bet­ ter breaking and macerating the Root, and in three or four hours this juice will work and purge it self of the poysonous quality, for the old Womens poysnous Breath and the Poyson of the Cassavy being opposites, work with such vehem­ ency against each other as they spend their poysonous quality in the conflict; They drink likewise Punch, Plum drink, Plantane drink, A strong drink made of the skimming of Sugar, Beveridge, and Wine of Pines, which is the best of all; Their Meat is generally Hogs Flesh exceeding good, they feeding on nothing but Pompions as sweet as Mellons, Plantanes, Sugar Canes and Maiz; They have also Turkies, Pullers, Muscovy Ducks, Turtle Doves, Pidgeons and Rabbits; With / excellent Fish, many kinds not known to us, as the green Turtle, who coming in with the Tyde, lye upon the Sands till the next return, and are easily taken in the Lucaick Islands, though not in this, but sent hither; For it is but turning them on their Backs with staves, and there they lye till they are fetcht away; A large Turtle (as we have mentioned) will have in her body half a Bushel of Eggs which she lays in the Sand, where they are hatcht by the Sun. When you are to kill one of these Fishes, you lay him on his Back on a Table, and when he sees you come with a knife in your hand to kill him, he sends forth the most grievous sighs that ever were heard, and sheds Tears in abundance, after he is opened, and his Heart taken out, if you lay it in a Dish, it will stir and pant ten hours after the Fish is dead, there is no more delicate in tast, nor more nourishing than he. This Island may be divided into Masters, Servants and Slaves; The Masters live in all affluence of pleasure and delight, the Servants after five years become Free­ men of the Island, and then imploy their time as may be most to their advantage;

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but the Negro Slaves and their Children being in Bondage for ever, are preserved with greater care; but used with such severity, as occasioned a great Conspiracy against their Masters some years since, which was so closely carried as no discov­ ery was made till the day before it was to be acted, and then one of them either failing of his courage, or out of love to his Master, discovered and prevented it, for which many of them were put to death, as a terror to the rest, who being so numerous might prove dangerous, but that they are kept in such strict aw, and not suffered to touch or handle a Weapon, so that nothing is more terrible to them than Gunshot; and besides being of different Countreys, they speak divers Languages, and do not understand one another; For in some of those places in Africa, where petty Kingdoms are, they sell their Subjects, and such as they take in Battel, whom they make / Slaves, yea some poor Men sell their Servants, their Children, and sometimes their Wives, for such Traffick as our Merchants bring them; When they are brought hither, the Planters buy them out of the Ship, where they find them stark naked, and therefore cannot be deceived in any outward Infirmity, chusing them as they do Horses in a Market, the strongest, youthfulest and most beautiful yield the greatest price; Thirty Pound Sterling for a Man, and Twenty five for a Woman, is usual; if they buy any that have no Wives, they will come to their Masters and complain they cannot live with­ out, and he provides them one by the next Ships; Religion they have none, yet seem to acknowledge a God, by looking up to Heaven for revenge when they are wronged; One Negro Woman being brought to Bed of two Children, her Hus­ band provided a Cord to hang her as false to him, but the Overseer prevented it, by telling him it was common with the English Women, and they liked them the better, yet if he were resolved to Hang her, he should be Hanged himself by her, the fear of which hindred him. The chief Towns in this Isle are St. Michaels formerly called Bridge-Town, Little Bristol, St. James, and Charles-Town, with other Parishes of less note, and several Bays on the Seacoasts. The Goverment is by Laws agreeable to those in England; For which they have Courts of Judicature, Justices of Peace, Consta­ bles, Church-wardens and the like. The Island is very strong as well by nature as Art; It is divided into eleven Precincts, wherein are fourteen Churches and Chappels, the whole so filled with Houses that it may almost seem one Great Town. There is a Fish called a Rock fish taken neer this Island, which is red, Inter­ mixt with several other colours very delightful to the Eye; And a great Fly called by the Indians Cucuyos which gives such a great light, in the night that it is called the Flying Torch of America, not only guiding the Traveller by shewing his way in the night, but with the assistance of this light a man may easily write and read / the smallest print; The Indians having these Flyes fastened to their hands and feet go a hunting all night by the light of them, which the famous Dubartas thus describes.

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 2 New Spains Cucuyo in his forehead brings

Two burning Lamps, two underneath his Wings,

Whose shining Rays serve oft in darkest night

Th’ Embroyderers hand in Royal works to light;

Th’ Ingenious Turner with awakeful eye

To polish fair his purest Ivory,

The Userer to count his glistring Treasures,

The learned scribe to limn his Golden measures.47

If five or six of these Flys were put into a Vessel of fine Chrystal, no doubt it would be a living incomparable Torch answerable to the Poets description. The present Governor of Barbadoes is Sir Richard Dutton.48

CHAP. XXII.

A Prospect of the Island of Jamaica. Jamaica is scituate in seventeen or eighteen Degrees of North Latitude, its shape somewhat oval being about 170 miles long, and about seventy broad, in the midst whereof runs a continued ridg of high Mountains, so that some have com­ pared the Island to a saddle; from hence flow divers fresh springs, which cause many Rivers to the great refreshment of the Inhabitants; It came into the posses­ sion of the English upon this occasion. In 1655. Oliver Cromwel who then usurps the Government, having made Peace with the Dutch, resolved upon an Adventure against the Spaniards, pro­ viding a Fleet, and giving out that the Voyage would be very profitable, being designed to a place where there was much Gold and store of riches, but con­ cealed the design to the very last; Hope of gain incouraged many of low fortunes to engage in this enterprize, so that the Fleet, was soon filled, which setting Sail, Dec. 28. Venables commanding the Land Forces, and Pen being General at Sea, they put in at Barbadoes Jan. 28. / Following; The King of Spain was not ignorant these preparations were designed against the West Indies, and having dispatcht Expresses into those parts, he sent the Marquess of Leda in a splendid Ambassy to Cromwel, but had such cold reception that he quickly returned; In the meantime the Fleet steered its course from Barbadoes to Hispaniola one of the richest Islands in America, which was much wondered at, since at that time no open Hostility was declared against Spain, and though it was alleged, That the conditions of Peace extended not beyond the line,49 yet the Spaniard lookt on it as an absolute breach; The beginning of this Enterprize met with a Remark­ able check, for when General Venables might have landed very neer St. Domingo, the chief Town in the Isle and deserted by the Garrison, yet ruled by strange Counsels of his own, or as some say overuled by his Wife, he set his men ashoar ten Leagues Westward of it, whereupon the Spaniards took Courage and betook themselves again to the defence of St. Domingo. The English landing, and seeing no opposition thought themselves safe, and Lords of the Indies, and were already sharing the Golden Mines among – 165 –

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themselves; When contrary to their expectation, the General caused it to be proclaimed at the head of the Army, that none upon pain of Death should Plun­ der any Gold, Plate or jewels, or kill any Cattle; Which damping their Spirits and the excessive heat of the Climate weakning their Bodys, by that time they had marched a most tedious and disconsolate March, through thick Woods, in deep scalding Sands, ready to perish with miserable drought and Thirst for want of Water, of which they met not with a drop in many miles, they were brought into such a Condition that they needed not an Enemy to kill them, being already almost dead with faintness and weakness, so that the Spaniards Negro’s and Molatto’s falling upon them, destroyed them without resistance, till they were weary of killing, and those thought themselves happy, who / could make their escape to their Ships. Major General Hains and above six hundred others fell in this skirmish besides near as many more in stragling Parties, and all this Execution was done with the loss of not above sixty of the Enemy. The rem­ nant of this Naval Army, that they might not be thought to have undertaken so long a Voyage, and of such expectation in vain, possest themselves with little or no opposition of the Island of Jamaica, which though not so plentiful and rich as the place they aimed at, yet with much Industry, and the Supplies sent them from England, they made it a tolerable Habitation to abide in, planting them­ selves at Oritano the chief, and then only Town therein. In 1658. five hundred Spaniards under Don Christopher Arnaldo Saffer landed in this Island, and began to fortifie themselves at a place called St. Ann, but were fiercely set upon by the English, and forced to fly into the Woods and Mountains; and another body of three hundred Spaniards, having fortified themselves at Charer as in the North of this Island, were by the then Governor Collonel Doyly50 driven quite out of their hold, Don Francisco de Preucia, the Maestro del Campo with others taken, many killed, and the rest utterly dispersed. This grand disaster with many petty ill successes caused the Spaniards to dis­ pair of regaining the Island, and to Ship off most of their Plate and Women, and the Negro’s finding the greatest part of their Masters to be dead, killed the Gov­ ernour, and declined all obedience to the Spaniards, chusing themselves a Black for their Governour, and such was the weakness of the Spaniards, that instead of correcting them they were forced to beg their assistance, which yet would not prevail, for soon after they submitted to the English Government, and made Discoveries of the Spaniards and Negro’s that would not join with them; where­ upon the next year the Spaniards quite deserted the Island, except thirty or forty of their Slaves who betook themselves to the Mountains, but being afraid of a / discovery, and to be pursued to death for some Murthers by them committed, they built themselves Canoo’s, and in them fled to Cuba, and never since had any considerable attempt made upon them. The English being thus become Masters of the Island, formed themselves into a Colony, and begun to settle Plantations,

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while others betook themselves to Sea as Privateers, the better to secure them­ selves against the Spaniards, and force them to a Peace by seizing their Ships, where in they were very successful. This caused the isle to be much talked of and esteemed by the English, who sent them supplies of Men, Provisions and necessaries, and thus by degrees it became so potent as now it is; And though the success of the English at the beginning of the Spanish War was but in-different, yet it afterward proved Fortunate enough by gaining several Victories, & great prizes from them as our English Virgil then Sung. For divers Ages had the Pride of Spain

Made the Sun Shine on half the World in vain,

While she bid War to all that durst supply

The place of those her cruelty made dye.

Of Natures Bounty men forbore to tast,

And the best Portion of the Earth lay wast.

From the New World her Silver and her Gold,

Came like a Tempest to confound the Old.

Feeding with these the brib’d Electors hopes,

Alone she gave us Emperors and Popes,

With those accomplishing her vast designs

Europe was shaken with her Indian Mines.

When Brittain looking with a just disdain

Upon this gilded Majesty of Spain,

And knowing well that Empire must decline.

Whose chief support and sinews are of Coin.

Our Nations solid virtue did oppose

To the rich Troublers of the Worlds repose,

They that the whole Worlds Monarchy design’d

Are to their Ports by our bold Fleet confin’d,

From whence our Redcross they Triumphant see

Riding without a Rival on the Sea;

Others may use the Ocean as their Road. /

Only the English make it there aboad,

Whose ready Sails with every wind can fly,

And make a Cov’nant with the inconsistant Sky.

Our Oaks secure as if there took root,

We tread on Billows which a steady foot.

Bold were the men which on the Ocean first

Spread their new Sails when Shipwrack was the worst.

More danger from the English Spain doth find,

Than from the Rocks the Billows or the Wind,

Some Ships are Prize, while others burnt and rent

With their rich lading to the bottom went

Down sinks at once (so Fortune with us Sports)

The pay of Armies and the pride of Courts.

Vain man! Whose Rage buries as low that store

As Avarice had digg’d for it before,

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From greedy hands lies safer in the deep.

Where th’ Ocean kindly does from Mortals hide

Those seeds of Luxury, Debate, and Pride.

And thus into our hands the richest Prize,

Falls with the noblest of our Enemies, & c.51

The Soyl of Jamaica is very fruitful, the Trees and Plants being always springing, and never disrobed of their Summer Livery, every month being like our April or May; there are many Plains which they call Savana’s intermixt with Hills and Woods, which they say were formerly Fields of Indian Maiz or Wheat, but con­ verted by the Spaniards, to pasture for feeding their Horses, Cows, Hoggs, and Asinego’s that they brought from Spain for breed, after they had destroyed all the Indians, which were reckoned above six hundred Thousand, which Cattle increased exceedingly, great herds of Horses, Hogs, and other kinds still running Wild in the Woods; The Air is more temperate than any of the Caribees, being constantly cooled with Eastern breezes, and frequent rains, and never troubled with these storms of wind called Hurricanes where with the adjacent Islands are disturbed, sometimes so violent that Ships are forced out of the Roads, and on Shoar, their Houses blown down, and provisions rooted out of the Earth; The days and nights are almost equall all the year. It produceth many excellent Commodities, as Sugar very good, Cocao, Indico, Cotton, Tobacco, Hydes, Tortoise Shells, curious Wood, Salt, Saltpeter Ginger, Pepper, Drugs of several sorts, and Cocheneel, with many others which if well improved, this Isle will be the best and richest Plantation that ever the English were Masters of. / They have Horses so plentifull that a special one may be bought for six or seven pound; Likewise Cows, Asinego’s, Mules, Sheep, Goats, and Hogs in abundance; With very rare fish of several sorts, and plenty of tame Fowl as Hens, Turkies, and some Ducks, but almost infinite store of Wild-Fowl as Geese, Turkies, Pigeons, Ducks, Teal, Wigens, Ginny Hens, Plovers, Flemingos, Snipes, Parrots, and Parachet­ to’s, and many others whose names are not known, With choice Fruits, as Oranges, Limes, Pomegranats, Coco-nuts, Guavers, Prickle-Apples, Prickle-Pears, Grapes, Plantains, Pines, and several more; All manner of Garden Herbs and Roots as Beans, Pease, Cabbages, Colliflowers, Radish, Lettice, Pursly, Melons, and divers more, They are sometimes troubled with Calentures, which is generally occa­ sioned by drunkenness, ill Diet, or Sloth also with Feavers and Agues, but they seldom prove mortal. This Isle abounds with good Roads, Bays and Harbours, the chief whereof is Port Royal formerly called Cageway, very commodious for Ship­ ping, and secured by a strong Castle, it is about twelve Miles from the chief Town of the Island called St. Jago. Next is Port-Morant, Old Harbour, Port-Negril and Port-Antonio, with divers others. The Town of St. Jago de la vega is seated six miles within the Land North-west; When the Spaniards possest the Isle, it was a large

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famous City of about two Thousand Houses, with two Churches, two Chappels and an Abbey, which when the English took under Venables were destroyed all but five hundred, its Churches and Chappels made fewer, and the remainder spoiled and defaced, But since the settlement of the English, they begin to repair the ruinous Houses, and it is like to be greater than formerly. Passage is another Town six mile from St. Jago, and as many from Portugel, where are about twenty Houses and a Fort to secure the English going thither. In the Spaniards time here were several other Towns which are now disregarded, as Sevilla on the North of the Isle, once beautified with a Collegiat Church, which had an Abbot. Meliia in the Northeast, where Columbus repaired his Ships at his return from Veragua, when he was almost Shipwrackt; Oristan toward the South Sea, where Peter Seranna lost his Ship upon the adjacent Rocks and Sands, and continued here in a Solitary Condition for three years, and then had the company of a Mariner for four years more, who was likewise Shipwrackt, and only saved himself. Though there are at present no more Towns, yet the Island is divided into fourteen Precincts or Parishes, namely Port Royal, St. Catherine, St. Johns, St. Andrews, St. Davids, St. Thomas, and Clarendon, many whereof are well inhabited by the English that have there very good Plantations, whose number is not certainly known, but according to a survey taken and returned into England some years since, there were above seventeen hundred Families, and more / than Fifteen Thousand Inhabitants, in the forenamed fourteen Precincts; And in the four Parishes on the North side of the Isle that is St. Georges, St. Maries, St. Anns, and St. James, above Two Thousand more, all which are now extreamly increased even to double if not treble that number, the Great Incouragement of gaining wealth, and a pleasant life inviting abundance of People to transplant themselves from Barbadoes, and other English Plantations every year, so that in a small time it is like to be the most potent and rich Plantation in all America; And besides the aforementioned number of Inhabitants, there are reckoned to belong to Jamaica of Privatiers, or Bucaniers Sloop, and Boatmen, which ply about the Isle at least Thirty Thousand stout fighting men, whose Courage is sufficiently discovered in their dayly attempts upon the Spaniards in Panama and other places, which for the hazard, conduct and daringness of their exploits have by some been compared to the Actions of Casar and Alexander the Great. The Laws of this Island are as like those of England, as the difference of Countreys will admit, they having their several Courts, Magistrates, and Officers, for executing Justice on Offenders, and hearing and determining all Civil Causes between man and man; The present Governor under his Majesty of Great Britain is Sir Thomas Linch.52

FINIS.

PALMER, THE PRESENT STATE OF NEW

ENGLAND

John Palmer, The Present State of New-England Impartially Considered, In a Letter to the Clergy (Boston, MA, 1689).

In early 1689, news reached the colonies that William of Orange had invaded England and James II had fled for France. Most colonial governors and proprie­ tors subsequently declared allegiance to William. Governor Nathaniel Johnson of St Kitts demurred, so a contingent of planters, unhappy with high taxes, his allegiance with smaller planters and ineffectiveness against Irish and French set­ tlers’ threats to defend James, persuaded him to resign and leave for Carolina. In Maryland, John Coode’s Protestant Associators, despising Calvert Catholicism and arbitrary government, overthrew the proprietary in William’s name. Jacob Leisler and associates, who resented how James as Duke of York and King had ruled without a representative assembly since England took New York from the Dutch in 1664, ousted Lieutenant Governor Francis Nicholson and placed the colony under the ‘Charter of Libertyes and Privileges’ of 1683. But the Glorious Revolution perhaps resounded loudest in Massachusetts. Founded by puritans, Massachusetts had always been quasi-independent and its charter had often been questioned by English authorities. In 1684, it finally became a royal colony and then part of King James’s virtual vice-royalty, the Dominion of New England, with the other New England colonies and eventu­ ally with New Jersey and New York. On 18 April 1689, a Boston crowd arrested Governor Edmund Andros and at least two dozen of his aides, including John Palmer. Imprisoned on Castle Island, Palmer wrote The Present State of NewEngland Impartially Considered, In a Letter to the Clergy, later reprinted as An Impartial Account of the State of New England (London, 1690). Palmer was hardly impartial. He went to the colonies to make his fortune, first in the military with Major Andros in the Barbados foot regiment and in 1672 he participated in the capture of Tortola. From 1675 he served New York Governor Andros and his successor Thomas Dongan as a councillor and Supreme Court judge, and from 1685 served Andros in Boston as a councillor for the Dominion, spending over a – 171 –

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year in jail before being recalled on order of William III. Eventually acquitted of misconduct, he then served on the Leeward Islands’ Council until 1698, when he lost his position for defaming the late Mary II. He moved to Jamaica, where he died around 1700.1 Palmer’s tract directly questions the rationales, effectiveness and outcomes of the Massachusetts revolt as set out in the rebels’ ‘Declaration of Grievances’ of 18 April 1689, attacking each of its points one by one.2 Much of the first section of the tract is therefore concerned with disputed facts about and inter­ pretations of events. Even so, Palmer’s arguments reveal how interpretations of events depended on concepts of empire and on political philosophy in general. Palmer argues That Those Kingdomes, Principalities, and Colonies which are of the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and not of the Empire of the King of England, are subject to such Lawes, Ordinances and Forms of Government as the Crowne shall think fit to establish. That New-England and all the Plantation are subject to the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and not to the Empire of the King of England: Therefore, The Crowne of England may Rule and Governe them in such manner as it shall thinke most fit. (below, p. 180)

He subsequently compares the royal colonies’ constitutional statuses with those of Wales after its incorporation into the English state and Ireland under Poyn­ ing’s Law –distinct from Scotland, which shared a king but not a parliament or laws with England and was therefore of the ‘empire’ but not of the ‘dominion’ of the English Crown. For Palmer, therefore, Englishmen permitted to be transported into the Plantations, (for thither without the Kings Licence we cannot come) can pretend to no other Liberties, Privileges or Immuni­ ties there, than anciently the subjects of England who removed themselves into Ireland could have done (below, p. 183)

The second half of the document is a more general disquisition on the nature of political power. Palmer claims that even when rulers do wrong, ‘although we do not owe an active Obedience to such commands of Princes, yet we do owe a passive’ obedience (below, p. 194). He then outlines at some length vari­ ous biblical, historical, legal and philosophical arguments against the right to revolution. He claims that there was no revolution in England in 1688–9 as James ‘had first left the Kingdome’, but that Massachusetts had ‘rashly & imprudently adventur’d’ all the security of property and persons by overthrow­ ing what was, in any case, a legitimate regime (below, pp. 192, 211). With the 1689 revolt, Massachusetts briefly reverted to its original charter but in 1691 became a royal colony once again.

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Notes: 1

2

M. L. Lustig, ‘Palmer, John (c. 1650–1700?), Lawyer and Colonial Administrator’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 42, pp. 506–7. The Declaration is reprinted in M. G. Hall, L. H. Leder and M. G. Kammen (eds), The Glorious Revolution in America: Documents on the Colonial Crisis of 1689 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1964), pp. 42–6. See also D. S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (1972; Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1987), pp. 122–219, 235–50, 271–93.

THE

PRESENT STATE OF

NEW-ENGLAND

IMPARTIALLY CONSIDERED,

IN A LETTER TO THE CLERGY.

Reverend Sirs. Two Moneths have already past away, since with Astonishment I have beheld the most deplorable Condition of our Countrey; Into what a Chaos of Confusion and Distraction have we run our selves? And in what a Labrinth of Miseries and Perplexityes are we involved? ’Tis High Time now to make some serious Reflections on the state of our Affairs. In the First place therefore, ’Twill be Necessary to Examine our selves, and to Consider, 1. For what Reasons, and to what End did we take up Arms? 2. Whether those Reasons be Substantial, and such as carry with them Weight enough to justifie the Act; And whether the proposed End can be obtained by such Methods? 3. If not, What will be the Event, and whether any way be left open to us for a peaceable and friendly Settlement? Although there be some (not of the meanest Capacities) among us, who are of Opinion, that a few persons to gratifie their Malice, Ambition or Revenge have been the plotters & contrivers of our unhappy Troubles, and the better to carry it on have made use of the deluded Countrey men, as the Monkey did the Cat’s foot to pluck the Chesnut out of the fire: Yet I shall not lightly be over credulous in that matter, nor give Entertainment to such Suggestions; I shall onely therefore instance such things as Conversation & Report have brought to my Knowledge, or as I shall find obvious in the Declaration; the summe of which is, ‘That above ten years since, there was an horrid Popish Plot1 in the Kingdome of England, in which the Extirpation of the Protestant Religion was designed. / – 175 –

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That there was great Reason to Apprehend the Reformed Churches of New England, were to be overwhelmed in the same pit of Ruine and Destruction. That the better to effect it, our Charter (the onely hedge which kept us from the Wild Beasts of the field) was both injuriously and illegally Condemned, before it was possible for us to appear at Westminster in the legall Defence of it, and without a faire Leave to Answer for our selves That by an illegall Commission we were put under a President and Coun­ cil, which was soon superseded by another more Arbitrary and Absolute to Sr. Edmond Andros, giving him Power, by the Advice of his Council, to make Lawes and levy Taxes as he pleased, to muster and imploy all persons resident in the Terri­ tory, as Occasion should require, and them to transfer to any English plantation. That severall Red-Coats were brought over, to support what should be imposed upon us, and more threatned. That Preferments were principally loaden on Strangers and Haters of the people. That we were Squeez’d and Oppress’d by a Crew of abject persons from NewYork, who took and extorted extraordinary and intolerable Fees. That it was impossible to know the Lawes that were made, and yet dangerous to break them. That by some in open Councill, and by the same in private Converse, it was affirmed, that the People in New-England were all Slaves, and the onely Differ­ ence between them and Slaves, was their not being bought and sould; and that it was a Maxim delivered in Open Court, by one of the Council, That we must not think the Priviledge of English men would follow us to the End of the World. That we were denied the priviledge of Magna Charta, and that Persons who did but peaceably object against raising Taxes without an Assembly, were for it severely fined. That Juries have been picked and pack’d, and that some people have been fined without a Verdict, yea without a Jury. That some People have been kept long in Prison, without any Information against them, or being Charged with any Misdemeanour, or Habeas Corpus allowed. That Jury-men were fined and imprisoned, for Refusing to lay their hand on the Booke, as they came to be Sworn, contrary to the Common / Law of NewEngland. That there was a Discovery made of Flaws in the Titles of our Lands: and that the Governour denied that there was any such thing as a Towne among us.2 That Writts of Intrusion were issued out. That the Governour caused our Lands to be measur’d out for his Creatures, and that the Right Owners for Pulling up the stakes have been grievously, molested.

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That more than a few were by Terrours drawne to take Patents at excessive Rates. That the Forceing of the people at the East-ward thereto, gave a Rise to the late unhappy Invasion by the Indians. That Blanke Patents were got ready, to be fold at great prices, and severall persons had their Commons begg’d. That the Governour and five or six of the Council, did what they would, and that all such who were Lovers of their Countrey were seldome admitted. That all manner of Craft and Rage was used to hinder Mr. Mather’s3 Voyage to England, and to ruine his person. That allthough the King promised Mr. Mather a Magna Charta for Redresse of Grievances, and that the Governour should be writ unto, to forbeare those Measures that he was upon; yet we were still injured in those very things which were Complained of. That our Ministers and Churches have been discountenanced. That we were imbriared in an Indian-Warre, and that the Officers and Sould­ iers in the Army were under popish Commanders. That the rest of the English plantations, being alarm’d with just Fears of the French, who have treated the English with more than Turkish Cruelty, could not but stirr us up to take care for our owne Preservation, lest we should be deliv­ ered to the French, before Orders could come from His Highness the Prince of Orange, and the Parliament of England. That we have for our Example the Nobility, Gentry and Commons of Eng­ land, and above all we esteeme it our Duty to God so to have done. Thus far have I traced the Declaration, and do not know that any one thing materiall is omitted, I shall now mention some other things which have occurr’d. / Twas credibly reported, That Boston and all the Inhabitants were to be destroyed, and to that end the Mahawks were to be brought down. That there were severall Fire-workes prepared in the Fort, and Vaults dugg under ground to blow up the Towne. That the Souldiers at the East-ward were all poisoned with Rumm. That there were Thirty sail of French Frigots upon the Coast. With severall other things which I cannot recollect. These are the principall Reasons alledged for our takeing up Arms: now the End can be no other than the Redresse of those evills complained of. The next thing then to be considered of is, Whether all or any of the Reasons aforesaid, are sufficient to justifie our Proceedings, and Whether the proposed End can be attained by such Measures.

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First then, That there was an horrid popish Plott, is without doubt, and if England at that time had fallen under the Yoak of Roman Tyranny and Thral­ dome, tis as certainly true New-England must have undergone the same Fate: but that this should be used or introduced as a Reason or Argument for Vacating our Charter is beyond my conception; for Fire and Sword were the designed instru­ ments and ministers of their barbarous and hellish Contrivance: and if they had once prevailed, how weak a Rampart would our Charter have been against so cru­ ell and powerfull an Enemy? Would a blood thirsty and conquering Papist have made Westminster-Hall the Arbiter? Certainly, No; we must have received our Law from the mouth of the Cannon, and our Hedge would have been broke downe with a great deal of ease. Is it reasonable to imagine, that after they had waded through the blood of King and Nobles to their wished-for End in Old England, they would make use of Politicks in New.? And as preposterous and unreasonable to fancy, That for that end our Charter was called in question, especially when we consider that more than four Decads of years have already past since the Crowne of England first thought it not fit for us to hold any longer, and severall years after the popish Plot was discovered before the Scire facias issued out. 2. That the Charter was injuriously and illegally Condemned, without give­ ing us timely notice of it, or allowing us to Answer for our selves, might bear some weight with it, if true: but it will appeare quite other wise, and that we had opportunity enough to have made defence on behalf of our Charter, if we had so thought fit, for severall years before the proceedings to the Condemnation thereof. Our late Soveraigne / King Charles the Second, by His Letters signified to us the many Complaints that were made to him of our Encroachments, and ill-Administration of the Government, and commanded that we should send over Agents sufficiently Authorized, to Answer the same, which we at length so far complyed with, as to send Agents, who when they were called to hear and Answer the said Complaints, alwaies excused and avoided the principall parts thereof pretending they were not sufficiently impowered for that purpose; and after, other Agents fully impowered to Answer, but not to submit or Con­ clude any thing: And when His Majesty was pleased to cause a Writt of Quo Warranto to be sued forth, against our Charter, and sent over with his Gracious Declaration, and Proposals of such Regulations to be made therein, as might be agreeable with His Majesties Service & the good & well-fare of his subjects here, and required an entire Submission from us therein; our Generall Court would not submit to, or comply therewith; onely a Letter was sent to the Right Honour­ able Sr. Lionell Jenkins, then Secretary of State, dated the 10. of December 1683, Subscribed by the Governour & Eight of the Assistants onely; wherein after the acknowledgement of their haveing had a Copy of the Quo Warranto and His Majesties Declaration, they say that the major part of the Magistrate have for sev­ erall Weeks declared their Opinion, and voted to lay themselves at His Majesties

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feet, by an humble Submission and Resignation of themselves to His Majesties pleasure; not being willing to Contend with His Majestie in a Course of Law, but by the next Opportunity to dispatch their Agents fully impowered to make their submission according to His Majesties said Declaration, but by no means can at present obtain the Consent of the Deputyes whereby to make it an Act of the Corporation, and therefore have agreed with them to a power of Attourney ship, to save a Default, in hopes that further time will prevail to dispatch their Agents accordingly, and shall earnestly endeavour to give the people a better Understanding before the next Ships saile from hence: His Majesty by this finding that all the easie meanes He had used could not bring us to any Answer, for the Crimes and Misdemeanours laid to our Charge, nor produce any thing else but Baffles and Delayes, gave Order to His Attourney Generall to sue out a Writ of Scire facias out of the High Court of Chancery, against our Governour and Company, which was accordingly done, directed to the Sheriffs of London &c. and made returnable in Easter Terme, in the 36 yeare of His Majesties Reigne, wherein they were Required to make knowne to the said Governour &c. / Company at London, that they appeare in His Majes­ ties High Court of Chancery at Westminster, on the day of the Returne thereof, to shew cause wherefore the said Charter for the Reasons in the said Writt of Scire facias mentioned and contained, should not be made void, null, and can­ celled, and the Liberties and priviledges thereby granted to the said Governour and Company be seized into the King’s hands; upon which Writt the said Gov­ ernour and Company not appearing, another Writt of Scire Facias of the same Tenour issued forth, Returnable in Trinity Terme then next following, when the said Governour and Company appeared by their constituted Attourney and Councill, but refused to plead to the said Writt, onely moved for time to send hither, which not being agreeable with the Rules and Practice of the Court in such Cases, could not be allowed: But in favour to them a Rule was made, that unless they pleaded by the first day of the then next Michaelmas-Terme, Judge­ ment should be entered by Default. And in that Terme for Default of pleading, Judgement was enterd on His Majesties Behalfe, and the said Charter adjudged to be void, Null, and Cancelled, and that the Liberties and Priviledges of the said Governour and Company be Seized into the Kings hands, which was accord­ ingly done, by the Exemplification of the said Judgement in the Reigne of King James the Second, and by His Majesties Commission to a President and Coun­ cill to take the Government of this Countrey: All which proceedings are most just and Legall, according to the Rules and practice of the Law of England, and agreeable with many Precedents of the like nature, both Ancient and Moderne. Besides: All Companies, Corporations, or Bodies politick, made or granted by Letters Patents or Charter from His Majesty, for any parts or places beyond the Seas, are by themselves or Agents, to be always ready to answer His Majesty in

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any of his Courts at Westminster, when He shall think fit to Order any Suite, or Writt to be sued and prosecuted against them; and are supposed to be Resident in or about London or Westminister for that purpose, as the East-India, Royall-African, Bermudas, and Hudson-bay Companies are, who have their Trade, Factories, Colonies and Plantations abroad in Asia, Africa, and America: and in the like state and Condition ought the Company and Corporation of the Mas­ sachusetts Bay in New-England to be, According to the Capacities given them by their Incorporation of Sueing and being sued, Pleading & being Impleaded; wherein if we have neglected our Duty, as well as exceeded our Powers and Priv­ iledges granted, and would not put our selves into / a Condition to be heard when we ought and might, it is not His Majesty nor the Proceedings of His Courts that are to be blamed but our selves. 3. That there was a Commission sent to the President, and the successive one to Sr. Edmond Andross, are both true, but that they were illegall, is a position a little too confidently asserted by the Penman, who seems to be more a Clergy­ man than a Lawyer; but because the well clearing up of this point will be of great Service to the subsequent Discourse, ’twill not be amiss that it be throughly con­ sidered. I shall therefore lay downe this as a certaine Maxime, both consonant to Reason & the Lawes of the Land: That Those Kingdomes, Principalities, and Colonies which are of the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and not of the Empire of the King of England, are subject to such Lawes, Ordinances and Forms of Government as the Crowne shall think fit to establish. That New-England and all the Plantation are subject to the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and not to the Empire of the King of England: Therefore, The Crowne of England may Rule and Governe them in such manner as it shall thinke most fit. For the proofe of which I shall instance Wales, which was once a Kingdome or Territory governed by its owne Lawes, but when it became of the Dominion of the Crowne of Eng­ land, either by Submission or Conquest, it became subject also to such Lawes as King Edward the first (to whome they submitted) thought fit to impose: as may plainly appeare in the Preamble of the Statute of Rutland. Leges et Consue­ tudines, partium illarum hactenus usitatas, coram nobis et proceribus Regni Nostri secimus recitari, quibus diligenter auditis, et plenius intellectis, quasdam illarum de Consilio Procerum predictorum delevimus, quasdam permissimus, et quasdam correximus, et etiam quasdam alias adjiciendas et faciendas decrevimus, et eas de cetero in terris Nostris in partibus illis perpetua Firmitate, teneri et observari volumus, in forma subscripta. In English thus, ‘We have caused the Lawes and Customs of those parts hitherto used, to be recited before Us and the Peers of Our Realme, which being diligently heard & more fully understood, some of them, by the Advice of Our Peers aforesaid, We have obliterated, some We have allowed, and some We have corrected, and have also decreed that some others shall be made and added to them; and We will, that for the future they be holden

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& observed in Our Lands in those parts with perpetual firmnesse, in manner herein after expressed. – Then follow the Ordinances appointing Writts originall and judiciall in many things varying from those of England, and a particular / manner of proceeding. And againe in the Close of the said Statute, et ideo vobis mandamus quod pernassa de carero in omnibus observatis, it a tantum, quod quotiescunq; et quan­ docunq; et ubicung’ Nobis placuerit, possimus pradicta Statuta et corum parics singulas declarare, interpretari, addere five diminuere pro Nostra Libito voluntatis prout securitati Nostræ, et Terræ Nostra viderimus expediri: ‘And therefore We Command you that from hence foreward you observe the premises in all things so onely, that as often, whensoever and wheresoever We please, we may declare, interpret, add to and diminish from the said Statutes and every part of them according to Our will and pleasure, so as We shall see it expedient for the safety of Us and Our Land aforesaid. In the Next place I shall instance Ireland: That it is a Conquered Kingdome is not doubted, [Co. Rep. sol. 18. a.] but admitted in Calvins Case, and by an Act of the 11th, 12th, and 13th, of King James, acknowledged in expresse words, Viz. Whereas in former times the Conquest of this Realme by His Majesties most Royal Progenitors Kings of England, &c. That by Virtue of the Conquest it became of the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and subject to such Lawes as the Conquerour thought fit to impose, untill afterwards by the Charters and Commands of H. the Second, King John, and H. the 3. they were entituled to the Lawes & Franchises of England; as by the said Charters, Reference being there-unto had, may more fully appeare. I shall onely instance two. The first is out of the close Rolls of H. the 3. Wherein the King, after Thanks given to G[eoffrey]. de Mariscis Justice of Ireland, signifies, That Himself and all other his Leiges of Ireland should enjoy the Liberties which be had granted to his Leiges of England, and that he will grant & confirm the same unto them: [Claus. 1. H. 3. dorso 14] Which afterwards in the 12th yeare of his Reigne he did: as followeth, Rex, dilecho et fidels suo Richardo de Burgo Justician; suo Hibern, Sal­ ntem: Mandavimus vobis firmiter precipientes, quatenus cerco die & Loco faciatis venire coram vobis, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, Priores, Cometcs & Barones, Milites & Libere Tenentes, et Balivos singulorum Comitatnum, et coram eis publice legi faciatis Chartam Domini Johannis Regis, Patris nostri, cui Sigillum suum appensum est, quam sieri fecit, et jurari a Magnatibus Hiberniæ de Legi­ bus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ observandis in Hibernia. Et precipiatis cis ex parte Nostra, quod Leges illas & Consuetudines in Charta pradicta contentas, de cetero firmiter teneant et observent. ‘The King to His / faithful and beloved Richard de Burg Justice of Ireland Greeting; We have Commanded you, firmly injoining you, that on a certain day and place, you make to come before you, the Arch­

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bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Knights, & Free-Holders, and the Baylifs of every County, and before them you cause to be publickly read, the Charter of the Lord King John our Father to which His Seal is affixed, and which He caused to be made and sworne to by the Nobility of Ireland, concerning the Lawes and Customs of England, to be observed in Ireland. And command them on Our behalfe, that for the future they firmly keep and observe those Laws and Customs conteined in the Charter aforesaid. By all which it is evident that after the Conquest, and before the recited Charters, the Inhabitants there, altho composed of many free-borne English Sub­ jects who settled themselves among them, were neither govern’d by theire owne Laws, nor the Laws of England, but according to the good pleasure of the Con­ queror: and if you will take the opinion of Sr. Edward Cooke4 in his Annotations on the Great Charter, he tells you plainly That at the makeing thereof it did not extend to Ireland, or any of the King’s forreigne Dominions, but after the making of Poynings Law, which was in the 11th yeare of H. the 7th (long after the Great Charter) it did Extend to Ireland. I have onely one Instance more, and that is the Usage of forreigne Nations in theire Plantations and Settlements abroad. The Government of the United Provinces & Denmarke are well knowne in Europe, and yet in all theire Plantations, their Governments are despoticall and absolute; all the power is in the hands of a Governour & Councill, and every thing is ordered and appointed by them; as is well knowne to those that are acquainted with Batavia, Surinam, Curasao, New-Yorke (when formerly in their hands) and the Island of St. Thomas. By which it is it evident that Those Kingdoms and Principalities which are of the Dominion of the Crowne of England, are subject to such Laws, Ordinances, and Methods of Government, as that Crowne shall think fit to establish. The next thing then to be proved is, That New-England, and all the English Colonies are subject to the Dominion of the Crowne of England, as Wales and Ire­ land are, and not to the Empire of the King of England, as Scotland is, Tis a Fundamentall Point consented unto by all Christian Nations, that the First Discovery of a Countrey inhabited by Infidells, gives a Right and Domin­ ion of that Countrey to the Prince in whose Service and Employment / the Discoverers were sent. Thus the Spaniard claimes the West-Indies, the Portugals, Brasile, and thus the English these Northern parts of America; for Sebastian Cabott imployed by King H. the 7th. was the first Discoverer of these parts, and in his name took possession, which his Royall Successours have held and contin­ ued ever since, therefore they are of the Dominion of the Crowne of England, and as such they are accounted by that excellent Lawyer Sr. John Vaughan,5 in his, Reports [Vaugh. Rep. Craw versus Ramsey.] which being granted, the Con­ clusion must necessarily be good, and it will follow, That Englishmen permitted

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to be transported into the Plantations, (for thither without the Kings Licence we cannot come) can pretend to no other Liberties, Priviled[g]es or Immunities there, than anciently the subjects of England who removed themselves into Ireland could have done: For ’tis from the Grace and Favour of the Crowne alone that all these flow and are dispensed at the pleasure of him that sits on the Throne: which is plaine in the Great Charter it selfe; where after the Liberties therein granted by the King it concludes thus, – tenendas & habendas de Nobis & Haredibus Nostris in perpetuum, ‘To HAVE and to HOLD of Us and Our ‘Heires for ever, which by the learned Sr. Edward Cooke is thus explained: These Words (saith he) are not inserted to make a legall Tenure of the King, but to intimate that all Liberties at first were derived from the Crowne. [ Instit. Pag. 2. Fol. 4] Barbadoes, Jamaica, the Leeward-Islands & Virginia have their. Assemblies, but, it is not sui Juris, ’tis from the Grace & Favour of the Crowne signified by Letters Patents under the broad Seale. But these Assemblies have not power to enforce any Act by them made above one year; the King having in all the Consessions granted them reserved unto Himselfe, the Annulling or Continuance of what Laws they make, according to His pleasure. New-England had a Charter, but no one will be so stupid to imagine that the King was bound to grant it us: Neither can we without impeaching the prudent Conduct and discretion of our Fore-Fathers, so much as think, they would put themselves to so vast an expence, and unnecessary Trouble to Obtain that which as Englishmen, they thought themselves to have a sufficient right to before: We owe it only to the Grace and Favour of our Soveraigne, and if we had made beter use of it to promote the Ends for which it was granted, the weight of those Afflictions under which we now groan would not have laine so heavy upon us, at least we should have less deserved them. Besides, The Parliament of England have never by any Act of theirs / favoured the Plantations, or declared or enlarged their Priviledges; but have all along plainly demonstrated that they were much differenced from England, and not to have those Priviledges and, Liberties which England enjoyed; being in all Acts relateing to the Plantations, Restrained and burtherned beyond any in England, as appears by the several Acts made for the Encreasing of Navigation and for Regulating and securing the Plantation Trade. I think I have both by good Authority, Practice & Precedent, made it plaine, that the Plantations are of the Dominion of the Crown of England, and without any Regard to Magna Charta, may be Ruled and Governed, by such wayes and methods, as the Person who wears that Crowne, for the good and advancement of those Settlements, shall think most proper and convenient. Therefore Nei­ ther the Commission to the President, nor that to Sr. Edmond Avdros can be said to be illegall.

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Since then such an one might lawfully be granted, we have great reason to commend the Moderation of the Gentleman, who was entrusted with it, and so returne thanks to Almighty God for placeing over us a person endued with that prudence & Integrity, that he was so far from exceeding his Commission, that he never put in execution the powers therein granted him. Have there been any Taxes laid upon us, but such as were settled by Laws of our owne makeing, any part whereof might be retained & in force after the Condemnation of our Char­ ter that the King thought fit. Who hath been Transferr’d out of this Territory? Or did we ever pay fewer Rates than we have done under him? And whereas it is also Alledged in the Declaration, that there were Courses taken to damp and spoile the Trade, &c. the same is altogether Mistaken, (unlesse by that is meant the irregular Trade, used heretofore with Forreigners and Pri­ vateers, contrary to the Acts of Navigation & the Laws of the Land) For the very considerable Advance of His Majesties Revenue ariseing by Customs, doth sufficiently demonstrate that the lawfull Trade of this Territory, was very much encreased under the Government of Sr. Edmond Andros. 4. ‘Twill be but time lost to say any thing of the Red-Coats, for no man can be so void of Sence and Reason to think that so many Thousand men, which at this day inhabit this Colony, could be imposed upon by one hundred RedCoats, and if any body hath been so vain as to threaten us with more, I look upon it an effect of Passion or Folly; for Experience, which certainly is the most convinceing Argument in the world, tells us there is no such thing. / 5thly What is meant by Preferments, and who are called strangers and Hat­ ers of the People, I must confesse, I cannot easily comprehend; unless to inhabit fourteen or fifteen years within the Territory will make a man such. Is their any one Gentleman of the Council, that hath either been displaced or put into that station by the Authority here? Which of our judges are strangers? Were not Three of them brought up amongst us and of our owne Communion? and was not the other in the same Imployment in some part of this Territority at the time of the Annexation? From whome had the Secretary and Collector his Commission? certainly from no body here. Did the Alteration of the Government change our Treasurer? Is it not the same Sr. Edmond found here? Is he not a man of estate, good Credit and Reputation, and one of our owne Countrey men? Were not all Officers in the Government, as well Magisteriall as Ministeriall, naturall borne English-men, & Subjects to the Crowne of England? How then are Strangers & Haters of the people preferr’d, when there is not one that can reasonably and justly be so term’d in any place of Trust or Office throughout, the Dominion? 6. Who are mean’t by abject persons from New-Yorke, wants an Explanation: for none of the Gentlemen that came from thence now in any Authority, but are well knowne, to have liv’d there for a long time in esteem and Reputation enough to merit a better Epethite of all good and honest men; and I believe it will one

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day appear, that their faithfull Discharge of their Dutyes, their Constancy and Steadiness to the Church of England, and unshaken Loyalty & Fidelity to the Crowne was their greatest Crime. I am not well acquainted what Fees were taken, but this I knowe, that a Committee of the Council were appointed to make a Settlement of Fees, for all Officers throughout the Government, which was effected, approved of, and sent to England, and if any one have exceeded those Limits they deserve to be called to Account: but it ought to be in a due Course of Law. For the personal Miscarriages of a ministeriall Officer, are no sufficient Warrant for an Insurrec­ tion; neither ought the Whole Government to be subverted because Tom, or Harry are ill men. The Authority can but provide good and wholsome Lawes, for the Punishment of evill Doers, and cause those Lawes to be put in Execution against Offenders; but if any one doth me a personall Wrong, for which, I have a Remedy by Law, and I will not take it, I ought not to quarrell with the Gov­ ernment, for tis my own Fault, and I might have Redresse if I would Personall Crimes must be censured personally / and a Government ought no more to be scandalized and aspersed, because an Extortioner is in it, than because there is a Felon or a Traitor. 7. I need not tell you that the Statute Lawes of England are printed at large, and that many Abridgements of them are so Likewise, and easie enough to be procured, neither can it be but very well knowne that all the Acts of the Gov­ ernour and Council were solemnly publish’d with Sound of Trumpet as soon as made, and authentic Copies afterwards transmitted to the Clerks of each respective county throughout the Territory: why then it should be said, that It was impossible to know the Laws, I see no reason, unless by it is meant the Common Law, and if so, we may as well quarrell because we do not understand Euclide, or Aristotle; For the knowledge of the Law cannot be attained without great Industry Study and Experience, and every capacity is not sitted for such an Undertaking. Exquovis Ligno non su Mercurius. If this was a Grievance, what a miserable Condition are we in now, that instead of not knowing the Law, there is no Law for us to know. 8. What rash or indiscreet Expressions may fall from any single person of the Council, either in his private or politick Capacity, I will not undertake to justi­ fie; all men are not endued with Qualifications alike, every one in that station ought to give his Opinion, as he himselfe understands the matter; and if any one have unadvisedly uttered words so disagreeable, I know no body injured by it, neither can the Government be justly censured for it. 9. That the Priviledges of Magna Charta, & other liberties of English men were denied us, is a thing which can never he made appear, however admitting it, I have sufficiently discussed that point in the third Article.

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10. By the persons said to be severely fined, for peaceble objecting against raising of Taxes, without an Assembly, I conjecture are meant the Ipswich men, who were so far from a peaceable objecting, that they assembled themselves in a riotous manner, and by an Instrument conceived in Writing, did associate and oblige themselves to stand by each other in opposition to the Laws of the Gov­ ernment, and by their Example influenced their Neighbours to do the like. And this by the Law is esteem’d an offence of that Nature, That it is next door to Rebellion, for which they were Indicted, Tryed, and Convicted, either by Verdict or their owne Confession, 11. I cannot justifie that Sheriffe who doth either pick or pack a Jury, tis both repugnant to the Law and his Oath, and he deserves no Favour that can be guilty of such a Crime, but let him first be known, & / the thing proved, for I do not Remember any one that hath been Convicted, nor so much as accused for such an Offence. 12. Judgement upon Deumrrers [Demurrers] and Defaults are so practica­ ble and warrantable by the Law, that nothing can excuse the Enumerating them amongst the Grieviances in the Declaration but the Penman’s want of Knowl­ edge in that Profession. Tis a Maxim, Volenti non sit Injuria, and when both Plaintiffe and Defendant do by a joint Consent submit to the Determination of the Court, or by their owne Negligence make Default; who hath the Wrong? Where is the injury? This hath been a Practice so frequently used in our former Government, that no body can be ignorant of it. 13. That any one hath been long imprisoned, without being charged with Crime or Misdemeanour, is an Allegation which I dare be bold to say can never be proved. I have heard an Habeas Corpus-was in one particular case denied, I will not enquire into the reasons of it, nor pretend to justifie it, although much may be said in that matter; Admitting the Fact, ’twas but a personall injury, for which the Law gave an effectuall Remedy, and if the party grieved would not make use of such, must the Government be in fault? If we do but consider well how many persons are now under farr worse Circumstances, I am-sure we cannot but blush when we read that part of the Declaration. 14. That Jury men were fined and imprisoned for Refuseing to lay their hands on the Book, I presume is a mistake, probably they may have been fined for their Contempt, and sent to Prison for not paying that fine, which by the Law may be justified; for every Court may fine any man for a Contempt in open Court, and they themselves are Judges of the Contempt. Whether it be a forceing of Conscience or not, I shall leave to the Casuists, but I am very well-satisfied it is not comprehended within the late Indulgence, Yet admit it were, the Judges are sworn to do their duties in their office according to the Lawes of the Land, Prescription is a good & sufficient Law, the form of Laying the hand on the Booke hath been the onely modus of Swearing,

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Time out of mind; Therefore the Laying the hand on the Booke in Swearing is a good Law, and the Judges cannot dispense with it salvo Sacramento, if they did, a Judgement in such a Case would be erroneous & reversable: and Tis dangerous to admit of Innovations, The Common Law of New-England is brought in to warrant the Lifting up the hand; but I take that to be Rura avis in terris, for I / challenge the whole Territory to produce one Precedent of such a resolved Case: but perhaps by it Prescription is intended, if it be, that will as illy [easily?] serve the turn as the other; for the Colony hath not been long enough settled to claim any Advantage by that Right, or if it had, could it be admitted without apparent Violation of our Charter, being absolutely repugnant to the Lawes of England. 15. Fully to discuss the question concerning the Titles of our Lands, would be a Subject to copious for this present designe, Therefore I shall onely glance at it as I pass by, being Resolved, when time shall serve to declare my opinion more amply on that Subject; in the mean time let every considering man examine well our Charter, which is the very Basis of all our Rights, (unless we will set up a power above the Kings) and then let him tell me in whome the Fee Simple of that Tract of Land betwixt Charles River & Mirrimack remaines: if in the Grant­ ees or their Heires, how do we derive our Titles from them? If in the Governour and Company of the Massachusets Bay, we must enquire whether pursuant to the Directions and powers to them granted, it is by good &c. sufficient Convey­ ances in the Law derived unto us, if we find it so, we must not be disturbed with Fears and Jealousies, for nothing can hurt us: if not, we are infinitely obliged to those persons who have made us sensible of our Weakenesses, in a time when by His Majesties Letters Patents the Governour was impowered to supply all such defects, and not upon Terms either excessive or unreasonable, but upon such as were both easie & moderate, which will plainly appear to any man who will but give himself the trouble to peruse the Table of Fees, settled and allowed by the Council. Yet still every man was at his own Liberty to take a Patent of Confirma­ tion or to let it alone, which is Apparent enough by the many Petitions now lying in the Secretaries Office, which although his Excellency was alwayes ready (so far as in him lay) to Grant, yet the more necessitous Affairs of the Government, which both he and all about him ever preferr’d to theire private Advantage, took up so much of his time, that not above Twenty ever past the seale, and I am very well assured, that not one Example can be produced that the least compulsion was ever used in this Case to any man living within this Dominion. 16. That Writts of Intrusion were issued out, is doubtlesse true, and the Gov­ ernment would have justly merited a severe Censure, if all Waies should have been free & open for the Subject to attaine his Right, and none left for the King. We should think our selves highly injured to / be refused a Capias or any other Common Writt, and I’m sure the other is as peremptory a one in the Kings Case,

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and had the Pen man been never so little acquainted with the Natura Brevium, or the Register, he would have been ashamed to have stuffed up the Declaration with such matter which can be of no other service, than to amuse & deceive ignorant people. have their been any Writts of this kind dureing Sr. Edmond’s Administration, taken out against either poor or ignorant persons that had nei­ ther purses nor brains to defend themselves: hath it not been against such as both for their Estates and Capacities, are sufficiently known to be eminent? And the business of Deer-island was brought on for no other Intent than that Right might be done to the King here, and that the party, if agrieved, might in a Regular way have brought it to the Council board in England, for their determination: and I think if this matter were rightly understood, it would be of excellent Service to the Countrey, for such a Judgement would sufficiently instruct us what we have to trust to; 17. If the Governour did say, there was no such thing amongst us as a Towne, what can be inferred from thence? Tis not to be presumed but his discourse tended onely to a Body Corporate and politick, for we generally call that a Towne in America, where a number of people have seated themselves together: yet its very well known, tis so in name onely not in fact: I take that Body of People to be a Towne, properly so called, who by some Act of Law have been Incorporated, and in that sence there is no such thing as a Towne in the Massachusetts, neither was there a power to make such before his Excellencies Arrivall. For One Corporation cannot make another. [the case of Suttons Hospital. Co Rep.] 18. I am totally ignorant what is meant by Blank Patents, for tis the first time I ever heard of such a thing; neither indeed can such a thing be. For he that takes a Patent for his Land, doth it in such a Form as best pleaseth himself, or as he shall be advised to by his Council, and how any man living can so far know my mind, to prepare such an Instrument for me, I leave the world to judge. This Notion did arise from one Roll of Parchment onely, brought over by Capt. Tanner, and if we do but consider, that all Law process was then in Parchment, it would serve but a little while for that use; for it contains not above sixty sheets. I am likewise gropeing in the darke, to finde out how the Forceing of the people at the Eastward to take Patents (although I know of no such thing done) gave a Rise to the late unhappy Invasion by the Indians, / unless by that meanes, they were deprived of those Quit-Rents and and Acknowledgements, which by a base & dishonourable Agreement the people of those parts some time since submitted to pay them, as their Lords and Masters. 19. That our Commons might be begg’d, is not very strange, but that the Governour must be criminall because such a thing is asked of him, is the most wonderfull thing in the world. To whome have they been granted, or for which of his creatures have they been measured out? If Lieut’ Col’ Lidget be instanced, how came he to be the Governour’s Creature, that hath so long liv’d among us in

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Reputation equall to the best of us, and whose Fortunes were not so narrow that he needed a dependancy upon any body, and estate & interest in Charles-town Lands equalled if not exceeded any man’s there, so his Right to the Grant ought to be preferr’d. If Clarks-Island, (granted to Mr. Clarke of Plimouth) I must tell you ’tis not within the Plimouth Patent, and therefore grantable at the pleasure of the King, which was the Opinion of the Councill in that Case, and neither of the beforementioned Grants, nor indeed any other, did ever pass without their Approbation and consent; and this is all that I know of that can be objected. 20. What an Age do we live in now, and how wonderful a thing is it, that it should be counted a Crime in a land so well govern’d as once New-England was after a legall Tryal & Conviction, to punish & fine men for a Riot and the Contempt of Authority, in the highest Nature imaginable? For what less was it for the Number of three or more to meet together, throw downe & remove the Land marks sett up by the Surveyor Generall thereunto Authorized by the Gov­ ernours Warrant? And thus is the Case and no otherwise. 21. That any of the Councill were ever denied Admittance to that Board, is a thing so apparently false, that I’m sure not a man amongst them but must justify the Governour in that point; who was alwaies so far from such a method, that altho there was a certain day appointed for their Meeting every week, well knowne to them all, yet it was a frequent thing for him, to send on purpose to Salem, and other Neighbouring parts, for the Gentlemen that lived there: and I have seen the Messengers Account, wherein he Chargeth a considerable summe of money for Horse hire on those Errands. ’Tis very well knowne, his Excellency hath waited many houres for several of the Gentlemen that live in Towne, and would never sit, untill / they came. And as he hath never done, nor ordered the least matter relateing to the Government, without their Advice and Consent, so he never did it without a sufficient Number to make a Quorum, which was Seven. 22. There was never any other course taken, to hinder Mr. Mather’s Voyage to England, than what the Law allowes, neither can the Government, without a great deal of Injustice, be charged with any thing relating to that matter, for none in place knew his errand. There was a particular difference between Mr. Randoph & him, and I never heard of any other course taken by Mr. Randolph than the ordinary Writt in such Cases usual, which was so far from Retarding his Voyage, that an Attourny’s entring a common Appearance in that Case, would have been sufficient to have discharged him if the Writt had been served. 23. Suppose his Majestie promised Mr. Mather a Magna Charta, for redress of Grievances, and that his Excellency should be wrote unto, to forbear the measures he was upon, yet no such thing being done, he was Obliged to the Observance of his Majestie Commands, before Signified to him in his Letters

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Patents, which was a sufficient warrant to him, untill he should receive some­ thing subsequent to contradict it. 24. That our Churches and Ministers have been discouraged, is so generall an head, and the rest of the Declaration so particular, that it gives me cause to suspect the Truth of it, and I shall hardly alter my Opinion, until any one of you be instanced who kept himself within his Province, and onely meddled with that which belonged to him. Tis the Church of England, that have most reason to Complain, onley we cry whore first. Has not their Minister been publiquely Affronted, & hindred from doing his Duty? What scandalous Pamphlets have been printed to vilify the Lit­ urgy? And are not all of that Communion daily called Papist dogs & Rogues to their Faces? How often has the plucking down the Church been threatned? One while, it was to be converted to a Schoole, & anon it was to be given to the French Protestants; and whose will but take the pains to survey the Glass Windows, will easily discover the marks of a malice not common. I believe tis the First National Church that ever lay under such great disadvantages, in a place where those that dissent from her must expect all things from her grace and favour. 25. Should I undertake to recount all the particulars of the late Indian Rebel­ lion, this would swell to a bulk bigger than ever I designed it, I shall onely tell you, we must look at home for the Reasons of those troubles, / which is well knowne began when his Excellency was at New-York, and that the Folly and Rash­ ness of the people, drew it on their owne heads. The Governours Conduct in that affair has been so prudent and discreet, that I have no Reason to doubt but the Councill, into whose hands all the Papers relating to that business did fall, are very well satisfyed with it. Things were brought to that pass, that if our unhappy domestic Troubles had not intervened, the War before this time would have been advantageously finished, without any Rates or Taxes on the Countrey, for by His Excellencies good husbandry, the standing Revenue would have defrayed the Charge. Tis true, We have lost some of our friends and Relations, in that Expe­ dition, but could the Governour keep them alive? Are not Diseases in Armies, as fatall to men as the Sword? When Death comes, tis not to be avoided; and we see that all our art & care hath not been sufficient to preserve our dearest friends at home, from the greater Mortality which hath run thro’ the Countrey. Did any of them dye Neglected? Which of them wanted any thing to be had in these parts? Did his Excellency lye upon Beds of downe, and fare deliciously every day? No, the same Meat, the same Drink, the same Lodging in their Quarters & Marches, were common to all, only He was generally the last taken care for. To what a degree of Madness & impiety are we then grown, so falesly & maliciously to recriminate a person who hath so generously exposed himself to the hardships of that cold & uncomfortable Climate, & the Fatigues of War, against a barba­ rous and savage people? And certainly if God Almighty hath not given us over to

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believe lies, our eyes must be by this time open, & we cannot but knowe, we have been put-upon, shamm’d and abused. who are Popish Commanders in the Army? Will any man bare-fac’d averr so great an Untruth? It must be confess’d, there was one Commander & no more under that Circumstance; but what had he to do with the Forces? His Post was the Command of the King’s Souldiers & Fort at Pemaquid, and was not Commissionated for the Army; besides if he had, hath he not lived long amongst us? Did any one ever question his ability, Courage, Fidel­ ity or Conduct, and ought not that Liberty of Conscience, which has been so hotly preached up, even to the Encouragement of immoral Acts amongst us, to be equally beneficiall to him with other men? Especially when the Gentlemen in the Countrey were so far from offering their Service in the Expedition, that some of the most eminent amongst them have absolutely refused the service. And I have been told, the Governour’s proposalls to the Councill, about his / going to the Eastward met with no Opposition, lest some of the Military men there, should have been bound in Honour to have taken that Employment upon themselves. 26. That some of the English Plantations in the West-Indies, which are contig­ uous to the French, should be Alarm’d, is no wonder, for they were ever jealous of their Neighbourhood, and always stood upon their Guard; But that We should be afraid of being delivered up to the French; when there is neither War betwixt the two Crownes, nor any Frenchman that we can yet heare of, to receive us, is one of the most unaccountable things in the world. From what parts must they come? from Canada we know they cannot; they have Reason enough to look to themselves, for they are more afraid than we: France have their hands full at home, and its well knowne they cannot spare any from the West-Indies; they made their utmost effort against Estatia, and by the best intelligence we can get in that Service or War, there was not one Friggat. Must they then drop out of the Clouds, or do we expect a Fleet from Utopia? Certainly this must needs convince any considering man that we have been extreamly abused; and we must be stupid and sencelesse to think that Sr. Edmond Andros, and ten or twelve men more (for that is all the number said to be concerned in this wonderfull plott) could they be guilty of so horrid a wickednesse & impiety) were able to deliver so many Thousand men well appointed, into the hands of a few French men, who from God knows whence, were to come the Lord knows when. 27. That is was either our Duty to God, or that we had either the Nobility, Gentry or Commons of England, for our President, I cannot by any means allow, and I am amaz’d to see Christians call that a Duty, which God has so remarkably shewed his displeasure against in all Countries and Ages. Is not Rebellion as the sin of Witchcraft? Numb. 11, 12, 16. Who was it that sent the Leprosie amongst the children of Israel for their Murmurring? Psal. 78. Or how came the Sudden fire with which they were burnt up? How many Thousands perished by the Pesti­ lence? Or were they a few that were stung to death with the fiery Serpents? Do we

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not read, that The earth opened and swallowed up some of their Captaines, with their wives and Children quick, which horrible destruction fell upon the Israelites for their murmurring against Moses, whome God had appointed their Head & Chiefe Magistrate? What shall I say of Absalom? What of Achitophel? Or what of Sheba? Holy Writt is so full of Examples of the like nature, that no body can esteem that a Duty which is so often testifyed against. And as it is far from being our duty to God, / so there is no parallel between the proceedings of the Lords Spiritual & Temporall in England and ours here; for the Designe of establishing Popery & Arbitrary Government there, was so evident, that no room was left for the least doubt of it. That there could be a Contrivance to introduce Popery here, is altogether ridiculous, & incredible: For, who was to have effected it? Could these few of the Church of England, who with the hazzard of their lives and fortunes so lately opposed it in Europe, and that in all Ages have been the onely Bulwark against it? Or were the Presbiterians, Independents, or Annabap­ tists to have brought this about? It must have been one of these, for I dare be bold to say, there are not two Roman Catholicks betwixt this and New-Yorke; and I think the others are no likely to accomplish it; which makes it plaine to me there could not be any such designe. I have sufficiently demonstrated in the third Article, the little Right we have to any other Government in the Plantations, and that we cannot justly call that Arbitrary, which by the Law we are obliged to submit to: so that betwixt theire Condition and ours, there can be no Parity. As their Reasons and ours were different, so are the Measures which have been taken: for His late Hignesse the Prince of Orange, haveing well weighed and considered the tottering Condition of the Protestant Religion all over Europe, thought it was high time for Him to take up Arms, as well for His owne Preservation; as that of his Neighbours and Allies. We do not finde, that, not­ withstanding the danger that hung over their Heads, the people of England took up armes to right themselves, but instead thereof, they became humble suppli­ ants to His Highness for his Favour and Protection, which He was pleased to grant them. Neither do we finde, that the Lords Spirituall & Temporall assumed any Authority, for which they had no colour of Law: as they are Peers, they are invested with the highest Authority, are the Grand Conservators of the Peace of the Nation: they never left their Duty and Allegiance to his late Majesty, untill he first left the Kingdome, and all things were translated in his Name, and by his Authority untill the very minute the Prince was proclaimed, who came, not by Force to Conquer and Subject the Nation to a forreigne power, nor to subvert and destroy the Lawfull Government; but to maintaine & support the same in a peaceable manner, by a Free Parliament, for which his Majestic issued forth his Writts, and had he thought sit to have stayd untill their sitting, all Griveances might have been redressed; the Prince or Peers never abrogated nor / altered any

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of the lawful powers of the Nation, but strengthened & confirmed all that were capable of bearing Office, by which there was alwaies a due Administration of Justice: The Sword was never said to rule & sway and by consequence that Con­ fusion and Disorder avoided which our Illegal & Arbitrary Proceedings have precipitated us into. As to the Fancifull Stories of Macquacs, Subterranean Vaults, Fireworks, French Friggots, Poisoning the Souldiers to the Eastward Etc. they are so appar­ ently false & strangely ridiculous, that by this time no man in his wits can believe them, and I need no Argument to confute the Credit of those monstrous follies, since time and Experience have sufficiently demonstrated them to be meer Lyes & Inventions. And now I hope all sober thinking men are convinced, That the before alledged Reasons, are in themselves either absolutely false, or of little moment, and consequently no sufficient grounds for us to take up Arms. All that remains on this head therefore, will be to shew, 1st. That If all the Reasons had been true, yet it could not justifie our Proceed­ ings. And, 2. If our Condition had been as bad, and our Grievances really as great as we were made believe, these measures could never Mend the one nor Redresse the other. The most excellent Grotius6 hath so learnedly wrote upon the first of these, that I shall presume to use no other Argument than his own upon that head, which pray consider. ‘Private men may without doubt (saith he) [Grot. de jure Belli & Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. Quast. 1.] ‘make War against private men, as the Traveller against Sove­ raign Princes, as David against private men, as the Traveller against the Theife or Robber: So may Soveraigne Princes & States, against Soveraign Princes, as David against the King of the Ammonites. Private men may make war against Princes, if not their owne, as Abraham against the King of Babylon and his Neighbours. So may Soveraign Princes against private men, whether they be their owne subjects, as David against Ishbosheth and his party; or Strangers, as the Romans against Pirates. The onely doubt is whether any person or persons, publique or private, can make a lawful War against those that are set over them, whether supream or subordinate unto them; And in the First place, It is on all hands granted, That they that are Commissionated by the high­ est powers, may make War against their Inferiors, as Nehemiah against Fobia & Sanballat, by the Authority of Artaxerxes. But whether / it be lawful for Sub­ jects to make warre against those who have the supream power over them, or against such as act by, & according to their Authority is the thing in question. It is also by all good men acknowledged, That is the Commands of a Prince shall manifestly contradict, either the Law of Nature, or the Divine precepts, they

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are not to be obeyed: for the Aposties when they urged that Maxim, (Act. 4.) Deo magis quam hominibus obediendum, That God is rather to be obeyed than man, unto such as forbad them to preach in the Name of Jesus, did but appeal to a principle of right Reason, which Nature had insculp’t in every mans breast: and which Plato expresseth in almost the very same words. But yet, if either for this or any other cause, any Injury be offered unto us, because it so please him that hath the Soveraigne power, it ought rather to be patiently tolerated than by Force resisted: For although we do not owe an active Obedience to such commands of Princes, yet we do owe a passive; though we ought not to violate the laws of God or of Nature to fulfill the Will of the greatest Monarch, yet ought we rather patiently to submit to what soever he shall inflict upon us for not Obeying, than by Resistance to violate our Countryes Peace. The best and safest Course we can steer in such a case, is, Either by Flight to preserve our selves, or resolvedly to undergo whatsoever shall be imposed upon us. 2. War against Superiors as such, is unlawful. And naturally all men have a Right to repell Injuries from themselves by Resisting them (as we have already said) but Civil Societies being once Instituted for the Preservation of the Peace, there presently succeeded unto that Common-Wealth, a certain greater Right over us & ours, so far forth as was necessary for that end. And therefore that promiscu­ ous Right that Nature gave us to resist, the Common-Wealth, for the maintaining of good Order and publick Peace, hath a Right to prohibit, which without all doubt it doth; seeing that otherwise it cannot obtain the end it proposeth to it self. For in case that Promiscuous Right of forcible Resistance should be tolerated, it would be no longer a Common-Wealth that is a Sanctuary against Oppression, but a confused Rabble, such as that of the Cyclops, whereof the Poet thus, – Where every Ass

May on his wife & children judgement pass.7

A dissolute Company, where All are speakers and none hearers: like too unto that which Valerius records of the Bebricii, – Who all Leagues and Laws disdain

And Justice, which men’s minds in peace retain.8

Salust9 makes mention of a wild and savage people living like Beasts in / Woods and mountains, without Lawes and without Government, whom he calls Aborig­ ines: and in another place of the Getuli, who had neither Lawes, good Customs, nor any Princes to govern them. But Cities cannot subsist without these, Gen­ erale pactum est sucietatis humana Regibus obtain; All humane societies (saith St. Augustine) (unanimously agree in this, to obey kings); So Æschylus,10

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Kings live by their owne Lawes, Subject to none.

And Sophocles,11 They Princes are, obey we must, what not?

To the same Tune sings Euripides,12 Folly in Kings must be with patience born.

Whereunto agrees that of Tacitus,13 Principi summum rerun arbitrium Dii deder­ unt, &c. Subditis obsequii gloria relicta est; God hath invested a Prince with Soveraign power, leaving nothing to Subjects but the Glory of Obedience. And here also, Base things seem noble when by Princes done;

What they Impose, bear thou, be’t right or wrong. [Sen.]14

Wherewith agrees that of Salust, Impune quid viz facere, hoc est Regemesse; To do any thing without fear of punishment, is peculiar to Kings: for as Mark Anthony urged in Herod’s Case, If he were accountable for what he hath done as a King, he could not be a King. Hence it is, that the Majesty of such as have Soveraign power, whether in one or more, is fenced with so many and so severe Lawes, and the Licentiousnesse of Subjects restrained with such sharp and exquisite Torments; which were unreasonable, if to resist them were lawfull. If a Souldier resist his Captain that strikes him, and but lay hold on his Partizan, he shall be cashiered; but if he either breake it, or offer to strike againe, he shall be put to Death: For as Aristotle observes If he that is an Officer strike, he shall not be struck againe. 3. The Unlawfulness of making War against our Superiours, is proved by the Jewish Law. [Jos. I. 13. I. Sam. 8. 11. Deut. 17. 14.] By the Hebrew Law, He that behaved himself contumaciously against either the High Priest, or against him who was extraordinarily by God ordained to gov­ ern his people, was to be put to death; and that which in the eighth Chapter of the first Booke of Samuel, is spoken of the Right of Kings, to him that throughly inspects it, is neither to be understood of their true and just Rights, that is, of what they may do justly and honestly (for the Duty of Kings is much otherwise described Deut 8. 11.) nor is it to be understood barely, of what he will do: / for then it had signified nothing that was singular or extraordinary, for private men do the same to private men: But it is to be understood of such a Fact as usurps or carries with it the priviledge of what is right, that is, that it must not be restisted although it be not right; for Kings have a Right peculiar to themselves, and what in other is punishable in them is not. That old saying, Summum jus, summa inju­ ria, Extreme right is extreme Wrong, is best fitted to the Case of Kings, whose absolute power makes that seem right, which strictly taken is not so. There is a

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main difference between Right in this sense taken, and Just; for in the former sence, it comprehends whatsoever may be done without fear of Punishment: but Just, respect only things lawful and honest. And though some Kings there be, who are (what Servius in Cicero’s Philippicks15 is; commanded to be) Magis justitic guam juris consulti; more regardful of their honour and duty than of their power and prerogatives: yet this doth not diminish their Soveraign Right; because if they will they may do otherwise without the danger of being resisted. And there­ fore it is added in that place of Samuel before cited, That when the people should at any time be thus oppressed by their Kings, as if there were no Remedy to be expected from men, they should invoke His help who is the Supream Judge of the whole Earth. So that whatsoever a King doth, tho’ the same done by an inferior person would be an Injury, yet being done by him is Right. As a Judge is said Jus reddere, to do Right, though the Sentence he gives be unrighteous. 4. By the [illeg.] When Christ in the New-Testament Commanded to give Cæsar his due, doubtless he intended that his Disciples should yield as great, if not a greater Obedience, as well active as passive unto the higher power, than what was due from the Jews to their Kings: which St. Paul, (who was best able to interpret his Masters Words) expounding Romans 13. doth at large describe the duty of Subjects; Charging those that resist the power of Kings, with no less Crime than Rebellion against God’s Ordinance, and with a Judgment as great as their Sin: For, saith he, They that do forfeit shall receive unto themselves damnation. And a little after he urgeth the Necessity of our Subjection, Not altogether for fear but for conscience, as knowing, that he is the minister of God for our Good. Now if there be a necessity of our Subjection, then there is the same necessity for our not resisting, because he that resists is not subject. Neither did the Apostle mean such a necessity of subjection as ariseth from an apprehension of some worse inconvenience that might follow upon our resistance, but such as proceeds from the sense of some benefit that we receive by it, / whereby we stand obliged in duty, not unto man onely, but unto God; So that; He that Resists the power of the supream Magistrate, incurrs a double Punishment (saith Plato)16 First from God, for breaking that good Order which he hath constituted amongst men. And Secondly, From the Common Wealth, whose righteous Laws, made for the preservation of the publick peace, are by Resistance Weakned, and the Common-Wealth thereby understood. For canst thou believe (saith Plato) That any City or Kingdom can long stand, when the publick Decrees of the Senate shall be willfully broken and trampled upon by the over-swell­ ing power of some private men, who in struggling against the Execution of the Laws, do, as much as in them lies, dissolve the Common-wealth, & consequently bring all into confusion. The Apostle therefore fortifies this Necessity of Publick Subjection to Princes with 2 main Reasons: First because God had constituted and approved of this order of Commanding and Obeying; and that not only under the Jewish, but under the Christian Law: Wherefore the powers that are set over us are to be

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Observed (not servilely, superstitiously, or out of Fear, but with free, rational, & generous Spirits) tanquam a Diis daæ, as being given by the Gods, saith Plato: or as St. Paul, tanquam a Deo ordinæ, as if ordained by God himself. Which Order as it is Originally God’s, so by giving it a Civil Sanction, it becomes ours also: For thereby we add as much Authority to it as we can give. The other Reason is drawn ab unli, from Profit: because this Order is constituted for our good, and therefore in Conscience is to be obeyed and not resisted. But here some men may say, That to bear injuries is not at all profitable unto us, whereunto some men (haply more truly than apositely to the meaning of the Apostle) give this Answer, That patiently to bear Injuries, conduceth much to our benefit, because it entitles us to a Reward, far transcending our Sufferings, as St. Paul testifies. But though this also be true, yet it is not (as I conceive) the proper and genuine sense of the Apostles words, which doubtless have Respect to that Universal Good, whereunto this Order was first insured, as to its proper end; which was the publick peace, wherein every particular man, is as much con­ cerned, if not much more than in his Private. (for what Protection can good Laws give, if Subjects may refuse to yield their obedience to them; whereas, by the Constant observance of good Laws, all Estates, both publick and private, do grow up and flourish together) [Plato.] And certainly these are the good Fruits that we receive from the supream Powers, for which in Conscience we owe them Obedience. For no man did ever yet wish ill to himself. (But he that / resists the power of the Magistrate, and willfully violates the Laws established, doth in effect (as far as in him is) dissolve his Countrey’s peace and will in the end bury himself also in the ruins of it.) [Plato.] Besides, the Glory of Kings consists in the prosperity of their Subjects, When Sylla had by his Cruelty, almost depopulated, not Rome only, but all Italy, one reasonably admonisht him, Sinendos esse aliq­ uos vivere, utessent, quibus imperet; That some should be permitted to live, over whom he might rule as a King. [Floras. Aug. de. civ. Dei.17 Lib. 3. cap. 28.] It was a common Proverb among the Hebrews, Nisi Potestas public esset, alter alterum vivum deglutiret; Were it not for the Soveraign Powers, every Kingdom would be like a great Pond, wherein the greater Fish would always devour the Lesser. Agree­ able whereunto is that of Chrysostome,18 Unless there were a power over us to restrain our inordinate Lusts, Men would be more fierce & cruel than Lions & Tygers, not only biting, but eating & devouring one another. Take away Tribunals of Justice, and you take away all Right, Property and Dominion: No man can say, this is mine House, this my Land, these my Goods or my Servants: but Omnia erunt Fortiorum, the longest Sword would take all. [Chrys de statuis 6. ad Eph.] The mighty man could be no longer secure of his estate than until a mightier than he came to dispossess him; The weaker must alwaies give place to the Stronger: and where the strength was equal the loss would be so too; and this would at length introduce a general Ataxy, which would be far more perilous than a per­

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fect Slavery. Wherefore seeing that God hath Established (and humane Reason upon Tryal approved of ) Soveraign Empire as the best Preservative of humane societies, that every map should yield Obedience thereunto is most rational: For without Subjection there can be no Protection. Object. But here it will he objected. That The Commands of Princes do not always [illeg.] the Publique Good, and therefore when they di[illeg.] from that and for which they were ordained, they ought not to be obeyed. To which I answer, That though the Supream Magistrate doth sometimes, either through Fear, Anger, Lust, Coveteousness, or such like inordinate passions the ordinary path of Justice and Equity, yet are these [illeg.] but seldome ) to be passed over as personal blemishes, which (as Tacitus rightly observes) are abundantly recompensed by the more frequent examples of better Princes. (Besides the Lives of Princes are to be considered with some grains of allowance, in respect of those many provocations and opportunities they have to offend, which private men have / not; All men have their Failings, we our selves have ours; and in case we will admit of none in Kings, we must not rank them amongst men but Gods. The Moon hath her spots; Venus her Mole; and if we can find nothing under the Sun without blemish, why should we expect perfection in Kings? He is very uncharitable that judges of Rul­ ers by some few of their evil Deeds, passing over many of their good ones. Seeing therefore that there is in all men’s lives, as in our best Coin, an intermixture of good and evil; it is sufficient to denominate a Prince good, if his Vertues excel his Errors. Besides, to charge the Vices of Kings upon the Government, as they usu­ ally do who affect innovation, is but a Cheat: For what is this, but to condemn the Law for the Corruption of some Lawyers: Or Agriculture, because some men do curse God for a Storm? Si memair, Ego mentior, non Negotium; If I do lye, (saith the Merchant in St. Augustine) it is I that am to be be blamed not my Calling. And if some Princes do prevaricate in some things, they and not their Function are to be blamed. But as to Laws, tho they cannot be so made as to fit every one Case, yet it sufficeth to denominate them good, if they obviate such offences as are frequently practiced, and so do good to the generelly of the People. But as to such cases which because they really happen cannot so easily be provided against by particular Laws, even these also are understood to be restrained by general Rules. For though the Reason of: the Law being particular applyed to that special Case hold not; yet in the General, under which special Cases may lawfully be Comprehended, it may. And much better is it so to do, than to live without Law, or to permit every man to be a law to himself. Very apposite to this purpose is that of Seneca,19 [Lib. 7. de Benef Cap 16.] Better is it not to admit of some excuses just from a few, than that All should be permitted to make what forever they please. Memorable is that of Pericles in Thucydides,20 [Lib. 2.] Better it is for private men, that the Common-Wealth flourish, though they thrive not in it, then that they should abound & grow rich in their own private estates, and the Common-Wealth pine and Wither: For if the whole be

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ruined, every private mans Fortunes must needs be ruined with it: but if the Com­ mon-Wealth flourish, every private mans estate, though in it self weake, may in time be repaired. Wherefore, since the state if well ordered, can easily support any private mans fortunes, but a private mans estate, though never so well ordered, cannot repair the loss of the publique state: why do ye not rather contribute your utmost care to advance the Publique, than (as ye now do) seek to build your own private Fortunes upon the publique Ruines? Where with agrees that of / Ambrose,21 [de Off. Lib. 3.] Eadem est singulorum utilitas, quæ Universorum; The profit which the CommonWealth receives, redounds to every private man. And that also in the Law, Semper non quod privatim interest ex fociis; sed quod commons societate are expiat, servant debet; Evermore, not that which particularly availeth any one party, but that which conduceth to the Benefit of the Common Society is to be observed. (When the Common people in Rome began to mutinee by reason of some Taxes extraordinar­ ily imposed on them, Lævinus the Consul exhorted the Senate, to encourage the people by their own example; and to that very end advised every Senator to bring into the Senate-house, all the Gold, Silver and Brass Money he had, that it might be delivered to the Triumvuri for the publick service: adding this reason, if our City overcome, no man needs to fear his own [illeg.]; but if it fall, let no man think to preserve his own [Liv.22 1. 26.]) For as Plato rightly observes, What is common strengthens a city, but what enricheth private families only, weakens and dissolves it: And therefore it concerns both Princes and subjects to prefer the Affairs of the Com­ mon-Wealth, before their own either pleasure or Profit). It is a very true Observation of Xenophon’s,23 He that in an Army behaves himself seditiously against his General, sins against his own Life And no less true is that of Iamblicus,24 No man should think himself a Loser by what the Common-wealth gains, for every private mans loss is suf­ ficiently recompensed in the publick for as in the natural body, so doubtless in the Civil, In totius Salute, Salus est partium; the well being of every part, consists in the society of the noble. But without doubt, among those things that are publick, the chief & principal is that aforesaid Order of men Commanding and well-obeying: which cannot consist where private Subjects assume that license of resisting the publick Magistrate: which is excellently described by Dion Cassius,25 whose words sound much to this sense, I cannot conceive it seemly for a Prince to submit to his subject; for there can be no safety where the free are advanced above the Head, or where they undertake to govern, whose Duty it is to be governed. What a dismal Confusion would it introduce in a Family if Children should be permitted to despise their Parents or Servants to dispute the Commands of their Masters? In what a desperate Condition is that Patient, that will not be ruled in all things by his Physician? And what hopes can there be of that Ship, where the Mariners refuse to obey their Pilot? Surely God hath ordained, and humane Reason upon tryal hath found it necessary, that for the preservation of humane Society, some should Command; and some Obey. To the Tes­ timony of St. Paul, we shall add that of St. Peter, whose words are these, Honour the

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King, / Servants, be ye subjects to your Masters with all fear, and not only to the good & gentle, but also to the froward: For this is thank-worthy, if a man for conscience sake toward God endure Grief, suffering wrongfully, for what glory is it, if when ye be buffeted for your faults ye take it patiently? But if when ye do well, & suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God. I. Deut. 2.17, 18, 19. And this he by and by confirms by Christ’s own Example, which Clemens26 also in his Constitutions thus expresseth, The servent that feareth God, saith he, will serve his Master also with all faithfulness, yea, though he be impious and unjust. Whence we may observe two things: First, That under the subjection that servants are in even to hard Masters, is also couched that of subjects unto Kings, though Tyrannical. And therefore, as a little before the commanded Subjection to every humane Ordinance; that is, to the Laws and Constitutions of Princes without distinction, (for when that Epistle was written, there were very few Princes that were not idolaters) yet submit we must, saith St. Peter, for all that; and that, propter Dominum, for the Lord’s sake. So what follows in the same Chapter being built upon the same foundation, respects the Duty as well of subjects as of Servants. And so requires the same Obedience, as well passive as Active; Such as we usually pay to our Parents, according to that of the Poet, Thy Parents love if good, if had yet bear.

And also that of Terence, To bear with parents, piety Commands.

And that likewise of Cicero in his Oration for Cluentius,27 Men ought not only to conceal the injuryes done unto them by their parents, but to bear them with patience. A young man of Eraria that had been long educated under Zeno being demanded, what he had learned? Answered, Meekly to bear his Father’s Wrath. So Justin28 relates of [illeg.], That he endured the Reproaches of the King, with the same calmness of spirit, as if he had been his Father. [Lib. 15.], Ferenda sion Regnum ingeria, The Humours of Kings must be endured: saith Tacitus: [Ann. 16. Hist. 6.] And in another place he tells us, That Good Emperours are to be wished for, but whatsoever they are, they must be obeyed. So also Livy, As the Rage of our Parents, so the Cruelty of our Countrey are no ways to be becalmed, but by patience and Sufferance. For which Claudius highly extols the Persians, who obeyed all their Kings equally tho never so cruel. / 5. Neither did the Practice of the primitive Christians swerve from this Law of God, which is an undeniable Argument that they so understood it. For though the Roman Emperours were sometimes the very worst of men, and deadly Enemies to the Christian Faith; yea, though there wanted not such under their Government, who under the specious pretence of freeing the Common-Wealth

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from Tyranny and Oppession, took Arms against them, yet could never per­ swade the Christians to join with them. In the Constitutions, of Clemens we read, Rigiæ potestati resisters Nefas, To resist the power of a King is impious. Ter­ tullian in his Apology writes thus, What was that Cassius that conspired against the life of Julius Cæsar? What was that Polcennius Niger, that in love to his own countrey, took Arms in Syria, as Clodius Albinus did in France & Britain, against that bloody Emperour Septimius Severus? or what was that Plautianus, who to set the Common-Wealth free from Tyrany, attempted the Life of the same Emperour in his own palace? What was that Ælius Lætus, who having first poysened that infa­ mous Emperour Commodus, fearing it should not take that effect which be desired, did afterwards hire Narcissus a strong Wrestler to strangle him? Or what was that Parthenius, (whose fact Tertullian doth so much detest) who being Chamberlain to that execrable Tyrant Domitian, yet killed him in his own Chamber? What (saith Tertullian) were all these? Surely not Christians, but Romans. Nay, So abomi­ nated they were by Christians, that Tertullian seems to glory in this, that though Christians were every where reproached as Enemies, nay Traitors to the Imperial Crown, yet could they never find any of them, either stained with that Crime, or so much as favouring those Treasonable Practices of either Cassius, Niger. or Albinus. When St. Ambrose29 was commanded by the Emperour Valentian to give up his Church to be Garrison’d by Souldiers, there he took it to be an injury done, not only to himself and his Congregation, but even unto Christ himself; yet would he not take any advantage of the commands it made among the Peo­ ple, to make Resillience [See Gratian c. 23. q. 8.] If the Emperour (saith he) had commanded what was in my power to give, were it mine House, Land, Goods, Gold or silver, how reality should I obey; Whatsover is mine I would willingly offer: but the Temple of God, I cannot give away, nor can [illeg.] up to any man: Cum ad custodiendam, non ad [illeg.] so it was committed to mee to defend and to keep, [illeg.]. And whereas the people being enraged thereby, did [illeg.] to repel the Souldiers, he refused it saying, [illeg.] / Though provoked and com­ pelled thereunto, yet withstand or resist I cannot; grieve and weep, and mourn I can, against Arms, Souldiers and Goths: I have no other weapons but Tears: for these are the only Forts and Monuments of a Priest: Aliter nec debeo nec pussum resistere, Otherwise I neither ought nor can resist. [Lib. 5. Orat. in Auxen.] And presently after, being commanded to appease the Tumult, he replied, That not to excite them was in his power, but being exasperated and enraged, to appease them was in the sole power of Him, who when He pleased, could still the ragings of the Seas & the madness of the people. [Epist. 33.] And in another place he writes thus, Will ye hale me to prison, or cast me into chains? I am willing to suffer, neither shall I guard my self with multitudes of people who offer themselves to defend me. Neither would he make use of the Forces of Maximus, when offered against the Emperor, though an Artan, and a grievous Persecutor of the Church.

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In imitation of whom, Gregory the Great, in one of his epistles confesseth, That if he would have engaged himself in the Death of the Lombards, that Nation had at that day, had neither King, Dukes, nor Earls, but had been reduced into extreme Confusion. [Greg. 1.6. Ep. 1.] Nazianzen30 informs us, That Julian the Apostate was diverted from some bloody designs he intended against the Church, by the Tears of Christians: Adding withal, That These are our best Preservatives against Persecutions. [Naz. Orat. 1. in Julian.] And because a great part of his Army were Christians, therefore his cruelty towards them, would have been not injurious to the Church of Christ only, but would at that time have much endangered the Common-Wealth. Unto all which we may also add that of St. Augustine, where expounding these places of St. Paul, he saith, Even for the preservation of our own Lives, we ought to submit to the supreme Power, & not to resist them in whatsoever they shall take away from us. 6. Inferior Magistrates ought not to resist the Supream. Some very learned men there are even in this age, who accommodating themselves too servilely to the times and places wherein they live, do perswade themselves first, and then oth­ ers, That though this licence of Resisting the Supream power be inconsistent with the Condition of private men, yet it may agree with the Rights of inferior Magistrates; nay, further, that they sin in case they do it not: which Opinion is to be exploded, [illeg.] For as in Logick there is Genus which is called Subal[illeg.], which though it be comprehensive of all that is under it, as a living Creature comprehends both man and Beast; yet hath it a Cenus above / it, in respect whereof it is but a Species: As a living Creature is to a body, which compre­ hends all sorts of bodies, both animate and inanimate. The like we may say of Magistrates, some are Supream, who rule all, and are ruled by none; others are Subordinate, who in respect of private men, are publick Persons, governing like Princes; But in respect of the Supream Magistrate are but private men, and are commanded as Subjects. For the power or faculty of Governing, as it is derived from the Supream power, so it is subject unto it, And whatsoever is done by the inferior Magistrate, contrary to the Will of the Supream, is null, and reputed but as a private Act, for want of the Stamp of publick Authority. All Order (say Philosophers) doth necessarily relate to somewhat that is first and highest, from whence it takes its Rise and Beginning. Now they that are of this Opinion, that inferiour Magistrates may resist the Supream, seem to introduce such a state of things, as the Poets fansied to have been in Heaven before Majesty was thought on, when the lesser gods denied the prerogative of Jupiter. But this Order or Subordination of one to another, is not only approved of by Common Experi­ ence, as in every Family the Father is the head, next unto him the Mother, then the Children, and after them the Servants, and such as are under them: So in every Kingdom, Each power under Higher powers are – And, All Governours are under Government – To which purpose is that notable saying of St. Augustine,

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Observe (saith he) the degrees of all humane things: If thy Tutor enjoin thee any thing, thou must do it; yet not, in case the Proconsul command the contrary: neither must thou obey the Consul, if thy Prince command otherwise: for in so doing thou canst not be said to contemn Authority, but thou chusest to obey that which is highest: Neither ought the lesser powers to be offended, that the greater is preferred before them, for [illeg.] [Oran. C. 11. q.3, Q[illeg.]] And that also of the same Father concerning Pilate, Because (saith he) God had invested him with such a power as was it self Subordinate to that of Cæsars. But it is also approved of by Divine Authority, For St. Paul enjoyns us to be subject unto Kings otherwise than unto Magistrates: To Kings as supreme, that is, absolutely, without Exceptions in any other Commands than those directly from God: who is so far from justifying our Resistance, that He commands our passive Obe­ dience: But unto Magistrates, as they are deputed by Kings, and as they derive their Authority form them. And when St. Paul subjects every soul to the higher powers, (Rom. 13.) doubtless he exempts not inferiour Magistrates. / Neither do we find among the Hebrews (where there were so many Kings utterly regardless of the Laws both of God & Men) any inferior Magistrates, among whom, some without all question, there were both pious and valiant, that ever arrogated unto themselves this Right of Resisting by force, the power of their Kings, without an express command from God, who alone hath an unlimited power and Jurisdic­ tion over them. But on the Contrary, What duties inferior Magistrates owe unto their Kings, though wicked, Samuel will instruct us by his own Example, who though he knew that Saul had corrupted himself, and that God also had rejected him from being King, yet before the people, and before the Elders of Israel, he gives him that Reverence and Respect that was due unto him, (1. Sam. 15. 30.) And so likewise the state of Religion publickly professed, did never depend upon any other humane Authority, but on that of the King, and Sanhedrin. For in that after the King, the Magistrates with the People, engaged themselves to the true Worship and Service of God, it ought to be understood, so far forth as it should be in the power of every one of them. Nay, the very Images of their false gods which were publickly erected, (and therefore could not but be scandalous to such as were truly religious) yet were they never demolished, so far as we can read of, but at the special Command either of the people when the Government was popular, or of Kings, when the Government was kingly. And if the Scriptures do make mention of any Violence sometimes offered unto Kings, it is not to justifie the fact, but to shew the Equity of the Divine providence in permitting it. And whereas they of the contrary perswasion do frequently urge that excellent Saying of Irajan the Emperour, who delivering a Sword to a Captain of the Pratorian Band, said, Hoc pro me utere, firecte impero; si male, contra me: Use this Sword for me if I Govern well, but if otherwise, against me. We must know, that Tra­ jan (as appears by Pliny’s Panegyrick)31 was not willing to assume unto himself

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Regal power, but rather to behave himself as a good Prince, who was willing to submit to the Judgment of the Senate and people; whose Decrees he would have that Captain to execute, though it were against himself. Whose Example both Pertinax and Macrinus did afterwards follow whose excellent Speeches to this purpose are Recorded by Herodian. The like we read of M. Anthony, who refused to touch the publick Treasure without the consent of the Roman Senate. 7. Of Resistance in case of inevitable Necessity. But the Case will yet be more Difficult, Whether this Law of not-Resisting do oblige us, / when the Dangers that threaten us be extream, and otherwise inevitable. For some of the Laws of God Himself, though they sound absolutely, yet seem to admit of some tacite Exceptions in cases of Extream Necessity: For so it was, by the wisest of the Jew­ ish Doctors, expresly determined concerning the Law of their Sabbath, in the times of the Hasamoneans, whence rose that famous Saying among them, Pericu­ lum anima impellit Sabbatum; The danger of a man’s Life drives away the Sabbath. When the Jew in Synesius, was accused for the breach of the Sabbath, he excuseth himself by another Law, and that more forcible, saying, We were in manifest jeopardy of our lives. When Bacchides had brought the Army of the Jews into a great Strait on their Sabbath day, placing his Army before them and behind them, the River Jordan being on both sides; Jonathan thus bespake his Souldiers, Let us go up now & fight for our lives, for it standeth not with us to day, as in times past. (1. Mac. 9. 43, 44, 45.) Which case of Necessity is approved of, even by Christ Himself, as well in this Law of the Sabbath, as in that of not eating the Shew-bread. And the Hebrew Doctors pretending the Authority of an ancient Tradition, do rightly interpret their Laws made against the eating of meats for­ bidden, with this tacite Exception: Not that it was not just with God to have obliged us even unto death, but that some Laws of His are conversant about such matters as it cannot easily be believed that they were intended to have been pros­ ecuted with so much Rigour as to reduce us to such an Extremity, as to dy rather than to disobey them, which in humane laws doth yet further proceed. I deny not, but that some Acts of Vertue are so strictly enjoyned, that if we perform them not, we may justly be put to Death: As for a Centinel, to forsake his Sta­ tion. But neither is this rashly to be understood to be the Will of the Law-giver. Nor do men assume so much Right over either themselves or others, unless it be when, & so far forth as extreme Necessity requires it. For all humane laws are so constituted, or so to be understood as that there should be some allowance for humane Frailty. The right understanding of this Law of Resisting or not-Resisting the Highest powers in cases of inevitable Necessity, seems much to depend upon the Intention of those who first entered into Civil Society, from whom the Right of Government is devolved upon the persons governing: who had they been demanded, Whether they would have imposed such a yoke upon all Mankind as death it self, rather than in any case by force to repel the Insolencies of their

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Superiours; I much question whether they would have granted it, unless it had been in such a case, where such / Resistance could not be made without great Commotions in the Common Wealth, or the certain Destruction of many Inno­ cents, for what Charity commends in such a case to be done, may, I doubt not, pass for an humane Law. But some may say, that this rigid Obligation, To dye rather than at any time to Resist Injuries done by our Superiours, is not imposed on us by any Humane, but by the Divine Law. But we must observe, That men did not at first unite themselves in Civil Society, by any special Command from God, but voluntarily, out of a fence they had of their own impotency to repel force and Violence whilst they lived solitarily, and in Families appart; whence the civil power takes it Rise. For which cause it is that St. Peter calls it an humane Ordinance, although it be else-where called a Divine Ordinance, because this wholesome Constitution of men was approved of by God Himself. But God in approving an humane Law, may be thought to approve of it as an humane law, & after an humane manner. Barkly32 (who was the stoutest Champion in defending Kingly Power) doth notwithstanding thus far allow, That the People or the Nobler part of them, have a Right to defend themselves against cruel Tyranny, and yet he confesseth, that the whole Body of the people is subject unto the King. [Barkley. Lib. 3. contra Monarchomach. c. 8.] Now this I shall easily admit. That the more we desire to secure any thing by Law, the more express and per­ emptory should that Law be, and the fewer exceptions there should be from it; (for they that have a mind to violate that Law, will presently seek shelter, and think themselves priviledged by those Exceptions, though their Cases be far dif­ ferent;) yet dare I not condemn indifferently either every private man, or every, though lesser part of the people, who as their last Refuge, in cases of extream Necessity, have anciently made use of their Arms to defend themselves, yet with respect had to the Common Good. For David, who (saving in some particular Facts) was so celebrated for his integrity, did yet entertain first four hundred, and afterwards more armed men; to what end, unless for the safeguard of his own person, against any violence that should be offered him? But this also we must note, That David did not this until he had been assured, both by Jonathan, and by many other infallible Arguments, that Saul sought his life; and that even then, he never invaded any City, nor made an offensive Warr against any but lurked only for his own security, sometimes in Mountains, sometimes in Caves, and such like devious places, and sometimes in forreign Nations, with this Reso­ lution, to decline all occasions of annoying his own Countrey-men. / A Fact parallel to this of David’s, we may read in the Maccabees: For whereas some seek to defend the Wars of the Maccabees upon this ground, That Antiochus was not a King, but an Usurper; this I account but frivolous: for in the whole Story of the Macabees, we shall never find Antiochus mentioned by any of their own party, by any other Title than by that of King; and deservedly: For the Hebrews had long

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before submitted to the Macedonian Empire, in whose Right Antiochus suc­ ceeded. And whereas the Hebrew Laws forbad a Stranger to be set over them, this was to be understand by a voluntary Election, and not by an involuntary Compulsion, through the Necessity of the times. And whereas others say, That the Maccabees did act by the peoples Right, to whom belonged the Right of Governing themselves by their own Laws, neither is this probable: For the Jews being first conquered by Nebuchadnezer were by the Right of War subject unto him, and afterwards became by the same Law subject to the Medes and Persians, as successours to the Chaldeans, whose whole Empire did at last devolve upon the Macedonians. And hence it is, That the Jews, in Tacitus are termed The most servile of all the Eastern Nations; neither did they require any Covenants or Con­ ditions from Alexander or his successours, but yielded themselves freely, without any Limitations or Exceptions, as before they had done unto Darius. And though they were permitted sometimes to use their own Rites, and publickly to exercise their own Laws, yet was not this due unto them by any Law that was added unto the Empire, but only by a precarious Right that was indulged unto them by the Favour of their Kings. There was nothing then that could justifie the Maccabees in their taking of Arms, but that invincible Law of Extream Necessity which might do it so long as they contained themselves within the bounds of Self-Pres­ ervation, and in imitation of David, betook themselves to secret places, in order to their own security; never offering to make use of their Armes unless violently assaulted. In the mean time, great Care is to be taken, that even when we are thus enforced to defend our selves in cases of certain and extream danger, we spare the person of the King; for they that conceive the carriage of David towards Saul, to proceed not so much from the Necessity of Duty, as out of some deeper consid­ eration, are mistaken: for David himself declares, that no man can be innocent that stretcheth forth his hand against the Lord’s Annointed: (1. Sam. 26. 9.) Because he very well knew that it was written in the Law, Thou shalt not revile the Gods, that is the Supream Judges: Thou shall not curse the Rulers of thy people. / (Exod. 22. 28.) In which Law, special mention being made of the Supream power; it evidently shews That some special Duty towards them is required of us. Wherefore Optatus Melevitanus33 speaking of this Fact of David, saith, That God’s special Command coming fresh into his memory, did so restrain him, that he could not hurt Saul, though his mortal enemy. Wherefore he brings in David thus reasoning with himself, Volebam boslem vincere, sed prius oft Divina Præcepta observare, Willingly I would overcome mine Enemy, but I dare not transgress the Commands of God. [Lib. 2.] And Josephus speaking of David after he had cut off Sauls Garment, saith, That his heart smote him: So that he confessed, injustum facinus crat Regem suum occider, It was a wicked act to kill his Soveraign. And presently after, Horrendum Regem quamvis malum occidare, pœnam onim id factenti imminere constat, ab eo qui Regem dedit, It is an horrid act to kill a King,

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though wicked, for certainly He, by whose providence all Kings reign, will pur­ sue the Regicide with vengeance inevitably. To reproach any private man falsely is forbidden by the Law, but of a King we must not speak evil, though he deserve it; because as he that wrote the problems (fathered upon Aristotle) saith, He that speaketh evil of the Governour, scandalizeth the whole City. So Joab concludes concerning Shimei, as Josephus testifies, Shalt thou not dye, who presumest to curse him whom God hath placed in the Throne of the Kingdom? The Laws (saith Julian) are very severe on the behalf of Princes, for he that is injurious unto them, doth wilfully trample upon the Laws themselves. [Misopogoris] Now if we must not speak evil of Kings, much less must we do evil against them. David repented but for offering violence to Saul’s Garments, so great was the Reverence that he bare to his person, and deservedly: For since their Soveraign power cannot but expose them to the General Hatred, therefore it is fit, that their security should espe­ cially be provided for. This, saith Quintilian,34 is the fate of such as sit at the Stern of Government, that they cannot discharge their Duty faithfully, nor provide for the publick safety, without the envy of many. (And for this cause are the persons of Kings guarded with such severe Laws, which seem, like Draco’s, to be wrote in blood,) as may appear by those enacted by the Romans, for the security of their Tribunes, whereby their persons became inviolable. Amongst other wise Sayings of the Esseni, this was one, That the persons of Kings should be held as sacred. And that of Homer was as notable, His chiefest care was for the King,

That nothing should endanger him. /

And no marvel: For as St. Chrysostome well observes, If any man kill a sheep, he but lessens the number of them, but if he kill the Shepherd, he dissipates the whole flock. The very Name of a King, as Curtius35 tells us, among such nations as were gov­ erned by Kings, was as venerable as that of God. So Artabanus the Persian, Amongst many and these most excellent Laws we have, this seems to be the best, which commands us to adore our Kings as the very image of God who is the Saviour of all. And therefore as Plutarch36 speakes, Nec fas, nec beviam est Regis corpori manus inferre, It is not permitted by the Laws of God or man, to offer violence to the person of a King. But as the same Plutarch in another place tells us, The prin­ cipal part of valour is to save him that saves all. If the eye observe a blow threatening the head, the hand, being instructed by nature, interposeth it self, as preferring the safety of the head (whereupon all other members depend) before their own. Where­ fore, as Cassiodore37 notes, He that with the loss of his own life, Redeems the Life of his Prince, doth well; if in so doing he propose to himself the freeing of his own soul, rather than that of another mans body, for as conscience teacheth him to express his fidelity to his Soveraign; so doth right Reason instruct him to prefer the life of his Prince, before the safety of his own body. But here a more difficult

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question ariseth; as namely, Whether what was lawful for David and the Macca­ bees, be likewise lawful for us Christians: Or whether Christ who so often enjoins us to take up our Cross, do not require from us a greater measure of patience? Surely, where our Superiours threaten us with Death upon the account of Reli­ gion, our Saviour advised such as are not obliged by the necessary Duties of their Calling to reside in any one place, to flee, but beyond this, nothing. St. Peter tells us, That Christ in his suffering left us an ensample, who tho’ he knew no sin, nor had any guile found in his mouth, yet being reviled, reviled not again, when be suffered, be threatned not, but remmitted his cause to him that judgeth righteously (1. Pet. 4. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.). Nay he adviseth us to give thanks unto God, and to rejoice when we suffer persecution for our Religion: and we may read how mightily Christian Religion hath grown and been advanced by this admirable gift of patience, wherefore how injurious to those ancient Christians (who (living in or near the times of either the Apostles themselves or men truly Apostolical must needs be well instructed in their Discipline, and consequently walked more exactly according to their Rules, yet suffered death for their faith) how injurious I say, to these men, are they, who hold that they wanted not a Will to resist, but rather a power to defend themselves at the approach of death? / Surety Tertullian had never been so imprudent, nay, so impudent as confidently to have affirmed such an untruth, whereof he knew the Emperor could not be ignorant, when he wrote thus unto him, If we had a will to take our private Revenge, or to act as publick Enemies, could we want either numbers of men, or stores of warlike Provisions? Are the Moors, Germans, Partisans, or the people of any one Nation, more than those of the whole World? We, though strangers, yet do fill all places in your Dominators; Your Cities, Islands, Castles, Forts, Assemblies, your very Camps, Tribes, Courts, Pal­ aces, Senates; only your Temples we leave to your selves: For what war have we not alwaies declared our selves fit and ready, though in Numbers of men we have some­ times been very unequal? How cometh then it to pass that we suffer Death so meekly, so patiently, but that we are instructed by our Religion, that it is much better to be killed than to kill? Cyprian also treading in his Masters steps, openly declares, That it was from the principles of this Religion, that Christians being apprehended, made no Resistance, nor attempted any revenge for injuries unjustly done them, though they wanted neither numbers of men, nor other means to have resisted, but it was their confidence of some divine Vengeance that would fall upon their persecutors, that made them thus patient, & that persuaded the innocent to give way to the nocent. [Lib.5.] So Lactantius,38 We are willing to conside in the Majesty of God, who is able, as well to revenge the contempt done to Himself, as the injuries and hardships done unto us: Wherefore, though our sufferings be such as cannot be expressed, yet we do not mutter a word of discontent, but refer our selves wholly to him who judgeth righteously. And to the same tune sings St. Augustine, When Princes err, they pres­ ently make Laws to legitimate their errors, and by those very laws they judge the

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innocent, who are at length crowned with Martydom. [Ep 166.] And in another place, Tyrants are so to be endured by their subjects, & hard Masters by then serv­ ants, that both their temporal lives (if possible) may be preserved, and yet their eternal safety carefully provided for: Which he illustrates by the examples of the primitive Christians, Who though they then sojourned upon earth as [illeg.] who had infinite numbers of nations to resist them, yet these rather patiently to suffer all manner of torments, than forcibly to resist their persecutors: Neither would they fight to preserve their temporal lives, but chose rather not to fight, that so they might ensure unto themselves an eternal. For they endured Bounds, Stripes, imprisonment the Rack, the Fire, the Cross; they were flead alive, killed, and quartered, and, yet they multiplied; they esteemed this life not worth the fighting for, so that with the loss of it they might purchase what so eagerly they panted after, a better. Of the same opinion was Cyril, as may appear many notable / Sayings of his upon that place of St. John, where he treats of Peter’s Sword. The Thebean Legion, we read, consisted of 6666. Sould­ iers, and all Christians, who when the Emperour, Maximianus would have compelled the whole Army to sacrifice to Idols, first removed their Station to Agaunus, and when upon fresh orders sent after them, they refused to come, Max­ imianus commanded his officers to put every tenth man to Death, which was easily done, no man offering to resist: At which time Maritius (who had the chief Command in that Legion, and from whom the Town Agannus in Switzer-land was afterwards called St. Mauritz, as Eucherius Bishop of Lyons, records) thus bespake his fellow shouldiers, How fearful was I left any of you under the presence of defending your selves (as was easie for men armed as ye are to have done) should have attempted by force to have rescued from the death those blessed Martyrs? which had you done, I was sufficiently Instructed by Christs own example to have forbidden it, who expressly remanded that Sword into its sheath, that was but drawn in his own defence; thereby teaching us that our Christians, Faith as much more prevalent than all other arms. This tragick Act being past, the Emperor commanding the same thing to the survivours, as he had done before to the whole Legion, they unani­ mously returned him this answer, I am quidem, Cæsar, milities Sumus, Etc. We are they Soldiers, of Cæsar, we took arms for the defence of the Roman Empire; we never yet deserted the war, nor betrayed the trust reposed in us, we were never yet branded with fear or cowardise but have alwaies observed thy commands, until being other­ wise instructed by our Christian Laws, we refuse to worship the devil, or to aproach those altas that are polluted with blood. We find by thy commands, that thou resolvest either to draw us into Idolatry, or to affright us by putting every tenth man of us to death: make no further search after those that are willing to lye concealed; but know that we are all of us Christians, all our bodies thus hast indeed under thy power, but our souls are subject only to Christ our redeemer. Then Eæuperians being the Stand­ ardbearer to that Legion thus bespeak them, Hitherto, Fellow-Soldiers I have carried the standard before you in the secular war but it is not unto these arms that I

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am now to invite you, it is not into these wars that I now excite your valour, for now we are to practise another kind of waarfare for with these weapons ye can never enforce your way into the kingdom of heaven. And by & by he sends this Message to the Emperor, Against thee, O Cæsar, Desperation it self (which usually makes even cow­ ards valiant) cannot prevail with us to take arms. Beheld, we have our weapons fixt, yet will we not resist; because we chuse rather to be killed by thee than to overcome thee, and to dye innocents, than to live rebels to either God or thee. And a little after he adds, Tela / projicimus, &c. We abandon our arms, O Emperour, & will meet thy messengers of death with naked breasts, yet with hearts strongly united with Christian Faith. And presently after followed that general Massacre of the Thebean Band, whereof Eutherius gives this Narrative, It was neither their Innocence nor their Numbers, that could exempt them from death, whereas in where more dan­ gerous tumultes, a multitude though offending, are rarely punished. The same story in the Old Martyrology we find thus recorded, They were every where wounded with swords, yet they cryed not out, but disdaining the use of their Arms, they exposed their breasts naked to their persecutors: It was neither their numbers nor their experi­ ence in war, that could persuade them to assert the equity of their cause by their swords, but placing His example alwaies before them who was led to the slaughter dumb, and like a lamb to be sacrificed, opened not his mouth; they also in imitation of Him; like the innocent flock of Christ, suffered themselves to be worried and turn in peices by an herd of persecuting wolves. Thus also do the Jews of Alexandria, tes­ tifie their Innocence before Flaccus, We are, as thou seest, unarmed, and yet we are accused unto thee as publick enemies to the state: These hands which nature hath given us for our defence, we have caused to be pinnacled behind us, where they are of little use, & our breasts we expose naked to every man that hath a mind to kill us. And when the Emperor Valens cruelly persecuted those Christians, which accord­ ing to the Holy Scriptures, & the Traditions to the Ancient Fathers, profest Christ to be ορουτιον, that is, Co-essential with the Father; though there were every where great Multitudes of them, yet did they never attempt by arms to secure them­ selves. Surely, wheresoever Patience in times of persecution is commended unto us, there we find Christ’s own example held out unto us (as we read it was to the Thebean Legion) for our imitation. As therefore His patience, so ours, should have no bounds nor limits but death it self. And he that thus loseth his life, is truly said by Christ Himself to find it. Secondly. These measures could never Better our condition, nor redress our Grievances, unless we should be so vain to imagine our selves capable of waging war with the Crown of England, and all its allies. Is the KING so petty and inconsiderable a Prince that He should be forced? Or can we think that the noise of our Thousands and Ten Thousands will frighten Him into a Compli­ ance? Without doubt if we do, we shall too too late find our mistake, and a woful experience will quickly teach us, that the sole want of their Majesties Protection,

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will in a very short time reduce us to the most miserable & deplorable condition in the world. / But perhaps we may fancy that this action of ours hath extremely obliged Them, and that all things now are become justly due to the merits of our services; it will do very well if it be so understood, but I cannot see the least probability of such a Construction; for we have sufficiently manifested in our Declaration, that Self-interest was the first and principal motive to our Undertaking, and our Progress doth plainly demonstrate, that we have only made use of Their Names, the better to effect our own Designs; whilest every thing that hath any Relation to Them lies neglected & unregarded, without any recognition of Their Author­ ity over these Dominions, or the least Acknowledgment of our submission to such orders as should come from Them; saving what particularly related to some few ill men (as we call them) whom we have imprisoned & detained without any Law or Reason; so that we have rashly & imprudently adventur’d our All upon a chance, (not an equal one) whether it will be well, or ill taken: if well, we can expect nothing more than what we should have had by sitting still & quiet, unless it be a vast Charge, Trouble & Expence, which we have inevitably brought upon our selves: if ill, what will be the Event? In the first place our Countrey, which hath been so remarkable for the true Profession and pure Exercise of the Protestant Religion, will be termed a Land full of Hypocrise, REBELLION, Irreligion, and what not, and we our selves a degenerate, wicked people, that have fallen from the practises of our Fore-fathers, and the purity of our first principles. 2. In all our Pamphlets and Discourses, we have so magnified our Action, and boasted of the vast numbers we can bring into the Field, that it must be of great import to the Crown of England to Curb us & in time to reduce us to our former obedience; & no body will imagine is consistent with the Interest of that Crown, any more to trust Government in the Lands of a people, so ready & so able upon all occasions to set up for themselves, and the stronger we are, the more need there will be to keep us under. 3. And lastly, We shall realy endure and undergo all those Miseries & Calami­ ties which we fancied to our selves under the late Government; and become the Scorn and By-word of all our Neighbours. What then remains, but that whilst is yet called to day,we should endeavour to settle our selves in such a Posture, as may at least mitigate if not wholly pre­ vent the before-mentioned inconveniences. If our Charter be restored such a Condition cannot hurt us; but the want of it may; for we are accountable for every Action & every false Step we make after the date of it, & render our selves lyable to be Questioned & Quo-Warranto’d for / our Male-feazance whensover the Supream Authority shall think it meet; if not, it must be of great service to us to be found in a submissive and humble posture, fit & ready to receive Their

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Majesties Commands; lest while we [illeg.] our selves too much, upon our own merits, we become un-worthy [illeg.] Favour in a most gracious pardon, without which (think what we will ) we never can be safe & secure from the severity of [illeg.] which we have indisputably violated, in matters of the highest [illeg.] consequence imaginable. I hope every good man will seriously & impartially consider the fore-going [illeg.] and suffer himself to be guided by the Dictates of Reason, and not of Humour or Prejudice, and then I am well assured, it will be evident enough, that we have mistaken our Measures, and that a timely recess, will more Advantage us than an obstinate and wilful perseverance & that [illeg.] but such a Remedy can restore our almost perishing & undone Countrey, to a lasting Peace and happy Settlement: Which that GOD of His mercy would grant us, shall ever be the hearty prayers of F. L.

POSTCRIPT. I Was principally induced to direct the precedent Discourse to you, Gentlemen, because I would rightly be understood, which I’m sure I can never fail of by per­ sons of your Learning and Worth, and I hope you will be so kind to me & so just to your Countrey, to let me know in the most publick manner you can, wherein I have mistaken the matter either in point of fact or Judgment; but if I have been so fortunate to Convince you, that wrong measures have been taken and that the people had no reason for what they have done, nor no bottom for what they are yet doing; let me tell you tis your duty not only to admonish them but [illeg.] [illeg.] to such a temper as becomes pious men & good Christians, for which you will have the praise and God the Glory.

FINIS.

[RAWSON AND SEWALL], THE REVOLUTION IN

NEW ENGLAND JUSTIFIED

[Edward Rawson and Samuel Sewall], The Revolution in New England Justified, and the People there Vindicated from the Aspersions cast upon them by Mr. John Palmer, in his Pretended Answer to the Declaration, Published by the Inhabitants of Boston, and the Country adjacent, on the day when they Secured their late Oppressors, who Acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the late King James (Boston, MA: Joseph Brunning, 1691).

In The Present State of New-England, John Palmer challenged Massachusetts lead­ ers ‘to let me know in the most publick manner you can, wherein I have mistaken the matter either in point of fact or Judgment’ (above, p. 212). Edward Rawson and Samuel Sewall answered the challenge with the text reproduced here, The Revolution in New England Justified. The points of fact begin with the authors’ refutations of Palmer’s claims that Massachusetts leaders ‘refused to answer to the Quo Warranto’ and were religious dissenters and republicans (below, p. 219). The main body of the tract, however, is devoted to a point-by-point rebuttal, with supporting affidavits, of Palmer’s attack on the 18 April Declaration. The authors also highlight Palmer’s role as ‘one of the Governours Tools’, including his ‘Illegal and Arbitrary Proceedings’ (below, p. 222; probably a reference to his charging patent fees of £2 10s. on 140 householders in Maine). Rawson and Sewall also refute Palmer’s judgements about both empire and revolution. Addressing Palmer’s claim that New England was a Crown domin­ ion and could therefore be governed in any way the King saw fit, they ask what Englishmen in their right Wits will venture their Lives over the Seas to enlarge the Kings Dominions, and to enrich and greaten the English Nation, if all the reward they shall have for their cost and adventures shall be their being deprived of English Liberties (below, p. 252)

Palmer has forgotten, they claim, ‘that there was an Original Contract between the King and the first Planters in New-England’ which included preservation of their rights as Englishmen (below, p. 253). The complaints against Andros are not just – 213 –

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about laws and governance, but also the claim that ‘all their Lands were the Kings’ (below, p. 229; the grounds for Palmer’s quit-rent scheme). Again, they ask, What people that had the Spirits of Englishmen, could endure this? That when they had at Vast Charges of their own conquered a Wilderness, and been in possession of their Estates Forty, nay Sixty years, that now a parcel of Strangers, some of them indi­ gent enough, must come and inherit all that the people now in New-England and their Fathers before them, had laboured for! (below, p. 229)

On Palmer’s argument against the right to revolution, Rawson and Sewall are equally adamant: THE Doctrine of Passive Obedience and Non-Resistance, which a sort of men did of late when they thought the World would never change, cry up as Divine Truth, is by means of the happy Revolution in these Nations, exploded, and the Assertors of it become ridiculous. No man does really approve of the Revolution in England but must justifie that in New England also; for the latter was effected in compliance with the former (below, p. 221)

Edward Rawson (1615–93) was born into a textile merchant family in Gill­ ingham, Dorset, and moved to Newbury, Massachusetts, in 1637. Through his mother, Margaret Wilson, he was connected to leading puritan divines in Eng­ land and was nephew of John Wilson, minister of the First Church in Boston. His wife, Rachel Perne, was niece of Revd Thomas Hooker. Rawson was elected Newbury’s Public Notary and Register from 1638 to 1647 and deputy to the General Court almost every year to 1650, when he was elected Secretary of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, a post he lost under the Dominion of New England in 1686. In that role he became a wealthy landowner. Samuel Sewall (1652–1730) was born in Bishop Stoke, Hampshire, but moved also to Newbury, Massachusetts, in 1661. He trained for the ministry at Harvard but became a merchant, politician, judge, printer and writer, though he is best known now for his diary. He was elected deputy to the Massachu­ setts General Court from 1684 to 1686 but was in England attempting to secure his family’s property and undermine the Andros regime during the 1689 rebel­ lion. He afterwards resumed as a deputy but then became a councillor under the charter of 1691 until he retired in 1725. He was one of the judges at the Salem witchcraft trials of 1692, though in 1697 he publicly apologized for his role in the proceedings. He had an otherwise distinguished career as a judge, commis­ sioner of the Company for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, and was author of The Selling of Joseph: A Memorial (1700), one of America’s earliest anti-slavery tracts.1

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Notes: 1.

M. K. Ward, ‘Rebecca Rawson: Portrait of a Daughter of the Puritan Elite in the Mas­ sachusetts Bay Colony’, New England Journal of History, 56:1 (Fall 1999), pp. 22–35; J. S. Graham, ‘Sewall, Samuel (1652–1730), Judge and Diarist in America’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 49, pp. 824–5; J. M. Chu, ‘SEWALL, Samuel (28 March 1652–1 Jan. 1730)’, in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 19, pp. 671–3.

THE

REVOLUTION

IN

NEW ENGLAND

Justified,

And the People there Vindicated From the Aspersions cast upon them

By Mr. JOHN PALMER,

In his Pretended Answer to the

Declaration,

Published by the Inhabitants of Boston, and the Country adjacent, on the day when they secured their late Oppressors, who acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the Late King JAMES. Printed for Joseph Brunning at Boston in New England.

1691. /

TO THE

READER.

IT is not with any design or desire unnecessarily to expose the late Oppressors of that good Protestant People which is in New England, that the Authors of the ensu­ ing Vindication have published what is herewith emitted. But the Agents lately sent from thence could not be faithful to their Trust, if when the People whom they Represent are publickly (as well as privately) aspersed, they should not (either by themselves, or by furnishing some other with materials for such an undertaking) vindicate those who have been so deeply injured. As for Mr. Palmer his Account which he calls Impartial, he has wrong’d New England thereby, in some other particulars besides those insisted on, in the sub­ sequent Apology. For he does endeavour to make the World believe that the Massachusetts refused to answer to the Quo Warranto prosecuted against their Charter: Than which Misrepresentation nothing can be more untrue or injurious. An Account concerning that matter hath formerly (and more than once) been made publick, in the which it is most truly affirmed, ‘That when the Quo Warranto was issued out against the Governour and Company of the Massachusetts / Colony in New England in the year 1683. the then King did by his Declaration enjoyn a few particular persons to make their Defence at their own Charge, without any publick Stock; which shew’d that there was a Resolution to take away that Charter: Yet the Governour and Company appointed an Attorney to answer to the Quo Warranto; but the Suit was let fall in the Court of Kings-Bench, and a new Suit began by Scire facias in Court of Chancery, where time was not allow’d to make Defence. The former Attorney for that Colony brought several Merchants to testifie that in the time allow’d (which was from April 16. till June 18.) it was impossible to have a New Letter of Attorney returned from New England. The then Lord Keeper North replied, That no time ought to be given. So was Judgment entred against them before they could possibly plead for themselves’. By this the Impartial Reader may judge what Ingenuity and Veracity is in Mr. Palmers Account. There is lately come forth another Scandalous Pamphlet, called New England’s Faction Discovered.1 The Author has not put his Name to it: But it is supposed to be written by a certain person known to be a Prodigy for Impudence and Lying. The – 219 –

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Reflections in it not only on New England in general, but on particular persons there as well as in England, are so notoriously and maliciously false, as that it must needs be much beneath a great Mind to take notice of such Latrations,2 or to answer them any / otherwise than with contempt. When we are treated with the Buffoonry and Railery of such ungentiel Pens, ’tis good to remember the old Saying, Magnum Contumeliæ remedium, Negligentia. As for what Mr. Palmer does in his Preface insinuate concerning the New-Eng­ landers being Commonwealths-men, Enemies to Monarchy, and to the Church of England, that’s such a Sham as every one sees through it. There are none in the World that do more fully concur with the Doctrine of the Church of England contained in the 39 Articles, than do the Churches in New England, as is manifest from the Confession of their Faith published in the year 1680. Only as to Liturgy and Ceremonies they differ; for which cause alone it was that they, or their Fathers transported themselves into that American Desert, as being desirous to worship God in that way which they thought was most according to the Scriptures. The Platform of Church Discipline consented unto by the Elders and Messengers of the Churches Assembled in a General Synod at Cambridge in New England in the year 1647. sheweth that they are as to Church-Government for the Congregational way. The judiciously Learned Mr. Philip Nye3 has long since evinced, that no Form of Church-Government (no not that which is Episco­ pal) is more consistent with Monarchy, or with the King’s Supremacy, than that of the Way-Congregational, / which some will needs call Independent. But there are a sort of men, who call those that are for English Liberties, and that rejoyce in the Government of Their present Majesties King William and Queen Mary, by the name of Republicans, and represent all such as Enemies of Monarchy and of the Church. It is not our single Opinion only, but we can speak it on behalf of the generality of Their Majesties Subjects in New England, that they believe (without any diminution to the Glory of our former Princes) the English Nation was never so happy in a King, or in a Queen, as at this day. And the God of Heaven, who has set them on the Throne of these Kingdoms, grant them long and prosperously to Reign. E. R. S. S. /

THE

Revolution in New England justified.

THE Doctrine of Passive Obedience and Non-Resistance, which a sort of men did of late when they thought the World would never change, cry up as Divine Truth, is by means of the happy Revolution in these Nations, exploded, and the Assertors of it become ridiculous. No man does really approve of the Revolution in England but must justifie that in New England also; for the latter was effected in compliance with the former, neither was there any design amongst the People in New England, to reassume their Antient Charter-Government, until His present Majesties intended descent into England, to rescue the Nation from Slavery as well as Popery, was known to them (for indeed to have attempted it before that would have been madness.) They considered that the men then usurping Government in New England were King James’s Creatures, who had invaded both the Liberty and Property of Eng­ lish Protestants after such a manner as perhaps the like was never known in any part of the World where the English Nation has any Government: And the Com­ mission which they had obtained from the Late King James was more Illegal and Arbitrary, than that granted to Dudley and Empson by King Henry 7th. or than it may be was ever before given to any by King James himself, or by any one that ever swayed the English Scepter, which was a Grievance intolerable; and yet they desired not to make themselves Judges in a case which so nearly concerned them, but instead of harsher treatment of those who had Tyrannized over them, they only, secured them that they might not betray that Countrey into the hands of the Late King, or of King Lewis, which they had reason enough to believe (considering their Characters and Dispositions,) they were inclined to do. They designed not to revenge themselves on / their Enemies, which they could as eas­ ily have done as a thousand men are able to kill one, and therefore when they secured their Persons, they declared (as in their Declaration Printed at Boston in New England is to be seen) that they would leave it to the King and Parliament of England, to inflict what punishment they should think meet for such Criminals. Their seizing and securing the Governour, was no more than was done in Eng­ land, at Hull, Dover, Plimouth, &c. That such a man as Mr. John Palmer should – 221 –

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exclaim against it, is not to be wondred at, seeing he was one of the Governours Tools, being of his Council, made a Judge by him, and too much concern’d in some Illegal and Arbitrary Proceedings: But his Confidence is wonderful, that he should publish in Print that neither himself nor Sir Edmund Androsse, nor others of them who had been secured by the People in New England, had any Crimes laid to their charge, whereas the foresaid Declaration emitted the very day they were secured, doth plainly set forth their Crimes. And in the Preface of his Book he hath these words; viz. ‘We appeared at the Council-Board where the worst of our Enemies, even the very men who had so unjustly imprisoned and detained us, had nothing to say or object against us – By these Enemies he speaks of, we suppose he means those who were lately sent as Agents from Boston in New England; He hath therefore necessitated us to inform the World, that the following Objections (tho’ not by his Enemies, yet) by those Agents presented at the Council-Board. ‘Matters objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, Mr. Joseph Dudley, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Randolph, Mr. West, Mr. Graham, Mr. Farewell, Mr. Sherlock and others, as occasions of their Imprisonment in New England.

‘1. IT is objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, that he being Governour of the Massachusetts Colony after notice of His present Majesties intention to land in England, issued out a Proclamation, requiring all persons to oppose any descent of such as might be authorized by him, endeavour’d to stifle the News of his Landing, and caused him that brought this Kings Declaration thither to be imprisoned as bringing a Seditious and Treasonable Paper. / ‘2. That in the time of his Government, he without form or colour of legal Authority made laws destructive of the Liberty of the People, imposed and lev­ ied Taxes, threatned and imprisoned them that would not be assisting to the illegal Levys, denied that they had any Property in their Lands without Patents from him, and during the time of actual War with the Indians, he did supply them with Ammunition, and several Indians declared, that they were encour­ aged by him to make War upon the English, and he discountenanced making defence against the Indians. ‘3. As to all the other persons imprisoned, they were Accomplices and Confed­ erates with Sir Edmund Androsse, and particularly Mr. Dudley, Mr. Randolph, and Mr. Palmer were of his Council, and joined with him in his Arbitrary Laws and Impositions, and in threatning and in punishing them who would not com­ ply. Mr. West was his Secretary, and guilty of great Extortion, and gave out words which shewed himself no Friend to the English. Mr. Graham was his Attorney at one time, and Mr. Farewell at another, both concerned in illegal proceedings destructive of the Property of the Subject. Mr. Farewell prosecuted them who refused to comply with the Illegal Levies, and Mr. Graham brought several Writs

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223

of Intrusion against men for their own Land, and Mr. Sherlock, another person imprisoned, though not named in the Order, acted there for some years as an High Sheriff, though he was a stranger in the Countrey, and had no Estate there, during his Shrievalty he impannelled Juries of Strangers, who had no Free-hold in that Countrey, and extorted unreasonable Fees.’ These particulars were not only presented at the Council-Board, but there read before the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee for Foreign Planta­ tions, on April 17. 1690. when Sir Edmund Androsse, Mr. Palmer, and the rest concerned were present, and owned that they had received Copies thereof from Mr. Blaithwaite. It is true, that the Paper then read was not signed by the Agents aforesaid, for which reason (as we understand, nor could it rationally be otherwise expected) the matter was dismissed without an hearing: Nevertheless the Gentle­ men who appeared as Counsel for the New England / Agents, declared, That they were ready to prove every Article of the Objections; which shall now be done. 1. That Sir E. A. with others whom the People in New England seized and secured, did, after notice of His present Majesties intended descent into England to deliver the Nation from Popery and Arbitrary Power, to their utmost oppose that glorious design, is manifest by the Proclamation Printed and Published in New England, Jan. 10. 1688. signed by Sir E. A. and His Deputy Secretary John West, in which K. James’s Proclamation of Octob. 16.1688. is recited and referred unto. Sir Edmunds Proclamation begins thus; ‘Whereas His Majesty hath been graciously pleased by His Royal Letter bearing date the 16th of October last past, to signifie that He hath undoubted Advice that a great and sudden Invasion from Holland, with an armed Force of Foreigners and Strangers will be speedily made in an hostile manner upon His Majesties Kingdom of England, and that although some false Pretences relating to Liberty, Property and Religion, &c. And then he concludes thus – All which it is His Majesties pleasure should be made known in the most publick manner to His Loving Subjects within this His Territory and Dominion of New England, that they may be the better prepared to resist any Attempts that may be made by His Majesties Enemies in these parts, I do therefore hereby charge and command all Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesties Loving Subjects within this His Territory and Dominion aforesaid, to be vigilant and care­ ful in their respective places and stations, and that upon the approach of any Fleet or Foreign Force, they be in readiness, and use their utmost endeavours to hinder any Landing or Invasion that may be intended to be made within the same.’ 2. And that they used all imaginable endeavours to stifle the News of the Prince’s Landing in England, appears not only from the Testimony of the People there, and from the Letters of those now in Government at Boston, but from the deposition of Mr. John Winslow, who affirms that being in Nevis in Feb. 1688. a Ship arrived there from England with the Prince of Orange’s Declaration, and intelligence of the happy change of Affairs in England, which he knew would be welcom News in

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New England, and therefore was at the charge to procure / a written Copy of that Princely Declaration with which he arrived at Boston about a fortnight before the Revolution there. He concealed the Declaration from Sir Edmund, because he believed if it came into his possession, he would keep the people in ignorance con­ cerning it; but intimation being given that Mr. Winslow had brought with him the Declaration, he was therefore committed to Prison (though he offered two thousand pound Bayl) for bringing into the Country a Treasonable Paper. For the satisfaction of such as are willing to be informed in this matter, Mr. Winslow’s testimony as it was given upon Oath before a Magistrate in New England shall be here inserted. It is as follows. ‘John Winslow aged 24 years or thereabouts, testifi­ eth and saith, that he being in Nevis some time in February last past, there came in a Ship from some part of England with the Prince of Orange’s Declarations; and brought news also of his happy proceedings in England with his entrance there, which was very welcome News to me, and I knew it would be so to the rest of the people in New England; and I being bound thither, and very willing to carry such good news with me, gave four shillings six pence for the said Declarations, on pur­ pose to let the people in New England understand what a speedy deliverance they might expect from Arbitrary Power. We arrived at Boston Harbour the fourth day of April following, and as soon as I came home to my house, Sir Edmund Androsse understanding I brought the Prince’s Declarations with me, sent the Sheriff to me; so I went along with him to the Governours house, and as soon as I came in, he asked me why I did not come and tell him the news. I told him I thought it not my duty, neither was it customary for any Passenger to go to the Governour when the Master of the Ship had been with him before, and told him the news; he asked me where the Declarations I brought with me were, I told him I could not tell, being afraid to let him have them, because he would not let the people know any news. He told me I was a Saucy fellow, and bid the Sheriff carry me away to the Justices of the Peace, and as we were going, I told the Sheriff, I would choose my Justice, he told me, no, I must go before Doctor Bullivant, one pickt on purpose (as I Judged) for the business; well I told him, I did not care / who I went before, for I knew my cause good, so soon as I came in, two more of the Justices dropt in, Charles Lidget and Francis Foxcrost, such as the former, fit for the purpose, so they asked me for my Papers, I told them I would not let them have them by reason they kept all the news from the people, so when they saw they could not get what I bought with my money, they sent me to Prison for bringing Traiterous and Trea­ sonable Libels and Papers of News, notwithstanding, I offered them security to the value of two thousand pounds.’ Boston in New England, Feb. 4. 1689. sworn before Elisha Hutchin­ son Assistant.

John Winslow.

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By these things it appears that it was absolutely necessary for the people in New England to seize Sir E. A. and his Complices, that so they might secure that ter­ ritory for their present Majesties King William and Queen Mary. 3. That Sir E. A. &c. did Make Laws destructive to the liberty of the Subjects, is notoriously known, for they made what Laws they pleased without any consent of the People, either by themselves or representatives, which is indeed to destroy the Fundamentals of the English, and to Erect a French Government. We cannot learn that the like was ever practised in any place where the English are Planters, but only where Sir E. A. hath been Governour: For whereas in New England by constant usage under their Charter Government, the Inhabitants of each Town did assemble as occasion offered to consider of what might conduce to the wel­ fare of their respective Towns, the relief of the poor, or the like, Sir, E. A. with a few of his council, made a Law prohibiting any Town meeting, except once a year, viz. on the third Monday in May. The Inhabitants of the Countrey were startled at this Law, as being apprehensive the design of it was to prevent the people in every Town from meeting to make complaints of their Grievances. And whereas by constant usage any person might remove out of the Countrey at his pleas­ ure, a Law was made that no man should do so without the Governours leave. And all Fishing Boats, Coasters, &c. were to enter into a thousand pound bond, whereby Fees were raised for himself and / creatures. This Law could not pass at Boston, because many of Sir Edmund’s Council there opposed it; but then a Junita of them meeting at New York, passed it; and after that Law was made, how should any dissatisfied persons ever obtain liberty to go for England to complain of their being oppressed by Arbitrary Governours? 4. But besides all this, They made Laws for the Levying Moneys without the consent of the People either by themselves or by an Assembly; for in order to the supporting of their own Government, they did by an Act bearing date March 3. 1686. raise considerable sums of Money on the Kings subjects in that part of his dominions, viz. a penny in the pound on all Estates personal or real, twenty pence per head as Poll Money, a penny in the pound for goods imported, besides an Excise on Wine, Rum and other Liquors. It hath indeed been pleaded that all this was but what the Laws of the Coun­ trey before the change of the Government did allow. But this is vainly pretended, for there was no such Law in force at the time when these sums were levied, the former Laws which did authorise it, were repealed Octob. 10. 1683. some years before Sir E. A. and his complices had invaded the Rights and Liberties of the people there. Moreover, in those, parts of the Countrey where there were never any such Laws in force, particularly in Plymouth Colony, this Money was levied, which they heavily complained of. Yet further, in another Act dated Feb. 15. 1687. they did without any colour of antient Law make an additional duty of Impost and Excise, which raised the duty, some ten shillings, some twenty

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shillings per Pipe on Wines, and so on other things. Nay they levied Moneys on Connecticot [sic] Colony contrary to their Charter, which was never vacated, than which nothing more Illegal and Arbitrary could have been perpetrated by them. 5. They did not only act according to these Illegal Taxes, but they did inflict severe punishment on those true English men who did oppose their Arbitrary pro­ ceedings, as shall be made to appear in many instances. When the Inhabitants of Ipswich in New England were required to choose a Commissioner to tax that Town, some principal persons there that could not comply with what was demanded of them, did modestly give their reasons, for / which they were com­ mitted to Goal, as guilty of high misdemeanours, and denied an Habeas Corpus, and were obliged to answer it at a Court of Oyer & Terminer at Boston. And that they might be sure to be found guilty, Jurors were picked of such as were no Free­ holders, nay of Strangers; the Prisoners pleading the priviledges of English men not to be taxed without their own consent, they were told that the Laws of Eng­ land would not follow them to the end of the Earth, they meant the priviledges of the English Law, for the penalties they resolved should follow them quo jure qud que injuria. And why should they insist on, and talk of the priviledges of English men, when it had been declared in the Governours Council, that the Kings Sub­ jects in New England did not differ much from Slaves, and that the only difference was, that they were not bought and sold? But to go on with the matter before us; In as much as the Prisoners mentioned had asserted their English Liberties, they were severely handled, not only imprisoned for several weeks, but fined and bound to their good behaviour; Mr. John Wise was fined fifty pound besides costs of Court, deprived of the means of his subsistance, and gave a thousand pound bond for good behaviour. And Mr. John Appleton was fined fifty pound and to give a thousand pound bond for good behaviour, and moreover declared incapable to bear Office, besides unreasonable Fees. After the same manner did they proceed with several others belonging to Ipswich. Likewise the Towns men of Rowley, Salisbury, Andover, &c. had the same measure. And the Kings Sub­ jects were not only oppressed thus in the Massachusetts Colony, but in Plymouth. For when Shadrach Wildboar the Town Clerk of Taunton in N. E. did, with the consent of the Town, Sign a modest Paper signifying their not being free to raise money on the Inhabitants without their own consent by an assembly, the honest man was for this committed close Prisoner, and after that punished with a Fine of twenty Marks and three Months Imprisonment, and bound to find sureties by Recognizance to appear the next Court, and to be of the good behaviour. As to the matter of fact, the persons concerned in these Illegal and Arbitrary Judg­ ments will not have the face to deny them; if they do, there are Affidavits now in London which will evince what hath been related whenever there shall be occa­ sion for it. /

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It is a vanity in Mr. Palmer, to think that he hath answered this by affirming, but not proving, that the Ipswich-men assembled themselves in a riotous manner; for that saying of his is very false. The World knows that New England is not the only place where honest men have in these late days been proceeded against as guilty of Riots, when they never deserved such a censure any more than these accused by Mr. Palmer. But the truth of what hath been thus far related is con­ firmed by the following Affidavits. ‘Complaints of great wrongs done under the Ill Government of Sir Edmund Androsse Governour in N. E. in the year 1687. ‘We John Wise, John, Andrews senior, Robert Kinsman, William Goodhue junior, all of Ipswich in New England, in the County of Essex, about the 22d day of August, in the year above named, were with several principal Inhabitants of the Town of Ipswich met at Mr. John Appletons, and there discoursed and con­ cluded that it was not the Towns Duty any way to assist that ill method of raising Money without a general Assembly, which was apparently intended by abovesaid Sir Edmund and his Council, as witness a late Act issued out by them for such a purpose. The next day in a general Town-Meeting of the Inhabitants of Ipswich; We the above named John Wise, John Andrews, Robert Kinsman, Wil­ liam Goodhue with the rest of the Town then met (none contradicting) gave our assent to the vote then made. ‘The ground of our trouble, our crime was the Copy transmitted to the Coun­ cil, viz. At a Legal Town meeting August 23. Assembled by vertue of an Order from John Usher Esq. Treasurer for choosing a Commissioner to join with the Select men, to assess the Inhabitants according to an Act of his Excellency the Governour and Council for laying of rates; the Town then considering that the said Act doth infringe their Liberty, as free born English Subjects of His Majesty by interfering with the Statute Laws of the Land, by which it was Enacted that no Taxes should be Levied upon the Subjects without consent of an Assembly chosen by the Freeholders for assessing of the same, they do therefore vote that they are not willing to choose a Commissioner for such an end without said priv­ iledge; and moreover consent not that the Select men do / proceed to lay any such rate until it be appointed by a general Assembly concurring with the Governour and Council. We the complainants with Mr. John Appleton and Thomas French all of Ipswich were brought to answer for the said vote out of our own County, thirty or forty Miles into Suffolk, and in Boston kept in Goal, only for contempt and high misdemeanours as our minimum specifies, and upon demand, denied the priviledge of an Habeas Corpus, and from Prison over ruled to answer at a Court of Oyer and Terminer in Boston aforesaid. Our judges were Mr Joseph Dudley of Roxbury in Suffolk in New England, Mr. Stoughton of Dorchester, John Usher of Boston Treasurer and Edward Randolph. He that officiates as Clerk and Attorney in the case is George Farwel.

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‘The Jurors only twelve men and most of them (as is said) Non-freeholders of any Land in the Colony, some of them Strangers and Forreigners, gathered up (as we suppose) to serve the present turn. In our defence was pleaded the repeal of the Law of Assessment upon the place. Also the Magna Charta of England, and the Statute Laws that secure the Subjects Properties and Estates &c. To which was replied by one of the Judges, the rest by silence assenting, that we must not think the Laws of England follow us to the ends of the Earth, or whither we went. And the same person (John Wise above-said testifies) declared in open Council upon examination of said Wise; Mr. Wise you have no more priviledges left you, than not to be sold for Slaves, and no man in Council contradicted. By such Laws our Trial and Trouble began and ended. Mr. Dudley aforesaid Chief Judge, to close up the debate and trial, trims up a speech that pleased himself (we suppose) more than the people. Among many other remarkable Passages, to this purpose, he bespeaks the Jury’s obedience, who (we suppose) were very well preinclined. viz. I am glad, says he, there be so many worthy Gentlemen of the Jury so capable to do the King service, and we expect a good Verdict from you, seeing the matter hath been so sufficiently proved against the Criminals. Note the evidence in the case as to the substance of it, was that we too boldly endeav­ oured to perswade our selves we were English Men, and under priviledges: and that we were all fix of us aforesaid at the Town meeting / of Ipswich aforesaid, and as the Witness supposed, we assented to the foresaid Vote, and also that John Wise made a Speech at the same time, and said we had a good God, and a good King, and should do well to stand for our Priviledges. – Jury returns us all six guilty, being all involved in the same Information. We were remanded from Verdict to Prison, and there kept one and twenty days for Judgement. There with Mr. Dudley’s approbation, as Judge Stoughton said, this Sentence was passed, viz. John Wise suspended from the Ministerial Function fine fifty pound money, pay cost, a thousand pound bond for the good behaviour one year. ‘John Appleton not to bear Office, fine 50 l. money, pay cost, a thousand pound bond for the good behaviour one year. John Andrews not to bear Office, fine 30 l. money, pay cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behaviour one year. ‘Robert Kinsman not to bear Office, fine twenty pound money, pay cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behaviour one year. ‘William Goodhue not to bear Office, fine twenty pound money, pay cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behaviour one year. ‘Thomas French not to bear Office, fine 15 l. Money, past cost, 500 l. bond for the good behaviour one year. ‘The Total Fees of this case upon one single Information demanded by Fare­ well above said amount to about a hundred and one pound seventeen shillings, who demanded of us singly about sixteen pound nineteen shillings six pence, the

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cost of Prosecution, the Fines added make up this, viz. Two hundred eighty and six pounds seventeen shillings money. Summa Totalis 286 l. 17 s. ‘To all which we may add a large account of other Fees of Messengers, Prison charges, Money for Bonds and Transcripts of Records, exhausted by those ill men one way and another to the value of three or fourscore pounds, besides our expence of time and imprisonment. ‘We judge the Total charge for one Case and Trial under one single Informa­ tion involving us six men abovesaid in expence of Time and Moneys of us and our Relations for our necessary Succour and Support to amount to more, but no less than 400 l. Money. / ‘Too tedious to illustrate more amply at this time, and so we conclude. John Wise, John Andrews Senior, William Goodhue Junior, Thomas French, these four persons named, and Robert Kinsman. ‘These four persons first named appeared the twentieth day of December, and Robert Kinsman appeared the one and twentieth day of December, 1689. and gave in their Testimony upon Oath before me Samuel Appleton Assistant for the Colony of the Massachusetts in New-England.’ 6. That those who were in confederacy with Sir E. A. for the enriching them­ selves on the Ruins of New-England, did Invade the Property as well as Liberty of the Subject, is in the next place to be cleared, and we trust will be made out beyond dispute. When they little imagined that there should ever be such a Rev­ olution in England as that which by means of His Present Majesty this Nation is Blest with, they feared not to declare their Sentiments to the inexpressible exas­ peration of the people whom they were then domineering over. They gave out that now their Charter was gone, all their Lands were the Kings, that themselves did Represent the King, and that therefore Men that would have any Legal Title to their Lands must take Patents of them, on such Terms as they should see meet to impose. What people that had the Spirits of Englishmen, could endure this? That when they had at Vast Charges of their own conquered a Wilderness, and been in possession of their Estates Forty, may Sixty years, that now a parcel of Stran­ gers, some of them indigent enough, must come and inherit all that the people now in New-England and their Fathers before them, had laboured for! Let the whole Nation judge, whether these Men were not driving on a French design, and had not fairly Erected a French Government. And that our Adversaries may not insult and say, these are words without proof, we shall here subjoyn the Tes­ timonies of the Reverend Mr. Higginson and several other worthy Persons, given in upon Oath, concerning this matter – ‘Being called by those in present Authority to give my Testimony to the Discourse between Sir Edmund Androsse and my self, when he came from the Indian War, as he passed through Salem going for Boston in March 1681 I can­

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not refuse it, and therefore declare as followeth, what was the substance / of that Discourse. Sir Edmund Androsse then Governour being accompanied with the Attorney General Graham, Secretary West, Judge Palmer, the Room being also full of other people, most of them his Attendants, he was pleased to tell me, he would have my judgment about this question; Whether all the Lands in NewEngland were not the Kings? I told him I was surprized with such a question, and was not willing to speak to it, that being a Minister, if it was a question about a matter of Religion, I should not be averse, but this being a State matter, I did not look upon it as proper for me to declare my mind in it, therefore entreated again and again that I might be excused. Sir E. A. replied and urged me with much importunity, saying, Because you are a Minister, therefore we desire to know your judgment in it, then I told him, if I must speak to it, I would only speak as a Minister from Scripture and Reason, not medling with the Law. He said, the Kings Attorney was present there to inform what was Law. I then said, I did not understand that the Lands of N. E. were the Kings, but the Kings Subjects, who had for more than Sixty years had the possession and use of them by a twofold right warranted by the Word of God. 1. By a right of just Occupation from the Grand Charter in Genesis 1st and 9th Chapters, whereby God gave the Earth to the Sons of Adam, and Noah to be subdued and replenished. 2. By a right of purchase from the Indians, who were Native Inhabitants, and had possession of the Land before the English came hither, and that having lived here Sixty years, I did certainly know that from the beginning of these Plantations our Fathers entered upon the Land, partly as a Wilderness and Vacuum Domicilium, and partly by the consent of the Indians, and therefore care was taken to Treat with them, and to gain their consent, giving them such a valuable consideration as was to their satisfaction, and this I told them I had the more certain knowledge of, because having learned the Indian Language in my younger time, I was at several times made use of by the Government, and by divers particular Plantations as an Interpreter in Treating with the Indians about their Lands, which being done and agreed on, the several Townships and proportions of Lands of particular Men were ordered, and / setled by the Government of the Countrey, and there­ fore I did believe that the Lands of New-England were the Subjects Properties, and not the Kings Lands. Sir E.A. and the rest replied, That the Lands were the Kings, and that he gave the Lands within such limits to his Subjects by a Charter upon such conditions as were not performed, and therefore all the Lands of New England have returned to the King, and that the Attorney General then present could tell what was Law, who spake divers things to the same purpose as Sir E.A. had done, slighting what I had said, and vilifying the Indian Title, saying, They were Brutes, &c. and if we had possessed and used the Land, they said we were the Kings Subjects and what Lands the Kings Subjects have, they are the Kings, and one of them used such an Expression, Where-ever an Englishman sets

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his foot, all that he hath is the Kings, and more to the same purpose. I told them that so far as I understood, were received only the right and power of Govern­ ment from the Kings Charter within such limits and bounds, but the right of the Land and Soil we had received from God according to his Grand Charter to the Sons of Adam and Noah, and with the consent of the Native Inhabitants as I had expressed before. They still insisted on the Kings right to the Land as before, whereupon I told them, I had heard it was a standing Principle in Law and Reason: Nil dat qui non haber; and from thence I propounded this Argu­ ment; he that hath no right, can give no right to another, but the King had no right to the Lands of America before the English came hither, therefore he could give no right to them. I told them, I knew not of any that could be pleaded but from a Popish Principle, that Christians have a right to the Lands of Heathen, upon which the Pope as the Head of the Christians had given the West Indies to the King of Spain, but this was disowned by all Protestants. Therefore I left it to them to affirm and prove the Kings Title. They replied and insisted much upon that, that the King had a right by his Subjects coming and taking possession of this Land. And at last Sir E.A. said with indignation, Either you are Subjects or you are Rebels, intimating, as I understood him according to the whole scope and rendency of his Speeches and Actions, that if we would not / yield all the Lands of N. E. to be the Kings, so as to take Patents for Lands, and to pay Rent for the same, then we should not be accounted Subjects but Rebels, and treated accordingly. There were many other various replies and answers on both sides, but this is the sum and substance of that discourse –’ John Higginson aged seventy four years. Stephen Seawall aged thirty two years. ‘John Higginson Minister in Salem personally appeared before me, Dec. 24. 1689. and made Oath to the truth of the abovesaid Evidence –’ John Hathorne Assistant. ‘Captain Stephen Seawall of Salem appeared before me, Dec. 24. 1689. and made Oath to the truth of the abovesaid Evidence.’ John Hathorne Assistant. ‘Joseph Eynde of Charles-towne in the County of Middlesex in N. E. being fifty three years of age, testifieth and saith, that in the year 1687. Sir Edmund Androsse then Governour of New-England did inquire of him the said Lynde what Title he had to his Lands, who shewed him many Deeds for Land that he the said Lynde possessed, and particularly for Land that the said Lynde was cer­ tainly informed would quickly be given away from him, if he did not use means

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to obtain a Patent for it. The Deed being considered by Sir E. A. he said, it was worded well, and recorded according to N. E. custom or words to the same pur­ pose. He further enquired how the Title was derived he the said Lynde told him, That he that he bought it of had it of his Father-in-law in Marriage with his Wife, and his said Father from Charles-towne, and the said Town from the General Court grant of the Massachusetts Bay, and also by purchase from the Natives, and he said, my Title were nothing worth if that were all. At another time after / shewing him an Indian Deed for Land, he said, that their hand was no more worth than a scratch with a Bears paw, undervaluing all my Titles, though every way legal under our former Charter Government. I then petitioned for a Patent for my whole Estate, but Mr. West Deputy Secretary told me, I must have so many Patents as there were Counties that I had parcels of Land in, if not Towns, finding the thing so chargeable and difficult I delayed, upon which I had a Writ of Intrusion served upon me in the beginning of the Summer 1688. the Copy whereof is in Charles-towne’s Mens complaint, and was at the same time with that of Mr. James Russel’s, Mr. Seawall’s, and Mr. Shrimpton’s, it being for the same Land in part that I shewed my Title unto Sir E.A. as above, being my self and those I derived it from possessed, inclosed, and improved for about Fifty years, at which time I gave Mr. Graham Attorney General three pounds in Money, prom­ ising that if he would let the Action fall I would pay Court charges, and give him Ten pound when I had a Patent compleated for that small parcel of Land, that said Writ was served upon me for, which I did because a Quaker that had the promise of it from the Governour, as I was informed in the Governors presence should not have it from me, the said Lynde, having about seven Acres more in the same common Field or Pasture, about a Mile from this forty nine Acres near unto the Land that the said Governour gave unto Mr. Charles Lidget, of divers of my Neighbours, which I concluded must go the same way that theirs went, and therefore though desired to be patented by the said Lynde with the forty nine Acres, he could not obtain a Grant for it. About the same time Mr. Graham Attorney General asked the said Lynde what he would do about the rest of his Land, telling him the said Lynde that he would meet with the like trouble about all the rest of his Lands that he possessed, and were it not for the Governours going to New-York at this time, there would be a Writ of Intrusion against every Man in the Colony of any considerable Estate, or as many as a Cart could hold, and for the poorer sort of people said Sir E. A. would take other measures, or words to the same purpose. The said Lynde further saith, That after Judgments obtained for small wrongs done / him, tryable by their own Laws before a Justice of the Peace, from whom they allowed no Appeals in small Causes: he was forced out of his own County by Writs of false Judgment; and although at the first superiour Court in Suffolk, the thing was so far opposed by Judge Stoughton as illegal, as that it was put by, yet the next Term by Judge Dudley and Judge Palmer,

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the said Lynde was forced to answer George Farewell Attorney aforesaid, then saying in open Court in Charles-town, that all Causes must be brought to Boston in Suffolk, because there was not honest men enough in Middlesex to make a Jury to serve their turns, or words to that purpose; nor did Suffolk, as appeared by their practice, for they made use of Non-Residents in divers cases there. I men­ tion not my damage, though it is great, but to the truth above-written I the said Lynde do set to my hand – ‘Boston the 14th of January, 1689 ‘Juratus coram me’ John Smith Assistant.

Joseph Lynde.

And that the practices of these men have been according to their Principles, destructive to the Property of the Subject, is now to be declared. It is a thing too well known to be denied, that some of Sir Edmunds Council begged (if they had not had secret encouragement no man believes that they would have done so) those Lands which are called The Commons belonging to several Townships, whereby Plymouth, Lyn, Cambridge, Road Island, &c. would have been ruinated, had these mens Projects taken effect. And not only the Commons belonging to Towns, but those Lands which were the Property of several particular persons in Charles-town, were granted from them. And Writs of Intrusion were issued out against Coll. Shrimpton, Mr. Samuel Seawall, and we know not how many more besides, That their Lands might be taken from them, under pretence of belonging to King James. An Island in the possession of John Pittome antiently appropriated to the maintenance of a Free-School, was in this way seized. How such men can clear themselves from the guilt of Sacrilegious Oppression, they had best consider. Mr. Palmer swaggers and hectors at a strange rate; for he hath these words, (p. 29.) ‘I should be glad to see that man who would bare-faced instance in one particular / grant of any mans Right or Possession passed by Sir E. A. during his Government’ – And what if we will thew him the men, that dare affirm as much or more than that ? what will he do? Me me adsum qui feci, in me convertite Ferrum. We will produce those that have said (and sworn as much as all this comes to. For John Pittome hath upon Oath declared, That James Sherlock, Sir Edmunds Sheriff, came on Dear Island on the 28th of January 1688. and turned him and his Family afloat on the Water when it was a Snowy day, although he was Ten­ ant there to Coll. Shrimpton, and that the said Sherlock put two men (whom he brought with him) into possession of the said Island (as he said) on behalf of King James the Second. Let him also know, that Mr. Shepard and Mr. Burrill of Lyn, and James Russell Esq; of Charles-towne in New-England have declared upon Oath as followeth.

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‘Jeremiah Shepard Aged forty two years and John Burril aged fifty seven years, we whose names are subscribed being made choice of by the Inhabitants of the Town of Lyn in the Massachusetts Colony in New England to maintain their right to their properties and Lands invaded by Sir Edmund Androsse Governour, we do testify that (besides Sir Edmund Androsse his unreasonable demands of Money by way of Taxation, and that without an assembly, and Deputies sent from our Town according to ancient custom, for the raising of Money or levying of Rates) our Properties, our honest and just and true Titles to our Land were also invaded, and particularly a great and considerable tract of Land called by the name of the Nahants, the only secure place for the Grazing of some thousands of our Sheep, and without which our Inhabitants could neither provide for their own Families, nor be capacited to pay dues or duties for the maintenance of the publick, but (if dispossessed of ) the Town must needs be impoverished, ruined, and rendered miserable, yet this very tract of Land being Petitioned for by Edward Randolph, was threatened to be rent out of our hands, notwithstanding our honest and just Pleas for our right to the said Land, both by alienation of the said Land to us from the Original Proprietors the Natives, to whom we paid our Moneys by way of purchase, and notwithstanding near fifty years peaceable and quiet possession and improvement, / and also inclosure of the said Land by a Stone Wall, in which tract of Land also two of our Patentees were interested in common with us, viz. Major Humphreys, and Mr. Johnson, yet Edward Randolph Petitioning for the said Land, Sir Edmund the Governour did so far comply with his unreasonable motion, that we were put to great charges and expences for the Vindication of our honest rights thereto, and being often before the Governour Sir Edmund and his Council for relief, yet could find no favour of our innocent cause by Sir Edmund, notwithstanding our Pleas of Purchase, antient Possession, Improvement, Inclosure, Grant of the General Court, and our necessitous condition, yet he told us all these Pleas were insignificant, and we could have no true Title unless we could produce a Patent from the King, neither had any person a right to one foot of Land in N. E. by vertue of Purchase, Possession or Grant of Courts, but if we would have assurance of our Lands, we must go to the King for it, and get Patents of it. Finding no relief (and the Governour having prohibited Town Meetings, we earnestly desired Liberty for our Town to meet, to consult what to do in so difficult a case and exigency, but could not prevail. Sir Edmund angrily telling us that there was no such thing as a Town in the Country, neither should we have Liberty so to meet, neither were our Antient Town Records (as he said) which we produced for the vindication of our Titles to said Lands worth a Rush. Thus were we from time to time unreasonably treated, our Properties, and civil Liberties and Priviledges invaded, our misery and ruine threatned and hastned, till such time as our Country groaning under the unreasonable heavy Yoke of Sir Edmunds Gov­ ernment were constrained forcibly to recover our Liberties and Priviledges.’ Jeremiah Shepard. John Burril.

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‘Jeremiah Shepard Minister, and John Burril Lieutenant, both of Lin, per­ sonally appeared before us, and made Oath to the truth of this Evidence, Salem. Feb. 3. 1689.’ John Hathorn. Jonathan Corwin.

Assistants./

‘James Russel Esq; on the behalf of the Proprietors of the stinted Pasture in Charlestown, and on his own personal account, declares as followeth. ‘That notwithstanding the answer made to Sir E. A. his demand by some Gentlemen of Charlestown on the behalf of the Proprietors, which they judged satisfactory, or at least they should have a further hearing and opportunity to make out their Rights, there was laid cut to Mr. Lidget adjoining to his Farm in Charlestown a considerable tract of Land (as it is said one hundred and fifty Acres) which was of considerable value, and did belong to divers persons, which when it was laid out by Mr. Wells there were divers bound marks shewed by the Proprietors, and some of them, and I had Petitioned for a Patent for my particu­ lar Propriety, yet the whole tract was laid out to the said Lidget, who not only did cut down Wood thereon, without the right owners consent, but Arrested some for cutting their own Wood, and so they were deprived of any means to use or enjoy their own Land. And notwithstanding there was about twenty Acres of Pasture Land and Meadow taken from the said Russel; and given to Mr. Lidget, yet afterwards there was a Writ of Intrusion served upon a small Farm belong­ ing unto the said Russel, unto which the aforesaid Pasture Land did belong, and had been long improved by Patrick Mark his Tenant, (and others good part thereof ) above fifty years, so that to stop Prosecution, the said Russell was forced to Petition for a Patent, he having a Tenant who was feared would comply in any thing that might have been to his prejudice, and so his Land would have been condemned under colour of Law, and given away as well as his Pastorage was without Law. Further the said Russel complains, that he having an Island in Cas­ cobay, called Long-Island, which his honoured Father long since bought of Mr. Walker, and was confirmed to James Russell by the General Court, and improved several years by Captain Davis, by moving as Tenant to the said Russell, and the said Russell hearing it was like to be begged away, caused his Writ to be entered in the Publick Records in Mr. West’s Office, which he paid for the Recording of; notwithstanding Sir E.A. ordered Capt. Clements (as he said) to survey the same, and he shewed / me a Plat thereof, and said, If I had a Patent for it, I must pay three pence per Acre, it being 650 Acres. He was further informed, That if the said Russell would not take a Patent for for it, Mr. Usher should have it –’ Per James Russell.

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‘Jan. 30. 1688. James Russell Esq; personally appeared before me, and made Oath to the truth of what is before written –’ William Johnson Assistant. Had not an happy Revolution happened in England, and so in New-Eng­ land, in all probability those few ill men would have squeezed more out of the poorer sort of people there, than half their Estates are worth, by forcing them to take Patents. Major Smith can tell them, that an Estate not worth 200 l. had more than 50 l. demanded for a Patent for it. And if their boldness and mad­ ness would carry them out to oppress the Rich after such a manner as hath been shewed, what might the Poor look for? Nevertheless, their Tyranny was beyond any thing that hath been as yet expressed: For if men were willing to bring their Titles to their Possessions to a Legal Tryal, they were not only threatened, but fined and persecuted, and used with barbarous Cruelty. When some Gentlemen in Boston resolved in a Legal way to defend their Title to an Island there, Sir Edmund’s Attorney threatned that it might cost them all that they are worth, and something besides, as appears by the following Affidavit. ‘The Deposition of Captain Daniel Turel, and Lieutenant Edward Willis Sworn say, That upon a Writ of Intrusion being served on Deer-Island belonging to the Town of Boston, and let unto Colonel Samuel Shrimpton by the Select Men of the said Town, the Rent whereof being of long time appropriated towards the maintenance of a Free School in the Town, we the Deponents two of the select Men of the said Town, do testifie, That meeting with Mr. James Graham upon the Town-house, and telling him, that if Colonel Shrimpton did decline to per­ sonate the case of the said Island, we the select Men would. The said Graham said, Are you the Men that will stand Suit against the King? We the Deponents told him / we would answer in behalf of the Town. The said Graham replied, There was no Town of Boston, nor was there any Town in the Countrey; we made answer we were a Town, and owned so to be by Sir Edmund Androsse Governor, in the Warrant seat us for the making a Rate; then the said Graham told us, We might stand the Tryal if we would, but bid us have a care what we did, saying, it might cost us all we were worth, and something else too, for ought he knew, and further these Deponents say not –’ Jan. 30 1689.

Daniel Turel. Edward Willis.

‘Captain Daniel Turel and Lieutenant Edward Willis appeared personally before me, and made Oath to the truth of what is above written.’ William Johnson Assistant.

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One of Sir Edmund’s Council and Creatures, Petitioned for an Island belong­ ing to the Town of Plymouth, and because the Agents of the said Town obtained a voluntary Subscription from the Persons concerned to bear the charge of the Suit; they were treated as Criminals, and against all Law, Illegally compelled to answer in another County, and not that where the pretended Misdemeanours were committed. And Mr. Wiswall the Minister of Duxbury having at the desire of some concerned transcribed a Writing which tended to clear the right they had to the Island in Controversie, and also concerning the above-said volun­ tary Subscription, both Transcribed in the Winter 1687. A Messenger was sent to bring him to Boston on the 21th June 1688. he was then lame in both Feet with the Gout, fitter for a Bed than a Journey, therefore wrote to the Governour, praying that he might be excused until he should be able to Travel, and engaged that then he would attend any Court, but the next Week the cruel Officer by an Express Order from Sir E.A. forced him to Ride in that condition, being shod with Clouts instead of Shoes; and when he came before the Council he was there made to stand till the anguish of his Feet and Shoulders / had almost overcome him; after he was dismissed from the Council, the Messenger came and told him, he must go to Goal, or enter into Bonds for his appearance at the next Superior Court held in Boston, and pay down 4 l. 2s. in Silver. His Sickness forced him to decline a Prison, and to pay the Money. At the next Superior Court he appeared in the same Lame and Sick condition, and the extremity of the Weather cast him into such a violent Fit of Sickness, that he was in the judgment of others nigh unto death, and he himself thought that he should soon be out of their Bonds, and at liberty to lay his Information against his Oppressors before the Righteous Judge of the whole World. After all this having been forced a third time out of his own County and Colony near Forty Miles, he was delivered from the Hands and Humours of his Tyrannical Oppressors, who had exposed him to great dif­ ficulties, charges, and to 228 Miles Travel in Journeying to and from Boston, directly opposite to the place where he ought to have been tryed, had he been guilty of any of the pretended Misdemeanours, none of which his worst Enemies ever had the Face to read in open Court, or openly to charge him with to this day. Now shall such Men as these talk of Barbarous Usage who have themselves been so Inhumane? Quis tuleris Gracchos de seditione querentes! 7. As for Sir E.A. his supplying the Indians with Ammunition in the time of actual War with them, the following Testimonies confirmed the people of N.E. in the belief of it. ‘Lenox Beverley aged about twenty five years being Sworn, saith, That he being Souldier at Pemyquid the Winter time 1688. where was Captain General Sir E.A. Knight, there came to the Fort where Sir E.A. then was, two Squaws, the one Madocowandos Sister, and the other Moxis Wife (as was said,) and two

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other Indian Women that went along with them; they were in the Fort with Sir Edmund two days, and when they came forth they seemed to be half drunk, this Deponent and Peter Ripley was commanded to Guard these Squaws from Pemyquid to New Harbour, being in distance about two Miles, and as we passed on the way Madocowandos Sister laid / down her Burden in the Snow and com­ manded the Deponent to take it up, whereupon the Deponent looked into the Basket, and saw a small Bag which he opened, and found it to be Gunpowder, which he judged five pounds weight, and a Bag of Bullets of a greater weight, and the weight of the Basket I took up, was as much as the Deponent could well carry along, and the other three Squaws had each one of them their Bas­ kets, which appeared rather to be of greater than lesser burden, than that the Deponent carried, which were all of them loaden, and brought out of the Fort, and Madocowandos Sister said the had that Powder of Sir Edmund, and added, that she was to come again to him within four days –’ Boston,

Aug. 17. 1689.

Sworn in Council. Attests /s. Addington Secretary.

Lenox X Beverley

his mark.

‘Gabriel Wood of Beverly aged about twenty four years, testifies, That being one of the Souldiers that was out the last Winter past, Anno 1688. in the East­ ward parts, and under the command of Sir Edmund Androsse, and being then at Pemyquid with him, was commanded by him the said Sir E. together with so many more of the Souldiers as made up two Files to Guard and safely Conduct three Indian Women from Pemyquid aforesaid to New Harbour, which said Indian Women were all laden, and to my certain knowledge one of the said Women had with her in her said Journey a considerable quantity of Bullets, which she brought with her from Pemyquid aforesaid, and to my best apprehension, she had also a considerable quantity of Powder in a Bag in her Basket, but I did not see that opened, as I did see the Bullets, neither dared I be very inquisitive, the rest of the Souldiers in company with me seeing the Indians so supplied with Ammunition (as we all apprehended they were by our Governour and Captain General Sir E.A. aforesaid) we did very much question amongst our selves, whether the said Sir E. did not intend the destruction of our Army, and brought us thither to be a Sacrifice to our Heathen Adversaries –’ The mark of Gabriel [A] Wood. / Gabriel Wood of Beverley in the County of Essex, personally appeared before me at Salem in N.E. Jan. 29. 1689. and made Oath to the Truth of the above said Evidence. John Hatherne Assistant.

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8. That the Indians declared they were encouraged by Sir E. A. to make War upon the English, is most certainly true, although the Lying Author of that Scan­ dalous Pamphlet, called New-Englands Faction discovered, has the impudence to say, that it is certainly false. Two Indians, Waterman and David, testifie that the Maquas Indians sent a Messenger to Pennicock, to inform that Sir E.A. had been tampering to engage them to fight against the English. Another Indian called Solomon Thomas, affirmed, that Sir Edmund gave him a Book, and that he said that Book was better than the Bible, that it had in it the Picture of the Virgin Mary, and that when they should fight at the Eastward, Sir Edmund would sit in his Wigwam, and say, O brave Indians! Another Indian named Joseph (who was in hostility against the English) bragged that the Governour had more love for them than for the English. Another Indian named John James, did of his own voluntary mind declare to several in Sudbury, that Sir E.A. had hired the Indians to kill the English: The men to whom he thus expressed himself, reproved him, and told him that they believed he belied Sir E.A. and therefore they secured him, and complained to a Justice of Peace, by which means he was brought to Boston, but Sir E. instead of punishing, was kind to the Indian, when as both the Justice and the Sudbury man had (to use Mr. Palmers phrase) horrible usage, by means whereof an Alarm and Terrour ran through the Countrey, fearing some mischievous design against them. That this Relation is not a feigned story, the ensuing Testimonies make to appear. ‘The Testimony of Waterman, and David, Indians, saith, That the Maquas sent a Messenger to Pennicock to inform, that Governour, Edmund Androsse hired the Maquas to fight the English, and paid down to them one Bushel of white Wompon, and one Bushel of black Wompon, and three Cartloads of Mer­ chants goods, trucking Cloath and Cotton Cloath, and Shirt Cloath, and other goods. The Maquas said, That the English were their good Friends, and said, they would not / fight them, for the English never wronged them, but the Maq­ uas took the pay on account of the Maquas helping the English to fight their Enemies the last War.’ Davids X mark. Witness our hands Watermans Qmark. Teit.

Cornelius Waldo Senior,

Moses Parker,

Thomas Read.

The two Indians above-mentioned Waterman and David, appeared the 4th day, of May 1689. and to the Council then sitting owned the above-written to be truth! Isa. Addington Secretary.

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Rochester in the King’s Province, Sept. 16. 1688. ‘Samuel Eldred junior of Rochester came before Arthur Fenner and John Fones Esq; two of His Majesties Justices of the Peace, and did declare upon Oath, that on the Evening before an Indian whom he had seized, by name Joseph, did in an insulting and vaunting manner say, There was 500 at Marthas Vineyard, 700 at Nantucket, and 400 at Chappaquessot, all very well armed, and in a better manner than him the said Samuel Eldred, and that our Governour did not dare to disarm them, for that the Governour had more love for them, the said Indians, than for His Majesties Subjects the English. The said Indian being brought before us, and examined, did confess the greatest part of what was sworn against him, and owned that he was one of them that were in hostility against the English in the late Wars, upon which the said Indian was committed to Gaol.’ Per Arthur Fenner, John Jones. ‘The Testimony of Joseph Graves aged 46 years or thereabout, and Mary Graves about 30 years, of John Rutter aged about 40 years, witness that on the 2d day of January 1688. Salomon Thomas Indian, being at the house of Joseph Graves, in the Town of Sudbury, said, that when the Fight at the Eastward should be, if the Indians had the better of it, as the English did / retreat, the Friend Indians were to shoot them down, but if the English get the day, we say nothing, and that in the Spring French and Irish would come to Boston, as many, and all won Indians, for that was the first place that was to be destroyed, and after that the Countrey Towns would be all won nothing. And further, the said Solomon said, that the Governour had given him a Book, which said Governour said, was better than the Bible, and all that would not turn to the Governours Religion, and own that Book, should be destroyed. In which Book he the said Thomas said was the Picture of our Saviour, and of the Virgin Mary, and of the Twelve Apostles; and the Governour said, when we pray, we pray to the Virgin Mary; and when the Fight should be at the Eastward, the Governour would sit in his Wigwam, and say, O brave Indians! Whereupon John Rutter told the Indian, that he deserv’d to be hanged for speaking such things, but the Indian replied, it was all true. Upon the hearing this discourse, we resolved to come to Boston, and acquaint Authority with it, but by reason of the sickness of Jos. Graves, we could not presently, but as soon as conveniently we could, we accordingly appeared at Boston with our Information, which the said Joseph Graves carried to Mr. Bullivant a Justice of the Peace.’ Joseph Graves,

John X Rutler Signum.

Mary Y Graves mark.

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‘Boston, Jan. 28. 1689. Joseph and Mary Graves came and made Oath to the truth above written; ‘Before me William Johnson Assistant, That when the English secured some of the Indians mentioned, and brought them before Sir E.A. Justices, they were basely & barbarously used for their pains, the following Affidavits shew.’ Sudbury in New-England, March 22. 1681. ‘Thomas Browne aged about Forty four years, and John Goodenow aged about Fifty four years, John Growt Senior, aged near Seventy years, Jacob Moore aged about 44 years, Jonathan Stanhope aged about 57 years, and John Parmiter aged about 50 years, all Inhabitants of the Town of Sudbury aforesaid, do witness that we heard John James, Indian, of his own voluntary mind, say, That the / Governour was a Rogue, and had hired the Indians to kill the English, and in particular, had hired Wohawhy to kill Englishmen, and that the Governour had given the said Wohawhy a gold Ring, which was his Commission, which gold Ring the said Wohawhy sold to Jonathan Prescots for two shillings in money: Whereupon we replied, Sirrah, you deserve to be hanged for what you say. John James the Indian replied, What you Papist, all one Governour. I speak it before Governours very face. This discourse of John James Indian, was at the place, and on the day above-written.’ Thomas Browne, John Goodenow, Jacob Moore, Jonathan Stanhope, John Parmiter. ‘Thomas Browne and John Goodenow, two of the Subscribers above, having received this Declaration from John James the Indian, we thought it our duty forthwith to inform Authority, and did with the Indian presently go to Water­ town to Justice Bond, where the said John James did voluntarily give his Testimony before the said Justice Bond, which after he had taken, the said Justice Bond ordered us the said Thomas Browne and John Goodenow to make our appearance before the Governour Sir E.A. or one of the Council with the Indian, which accordingly we did, when we came to the Governours house; after long waiting in a very wet and cold season, we were admitted unto the Governours presence, where we were detained until eleven or twelve a Clock at night, and after a very unkind Treat, we humbly prayed his Excellency, he would please to discharge us of the Indian, but he told us no, and joaked us, saying, we were a couple of brave men, and had the command, one of a Troop of Horse, and the other a Company of Foot, and could we not know what to do with a poor Indian? Further, he asked us what money we gave the Indian to tell us such news, and commanded

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us still to take care of the Indian till his pleasure was to call for us again, and this as we would answer it. Thus being severely chidden out of his presence, we were forced with the Indian to seek our quarters where we / could find them. The next morning we were preparing to go home again to Sudbury (being 20 miles or more) being Saturday, we were again sent for by the Governour by a Mes­ senger, to wait on the Governour with the Indian, which we did, and waited at the Exchange or Council-house in Boston, from nine a Clock in the morning till three of the Clock in the afternoon, where in the face of the Countrey we were made to wait upon the Indian with many squibs and scoffs that we met withal; at last we were commanded up before the Governour and his Council, where we were examined apart over and over, and about the Sun-setting were granted leave to go home, it being the Evening before the Sabbath.’ Thomas Browne, John Goodenow. ‘On Munday Morning following being the 25th of March. 1689. Jacob Moore, Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, Joseph Moore, Obadiah Ward, were by Thomas Larkin as a Messenger fetched down to Boston, where after Examination, Jacob Moore was committed to close Prison. Joseph Moore, Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, and Obadiah Ward were sent home again, paying the said Larkin twelve shillings per Man. On the next Monday Morning after, being the first day of April 1689. Samuel Gookin the Sheriff of Middlesex and his Deputy came up to Sudbury, and commanded Thomas Browne, John Goodenow Senior, John Growt Senior, Jonathan Stanhope, John Parmiter, forthwith to appear at Boston, at Collonel Page’s House, but it being a Wet and Cold Day, we were detained at Judge Dudleys house at Roxbury, where after long waiting, had the kindness shewn us, to have an examination every man apart before Judge Dudley, Judge Stoughton, Mr. Graham and others, and were bound over to answer at the next Superiour Court to be held at Boston, what should there be objected against us upon his Majesties account. Thomas Browne, John Goodenow Senior, John Growt Senior, were each of them bound over in three hundred pound Bonds, and each man two sureties in three hundred pound Bond a piece. John Parmiter and Jonathan Stanhope, were bound in a hundred pound a piece, besides the loss of our time and hindrance of our Business, the reproach and ignominy of / Bond and Imprisonment, we shall only take the boldness to give a true account of what money we were forced to expend out of our own Purses as followeth, to the Sheriff and other necessary Charges.’ Thomas Browne. J. Goodenow. Senior. J. Growt Senior.

l. 2 2 0

s. 00 00 10

d. 00 00 00

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J. Rutter Junior. Joseph Curtis. Jacob Moore. Jonathan Stanhope. John Parmiter. Joseph Graves ‘Boston the 21st. of Decemb. 1689. Jurat. cor. Isaac Addington Assistant.’

l. 3 0 3 0 0 3

s. 05 17 00 15 15 15

243

d. 00 00 00 00 00 00

Thomas Browne. John Goodenow. Jacob Moore. Jonathan Stanhope. Joseph Curtis. John Parmiter.

Altho no man does accuse Sir Edmund meerly upon Indian Testimony, yet let it be duly weighed (the premises considered) whether it might not create sus­ picion and an astonishment in the people of New England, in that he did not punish the Indians who thus charged him, but the English who complained of them for it. And it is certain, that some very good and wise men in New England do verily believe that he was deeply guilty in this matter, especially considering what might pass, between him and Hope Hood an Indian, concerning which Mr. Thomas Dantforth the present Deputy Governour at Boston in New England, in a Letter bearing date April 1. 1690. writeth thus – ‘The Commander in chief of those that made this spoil (i.e.) the spoil which was made in the Province of Maine on the 18th of March last, is Hope Hood an Indian, one that was with fundry other Indians in the summer 1688 seized by some of Sir Edmunds Justices and Commanders in the Province of Maine, and sent Prisoners to Boston, Sir E. being then at the Westward, where he con­ tinued absent many weeks; upon his return finding the Indians in Prison, fell into a great rage against those Gentlemen that had acted therein, declared his resolution to / set them at liberty and calling his Council together, was by some opposed therein, and among others, one Gentleman of the Council accused this Hope Hood to be a bloody Rogue, and added that he the said Hope Hood, had threatned his Life, and therefore prayed Sir E. that he might not be enlarged, but Sir E. made a flout and scorn of all that could be said. At the same time some of the Council desired Sir E. that this Hope Hood might be sent for before the Council, to which he replied, that he never had had a quarter of an hours confer­ ence with any of them, and that he scorned to discourse with any Heathen of them all, yet all this notwithstanding, at the same time whilst the Council was thus met, did Sir Edmund privately withdraw himself, and repair to the Prison where this Hope Hood was Prisoner, and did there continue with him two or

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three hours in private, the truth of what is above related is attested by sundry Gentlemen that were of Sir Edmunds Council, and were then Ear Witnesses and likewise by others that saw Sir E. at the Prison; and it is now verily believed that at that very time be consulted the mischief that is now acted by the said Hope Hood and Company.’ Thus Mr. Dantforth. 9. That Sir Edmund Androsse discountenanced making defence against the Indians, is complained of by five Gentlemen who were of his Council, and much concerned at his strange actings in that matter as in the account annext to this Apology is to be seen. It is also confirmed by the Affidavits of two honest men – ‘Henry Kerley aged about fifty seven years and Thomas How aged thirty five years or thereabouts, both Inhabitants of the Town of Malborough, do both tes­ tifie that in the Fall of the year, 1688. When Sir Edmund. Androsse came from New York. to Boston, sometime after the Indians had killed some English men at North-field in New England, coming through our Town of Malborough, the said Sir E. A. examined this Deponent Henry Kerley by what Order we did Fortify and Garrison our Houses, I answered it was by order of Captain Nicholson, the said Sir E. then said, he had no power so to do. He the said Sir E. examined what Arms we made use of, and carried with us on the Watch, and what charge was given us, answer was made by the Deponent, they carried Fire Arms, and the charge / was to keep a true Watch, to examine all we met with, and secure suspicious persons that we met with, the said Sir E. said what if they will not be secured, and what if you should kill them, answer was made by the Deponent, that if we should kill them, we were in our way, then Mr. Randolph being there in the company said, you are in the way to be hanged. Sir E. A. said further that those persons that had left their Houses to dwell in Garrisons, if they would not return, others should be put in that would live there. ‘Boston the 27th of Decemb. 1689. Ju. Henry Kerley, and the 2d of Jann. 1689. Jur, Thomas How. Cor. If. Addington. Assistant.’

Henry Kerley. Thomas How.

That Sir Edmunds High Sheriff was a Stranger in the Country, and one that had no Estate there needs no proof, and that Strangers who had no Freehold, were Impannelled for Jurors is notoriously known. So it was in the case of the Ipswichmen as hath been noted, and when that Reverend person Mr. Charles Morton, was causelesly and maliciously prosecuted, he was not only compelled to answer (contrary to Law) in another County, and not in that wherein the good Sermon they found fault with, was Preached, but that if possible, they might give him a blow, there was summoned to serve as a Jury man, one John Gibson no House­ holder nor of any Estate or Credit, and one John Levingsworth a Bricklayer, who lived in another Colony two hundred Miles distance. When those in Govern­

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ment will use such base Artifices as these to accomplish their pernicious designs, how should any mans Estate or Life be secure under them? 11. That the persons objected against, were some of them guilty of great extor­ tion is manifest from what hath been related, and may yet be further proved, for (as by some instances we have already seen, and shall now hear more) they compelled men to take Patents for their own Lands, which they, and their Fathers before them, had quietly possessed till these covetous Creatures became a Nusance to the Country, and it may be none more Criminal, as to this particular, than Mr. Palmer and Mr. West. – A Friend of their own viz. Mr. Randolph4 does in several of / his Letters bit­ terly complain of them upon this account. In a Letter of his of August the 25th 1687. he writeth thus. ‘I believe all the Inhabitants in Boston will be forced to take Grants and Con­ firmations of their Lands, as now intended, the Inhabitants of the Province of Maine which will bring in vast profits to Mr. West, he taking what Fees he pleases to demand. I shall always have a due Honour and Respect for his Excellency, but I must buy his Favour at three or four hundred pound a year loss. And in another to the same, June 21. 1688 he hath these words. I went to one Shurte, Town Clerk of Pemyquid to know what Leases were made lately, and by whom, and for what quit Rent, he told me that above a year ago Captain Palmer, and Mr. West produced to them a Commission from Collonel Dungan,5 to dispose of all their Lands to whoever would take leases at five shillings the hundred Acres quit Rent. They let there and at a place called Dartmouth twelve or sixteen Miles distant from Pemyquid about one hundred and forty Leases, some had eight hundred or ten hundred Acres, few less than a hundred, some but three or four Acres, and all paid 2 l. 10 s. for passing their Grants of 100 Acres of Wood Land, with twenty Acres of Marsh where ever it could be found, but this bred a great mischief among the People; few or none have their Land measured or marked, they were in haste, and got what they could, they had their Emissaries amongst the poor people, and frighted them to take Grants, some came and complained to the Governour, and prayed him to confirm their Rights, which be refused to do, the Commission and whole proceeding being Illegal, having notice they were to be under his Government, they resented it, but it served their turn. The poor have been very much oppressed here, the Fort run all to ruine, and wants a great deal to repair it, Captain Palmer and Mr. West laid out for themselves such large lots. and Mr. Graham though not there, had a Childs Portion, I think some have eight thousand or ten thousand Acres. I hear not of one penny rent coming in to the King, from them who have their Grants confirmed at York, and the five shillings an hundred Acres was only a Sham upon the People: at our return we saw very good Land at Winter Harbour, enough to make large settlements for many people. The Governour will have it first measured and / then surveyed, and then will dis­

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pose of it for settlements. Mr. Graham and his Family are setled at Boston, he is made Attorney General, and now the Governor is safe in his New York Confidents, all others being Strangers to his Council. ’Twas not well done of Palmer and West to tear all in pieces that was setled and granted at Pemyquid by Sir E. that was the Scene where they placed and displaced at pleasure and were as Arbitrary as the great Turk. Some of the first setlers of that Eastern Country were denied Grants of their own Lands, whilst these men have given the Improved Lands amongst them­ selves of which I suppose Mr. Hutchinson hath complained. In another, May the 16th 1689 he says; I must confess there have been ill men from New-York who have too much studied the disease of this people, and both in Courts and Coun­ cils, they have not been treated well.’ Thus does Edward Randolph, a Bird of the same Feather with themselves confess the truth, as to this matter, concerning his Brother Palmer and West. And that Oppressive Fees have been extorted by Indigent and Exacting Offic­ ers is declared by Mr. Hinckley6 the present Governour of New-Plymouth in his Narrative of the Grievances and Oppressions of Their Majesties good Subjects in the Colony of New-Plymouth in New-England, by the Illegal and Arbitrary Actings in the Late Government under Sir E.A. which Narrative is too large to be here inserted, but it is possible it may be published by it self, whereby it will appear that every corner in the Countrey did ring with complaints of the Oppressions, and (to speak in Mr. Palmer’s phrase) horrible Usages of these ill Men. Some passages out of Mr. Hinckley’s Narrative respecting this matter, we shall here Transcribe whose words are these which follow. ‘The Bill of Cost Taxed by Judge Palmer seems also to be the greatest Extor­ tion ever heard of before, as thrice twenty Shillings for three motions for judgment at the same Term, (and was it not their courtesie they did not move ten times one after another at the same rate) and Taxed also, five pound for the Kings Attorney, and one and twenty Shillings for the Judges, and ten Shillings for the Sheriff, and other particulars as by the said Bill appeareth, and that which makes it the greater Extortion is, that the whole Bill of Cost was exacted of every one of them, which each of them must pay down, or be kept Prisoners till they did, though all seven of them were jointly / informed against in one Informa­ tion.’ Thus Mr. Hinckley. The cry of poor Widows and Fatherless is gone up to Heaven against them on this accounts for the Probate of a Will and Letter of Administration above fifty Shillings hath been extorted out of the hands of the Poor, nay they have been sometimes forced to pay more than four Pounds, when not much above a Crown had been due. Let Andrew Sergeant and Joseph Quilter among many others speak if this be not true, who were compelled to Travel Two Hundred Miles for the Probate of a Will, and to pay the unreasonable and oppressive Fees complained of, –

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Besides these things, under Sir Edmund’s Government they had wicked ways to extort Money when they pleased. Mr. William Coleman complains (and hath given his Oath accordingly) that upon the supposed hired Evidence of one Man he sustained Forty Pound damage in his Estate. And there were complaints all over the Countrey that Sir Edmund’s Excise men would pretend Sickness on the Road, and get a Cup of Drink of the Hospitable People, but privately drop a piece of Money, and afterwards make Oath that they bought Drink at those Houses, for which the Innocent Persons were fined most unreasonably, and which was extorted from them, though these Villanies were declared and made known to those then in Power. William Goodhue, James and Mary Dennis might be pro­ duced as Witnesses hereof, with many more. Some of Sir Edmund’s Creatures have said, That such things as these made his Government to stink. Also John Hovey and others complain of sustaining Ten Pound damages by the Extortion of Officers, though never any thing (they could hear of ) was charged upon them to this day, John and Christopher Osgood complain of their being sent to Prison nine or ten days without a Mittimus,7 or any thing laid to their charge, and that afterwards they were forced to pay excessive charges – It would fill a Volume, if we should produce and insert all the Affidavits which do confirm the truth of these complaints. In the time of that unhappy Government, if the Officers wanted Money, it was but Seizing and Imprisoning the best Men in the Countrey for no fault in the World, and the greedy Officers would hereby have Grist to their Mill. Thus / was Major Appleton dealt with. Thus Captain Bradstreet. Thus that worthy and worshipful Gentleman Nathaniel Salstoristal Esquire was served by them and barbarously prosecuted, without any Information or Crime laid to his charge; for he had done nothing worthy of Bonds, but it was the pleasure of Sir E. and some others thus to abuse a Gentleman far more Honourably descended than himself, and one concerned in the Government of N.E. before him, but (to his Eternal Renown) one who refused to accept of an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission, when in the Reign of the Late K. James it was offered to him – We have now seen a whole Jury of complaints which concur in their Ver­ dict against Sir E. A. and his Confederates. Were these things to be heard upon the place, where the Witnesses who gave in their Affidavits are resident, they would amount to legal proof, as to every particular which was by the Agents of the Massachusetts Colony in N. E. objected against Sir E. A. and other Seized and Secured by the people there. Moreover, there are other matters referring to Sir E. A. which caused great, and almost Universal Jealousie of him. For, 1. His Commission was such as would make any one believe that a Courtier in the time of the Late King James spoke true, who said Sir E. A. was sent to New-England on purpose to be a Plague to the people there. For he with three or four more (none of them chosen by the

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people, but rather by that Implacable Enemy who prosecuted the Quo Warran­ to’s against their Charters, had power given them to make Laws, and raise what Moneys they should think meet for the support of their own Government, and he had power himself alone to send the best and most useful Men a Thousand Miles, (and further if he would) out of the Countrey, and to Build Cities and Castles (in the Air if he could) and demolish them again, and make the Purses of the Poor people pay for it all. Such a Commission was an unsufferable grievance, and no honest Englishman would ever have accepted of it, or acted by it – Secondly Jealousies were augmented by his involving the Countrey in a War with the Indians, by means whereof he hath occasioned the Ruine of many Fam­ ilies and Plantations; yea the Death, or Captivity of we know not how many Souls. For he went (with the Rose Frigat, and violently seized, and took, / and car­ ried away, in a time of peace all the Houshold Goods and Merchandises of Monsieur Casteen a Frenchman at Penobscot who was Allied to the Indians, having Mar­ ried the Daughter of one of their Princes whom they call Sagamores or Sachems; and when this was done, it was easie to foresee, and was generally concluded that the French and Indians would soon be upon the English, as it quickly came to pass. After the Flame was kindled, and Barbarous Outrages committed by the Indians, Sir Edmund’s managery was such as filled the Countrey with greater fears of an horrid design. For Bloody Indians whom the English had secured, were not only dismissed, but rather courted than punished by him. 3. It cannot be exprest what just and amazing fears surprized the People of New-England, when they had notice of the Late King James’s being in France, lest Sir E. A. whose Governour and Confident he was, should betray them into the Power of the French King, other circumstances concurring to strengthen these fears. The Mohawks and other Indians were in hostility against the French, and it was very advantagious to the English Interest to have it so, but Sir E. caused them to make a Peace with the French, whereby the French Interest in those parts was strengthened, and the English weakened. Mr. Peter Reverdy8 (a French Protes­ tant) in his Memoirs concerning Sir E. A. complains of this. After that Sir E. A. and his Complices were secured, such reports and infor­ mations came to hand, as made New-England admire the Divine Providence in accomplishing what was done against the late Oppressors. They then saw the persons from whom they suspected the greatest danger, were now incapable of betraying them – If an unaccountable Instinct and Resolution had not animated the Inhabit­ ants in and about Boston, to seize on those few men, the People there believe N. E. would have been in the hands not of King William but King Lewis e’re this day: For in Sept. 1689. several Vessels belonging to N. E. were taken near Canfir in America by some French Men of War. The Prisoners since at liberty, inform, that the French told them, that there was a Fleet of Ships bound from France directly for Boston in N. E. but some of them were taken by the English Ships

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of War, / and three or four of them lost at New-found-land, and that Sir E.A. had sent to the French King for them to come over, and the Countrey should be delivered up. And the Lieutenant of a French-man of War prosessed, that if Sir E. A. had not been imprisoned, they would then have gone to Boston. This shews what a good Opinion the French had of him, and such reports so testified made a strange impression on the spirits of the People throughout the Countrey: And that the World may see we do not write Fictions of our own, the subsequent Affidavits are produced and here inserted. ‘John Lang ford of Salem testifieth, That he being in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, Daniel Gygles Commander, they were taken by the French Ships off of Tarbay in America near Cansir on Tuesday the 17th day of September last past, and being put on board of the Admiral, viz. The Lumbuscado, and in the said Ship carried a Prisoner to Port Royal, and then did hear several of the Company on board the said Ship say, that they came directly from France, and that there was ten or twelve Sail of them Ships of War that came in company together, but some of them were taken upon the Coast of France, and some were lost since, and that they were all bound directly for N.E. and that Sir E. A. late Governour of N.E. had sent to the French King for them to come over, and the Countrey should be delivered up into his hands, and that they expected that before they should arrive, it would have been delivered into the hands of the French.’ John Lang ford. ‘Benjamin Majery of Salem Jersey-man also testifieth, That he being taken the same day, and at the same place in the Ketch Diligence, Gilbert Peters Com­ mander, as is abovesaid in the Evidence of John Lang ford, he heard the same related, by several of the company on board the other French Ship of War that was in company with the Lumbuscado; viz. The Frugum, so called, that there was ten Sail of them came out directly from: France together; that Sir E.A. late Governour of N.E. had sent to the King of France for them to come over, and he would deliver the Countrey into their hands, / and that they were bound directly for Boston in N.E. but had lost most of their Ships coming over.’ The mark M of Benjamin Majery. ‘John Lang ford and Benjamin Majery both made Oath to the truth of these their respective Evidences in Salem, Novemb. 23. 1689.’ Before me John Hathorne Assistant. ‘Joshua Conant testifieth; That he being Commander of the Ketch, Thomas and Mary of Salem, he was taken by three French Ships off from Tarbay, near Cansir, upon Tuesday the 17th of September last, two of which were Ships of War, the other a Merchant-man, and being put on board the Admiral, viz. the

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Lumbuscado, and therein carried to Port-Royal, a Prisoner, Mr. Mero told me that the French on board told him, that there was ten Sail of them Ships of War came out in company together from France, and that they came directly from France, and were bound to Boston in N.E. and that Sir E.A. had sent to the French King for them, and that the Countrey was to be delivered up into their hands; but having lost several of their Ships in their Voyage, and hearing that Sir E.A. was taken, and now in hold, should not proceed at present, but threatned what they would do the next Summer.’ Joshuah Conant. ‘Joshuah Conant personally appeared before me; and made Oath to the truth of the abovesaid Evidence. Salem, Novemb. the 23d. 1689.’ John Hathorne Assistant. ‘Phillip Hilliard of Salem, Jersey-man testifieth, That he was taken by the French in a Ketch belonging to Salem; viz. The Thomas and Mary, Joshua Contant. Com­ mander off from Torbay near Cansir, this Autumn Septemb 17. and being carried on board the Lumbuscado, did on board the said Ship hear several of the company say, that there was about twelve Sail of them, Ships of War, came out in company together from France, / and were bound directly for Boston in N.E. and that Sir E.A. the late Governour there had sent into France for them to come over.’ The mark 8 of Phillip Hilliard. ‘Phillip Hilliard personally appeared before me, and made Oath to the truth of the above said Evidence. Salem, Novemb. the 23. 1689.’ John Hathorne Assistant. ‘James Cocks of Salem Mariner testifieth, That he was taken by the French in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, Daniel Gygles Commander on Tuesday the 17th of September last past off from Tarbay near Cansir by two French Ships of War, who had one Merchant-man in company with them, and he being carried on board their Admiral, viz. the Lumbuscado, he there met with a man he had known in London, one of the said Ships Company, who was a Biscay born, named Peter Goit, who told him that there was thirteen Ships of them came out of France in company together, and that they were bound directly for Boston in New-England, expecting that the Countrey was before, or would be at their coming delivered up to the King of France, and told him, before they could get clear of the Coast of France, several of their Ships were taken by the English Ships of War, and the rest of their Fleet taken or dispersed and lost about New-found-land.’ The mark SS of James Cocks.

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‘James Cocks personally appeared before me, and made Oath ‘to the truth of the abovesaid Evidence. Salem, Nov. 23. 1689.’ John Hathorne Assistant. But as to one of the Crimes objected against Sir E. A. and his Arbitrary Com­ plices, Habemus confitentem reum.9 Mr. Palmer cannot deny but that they levied moneys on the King’s Subjects in New-England, contrary to the fundamentals of the English Government, which doth not allow the imposition of Taxes without a Parliament. The New-Englanders supposed that their late / Oppressors had been guilty of no less than a capital Crime by their raising Money in such a way as they did; and we are assured that one of them after he received, and before he acted by vertue of his illegal Commission from the Late King, professed, that if ever he had an hand in raising a penny of Money without an Assembly, his neck should go for it; and yet no man that we know of had a deeper hand in it than this person had. But Mr. Palmer, for the justification of this so foul a business, laies down several Positions which he would have no man deny; One of his Positions is, That it is a fundamental Point consented to by all Christian Nations, That the first discoverer of a Countrey inhabited by Infidels, gives a right and dominion of that Countrey to the Prince in whose service and employment the discoverers were sent. These are his words, p. 17. We affirm, that this fundamental Point (as he calls it) is not a Chris­ tian, but an unchristian Principle. It is controverted among the School-men, an dominium fundatur in gratid, Papists are (as Mr. Palmer is) for the affirmative, but the Scripture teaches us to believe that ‫ נויֽם‬the Heathen Nations, and the Sons of Adam, and not the Children of Israel only, have a right to the Earth, and to the Inheritance which God hath given them therein, Deut. 2.8. When Mr. Palmer hath prov’d that Infidels are not the Sons of Adam, we shall consent to his notion, that Christians may invade their Rights, and take their Lands from them, and give them to whom they please, and that the Pope may give all America to the King of Spain. But let him know, that the first Planters in New-England, had more of conscience and the fear of God in them, than it seems Mr. Palmer hath. For they were not willing to wrong the Indians in their Properties; for which cause it was that they purchased from the Natives their right to the Soil in that part of the World, notwithstanding what right they had by vertue of their Charters from the Kings of England. Mr. Palmer’s Position is clearly against Jus Gentium & Jus Naturale, which instructs every man, Nemini injuriam facere. He that shall violently, and without any just cause take from Infidels their Lands, where they plant, and by which they subsist, does them manifest injury. And let us know of Mr. Palmer if Christian Princes have power to dispose of the Lands belonging to Infidels in the / West-Indies, whether they have the like Dominion over the Lands belonging to the Infidels in the East-Indies, and if these Infidels shall refuse to consent that such Christians shall possess their Lands, that then they may

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lawfully Vi & Armis expel or destroy them, as the Spaniards did! We may send Mr. Palmer for further instruction in this point to Balaam’s Ass, which ingenu­ ously acknowledged that her Master (though an Infidel) had a Property in, and right of Dominion over her, Numb. 22.30. But this Gentleman hath some other Assertions which he would have us take for postulata, and then we shall be his Slaves without all peradventures. He tells us in page 17, 18, 19. that the English Plantations (in particular New-England) are no parts of the Empire of England, but like Wales and Ireland, which were Conquered, and belong to the Dominion of the Crown of England, and that therefore he that wears the Crown, may set up Governments over them, which are Despotick and Absolute, without any regard to Magna Charta, and that whereas in Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, &c. they have their Assemblies, that’s only from the favour of the Prince, and not that they could pretend Right to such Priviledges of Englishmen. And now we need no further discovery of the man. Could the people of N.E. who are zealous for English Liberties ever endure it long, that such a person as this should be made one of their Judges, that so by squeezing them, he might be able to pay his Debts? And can any rational man believe, ‘that persons of such Principles did not Tyrannize over that people when once they had them in their cruel Clutches, and could pretend the Authority of the late King James for what they did? In our opinion Mr. Palmer hath not done like a Wise man thus to expose himself to the just resentments and indignation of all the English Planta­ tions. If ever it should be his chance to be amongst them again, what could he expect but to be lookt on as communis Hostis, when he thus openly declares that they have no English Liberties belonging to them? – That worthy Gentleman Sir William Jones (who was Attorney General in the Reign of King Charles the second) had certainly more understanding in the Law than Captain Palmer, and yet Captain Palmer (we suppose) is not ignorant that when some proposed, that Jamaica (and so the other Plantations) might be governed without an Assembly, / that excellent Attorney (not like Captain Palmer but like an Englishman) told the then King, That he could no more Grant a Commission to Levy Money on his Subjects there without their consent by an Assembly, than they could discharge themselves from their Allegiance to the English Crown, and what Englishmen in their right Wits will venture their Lives over the Seas to enlarge the Kings Dominions, and to enrich and greaten the English Nation, if all the reward they shall have for their cost and adventures shall be their being deprived of English Liberties, and in the same condition with the Slaves in France or in Turky! And if the Colonies of N.E. are not to be esteemed as parts of England, why then were the Quo Warranto’s issued out against the Government in Boston as belonging to Westminster in Middlesex! Are the English there, like the Welsh and Irish a Con­ quered people? When Mr. Palmer hath proved that, he hath said something. They have (through the Mercy of God) obtained Conquests over many of their

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Enemies, both Indians and French, to the Enlargement of the English Domin­ ions. But except Mr. Palmer and the rest of that Crew will say, That his and their domineering a while was a Conquest, they were never yet a Conquered People. So that his alleging the case of Wales and Ireland before English Liberties were granted to them, is an impertinent Story. Besides, he forgets that there was an Original Contract between the King and the first Planters in New-England, the King promising them, if they at their own cost and charge would subdue a Wil­ derness, and enlarge his Dominions, they and their Posterity after them should enjoy such Priviledges as are in their Charters expressed, of which that of not having Taxes imposed on them without their own consent was one. Mr. Palmer and his Brethren Oppressors will readily reply, Their Charter was condemned. But he cannot think, that the Judgment against their Charter made them cease to be Englishmen. And only the Colony of the Massachusetts had their Charter condemned. And yet these Men ventured to Levy Moneys on the Kings Subjects in Connecticott Colony. For the which Invasion of Liberty and Property they can never answer. Indeed they say the Corporation of Connecticott Surrendred their Charter. But who told them so? It is certain, that no one belonging to the Gov­ ernment there, / knoweth of any such thing; and how their Oppressors should know that Connecticott made a Surrender of their Charter when the Persons con­ cerned know nothing of it, is very strange. We can produce that written by the Secretary of that Colony with his own Hand, and also Signed by the present Governour there, which declares the contrary to what these Men (as untruly as boldly) affirm. Witness the words following. ‘In the Second year of the Reign of King James the Second, we had a Quo Warranto served upon us by Edward Randolph, requiring our appearance before His Majesties Courts in England, and although the time of our appearance was elapsed before the serving of the said Quo Warranto, yet we humbly petitioned His Majesty for his Favour, and the continuance of our Charter with the Priv­ iledges thereof. But we received no other favour but a second Quo Warranto, and we well observing that the Charter of London and other considerable Cities in England were condemned, and that the Charter of the Massachusetts had under­ gone the like Fate, plainly saw what we might expect, yet we not judging it good or lawful to be active in surrendering what had cost us so dear, nor to be altogether silent, we empowered an Attorney to appear on our behalf, and to present our Humble Address to His Majesty, but quickly upon it as Sir E. A. informed us, he was empowered by His Majesty to Receive the Surrender of our Charter, if we saw meet so to do, and us also to take under his Government. Also Colonel Thomas Dungan His Majesties Governour of New-York, laboured to gain us over to his Government. We withstood all these motions, and in our reiterated Addresses, we Petitioned His Majesty to continue us in the free and full enjoyment of our Liberties and Properties, Civil and Sacred, according to our Charter. We also

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Petitioned that if His Majesty should not see meet to continue us as we were, but was resolved to annex us to some other Government; we then desired that in as much as Boston had been our old Correspondents, and a people whose Principles and Manners we had been acquainted with, we might rather be annexed to Sir E.A. his Government, than to Colonel Dungans, which choice of ours was taken for a resignation of our Charter, though that was never intended by us for such, nor had it the Formalities / in Law to make if such. Yet Sir E.A. was Commis­ sionated to take us under his Government, pursuant to which about the end of October 1687. he with a Company of Gentlemen and Granadeers to the number of Sixty or upwards came to Hartford the Chief Seat of this Government, caused his Commission to be read, and declared our Government to be dissolved, and put into Commission both Civil and Military Officers throughout our Colony as he pleased. When he passed through the principal parts thereof, the good people of the Colony though they were under a great sense of the injuries sustained thereby, yet chose rather to be silent and patient than to oppose, being indeed surprised into an involuntary submission to an Arbitrary Power –.’ Hartford, June 13.1689.

Robert Treat Governour. John Allen Secretary.

Thus did Sir E.A. and his Creatures, who were deeply concerned in the Ille­ gal Actions of the Late Unhappy Reigns, contrary to the Laws of God and Men, commit a Rape on a whole Colony; for which Violence it is hoped they may account, and make reparation (if possible) to those many whose Properties as well as Liberties have been Invaded by them – Captain Palmer in the close of his partial account of N.E. entertains his Read­ ers with an harangue about the Sin of Rebellion, and misapplies several Scriptures that so he might make the World believe that the people of N.E. have been guilty of wicked Rebellion by their casting off the Arbitrary Power of those ill men who invaded Liberty and Property to such an intolerable degree as hath been proved against them. But does he in sober sadness think, that if when Wolves are got among Sheep in a Wilderness, the Shepherds and Principal men there shall keep them from Ravening, that this is the Sin of Rebellion condemned in the Scripture? How or by whose Authority our Lawyer comes to play the Divine we know not. But since he hath thought meet to take a Spiritual Weapon into his hand, let him know that the Scripture speaks of a lawful and good Rebellion, as well as of that which is unlawful. It is said of good Hezekiah that he Rebelled against the King of Assyria and Served him not, / 2 Kings 18.7. Indeed reviling Rabshakeh upbraided him, and said as in verse 20. thou Rebellest (not unlike to Captain Palmer) saying to N.E. thou rebellest. Hezekiahs predecessors had basely given away the Liberties of the people, and submitted to the Arbitrary Power of the Assyrians, and therefore Hezekiah did like a worthy Prince in casting off a

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Tyrannical Government, and asserting the Liberty of them that were the Lords People, and God did signally own and prosper him in what he did, and would never permit the Assyrian to regain his Tyrannical Power over Jerusalem or the Land of Judah, though for their tryal he permitted their Enemies to make some Devastations among them. The like (we hope) may be the happy case of New England. Mr. Palmer tells us, that N.E. hath valued it self for the true profession and pure exercise of the Protestant Religion, but he intimates that they will be termed a Land full of Hypocrisie and Rebellion, Irreligion, and a degenerate wicked people, p. 39. And is this the Sincerity and Christian Moderation which he boasts himself of in his Preface? Surely these are the Hissings of the Old Serpent and do sufficiently indicate whose Children the men are that use them. Since he will be at Divinity, let him (if he can) read the Apologies written by Justin Martyr,10 and Tertullian11 and there see if Pagans did not accuse Christians of Old just after the same manner, and with the same Crimes that he wickedly upbraids that Good and Loyal People with. Who are they that use to call the Holiest and most Con­ scientious men in the World, Hypocrites, Liars, Rebels, and what not? but they that are themselves the greatest Hypocrites, Liars, and Rebels against Heaven that the Earth does bear? It is hard to believe that Captain Palmer does not rebel against the light of his own Conscience, when he affirms as in Page (38) that in N.E. every thing that hath any relations to their Majesties is neglected, and unre­ garded without any recognition of their Authority over those dominions. He cannot be ignorant of the humble Addresses which the people in N.E. have from time to time made to their present Majesties, acknowledging their Authority. He knows that on the first notice of their Majesties being proclaimed King and Queen in England, both those now in Government in N.E. and the body of the People with them, did (without any command) of their own accord, with the greatest Joy proclaim their Majesties in N.E. he knows / that their Majesties have no subjects more cordially and zealously devoted to them than those in N.E. are, or that do with greater fervour pray for their long and happy Reigns, or that are more willing to expose themselves to the utmost hazards in their service, and yet this man that knoweth all this, to cast an Odium on that Loyal and Good people, insinuates as if they were Rebels, and disaffected to the Present Government, and designed to set up an Independent Common Wealth, and had no regard to the Laws of God or Men. After this lying and malicious rate hath he exprest himself – What Rational Charity can be extended so far as to believe that ’tis possible for him to think that what himself hath written is true? When Sanballat wrote that Nehemiah and the Jews with him intended to Rebel, did he believe what he had written? no, he did not, but feigned those things out of his own heart. The like is to be said of those Sanballats that accuse the people of N.E. with thoughts of Rebellion. And so we have done with Mr. Palmer. What hath been said is suf­ ficient to justify the Revolution in N.E. and to vindicate the People there from the

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Aspersions cast upon them by their Enemies. Several Worthy Gentlemen have under their hands given an account concerning some of Sir Edmund’s Arbitrary proceedings, which is subscribed by five (and more would have concurred with them had there been time to have communicated it) of those who were of Sir Edmunds Council during his Government there, and for that cause their com­ plaints carry the more weight with them, which shall therefore as a Conclusion be here subjoined. / Reader, There is such Notoriety as to Matter of Fact in the preceding Relation, that they who Live in New-England are satisfy’d concerning the Particulars contained therein. If any in England should Hesitate, they may please to understand that Mr. Elisha Cooke, and Mr. Thomas Oakes (who were the last year sent from Boston to appear as Agents in behalf of the Massachusetts Colony) have by them Attested Copies of the Affidavits (at least wise-of most of them) which are in this Vindica­ tion published, and are ready (if occasion serve) to produce them.

FINIS.

[CLELAND], THE PRESENT STATE OF THE

SUGAR PLANTATIONS

[William Cleland], The Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d; but more especially that of the Island of Barbadoes (London: John Morphew, 1713).

The years between the Glorious Revolution and the Treaty of Utrecht saw a major overhaul of imperial administration, particularly with the new Navigation Act and the creation of the Board Trade in 1696. Yet practical imperial adminis­ tration remained inconstant due to the various political and military priorities of the times. Colonel William Cleland, a Barbadian merchant, planter and Board of Trade agent on the island, was an imperial activist, though The Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d highlights the consequences of inaction. Cle­ land addresses ‘Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military Government, Agriculture and Trade’ (below, p. 263) in turn, though the last on the list is his top priority. Cleland suggests that ‘Church Government’ should be improved with a bet­ ter-paid and housed clergy and by building a theological college. He observes that ‘Civil Government’ made ‘good Provision … to the good Government of Her Majesty’s Subjects’, except that Governors’ ‘Avarice and Love of Power, often put the whole Machine out of Order’ (below, p. 266). His solution is to make direct Crown patronage more extensive, especially for the position of Treasurer, ‘this Officer being only Collector of the publick Mony’ (below, p. 267). He advocates using some of that money to build a much-needed harbour, fort, jail and other public buildings. Unlike his Barbadian forebear Edward Littleton, Cleland has little interest in colonists’ rights. Even writing after 1689, he is content that ‘the Governor has a negative Voice’ over assembly legislation and that ‘Her Majesty has reserv’d to Her self the Power of repealing’ laws (below, p. 265). Indeed, Cleland conceives colonial rights not as either natural or the inherited rights of Englishmen but as privileges granted by the Crown. Hence, ‘the Governor has been directed to give the Inhabitants the Privilege to choose Two of the most considerable Free­ holders out of each Parish, to constitute an Assembly’ and ‘Her Majesty by Her – 257 –

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Instructions is also graciously pleased to grant to the Inhabitants the benefit of the Habeas Corpus’ (below, pp. 265, 266). On agriculture, Cleland says that ‘no Country that is known to Europeans ever exceeded’ Barbados and ‘this Island has, and may be again capable of employ­ ing annually above five Hundred Sail of Ships and Vessels’ (below, p. 271). To improve trade further, he argues that lowering Britain’s tax on rum from four shillings to one shilling per gallon would increase consumption and therefore Crown revenues from £2,000 per annum to £50,000, or even £100,000 if the price was also lowered. His Barbadian interests and mercantilist instincts are also manifest in the suggestion that it is ‘indispensibly necessary for the Govern­ ment, to cherish and support’ trade between the islands and continental North America, ‘and to discourage all Attempts to wrest it out of our Hands … some Inspections may be necessary into the Trade from New England, and the North­ ern Colonies’ (below, p. 273). Cleland is concerned above all, however, with sugar and slaves: these Two Trades are like the Cause and the Effect, without one, the other cannot stand; that is, if the Colonies are not furnish’d with Negroes, they cannot make Sugar; and the more and cheaper they have Negroes, the more and cheaper they will make Sugar; and according to this Rule, they are to Decay or Flourish (below, p. 274)

Cleland’s method to ensure planter prosperity is to monopolize the slave trade, as he had already advocated in person at a Board of Trade meeting on 15 Decem­ ber 1713. Though he does not mention the Royal African Company directly, he likely had in mind a resurrection of its monopoly, which had withered since 1688 and formally expired in 1698. Against the interest of free traders, Cleland claims ‘it is the Opinion of almost all the Planters in Barbadoes, that an exclusive Company under proper Agreements, is the only means that can ever Recover, Support, and Secure that Trade’ because, if there are many Buyers on the Coast of Africa, the Africans take the Advantage of it … whereas, if there be one buyer upon the Coast, the Negroes will be under a neces­ sity to take what the single buyer will give (below, p. 274)

In addition, ‘an exclusive Company are capable by their great Stock, to make proper Confederacies with the Negroes, and disunite them from other Nations, and so secure the Trade to Britain’ (below, p. 274). Cleland went on to argue these points further in Some Observations shewing the Danger of Losing the Trade of the Sugar Colonies. Humbly Offer’d to the Consideration of the Parliament. By a Planter (1714).1

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Notes: 1.

H. Thomas, The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (Lon­ don: Picador, 1997), p. 238; W. A. Pettigrew, ‘Free to Enslave: Politics and the Escalation of Britain’s Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1688–1714’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 64:1 ( January 2007), pp. 3–38.

THE

PRESENT STATE

OF THE

SUGAR PLANTATIONS

CONSIDER’D;

But more especially That

OF THE

ISLAND

OF

BARBADOES.

LONDON

Printed and Sold by John Morphew near Stationers-hall.

1713. /

The State of the Sugar Plantations consider’d, and more especially that of the Island of Barbadoes.

Barbadoes being the Windwardmost Island, and most valuable of the Caribbees, the following Considerations shall be more particularly apply’d to that, espe­ cially, seeing with respect to the Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military Government, Agriculture and Trade; it differs but very little from the rest of the Islands, so that the Regulations that may be offer’d in the following Paper, intended to bet­ ter the State of that Island, with respect to the above particulars, may with very small Variation serve the others. The first thing propos’d to be consider’d, is the Ecclesiastical Government of that Island; indeed it can scarce Challenge the Name of a Church Government. There are Eleven Parishes, to which the Governor has the Presentation, by Virtue of Her Majesty’s / Commission, that gives him the Character of Ordinary: By this Power also the Governor1 grants Licences for Marriages, Probates of Wills, Letters of Administration, and Guardianship; and indeed this Power has been too often executed very illegally; some Governors of late Years having contrary to the directions of the Law, granted those things for Mony, where of right they ought not to have been granted, to the great Oppression and Dammage of the Inhabitants, and perverting of Justice. The Lord Bishop of London is said to be the Diocesan over all the Northern Colonies, as well as the Southern Islands; but as it has appear’d hitherto, he has little more Jurisdiction over Church Affairs than an Inspection, because of the aforesaid Power lodged in the Governor; for as yet there has been no settled Form of Government of the Church in these Places. That Primitive Prelate has upon all Occasions shewn a Fatherly Affection to the Church in those Parts, both by his repeated Advice to the Governors and Ministers, and by extending his Charity, and giving Assistance in many remarkable Instances. But what ever discouragements the Ministers of the Church might lie under; or if at any time Misunderstand­ ings might arise amongst themselves, between them and their Parishioners, or between them and the / Civil Government; there has been hitherto no certain or legal Standard to deliberate upon, and determine these matters. – 263 –

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It was but a few Years since the Ministers had any certain Allowances for their Subsistance; and so were at the Mercy of their Parishioners, who were not oblig’d to allow them in each Parish above 100l. per Annum; (that Mony being 28 per Cent less then Sterling) and some Parishes not so much. Indeed during the Government of Sir Bevill Granvill,2 an Act Pass’d obliging every Parish to give their Minister one Hundred and Fifty Pounds per Annum; and likewise ascertain’d their Perquisites, and the manner of Payment; all which before was very Precarious. But to this Day there are but Four of the Eleven Parishes that have Houses and Glebes; so that the other Seven Ministers are in a manner Non-Residents, being sometimes under a necessity of Boarding themselves, or having Houses Remote from their Parishes, towards which their one Hundred and Fifty Pounds, will not go so far there, as Forty Pounds in any part of Eng­ land; besides the great Inconveniences that must in consequence attend them and their Parishioners, in the Performance of the several Parts of their Function. And notwithstanding its said, that the Governors for many Years past, have had it in their Instructions from Her Majesty and Her Royal Predecessors, to take / proper Measures to provide Houses and Glebes; and that the Ministers have from Time to Time, apply’d to the said Governors for such purpose; yet they have been so far from being reliev’d from the said Hardships on them and their Families, that they have been sometimes upon such Applications, mal-treated and brought under contempt, with their Parishioners, and in many other Cases, have been by the Arbitrary Power of the said Governors Oppress’d, even with Intent to bring them in Disgrace with the People. These are the true reasons why Religion does not make greater Progress in those Parts. And until there be first, a well setled Church Government in these Colonies, it will be preposterous and in vain, to Attempt the Baptising the Slaves; for though Religion and Slavery are not at all Inconsistent; yet the Constitution of the Colonies are such, that there will be great difficulties to surmount, and can never be overcome, till in the first Place the Church be setled, upon a good and lasting Foundation. This may bring the Masters of the Slaves, and the other Inhabitants who Profess Christianity, to more serious Impressions of Religion. This will give the Ministers Credit and Authority, and deliver them from that Contempt, that the very Negroes have observ’d they have sometimes lain under; this will make them Circumspect and Examplary / in their Lives; this will oblige Governors to conform themselves to the Queens Commands, and deliver the Ministers out of their Clutches, and will Establish the Inhabitants in all Ecclesiastical Affairs, upon a good foot, even as to their Property. And in the end lead all Her Majesty’s Subjects in those parts, to observe their Duty, better to God, to Her Majesty, and to one another. And when its observ’d that the late Collonel Codrington3 has given to the Society pro propaganda fide Plantations, to the value of near [illeg.]0000 l. to erect a College in the said Island of Barbadoes, for the promoting of Piety and

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Learning; the aforesaid Church Settlement may be thereby facilitated. Which Seminary and Church Settlement being united, will produce good Effects upon the Inhabitants, both with respect to Religion and good Manners; and so by consequence the good Government of the Place. And seeing that this is a Work so necessary, it’s hoped the aforesaid Society will not deliberate long upon it, but bring it to pass very soon. The next thing propos’d is the Consideration of the Civil Government; to begin with that, it must be observ’d, that Her Majesty and Her Royal Predeces­ sors, ever since the Purchase of the Propriety from my Lord Kinnoule, (who was the Descendant of the Earl of Carlisle, the first Proprietor) have by Commission under the / Great Seal of England, appointed Governor to take the Administra­ tion of the Government of that Island; and together with such Commission, Instructions has always been given to such Governors, for the better Performance of the said Trusts; and more particularly Twelve of the best of the Inhabitants, have been generally appointed to Constitute a Council to joyn with the said Governor, to advise him in the most arduous Affairs relating to the said Govern­ ment, and by virtue of the said Instructions, the Governor has been directed to give the Inhabitants the Privilege to choose Two of the most considerable Free­ holders out of each Parish, to constitute an Assembly; who, together with the said Governor, and Council, are to make the Body of the Legislature impower’d, to make Laws for the good Government of the Place and for raising of Mony for the Support and defence of the said Island; in the passing of which Laws, the Governor has a negative Voice; and if he should at any time Consent to any Act of Council and Assembly, that ought not to be passed, Her Majesty has reserv’d to Her Self the Power of repealing the said Law. The Governor by Virtue of the said Commission and Instructions, and the Laws of the Island has Power to erect a Court of Chancery, a Court of Appeals or Errors, from the Judgments of the Inferior Courts of the Island; all Matter of Equity being address’d to the Gover­ nor as / Chancellor, by Bill, and Appeals, or Writs of Error, by Petition; so that this as the last Resort, either Affirm or Reverse, the judgments of the Inferior Courts; such as the Court of Common Pleas, Court of Exchequer and Admi­ ralty; and Judgments given by the Justices of the Peace, where they are by the Acts of the Island made Judges. Since the Settlement Pursuant to the said Commission, Acts have been Pass’d & Confirm’d by Her Majesty, and Her Royal Predecessors, establishing the aforesaid Courts. And more particularly the Courts of Common Pleas; of these there are Five, in Five several Precincts; each Judge having Four Assistants, all appointed by the Governor; by, and with the Consent, and Advice of the Council; and if any of them happen to be Guilty of any fault in their Office, they are not to be removed by the Governor, without the Concurrence of the said Council; the Justices of the Peace are in the same manner appointed to Act and

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Do in matters relating to the Peace and Behaviour in many Cases, as the Justices do here, or otherwise, as the particular Acts of the land directs. There are several Laws concerning the good Government of Covenant Serv­ ants, the Poor, the Vestries of each Parish, the High Ways, the Fortifications, to be executed by the Justices of the Peace, or / otherwise, as the said Laws direct: So that in Her Majesty’s Commission and Instructions, there’s good Provision made to the good Government of Her Majesty’s Subjects, provided there is a just and honest Execution of them. But the Governors the pretty well limited in manner aforesaid, yet being the main Hinge upon which all the rest must move, by Avarice and Love of Power, often put the whole Machine out of Order; who not being content with the Provision made by the Crown for their Maintenance and other legal Advantages, sufficient to support the Honour and Dignity of the Government, run into many indirect Measures to grow Rich, disuniting the Inhabitants for that purpose into Parties, selling Justice in all, or most Cases, where they have Power to Administer it, or can Influence the same; of this many remarkable Instances can be given; so that instead of supporting the Frame of the Government Establish’d in manner aforesaid, and improving of it for Her Maj­ esty’s Honour, and the benefit of Her Dominions; they are intent upon nothing but their own private Gain, to the great prejudice of both. There are in the said Island several Offices held by Pattent from Her Majesty, under the Great Seal of this Kingdom; such as the Secretary of the Island, who is Publick Notary / and in whose Office all Deeds, Conveyances Wills, Admin­ istrations, Letters of Guardianship, are recorded; indeed it is a publick Office of Record, and from this Office Issues Licences for Ships, and Tickets for People that leave the Island: The Secretary by the said Pattent is appointed Secretary to the Governor, and Clerk of the Councils, and of the Court of Common Pleas. The next considerable Office is the Register of the Court of Chancery, who keeps all the Records of that Court, and from whence Issue all the Writs of the said Court of Chancery. This Officer is also Clerk of the Crown and Peace, and as such attends the Grand Sessions, Court of Oyer and Terminer, and Quarter Sessions of the Peace; which General Sessions are held twice a Year, by Virtue of Her Majesty’s most Gracious Instructions to the Governors: In which Courts all Treasons, Felonies, Breaches of the Peace, and Misdemeanors, &c. are tryed in the same manner as they are here. The Attorney General who of late Years has his Patent from Her Majesty, and the Solicitor General appointed by the Governor prosecutes these Crimes in the Queens behalf: Her Majesty by Her Instructions is also graciously pleased to grant to the Inhabitants the benefit of the Habeas Corpus. The next Office is the Provost Marshal, and / Serjeant at Arms; who by his Patent is Marshal of all the Courts of Common Pleas; he Executes all the Writs of the Court of Chancery, and Court of Common Pleas, all Warrants of Arrest,

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and indeed all State Writs; he also attends the Person of the Governor on all publick oceasions. There is a Naval Officer, and the Officers relating to the Duty of the 4 1/2,4 those Two are appointed; the last for Collecting the said Duty, and in the first all Ships are Enter’d, and Searchers are appointed to see that the Acts of Trade are observed. The Officers of the Exchequer and Court of Admiralty, are much after the same manner as they are here, the first of these appointed by the Governor. There is also a Court of Escheats, to enquire into Forfeitures to Her Maj­ esty. There is likewise a Clerk of the Market, who has the Inspection into Weight and Measure, as it is here. All the Offices in the Island but Two or Three, held by Her Majesty’s Patent, have no Sallary annex’d to them; but have Fees, which Fees are most of them appointed by the Laws of the Island, and taken by Custom; but those Laws are not so clear, nor the Fees so well settled as they ought to be, which has given most of the Governors hitherto occasion to make the Patent Officers very uneasy, by Illegal Exactions / actions of Money from them; from thence have arisen Con­ tentions between the Governors and the said Officers; and Complaints have been made to Her Majesty several Times, by the said Parties, so that it would be very necessary to adjust and settle these Fees and Demands, and the differences about them, by a Law; and it were well also that the Fees of Attornies, and the Gentlemen of the Law, were better regulated. There is but one valuable Imployment in this Island, which is not held of the Queen; and that is the Treasurer: He is an Officer appointed to Collect the Excise, and other Taxes, laid on the inhabitants by the Governor, Council, and Assembly; he is nominated annually in the Act that lays the Excise: There have been great Contentions about nominating this Officer; sometimes the Gover­ nor, sometimes the Governor and Council; and at other Times the Assembly have nominated; by which means great Parties have been made, and Divisions have arisen, not only to the interruption of the publick Business, but to the Loss of many Thousand Pounds at Times; for thereby the Excise Act has been delayed, and great Importations have been made of Wines and strong Liquors, without paying any Duty; so that it might be a great ease to the Inhabitants, and advantage to the Publick, if Her Majesty put an end to this Annual Contention, / by granting a Patent for the Execution of this Office; and this seems to come as naturally under Her Majesty’s Care, as any of the other Patent Offices; this Officer being only Collector of the publick Mony, which is the Queens Money, whatever the uses may be that it is appropriated to; and which is at last to be accounted for to Her Majesty, according to every Governors Instructions. This would likewise prevent misapplication and sinking of the publick Money, which

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is often practiced by a confederacy between the Governor and the Treasurer, who is a Creature made by his own Power and Influence. The Judges of the aforesaid Courts being appointed out of the Inhabitants, by the Governor, and few of them being bred to the Law, it is some difficulty for them to be right in their Judgments, in some intricate Cases; the Council at the Bar being of late Years Men brought up at the Universities, and Inns of Court; but if the Governor wou’d impartially appoint those, who are the most skilful, and have most experience, the Business might be well enough done; especially if any Sallary were allotted to the Chief Judges; for then there might be found amongst the Inhabitants, those who are bred to, and who understand the Law; who wou’d undertake such Trust, and considering that the great Business of those Courts depends on the Customs and Laws of / the Island, much more than the Common Law; the present Constitution under some Regulation will do much better than a Chief Justice from hence, who will be to seek in the greatest part of the Busi­ ness, though he may better understand the Common Law of England; for indeed all the Judicial Writs have their rise and form from the Laws of the Island, and Antient Custom; so that a Stranger wou’d be at a Loss, unless there were a great alteration in these things, and so a great subversion of the Constitution. The same reasons may be given against a Chancellor, for indeed if a Chief Justice and a Chancellor were to be sent from hence, there wou’d be little or no use for the Governor and Council, and then Her Majesty’s Commission and Instructions must have a very great alteration; and the Laws Establishing the Court of Chancery, Court of Errors and Grievances, and Common Pleas, must be at an End; unless here were an Appeal from those Two Judges to the Gover­ nor and Council, which would seem to contradict the design of Establishing them: And if there has been occasions for complaints against the Governors for wrong, and sometimes corrupt Judgment; what Security have you for the last of these Two Evils from these Two new Judges; its very observable that its oftner for want of Honesty than Skill, that judgments are wrong in the several Courts: / If the Governor be an honest Man, and when any Complaints are made by the People, they are redressed, there is little fear but the Law will have a due course in that Island, as well as in other Places: It has been said some Tryals of this kind have been made to very little Advantage in some other Colonies There’s nothing that can conduce more to the Preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Inhabitants, and the good Government of these Colonies, than the exact Determination of the Appeals and Complaints sent hither. By Her Majesty’s Instructions to the Governors, no Appeal is to be granted from any Judgment given there, under the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds; and yet sometime on Petition to Her Majesty, Appeals have been granted for a less Sum. This gives uncertainty in Appeals, and seems to defeat the purposes of the said Instructions, which are to prevent multiplicity of Appeals, and the difficulty that

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may attend the poor Inhabitants, who want Money and Friends here to pros­ ecute such Appeals: Besides, upon Appeals, there’s seldom more cost given here that Five Pounds, and the Prosecution falls under little less Charge than Fift y Pounds, sometimes double that Money; so that if an Appeal be allowed for 100l. if the Charges be so high, a poor Man will rather submit to the loss of the Judg­ ment given in his favour, than Prosecute an Appeal. / Then as to the publick Complaints from the Colonies, which generally are referr’d to the Lords Commissioners for Trade, there has been great difficulty in the impartial Determination of these Complaints, because they are seldom represented to them in a clear Light. The information from Merchants, and the Proprietors that live here, being very uncertain, for they must depend on the Account they have from their Friends in the Colonies; however these of the best Credit here, are most to be relyed on. But its a good Rule for the Lords Commis­ sioners, that in all Cases of Complaint, such as Suspensions of Patent Officers, Manners of the Counsel, or others, the Parishes have the Charges against them given to them, and their Defence taken; and so both the Charges and Answers transmitted hither under the Seal of the Island, or if it be refused by the Gov­ ernor, then under the Hand and Seal of one or two Justices of the Peace, or a Master in chancery, for the Governor Affixes the Seal of the Island to all Papers himself, and that so Affidavit be taken, but when the Parties are Summon’d to cross Examine, and all these things fairly enter’d upon Record, and transmitted; will put such Complaints in so clear Light, that Justice will be done impartially; for want of such proceedings the Innocent have suffer’d, and the Guilty instead of being censur’d have had their Conduct approv’d of; / And such Methods are also conform to Her Majesty’s Instructions, which direct that all Her Subjects shall be heard before Judgment be given; and this is also natural Justice. The next thing to be treated of, is the Military Part in this Island; there are Six Regiments of Foot, Two Regiments of Horse, and a Troop call’d the Troop of Guards which consists chiefly of the Merchants and Inhabitants of the principal Town; This is the Militia of the Island: The Landed Men, viz. the Proprietors of the Land, being obliged for every 100 Acres of Land, to Accoutre Three Foot­ men, and one Horseman. So that for every 20 Acres of Land a Footman must be fitted, with a Musquet, Sword, and Cartouch Box and Ammunition; and if the Proprietor has Forty Acres, then he either Rides his own Horse, or sends a Horseman accoutred. The Officers are or ought to be of the best of the Inhabit­ ants, and the Regulation and Discipline of the Militia, is directed and appointed by an Act of the Island: In Time of War they generally in the several Precincts are exercised once every Month; if any number of Ships appear in Sight of the Island, above Twelve; then the Island is alarm’d, so that the whole Militia repair to the Sea Shore, all along the Bayes where Boats can Land, there are Forts or Batteries, containing about / Two Hundred Guns; very few of which are above

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whole Culverins. And its observable that there is no Landing upon the Eas­ termost Parts of the Island, and very little to the North or South; most of the Landing Places being towards the West, or Leeward Part of the Island. The Gov­ ernment of these Forts is given to the several Colonels of the Militia, according to their several Districts; the Officers are all appointed by Commission from the Governor, or Commander in Chief; for it must be understood that in case of the Death or Demise of the Governor, the Government Devolves on the Coun­ cil, and the eldest Councellor Acts as Commander in Chief; and Executes the Queens Commands and Instructions, which direct how the said Council shall proceed: The Act Establishing the Militia, directs how those Batteries shall be defended; and what Measures also are to be taken to prevent Insurrection of the Negroes, and the like, but this Law is very Defective, and might be made much more easie to the Inhabitants. The Batteries in this Island are much out of Repair; indeed there is not one regular Fortification; though some Years ago one was carry’d a great length by Colonel Lilly, a very expert, ingenious, and diligent Engeneer, and that at a vast Expence, but it’s not Finish’d yet; the / Gov­ ernment lay’d an Excise every Year, and a Powder Duty on Ships, towards the maintenance of these Fortifications, but that goes but a little way in the Expence. There is in this Island no Harbour for Shipping, which is a great Disadvantage both to Her Majesty’s, and the Merchant Ships; especially in a Hurracan and War Time; there is an Inlet near Carlisle-bay, that might be made an Harbour with some Expence; some have offer’d to undertake it, but cou’d never meet with Encouragement from the Publick; it having been hitherto the constant Practice of almost every Governor, to frustrate those things to carry on their own private Advantage and Gain; it wou’d be of prodigious Advantage, and great Security to the Colony, to Her Majesty’s Ships, and also great Encouragement to Trade, if such an Harbour were made. But that which is very remarkable in this considerable Island, there never yet has been a publick House Built for the sitting of the Chief Courts of the Gover­ nor and Council and for the General Sessions; nor indeed a publick Prison; the reason that the Inhabitants give for this is, that they say the Duty of the 4 1/2 was rais’d for this purpose; and this is really the Fact, and it was so recogniz’d in Parliament some Years ago; it were to be wish’d that this Duty as it is Collected, / might be applyed there, and not Ship’d for Britain, contrary to the purpose in the said Act and great loss of that Revenue; this wou’d encourage and enable the Inhabitants to finish the regular Fort, upon which so much Money has been already laid out, to Build or make this Harbour; to erect a Session-house, and a Prison; for want of a sufficient Prison, many Criminals and Debtors daily Escape; which is a great hardship upon the Provost Marshal, who is keeper of the Goal, and in danger of being subjected to Suits for Escapes; all which wou’d be for Her Majesty’s Honour, the good of Her Subjects, and the Advancement of Trade.

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The last things under Consideration are the Agriculture, and Trade of this Island; as to the first of these Two, no Country that is known to Europeans ever exceeded this in Agriculture; it has been said that if the Soil of this Island had not been improv’d, but Digg’d and put aboard of the Ships and Vessels that have traded thither since the Settlement, they might have been sufficient to have car­ ryed the whole Island away; but however this may be thought an incredible and vulgar report; certainly this Island has, and may be again capable of employing annually above five Hundred Sail of Ships and Vessels; the Growth or Product of this Island are chiefly / Sugar, Rum, Molosses, Cotten, Ginger, Aloes, Cas­ sia, and some other things of less Value. There is great Industry in planting and manuring the Sugar Canes, insomuch that the Land being Poor, the Inhabitants are forc’d to dung and improve their Plantations, like so many Gardens: There are in this Island several sorts or species of Pepper, and it is not to be doubted, but all the Spices that grow in the Spice Islands wou’d grow here; its not many Years since a Cinnamon Tree was brought to Barbadoes from the East-Indies, and was planted grew very well, and if it had not been by the unskilfulness of the Person who pretended to manage it, who killed it; that Island might have been flourishing with several Cinnamon Trees at this Day. Therefore its worth the consideration of the Government, whether an Importation of such Plants might not be necessary into an Island, where there is the greatest Husbandry and Skill that way, that has been seen or heard of; it has been but of few Years since, that any Cacoa has been planted here; and its very plain, that when the Inhabitants find it their Advantage, they can soon raise a good Quantity of that Commod­ ity; and if such Improvements can be made from our own Plantations, certainly some Applications may be needful that way. The last thing that is to be treated of, is / the Trade of this Place, under that Head are comprehended the Import and Export, and the several Places or Coun­ tries concern’d in this Trade. The Acts of Trade made chiefly in King Charles’s Time, confin’d the Trade of this Island, principally to England; excepting the Importation of Provision and Servants from Ireland and Scotland; but every thing else, especially of the Manufacture of these Kindoms, are by the said Laws prohibited, under severe Penalties, excepting Scotland, since the Union of the Two Kingdoms. This Island was by the same Act restrained from the Importa­ tion of Sugars, and other the Product into Ireland; unless first Entry made in England, and the Duty Paid here; several other Prohibitions are made in the said Acts, as may appear upon Perusal of them, which remain still upon Ireland and all other Nations, but Great-Britain; excepting the Northern Colonies, with whom the Sugar Plantations have a great Trade, for Sugar, Rum, Molosses; and all other the Product of the Sugar Colonies, and in return from thence, have Beef, Pork, Mackerel, Code Fish, Oyl, Horses, Oates, Beans, Bread, Flower, Bear, Butter, Candles, Tallow, Cyder, and indeed all such Commodities as are

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produced in Great-Britain. The Product of Barbadoes, and the rest of the Sugar Plantations, Pay but a small Duty in the / Northern Plantations, especially Rum; those Northern Parts consume many Thousand of Hogsheads of that Spirit; whereas in Britain there is so great a Duty and Excise upon it that it Amounts to a Prohibition; and it may not be an improper enquiry, whether if the Excise and Duty on Rum, which is better than Four Shillings per Gallon, were brought down to one Shilling per Gallon; it might not only advance the Revenue, but bring great Profit to the Kingdom: This great Tax on Rum lessens the Importa­ tion so much, that there are not above one Hundred Hogsheads enter’d at the Custom House from Barbadoes in one Year, by a modest Computation; this does not bring to the Crown above Two Thousand Pounds per Annum; whereas if the Tax was lower’d to one Shilling per Gallon, it might Produce an Importation of Ten Thousand Hogsheads, which at one Shilling Excise and Custom, each Hogshead containing at least one Hundred Gallons, will make to the Crown Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling; and if this Rum were to be Sold at Two Shil­ lings more per Gallon, which is a low Price, then the Importation hither wou’d amount to one Hundred Thousand Pounds more; the only Objection that has any Appearance of Truth is, that this Importation of Spirit from the Planta­ tion, wou’d hinder the Consumption / of Malt that the Distillers make here. But there are Two considerations that will not only Answer this Objection, but Demonstrate the Weakness and Fallacy of it, and the reasonableness and Advan­ tage of this Importation of Rum; and that if we cou’d consume Forty Thousand Hogsheads, which the Sugar Colonies make Annually, it wou’d in proportion advance the Revenue and Trade of this Kingdom; for if its consider’d that beside the great addition to the Revenue, thereby all the Profits of this Rum must be laid out by the Merchant and Agent for the Planters, in the Produce and Manu­ facture of his Kingdom; such as Herrings, Cod Fish, Beef, Pork, Bread, Beans, Oates, Flower, Ale, Bear, Cyder, Butter, Tallow, Cask Hoopes, Iron, Pewter, Brass, Copper, Woollen, Linnen, Shooes, Hats, Stockins; and indeed in all the Manufacture of this Kingdom; and that many more Ships must be employed in the importation of this Rum, and exporting the effects thereof from hence, the greatest Part of which the Sugar Colonies have from New England, Pen­ silvania, New York, Virginia, Carolina, &c. then it is not doubted, but that his will infinitely over Ballance the small consumption of Malt made by the Dis­ tillers, which is more pretence than a Reality; but the next consideration will further remove all / that difficulty or doubt: And that is, if the Planters were encouraged to improve their Sugars in the Plantations, which can only be done by lowering the Duty on white Sugar, imported from the Plantations; and rather laying a Duty on all Sugar improv’d here; then the Refiners and Distillers wou’d require more Malt to carry on their distilling Trade; for the Molosses or Sur­ rups, that in the refining is separated from the brown Sugar here, carries on the

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Fermentation with a very small quantity of Malt; for the Consumption of Malt wou’d be so much the more, that the Refiners were confin’d to less quantities of Sugar to be refin’d, which must be the consequence of encouraging the Planters, by taking of their Duty on improv’d Sugars, and put the Foreign Trade (upon which depends the greatest Consumption of that Commodity) of Sugars into the Hands of the Plantations, who certainly are more capable of carrying it on against other Nations that make the Sugars, then a few Refiners here; and yet there might be room enough for Refiners to Work sufficient for this Kingdom; but the Exportation of the Sugar improv’d here is a great discouragement to the Plantations, while the heavy Duty lies on the Sugar imported from the Colonies; if the Duty on all improv’d Sugar in the Plantations, / were reduced to Four or Five Shillings per Hundred, the Importation wou’d arise so much, that the Rev­ enue wou’d increase in proportion; whereas this high Duty amounting to almost a Prohibition, the Importation is the less, and so the Revenue the less, and the Improvement thrown into the Refiners Hands, who Pay no Duty on such their Improvement, to the enriching of them, and discouraging the Planters, who are of much more Consideration to the Kingdom. Certainly the Plantation Trade is the most considerable Branch of the Brit­ ish Trade, that is the Sugar Plantations; because the whole Product of the Sugar Islands may be center’d in this Kingdom; for if the Importations by the afore­ said Encouragement are encreas’d, then here must all the Money arising from thence be lodged; unless what is return’d to the Colonies in Manufacture as is above expressed, and the more the Sugar Colonies are improv’d, the greater the Importation must be, and so by consequence more Wealth Accrue to the Nation: Whereas the Inhabitants of the Continent of America, though on some other Account they may be Advantageous, yet they are in the above Manufac­ tures Rivals to this Kingdom, will in a little Time want nothing from hence, and are already become the very Carriers of Merchandize, and can lay out their / Improvements and Riches in their own Country, and so extend their Domin­ ions; whereas the Inhabitants of the Sugar Colonies must have almost every thing they Eat, Drink, and Wear, from this Kingdom; and all the necessaries for carrying on the Sugar Works; and what Money may be over and above such Charge and Expence, is laid up in Britain; therefore its indispensibly necessary for the Government, to cherish and support this valuable Trade, and to discour­ age all Attempts to wrest it out of our Hands; in order to this, some Inspections may be necessary into the Trade from New England, and the Northern Colonies, to St. Thomas’s Curasoa and Surinam; to the last they send Horses, by which they carry on their Sugar making, which promotes that Dutch Colony in that Manu­ facture; there is a Law or Order in Surinam, that these Northern Vessels shall not be admitted to Trade with them, unless they bring such a number of Horses; and besides they Import from these Colonies dry Goods; by which means the Con­

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sumption from Britain, and the Southern Plantations is much lessen’d; upon an exact enquiry some prejudices to our Trade may be found, that ought to be remedied and prevented for the future. The last thing offer’d towards consideration of the Trade of the Sugar Colo­ nies, is the / Trade to Africa, for these Two Trades are like the Cause and the Effect, without one, the other cannot stand; that is, if the Colonies are not furnish’d with Negroes, they cannot make Sugar; and the more and cheaper they have Negroes, the more and cheaper they will make Sugar; and according to this Rule, they are to Decay or Flourish, either to keep the Trade or lose it; so that from hence it may be presum’d, that the Government here will fall suddenly, on proper measures to secure the African Trade to this Kingdom, as the principal means to secure the Sugar Trade, and the Sugar Plantations, which are so valu­ able to the Crown, and to Great Britain. There have been different Opinions, various Speculations, and many Conten­ tions about this Trade to Africa, and in the mean time the Plantations languish for want of Slaves; it is not proper in this Paper to enter into so large a Field, only this Observation may not be Impertinent, that it is the Opinion of almost all the Planters in Barbadoes, that an exclusive Company under proper Agreements, is the only means that can ever Recover, Support, and Secure that Trade; and this Opinion they found on Experience, and more especially in one principal Point, which is, that if there / are many Buyers on the Coast of Africa, the Africans take the Advantage of it; so that they must buy Dear, and if so, then they must sell Dear; this will Ruin the Planter, if he buys Dear, or the Merchant if he sells Cheaper than he buys; whereas, if there be one buyer upon the Coast, the Negroes will be under a necessity to take what the single buyer will give, when they bring the Slaves to Market; the Objection to this is, that as there is one Buyer, there is but one Seller; so that the Planters will be at the Mercy of this Seller. This has an appearance of Truth; but in the first case there is an unavoidable and necessary Consequence, and in this last hardly a probability for a Com­ pany united, who buy Cheap may sell so, and have a reasonable Profit; and if so, its not to be suppos’d when they have Embarqued a great Sum of Money in their Stock, that they will sell their Negroes so dear, that the Planters are not able to buy them; this wou’d determine the Company in a few Years, besides an exclusive Company are capable by their great Stock, to make proper Confed­ eracies with the Negroes, and disunite them from other Nations, and so secure the Trade to Britain, what ever have been the views of private Men, and may again be their Motives and Pretences for an / open Trade; the general Experience of the Colonies is for an Exclusive Company. Its true in the Colonies, private Interest or Designs have prevail’d over some of the Inhabitants, to declare for an open Trade, and more particularly the Island of Jamaica; but its to be consider’d, that the Spanish Trade gives them this turn, but if they were only consider’d

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in manufacturing Sugar, they wou’d find reason from their small Profit on that Commodity, to rectify their Judgment; and seeing the Sugar Trade is the prin­ cipal Interest and Concern of this Kingdom, with respect to Trade; its hoped the Government will take proper Measures to secure it, by putting the Affrican Trade quickly under the best Establishment, and fall on proper Expedients, not only to recover the Plantations from the languishing Condition they have been brought under by the War, some of them especially, that have by the Enemy been Ruin’d, their Houses and Works Burnt, and their Slaves carried away from them, but put them under such an Establishment for the future, that when they have the Blessing of a general Peace, they may be also secure from other Oppressions, that they have labour’d under, even to the distracting and impoverishing the most considerable Planters amongst them. / These are things that much con­ cern Her Majesty and Her Dominions; it was the extraordinary Genious and diligent Application of the great Minister Colbert,5 to Trade and Navigation, that advanc’d the Grandeur of the French Nation, together with his excellent Regulation of the Finances, more than all the Undertakings of the preceding Ministers of that Prince, and yet the French were a People very little dispos’d to Trade; therefore the British Subjects who have exceeded all other Nations in their Capacity towards Settlements abroad, cannot fail of making greater Progress in Trade and Navigation; and more especially seeing Her Majesty has at present a Ministry, who are remarkable for their Learning, Experience, and great Sagacity in publick Affairs; and that such a Foundation has been already laid for inlarging the Trade and Navigation of this Kingdom, as will in spite of all Malice shew the superior Genious of the principal Founder thereof.

FINIS.

EDITORIAL NOTES

[Fendall], ‘Complaint from Heaven wth a Huy & Crye’ 1. Old Governr. Barkly: Sir William Berkeley (1605–77) was governor of Virginia from 1641 to 1652 and after the Restoration from 1660 to 1777. See W. M. Billings, Sir Wil­ liam Berkeley and the Forging of Colonial Virginia (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2004). 2. marrying a Young Wyff: Berkeley married his second wife, Frances Culpepper Stephens, a cousin of Nathaniel Bacon, in 1670. 3. the Governr. of New York: Sir Edmund Andros (1637–1714) was governor of New York from 1674 to 1681 and of the Dominion of New England from December 1686 until its overthrow in the American theatre of the Glorious Revolution in April 1689. 4. aknowledge him their Lord Proprietary: Cecelius (Cecil) Calvert, second Baron Balti­ more (1605–75), first proprietor of Maryland. 5. Young child Charles Baltemore: Charles Calvert, third Baron Baltimore (1637–1715), deputy governor of Maryland from 1661, proprietor after his father’s death in 1675 until the Glorious Revolution in 1689. The proprietorship was recovered by his son, Benedict Leonard Calvert, after his death in 1715. The fourth Baron Baltimore converted from Catholicism to Anglicanism. 6. Philip Calvert: Philip Calvert (n.d.) was the son of George Calvert, first Baron Baltimore (1579–1635), by his second wife, Joanna. From 1656 he was secretary of Maryland and a councillor before briefly being caretaker governor from the fall of Josias Fendall in 1660 until the arrival of his nephew, Charles Calvert, the following year. After that, he was deputy-lieutenant and a councillor of the province once again. 7. William Calvert: William Calvert (1643–82) was the son of Leonard Calvert (1610– 47), who was younger brother of Cecilius Calvert and was Maryland’s first governor. 8. stekkadoes: i.e. stockades. 9. Canonised at Rome as thy Say Hide is: probably a reference to Sir Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon (1609–74), who joined the future Charles II in exile in 1651, became his Lord Chancellor in 1658 and was instrumental in the Restoration of 1660, after which he was ennobled. Clarendon was also one of the eight Lords Proprietors of the Carolinas from 1663, but fell out of favour and went into exile after the outbreak of the second Anglo-Dutch War. His daughter, Anne (1637–71), married James, Duke of York and mothered queens Mary II and Anne. Hyde was actually an Anglican, not a Catholic. His famous The True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England was published posthumously in 1702–4.

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10. Solemne Oath made a few yeares Since … to raise corne & stoks: Before the tobacco inspec­ tion acts of Virginia (1730) and Maryland (1747), which controlled the quality and supply of tobacco sold and exported, both colonies attempted to limit the quantity of tobacco grown to control supply and prices and to encourage food crop cultivation and animal husbandry. The policy was usually called ‘stinting’. 11. Sacrifice to Chamoch & Molech: more commonly called Chemosh and Moloch or Malek. The former was God of the Moabites and the latter the God of the Ammonites, respec­ tively descendants of the two sons of Lot. They are sometimes thought of as two separate Gods, although the reference to human sacrifices here comes from 2 Kings 3:27, in which they are one God or two manifestations of the same God, 2 Kings 11:7.

[Crouch], The English Empire in America 1. As if our Old World … Earth was wast: This appears to be a bastardization of Act I, scene i of a play called The Indian Emperor, about the conquest of Mexico, first performed in 1665 and printed in 1668, by John Dryden (1631–1700). The scene depicts a conversa­ tion between ‘Cortez’ (after conquistador General Hernán Cortés de Monroy y Pizarro, Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca (1485–1547) and the ‘commanders under him’, named ‘Vasquez’ and ‘Pizzaro’ after rival conquistadors Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar (1685– 1524) and Francisco Pizarro González, Marqués de los Atabillos (c. 1471/6–1541), who were also involved in the conquest of Mexico as well as other conquistadorial endeavours. The relevant words are transcribed below. Note that Crouch has excluded altogether ref­ erences to the Spanish conquistadors and rendered the piece as if the voice in the poem was Dryden’s rather than his Spanish interlocutors. He has also replaced Vasquez’s first line, ‘Methinks, we walk in dreams on Fairy-land’, with the words ‘Nay in this Bounteous, and this Blessed Land’, thus obscuring the scepticism of Dryden’s Vasquez. Crouch also appears to have invented or borrowed the final two lines in his own rendition, ‘All lay conceal’d for many Ages past, / And the best portion of the Earth was wast’. The last line appears in Edmund Waller, ‘Of a War with Spain, and a Fight at Sea’ (see notes 14, 38 and 51 below). These lines hint at a providentially discovered new world ripe for Euro­ pean colonization under the doctrine of the ‘agricultural argument’ for terra nullius and vacuum domicilum that entitled Europeans to claim ‘unoccupied’ or ‘unused’ land in the Americas, thereby obscuring the tragedy of Montezuma’s loss as depicted by Dryden. Cortez: … As if our old world modestly withdrew,

And here in private had brought forth a new? …

Cortez: Here nature spreads her fruitful sweetness round,

Breathes on the air, and broods upon the ground:

Here days and nights the only seasons be;

The sun no climate does so gladly see:

When forced from hence, to view our parts, he mourns;

Takes little journies, and makes quick returns.

Vasquez: Methinks, we walk in dreams on Fairy-land,

Where golden ore lies mixt with common sand;

Each downfal of a flood, the mountains pour

From their rich bowels, rolls a silver shower.

Notes to pages 25–38

279

2. Pope Zachaus: Zachaus or St Zachary was Greek and the last Byzantine Pope from 10 December 741 to his death on 22 March 752. 3. Bishop Virgil: St Virgil (or Vergilius, Feargal or Fergal) was born in Ireland around 700 and became Bishop of Salzburg, where he died on 27 November 784. He was an astrono­ mer and geographer, referred to in his obituary as a ‘geometer’. His enemy, St Boniface (672–754), complained to Pope Zachary about Bishop Virgil’s heretical claim that the earth was spherical, though Virgil seems to have escaped punishment. 4. Seneca says in his Medea: Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 bc–ad 65), also known as Seneca or Seneca the Younger, Roman philosopher and dramatist. His tragedy Medea features the eponymous Greek mythological granddaughter of Helios, the sun god, and wife of Jason. 5. Thule in Norway: ‘Ultima Thule’, thought to be six days’ sail north of Britain, was the then northern limit of the known world. 6. Plato’s Atlantis: Plato (428/7–348/7 bc), Greek philosopher and mathematician, student of Socrates, teacher of Aristotle. Plato first mentions Atlantis in his dialogues Timaeus and Critias as an island naval power that conquered much of Europe and Africa from 9600 bc before it sank into the sea. 7. Madoc ap Owen Gwyneth … main Land of America: According to folklore (there is no verifiable historical evidence) Prince Madoc was the illegitimate but acknowledged son of Welsh Prince Owain Gwyneth. When conflict over succession broke out among Gwyneth’s legitimate heirs, Dafydd, Maelgwn and Rhodri, after their father’s death in 1170, Madoc and another brother, Rhirid, explored the east coast of North America and then returned to take ten ships of Welsh settlers to colonize in modern-day Alabama. The story appeared in David Powel (c. 1550–98), The Historie of Cambria, now called Wales (1584) and Humphrey Llwyd (also spelled Lhuyd) (1527–68), Cronica Walliae a Rege Cadwalader ad annum 1294 (1559). It also appears in George Peckham, A True Report of the late Discoveries of the Newfound Landes (1583) and Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589). See G. A. Williams, Madoc: The Making of a Myth (London: Eyre Methuen, 1979). 8. Gomara and Mariana: Francisco López de Gómara (c. 1511–66), Historia de las Indias (1554), and Juan de Mariana, or Father Mariana (c. 1536–1624), Historiae de rebus His­ paniae, 20 vols (1592). 9. King Alphonsus: Afonso V (1432–81), King of Portugal from 1438 (at first under regency of his mother, Eleanor of Aragon), known as ‘the African’ because of his African conquests. 10. Lopez Vaz: This may be taken from ‘A discourse of the West Indies and South sea, writ­ ten by Lopez Vaz, a Portugal, borne in the citie of Elvas, continued unto the yere 1587. Wherein among divers rare things not hitherto delivered by any other writer, certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truely reported, which was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by captaine Withrington and captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yere 1586’, in vol. 8 of Richard Hakluyt (c. 1552/3–1616), The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and Discoveries of the English Nation: Made by Sea or Over Land to the Most Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at Any Time within the Compasse of These 1500 Years (1589); or, a fuller version, ‘A discourse on the West Indies and South Sea, written by Lopez Vaz, a Portugal’, in Sir Francis Drake (nephew of the explorer), The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, being his Next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios (1628).

280

Notes to pages 42–71

11. scantling: a small or brief account. 12. Pattens of wood: Rattan is a palm wood or else the term here may derive from the Malay word ‘rotan’, meaning to trim or to strip. 13. Scutes: ‘Scute’ originally meant a large, horny plate, such as a tortoise shell. 14. When the Whale felt his side … Field is won, &c: As with his rendition of Dryden’s play The Indian Emperor, Crouch seems to have edited Canto III of Edmund Waller’s (1606– 87) epic poem ‘The Battle of the Summer Islands’. The lines reproduced are 133–40, 159–60, 181–3 and 187–9. As well as omitting the lines between, Crouch has altered words in the lines cited. The original line 133 in fact reads ‘Who, when he felt his side so rudely goared’. The original line 159 reads ‘Their forces join’d, the seas with billows fill’. And the whale, while male in Waller’s poem becomes female in Crouch’s reproduction. 15. Captain Henry Hudson: Henry Hudson (d. c. 1611) was the English navigator and explorer who first searched for a north-east passage to India on behalf of English mer­ chants but in 1609 explored the eastern seaboard on behalf of the Dutch East India Company, sailing up the Hudson River that September, hence Dutch claims to New York and New Jersey. In 1610 he returned to look for a north-west passage under spon­ sorship from the Virginia Company and the British East India Company, discovering the Hudson Strait and Hudson Bay, but in spring 1611 his crew mutinied against travel­ ling further into the Canadian interior and cast him adrift. 16. Morses: Morse was an early word for a northern fur seal (Callorhinus ursinus), also called a sea bear, sea ox and sea elephant. Its teeth are haplodont; conical, sharp, in the shape of an elephant’s tusk and mostly single rooted. 17. Conyskins: Cony is an archaic word for rabbit. 18. Sir Walter: Sir Walter Raleigh (c. 1552–1618), The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Bewtifull Empyre of Guiana (1596). 19. Samuel Chaplain: probably a reference to Samuel de Champlain (c. 1552–1635), French navigator and explorer, generally credited as founder of New France (unmentioned by Crouch, who appears to have Anglicized his name), and author of Des Sauvages: ou voyage de Samuel Champlain, de Brouages, faite en la France nouvelle l’an 1603 (1604), translated in 1625. 20. Thomas James: Thomas James (c. 1593–c. 1635), The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captaine Thomas James (1633), an account of his 1631 mission aboard the Henrietta Maria with 22 crew on behalf of the Bristol Society of Merchant Venturers (rivalling Luke Fox’s mission on behalf of London merchants) to find a north-west passage from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific Ocean. His unpromising report discouraged other searches for a north-west passage until James Knight’s in 1719. Some critics credit James’s account as the inspiration for Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s poem ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mari­ ner’. 21. The Sachem of Mount Hope … mischiefs against the English in 1675: King Philip’s War or Metacom’s War (1675–6) was so called after Metacom (c. 1639–76), also called Metacomb, Metacomet and King Philip by contemporary colonists, sachem of the Wampanoag Indians. This was one of the bloodiest Anglo-Indian wars of the colonial era. Mainly focused on New England, but associated with a simultaneous Susquehan­ nock uprising in Maryland and Virginia, it resulted in New England alone in the deaths of around 3,000 Native Americans and 600 colonists with the destruction of 1,200 homes and 12 towns, and damage to 40 more towns.

Notes to pages 73–108

281

22. Stockwell of Deerfield: The Account of John Stockwell of Deerfield, Massachusetts: Being a Faithful Narrative of his Experiences at the Hands of the Wachusett Indians – 1677–1678, printed privately at the time. 23. J. J. an Englishman, in the year 1673: J. J. [ John Josselyn], The Present State of the English in New England (1673). Josselyn visited New England in 1638–9 and 1663–71, and is most famous for his New England’s Rarities, discovered in Birds, Beasts, Fishes, Ser­ pents, and Plants of that Country (1671) and An Account of the Voyages to New England (1674). 24. The present Governor … Henry Cranfield Esquire: Crouch may have believed that Edward Cranfield (mistakenly called Henry), the arch-Anglican lieutenant governor of New Hampshire, had been appointed governor of the whole of New England. In fact, in 1685 there was no unified New England, although after New Hampshire became a royal colony in 1679 its governor was the governor of Massachusetts (Simon Bradstreet from 1679 to 1686). When the Dominion of New England came into existence in May 1686, its first governor was Joseph Dudley, succeeded by Edmund Andros that December. Cranfield was succeeded as lieutenant governor of New Hampshire in 1685 by Walter Barefoote, in 1686 by Joseph Dudley, and in 1687 by Edmund Andros. 25. Colonel Nichols: Richard Nicolls (1624–72), a civil war royalist who was in exile with James, Duke of York, was military governor of New York from when he accepted the Dutch surrender of New Netherland on 8 September 1664 until 1668. 26. League of Friendship: The ‘League of Friendship’ referred to here is the Covenant Chain, an alliance between the Iroquois Confederacy and British colonists, negotiated prima­ rily by Edmund Andros, then governor of New York. Its two treaties ended Metacom’s War (see note 21 above) and established peace between the Iroquois Five Nations and the colonies of New England, and between the Iroquois, Delaware Lenape, Susquehan­ nocks, and the colonies of Maryland and Virginia. 27. East and West Jersey: East and West Jersey were separate colonies from 1674 to 1702, after one of the proprietors, Lord John Berkeley, sold his land rights to Quakers initially led by John Fenwick and Edward Billing but later by the proprietors listed by Crouch below. William Penn (1644–1718) emerged as a leading figure, who by then was also sole proprietor of Pennsylvania. 28. The Proprietors of this Province … published the following Account: ‘The Present State of the Colony of West Jersey’ (1681), in A. C. Myers (ed.), Narratives of Early Pennsylva­ nia, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630–1707 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1912), pp. 187–95. 29. Religion stands on Tiptoe … Gospel even as we: George Herbert (1593–1633), Welsh poet, orator and priest. This is an extract from ‘The Church Militant’, the final poem in the posthumously published The Temple (1633). The ‘Sein’ refers to the influence of France and ‘They’ in the final line refers to Native Americans. Crouch left this part of this poem unaltered. 30. William Penn … from Philadelphia, Aug. 16.1683: The letter was written by Penn to the Free Society of Traders, of which Penn was a member. 31. Clout: an archaic term for a piece of cloth or clothing, usually used to connote con­ tempt. 32. Skulkill: in fact the Schuylkill. 33. Mr. T. H.: Thomas Hariot or Harriot (c. 1560–1621), A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (1588). Hariot went to Roanoke on the first attempt to

282

Notes to pages 108–68

found a colony there in 1585–6. He went on to be a noted astronomer and mathemati­ cian. 34. Gittern: guitar, derived from middle English ‘gitene’ and old French ‘guiterne’. 35. L. Howard of Effingham: Francis Howard, fifth Baron Howard of Effingham (c. 1643– 95), governor of Virginia from 1684 to 1692, though he left for England in October 1688 and never returned. 36. an Englishman … delivered in his own words: Samuel Wilson, An Account of the Prov­ ince of Carolina, in America (1682), in A. S. Salley (ed.), Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650–1708 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1911), pp. 164–76. 37. Sir Henry Heydon: Crouch presumably means Sir John Heydon, who was governor from 1669 to 1681, followed by Florentius Seymour, 1681 to 1683, and Colonel Rich­ ard Coney from 1683 to 1687. 38. Bermudas Wall’d with Rocks … numerous Turk despise: Lines 7–54 and 72–3 from Can­ tos I and II of Edmund Waller’s ‘The Battle of the Summer Islands’. Apart from eliding lines 55–71, Crouch has this time transcribed Waller’s words accurately. See also note 14 above. 39. Kine: archaic for bovine. 40. neither: for ‘neither’ read nether. 41. Vincent Le Blanc: Vincent Le Blanc (1554–1640), French explorer who wrote of his 1592 voyage Les voyages fameux (1648); The World Surveyed: or, The Famous Voyages and Travails of Vincent Le Blanc, or White, of Marseilles, containing a More Exact Description of Several Parts of the World, then hath hitherto been done by any other author: the whole work enriched with many authentick histories (1660). 42. Buckler: archaic for shield. 43. murrey: mulberry, referring here to a dark red or purple colour. 44. Pliny: Gaius Plinius Secundus (ad 23–79), also known as Pliny the Elder, soldier, sailor, natural philosopher, uncle of Pliny the Younger, author of Naturalis Historius (Natural History). 45. Champion: here meaning field (like the French). 46. Fustick: an American mulberry tree (chlorophora tinctura) whose wood produces a light yellow dye. 47. Dubartas … Golden measures: Guillaume de Salluste Du Bartas (1544–90), French epic poet, author of La Sepmaine; ou, creation du monde (1578) and the uncompleted La Seconde Sepmaine (1584). The quotation is unaltered from Book I. 48. Sir Richard Dutton: Sir Richard Dutton (n.d.) was governor of Barbados from 1683 to 1685 when he was replaced by Edwyn Stede. 49. the conditions of Peace extended not beyond the line: The 1559 Treaty of Câteau-Cam­ brésis drew a ‘line of amity’ along the prime meridian and the Tropic of Cancer east of which European peace treaties applied, west of which there would be, in contemporary parlance used here by Crouch, ‘no peace beyond the line’. 50. Collonel Doyly: Edward Doyley or D’Oyley (1617–75) was governor of Jamaica in 1655–6 and again in 1657–62. 51. For divers Ages … noblest of our Enemies, &c: Edmund Waller, ‘Of a War with Spain, and a Fight at Sea’. Crouch has omitted lines 19–20, 31–50 and 55–6. He has also added ‘More danger from the English Spain doth find’ in place of the original ‘More danger now from man alone we find’; ‘Where th’Ocean kindly does from Mortals hide’ in place of ‘Where Thetis kindly does from Mortals hide’ (Thetis is the Greek mythological sea goddess, wife of Peleus and mother of Achilles); and ‘And thus into our hands the richest

Notes to pages 168–96

283

Prize, / Falls with the noblest of our Enemies’ in place of ‘And now, into her lap the prize, / Fell, with the noblest of our enemies’. 52. Sir Thomas Linch: Sir Thomas Lynch was acting governor of Jamaica in 1663–4 and governor in his own right in 1671–4 and 1682–4. He had, however, died in 1684, the year before The English in America was published. Hender Molesworth was governor from 1684 to 1687.

Palmer, The Present State of New-England 1. Popish Plot: The ‘Popish Plot’ was a supposed Catholic conspiracy to murder King Charles II that gripped Britons from 1678 to 1681. 2. The Governour denied that there was any such thing as a Towne among us: The colony of Massachusetts was settled and politically organized on the local level by chartered ‘towns’ that governed local communities and sent representatives to the General Court, the colonial legislature. 3. Mr. Mather’s: Increase Mather (1639–1723), Puritan minister and political figure. 4. Sr. Edward Cooke: Sir Edward Coke (1552–1634), jurist and MP, opponent of Charles I, co-author of the 1628 ‘Petition of Right’, and author of the thirteen-volume Reports on the common law and the four-volume Institutes of the Lawes of England. Coke wrote extensively on Magna Carta, the ‘Great Charter’, in the Second Institute. 5. Sr. John Vaughan: Sir John Vaughan (1603–74), Welsh-born judge whose reports were published in 1677 (and again in 1706). Craw v Ramsey, described here, was a case from 1670. 6. Grotius: Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Dutch jurist and author of De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War and Peace, 1625). 7. Cyclops … judgement pass: possibly a reference to Cyclops (n.d.) by the Greek tragedian Euripides (c. 480–406 bc), one of the famous trio with Aeschylus and Sophocles (see notes 10 and 11 below), although this and subsequent apparent quotes appear to be paraphrases of uncertain origin. 8. Valerius … in peace retain: Gaius Valerius Flaccus (d. ad c. 90), Roman poet, author of Argonautica (first printed in 1474). 9. Salust: Gaius Sallustius Crispus, or Sallust (86–34 bc), Roman historian, whose Jugurthine War recounts the war in Numidia, North Africa, c. 112 bc, where Sallust was once governor. 10. Æschylus: Aeschylus (c. 525/4–c. 456/5 bc), Greek tragic, playwright, The Suppliants (463 bc). 11. Sophocles: Sophocles (c. 496–406 bc), Greek tragedian, referring to his Antigone (before 442 bc), the third of three Theban plays. 12. Euripides: Euripides, probably derived from The Heracleidae (c. 429 bc). 13. Tacitus: Publius (or Gaius) Cornelius Tacitus (ad c. 56–117), senator and historian of the Roman Empire, referring to his The Annals, Book VI, written c. 109. 14. Base things … right or wrong, [Sen.]: Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 bc–ad 65), also known as Seneca or Seneca the Younger, Roman philosopher and dramatist, though it is not clear exactly where this quote or probable paraphrase comes from. 15. Cicero’s Philippicks: Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), also known as Tully or Cicero, Roman philosopher and statesman renowned for oratory, referring to his Philippicae (44 bc), or Orations: The Fourteen Orations against Marcus Antonius (Philippics).

284

Notes to pages 196–205

16. Plato: Plato (428/7–348/7 bc), Greek philosopher and mathematician, student of Soc­ rates, teacher of Aristotle. See his The Republic (c. 380 bc). 17. Aug. de civ. Dei: St Augustine (ad 354–430), Bishop of Hippo, Berber theologian, De Civitate Dei (City of God, ad 410). 18. Chrysostome: St John Chrysostom (ad c. 347–407), Greek Church father, Archbishop of Constantinople, famous for his biblical Homilies as well as other writings and preach­ ing, including Homilies on the Statutes to the People of Antioch, VI, which was ‘intended to shew that the fear of Magistrates is beneficial’. 19. Seneca: Seneca the Younger, referring to his De Beneficiis (Of Benefits). 20. Thucydides: Thucydides (c. 460–395 bc), Greek historian. Book II of his History of the Peloponnesian War contains a funeral oration by Pericles to the dead at the end of the first year of the war (431–404 bc). 21. Ambrose: St Ambrose (ad c. 340–397), Bishop of Milan and one of the four original doctors of the Church. See his De officiis (On the Offices of Ministers). 22. Liv.: Titus Livius, or Livy (59 bc–ad 17), Roman historian, author of Ab Urbe Condita Libri (History of Rome). 23. Xenophon’s: Xenophon (c. 430–354 bc), Athenian soldier and historian, wrote of mili­ tary discipline in Anabasis (The Expedition or The March Up Country), his account of the expedition of the Ten Thousand against the Persians in 401–399 bc. 24. Iamblicus: Iamblichus Chalcidensis (ad c. 245–325), Assyrian Neoplatonist philoso­ pher. Palmer is probably referring here to his Collection of Pythagorean Doctrines, ten books on ancient philosophers. 25. Dion Cassius: Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus (ad c. 160–230), also known as Cassius Dio, Roman consul and historian of Greek descent, author of Roman History, 80 vol­ umes from the legendary arrival of Aeneas in Italy around 1200 bc to ad 229. 26. Clemens: Pope St Clement I (late first and early second century), was believed to have compiled the Apostolic Constitutions, supposedly the work of the Twelve Apostles, which became eight books on Christian discipline and worship as guidance for clergy and laity. 27. Cluentius: In 66 bc, Aulus Cluentius Habitus, at the instigation of his mother, Sassia, and stepbrother, Oppianicus, was tried for poisoning his stepfather, also Oppianicus. Cicero successfully defended him, and his Pro Cluentis became a model of oratory. 28. Justin: Justin, or Marcus Junianius (or Junianus) Justinus (second century), Latin histo­ rian of the Roman Empire, author of Historiarum Philippicarum libri XLIV, or Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. 29. Ambrose: Ambrose, whose Contra Auxentium (ad 386) was written against the Arian Auxentius of Dorustorum, who challenged the Nicene Bishop of Milan to a public dis­ putation in 386. 30. Nazianzen: Gregory of Nazianzus (ad 330–389/90), also known as Gregory the Theo­ logian and Gregory Nazianzen, Archbishop of Constantinople, noted for his orations mentioned here. 31. Pliny’s Panegyrick: Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (ad 61–c. 113), also known as Pliny the Younger, magistrate and author of Panegyricus Traiani (100), or Trajan Panegyric. 32. Barkly: William Barclay (1546–1608), Scottish jurist, author of De Regno el Regali Potes­ tate adversus Buchananum, Brutum, Boucherium, et reliquos Monarchomachos (1600), or Concerning the Kingdom and Kingly Power, against Buchanan, Brutus, Boucher, and the other Monarchomachs.

Notes to pages 206–55

285

33. Optatus Melevitanus: St Optatus (fourth century), Bishop of Milevis, in Numidia. See his Against the Donatists (c. 370). 34. Quintilian: Marcus Fabius Quintilianus (ad c. 35–c. 100), Roman rhetorician from His­ pania, whose main work was Institutio Oratoria (c. 95). 35. Curtius: Quintus Curtius Rufus (first century), Roman historian, author of the ten-vol­ ume Historiae Alexandri Magni, or Histories of Alexander the Great. 36. Plutarch: Plutarch (ad c. 46–120), also known as Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, Greek historian, biographer and philosopher. See his ‘The Life of Agis’, in Parallel Lives, or Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. 37. Cassiodore: Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator (ad c. 485–c. 585), also known as Cassiodorus, Roman statesman and writer. See his Chronica, a history of kings of the known world to 519. 38. Lactantius: Lactantius (ad c. 240–320), also known as Lucius Caelius (or Caecilius) Firmianus Lactantius, early North African Christian convert and author of The Divine Institutions (Divinarum Institutionum), written between 303 and 311.

[Rawson and Sewall], The Revolution in New England Justified 1.

New England’s Faction Discovered: C. D., New-England’s Faction Discovered, or, A Brief and True Account of their Persecution of the Church of England, the Beginning and Progress of the War with the Indians and other Late Proceedings There: In a Letter from a Gentleman of that Country to a Person of Quality, being an Answer to a Most False and Scandalous Pamphlet lately Published, intituled News from New-England &c [ascribed to Increase Mather] (1690). 2. Latrations: archaic for dog or dog-like barking. 3. Mr. Philip Nye: Philip Nye (c. 1595–1672), independent theologian, in exile 1633–40, one of the five Dissenting Brethren with William Bridge, Jeremiah Burroughs, Thomas Goodwin and Sydrach Sympson who authored An Apologeticall Narration of some Min­ isters, formerly in Exile, now Members of the Assembly of Divines (1643). 4. Mr. Randolph: Edward Randolph was a British agent sent to Massachusetts to deliver royal instructions in 1676, appointed surveyor and collector of customs for all of New England in 1678, and to various positions within the Dominion of New England after 1685. 5. Collonel Dungan: Colonel Thomas Dongan, second Earl of Limerick (1634–1715), was governor of New York from 1683 to 1688. 6. Mr. Hinckley: Thomas Hinckley (1618–1706) was governor of Plymouth colony from 1680 until its incorporation into Massachusetts in 1692. Hinckley’s narrative remained unpublished and the only published extract is that transcribed here. 7. Mittimus: an arrest warrant. 8. Mr. Peter Reverdy: Peter Reverdy’s memoirs also seem to have been unpublished. 9. Habemus confitentem reum: ‘Here before us is one who pleads guilty’ (Latin). 10. Justin Martyr: Justin Martyr, also Justin of Caesarea and Justin the Philosopher (ad c. 100–c. 165), early Christian convert and apologist. The First Apology advocated Christi­ anity and argued against persecution and was addressed to Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius (ad c. 150–155), his sons and the Roman Senate. The Second Apology, addressed to the Senate, was a supplement to the first.

286

Notes to pages 255–75

11. Tertullian: Quintus Septimus Florens Tertullianus, also called Tertullian (ad c. 160– c. 220), was another early Christian apologist who wrote of Justin in his Adversus Val­ entinianos.

[Cleland], The Present State of the Sugar Plantations 1. the Governor: The governor from 1711 to 1720 was Robert Lowther (1681–1745). 2. Sir Bevill Granville: Sir Bevil Granville was governor of Barbados from 1793 to 1706. 3. Collonel Codrington: Christopher Codrington (1668–1710), who followed his father, also Christopher, as governor of the Leeward Islands in 1697, donated part of his estates to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts to build Codrington College. Construction began in 1714 and it opened in 1745. 4. the Duty of the 4 1/2: In 1663 Barbados accepted what the Leeward Islands had accepted at the Restoration: a 4.5 per cent tax on exports that was controversial well into the eighteenth century (see John Ashley’s two works in Volume 3, pp. 29–54, 109–92). 5. Minister Colbert: Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619–83), minister of finance for Louis XIV from 1665 to his death.

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Contents of the Edition

PART I

volume 1

General Introduction

Introduction, 1607–1763

1607–75

volume 2

1676–1714

volume 3

1715–52

volume 4

1753–63

PART II

volume 5

Introduction, 1764–83

1764–8

volume 6

1769–75

volume 7

1775–7

volume 8

1777–83

Index

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Editor

Steven Sarson

Consulting Editor

Jack P. Greene

Volume 3

1715–52

First published 2010 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Taylor & Francis 2010

Copyright © Editorial material Steven Sarson 2010

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.

No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or

by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter

invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage

or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and

are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

british library cataloguing in publication data

The American colonies and the British Empire, 1607–1783. Part 1, Volumes 1–4. 1. United States – History – Colonial period, ca. 1600–1775. 2. Great Britain – Colonies – America. I. Sarson, Steven. II. Greene, Jack P. 973.2-dc22 ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-948-7 (set) Typeset by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

CONTENTS

Daniel Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland, to the Benefit of the English Laws (1728) 1

[ John Ashley], The British Empire in America, Consider’d (1732) 29

A Pattern for Governours: Exemplify’d in the Character of Scroop late Lord

Viscount Howe, Baron of Clonawly; and Governour of Barbados (1735) 55

Archibald Cummings, The Character of a Righteous Ruler. A Sermon upon

the Death of the Honorable Patrick Gordon, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania (1736) 79

Harman Verelst, ‘Some Observations on the Right of the Crown of Great

Britain to the North West Continent of America’ (1739) 95

John Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations concerning the Trade and

Revenues of the British Colonies in America (1740) 109

Archibald Kennedy, An Essay on the Government of the Colonies (1752) 193

Editorial Notes

223

DULANY, THE RIGHT OF THE INHABITANTS

OF MARYLAND

Daniel Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland, to the Benefit of the English Laws (Annapolis, MD: W. Parks, 1728).

The settlement reached after the Glorious Revolution, the relatively long peace following the Treaty of Utrecht, the beginnings of the Walpolean era of ‘salutary neglect’ of the colonies, and colonies’ economic and social maturation after a century of settlement, meant that by the second decade of the eighteenth cen­ tury colonial societies and politics were noticeably more stable than they had ever been before, at least in long-settled provinces like Maryland. That did not stop some from thinking about the state of colonies and empire, however, and may even have encouraged men like Daniel Dulany, the Elder (1685–1753), to commentate on these issues. Dulany’s interest in colonial and imperial constitutionalism may have been sparked or shaped by the fact that he was born in Ireland. He attended but, due to family finances, did not graduate from the University of Dublin. Dulany and his two older brothers migrated to Maryland in 1730, Daniel indentured as a law clerk to Colonel George Plater. He qualified for the Charles County bar in 1709 and in 1717 was admitted to Gray’s Inn, one of the four Inns of Court in London, giving him a rare status on his return to Maryland. In 1720 he moved to the colonial capital, Annapolis, and, while continuing as a planter and lawyer, became attorney general and briefly commissary general (1721–5) and member of the lower house of assembly (1722–42). In the lower house Dulany attempted to curb the prerogatives of proprietor Charles Calvert, fifth Lord Baltimore, in particular his powers of veto over assembly legislation and of lawmaking by fiat. The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland, to the Benefit of the English Laws emerged from these political endeavours. Dulany begins the tract by quoting Trenchard and Gordon’s Cato’s Letters: Oh Liberty! Oh Servitude! How amiable, how detestable are the different Sounds! Liberty is Salvation in Politicks, as Slavery is Reprobation; nor is there any other Dis­ –1–

2

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3 tinction, but that of Saint and Devil, between the Champions of the one, and of the other. (below, p. 5)

This and later citations of Grotius, Puffendorf, Locke, Coke and other English jurists give the writing a tone that anticipates the Revolution. Yet the context was the complications inherent in proprietary government, and Dulany clearly preferred English common and statutory law to local executive sovereignty. In this tract Dulany employs natural law, arguing that ‘Men, from a State of Nature and Equality, formed themselves into Society, for mutual Defence, and Preser­ vation, and agreed to submit to Laws, that should be the Rule of their Conduct, under certain Regulations’ and that ‘the People of Maryland are Freemen, and will certainly continue to be such, as long as they enjoy the Benefit of Laws; calculated for the Security of Liberty, and Property and the Rights of Mankind’ (below, pp. 26, 8). Yet much of the pamphlet is a legalistic treatise based on two main arguments: I. AS the People are English, or British Subjects, and have always adhered to, and continued in their Allegiance to the Crown. II. AS the Rights of English, or British Subjects, are granted onto Them, in the Char­ ter of the Province, to the Lord Proprietary. (below, p. 8)

Dulany supports the first argument with a history of British liberties and their legal bulwarks, a history of Maryland proving provincial loyalty and therefore provincials’ British birthrights, and Roman and other imperial legal precedents. The second section argues that Baltimore’s palatine charter rights do not pre­ clude common or parliamentary laws supporting colonists’ liberties. It is a sign of how things had changed since John Coode’s days that Balti­ more, who visited Maryland for eight months from December 1732, was able to turn Dulany from country to court party by offering him the lucrative posts of agent and receiver general, attorney general and vice-admiralty court judge (and commissary general again in 1734). Dulany’s acceptance of all three offices led to his expulsion from the assembly, though he won his seat back at the next elec­ tion and kept it until appointed to the Council in 1742. Dulany sometimes still sided with local planters, however, lobbying Baltimore for a tobacco inspection act in the 1740s, despite an accompanying reduction in officers’ fees, including his own, by 25 per cent. Dulany was one of Maryland’s wealthiest men anyway, through judicious marriages to three daughters and widows of wealthy planters, investments in western land, the Baltimore Ironworks Company, slave-trading and money-lending. One of his sons, Daniel the Younger, was later a leading revolutionary and author of a celebrated anti-Stamp Act pamphlet, Considera­ tions on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British Colonies for the Purpose of Raising a Revenue (1765).1

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3

Notes: 1. A. C. Land, The Dulanys of Maryland: A Biographical Study of the Daniel Dulany, the Elder (1685–1753) and Daniel Dulany, the Younger (1722–1797) (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955, 1968); G. A. Stiverson, ‘DULANY, Daniel, Sr., Jr. (1685–5 December 1753)’, in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 7, pp. 38–40; E. C. Papenfuse, ‘Dulany, Daniel (1685–1753), Lawyer and Politician in America’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 17, pp. 171–2.

THE

RIGHT

OF THE

INHABITANTS OF MARYLAND;

TO THE

BENEFIT OF THE ENGLISH Laws.

Oh Liberty! Oh Servitude! How amiable, how detestable are the different Sounds! Liberty is Salvation in Politicks, as Slavery is Reprobation; nor is there any other Distinction, but that of Saint and Devil, between the Champions of the one, and of the other. Cato.1

ANNAPOLIS: Printed by W. Parks.

MDCCXXVIII. /

TO ALL TRUE PATRIOTS, AND SINCERE

LOVERS OF LIBERTY.

Gentlemen, The following Sheets are not made publick, because the Author of them is fond of appearing in Print; but because the Representatives, of the People of Maryland, whose Request, bears the weight of a Command, with him, desired they should be publish’d. The Design is honest, and what every Body ought to wish, had been undertaken by a Person more equal to it; that the Right con­ tended for, might have appeared in its proper Lustre; and all Objections to it, have been obviated, as I am / firmly persuaded they may be. For my own Part, I shall think my Time very well spent, if the Objections, with which I expect this weak Performance will be encount’red; or a generous Concern, to see so good a Subject, so weakly managed, excites some able Lover of Liberty, to establish the Truths, which I have faintly endeavour’d to establish. I heartily wish this may hap­ pen, as well as every Thing else, conducive to the Prosperity of the Province of Maryland; and am, very sincerely, Gentlemen,

Your most Obedient, and

Faithful, humble Servant,

D. Dulany. /

The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland; to the Benefit of the

English LAWS.

As there has been a pretty warm Contest, concerning The Right of the Inhabit­ ants of Maryland, to the Benefit of the English Laws; as well Statute as Common: And as the Matter is in Dispute, and it is of the utmost Consequence to be at a Certainty about it; It behoves every Man, that has any Regard to, or Interest in the Country, to use his utmost Endeavour to put it in a true Light: For as Laws are absolutely necessary, for the good Government, and Welfare, of Society, so, it is necessary, that People should have some Notion of those Laws, which are to be the Rule of their Conduct; and for the Transgression of which, They will –7–

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be liable to be punished, notwithstanding their Ignorance. If this be necessary? as without Doubt it is; Then it is certainly of the greatest Importance to know, whether a People are to be governed by Laws, which their Mother-Country has experimentally found, to be beneficial to Society, and adapted to the Genius, and Constitution of their Ancestors; or to compose a new Set of Laws, which will be attended with very great Difficulties; and an Expence, vastly dispropor­ tionable to the Country, in it’s present Circumstances? Or / whether, They are to be governed by the Discretion, (as some People softly term the Caprice, and Arbitrary Pleasure,) of any Set of Men? This, or the like Enquiry, cannot be of any great Moment, but to those that are Free: For, such as have the Misfortune to be in a State of Bondage, are in the Condition of The Ass in the Fable; sure to be as heavily Iaden as they can possibly bear, with out rendring them useless to their Masters. But the People of Maryland are Freemen, and will certainly continue to be such, as long as they enjoy the Benefit of Laws; calculated for the Security of Lib­ erty, and Property and the Rights of Mankind: But should They be so infatuated as to give up, or so miserable as to forfeit, (which God forbid!) the Benefit of such Laws; They may then, bid adieu to all the Security They have, of enjoying with any Degree of Certainty any thing, however dear, and valuable. These Considerations put Me upon enquiring, in the best Manner, my very weak Capacity, and other Disadvantages, would admit of, into the Right, which the People of Maryland have, to the Enjoyment of English Liberties; and the Benefit of the English Laws: Which I take to be, and hope to prove are, convert­ ible Terms. In which Enquiry, I have found very good Reasons, (at least, They seem so to Me,) to convince Me, that the said People have such Right. To the End, therefore, that I may be undeceived, if I am mistaken; or That I may confirm others, in the Truth, and Reasonableness of what I contend for; as well as the mighty Advantage it is of, to the Inhabitants of this Province, I will endeavour to prove the Right. / I. As the People are English, or British Subjects, and have always adhered to, and continued in their Allegiance to the Crown. II. As the Rights of English, or British Subjects, are granted onto Them, in the Charter of the Province, to the Lord Proprietary. But before I proceed to treat of these several Rights, it will not be amiss, to observe, that the Law of England consists of the Common and Statute Laws. That the Common Law, takes in the Law of Nature; the Law of Reason, and the revealed Law of God; which are equally binding, at All Times, in All Places, and to All Persons, And such Usages, and Customs, as have been experimentally found, to suit the Order, and Engagements of Society; and to contain Nothing inconsist­ ent with Honesty, Decency, and Good Manners; and which by Consent, and long Use, have obtained the Force of Laws.

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland

9

The Statute Law, consists of such Acts of Parliament, as have been made from Time, to Time, by the whole Legislature; some of which, are declaratory, or alter the Common Law; I mean, such Part of it as consists of Usages, and Cus­ toms, that received their Force and Sanction from the Consent of the People; when those Usages, and Customs, have been mistaken, misapplied, or found to be unsuitable to the Order, and Engagements of Society, in order to make the whole Body of the Law, best answer the true End of all Laws, the Good and Safety of the People. Some, have restored the People to the Rights, that were theirs, by the Com­ mon Law, (which contained nothing inconsistent with General Liberty and Property,) and which ill Men, had at Times, invaded, and infringed; and have made New Barriers, (if I may so speak,) to prevent future Infringements, / of the like Nature; and paved out a certain, determinate Path, for every Subject, suffer­ ing Violence, and Oppression, to be remedied: And taken Care to make it the Interest as well as it ever was, and ever must be, the indispensable Duty of the Magistrate, to allow the Subject, the Benefit of the Law; by rendering the Magis­ trate himself punishable, if he should neglect, so essential a Part of his Duty. Some Statutes, are Introductory of new Laws, which may be divided, into such as are by the Words, or Subject Matter of them, of general Use and Extent; such as are more confined; and such, as are made for particular Ends, and Pur­ poses. I shall have Occasion to treat of the first of These, only. This Law, of England, is the Subject’s Birth-Right, and best Inheritance; and to it, may be justly applied, what the great Oracle of the Law, the Lord Coke, saith of the Common Law. ‘Of Common Right, that is, by the Common Law; so called, because this Common Law, is the best and most Common Birth-Right, that the Subject hath, for the Safeguard and Defence, not only of his Goods, Lands, and Revenues; but of his Wife, and Children, his Body, Fame, and Life, also’. (*)2 ’Tis this Law, that will effectually secure every Honest Man, who has the Benefit of it, in his Life, the Enjoyment of his Liberty, and the Fruits of his Industry. ’Tis by Virtue of this Law, that a British Subject, may with Cour­ age, and Freedom, tell the most daring, and powerful Oppressor, that He must not injure him, with Impunity. This Law, uprightly and honestly applied, and administered, will secure Men from all Degrees of Oppression, Violence, and Injustice; it tells the Magistrate what he has to do, and leaves him little Room, to gratify his own Passion, and Resentment, at the Expence of his Fellow-Subject. It suits the Degrees of Punishment, / to the Nature and Degrees of Offences, with a due Regard to the Circumstances of Aggravation and Extenuation; as well as to the Frailties and Infirmities of Human Nature. ’Twas of this Law, that it was truly said, by an honest, bold Patriot, an hundred Years since, in Parliament; ‘Our *

I Inst. 142.

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Laws, which are the Rules of Justice, are the Ne plus ultra, to King, and Subject; and as They are the Hercules Pillars, so are they the Pillar to every Hercules, to every Prince, which He must not pass.(*)3 It was upon the Foundation of this Law, that it was resolved in the House of Commons, in March, 1628, Nemine contradicente, I. ‘That no Freeman ought to be detained, or kept in Prison, or otherwise restrained, by command of the King, or of the Privy Council, or any Other; unless some Cause of the Commitment, Detainer, or Restraint, being express’d for which, by Law, He ought to be committed, detained, or restrained. II. ‘That the Writ of Habeas Corpus, may not be denyed; but ought to be granted to every Man, that is committed, or detained in Prison, or otherwise restrained, though it be by command of the King; the Privy Council, or any other: He praying the same. III. ‘That if a Freeman be committed, or detained in Prison, or otherwise restrained, by the Command of the King, the Privy Council, or any other; no Cause of such Commitment, Detainer, or Restraint being expressed, for which by Law, he ought to be committed, detained, or restrained; and the same be returned, upon a Habeas Corpus granted for the said Party; then He ought to be delivered or bailed. / That it is the antient, and indubitable Right of every Freeman, that He hath full and absolute Property, in his Goods and Estate; that no Tax, Tallage, Loan, Benevolence, or other like Charge, ought to be commanded, or levied, by the King or any of his Ministers, without common Consent, by Act of Parliment.(†)4 And this Law is not to be altered, but by the whole Legislature, and we may as reasonably apprehend, that a whole People will be seiz’d with a Delirium, as fear such a Change. Having given this Short Account of the Law it self, which I hope will not be thought altogether useless, I shall now proceed, in the Method I proposed, of proving the Right, of the Inhabitants of Maryland, to the Benefit of English Laws. I. As they are English, or British Subjects; and have always adhered to, and continued in their Allegiance to the Crown. The First Settlers of Maryland, were a Colony of English Subjects, who left their Native Country, with the Assent and Approbation of their Prince; to enlarge his Empire in a remote Part of the World, destitute of almost all the Necessar­ ies of Life, and inhabited by a People, savage, cruel and inhospitable: To which Place, they (the first Settlers,) transported themselves, at a great Expence; ran all the Hazards, and underwent all the Fatigues incident to so dangerous and daring an Undertaking; in which Many perished, and Those that survived, suffered All * Mr. Creswell’s Speech, March 1627: Rushworth’s Collection, Vol. I. p. 506. † Rush 1.B. 513.

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland

11

the Extremities of Hunger, Cold and Diseases. They were not banished from their Native Country, nor did They abjure it. It pleased God, in process of Time, that some of those People, their Poster­ ity, and others that followed, met with such Success, / as to raise a Subsistence for Themselves; and to become very beneficial to their Mother-Country, by greatly increasing its Trade and Wealth; where-in, They have been as advantageous to Eng­ land, as any of Her Sons, that never went from their own Homes, or under-went any Hardships; allowing for the Disparity of Circumstances. And it cannot be pre­ tended, that ever They adhered to the Enemies of their King or Mother-Country; departed from their Allegiance, or swerved from the Duty, of loyal, and faithful Subjects: These are Truths, too evident, and too well known to be denied, by any One, that has the least Share of, or Regard to, Truth, or Common Honesty. This being the Case of the People of Maryland, it will not be amiss, to observe the Opinions of the two great Civilians, and Politicians, Puffendorf, and Grotius, in Relation to Colonies: The first, says, ‘That Colonies may be, and often are, settled in different Methods: For, either the Colony continues a Part of the Common wealth It was sent from; or else, is only to pay dutiful Respect to the Mother-Common-wealth, and to be in Readiness to defend and vindicate its Honour, (*)5 Maryland is undoubtedly a Part of the British Dominions, and its Inhabitants are Subjects of Great Britain, and so are They called, in several Acts of Parliament.† And Grotius saith, ‘That Such, enjoy the same Rights of Liberty with the Mother City. (‡)6 And again, in another Place, ‘For they are not sent out, to be Slaves, but to enjoy equal Priviledges, and Freedom’. (§) Thus far these great Men. / It is an established Doctrine, that Allegiance, and Protection, are reciprocal; and that a Continuance in the One, entitles the Subject to the Benefits of the Other: ‘As the Ligatures, or Strings, (says Lord Coke) do knit together the Joints, of all the Parts of the Body, so doth Legiance join together, the Sovereign, and all his Subjects.(¶) For as the Subject oweth to the King, his true and faithful Legiance, and Obedience; so the Sovereign is to govern and protect the Sub­ ject.(**) Between the Sovereign, and the Subject, there is a double and reciprocal Tie; for as the Subject is bound to obey the King, so is the King bound to protect * † ‡ § ¶ **

Law of Nature and Nations B.8. Chap., II. S. 6. 12. Car. 2. Cap. 34, 15 Car. 2. Cap. 7, Sect. 5, 25 Car. 2. 11 and 12 W. 3 Cap. 12. Grotius of the Rights of War and Peace B. I. Cap. 3. S. 21.

(3) B. 2 Cap. 9. S. 10.

7 Co. Rep. 4. b.7

ibid. 5. a. Regere et protegere Subditos suos.

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the Subject.(*) And Subjection draws to it Protection, and Protection Subjec­ tion.(†) Every Subject has a Right to the Enjoyment of his Liberty and Property, according to the established Laws of his Country; when that Right is invaded, Recourse must be had to the Law for a Remedy: And a Man, who hath the Ben­ efit of the Law, is sure to have Reparation for any Injury that has been done Him; and is secure against future Wrongs: But, if he has not the Benefit of the Law, he must not only submit to past Injuries, if done by a Person Superior to him, in Power; but be exposed to future Insults, whenever Power, and Inclination, concur to oppress Him: From whence, it necessarily follows, that the greatest Advantage, which the Subject can possibly derive, from the Royal Protection, is the Benefit of the Laws; that so long as the Subject hath That, he is secure of every Thing which belongs to Him; that when He loses It, He loses every Thing; or at best, hath but a very uncertain, and precarious Tenure, in any thing: This Subjection, and this Protection, are not bounded by any Space, less extensive than the British Dominions. / This, Reason speaks loudly, and Numbers of Authorities are not wanting to confirm; tho’ I intend, to confine my self to One, which is the Case of St. Paul;‡ which is so well known, that a particular Recital of the Text is needless; and therefore, I shall only observe, that the Apostle claimed the Benefit of the Roman Law, not because, he was born in Rome, or Italy; or indeed, in Europe; for he was born in Asia, Nor did he claim the Priviledge of a Roman, in Rome, Italy, or Europe; but in Judea: There was no Dispute of his Right, because he was born in a remote Province of the Empire; There was no Pretence, that the Laws which were securitative of the Roman’s Rights, were confined within narrower Limits than those of the Roman Dominions. Instead of any Pretence of this Kind, the Roman Captain, was afraid of being called to an Account, for having violated the Roman Law, by inflicting a Punishment, that it did not allow of, on a Person, entituled to the Benefit of that Law; And that, as hath been already observed, in a very remote Corner of the Empire. The Province of Maryland, is as much a Part of the British Dominions, as Tarsus the City, or Cilicia the Country, of St. Paul’s Birth, was Part of the Roman Empire. And consequently, a Man, born in Maryland, hath as good a Right, to demand the Benefit of the Laws of his Mother Country, as the Apostle had, to demand the Privileges of a Roman. One would be apt to think, that if there was any Difference, in the two Cases, the Marylander, would have much the better of it; for his Ancestors were English, and St. Paul’s Ancestors were not Romans. * Duplex et reciprocum Ligamen, quia sicut Subditus Regitenetur ad Obedientiam its Rex Subdito ten­ etur ad Protectionem. 4 Co. Rep. 5. a. † Protectio trabit Subjectionem, & Subjectio Protectionem. ibid. ‡ Acts Chap. 22 v. 25, &c.

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland

13

In a Word, the People of Maryland, are not out of the Reach of their Prince’s Protection, nor so foolish, or wicked, as to disown their Allegiance, to the best, and most gracious of Kings. What the Learned Mr. Locke, says of natural Equal­ ity, being I conceive, applicable to the present Purpose, I am certain it will be / very acceptable; ‘A State of Equality, (says that great Man) wherein all Power and Jurisdiction, is reciprocal; no one having more than another: There being nothing more evident, than that Creatures, of the same Species, and Rank, pro­ miscuously born, to all the same Advantages of Nature, and the Use of the same Faculties, should also be Equal, One, amongst another, without Subordination, or Subjection; unless, the Lord, and Master of them All, should, by any mani­ fest Declaration of his Will, set One above Another, and confer on Him, by an evident and clear Appointment, an undoubted Right, to Dominion, and Sover­ eignty.*8 Can any Thing be more evident, than that All the Subjects, of the same Prince, living within his Dominions, adhering to their Allegiance, and in a Word, behaving themselves, as dutiful and loyal Subjects ought, and promiscu­ ously born under the same Obligation of Allegiance, Obedience, and Loyalty to their Prince, and to the same Right of Protection, should also be entitled to the same Rights, and Liberties, with the rest of the Subjects, of the same Prince, of their Degree, and Condition? Or can any thing be more clear, than that Subjects, having an equal Right to Privileges, must also have an equal Right to the Laws, made to create or preserve such Privileges? And without which, they cannot be preserved; unless the supreme Power, by any manifest Declaration, distinguish some Subject from Others, by depriving some, of their Privileges and continuing them to Others. If the People of Maryland are thus unhappily distinguished, they must sub­ mit? But if on the contrary, They have a Right, in common with the rest of their Fellow Subjects, to English Liberties, and Privileges? ’Tis absurd to say, They have not a Right to the Means of preserving them. / By what hath been, and will be said; I hope, that the Right of the People of Maryland, to the Benefit of the Laws of England, is, and will be evidently proved; and that it will be likewise proved, that That Benefit, is of infinite Advantage, to any People, who receive the same, in the full Extent of it. If so, it will necessarily follow, that to deprive the People, of the Advantages, derivative from the Laws of their Mother Country, would be greater Injustice, and Oppression, than they could suffer in any particular, or indeed in many Instances; by so much, as the necessary, and only Means, to secure Men in all their Rights, is of greater Conse­ quence, than any particular Part of their Property. *

Locke of Civil Government. Chap. 2. Sect. 4.

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I have heard of some Men, who have advanced, that the People of Mary­ land, have a Right to English Liberties, but not to English Laws; and wonder, Why there should be so much to do about those Laws! when we may do as well without, as with them. Such Notions are the Effect of Ignorance, in some, and of something worse in Others: And, (as I hope to prove,) are big with Absurdity: All the Rights, and Liberties, which the British Subject, so justly, values Himself upon; are secured to Him, by the British Laws: And when, and as often as those Rights, and Liberties, are invaded, Recourse must be bad to the Law, for Repara­ tion: Right, and Remedy, are inseparable; and when the latter ceases, the former is extinguished the same Instant. ‘A Man, (saith a great Lawyer,) hath no Right to any Thing, for which the Law gives no Remedy. (*)9 It was held by as great a Judge, as ever sate in Westminster Hall, clearly; ‘That a Devisee, might maintain an Action, ‘at Common-Law, against a Ter-tenant,10 for a Legacy, devised out of Land; for, where a Statute, as the Statute of Wills; / gives a Right, The Party, by Consequence, shall have An Action at Common Law, to recover it. (†)11 The same Judge, held that it was a vain Thing, to imagine, there should be a Right, without a Remedy. Want of Right, and Want of Remedy, are Termini convertibiles.’ (‡)12 And of the same opinion was a former Judge, (§) And there never was One of a contrary Opinion. It is very evident to every Man’s Reason, without any judicial Decision, or other Authority, That to have a Right to a Thing, without any Means or Rem­ edy to maintain that Right, is of no Service. And it is as well known; that in all civil Governments, the only certain, and just Remedy, is the Benefit of the Law. Of this, some that advance the foregoing Notions, are aware; but they very well know, that it ought to be carefully concealed, from Those, that they would impose their destructive Doctrines upon, as Orthodox. Others are so good natured, as to allow the People of Maryland, the Ben­ efit of the Common Law; but contend stiffly, that they have no Right to any of the Statutes; and that having the Liberty of supplying that Defect, by mak­ ing Acts of Assembly, to suit all their Purposes; or even, of Re-enacting such of the Statutes themselves, as may be convenient for them, they have no Occasion for the Statutes at All; Whence then, say they, these Apprehensions of wanting Laws? ’Tis only the Statute-Law you have no Right to, nor Occasion for. As to the Power of Legislation, I shall say something hereafter. What I contend for, is, that we derive our Right to British Liberties, and Privileges, as we are British Subjects: That as such, We have a Right to all the Laws, whether Statute, or / Common, which secure to the Subject, the Right of * † ‡ §

Vaughan’s Reports 253. Holt and J. Salkeld’s, Rep. 415. Vol. I. 6 Mo. Rep. 53. the great Case of the Aylesbury Men.

6 Co. Rep. 58.

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland

15

a Subject, as inseparably incident to those Rights; that the Right to the Liber­ ties, and Privileges; and the Benefit of the Laws, have the same Foundation: And therefore, If we may be deprived of any Part of that Right, without our Consent, or our being convict of any Crime, whereby to forfeit it? We may, by the same Reason, and Authority, be deprived of some other Part; and this, will naturally render the Whole, uncertain; and our Lives, Liberties, and Properties, Precari­ ous. I have no Notion of a Certainty, in any Thing, that I hold by so slender a Ten­ ure, as the Will of another; but think it vain, and arrogant, to call it Mine. Those, that would vouchsafe Us the Benefit of the Common Law, but would entirely deprive Us of the Benefit of any of the Statutes, would leave Us in a poor Condition, with Regard to our Liberties: For all the Rights, which the English Subject was entitled to, by the Common Law, were at Times, invaded by Men of Power, and Authority; and the very Invasions themselves called by the Iniquity of Men, and Time, the Law of the Land; And that very Law, which was calculated, and instituted, for the Defence, and Safeguard, of Property; preverted to the Destruction of Property. By the Law of Nature, All Men were equal; and by that Law, the Law of Reason, and the revealed Law of God, Men are enjoyned, to treat One Another, with Humanity, Justice, and Integrity. Yet, such has been, and is, the Depravity of Human Nature; and so little, has the Love of Equity, and Justice, prevailed among Men; that the excellent Rules, which the Laws already mention’d dictate, have not been sufficient to keep them, within just Bounds, or to restrain them, from treating one Another, with the greatest Cruelties imaginable: Whence, it became absolutely necessary, to make some further Provision by positive Laws; / such as our Statutes, to oblige Men, to comply with, what the Love of Justice would not, but the Fear of Punish­ ment, might induce them to comply with, and to punish the Disobedient, and Refractory. All which have been found by Experience, to be little enough, to keep Ill Men, in Order; or secure Good Men, from Violence, and Oppression. This hath been the Case, in England it self; A Nation, that has abounded, with Men of great Abilities, great Interest, and opulent Fortunes; that were Patrons of Liberty, Lovers of Justice, and such as preferr’d the Good of their Country to All their own particular Concerns: And that were therefore, Checks to Oppressors, and Violators of Laws, and the Rights of Mankind: Yet the Virtue, Resolution, and Endeavours of these Worthies, were not sufficient, to secure themselves, or their Fellow Subjects, in the Enjoyment of their Rights and Liberties; or the Law, from being polluted by Ill Men, in Authority; or turn’d to the Destruction of the Best, for opposing the Ruin of their Country. That this, hath often been the Case in England, every body knows, who is at all acquainted with its History; and I believe it has been so, in all other Nations. Such calamitous Circumstances, were

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not to be born, by a Free-People, who were possessed of the Means, to provide for their own Safety. Magna Charta was made, which as all eminent Lawyers agree, is, and indeed, by the Words of it, appears to be, A Declaration of the Common-Law: (*) The 29th Chapter is not long, and ought to be read by every Body, and (in my humble Opinion,) taught to Children, with their first Rudiments; the Words of it are, ‘No-Freeman shall be taken; or imprisoned, or disseised of his Freehold, or Liberty, or free Customs; or outlawed, or exiled, or any way destroyed: Nor (says the King) will we pass Sentence upon him, but by lawful Judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land: / – To None will we sell; To None will we deny; To None will we defer Justice, or Right’.13 If new Rights, or Liberties were granted, they would be particularly granted; and there would be no Occasion to refer to the Laws of the Land. By another Statute, subsequent to Magna Charta, it is provided ‘That no Man, of what Estate, or Condition that he be, shall be put out of Land, or Tene­ ment; nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor disinherited, nor put to Death, without being brought in to answer, by due Process of Law.’ (†) This Statute, directs no new Process of Law; and enacts over again, what seems to have been provided for, by Magna Charta, which was in full Force, when this Statute was made. By another Statute, made but Fifteen Years after the last, and in the same Reign: It was assented to, and accorded for the good Government of the Com­ mons; that no Man, be put to answer without Presentment before Justices, or Matter of Record, or by due Process, or Writ Original; according to the old Law of the Land. (‡) To recite but a very small part, of all the Statutes, that have been made, to confirm, and establish the Subject’s Rights, and Liberties that were his, by the Common Law, would be too tedious: I shall therefore, confine my self; to a few Instances: In the Preamble, and several Parts of the Body, of the Petition of Right; a great Number of Statutes are mentioned, that confirm’d the Subject’s Right, in his Liberty and Property; which were then in Force, and yet had all been violated: (§) Wherefore, it was thought necessary, to declare against the Violation; and establish the antient Rights, in a Parliamentary way, which was accordingly done. In the Sixteenth Year, of the Reign of King Charles I. very great Complaints were made of the Star-Chamber, and Council-Table, That the Judges of the former, had not confined themselves / to the Points, limited in the Statute of H. 7.c.1. which impowered the Great Officers of the Crown, and other Great Men, to proceed, and punish some particular Offences; ‘but had undertaken to * † ‡ §

I Ins. 81. 28 Edw. 3. cap. 3. 43 Edw. 3. cap. 3.

3 Car. 1. c. 1.

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punish, where no Law did warrant, and to make Decrees for Things, having no such Authority; and to inflict heavier Punishment than by any Law was war­ ranted: That the Proceedings, Censures, and Decrees, of that Court, had been found by Experience, to be an intolerable Burthen to the Subject, and the Means to introduce an arbitrary Power and Government: That the Council-Table, had of late Times, assumed to it self, a Power to intermeddle in civil Causes, and Matters only of private Interest, between Party and Party, and had adventured to determine of the Estates, and Liberties of the Subject, contrary to the Laws of the Land, and the Rights and Priviledges of the Subject’. The Court of Starchamber was entirely dissolved, as were several other Courts; and the following, ample, Parliamentary Declaration made: ‘Be it enacted and declared, by Author­ ity of this present Parliament, that neither his Majesty, nor the Privy-Council, have, or ought to have, any Jurisdiction, Power, or Authority, by English Bill, Peti­ tion, Articles, Libel, or any other arbitrary way whatsoever, to examine, or draw into Question, determine, or dispose of, the Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments, Goods, or Chattles, of any of the Subjects of this Kingdom; but that the same, ought to be tryed, and determined, in the ordinary Courts of Justice, and by the ordinary Course of the Law’.* Great Officers transgressing this Law, are liable to severe Penalties. The Preamble to the Habeas Corpus Act, shews, what Shifts, and Evasions, were used, to elude the Force of the Laws, that were instituted, to secure the Sub­ ject’s Liberty; the Words / are: ‘Whereas, great Delays have been used, by Sheriff s, Goalers, and other Officers; to whole Custody, any of the King’s Subjects, have been committed, for criminal, or supposed criminal Matters; in making Returns, of Writs of Habeas Corpus, to them directed; by standing out an Alias, & Pluries Habeas Corpus; and sometimes more, and by other Shifts, to avoid their yield­ ing Obedience to such Writs; contrary to their Duty, and the known Laws of the Land; whereby many of the King’s Subjects, have been, and hereafter may be, long detained in Prison, in such Cases, where by the Law they are bailable; to their great Charges and Vexation. (†) Therefore, Provision is made, to oblige all Officers to perform their Duty, and to punish such as shall not do so. There is no Part of the Royal Prerogative, abridged, or retrenched by these Statutes; no new Liberties, or Priviledges are granted to the Subject. Here are ample, and large Declarations in Parliament, of the Subject’s Rights; loud Complaints of the Violation of those Rights; The Rights, themselves, confirmed; and the knavish Chicanes, and crafty Inventions, that were introduced to deprive the Subject of his Rights, are abolished; and more easy, plain, and direct Ways, for the Subject, to come at the Benefit of Laws, established in their Room. * 16 Car. c. 10. † 31 Car. 2. c. 2.

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By the first Act for settling the Succession of the Crown, a Parliamentary Declaration, of the Rights, and Liberties of the Subject, was thought necessary; not because the Subject had forfeited his Rights, and Liberties; or demanded new: But because, those that anciently belonged to him, had been invaded, and violated.(*) From what hath been said, it is evident; that the English Subject, had very ample Rights, and Privileges, by the Common Law; and it is manifest, by the several Statutes already mentioned; / and a Multitude of others, as well as the English History; that the Common Law, though frequently confirmed in Parlia­ ment, was not sufficient, to secure Him from Oppression, and Violence: And there is no other Remedy, when Laws are violated, but to punish the Violators, and establish, and confirm the Laws; which have been frequently done, and sometimes with great Difficulty, and the Expence of a great deal of Blood, and Treasure. Whoever has read the Parliamentary Proceedings, in the Last, as well as Queen Anne’s Reign; will find, that when the Safety of the Government, rendered a temporary Suspension of the Execution of the Habeas Corpus Act necessary; it was always opposed, when proposed to be of any considerable Duration: And the longest Time of Continuance of any of those Acts, that I ever saw, was not above 18 Months; so careful has the British Parliament been, to preserve to a People, justly fond of Liberty, and wisely jealous, of every thing, that might be destructive of, or hurtful to It; the Benefit of a Law, that is a great Support and Preservative of Liberty. This shews, that the British Subjects, esteem the several Statutes, that have been made to confirm their Common Law Rights, to be of mighty Consequence, and Advantage to them: And any one, may well imagine, that if any Attempt should be made, to abrogate those great Defences and Bulwarks of the People’s Liberty; every body would be alarmed, and dread the Introduction of the same, or greater Mischiefs, than those, that render’d the making so many confirmatory Acts necessary: And it would be stupid, and irrational, to think the contrary. If then, the Case was, as hath been already mention’d, in England? That, notwithstanding its Common Law, entitles the People, to ample Liberties and Priviledges; that there were great Numbers of brave, honest Patriots, who under­ stood the / Laws of their Country, perfectly well, and who never fail’d to use their utmost Efforts, in Opposition to every Violation of that Law; that notwith­ standing all they could do, themselves, and others, were insecure in their Lives, Liberties, and Properties; and Things were brought to such Extremities, that it became necessary, to confirm, and strengthen, the antient Rights by the Legisla­ tive Authority: And that, although That was frequently done, yet Oppressions *

1 W. & M. c. 2.

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were frequently renewed, and wicked Men in Power, always found Pretences, to oppress those, that would not abett, or would oppose their Crimes; and they have never wanted Instruments, to execute all their villainous and destructive Schemes. Let us consider our own Circumstances, and enquire, Whether the Number, Ability, Interest, or Fortune, of our Patriots, bear any Proportion, to those that England has been blest with, in all Ages? Whether we are greater Lovers of Jus­ tice, and Equity, than other People, or have less Occasion for Laws, to restrain those that are unruly amongst us, and to secure and protect those that are peace­ able, and innocent, than our Neighbours have? And whether Men of the greatest Authority, and Interest among us, may not have as strong Inclinations for Power, and Dominion, and of Lording it over their Inferiors, as we are told Great Men in other Parts of the World have? By a serious Consideration of these Things, we may be able, to form some Judgment, of the Condition we should be in, if we were to forfeit the Benefit of all the Laws, that have been made; I mean, the Statutes to declare the Subject’s Right at the Common Law; and to establish, strengthen, and confirm, that Right. ‘If Men (says an ingenious Author) will be great Knaves, in spight of Opposition; how much greater, would they be, if there were none.(*)14 / Some People, will object several Book Cases; wherein the Judges have resolved, that the English Laws did not extend to Ireland; ’till it was expressly enacted that they should: And, that the English Acquisitions in France, were never governed but by their own Laws: From whence, the Necessity of enacting the English Statutes, in Maryland, before it’s Inhabitants can have the Benefit of them, is often inferred: But this Objection, (I conceive) will be of no great Weight; when it is considered, that those Countries, were inhabited, by civilized, sociable People, conversant with Arts, Learning and Commerce; that had Laws, suited, and adapted to the Order, and Engagements of Society; by which, themselves, and others that went to live among them, might be peaceably, and happily governed: The Cause was wanting here, and so must the Effect be; for Maryland, before it was settled by the English, was, as to Law, and Government, in the same Condi­ tion, with an uninhabited Wilderness: ‘And in Case of an uninhabited Country, newly found out, by the English Subjects; All Laws in Force in England, are in Force there.(†) The native Indians, were rude, savage, and ignorant; destitute of Letters, Arts, or Commerce; and almost, of the common Nations, of Right, and Wrong – A People, thus qualified, must make excellent Preceptors, for Englishmen! and shew, (without Doubt,) worthy Examples, for their Imitation! (*) Cato’s Letters.

(†) P. Holt c. 1. 2. Salk. 411.

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In the Dispute between the Earl of Darby, and the Sons of a former Earl, about the Isle of Man, when it was urged, that the English Laws, extended to that Island; it was alledged, and proved, that they were governed by other Laws, which Laws, were shewn in Writing: For which Reason, (I conceive, though the Book is silent in that Particular,) it was adjudged, that the English Laws did not reach the Isle of Man.(*)15 / In a Word, it seems clear, that the Reason of the adjudged Cases, turns upon this, that even in the Case of a Conquered Country, the People ought to enjoy their own Laws, until they are actually abrogated, and others instituted in their room, by the Conqueror. This appears plainly in Calvin’s Case,† where a Distinc­ tion is made between the Conquest of a Christian Kingdom, and the Kingdom of an Infidel. ‘Upon this Ground, there is a Diversity between a Conquest of a Kingdom of a Christian King, and the Conquest of a Kingdom of an Infidel; for, if a King come to a Christian Kingdom by Conquest, seeing that he hath Vitæ & necis potestatem, he may at his Pleasure, alter and change the Laws of that Kingdom; but until he doth make an Alteration of those Laws, the antient Laws of that Kingdom remain’.16 And it appears plainly in History, that some of the wisest, as well as most successful Nations in the World, have been very careful to avoid making such Changes, lest they might beget an irreconcile­ able Hatred between the Victors and Vanquished; whereas, leaving the latter the Use and Benefit of their own Laws, would make them submit, with the less Reluctance, to the Government of their Conquerors; and there is neither Policy, not Humanity, in making People desperate. ‘Thus did the Goths, when they, overcame the Romans;(‡) So had the Romans done, when they conquered the Germans and Gauls: What would our Empire now have been (says Seneca) if a wholesome Providence had not intermix’d the Conquered with the Conquerors. Our Founder Romulus (says Claudius, in Tacitus) did so prevail by his Wisdom, that he made of those that were his Enemies, the same Day, his (Subjects and) Citizens; and he tells us, that nothing contributed so much to the Ruin of the Lacedemonians and Athenians, as their driving away the Conquered as Stran­ gers. Histories give us Examples of the Sabines, Albans, Latins, and other Italian Nations, ’till at last Cæsar led the Gauls in Triumph, and then entertain’d / them at his Court. Cerealis, in Tacitus, thus addresses the Gauls; You your selves gen­ erally command our Legions, you govern these, and the other Provinces; you are denied or debarr’d of nothing: Wherefore love and value that Peace and Life, which the Conquerors, and Conquered enjoy equally. Polibius admires the Moderation of Antigonus, that when he had Sparta in his Power, he left to the (*) 2 Anderson’s Reports, 116. † Grotius of the Rights of Peace and War. B. 3. Chap. 15. ‡ Co. R. 27 C.

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Citizens their antient Government and Liberty; which Act acquired him Praise throughout Greece. Thus the Capadocians were permitted by the Romans, to use what Form of Government they pleased, and many Nations after the War, were left free. Carthage was left free, to be govern’d by her own Laws, as the Rhodians pleaded to the Romans after the 2d. Punick War, And Pompey (says Appian) of the Conquer’d Nations, left some free to their own Laws. Thus the Government continued among the Jews in the Sanhedrin, even after the Confiscation of Archelaut. When all Empire is taken away from the Conquer’d, there may be left them their ordinary Laws about their private and publick Affairs, and their own Cus­ toms and Magistrates, Thus Pliny’s Epistles tell us, that in Bithynia, a Proconsular Province, the City of Apamea was indulged to govern their State as they pleased themselves. And in another Place the Bithynians had their own Magistrates, their own Senate. So in Poictus the City of the Amisni, by the Favour of Lucul­ lus, was allowed its own Laws. The Goths left their own Laws to the Conquered Romans. We read in Salust, the Romans chose rather to gain Friends than Slaves, and thought it safer to govern by Love than Fear.17 Julius Cæsar told Ariovistus* that Fabius Maximus fairly Conquered the People of Auvergue and Rouerge, whom be might have reduced into a Province, and made Tributaries to the Empire, But he forgave them / and did not doubt, but it might be easily prov’d, upon further Search into Antiquity, that the Romans had a very good Title to that Country; But since it was the Pleasure of the Senate they should remain a Free People, they were permitted the Use of their own Laws, Government, and Customs.’ Critognatus, the Gaul, thought he could not use a more favourable or prevailing Argument with his Countrymen, to encourage and unite them against the Romans, than to tell them that the Romans design’d to possess their Country, and make them perpetual Slaves; and that they never made War upon any other Account. ‘If you are ignorant (says he) of their Transactions in remoter Countries, cast your Eyes upon the Neighbouring Gaul, which is reduced to a Province, deprived of its Laws and Customs, and labours under an Eternal Yoke of Arbitrary Power.18 I have heard it asserted, that Maryland is a Conquered Country; which, by the By, is false; and that the Conquered, must submit, to whatever Terms, the Victor thinks fit to impose on him: Were the Case really so? The Indians, must be the Vanquish’d, and the English the Victors; and consequently, the Indians, would be liable to the Miseries, in which a Conquered People are involved: Otherwise, the Conquerors themselves must be Loosers by their Courage, and Success; which would be but a poor Reward of their Valour. However gross, and *

Casar’s Commentaries.

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absurd, these Notions appear to be, at the very first View, to every Man of Com­ mon Sense; yet, have they been insisted on with great Confidence, by Men, that have had more Knowledge than Honesty. But suppose even this, to the Case, that the English, by being brave and successful, had forfeited their Native Rights, and become Slaves by their Acquisi­ tion: Yet, even that, as the Case stands, would not reduce them to the Condition, where in some kind People with to see them; viz. Being excluded from any Right to or Benefit from the English Laws: For the Charter / of Maryland, does not only contain a Grant of the Country, with several Prerogatives to the Lord Pro­ prietary; But also contains a Grant, to the People, of all the Rights, Privileges, Immunities, Liberties, and Franchises, of English Subjects: Which brings me to the second Thing I proposed: viz. The Right which the People of Maryland, have to the Benefit of the English Laws, by the Charter of the Province, to the Lord Proprietary: The Words whereof, pertinent to the present Purpose, are:– ‘And We also of our mere Special Grace, injoyn, and constitute, ordain, and command, that the said Province shall be of our Allegiance, and that all, and singular, the Subjects, and liege People, of Us, our Heirs, and Successors, transported, or to be transported, into the said Province; and that the Children of them, and such as shall descend from them, there, already born, and hereafter to be born; shall be Denizens of Us, our Heirs, and Successors, of our Kingdoms of England, and Ireland; and be in All Things, Held, Treated and Esteemed, as the Liege, Faithful People, of Us, our Heirs, and Successors born within our Kingdom of England: And likewise, any Lands, Tenements, Revenues, Services, and other Hereditaments, whatsoever, within our Kingdoms of England, and other our Dominions, may inherit, or otherwise purchase, receive, take, have, hold, buy, possess; and them may occupy and enjoy, give, sell, alien, and bequeath: As likewise, All Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges, of this our Kingdom of England, freely, quietly, and peaceably, Have, and Possess, Occupy, and Enjoy, as our Liege People, Born, or to be Born, within our said Kingdom of England; without Let, Molestation, Vexation, Trouble, or Grievance, of Us, our Heirs, and Successors; any Statute, Act, Ordi­ nance, or Provision, to the contrary thereof, notwithstanding. It would be difficult, to invent stronger, or more comprehensive Terms than these, whereby All the Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges, of English Subjects, are granted to the People of Maryland: And this Charter, which I have seen, in the Old / Books, of the Council’s Proceedings, has been confirmed, by Act of Parliament. The English Subject, as hath been already mentioned, and proved, (as I conceive,) had an undoubted Right to his Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges, by the Common Law: Yet those Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges, were all invaded, and violated, and Multitudes of good Men were first deprived of the Benefit of the Law, and then exposed to Rapine, and Oppression: These Oppres­

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sions, always produced Murmurings, and Discontents, and sometimes Slaughter and Bloodshed; and last of all, Acts of Parliament, to heal the Breaches, that had been made in the Laws; (*) and to establish and confirm the antient Rights of the Subject. The Acts thus obtained, have always been deemed, as essential a Part of the Security, of the Subject to his Rights and Privileges, as the Common Law it self: And as he was insecure, before they (the Statutes) were made; so would he be rendered, if they were abrogated, or He deprived of the Benefit of Them: For the Benefit of the Laws, is so necessary to support the Liberties, which they were instituted to confirm and establish; That the Abrogation of such Laws, would in Effect, be an Abolition of the Liberties themselves. Here then, by these Words of the Charter, the Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges of an English Subject, are granted fully, and amply, to the People of Maryland; the Benefit of the Laws, securitative of those Liberties, &c. as insepa­ rably incident to the Liberties themselves, are also granted, by Implication: This is Doctrine, that I am confident, will not be gainsayed by any Lawyer: For these, are established and uncontroverted Maxims: That, when the Law gives a Thing, it gives / a Remedy to come at it: (†) Things incident, are adherent to the Supe­ riors, or Principals. (‡) They, that are to have the Conusance of any Thing, are also, to have the Conusance of all Incidents, and Dependants thereon; for an Incident, is a Thing necessarily depending upon another. (§) When the Law gives a Thing, All Things necessary for obtaining it, are included. (¶) When a Thing is commanded to be done, every Thing necessary to accomplish it, is also commanded. (**) So when a * History of Magna Charta, and the Transactions of several Reigns before it, in the Book called English Liberties.19 p. 8, 9, & 10. † Lou le Ley done chose, la cee done Remedy a vener a ceo. 2. Roll’s Reports 17. ‡ Wingate’s Maxims,20 127. ‘If a Man be seised of Lands in Fee-simple, and having divers Evi­ dences and Charters, (some of them containing a Warranty, and some not,) conveys the Land over to another, without Warranty; upon which he may vouch; the Purchaser shall have all the Charters, and Evidences; as well those containing the Warranty, as the others: For as the Feoffer had con­ veyed over his Land absolutely, and is not bound to Warrant the Land, so that he might be vouched to Warranty, and to render in Value; And the Feoffee is bound to defend the Land, at his Peril: For this Case, it is reasonable, that the Feoffee should have all the Charters, and Evidences, as incident to the Land; although they be not granted to him, by express Words.’ 1 Co. R. 1. Lord Buckhurst’s Case. ‘A Grant of Reversion, includes a Grant of the Rent, by Implication, as incident to the Rever­ sion. 1 Inst. 153. 2. § Wingate’s Maxims 131.1 Inst. 56 a Wood’s Inst. 263. ‘ Quando Lax aliquid alicui concedit, concedere videtur & id, fine quo, ves ipsa esse non potest.’ ¶ Upon a Writ of Estrepment,21 directed to the Sheriff, whereby. He is commanded to prevent any Waste being done; It was resolved, that he might resist all those, that would do Waste, and that, if he could not otherwise prevent them, he might imprison them, and make a Warrant to others, so to do: And that if it were necessary, he might take the Power of the County to his Aid – 5 Co. R. 115. ** Quia quando Aliquid mandatur, Mandatur & omne per quod pervenitur ad aliud. Inst. 423.

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Power is given, to do any Act, a Power is therein included, of doing every Th ing, without which, the Act could not be compleatly done. I hope, the Passage out of the Charter, the Authorities produced, and the Nature of the Thing; are sufficient, to convince every unprejudiced Person, that if the first Settlers of Maryland, had really lost their native Laws, and Rights, and been in the Condition of a Conquer’d Country; that they, by this Charter, / are put into the same State, and Condition, that their Fellow-Subjects residing in England are in, as to their Rights and Liberties: And, as it is already (I humbly conceive) proved, that the Benefit of the Statute, as well as the Common-Law, is the only Bulwark, and sure Defence of the Subject’s Life, Liberty, and Property; I would ask this one short Question, – How the People of Maryland, can have the Benefit of what is granted them by the Charter, if they are deprived of the Means, viz. The Benefit of All the Laws that are necessary to secure them, in the Enjoyment of what is granted? It seems very strange to me, that any One in his Senses, should imagine it out of the Prince’s Power to treat his Subjects in this remote Part of his Dominions, with Mercy, Clemency, and Tenderness; or to confer so great a Favour on them, as the Laws of their Mother Country: But that he may treat them with Rigour and Severity: This, as strange as it seems, hath been advanced by an eminent Lawyer, as I am inform’d: And others, of less Knowledge, relying (I suppose) on his Authority, and Judgement, have given into the same wild Sentiments: I shall use no other Arguments to confute such extravagant Notions, so void of Loyalty, and Common Sense, but a Passage out of the celebrated Mr. Waller’s22 Speech, in Parliament; wherein, he elegantly exposes some Men’s Notions of the Law, not unlike those whom I have been speaking of, in relation to the King’s Power: ‘As if the Law, says he, was in Force for the Destruction of the Subjects, and not for their Preservation; that it should have Power to kill, but not to protect them: A Thing no less horrid, than if the Sun should burn Us, without lighting Us; or the Earth serve only to bury, and not to seed and nourish Us! It may, probably, be supposed, that I give up the first Right; I mentioned; by laying so great a Stress on that which is deriv’d from the Charter:– But I am far from it, – For I should think the Right good, had the Charter never been made; as were the / Rights of English Men, to all the Liberties, confirmed by Magna Charta, and other subsequent Statutes, before they were made: And as the Confirmation of the Subject’s antient or Common-Law Rights, by several Acts of Parliament, is very beneficial to the Subject; so the Grant, or Confirma­ tion of the same Liberties, by the King, to the People of Maryland, is also very advantageous. It is no new Thing, even in particular Cases, to have a Grant from

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the King, to a private Person, of a Thing in which he really had a Right, and the King had none.* It hath been objected, that truly, We have a Power of Legislation, that if any of the English Laws, are suitable to the Circumstances of the Province, we may enact them a-new: And from thence, ’tis inferred, that there is no Reason, to contend so much for the English Laws; and, indeed, that we have no Right to them, since we are so amply provided for otherwise. To this I answer, That the Power of Legislation, granted to the Lord Proprietary, and the People of Maryland, was design’d as a Benefit, and not as a Prejudice: For it could hardly be suppos’d, that a New Colony, vastly distant from their MotherCountry, exposed to the Insults of a cruel and savage Enemy; and inhabiting a Wilderness, must not be at a Loss, in some particular Cases, to apply the Rules of the Common-Law, or general Statutes; (were they ever so conversant with them,) which happens to be the Case, in Great-Britain, it self, and occasions the making of new Statutes, almost every Session of Parliament; and not to / have it in their Power to provide suitably to any Emergency, by Laws of their own, would expose them to many Inconveniencies; to prevent which, no bet­ ter Expedient could be thought of, than to grant Them a Power of Legislature, under proper Restrictions. Thus it is in all Corporations; the Members of them, have a Power, with the like Condition, expressed, or implied, that is annext to the Power of Legslation, Granted to his Lordship, the Lord Proprietary, and the Freemen of Maryland, to make By-Laws, for the particular Utility of their own Country, And I believe, no Lawyer, or Man of Sense, ever imagined, that such a Grant, divested those that accepted of it, of the Rights they were born to in Common, with their Fellow Subjects. Besides, if we consider the prudential Part, it is impossible that We can be ignorant, That the enacting so many New Laws, would take up a vast deal of Time, and occasion a greater Expense, then our Circumstances will admit of: And when all is done, they will not be any better than they are now, not near so good, unless great Care be taken in transcribing them: And I have the Opinion of a very eminent Lawyer, ‘That it is never prudent, to change a Law, which cannot be better’d in the Subject Matter of the Law.†’ There is another Circumstance, that (as I humbly conceive) is of great Weight, and deserves the most serious Consideration; which is this: Should We attempt to enact such of * The Possessions of the Prior of Shiells, were seized into the King’s Hands, because (as it was alledg’d) he was an Alien; Whereupon he sued a Writ of Right to the King; setting forth, that at another Time, he was Prior of Andover; and his Possessions were seized into the King’s Hands; although he was the King’s Subject, born in Gascoin, within the King’s Allegiance: Upon this, the King, of his special Grace, commanded his Escheater to make Restitution; and yet the Judges declared, The King had no Right to seize. So was it done, in the Case of Reniger and Fogass, in the Commentaries, p. 30. Only, no mention is made of the King’s special Grace. † Vaugh. C 1.

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the English Statutes, as may be supposed to suit the Condition of the Country, upon a Supposition, that We have no Right to them, without so doing; and that We should miscarry in that Attempt, which is not impossible, it would be such an Argument against the Right we contend for, as we could not easily get over; besides the Danger of its being made a Handle, to overturn a great deal, that hath been heretofore done, by Virtue of the Statutes. / Thus, I have endeavoured to prove The Right of the People of Maryland, to the Benefit of all the English Laws, of every kind, that have been instituted for the Preservation, and Security of the Subject’s Liberty, from Reason, and Authority; and to represent to my Fellow-Subjects, the great Advantage they derive from the Laws of their Mother Country; and how highly they ought to esteem them. And I beg Leave to add, That Men, from a State of Nature and Equality, formed themselves into Society, for mutual Defence, and Preservation, and agreed to submit to Laws, that should be the Rule of their Conduct, under cer­ tain Regulations. Let us suppose the first Settlers of Maryland, to be a Society of People, united and combined together, for mutual Defence and Preserva­ tion; and sensible, not only of the Use, but also of the Necessity of Laws, and conscious of their own Incapacity, to make such as might suit their Occasions, and procure their Welfare and Safety: I say, suppose them under these Circum­ stances, without any Regard to their Rights, as English, or British Subjects, or by Charter: And that they actually agreed, to make the Laws of their MotherCountry, (of which it is to be presumed, they had a general, or at least, some Notion,) to be the Rule of their Conduct, with such particular Provision, as they should, at Times, find necessary to make, in particular Cases: And that upon long Tryal, and Experience, of those Laws; they became convinced, of the Equal­ ity, and Justice of them, and consequently, fond of them: Will any one say, that they are obliged, to change those Laws? Or, to have them upon other Terms, than they have always had them, without their own Consent, or the Interposi­ tion, of the supreme Authority, of their Mother Country? It is manifest, by the judicial Proceedings, (which my Lord Hale says,23 make one formal constitu­ ent Part of the Law;*) and the Manner of Transferring Property, in / Maryland, that the People, since the first Settling of the Province, have in all Cases, (some few excepted, which particular Acts of Assembly provided for,) looked upon the Laws of England, as well Statute as Common, to be their Laws, and the Rules of their Conduct. The Tenure, by which they hold all their Land, is Free and Com­ mon Soccage; which is a Common-Law Tenure. A great Part, of the most valuable Land in the Province, is intailled, by Virtue of the Statute de Donis. (†) A greater Part, devised by Virtue of the Statutes of Wills. (‡) And not a little, conveyed by * Hale’s History of the Law. † 13 E. 1. c. 1. ‡ 32 H.8. c. 1. 34, 35 H. 8. c. 5.

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland

27

Deeds of Lease, and Release, by Virtue of the Statute, for transferring Uses into Possession. (*) The Statute of Frauds and Perjuries, has always been allowed to affect Devises, not made conformably to it. (†) And as in England, Usages, and Customs, in Process of Time, have obtained the Force of Laws, which they always, afterwards, continued to have, ’till they were altered, or abrogated by the Legisla­ tive Authority; so those Laws, that have been received in Maryland, though the People had no other Right to them, but that Reception, and the long-continued Use of them; ought to have the Force of Laws, until other Provision is made, by the Legislature of the Province.

* 27 H. 8. 1. 10. † 29 Car. c. 3.

[ASHLEY], THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA,

CONSIDER’D

[ John Ashley], The British Empire in America, Consider’d. In a Second Letter, from a Gentleman of Barbadoes, to his Friend in London (London: J. Wilford, 1732).

After the War of the Austrian Succession, French Caribbean sugar production rapidly increased, threatening to ruin British-Caribbean sugar planters – if the claims of John Ashley and others are to be believed. Ashley (d. 1751) was one such planter, a member of the Barbadian Council, some-time island Deputy Auditor General and, as Secretary to the Planters’ Club from the 1730s, a leader of the British Caribbean sugar lobby. The letter reproduced here reveals the nature and intensity of colonial lobbying of different branches of British government. As Ashley notes, in 1730 Barbadians had sent the King a petition describing their economic difficulties, which had been read in Parliament and a copy of which Ashley included in his first letter to his anonymous London friend. Evidently, representatives of ‘some of the Northern Colonies’ had held up legislation in the House of Lords until the prorogation of Parliament (below, p. 35). This second letter contains a ‘Representation’ by the Barbadian Assem­ bly to the Board of Trade as well as Ashley’s own elaborations on its complaints and recommendations. A further letter reiterating the recommendations was published (also by J. Wilton) in 1733.1 The Barbadian ‘Representation’ reproduced by Ashley notes first the value of the island in supplying ‘Sugar, Rum, Melasses, Cotton, Ginger and Aloes, as by its taking off from thence great Quantities of Woollen and other Manufactures, and Goods that pay Duties to the Crown’ and its ‘great Support to his Majesty’s Northern Colonies, and given a very great and profitable Vent to their Fishery and other Produce, as also to the Produce of Ireland, besides employing in those several Trades great Numbers of Shipping and Seamen’ (below, p. 36). Yet since the Treaty of Utrecht, and in violation of the 1686 Augsburg treaty, much of the continental American and Irish trade had diverted to the French islands. This – 29 –

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‘of itself alone must soon destroy the British Sugar Colonies’ (below, p. 38), but, while French planters paid few taxes, British ones paid (Jamaica excepted) a Duty of four and a half per Cent. in Specie on Exportation, before they can carry them any where else, (except to the British Colonies); and are oblig’d, upon exporting them afterwards from Great Britain, to leave in Ireland a Duty of near two per Cent, and are put to the Risque of a double Voyage, besides the Charge of it; which amounts to not less than twenty per Cent. more. (below, p. 38)

The attraction of cheaper French sugar products to New Englanders was obvi­ ous, but doing nothing about it would mean nothing less than ‘an End … to the British Empire in America’ (below, p. 40). The Representation thus recom­ mends either a total or partial prohibition on trade with non-British islands, or reduction of duties on British goods, though they presumed ‘not to say’ whether ‘all, or any of these, or what other Measures’ would save them ‘from Ruin’ (below, p. 40). Ashley presumes that all these measures are necessary and goes on to add his own details about Barbadians’ economic hardships, including an attack on the Navigation Acts: ‘a woful Alteration’ that first set the Islands in decline while ‘the French are now ready to give them the Coup de Grace’ (below, p. 51). He also reveals the depth of inter-colonial rivalry with sting­ ing assaults on ‘the New England Men’. Noting their claims that the British islands produced insufficient rum and molasses for their needs, he impugns their patriotism by asking ‘how they carry’d on those Trades during the last two Wars with the French’ (below, p. 41). He sarcastically adds how ‘that high and mighty, and independant Colony (for such as they affect to be esteem’d)’ was nonetheless dependent on trade with the French and Indians (below, p. 42). In case anyone missed the implication here, he also speculates how ‘by growing rich’ New Englanders might eventually ‘cast off the English Gov­ ernment’ (below, p. 43). Ashley ends where the ‘Representation’ began, by calculating the ‘Value of Babardoes’ sugar-based capital at £5.5 million, add­ ing that land and other assets would be worth little unless the sugar trade was saved (below, p. 52). Ashley’s and others’ efforts only partially succeeded. From 1733, Parliament passed the Molasses Act, imposing duties on foreign (especially French) sugar products, and legislated for free trade with foreign nations and colonies. Yet New Englanders evaded the former and lobbied for the latter to be so hedged with restrictions that Ashley felt forced to campaign for further legislation, pub­ lishing The Sugar Trade, with the Incumbrances thereon, Laid Open (1734), Some Observations on a Direct Exportation of Sugar from the British Islands (1735) as well as the Memoirs and Considerations concerning the Trade and Revenues of the

[Ashley], The British Empire in America, Consider'd

31

British Colonies in America (1740, 1743), the first part of which is reprinted later in this volume. Notes: 1. D. Mitchell, ‘Mitchell’s West Indian Bibliography: From 1492 to the Present’, 9th edn, at http://www.books.ai. Ashley also wrote The Present State of the British Sugar Colonies Consider’d; in a Letter from a Gentleman of Barbadoes to His Friend in London (1731) and Proposals Offered for the Sugar Planters’ Redress, and for Reviving the British Sugar Commerce. In a Further Letter from a Gentleman of Barbadoes to his Friend in London (1733).

THE

BRITISH EMPIRE

IN

AMERICA,

CONSIDER’D.

In a Second Letter,

From a Gentleman of Barbadoes,

to his Friend in London.

LONDON,

Printed; And Sold by J. Wilford, behind the Chapter-House in St.

Paul’s Church-yard. M.DCC.XXXII. /

THE

BRITISH EMPIRE

IN

AMERICA, &C.

SIR,

Barbadoes, Septemb. 30. 1731. The Inhabitants of this Island having last Summer preferr’d an humble Petition to his Majesty, setting forth some Difficulties they laboured under in point of Trade, I took the Liberty to send you a Copy of that Petition, with my Thoughts thereon, and such Observations as I had then made relating to the Sugar Colo­ nies, and left it to you to make such Use of them as you should think proper. You thought them not unworthy the publick View; and my Letter appear’d in Print under the Title of, The present State of the British Sugar Colonies consider’d, in a Letter from a Gentleman of Barbadoes to his Friend in London: And I have since learn’d from you, that the Publication of my Letter was attended with this good Consequence, that several British Gentlemen, and many of them Members of the Legislature, were thereby induc’d to inquire more narrowly than they had ever before done into the State of the British Sugar Colonies, and were thereby convinc’d of their Importance to the British Crown, and that they were worthy the Care of a British Parliament. / This Account, I must own, gave me great Pleasure: For it is my utmost Wish to be as serviceable to my Country as I can; and I know of no better Way of being so, in my present Circumstances, than by animating our worthy Patriots to save these declining Colonies from the Ruin now impending over them. The Affair mention’d in that Petition being afterwards transferr’d to the Par­ liament, a Bill soon pass’d the Lower House, whereby many of the Mischiefs complain’d of in the said Petition would have been remedied; but it seems the Opposition given to it in the Upper House by some of the Northern Colonies, and the Prorogation of the Parliament, which soon follow’d, prevented its pass­ ing into a Law. And it now lies in a State of Suspension till next Sessions, when doubtless it will be again promoted. – 35 –

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In the mean Time our Assembly here have thought it necessary to make an humble Representation to the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations on the Subject Matter of the Petition recited in my former Letter; and I now send you a Copy of it, with a few Remarks of my own ther­ eon. The Representation run thus, (viz.)

To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations; The Humble Representation of the General Assembly of the Island of Barbadoes; Sheweth, ‘That the said Island has for many Years past been a very profitable Colony to Great Britain, as well by its Produce and Import of Sugar, Rum, Melasses, Cotton, Ginger and Aloes, as by its taking off from thence great Quantities / of Woollen and other Manufactures, and Goods that pay Duties to the Crown, (which by Means of the Barbadoes Trade, are part consum’d among the Inhabit­ ants of the said Island, and other Part thereof are exported from Great Britain to Africa, and Madera, and the Northern British Colonies for the Purchase of Negroes, Wine, Fish, and other Goods for the Use of this Island, and thereby numberless Hands have been employ’d in his Majesty’s Kingdom and Territo­ ries, and great Revenues have accrued to the Crown); and has also been a great Support to his Majesty’s Northern Colonies, and given a very great and profit­ able Vent to their Fishery and other Produce, as also to the Produce of Ireland, besides employing in those several Trades great Numbers of Shipping and Sea­ men, on which the Wealth and Safety of the British Nation so much depend); and after all, has used to leave a considerable Ballance in England, to the Benefit of the National Stock. ‘That the Interest of this Island, and of all other his Majesty’s Sugar Colo­ nies is closely united with that of Great Britain; and all those Sugar Colonies must ever be dependant on it, and be supply’d from thence, because they have no Trade or Manufactures which can interfere with those of Great Britain. ‘That within these few Years great Improvements have been made by the French and Dutch in their Sugar Colonies, and great and extraordinary Encour­ agements have been given to them not only from their Mother Countries, but also from a pernicious Trade carry’d on to and from Ireland, and the Northern British Colonies: And the French do now from the Produce of their own Sugar Colonies supply with Sugar not only France itself, but Spain also and a great Part of Ireland, and the Northern British Colonies, and have to spare for Holland,

[Ashley], The British Empire in America Consider'd

37

Germany, Italy, and other Parts of Europe: And the French and Dutch Sugar Colonies have lately supply’d the Northern British Colonies with very large Quantities of Melasses for the making of Rum, and other Uses, and even with Rum of their own Manufacture, to the vast / Prejudice of his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, as Rum is a Commodity on which, next to Sugar, they mostly depend; and have had in Return for such Sugar, Rum and Melasses, Shipping, Horses, Boards, Staves, Hoops, Lumber, Timber for Building, Fish, Bread, Bacon, Corn, Flower, and other Plantation-Necessaries at as easy Rates as his Majesty’s Sub­ jects of the Sugar Colonies have: And the continual Supplies receiv’d by the French and Dutch from the Northern British Colonies, have enabled them to put on and maintain a greater Number of Slaves on their Plantations, and to enlarge their Sugar Works, and make new Settlements in new fertile Soils, and at the same Time cost little, being now purchas’d chiefly with Melasses; which before the late Intercourse between the Foreign Colonies and the Northern Brit­ ish Colonies were flung away, as of no Value: And thus the French and Dutch Colonies are daily improving, while his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies are apparently declining; and instead of supplying, as they used to do, France and Holland, and many other Parts of Europe with Sugar, are now almost confin’d to the home Consumption in Great Britain, and are, in a great Measure, excluded from the Kingdom of Ireland and the Northern British Colonies; who, instead of sending their Produce, as usual, to his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, and taking Sugar and Rum in Return, do now often send it directly to the foreign Sugar Colonies, in Exchange for the Produce of those foreign Colonies: And whenever they do send their Produce to the British Sugar Colonies, they insist upon being paid for it in Cash; which they export to, and lay out among the foreign Sugar Colo­ nies in the Purchase of the very same Goods that they formerly used to supply themselves with from his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies: To the enriching the foreign Sugar Colonies, and impoverishing his Majesty’s. ‘The Mischiefs arising to his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies from this Commerce (which is apparently in Derogation and Evasion of the fifth and sixth Articles of the Treaty of Peace in America,1 made between England and France in 1686.) are / very many and evident, and will increase more and more if some effectual Stop be not put to it. ‘Martinique is now arriv’d to a very great Pitch of Prosperity and Power, and affords new Supplies of People for settling the neighbouring Islands of Domi­ nique, St. Vincent, and St. Lucia; and Guardaloupe, Grand Terre, Marigalant, Granada and Cayane increase and flourish in Proportion; and on Hispaniola the French spread so fast as to become formidable to their Neighbours; whilst on the other hand, many of the Planters in the British Sugar Colonies, and particularly in this Island, have been, and daily are necessitated to forsake their ancient and

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well-built Estates, and shelter themselves in Pensilvania, New York, and other the Northern British Colonies. ‘This apparent Increase of the Riches and Power of the French Sugar Colo­ nies, and Decrease of the Riches and Power of the British Sugar Colonies, is, in great measure, owing to the Commerce aforesaid, which is destructive to the British Sugar Colonies, but highly advantageous to the French; who thereby find a Vent not only for their Sugar, but also for their Rum and Melasses, (which formerly they flung away) and have these Supplies of Lumber, Horses and Plan­ tation Stores; without which they never could have enlarged or supported, nor can support their Sugar Plantations. ‘Besides the great Benefits the French receive from this Commerce, (which of itself alone must soon destroy the British Sugar Colonies) there are other Causes which contribute to make his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies decline, and the French Sugar Colonies flourish. ‘The French Sugar Colonies receive the greatest Encouragements from their Mother Country, and their Duties are less than ours. / The French King is daily sending Men to his Sugar Colonies, and pays their Passage thither, and maintains them there a Year after their Arrival. ‘He encourages their Trade to Guiney, by giving a Premium for every Negro imported thither from Africa. ‘He remits one Half of the Duty upon such Goods of the Produce of his Sugar Colonies as are brought Home in Return for such Negroes. ‘He maintains the Fortifications in his Sugar Colonies. ‘He permits Spanish Ships to trade with them, and particularly for Pieces of Eight, in Exchange for Flower and other Goods, which they get from the British Northern Colonies, in Return for their Sugar, Rum and Melasses. ‘He permits them to Trade to the Spanish Islands of Margueritta, Trinidado, and Porto-Rico; and he allows them to send directly to the Ports of Spain Sugars of all Sorts, (except Raw or Muscovado Sugars); and also all other Goods of the Product of the French Islands in America, paying a Duty of One per Cent. only on Exportation, without first importing them into France; whilst, on the other hand, his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies have no such Encouragements. ‘The Inhabitants of this, and all other his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, are oblig’d to carry their Sugars, and all other enumerated Goods, first into Great Britain, after paying in the Colonies where they are produc’d, (Jamaica excepted) a Duty of four and a half per Cent.2 in Specie on Exportation, before they can carry them any where else, (except to the British Colonies); and are oblig’d, upon exporting them afterwards from Great Britain, to leave in Ireland a Duty of near two per Cent, and are put to the Risque of a double Voyage, / besides the Charge of it; which amounts to not less than twenty per Cent. more.

[Ashley], The British Empire in America Consider'd

39

‘His Majesty’s Subjects of this and other his Sugar Colonies pay upwards of ten per Cent. more than the French and Dutch do for what Sugar is carry’d to his Majesty’s Northern Colonies, and consum’d there: By which Means those Colo­ nies are mostly supply’d with foreign Sugar, to the Prejudice of the Plantation Duties, (being part of their aggregate Fund, which might otherwise be greatly increased): And altho’ the French and Dutch Subjects of the Sugar Colonies do so vend their Sugar, as well as their Rum and Melasses, to the Northern British Colonies; yet the Subjects of his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies are restrain’d from vending their Produce to the French or Dutch Colonies: and at the same Time, his Majesty’s Subjects of the Northern British Colonies and Ireland have that Advantage. ‘And the French are at Liberty to send their Sugars directly to Ireland with­ out first importing them into Great Britain and paying a Duty there to his Majesty, which his Majesty’s Subjects of the Sugar Colonies are oblig’d to do: And they are supply’d with Beef and other Provisions directly from Ireland on as easy Terms as his Majesty’s Subjects are. These and many other Advantages the foreign Sugar Colonies, and par­ ticularly the French, have over his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, and particularly this Island; whom it has pleased the Almighty God in his good Providence to afflict lately in a more especial manner, by a most violent Tempest and Hurri­ cane, which began on the 13th Day of this Instant August, and lasted all that and the succeeding Day with the utmost Fury, to the in expressible Terror and immense Damage of the Inhabitants, who have had not only a great many of their Corn-Fields, Plantain Walks, Fruit and Timber-Trees blown down, or torn up by the Roots, and their Canes damaged, but their Dwelling Houses, Wind-Mills, Boyling-Houses, and other their best and most substantial Build­ ings, / some of them wholly demolish’d, and others overset, rent, uncover’d, or otherwise greatly damnify’d: And so general has the Calamity been, that there is scarce a Person throughout the whole Island but who has received a considerable Loss by this dreadful Storm; the Consequences of which are still more griev­ ous, for that there is not in this Island (nor has been here for some Years since, that pernicious Trade between the Northern British Colonies and the Foreign Sugar Colonies began) Lumber sufficient to repair a tenth Part of the Buildings damag’d by this Tempest[.] ‘This Scarcity of Lumber is one of the many mischievous Effects of that Trade, and great is the Number of our poor Inhabitants, who now have no Place to lay their Heads in, and lie expos’d to all the Injuries of the approaching rainy Season, for Want of those Northern Supplies which our Neighbours the French are plentifully furnish’d with: So great is our present Desolation, that many of the poor Inhabitants, unable to rebuild their ruin’d Houses, will be driven to quit the Island: And thus our Strength decays, and at the same Time the exorbitant

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Power of the French, at our very Doors, threatens us with instant Destruction in case of a War; for their Isles are full of Men and Arms, whilst the Inhabitants of this Island grow every Day thinner, and want almost every thing necessary for their Defence. ‘But should a War not happen, yet the British Sugar Colonies will still be in Danger of being lost to the British Nation, unless some speedy Care be taken to save them from the Ruin now impending over them: And if they are lost, Great Britain will lose the Export of all the British Manufactures now taken off by the Sugar Colonies, and the whole Benefit arising from the Importation of their Product; our Navigation and Seamen must necessarily sail off and diminish; the African Trade, as chiefly depending on the Sugar Colonies, must decay; and our Sugar-Works and other Plantation-Stock and Utensils become of no Use, and thereby so much Wealth will be sunk and lost to the British Nation: And in / that Case too, such of the Northern British Colonies as now court a French Trade and French Dependance, will soon be reduc’d to a Condition too wretched to be named, and an End be put to the British Empire in America. But, may God avert these Evils! Nor are we without Hopes that the British Sugar Colonies may still be preserv’d, and even restor’d to their former flourishing Condition, if timely Measures be yet taken for removing the many and great Disadvantages they now lie under in Point of Trade, and proper Encouragements be given them. ‘Whether a Prohibition of the Importation of all Sugar, Rum and Melasses of the Growth, Product or Manufacture of any the Plantations in America, which are not in the Possession of, or under the Dominion of his Majesty, into the Kingdoms of Great Britain or Ireland, or any of his Majesty’s Colonies or Plantations in America, or any other his Majesty’s British Dominions, or a total Prohibition of Trade between the Northern British Colonies and the Foreign Sugar Colonies, or of any particular Branches of Trade; as namely, those of Horses and Lumber, or the granting his Majesty’s Subjects of the Sugar Colonies the like Advantages in their Trade as the Subjects of the Foreign Sugar Colonies now actually have. Whether all, or any of these, or what other Measures in par­ ticular may be proper and sufficient to attain the good Ends desir’d; to wit, the saving the British Sugar Colonies from Ruin, and restoring them to their once flourishing State; we presume not to say; but humbly hope your Lordships will be pleas’d to take the Premises into Consideration, and thereupon do what to your Lordships, in your great Wisdom, shall seem fitting. The principal Points aim’d at in Favour of the British Sugar Colonies, as well by the late Petition, as by the present Representation, I take to be as follow: I. A Prohibition of the Importation of all Foreign Sugar, Rum and Melasses into any of his Majesty’s Dominions. /

[Ashley], The British Empire in America Consider'd

41

II. A Prohibition of the British Subjects supplying the Foreign Sugar Colo­ nies with such Materials and Necessaries as fond to support and enlarge them, and more particularly with Lumber and Horses. III. An Encouragement of a Vent of British Sugar, Rum, and Melasses, by permitting them to be sent directly from the British Colonies to all foreign Ports; where the Subjects of foreign Powers are permitted to go directly with their Produce of the like Kinds; and that, upon paying as easy Duties as Foreign­ ers pay in the like Cases. The Facts alledg’d in this Representation are of themselves so notorious, that they need no Proof; and the Remedies pointed at by that Representation appear from thence to be so properly fitted to the Nature of the Case, that, perhaps, better will hardly be agreed on. And I do not doubt but you will join with me in thinking so, when you consider, in relation to the first Point, that if the French make their Sugar, Rum, and Melasses much cheaper than the British Planters can, and are at Liberty to export them, paying a Duty only of one per Cent.; and upon paying that Duty of one per Cent. are at Liberty to import them into his Majesty’s Northern American Dominions: and the British Subjects cannot export their Sugar, Rum, and Melasses, and import them into our Northern Col­ onies, without paying a Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. in Specie; and a farther Duty of 7 1/2 per Cent. in Cash, commonly call’d, The Plantation Duty, (which are Facts that no one will dare to deny); that the French must actually ingross the whole Trade of Sugar, Rum, and Melasses to the Northern British Colonies, since they can sell their Produce eleven per Cent. cheaper than the British Planters can: And the French will still have much greater Advantages over the British Sugar Planter, as to Ireland, as they can send their Produce thither directly; and the British Sugar Planter cannot, but must first go to Great Britain, unlade there, and leave a Duty of about two per Cent. and re-lade, and so / go to Ireland. Besides this, ’tis certain, that what Muscovado Sugars the French send to Ireland, are gener­ ally enter’d there not by the Name of Muscovado Sugars, as they really are, but under the Denomination of Paneels, which pay there a Duty only of 1 s. 10d. per Hundred; whereas French Muscovadoes pay 3s. 10d. per Cent. This Fraud is well known, and yet notoriously practis’d. ’Tis said by the New England Men, that the British Sugar Colonies do not make Rum and Melasses enough to supply their Wants; and if they are debarr’d buying French Rum and Melasses, from whence they now make Rum themselves) they cannot carry on their Indian Trade and Northern Fishery: But I would be glad to know how they carry’d on those Trades during the last two Wars with the French, and all the while the French threw away their Melasses, and made not one Drop of Rum? Did not the British Sugar Colonies then supply them with sufficient Quantities of Rum and Melasses for all their Occasions? It may be said, that the Inhabitants of Northern America are much increased since the

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last Peace, and that they now imploy more Hands in their Indian Trade and Fishery than they did before the Peace, and that consequently their Demands for Rum and Melasses are larger: Taking this for granted, ’tis as true, that all the British Sugar Colonies in general do now, in Time of Peace, make much more Sugar, and consequently more Rum and Melasses than they did during the War. Antigua, Nevis and Mountserat now make almost double the Quantity of those Species that they used to do in Time of War; and the whole Island of St. Christophers is now ours;3 and that Island alone makes upwards of 15,000 Hogsheads of Sugar a Year: Barbadoes now makes about 20,000 Hogsheads of Sugar a Year, and Jamaica about as many. Barbadoes has about 90,000 Inhabit­ ants white and black, and could maintain and find Employ for 30,000 more, if there were proper Encouragements, tho’ ’tis scarce a 40th Part as big as Jamaica, which yet has not as many Souls in it, tho’ the latter contains above 4,000,000. Acres of Land, and the other not much above 100,000. What Quantities then of Sugar, Rum, and Melasses could not Jamaica, and all / the British Sugar Islands produce, were they fully planted? As surely they would be, were they encouraged as they ought to be, and their Rivals in the Sugar Trade prohibited from supply­ ing his Majesty’s Dominions with the very same Produce that his Majesty’s own Sugar Colonies used, and can, and ought to supply them with. But after all, the Truth of the Fact is, That the New England Men have never yet found that the British Sugar Colonies could not furnish them with as much Rum and Melasses as they wanted: Or, if the Case had been so, better would it have been that they should have taken Malt-Spirits from their Mother Coun­ try to carry on their Fishery, than that they should be allow’d to buy Rum and Melasses of the Frenchman for that Purpose, who could find no Vent for it else where (Ireland excepted); and therefore must have flung his Melasses away, as he used to do before this execrable Trade between his Majesty’s Northern American Colonies and the French Sugar Islands was set on Foot. I Cannot, without Indignation, hear what is advanc’d by the Partisans of some of the Northern Colonies, and of New England in particular; (viz.) That they cannot carry on their Indian Trade and Fishery without French Rum and Melasses; and that they cannot subsist without a Trade with the French Sugar Colonies. ’Tis well known that they want no Rum for their Indian Trade, for they themselves have Laws of their own making, prohibiting under most severe Penal­ ties the Sale of Rum to the Indians: And as to their Fishery, ’tis as well known that the Old England Men carry’d it on for many Years before the New England Men supplanted them in it; and that the New England Men also carry’d it on for many Years afterwards without the Assistance of French Rum and Melasses, and might still do so if they pleas’d: but Things, it seems, are now brought to that happy Pass, that that Colony, so highly valuable in their own Opinion, that high and mighty, and independant Colony (for such they affect to be esteem’d)

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are reduced to a Necessity of acknowledging that they depend on the French, and cannot / subsist without a French Trade; a Trade which the French, without any Breach of Treaty, may exclude them from whenever they please. On such a precarious Trade, such a vile Dependence do those provident New England Men now found their most valuable Branches of Trade, I mean the Indian Trade, and that of their Fishery: The latter of which stood surely on more sure Foundations, when carry’d on by their Mother Country intirely independant of the Will and Pleasure of the French Nation. ’Tis certain the Northern Colonies, and New England in particular, cannot subsist without a Trade with some Sugar Colonies; and that as their Subsistance is the supplying of the Sugar Plantations with Flower, Biscuit, Pipe-Staves, Fish and other Provisions, the prohibiting them that Commerce would be their Rum, as the late Mr. Gee well observ’d, in his Observations on the Trade and Naviga­ tion of Great Britain:4 But that Gentleman spoke of our Sugar Plantations, and not of the French Sugar Plantations; for he made that Observation professedly to prove that there was no Ground to fear that the British Northern Colonies could, by growing rich, set up for themselves, and cast off the English Govern­ ment. What would that Gentleman have said, had he liv’d to see those Northern Colonies renouncing, in a manner, all Commerce with their English Brethren of the Sugar Islands, leaving them unsupply’d with their Northern Produce, hurry­ ing every Thing to the French Sugar Islands, and putting their whole Dependance upon that illegal Trade, so apparently destructive to the British Sugar Islands, and prejudicial to Great Britain? How doth New England now depend on the British Sugar Islands, or, indeed, on Great Britain itself ? The Inhabitants of that Colony have wrested the Fishery out of the Hands of their Mother Country; engross’d, in great measure, the Trade of Ship-building; broke in on the Navi­ gation of Great Britain; set up Manufactures of Woollen, Linnen, Iron, Hats, Camblets; making of Cabinets, Chairs, Tables, Chaises, Sedans, and what not; all of them interfering with the Manufactures of Great Britain: They forestal the Markets with foreign Sugars; and import into their own Colonies Italian Silks, French Silks, / Druggets, India Silks and Calicoes, and French and Hambrough Linnens, and lay out the Produce of their Cargoes carry’d to Spain, Portugal and the Streights in foreign Manufactures, instead of bringing their Money to Great Britain: Whereas, on the other hand, the British Sugar Colonies have no one Trade or Manufacture whatever that interferes with any one Trade or Manufac­ ture of Great Britain, and therefore must ever be dependant on it, and supported from thence. I Know it has been said, and inculcated with much Malice, that Barbadoes hath set up the Refining of Sugar, and a terrible Outcry is made of the ill Con­ sequences that must attend it, and all this without any Foundation; for there is not so much as a single Refining-house in Barbadoes belonging to any British

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Subject. There is, indeed, a French man, one Le Roy, living in the Bridge Town in that Island, that now and then, when a Cask of Sugar in Shipping off, happens to fall into the Sea, has undertaken to boil it over again, and make the best of it for the Ship’s Crew, who, in that Case, are oblig’d to make good the Damages to the Owners of the Sugars. Such an Accident may happen, perhaps, once in a Twelve-month: And this is all the Refining throughout the whole British Sugar Colonies, all of whom have their refined Sugars from Great Britain as will appear from the Books of their Correspondents in Great Britain, and those of the Cus­ tom-house. The next Point aimed at by the British Sugar Colonies, is, A Prohibition of the British Subjects supplying the foreign Sugar Colonies with such Materials and Necessaries as tend to support and enlarge them, and more particularly with Lumber and Horses. Upon this Head I must observe to you, That during the last War between the Crowns of Great Britain and France, the French Sugar Colonies were in a very low and despicable Condition, and did not then produce Sugar sufficient for their own / Consumption: Their Melasses they threw away, and had never then made any the least Quantity of Rum: They had then very few Sugar Works; and the Mills they had, were carry’d about by Cattle or Water: They had no Still houses, and were in great Want of Coppers, Coolers, Skummers, Ladles, Pots, Drips, and all other Plantation Utensils, and had very few Negroes and Horses, and the Inhabitants were very poor, and had no Money to buy what they wanted. In this Situation, several clandestine Traders from the British Colonies, knowing the Wants of the French Sugar Planters, and that they would part with what Sugar they made at low Prices in Exchange for Necessaries to carry on and enlarge their Sugar Works, fell into a Trade with them, and supply’d them with all Things necessary for that Purpose; and in Return, took their Sugar and Melasses, which till then was of no Value. The French Sugar Planters by these Means furnished themselves from the British Colonies with every Thing they wanted, and went roundly to work, and founded many new Sugar Works; which they never could have done without the Assistance of New England, who soon turn’d the Course of their Trade that Way, and furnished the French with every Thing they could, and particularly with Lumber and Horses; and Ireland furnished them with Beef, Pork, Her­ rings, and other Provisions. Thus the good natur’d British Subjects nurs’d up, cherish’d and supported the French Sugar Colonies in their Infancy; and have continued to do so, till they are now become our Rivals, or rather Conquerors in the Sugar Trade. ’Tis amazing, that the British Subjects should have been thus long permitted to drive a Trade with the French Sugar Colonies in Violation of the Treaty of

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Peace and Neutrality made between the two Crowns in the Year 1686. The 4th, 5th and 6th Articles whereof run thus; (viz.) /

ARTICLE IV. ‘It is agreed, That both Kings shall have and retain to themselves all the Domin­ ions, Rights and Pre-eminences in the American Seas, Roads, and other Waters whatsoever, in as full and ample manner as of Right belongs to them, and in such manner as they now possess the same.

ARTICLE V. ‘And therefore the Subjects, Inhabitants, Merchants, Commanders of Ships, Masters and Mariners of the Kingdoms, Provinces, and Dominions of each King respectively, shall abstain and forbear to Trade and Fish in all the Places possess’d, or which shall be posses’d by one or the other Party in America, viz. The King of Great Britain’s Subjects shall not drive their Commerce and Trade, nor Fish in the Havens, Bays, Creeks, Roads, Shoals or Places which the most Christian King holds, or shall hereafter hold in America. And in like manner, the most Christian King’s Subjects shall not drive their Commerce and Trade, nor Fish in the Havens, Bays, Creeks, Roads, Shoals, or Places which the King of Great Britain possesses, or shall hereafter possess in America: And if any Ship or Vessel shall be found Trading or Fishing contrary to the Tenor of this Treaty, the said Ship or Vessel, with its Lading, Proof being made thereof, shall be confis­ cated; nevertheless, the Party who shall find himself aggriev’d, by such Sentence or Confiscation, shall have Liberty to apply himself to the Privy Council of that King, by whose Governours or Judges the Sentence has been given against him: But ’tis always to be understood that the Liberty of Navigation ought in no man­ ner to be disturb’d, where nothing is committed against the genuine Sense of this Treaty. /

ARTICLE VI. ‘It is also agreed, That in Case the Subjects and Inhabitants of either of the Kings, with their Shipping (whether Publick or of War, or Private and of Mer­ chants) be forc’d thro’ Stress of Weather, Pursuit of Pirates and Enemies, or any other urgent Necessity, for seeking of Shelter and Harbour, to retreat and enter into any of the Rivers, Creeks, Bays, Havens, Roads, Ports and Shores belong­ ing to the other in America, they shall be received and treated there with all Humanity and Kindness, and enjoy all Friendly Protection and Help: And it shall be lawful for them to refresh and provide themselves, at reasonable and the usual Rates, with Victuals and all Things needful for the Sustenance of their

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Persons or Reparation of their Ships, and Convenience of their Voyage: And they shall no manner of Way be detained or hindred from returning out of the said Ports or Roads, but shall remove and depart when and whither they please, without any Let or Hindrance; provided always that they do not break Bulk, nor carry out of their Ships any Goods, exposing them to Sale, not receive any Merchandise on Board, or employ themselves in Fishing, under the Penalty of Confiscation of Ships and Goods, as in the foregoing Article is express’d: And it is farther agreed, That whensoever the Subjects of either King shall be forced to enter with their Ships into the others Ports, as above-mention’d, they shall be oblig’d, at their coming in, to hang out their Flag for the Colours of their Nation, and give Notice of their coming by thrice firing a Cannon; and if they have no Cannon, by firing a Musket thrice: Which if they shall omit to do, and yet send their Boat on Shore, they shall be liable to Confiscation. Had these Article been strictly observ’d after the Treaty of Utrecht, (as till that Time they had generally been) the French had never been in a Condition to dispute the Sugar Trade with the British Sugar Colonies; who in that Case would have increased / in proportion to the Increase of the Consumption of Sugar in general, which doubtless has been very great. But the French, ever since the Treaty of Utrecht, have observ’d the Treaty of 86 so far only as it tended to their real Interest; at sometimes insisting on it, and confiscating our Ships by Colour of it; and at other Times dispensing with it, and admitting an Import of whatever they want to support and enlarge their Sugar Plantations. And thus their Practice, in Point of Trade, is ever and anon in direct Opposition to their Treaties. If the Treaty of 86 has been, and continues to be thus eluded, and the French are thereby become Rich and Powerful in their Sugar Colonies, as in Truth they are; Ought not the good End proposed by that Treaty, (viz.) a total Pro­ hibition of Trade with the French Colonies in the West-Indies to be secured by a Law? And is not a Prohibition of the British Subjects supplying the French Sugar Colonies, and the Dutch too, (for they also drive no inconsiderable Trade with our Northern Colonies for those Things they want to support and enlarge their Sugar Works) with such Materials and Necessaries as tend to support and enlarge them (as Lumber and Horses, in particular, most evidently do) now become absolutely necessary? To this I have here objected, That if the Northern British Colonies are pro­ hibited supplying the French Sugar Colonies with Lumber and Horses, those Colonies may get ’em elsewhere; (viz.) that they may have Lumber from the Mis­ sisippi or Canada, and Horses from the Dutch, or (what will do as well) Mules from the Spaniards: But in Answer to this, ’tis to be consider’d, that though it may be true, that the French may have Timber enough growing on the Banks of the Missisippi, and at St. Lawrence, or on the Islands in or near those vast Rivers;

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yet the Navigation to and from either of those Parts of the World is so dangerous and tedious too, that Lumber from thence must come prodigious dear to the French Sugar Planters in the Caribbee Islands; Besides this, the French have not, at present, any Saw-Mills; and it must be a Work of Time and of great Expence too, to erect such Mills, and many Years must necessarily pass / before any con­ siderable Quantity of Lumber can be sent from their Northern Colonies, which, by the way, are now but thinly Peopled in Comparison with their Sugar Colo­ nies, which abound in Men. And if the French find themselves oblig’d to furnish more Hands to their Northern Colonies, (which they must necessarily do, if they propose to get Lumber from thence) they must be forc’d to spare them from their Sugar Colonies; which consequently will grow the weaker, and so be less to be fear’d by their Neighbours; and at the same Time, a Check will be thereby put to the French Settlements of St. Lucia, Dominique and St. Vincents, which they now seem to have very much at Heart. As to the Article of Horses, it is certain the Dutch have none to spare, for they themselves will not permit a Foreigner to trade with them at Surinam or any other of their Settlements on the Continent, unless he import there a certain Number of Horses in Proportion to the Burthen of his Vessel. The Spaniards have Mules on the Continent, but hardly more than sufficient for their own Service, and they set a very great Value on them, much more than they do on Horses: Some are now and then got from thence, but in a clandestine Way, and by Stealth; and to carry them so far up to Windward as Martinique, or other the Caribbee Islands, is extreamly hazardous as well as chargeable. This the Barbadians know, who know the Value of them, and would gladly prefer them to the Horses of New England, could they get ’em upon any reasonable Terms: But so it is, that there are not now, nor have been for these 30 Years past, 6 Mules at a Time in this Island, when at the same Time there are, and generally have been not less than 6,000 Horses here. I Cannot but observe to you, that this Strength of Horses was a principal Reason why the French durst not attack Barbadoes in the Course of the last War. They had then very few Horses, and knew what Numbers of them the Barbadi­ ans had, and therefore justly dreaded to make a Descent upon an / Island that had almost as many Horses as fighting Men in it; by which Means the Barbadi­ ans would have been enabled to convey their Men with Ease from one Part of the Island to the other, and fight on Foot or Horseback as they thought best, while the French must have footed it thro’ rugged Ways in a scorching Climate. I Have had the Pleasure to hear many of the French Officers acknowledge this: But if the French are to be supply’d with Horses from our Northern Colo­ nies, the Advantage we had over them in the last War, in the Superiority of our Horse, will soon be lost to us, and the Island will be lost along with it in Case of a War, and then adieu to all our other Caribbee Islands.

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I Need not tell you, who know the Constitution of our Island, and the State of our Militia perfectly well, that we have 500 Sugar-work Plantations with Wind-mills, and that each of those Plantations maintains, one with another, eight Horses; to which Number must be added the Horses employ’d on the lesser Plantations, and those kept by Divines, Lawyers, Physicians, Gentlemen, Merchants, Factors and Tradesmen in the several Towns of this Island, which are at least half as many more; and that every Plantation that contains 100 Acres of Land, is oblig’d to provide in the Militia a Horse and Man compleatly armed; and if 160 Acres, then 2 Horses and 2 Men; and for every 100 Acres more, another Horse and Man, besides what every Plantation sends to the Foot, (which is a Footman compleatly armed for every 20 Acres); and that every Man that has not 20 Acres of Land, must serve in the Militia in Person on Horse-back, if he keeps a Horse, or otherwise on Foot: And that no Man in Barbadoes is excused from serving in Person in the Militia, be his Degree or Profession what it will. It has been farther objected against the second Point above-mention’d; That ’tis hard that any British Subject should be restrain’d from a free Vend of the Produce of their Labour and Industry upon British Soils; and I must own, in many Cases, / it may be so, but surely not in the present Case of the Northern Colonies, who tho’ restrain’d from a Trade with the foreign Sugar Colonies for those Things that tend to support and enlarge them, will still have British Colo­ nies enough to vend all their Produce in, besides an extensive Vend for them elsewhere no way prohibited. Do they complain of a Restriction in the Vend of their Produce to the for­ eign Sugar Colonies only, and not remember that the British Sugar Colonies are restrain’d from exporting theirs to any Part of the Universe but Great Britain and the British Northern Colonies? Restrictions in Trade are often to the Prejudice of Particulars, but surely the Good of the Whole must be regarded before that of any particular Member; and no wise State will suffer any one of its Colonies to grow rich, and that too by a Trade carry’d on in Derogation of Solemn Treaties calculated for the Good of the Whole, to the inevitable Destruction of any other of its Colonies equally, if not more, valuable, and to the irreparable Damage of the State itself, which I take to be the present Case of our Northern and Southern Colonies. You will give me Leave to make one Remark more, as to the Prohibition of the Importation of Lumber from our Northern Colonies into the French Colo­ nies, which had almost slipp’d me, and that is this; That should a Prohibition of a direct Importation thereof from our Northern Colonies into the French Sugar Colonies be granted, it would not be of that ill Consequence to our Northern Colonies as they seem to apprehend; for they might, notwithstanding that Pro­ hibition, carry their Lumber to any of the Portuguese or Spanish Islands in the Western Ocean, and send from thence Certificates of its being landed there; and

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might then sell it, or leave it there to be sold and forwarded to the French, who will be glad to get it even that Way, and will still find it cheaper than to fetch it from the Missisippi or Canada. / It must be own’d that this round-about Way will be tedious and expensive. Be it so, since all the Expence will fall on the French, and thereby the British Sugar Planter will be supply’d with Lumber about 15 or 20 per Cent. cheaper than the Frenchman. This Advantage, considerable as it is in itself, will, however, be much over­ ballanced by that the French have over us in relation to the Vent of their Sugars, Rum and Melasses; which leads me to the third Point proposed by the Repre­ sentation; that is, The encouraging a Vent of our Sugar, Rum and Melasses, by permitting them to be sent directly from our British Colonies to all foreign Ports, where the Subjects of foreign Powers are permitted to go directly with their Produce of the like Kinds, upon paying as easy Duties as Foreigners pay in the like Cases. Upon this Head you will give me Leave to make a Remark or two; (viz.) That if two Traders deal in one and the same Commodity, and pay each of them the same prime Cost for it; and one of them can afford to carry his Goods directly, and soonest to Market, and sell them cheaper than the other can, that he that thus can carry his Goods directly, and soonest to Market, and sell cheapest, must and will engross the Market, and ruin the other Trader. And this is the Case between us and the French, with this Difference only, that the prime Cost of their Sugars in their Colonies, is much less than that of ours is in our Colonies; which Difference is occasion’d not only by the Fertility of their new Soils, where no Dung is wanting, and the Labour of one Negro will go as far as that of two in our old Plantations; but by the many Encouragements they receive from their Mother Country, and by their gainful Trade with our Northern American Colonies and Ireland, as also with the Spanish Ports in the West-Indies. / But taking it for granted, that the prime Costs of the French Sugars in their Plantations, and that of ours in our Plantations are equal, (tho’ at this Time the Difference is considerable) yet as the French are permitted to send directly to the Ports of Spain Sugars of all Sorts, (except Raw and Muscovado Sugars) and all other the Product of their Islands in America, paying a Duty of one per Cent. only on Exportation, without first carrying them into French; and the British Sugar Colonies are oblig’d to carry all their Sugars, and all other enumerated Goods first into Great Britain, after paying in the Colonies where they are pro­ duced, (Jamaica excepted) a Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. in Specie on Exportation, before they can carry them any where else, (except to the other British Colonies) and are oblig’d, upon exporting them afterwards from Great Britain, to leave in Great Britain a Duty of near two per Cent. and are put to the Risque of a

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double Voyage, besides the Charge of it, which amounts to above twenty per Cent. more; ’tis certain that the French must cut us out of the Sugar Trade in the Streights, and the Export of our Sugars thither must be intirely lost, unless we are permitted to carry our Clay’d Sugars from our Plantations directly to foreign Markets, and upon as easy Terms as our Rivals carry theirs, for a Difference of 25 1/2 per Cent. on Sales between two Traders dealing on the same Commodity, must, without much Dispute, enrich the one, and undo the other. Sugars are a pondrous Commodity, and subject to large Charges and Waste, and ’tis impossible for us to carry our Sugars directly to all foreign Markets on the Footing we now are: But were we permitted to carry our Clay’d Sugars directly to all foreign Markets where the French are permitted to carry theirs, and upon as easy Duties as they; such a Permission will force an Export, and the Proceeds thereof will be brought to Great Britain, as well as the Produce of the Fish that is carry’d from New England and Newfoundland; and the better Market the British Sugar Planter finds for his Clay’d Sugar, the cheaper he can afford, his Muscovado Sugars to the British Grocer and British Sugar Baker. / And such a Permission will increase the Quantity of Muscovado Sugars; for that Encouragement will enable the British Sugar Colonies to plant more Land; repair their old Buildings; erect new ones; buy more Slaves, Horses, Lum­ ber, Fish, Beef, Flower, and other Plantation-Necessaries, which will draw from Great Britain an immense Quantity of Woollen and other Manufactures, and employ more Ships and Seamen to the Benefit of the British Nation than are now employ’d by the Northern Colonies, to the Benefit and Support of foreign Powers. I Must observe to you upon this Occasion, That the Sugars that will be pro­ duced for some Years off of those new Islands, will be all of them Muscovadoes; for Sugar produced off of new Lands, and great Part of the old Lands, will not turn under Clay; so that there will be no Reason to apprehend but the Brit­ ish Markets will, notwithstanding such Permission, be supply’d with Sugar in as great Plenty, and as cheap as ever; for Profit will be follow’d as long as there is a suitable Soil to plant, and Markets will be supply’d while a reasonable Advantage may be gain’d. And besides all this, the supporting and encouraging our Sugar Colonies (and this Permission will be no inconsiderable Support and Encouragement to them) will be the most effectual Method to encourage and secure our Northern Colonies, and render them more dependant on Great Britain. I Would ask those Gentlemen who oppose a Vend of our Sugar, Rum and Melasses directly from our British Colonies to such foreign Ports as the Sub­ jects of foreign Powers are permitted to go directly with theirs, a few Questions: Have the French lessen’d their Imports into France by the Indulgences given their Sugar Colonies? Is their Navigation, Shipping or Revenue thereby abated? Are

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their Factors Commissions or Merchants Profits thereby lessen’d? Are the Con­ sumers of Sugars in the French Dominions taxed by an enhanced Price? Surely, No. On the contrary, the Reverse is apparent, and the French / have gained an immense Treasure by their extensive Exportation of the Product of their Sugar Colonies. Time was, when our Island had a free Liberty of Exportation to all Nations that traded, and were in Amity with England; and in the Year 1651, when this loyal Island was oblig’d to surrender upon Articles to the Parliamentary Forces under the Command of Sir George Ayscue, one of the Articles of their Rendition, was in the Words following (viz.)

ARTICLE IX. ‘That all Port Towns and Cities under the Parliament’s Power, shall be open unto the Inhabitants of this Island in as great a Freedom of Trade as ever; and that no Companies be placed over them, nor the Commodities of this Island be engross’d into private Mens Hands; and that all Trade be free with all Nations that do Trade, and are in Amity with England. This Island then flourish’d, and was then look’d upon as a Limb of the Com­ mon Wealth of England. I mention this only to shew the Sense of the English Nation at that Time, in regard to the Sugar Colonies, and the happy Conse­ quences thereof. The Act of Navigation, and the many Acts afterwards made, laying Imposts on the Products of the British Sugar Colonies, made a woful Alteration of their State, and they have ever since been declining; and the French are now ready to give them the Coup de Grace, unless our Legislature interpose. Europe is not now in the same State it was when the Act of Navigation was made, and those Restrictions and Duties were impos’d on the Product of the British Sugar Colonies. Our Laws are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable, but receive from Time to Time such Changes as the Change of Times and Face of Affairs require; and therefore I will not / doubt but a British Parliament, ever mindful of their Country’s Good, and jealous of an encroach­ ing, overbearing Rival, will support and revive, by proper Encouragements, their Sugar Colonies, so useful to Great Britain. I Am unwilling to mention some trifling Reflections and unfair Insinua­ tions made by the Enemies of the British Sugar Planters; such as those: That they are idle, luxurious, and keep too good Tables, and want to monopolize the Sugar Trade to maintain their Extravagancies. I own there are and have been in Barbadoes, as in all other Countries, lazy, imprudent, and expensive Men: but the general Character of a People is not surely to be taken from that of a few Particulars. Let the worst Enemy that Island has, view their Sugar Works, built

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with so much Strength, Neatness and Convenience, and every way fitted for the Uses intended; their Bridges over Swamps and Gullies; and their indefatigable Labour in the Culture of their Plantations, not to be match’d, perhaps, by any other Planters upon Earth; and then charge them with Idleness if he can: And let him see their frugal Tables, cover’d mostly with salt Provisions, and Pulse, and Roots of their own raising, and condemn them of Luxury. Surely those Fish-eat­ ers of New England, who thus envy, and therefore hate and slander the British Sugar Planter, would wish to see the jolly Yeomen of Old England reduc’d to Leeks and Onions, Garlick, and Wooden Shoes. I Will say no more on this ungrateful Subject, but give you a Calculate of the present Value of Barbadoes, consider’d as a Sugar Colony, drawn, I’m sure, as near the Truth as possible, and far from any Exaggeration; that the World may judge whether it deserves to be treated with that Contempt its malicious Enemies have affected of late to treat it with. / The Calculate is as follows, viz. 500 Wind-mills, at 800l. each – Boiling-houses, Still houses, Curing-houses, Negro-houses, Trashhouses, Smiths, Coopers and Carpenters Shops, &c. at 1200l. for each Wind-mill Estate – Carts, Pots, Drips, and other Utensils, at 150l. for each Wind-mill Estate – 106,000 Acres of Land, with the Crops now growing thereon, at 20l. per Acre – 65,000 Negroes, at 30l. per Head – 20,000 Head of Cattle, at 10l. – 6,000 Horses, at 20l. per Head – 26 Pot-Kilns, 80 Cattle-Mills, and Works –

l.400,000 600,000 75,000 2,120,000 1,950,000 200,000 120,000 35,000 5,500,000

In this Calculate, all the four Towns of the Island, and all Dwelling-houses, with their necessary Out-houses, are left out, and nothing more is brought to Account but what merely relates to the Sugar Trade; which amounts to Five Millions and a half. If that Trade be lost to Barbadoes, (as it infallible must be if ’tis not soon put on a better Foot than now it is) the two first, as also the last Article of the Calcu­ late, will become of no Worth, the Land be of little Value, and all the rest of the Articles be reduc’d to less than one half of their Value, unless sold to the French, who will gladly buy them: For in that Case, all that the best Planters will have to do, will be to plant Corn, Potatoes, Eddoes, Cassada, Yams and Plantains, and raise Hogs, Sheep, Goats and Poultry for the Support of Life, and manufacture their own Cotton for Cloathing, and live as the Native Indians, whom they for­ merly drove out, used to do, and still do at Dominique and St. Vincents. /

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’Tis no easy Matter to compute exactly how great a Loss Great Britain will suffer by the Destruction of that one single Sugar Colony of Barbadoes, but it may be nearly guest at by considering the present Value of it. And if the Loss of the Sugar Trade to only one of the British Colonies will be thus great, What must the total Loss of the sugar Trade be to all of them? And how great must the Loss of Great Britain be in that Case? I Am afraid I have tired you with this long Letter; and yet I cannot forbear adding a Word or two more. You will observe from the Representation the many Advantages the French Sugar Planters have over our Sugar Planters, of which I beg Leave to say, that of the Liberty they have of trading with the adjacent Spanish Islands, however hitherto but little taken Notice of and consider’d, is not the least. That Trade adds to their Strength as well as Riches; it imploys some Hundreds of French Seamen, and brings Cash to them in great Plenty, in Exchange for Flower and other Goods purchas’d by them from our Northern Colonies, with their Rum and Melasses; so that they thereby turn those Products into Spanish Silver, which centers in Old France. Is it not worth considering, why the British Sugar Colonies may not have the same Liberty of trading with those Spaniards as the French have? They appar­ ently get vastly by that Trade, and why may not we do so? Let our Gains that Way be what they will, they will all center in Great Britain, and there increase the Capital Stock of our Mother Nation. After all, ’tis still in the Power of the British Parliament to preserve the British Empire in America; which, however, cannot be done without supporting their Sugar Colonies; the Loss whereof must inevitably be attended with that of our Northern Colonies; And this may effectually be done by a few / Regulations of the American Trade propos’d in the Representation. That the British Sugar Colonies have thus Suffer’d and been reduc’d to a very declining and almost perishing Condition, seems to me, in a great measure, owing to their own Indolence and Remissness in not making their Grievances earlier known to the Legislature, who only can give them an adequate Relief. The Crown of Great Britain will never tamely suffer the Sugar Trade to be lost: Should that happen, the vast Western Ocean will, in a few Years, be overspread with French Ships going to and fro with the Riches of America, and the Pro­ duce and Manufactures of the French Dominions, and the Profits and Increase thereof, will all center in Old France. France, (which will be thereby enabled to increase and pay their Armies and Fleets; which will never want Seamen from all Parts) and their Northern Colonies will daily grow more Wealthy and Powerful; while ours must decline, and in a very few Years come to a final Destruction.

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But I will entertain those melancholy Thoughts no more; and henceforth firmly hope for better Things, in a full Persuasion, that the Manly Genius of the British Nation will once more at length arise, exert its ancient Vigour, protect and cherish its West-India Colonies, confound their Enemies, and assert and glo­ riously maintain The British Empire in America. I am, &c.

FINIS.

A PATTERN FOR GOVERNOURS

A Pattern for Governours: Exemplify’d in the Character of Scroop late Lord Viscount Howe, Baron of Clonawly; and Governour of Barbados[:] As Gratefully Attempted by Several of the most Ingenious Pens of that Island, and Transmitted to be Published here in Honour of his Lordship’s Memory. To which is added, A Publick Act of the Council and General Assembly, Testifying their Gratitude for the Benefits they Received under his Excellency’s most Just and Prudent Administration (London: Edward Cave, 1735).

As the two documents by John Ashley reproduced in this volume illustrate, Barbadians and West Indians in general were not always contented with their status in the empire, frequently and bitterly complaining about trade laws and various forms of misgovernment. The various testimonies by Barbadians on the governance and character of their late governor, Emanuel Scrope Howe, were therefore all the more remarkable for the good will they exuded. Scrope Howe (c. 1699–1735) was son of Richard Scrope, Baron of Glenawly, County Ferman­ agh, and first Viscount Howe. Emanuel became Baron Glenawly in 1701 and second Viscount Howe in 1712. He was a Whig MP for Nottinghamshire from 1722 to 1732, when he was appointed governor of Barbados. The wife referred to in A Pattern for Governours was Maria Sophia Charlotte von Kielsmansegg, a niece of King George I. Their children, also referred to here, included Richard Howe and William Howe, who went on to be, respectively, admiral and general in the British navy and army in the American War of Independence. A Pattern for Governours comprises a 29 March news item and obituary from the Barbados Gazette, two testimonies to Howe’s character from the same newspaper, printed 9 and 12 April, a speech by the Speaker of the House of Rep­ resentatives advocating the payment of expenses to Howe’s widow to cover debts incurred in Barbados and the costs of transporting her family and her husband’s remains back to England, and an act of legislation to that effect granting Lady Howe the sum of £2,500. The documents were collected together by an anony­ mous editor as a tribute to Howe. The tributes testify powerfully to the political difficulties Barbadians suf­ fered. ‘When my Lord first came to Barbados’, one contributor writes, – 55 –

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The same author indicates how the governor overcame these difficulties: How wary was his Conduct! How active and vigilant! How nice and curious his Inquiries! and how penetrating his Judgment! … In short, by constant Application, accompanied with a vast Capacity, he became perfectly Master of the whole Compass of our Affairs in a few Weeks, and formed his Resolutions accordingly; which he pur­ sued to the last, as strictly as the Nature of Things, and the various Tempers he had to deal with, would permit. (below, p. 66)

The other testimonies repeat these themes of intelligence, knowledge, hard work and impartiality. Other recurring subjects include consistent adherence to the public good, religiosity, geniality and gentility without pomposity. As the title of the collection suggests, A Pattern for Governours was intended to set an example to his successors and other colonial governors. In that respect it served the same purpose as Archibald Cummings’s The Character of a Right­ eous Ruler (1736), also reprinted in this volume, and other blueprints for good governance popular in the early and mid-eighteenth century. What is especially striking in A Pattern for Governours, however, is the extraordinary good will towards Howe. As one author notes, of his own grief: ‘How impertinent is Busi­ ness! How troublesome Company! … Sorrow still attends us, and even Tears will give us no Relief ’ (below, pp. 64–5). These sorts of sentiments between colonial governors and governed were rare, especially in the West Indies.1 Notes: 1

G. A. Puckrein, Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics, 1627– 1700 (New York: New York University Press, 1984); H. McD. Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 1990).

A Pattern FOR Governours:

Exemplify’d IN THE

CHARACTER

OF

SCROOP

LATE

LORD VISCOUNT HOWE,

BARON OF CLONAWLY;

AND Governour OF

BARBADOS

As gratefully attempted by several of the most ingenious Pens of that Island, and transmitted to be published here in Honour of his Lordship’s Memory. To which is added, A publick Act of the Council and General Assembly, testifying their Gratitude for the Benefits they received under his Excellency’s most just and prudent Administration.

LONDON:

Printed by Edward Cave, at St John’s Gate, Clerkenwell, and Sold

by the Booksellers. MDCCXXXV.

(Price Six-Pence.) /

THE

CHARACTER

OF

SCROOP

LATE

LORD VISCOUNT HOWE,

AND GOVERNOUR OF

BARBADOS, &C.

Attempted by several Hands. NUMBER I.

From the Barbados Gazette, March 29, 1735. Printed by S. Keimer

Stupendous Grief ! that smote us by Surprize,

And snatcht away the Pleasure of our Eyes.1

Barbados, March 28. I am now to mention the worst Piece of News that ever had a Place in this Paper, or probably ever will; and which therefore I insert with a trembling Hand, and an aching Heart, as well for the heavy Loss, as from the most terrible Apprehen­ sions of what may be the direful Consequences of it. – Last Night about Twelve o’Clock dy’d the Honourable Scroop Lord Viscount HOWE, our Governour, after Six Days Illness of a Fever, to the / unspeakable Grief of the Inhabitants of this Island in general. His Excellency was very violently seiz’d, but the Dis­ temper took such different Turns that after he had been more than once given – 59 –

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over, we were several Times amus’d with the Hopes of his Recovery, for which every body was so anxious, that a Stranger might have learnt the latest News from Pilgrim’s by the dejected or chearful Countenances alternately to be met in the Streets of Bridge-Town. Even so lately as yesterday Morning, some favourable Symptoms were said to appear, which once more reviv’d our drooping Hearts; but all was dash’d again by Noon, and we had then the dismal Account of my Lord’s being on the Point of Death, from which Time he languish’d ’till about the Turn of the Night, when he expir’d, having some Hours before taken Leave of his Relations and Friends in the most tender and affectionate Manner. He dy’d indeed, by the Report of all present, like a true Christian Hero, and left the World with as good a Grace as any of the most celebrated of the ancient Greeks or Romans. For all he said, like all he did, was Great. It was observable, that his Lordship’s Indisposition had such an Effect upon Per­ sons of all Ranks and Conditions that it caus’d a Stagnation of both publick and private Business, very little of either being done during the whole Time; for every one seem’d to think the Event, with respect to that inestimable Life, of greater Importance than any Thing else that immediately concern’d him; We hear there is not a Family in the Country but looks like the House of Mourning, and might well be thought to have lost its own Head, by the Sighs and Tears that are incessantly pour’d forth on this melancholy Occasion. And if those who knew his Excellency at a Distance only, can be so much affected, what must be the Anguish of the dear Partner of his Bosom, that excellent Lady who was remarkable for her Fondness, and is a Pattern to her Sex, as they were together a bright Example of all Conjugal Virtues! Surely this is an Instance of the highest Distress; and when we reflect on the happy Days they enjoyed, and the many uncommon Circumstances that contributed to the most exquisite Delight they took in each other, with the Pleasure they gave to all around them, we can scarce think it possible for any Combination of Incidents to put a humane Being in a Condition of greater Sorrow than her Ladyship must now be under! My Lord desir’d, it seems, that his Funeral should not be pompous or expensive, and accordingly we understand that none were invited besides the Gentlemen of the Council and Assembly, with the Two Commanders of his Majesty’s Ships in the Road. But notwithstanding this was the Intention, Persons of the most considerable Figure voluntarily came from all Parts of the Country, to do the last Office to the best of Governours, which he is universally allow’d to have been; and there never was seen so great a Crowd of People at any Interment here, nor perhaps so many Tears shed any where else, as on this sad and truly mournful Occasion. The Corps was carry’d to St Michael’s Church and (the Burial Service

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being perform’d / by the Reverend Mr. Johnson Rector of the Parish) about Eight o’Clock at Night deposited in the Vault belonging to the Coddrington Family, there to remain only till a convenient Opportunity of Shipping it for England should offer. This, My Lord directed, in Compliance with what he knew would be the Desire of his Friends at Home, though he would otherwise, ’tis said, have been well satisfy’d that his Dust should have remain’d in the Island, for which and the People of it, he continually express’d an ardent Affection. His Excellency was in the 37th Year of his Age, and has left behind him Eight Children, viz. Four Sons and Four Daughters, the former being in Eng­ land, and the latter here, where the youngest was born. The two eldest are of an Age to know, and we doubt not are perfectly sensible of their Loss; but the other lovely little Babes are only capable of drawing fresh Tears from the Eyes of those that look on them as the Offspring of that Noble Personage whom they lov’d and honour’d when alive, and whose Memory will be for ever dear to them. It may possibly be expected that we enter into the Character of this great and valuable Man; but we dare not attempt it. – To draw it justly would require, as it deserves, the best Pen that ever wrote; and we have Reason to believe that those who are most able in this Place, and have sometimes embellished our Paper, are at present too deeply concern’d the irreparable Misfortune, and too sensibly touch’d with the cutting Reflection of being depriv’d of him who has been their Darling Subject, and of whom they can now only say, He Was, but that He Is no more! – Does Heaven such Gifts as these bestow on Men,

So soon, alas! to call them back agen!

NUMBER II. On the Character of Lord HOWE. From the Barbados Gazette, April 9. 1735. Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit.2

As His Excellency, after the greatest Example, always regarded the Heart, so I hope his Friends will receive this Mite, although can do his Memory neither Honour nor Justice, but can only be as one Testimony, among a Cloud of Wit­ nesses, to his Conduct as a Governour: To which Part of his Character, I shall endeavour to confine this Letter, though it will be hardly possible, not to trans­ gress my Rule, and glance a little on other Parts, which are blended with this. Upon his Arrival, he shew’d a noble open Countenance, to all Men, and soon lull’d asleep our jarring Factions, so that a general Calm continued throughout his whole Government. /

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He gave an early Proof of his Penetration, and sagacious Discernment of Men, by fixing on those who never once afterwards deceived him. He saw a Knave through any Mask, and never fail’d to punish him; though when he knew the Intention good, no Man so ready to make a large Allowance for humane Frailties. So far was he from following the sordid Example of one of his Predecessors, in actually bargaining with one Set of Men for a certain Sum, even before he left his Ship, that Lord HOWE never solicited himself, or by others, for any Sum, but often declared he wish’d for no more than would support his Family here; nor had he that, yet was perfectly satisfied, as knowing our present low Condi­ tion. He enter’d cautiously upon Business, but soon became so great a Master of it, and so closely apply’d himself to it, that never was so much dispatch’d in so short a Time, and with such universal Approbation; and as he always acted with Freedom and Impartiality himself, he never endeavour’d in the least to byass or lead others; (a Fault too common with some former Governours, who would have the sole Decision of all Causes expected from themselves, and therefore appear’d rather Advocates than Judges.) I never once heard a Murmur against his Sentence or Vote, nor was it ever suggested by the Loser, that any Personal Regard, or Passion, made a Part of the Weight, in his Scale of Justice; but as it will be at the last Judgment, all proclaim’d his to be righteous. No Ruler since the Man of God, could with more Truth say, Whose Ox have I taken, or whose Ass have I taken, or whom have I defrauded, or of whose Hands have I received a Bribe, to blind mine Eyes therewith?3 The Salary we were able to give him, prov’d a very scanty Allowance for so generous a Spirit; but this did not abate his Liberality, or Charity, in which if a Man can exceed, he certainly did; for he never miss’d any Opportunity of the most extensive Exercise of those Virtues. The Poor never went empty from his Gate; and the Blessing of those that were ready to perish came daily upon him. His constant Attendance upon the publick Worship of God, was the smallest Part of his Religion, his daily Retirements, and the visible Influence it had on all his Actions, shew’d he was in Earnest. His genteel Courtly Behaviour exceeds all Description; none once spoke to him, but, as if by Inchantment, ever after loved him; every Action and Word was charming, without the least Tincture of that supercilious Vanity, insepara­ ble from Affectation; all was agreeable in him, because all was Nature. He knew how to be intimately familiar without Loss of Dignity, though he alone seem’d unconcern’d to preserve it. His incessant Exercise and Reviews of our Militia were apprehended to be the Original Cause of that Distemper which snatch’d him from us.

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From the Beginning of his Sickness, he seem’d as by Inspiration, to be appriz’d of its Consequence, and began immediately to provide for it, by settling his Affairs; after which he took Leave of his Family and Friends, in a Manner, none have yet been able to tell without Tears, he alone being unconcern’d, / at his own Condition; more obliging Expressions, never drop’d from the Mouth of a Bridegroom, to his beloved Bride, than now flow’d from his, to every one about him; but as the deepest Impressions on the Mind are last defaced, his Love to his unhappy Island was his greatest and last Care; for after he had in the most earnest Manner, recommended us to the Interest and Protection of his dear Lady, and just before his Understanding began to fail, (which had been all along wonderfully clear) he call’d to a Gentleman near him, and taking him by the Hand, desired him to tell the Company, which he understood was below; that he heartily wish’d them well, and hop’d His Majesty would send them a better Governour; that none could ever desire, and endeavour their Welfare and Happiness more than he had done. And sure an Honester Declaration never was made, nor is there one among us that doubts the Truth of it. He was far from repining at, or regretting his sudden Change, but often spoke of it chearfully, and with Indifference, as of any other common Subject; and waited for Death with the same Temper of Mind, as a Passenger who has made himself ready for a long Voyage, and taken his last Farewell of his Friends, waits for, and wishes a fair Wind, ’till we lost such a Governour as none alive have ever seen, or did our Fathers tell us of; but Children yet unborn will tell of this, to theirs. In short, he lived and died as a Gentleman, and a Saint, would wish to do; and every honest Inhabitant of this Place, very justly thinks he has lost his dearest and his best Friend. Perhaps they who have seen none of these Things may think, as it is com­ mon in Characters, there may be some Hyperboles among them, but I assure them, what I now write, is no more to Lord HOWE’s true and full Character as a Governour, than a Title Page is to the whole Book: Nor is it any Fear of the Imputation of Flattery, or want of Matter, that makes me thus brief; but my Genius sinks under the Weight, and I find myself unequal to the Work, which if well perform’d may possibly excite Emulation in his Successor; wherefore I hope it will be undertaken by Hands that are fitter for such a Task; and to them I here leave it with these short Remarks. First, That notwithstanding the many Reproaches we have long suffered as a People whom no Governour could please, we have now shewn, when we are govern’d with Justice, we can both love and obey. Next, Although Power is commonly envy’d, often hated, none thought Lord HOWE’s Power too great, but all for their own Advantage wish’d it greater. Lastly, Impartiality draws the Love and Esteem of all, when mercenary Favour doth not even oblige those it serves, by Oppression of others. None

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expected Favour of Lord HOWE, yet all esteem’d and lov’d him, because all were sure of Justice. /

On the Character of Lord HOWE. NUMBER III.

From the Barbados Gazette, April 12. 1735.

– Of Comfort, no Man speak;

Let’s talk of Graves, and Worms, and Epitaphs!

Make Dust our Paper, and with rainy Eyes,

Write Sorrow in the Bosom of the Earth.4

As there cannot be a greater Indication of good Sense in any People than their setting a due Value on superior Merit, and expressing a general Concern for the Loss of such as have eminently possessed, and worthily exerted those heroick Virtues which tend to promote the Welfare of Societies, and the Peace and Hap­ piness of Mankind; so I may venture to say, that if ever such a Loss was felt, or such a Concern expressed, We of this Island are at present an Instance of it. Whilst, therefore, I am sharing (and perhaps with more than common Reason) the just Grief so visible in the Rest of my Fellow-Subjects here, I cannot help admitting, methinks, of some small Recess, from the Unanimity to be observed on the sad Occasion; and which alone could afford the least Hope of our being able to extricate ourselves from the woeful Effects of so sudden and unexpected a Blow. The Shock we had, is indeed terrible beyond Description: and the more we ruminate on the Misfortune, the more desperate and intolerable it appears. Time which gradually wears off the Weight of Sorrow in most Cases, is like to encrease it in ours; and we may expect that every Day will yield fresh Matter to renew our Affliction, and, if possible, to quicken in us the Sense of it. We had been rais’d to the Height of Happiness, just began to taste the Sweets of it, and imagine our­ selves secure in a lasting Enjoyment, when we were at once deprived of all again, by being deprived, alas! of him to whose single Conduct we ow’d it. Cou’d none but such a killing Stroke suffice,

To break our rocky Hearts, and thaw our frozen Eyes!5

But since He breaths no more who alone made Life itself agreeable to us, how can we breath a Thought that does not concern him? Or by what Means expect to survive with any Satisfaction, ’till, at least, we have endeavoured to do Justice to his Memory, by making the World sensible of what we once possessed, and of what, alas! we are now bereaved? – How impertinent is Business! How trouble­ some Company! How insipid are the necessary Supports of our / Being! All is dark and gloomy! Neither the Sun can gladden, nor the Night give Rest! How

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unwelcome is Sleep! How uncomfortable the Absence of it! In vain we lie down. In vain we rise. Sorrow still attends us, and even Tears will give us no Relief. – Let us then try to amuse ourselves with recounting the matchless Virtues of Him we are bewailing, who is gone to Rest, and will be no more fatigu’d in our Service, no more seized with our Follies, and no longer anxious to reform us; being fled to – The happy few who govern’d well below,

And of their Labours deathless Pleasures know.6

To launch out in Praise of any Man while he is yet living, would not be proper on many Accounts; particularly as the Author may be liable to the Imputation of Flattery, and also in regard that the Person who is the Subject of it may happen to lose the Fame he had acquired, and by some Alteration of Conduct, cease to deserve the good Opinion the World had of him. But when he who has deserved well of his Fellow-Creatures is laid in the Dust, and there is no Colour for the one, nor Fear of the other, it would be a kind of Injustice both to the Dead and the Living, to withhold our Suffrage; to the first, on Account of Merit, and to the last, for the Sake of Example. Whether we consider the late Lord HOWE in his publick Station, or his private Character, he was equally to be esteemed and admired, and we find in ourselves a like Disposition to deplore his Death, on both Accounts; as he did Honour to the one, and indeed was a shining Example in the other. He discharged the Trust reposed in him by his Royal Master with undoubted Suffi­ ciency, and at the same time exhibited the most commendable Qualities in every other Part of Life; so that we could hardly tell whether we loved him most as an excellent Governor, or as a good Man; and while we applaud his Behaviour at the Council Board, and in the Execution of the respective Branches of his High Office, a thousand Things occur whereby he charmed us at his own Table, and in his ordinary Conversation. Thus the bold Captain-General, the just Chancellor, the wise Law-giver, is alternately lamented with the sincere Christian, the zeal­ ous Friend, the sprightly Companion; and we feel different Sensations of Pain, as the former or latter chance to be uppermost in our Minds. When my Lord first came to Barbados, now nigh two Years ago, (and two such Years we never saw before, nor ever shall live over again;) he found it in a very ill State, and almost at the lowest Ebb; many extraordinary Circumstances concurring to make the future Government of it, to Appearance, neither easy nor advantageous. It was full of Discord and Dissensions, perplexed with Parties and Animosities, and involved in such Difficulties of various Kinds, too recent to be forgot, that none but a Genius like that of our new Governour could have surmounted them. But we soon perceived he was equal to the Undertaking, and it looked, indeed, as if Providence had fitted him for it. How wary was his Con­

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duct! How active and vigilant! How nice and curious his Inquiries! and how penetrating his Judgment! He used all proper Means of / knowing Men and Things, took all Opportunities of pleasing every Body, and avoided all Occa­ sions of offending any. By his Complaisance and fine Address, one would have imagined he studied nothing else; whereas that was easy and natural to him; and his Thoughts were, at the same Time, diligently employ’d in forwarding the grand Designs he had in View, in settling the Peace and Happiness of the Island. In short, by constant Application, accompanied with a vast Capacity, he became perfectly Master of the whole Compass of our Affairs in a few Weeks, and formed his Resolutions accordingly; which he pursued to the last, as strictly as the Nature of Things, and the various Tempers he had to deal with, would permit. If any Step was taken, or Movement made, that did not discover equal Traces of Wisdom and Foresight, it was owing to his not being Omniscient, and because he was under the Necessity of receiving his Lights from others, against which Inconveniency the utmost humane Circumspection cannot always guard. But no one more readily acknowledged any Mistake, was more willing to correct it, or did it in a handsomer Manner. The Truth is, when we reflect on the unfortunate Situation of the publick Affairs at his Lordship’s Arrival, how full of Intricacies, and how many Things were necessarily to be done and brought about, before he could propose any Quiet to himself, or lay a Foundation for those useful Schemes he had con­ certed. As it was enough to discourage a Mind not bent on the noblest Actions, and which was not capable of the most difficult, so ’tis amazing to think with what Ease he went through the whole, and how soon he accomplish’d it. But the Weight of his Authority, his Presence, and affable Demeanor carried every Thing before him, made all desirous of obliging him, and willing to come into his Measures, how contrary soever to the private Resolutions they had taken, and the Sentiments they had formerly declared: On a sudden we found ourselves as it were charmed into one Opinion with Regard to his Excellency; and as he was pleas’d to be well satisfied with what the Publick under many Disadvantages had chearfully done for him, (which was considerably less than he expended amongst us) so he continued to deserve more than it was able to do, ’till Death, cruel Death! put a Stop to his unwearied Endeavours, and left us on the Brink of Despair for want of them. – For who alas! shall now intercede on our Behalf, at Home? Who shall represent our Case, state our Hardships, and enforce our Complaints, and Petitions? Who is there that will not only consult the true Interest of our Country, but by his powerful Influence keep us stedfast in the Pursuit of it? Who, in a Word, will engage us to tread those Paths of Virtue and Honour which the good Lord HOWE had chalk’d out, and wherein he had set us, and stedfastly walk’d himself ?

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The noble Person of whom I am speaking (and I know not when I shall be able to speak of any other) had fine natural Parts, a quick Apprehension, and a rententive Memory, joined, which it seldom is, with an excellent Judgment. As he readily conceived Things, so he never let any Particular escape him that was necessary to the forming just Conclusions concerning the Matter in Debate. Nor was it possible to lead him from the Argument, or divert / him from the main Point, which he always stuck to, and enforc’d, ’till he either brought over his Opponents, or got out of them such Reasons as convinc’d himself, and made him alter his Mind. He had so lively an Imagination that he immediately perceiv’d all the Objections that could arise on either Side the Question, which he would obviate, or state, in the strongest Manner, according as he inclin’d to one, or the other, and which was always according to his Judgment. For surely no Man could be more impartial, more candid, or more just. This leads me into the Courts of Chancery and Error, the Supreme Courts of the Island, where his Lordship presided – and O! that he still presided there. We might then continue to attend them with Pleasure, and again behold that ami­ able Countenance which gave Life to all Business, and inspir’d every Body with a Disposition to bear the Fatigues of it. – But I was going to observe that although my Lord was not bred to the Study of the Law, and never frequented Westminster-Hall but in his Way to St Stephen’s Chapel, yet he shew’d a Sufficiency equal to one that had; an undeniable Proof of his surprizing Abilities! It was in Truth wonderful to see how well acquainted his Excellency was in so short a Time, with the ordinary Business of our Courts, and how familiarly he enter’d into the most knotty and intricate Cases, whereof there were many that came before him, and very various. He heard the Council on both sides with the closest Attention, and the utmost Patience; but soon discover’d where the Gist lay; and before they had done, seem’d to be as much Master of the Cause as themselves, who came prepar’d to speak to it. There was no amusing him with Words, or captivating his Passions by artful Harangues; being unalterably fix’d to do what was right, and to be influenc’d by nothing but Reason, and what appear’d to him to be Law, or agreeable to natural Equity and Justice. He was inflexible in this respect, and no Consideration on Earth could ever biass himself from it. If he did not always happen to be in the right, he always endeavour’d to be so, and never once gave a Vote contrary to his Conscience, or against the Dictates of his present Judgment, in the most minute Affair that fell in his Way. This I know, this all know, that had the like Opportunity of seeing what I have often seen, and rejoic’d to see; yet this great, this excellent Man was so diffident of himself that he has more than once been heard to say there was no Part of his Office he so little lik’d as that of being Judge, and he would heartily wish to be excused of it, from a Consciousness of his Inability. – So much Merit and so much Modesty sure never went together before! How tender of Mens Property, and yet how capable of determining upon

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it! – O thou more than human Being! Thou illustrious Example to all Magis­ trates and Courts of Justice! How shall we enough revere thy Memory? How can we sufficiently lament the Loss of thy Presence? But my Lord’s Acts of Justice were not confin’d to the Courts only, (where he gave the utmost Satisfaction as well as the greatest Dispatch that ever had been known in this Part of the World) nor did he content himself with discharging the necessary Duties of his exalted Station, without looking after farther and more frequent Opportunities of being serviceable to the People under / his Gov­ ernment. Where Matters did not lye before him in a judicial Way, and he could not direct, or decide, as Commander in chief, he would often interpose as a pri­ vate Gentleman and a Friend; recommend a good Understanding, propose what was proper, and advise to what was right on either Side, in which he thought himself no less bound by the Tyes of Honour than if he had been under the sacred Obligation of an Oath, and every body believ’d he had the same inviolable Regard to Truth and Justice. He was for promoting Humanity, cultivating good Nature and reciprocal Benevolence; always ready to accommodate Differences, settle Disputes, and reconcile Adversaries; For doing good, he knew, was being great.7

And in all Cases of this kind, he shew’d wonderful Sagacity, in discerning the real Grounds of the Contest, and the true Causes of it; as well as in discovering wherein one or the other was to blame, which he would touch so tenderly that neither could be displeas’d. he would also fix at once on the only Method for a Reconciliation, point it out immediately, and prosecute it in a manner that was not to be resisted, but made the Parties before they were aware, find a Disposi­ tion in themselves to be no longer at Variance. – So equal was his Lordship’s Carriage, so wise his Conduct, and so beneficial even the ordinary Actions of his Life! Though Gaiety and Pleasure seem’d to be most suitable to his Lordship’s nat­ ural Temper and Way of Life, yet no Man was better turn’d for Business, or more indefatigable in it; and perhaps there never was an Instance wherein both so hap­ pily united and were so well reconcil’d, as in this young Nobleman. He had a true Taste for innocent Amusements, and lov’d to divert himself with them often, yet never suffer’d any of them to interfere with Affairs of greater Moment, which he always prosecuted with the utmost Vigour, and was on every Occasion the last that grew tir’d. Those who had been us’d to see my Lord in Parties of Pleasure, where he was brisk beyond Expression and agreeable, would be astonish’d to find him so adroit in the most serious and important Business, and so dextrous in the Dispatch of it. He would force every Body about him to be attentive; and though he courted all Assistance that was to be had, yet every Thing appear’d to be done at last by his own superior Skill and Management. I cannot therefore but

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be of Opinion, that a late noble Peer, well vers’d in Affairs, and the Knowledge of Men, shew’d great Discernment in the Judgment he pass’d on the Lord HOWE, after having nicely observ’d his spirit and Genius in his youthful Days, when he was reckon’d rather too volatile by others. I’m much mistaken, says his Lordship to some Persons near him, if that Lad, when he comes to lose some of his juvenile Fire, and to be mellow’d with a few Years and a little Experience of the World, does not make as great a Man as any in it. And whoever has been a Witness to his Excellency’s Conduct in his Government here, and carefully adverted to his Actions, must conclude, without pretending to great Penetration, that if he were to have / spent a tolerable Share of that Time, in Study and Application, which he devoted to his Friends, he might indeed have been one of the greatest Men the Age produc’d, capable of filling the highest Posts in the Kingdom, and of acquitting himself therein with the same Honour, and Reputation he left This, and of which it was not in the Power of Death to rob him, when alas! it cruelly robbed us of him. Having spoke of my Lord as a Man of Pleasure, it must be observ’d, that as he always made Pleasure subservient to Business, so it was always compatible too with the strictest Virtue. None that partook of his Lordship’s Amusements had ever Reason to repent of it afterwards. They left no Pain on the Mind, nor produc’d any ill Consequences; but on the contrary were reflected on with Satis­ faction, and they dispos’d every Body the better to go thro’ their ordinary Affairs from the Prospect of often enjoying them again. They were such only as tended to excite good Humour and innocent Mirth; and it is probable that no Man liv­ ing possess’d a greater Share of the one, or occasion’d more of the other. He made Use of these Recreations like a Man of Sense, in Order to divert the Cares of Life, and render it more agreeable to himself and to all about him. As his Lordship was well appris’d of the hard Lot of Nature, he was willing to make the best of it, which he evidently did for the Sake of others, as well as his own; and I dare affirm it will be readily acknowledg’d by all People of Condition amongst us, that the most pleasureable Hours they ever knew in this Part of the World were when my Lord and Lady – HOWE have been present. – I shall be pardon’d the naming the latter by all that know her Ladyship’s great Merit and amiable Qualities, which so much contributed to the Happiness we enjoy’d, were so well suited to those of her noble and most beloved Consort, and so entirely endear’d her to him. As our late Governour would, on the worthy Principles, and with the human Views I have mention’d, chearfully give into any Entertainments that were propos’d by others, so he often made at his own Expence, the most elegant that ever were seen in the West-Indies, and was indeed the Life of them all. Besides those on Birth-nights, and other Occasions, which were conducted with the utmost Prudence, and contriv’d so as to give universal Satisfaction, how politely engaging was the Reception which the Ladies and Gentlemen of the Island stat­

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edly met with at Pilgrim’s, every Friday; and how agreeably was the Evening spent there! So much Affability and good Nature, so much Freedom and Com­ plaisance, so much Gayety and Openness of Heart, that every body was pleas’d, every body was charm’d, and every body welcome. Indeed, my Lord had the Art of regaling all that were near him, and would say such obliging Things to every one in their Turn, that each went away persuaded his Excellency had been par­ ticularly civil, while yet he appeared so to all. He had prodigious Vivacity, and a continued Flow of Spirits, for which all around him were the better. His Air was so chearful, his Manner so inchanting, and he was so expert in the agreeable Chit-Chat of Conversation, especially amongst the other Sex, that there is none that was ever in it, but will remember something or other which made an Impres­ sion to his / Lordship’s Advantage. – How melancholy then is the Thought, how killing the Reflection, that he, the dear Man whom we saw exerting all those charming Qualities, and which shone in him, if possible, with more than usual Lustre the last Time we saw him, should that Day Seven-night be stretch’d out in his Coffin! That many who went to enjoy his Conversation a Week ago, are now to accompany his Corps to the Grave! – Oh the Uncertainty of human Life! the Vanity of earthly Enjoyments! Surely we have been dreaming only of Bliss; and waking, find our Disappointment. – Behold that once sprightly Counte­ nance now ghastly! And those Eyes closed for ever, that so lately darted Delight on all they saw! See those Lips pale and motionless that us’d to make Way for the most kindly Expressions, every Word whereof was eagerly catch’d at by all that were present! Look about, how many walking Statues! how many drooping Heads, and, could we look within, how many bleeding Hearts! Lo, how dismal the House! How sad the Rooms! How doleful now the Garden and the Green, where we were wont to meet with all that was ravishing; – Farewel Mirth and Gayety! Farewell every Thing that could make Life desirable, or Death not more eligible! For what can Life be, without the Lord HOWE, to such as ever enjoy’d it with him? And – ’Tis to the Vulgar, Death too harsh appears;

The Ill we feel is only in our Fears.

To die, is landing on some silent Shore,

Where Billows never break, nor Tempests roar;

E’er well we feel the Friendly Stroke, ’tis o’er.8

}

The Grandeur of a Governour was never better, supported, on proper Occa­ sions, than by this; and yet at all other Times he was the most averse to Parade or Ceremony, and no one could have less of it. He convers’d with every body as his Equal, nay would almost seem to be your Inferior, were it not for the natural Dignity of his Person; and though such Condescension might now and then make Way for Impertinence, it had a quite different Effect with all Men of Judg­

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ment, who had still the better Opinion of his Excellency, paid him the greater Regard, and esteem’d him the more for it. He would indeed suffer a good deal of gross Familiarity, without shewing any Uneasiness when it concern’d him­ self only; but whenever the Rudeness became general, and gave Distaste to his Friends about him, let the Delinquent beware, for he was sure to meet with a Reproof that would come like Thunder, and which it was not easy to withstand. Nothing, however, besides a Sense of the Fault was requir’d to set the Party on the same Terms as before with his Lordship, who in that Case was always ready to forgive, and to forget. But he lik’d to converse with Freedom, and was desir­ ous that every body should be easy in his Presence. It is certain too that where he knew he might do it with Safety, he would open his Mind without Reserve, and in the greatest Confidence. But as this was to a few only, there is Reason to believe he heartily wish’d for more frequent Opportunities of doing it, and that it was a real Concern to him / that some of those he lik’d most, kept at too great a Distance from him, tho’ in Fact it was purely owing to the extraordinary Respect they bore him, and from a timorous Apprehension of interfering with his Excellency’s other Attachments. This and this alone could be the Cause of any Shyness, since the wisest Man might be proud of such an Intimacy, as the best would be fond of it; and it was almost impossible that any one who had been admitted to that Honour should not have a Passion for my Lord’s Interests, and be devoted to his Service. Amongst innumerable other Instances of the extraordinary Affection which his Lordship had gain’d of all that knew him, and the unbounded Respect that was paid him, the Guards form’d for attending his Person, is not to be forgot; as the Pains he took to render them useful, in case there should be an Occasion, is at the same Time a Proof of his unequall’d Zeal for the Publick Welfare. Gentle­ men of the best Figure and Substance in this Town, to the Number of Eighty, were not only willing to accept of being of the Troop, but earnestly courted it; as they did likewise chearfully, at their own Expence, cloath and put themselves into a suitable Garb for the Purpose, which being uniform, they made an Appearance not unworthy to be seen waiting on a Sovereign Prince; nor is it be doubted they would have fac’d any Danger, and undergone any Hardships with so intrepid a General, so sincere a Friend which every one thought him, which he desir’d to be thought, and which he really was. But when it was judg’d expedient they should be acquainted with the Discipline of the foot, how constantly did he meet them, notwithstanding his other various and necessary Avocations! How diligently did he instruct them! How generously did he treat them! And with what Familiarity and Frankness of Heart did he always converse with them! – Many of my Read­ ers will recollect more of this than I can express; and if it be with wet Eyes I’m sure they are never the worse Men.

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As he was a virtuous Man himself, and of the strictest Probity, he lov’d those whom he thought so, notwithstanding they might some times differ from him in their Judgment of Things; nor would he by any Means countenance, or on any Account encourage such as were of a contrary Character, and of a vicious and profligate Life. Yet he was very indulgent to the Frailties of his fellow Creatures, where no Inconveniency ensu’d to the Publick. But no Friendships or Attach­ ments, no Hopes or Fears (if he may be said to have any of these last) could prevail on him to palliate enormous Offences, or excuse such as were notoriously guilty of them. He abhorr’d Outrage and Disturbance, Cruelty and Oppression, Treachery and Baseness, and never separated the Person from the Crime, but was for punishing the latter according to the Nature of it, without the least Respect to the former. He had the publick Good always in View; and while he reckon’d himself indispensibly oblig’d to put the Laws in Force, he was full of Compas­ sion towards the unhappy Wretches that had brought themselves under, and were justly made to suffer the Penalties of them. He was really a Terror to Evil doers, and a Praise to them that do well;9 and this was at last so well known to be his Lordship’s Character, that as the former / were not hardy enough to expect any Favour from him, so the latter were so well assur’d of, that they would even depend on his Patronage without asking it. How unfashionable soever it might be thought, and how seldom soever practic’d by others, this great Man was not asham’d to be Religious. He con­ stantly attended the publick Worship with his Family, and was unaffectedly serious there, while every, Action of his Life was a Proof of his Sincerity. He recommended indeed, and was a Credit to the Religion he profess’d, by shew­ ing that a strict Compliance with all the Duties of it was not incompatible, but entirely consistent with Cheerfulness and a moderate Enjoyment of the good Things of this Life. No Gloominess ever sat on his Brow, nor Discontent on his Mind. In him the good Christian, and fine Gentleman were happily united, and both Characters met in as high a Degree as ever they were known separately. They seem’d to embellish each other, and both made one compleat happy Man, – For that he must needs be who was unconscious of any Ill, whom every Body desir’d to please, and who was pleased with every Body about him. – But who can speak of seeing that amiable, that endearing Family at the publick Service, without feeling a Damp on his Spirits, when he considers that he shall see them no more together! – What a Gladness of Heart was shewn, and what a Glow of Satisfaction appear’d in the Countenances of all, when his Lordship enter’d the Church! How pleased did every one pay the usual Salutations! And with how sweet, how courteous an Air were they return’d! But now – my Pen starts back. – Who can relate it? – The sable Emblems of Grief almost divert us from the Object of our Worship!

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My Lord would often frankly intimate to his Friends, That he was apt to be hasty, and could not always command himself; which he did, no doubt, in order to prepare them for it, and to bespeak their Indulgence. He was indeed of a warm Temper; but then it proceeded from the Readiness of his Genius, and the Uprightess of his Heart. As he knew his Intentions were good, he could not help being vigorous in the Pursuit of them; and his Quickness in discerning the unfair Motives to Opposition, or it may be, the Weakness of the Objections that were made, would sometimes excite him to say Things in a Heat which on a cool Recollection he afterwards disapprov’d. He therefore generally suffer’d more by it than any body else; and if he ever happen’d to be mistaken in what he had too warmly espoused, the Candour with which he would acknowledge it, and the Means he us’d to procure a good Understanding, did more than compensate for the Error; so that what would have been a Vice in another Person, became rather a Virtue in his Lordship; and you lov’d him the more for having once had Occasion to differ with him. He had no Rancour, no Malice in his Heart, nor any Disposition to Revenge; but was all Benevolence, full of Humanity, ever looking forwards, and beating out new Tracts wherein to exercise his constant Desire to do good. He was Generous and Hospitable to the last Degree. His House was open to every body, and every body seem’d to be at Home there. His Charity to / the Poor had no Bounds. He was melted at every Object, and would not rest till he had given Relief. Nor did he let his left Hand know what his right Hand did; of which several Instances have been discover’d since both were render’d incapable of giving any more. As this great and incomparable Person liv’d, so he dy’d, A Pattern to al that knew him, and the Admiration of all about him. For no one ever shew’d more perfect Resignation during his whole Sickness, or truer Fortitude in his last Moments. His Life was glorious, and serene his Death,

His Soul the same, firm to his latest Breath.10

He seem’d indeed to be apprehensive he should die from his being first taken, and had all along a worse Opinion of himself than his Physicians car’d to pro­ nounce, though he was not a Jot the less compos’d on that Account. He appear’d perfectly reconcil’d to it as a Man, by Reason, and to derive Comfort from it at the same time as a Christian. Though no one ever had, or could have stronger Inducements to like the present State, it was upon the Matter indifferent to his Lordship (and he was the only one to whom it was so) whether he should live or die, being equally fit for either; nor was there an Expression dropp’d from him throughout which look’d like preferring the former, only he once intimated, That as he had some Friends in the World, he should not desire to part with them so

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soon, if it were in his Choice. – Strange indeed it would be, if he who was a Friend to the World should not have Friends in it! – Yes, thou wondrous good Crea­ ture! thou hadst Friends, as many as ever Man had, and such Friends (I think I may say it) as would have laid down their Lives to save thine. He thought of his worldly Affairs with his usual Prudence, and gave suitable Directions con­ cerning them, while he was careful too not to neglect partaking of that solemn Ordinance which our holy Religion has prescrib’d, and which he did with great Devotion: After this, though the Severity of his Destemper made him restless and uneasy, he continued for some Days perfectly serene in his Intellects; his Mind was never more calm, his Faculties more clear, nor his Behaviour more sedate. When those who were willing to hope the best of him, ceas’d to have any hopes, and were forced to confess it, he took Leave of all about him in the most particular Manner, not forgetting the minutest Circumstance, that concern’d any of them. – A Scene, especially with Regard to his nearest Relations, too moving to be touch’d, and too sorrowful to be describ’d! – He then enquir’d if there were any other Gentlemen in the House, and having been told there were several below, he desir’d one that was near him to ‘go down and remember him to them all, most affectionately, and to tell them he heartily wish’d them well, as he did the Island in general; adding, they might have a Governour more capable of serving them, and he hop’d they would, but that none could more zealously endeavour it than he had done.’ Soon after which, he fell asleep, having like the pious Prophet of Old, and King of Israel, truly served his Generation / according to the Will of God. – Farewel, blest Soul! The sublimest Genius, the most exalted Spirit that ever appeared on this Side the globe! Thou art now gone from a false ungrateful World, to be a Companion, as thou well deservedst to be, with Saints and Angels; where all thy most secret Acts of Beneficence, as well as those of a more publick Nature are fully known, and where only they could be sufficiently rewarded. – But we, alas! are left to feel the Want of them, which ’tis to be fear’d we shall long feel, and long have Reason to lament. Thus, I have snatch’d the short Respite of a few Hours from more than a Week of sighing and Sorrow, to write confusedly on the only Subject I was left capable of writing at all; and am now forc’d to break off by the Return of them, while yet a Crowd of new Thoughts are still pressing to my Pen, and would continue to do so: For who alas can say too much, who can say enough of the great, the worthy Lord HOWE? – Let me only add therefore, that Time will discover who most sincerely respected him when living, by the Honour they do his Memory now he is dead. Some few I persuade my self there are of the best Fortune and Figure among us, on whom the Eyes of the Country are fix’d, and who have hitherto deserv’d so well of it, will not barely content themselves with dropping a Tear at his Exit, but testify a more lasting Impression of his exemplary Virtues; adhere to his Principles, observe his Rules, and endeavour to follow his Steps, whereby

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alone this Island can ever expect to be happy again, and without which it must manifestly be ruin’d and undone.

Bridge-Town,

April 5. 1735.

In the preceding pathetical Eulogiums on Lord Howe, we see some particular Gen­ tlemen expressing their own and others Sentiments on this melancholy Occasion: But, to finish his Character, and confirm what they have said, the Reader may behold, in the following Pages, the Collective Body of the whole Island paying their Gratitude, and giving the most publick Testimony to his Merit. Barbados, April 26. At a Meeting of the General Assembly on the 22d, at the Town Hall in St Michael’s, according to a special Call from his Honour James Dottin, Esq; President, Present. The Honourable Henry Peers, Esq; Speaker. John Bignall, John Green, Thomas Waterman, Edward Bruce,

Josh. Cumberbatch, William Gibbons, John Waterman,

Samuel Palmer, William Jeeves, Enoch Gretton,

John Lute,

John Cobham,

James Bruce, Esqs

His Honour the Speaker made an excellent Speech, in which he gave a very handsome Encomium of the late Governor, concluding with the two following Paragraphs, / ‘Tho’ we made the best and largest Settlement on his Excellency, the Cir­ cumstances of this Island could afford, yet it was not sufficient to answer his Expences here. The Charge he was necessarily at in coming over hither, and that which her Ladyship will be put to in returning, will be very great; whereby, instead of receiving an Advantage by accepting of the Government, a Loss will rather accrue to his Family, which surely the Publick ought not to suffer, since it hath so fully experienced the Benefit of his Administration; and ’tis but too manifest that he even lost his Life in the Service of our Country. Besides, as we were prevented (by his own express Directions) from expending a large Sum at his Funeral, our Gratitude ought to be shewn in another Way, by the Provision I would recommend to you to make for the Payment of his Lordship’s Debts here, and for the Use of her Ladyship. ‘Nothing, in my Opinion, can at present be more for the Honour of this Island, than passing a Law for this Purpose, since otherwise we should justly deserve to be branded with Infamy and Reproach, for neglecting to shew that Gratitude which becomes us, to the Memory of the best of Governors, and his equally worthy Relict. And as I am sensible this is actually demanded and required from us by the People whom we represent, I have had a Bill for that End

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prepared, which I now lay before the House for your Consideration, and cannot doubt therefore your unanimous Concurrence in passing it’ An Act the better to manifest the Gratitude of the People in this Island, for the benefits they received from the just and prudent Administration of his late Excel­ lency the Right Honourable Scroope Lord Viscount Howe, Baron of Cleonella, our deceas’d Governor; and for enabling and impowering the Treasurer for the Time being, to pay a certain Sum of the Public Money to the Right Hon. Maria Sophia Charlotte Viscountess Howe, Widow and Relict of his said late Excellency, for the necessary Uses and Purposes herein after mentioned. Whereas it hath pleased Almighty God to take to himself our said most wor­ thy Governor, under whose mild, steady, and prudent Administration, the People of this Island enjoy’d all the Happiness that could be expected from a Noble­ man of the most exalted Virtues, and useful Endowments; zealously attached to their Interest, and indefatigable in his Endeavours to promote it; who as well by putting an End to our intestine Feuds and Animosities, cultivating Peace, and a good Understanding, one with another, and an impartial Distribution of Justice amongst us, as by generously interposing in forcing our Complaints and Peti­ tions, and in a Word, by discharging every Branch of his High Office with the utmost Fidelity, Honour, and Sufficiency, had endear’d himself to the Inhabit­ ants, still having the truest Sense, and desirous always to retain the most grateful Remembrance thereof. And, whereas by Reason of the low State and Condition of the Island, and the many Disadvantages it labour’d under, we were not able to make a Provision suitable to his Excellency’s unequalled Merit, and our own earnest Inclinations; and the Settlement that had been made (tho’ as much as could possibly be given) was not duly paid according to the Intention, by Means of the unexpected Deficiency / of the Fund appropriated to that Purpose; nor was the same, if punctually paid, sufficient to defray the Annual Expences of his Excellency, whose House was open to the Indigent and Distressed; so that what he received from the Publick, returned again to it, and circulated among the People, who were every Day feeling the Benefit of his constant and unwea­ ried Labours for their Service, which was reasonably supposed to have hasten’d his Death, but will make his pious Memory for ever dear and valuable to them. And whereas his Excellency had been at vast Expence in settling his Affairs, in order to enable him to come, and in his Voyage to this Island; and her Ladyship, now his most worthy, but disconsolate Relict, who had also by her prudent and engaging conduct rendered herself in the highest Degree acceptable here, will necessarily be at great Charge in returning to England, with her most amiable and promising Off-spring: All which the Representatives of the People having duly weighed; as likewise that his Excellency had prevented the Legislature from paying that Respect to his Obsequies which was justly due, by having particularly directed that his Corpse should be interred without any Pomp or Solemnity;

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and they being desirous to give the strongest Testimony of the grateful Sense they have of the whole, as thinking, nothing can be more for the Honour of their Country, than to shew a due Regard to the Memory of so worthy a Nobleman, and a just Esteem for so truly deserving and accomplish’d a Lady, desire it may be Enacted, And be it therefore Enacted, by the Honourable James Dottin, Esq; President of his Majesty’s Council, and Commander in Chief of this and all other of his Caribbee Islands to Windward of Guardaloupe, &c. the Honourable the Mem­ bers of his Majesty’s Council, and the General Assembly of this Island, and by the Authority of the same, That the Treasurer of this Island for the Time being, shall be and he is hereby directed and impowered to pay or cause to be paid to the said Maria Sophia Charlotte, Viscountess Howe, or her Order, without any other Order or Ceremony whatsoever, the Sum of Two Thousand and Five Hundred Pounds Current Money of this Island, in such Manner, and with the same Pref­ erence, as the said Treasurer might or ought to have paid it to his said Excellency, if he had been living, and such Sum become due to him, pursuant to several Acts and Statutes of this Island, appointing the Payment of what was settled on him; which said Sum of Two Thousand and Five Hundred Pounds, is intended in the first Place for discharging what Debts may be due from his said late Excellency in this Island, his Funeral Expences, and such other Incumbrances as his Goods and Effects here might otherwise be liable to satisfy; and if any Surplus shall remain, the same is to be apply’d to the sole and proper Use and Benefit of her said Ladyship; and the Committee of Publick Accounts for the Time being, are hereby accordingly impowered and required to allow to the Treasurer the said Sum of Two Thousand and Five Hundred Pounds, on his accounting with them for the Publick Moneys. James Dottin.

Read three times, passed the Council, and General Assembly, April 22, 1735.

Nem. Cont. William Duke, D. C. of the Council.

John Warren, D. C. of the Assembly.

FINIS

CUMMINGS, THE CHARACTER OF A

RIGHTEOUS RULER

Archibald Cummings, The Character of a Righteous Ruler. A Sermon upon the Death of the Honorable Patrick Gordon, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Penn­ sylvania, &c. Preach’d at Christ’s Church in Philadelphia, Aug. 8. 1736 (Philadelphia, PA: Andrew Bradford, 1736).

As elites established greater political pre-eminence in increasingly wealthy and socially differentiated but also stable colonies, and as imperial tensions eased after the Glorious Revolution, Protestant clergymen sermonized about charac­ ter and good governance. The most famous works included Samuel Willard, The Character of a Good Ruler (1694), Joseph Sewall, The Character and Blessedness of the Upright (1717), Samuel Fisk[e], The Character of the Candidates for Civil Government (1731), Elnathan Whitman, The Character of a Good Ruler (1745) and Ebenezer Gay, The Character and Work of Good Rulers (1745). All these were puritans, but the Anglican Archibald Cummings (1691–1741) expressed similar ideas in The Character of a Righteous Ruler. Unsurprisingly, clergymen thought Godliness essential to good governance, and perhaps felt compelled to say so to assert their own relevance in increas­ ingly secular societies.1 Cummings thus recommends that a ruler shows ‘diligent observance of the … Duties of Religion in his own Person … to promote the same in others; not only by his own Example’, but also by using ‘his authority, to dis­ credit and suppress all licentious Practices, all profane and destructive Principles, all Vice and Debauchery, all Faction and Disorder’ (below, p. 88). For Cum­ mings, a righteous ruler should be God-like as well as Godly: He is no respecter of Persons in matters of right, but impartially Defends the Poor and Fatherless in a righteous Cause; doth Justice and shews Mercy to the Afflicted and Needy, and delivers him out of the hand of the Wicked. (below, p. 87)

Religious virtues were not only essential for their own sakes and to prevent the ‘Ruine of Cities and Countries’ (below, p. 88), but also for good day-to-day governance. After a short introduction outlining ‘the absolute Necessity of Gov­ – 79 –

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ernment, to the being, and well-being, to the support and happiness of every Society’ (below, p. 85), Cummings states that ‘A righteous Ruler … disdains all selfish, narrow views, that appear inconsistent with the good of the Community’ (below, p. 86). This means that, whatsoever Difficulties and Oppositions he may encounter, yet shall his Integrity guide, direct and prosper his Undertakings … He will shew in all things an open can­ dor and frankness of Mind, an honest Freedom, and disinterested, generous Behaviour … No Interest or Influence, no Opinion or Party whatsoever, can draw him into mean and sordid Compliances, to violate his Honor and Conscience (below, p. 87)

Righteous rulers were supposed to be honest brokers in imperial as well as local matters, which, Cummings makes clear, was a complicated mediation. A gover­ nor had to respect both ‘those above him and those over whom he presides’, so ‘a righteous, subordinate Ruler, will be always careful to preserve his Duty and Alle­ giance to his Prince, in such a manner, as that it may not interfere with his Care of and Fidelity to the public Welfare’ (below, pp. 87–8). Cummings also applies these virtues to late governor Patrick Gordon and outlines ‘what good reason Peo­ ple have to Rejoice, under such a One’s Administration’ (below, p. 85). As well as general principles, Cummings’s tract reflects the particulari­ ties of contemporary Pennsylvanian and imperial politics. Patrick Gordon (c. 1664–1736), probably Scottish-born, was a long-term soldier who served as major under the Duke of Marlborough. Thomas Penn (William’s son and heir) appointed him Pennsylvania’s Lieutenant Governor (Penn as proprietor was Governor) in April 1726 to sideline the factious Sir William Keith, who had been Governor 1717–26. Keith then won a seat in the assembly where he acted with what Cummings calls ‘the malice and petulancy of Men turbulent and ungovernable’ (below, p. 88). In 1728, the bankrupt Keith fled Philadelphia and later served time in debtors’ prison, and Pennsylvania then enjoyed relative political calm. Gordon told the assembly he knew nothing of political machina­ tions but would be frank and straightforward. He met his Council regularly, made friends with the influential James Logan, allowed the assembly to extend its powers by reforming the court system, and ignored Board of Trade Instruc­ tions to restrict paper money, though he also sanctioned increasingly harsh slave laws and taxes on foreign immigrants.2 If Gordon largely practised what Cummings preached, Cummings often did not. After three years as military chaplain in Gibraltar, Cummings was appointed Rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, in January 1726. He conducted a feud with his assistant, Richard Peters, refused to allow George Whitefield his pulpit, wrote at least one anti-evangelical and anti-Calvinist tract, and barred African Americans from his congregation. Nevertheless, his views reflected what he and others expected of colonial governors.3

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Notes: 1.

N.-S. Huang, Benjamin Franklin in American Thought and Culture 1790–1990 (Philadel­ phia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1994), pp. 15–16; T. H. Breen, The Character of the Good Ruler: A Study of Puritan Political Ideas in New England, 1630–1730 (New York: Norton, 1970). 2. R. T. Cornish, ‘Gordon, Patrick, (c. 1664–5 August 1736)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford Uni­ versity Press, 2004), vol. 22, pp. 951–2; A. Tully, William Penn’s Legacy: Politics and Social Structure in Provincial Pennsylvania, 1726–1755 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hop­ kins University Press, 1977); M. C. Baseler, Asylum for Mankind: America 1607–1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp. 72–3. 3. He certainly wrote Faith Absolutely Necessary, but not Sufficient to Salvation without Good Works: In Two Sermons … Published in their own Vindication, from the False and Rash Reflections of the Famous Mr. Whitefield (1740) and either he or Richard Peters wrote ‘Divine Prescience Consistent with Human Liberty: or Mr. Wesley’s Opinion of Election an Reprobation, Prov’d to be Not so Absurd as Represented in a Late Letter … but to be Clear of those Destructive Consequences that will Forever Attend the Cal­ vinistical Doctrine of Absolute Fatality’, printed in John Checkley, Dialogues, between a Minister and an Honest Country-Man, concerning Election and Predestination (1741). See W. S. Perry, The History of the American Episcopal Church, 1587–1883 (Boston, MA: J. R. Osgood, 1885); D. M. Gough, Christ Church, Philadelphia: The Nation’s Church in a Changing City (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 43–66; G. B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720– 1840 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 20.

The Character of a righteous Ruler.

A

SERMON

Upon the Death of the Honorable

Patrick Gordon, Esq;

Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of

PENNSYLVANIA, &C.

Preach’d at Christ’S Church in Philadelphia,

Aug. 8. 1736

BY

Archibald Cummings, M.A

Rector of the said Church, and Commissary to the Bishop of LONDON. Published at the request of several Gentlemen in this City.

PHILADELPHIA:

Printed and Sold by Andrew Bradford.

M,DCC,XXXVI. /

THE CHARACTER OF A RIGHTEOUS RULER.

Proverbs xxix, 2.

When the Righteous are in Authority, the People rejoice – .

This Text is to be ranked among the many political Observations made by King Solomon;1 for making of which he was duly, nay excellently well qualified; seeing at the beginning of his Reign, he earnestly requested and graciously obtained of GOD, a wise and understanding / Heart, to render him capable of ruling over, and governing the People committed to his Charge, in a manner most becoming himself and profitable to them. Good and righteous Rulers are justly to be reckon’d among the chiefest and choicest Blessings, that Heaven can bestow on Men formed into Society; and consequently the Loss of them may be well accounted as severe an Affliction, as can befal a Country. GOD in his wise and just Providence, has lately deprived us of a Governor, of whose uprightness all unprejudiced Persons are so sensible, as to regret his Loss; and it seems to be the general Wish, that his Successors in Office may act the same upright and disinterested part, in the exercise of power and authority: that so all Ranks of People among us may have just reason to Rejoice. In further discoursing on this Subject, I propose, I. To draw the Character of a righteous Ruler. And, / II. To point out what good reason People have to Rejoice, under such a One’s Administration. But before I proceed to consider these two Heads distinctly, it may not be improper to premise, That Men can scarcely be supposed ignorant of the absolute Necessity of Government, to the being, and well-being, to the support and happiness of every Society; and that the Ends thereof cannot possibly be obtained, without the appointment of Superior and Inferior Magistrates, to preside over, to rule and govern the rest of Mankind: For without Rulers, all of us should soon feel the unhappy and dismal Consequences of Anarchy and Confusion: Every one would (because with impunity he might) do what seemed right in his own Eyes. – 85 –

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Men, being set loose from legal restraints, would turn themselves, as it were, into Beasts of Prey: They would quickly spread disorder and confusion through the whole Compass of their uncontroled Rage. This is no more than the natural off­ spring of wild, licentious Notions: Nay, ’tis indeed / the necessary, unavoidable Consequence of Mens imagining Government to be an unreasonable Burden, a slavish and unnatural Imposition; and that all Mankind are invested with an equal share of Authority over one another. Truly, should Men but once generally embrace such levelling Notions, and suffer their Actions to be influenced by them, we should soon, to our sorrowful Experience, see this beautiful World turned into a desolate Wilderness, or frightful Akeldama.2 Such unreasonable Notions do manifestly proceed from envying and strife; and must therefore, according to the Apostle’s Observation, produce confusion and every evil work. ( Jam, iii. 16.) Were Men duly sensible of the great Advantages, which are enjoyed under a well modell’d Government; they would readily perceive, that the Power and Authority of righteous Rulers, contributes to the ease and security of the People: And on the other hand, the Liberties and Privileges of a free People are a great Support, as well as Ornament to just Authority. It ought verily to be matter of great joy and thankfulness to us, that in our civil Constitution, the Boundaries of power and right are so well contrived / and adjusted, as to secure the great Ends of Government, and to promote the ease and safety of every individual Member of the Society: If the righteous be put and continued in Authority among us, we may banish from our Minds all Apprehensions of Violence and Oppression; and as little dread the effects of Injustice and Tyranny, as any People whatsoever: Every one may dwell safely under his own Vine, and securely enjoy the fruits of his labour.3 And may no specious Pretences, no turbulent Measures ever remove from us this good Foundation and Establishment of civil Government. – This being prem­ ised, I now proceed, as I proposed: I. To draw the Character of a righteous Ruler; so, as in the main strokes thereof, I may call to your remembrance the Memory of our late deceased Gover­ nor. A righteous Ruler then, is One that in all his Designs and Actions, proposes and pursues the Welfare and Prosperity of the Public; and disdains all selfish, narrow views, that appear inconsistent with the good of the Community. He may not, perhaps, be / capable to contrive, or able to prosecute the Management of some intricate Affairs, by his own dexterity, skill, and application: He may not, ’tis probable, have a deeper Penetration, a farther Insight into the nature and tendency, the use and application of mere Politicks, than others: But then, making just Allowance for the difference of Men’s natural Capacities, their Edu­ cation and Converse in the World, upon which the remarkable variety of Men’s respective Abilities for Business doth in a great measure depend; making, I say, just Allowance in these respects, a righteous Ruler will, doubtless, excel one that

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is not so, in the right Management of those Transactions which Providence calls him unto; and whatsoever Difficulties and Oppositions he may encounter, yet shall his Integrity guide, direct and prosper his Undertakings: And he will more adorn the Station which he possesseth in the World, than one who has recourse to indirect Arts, and the unrighteous methods of Dissimulation and Dishonesty. He will shew in all things an open candor and frankness of Mind, an honest Freedom, and disinterested, generous Behaviour. His upright Intentions will keep him steady and / uniform in all his Proceedings. Neither the Enticements or Threatnings of ill-designing Men, can draw, or deter him from walking in the even and direct Paths of Virtue. Neither can the Murmurings or Madness of a deluded Multitude hinder him from doing the Thing that is Right, from speaking the Truth from his Heart. No Interest or Influence, no Opinion or Party whatso­ ever, can draw him into mean and sordid Compliances, to violate his Honor and Conscience; for he dreads none but GOD, nor fears to do any thing but what is mis-becoming him. He is no respecter of Persons in matters of right, but impar­ tially Defends the Poor and Fatherless in a righteous Cause; doth Justice and shews Mercy to the Afflicted and Needy, and delivers him out of the hand of the Wicked. This was the Character of righteous Job, when he was in authority; and the remembrance of his upright Conduct then, administred Comfort and Satisfaction to him afterwards, when under the pressure of his grievous Suffer­ ings. Because, says he, ( Job xxix 12, – ) I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him: The Blessing of him that was ready to perish, / came upon me; and I caused the Widows heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness, and it cloathed me; my Judgment was a Robe and a Diadem. I was eyes to the blind, and feet was I to the lame. I was a father to the poor, and the Cause, which I knew not, I searched out. In like manner did Samuel appeal to the People of Israel, when he resigned his own authority over them, and anointed Saul to be their King. 1 Sam. xii. 3. Behold, says he, here I am, witness against me before the Lord, and before his Anointed: whose Ox have I taken? or whom have I defrauded? whom have I oppressed? or of whose hand have I taken a bribe, to blind mine eyes therewith? and I will restore it you.4 And whosoever can sincerely make this good Profession, when he resigns his authority either at Death or otherwise, as he has sufficient reason of rejoicing himself, from the testimony of a good Conscience; so will a grateful People equally rejoice, for his having faithfully discharged the Trust reposed in him; and will readily pay all the acknowlegements, that are justly due for public Benefits. / Again, a righteous and prudent Ruler looks upon himself in a double Capac­ ity; and considers that he has a Trust both with reference to those above him, and those over whom he presides; and therefore studies to carry an even hand, and do the just part by both. Being the chief Magistrate in a well mix’d and temper’d Constitution of Government, he regards the Laws, as the common Measure and

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Guard both of Property and Prerogative; and suffers not the one to degenerate into Tyranny, nor the other into Sedition, and neither into Oppression, through the malice and petulancy of Men turbulent and ungovernable; and scarce ever contented, let the Administration be never so regular, and well managed. In a word, a righteous, subordinate Ruler, will be always careful to preserve his Duty and Allegiance to his Prince, in such a manner, as that it may not interfere with his Care of and Fidelity to the public Welfare; as well knowing, that where Princes Protect and Defend their Subjects, and injure them not in their legal Rights and Liberties, the Subjects are bound to Reverence and Obey their Princes. These / he considers as essential Boundaries, as reciprocal Duties, founded even on the eternal respects of things; for natural Equity, plain Reason, and the una­ voidable necessities of our state and condition, exact and require them. There is still one thing more necessary, to finish the Character of a righteous Ruler; and to endear him effectually to the serious, the better and wiser part of Mankind; and that is, a just and reasonable Concern for the honor of GOD; a diligent observance of the moral or positive Duties of Religion in his own Per­ son, and a careful endeavor to promote the same in others; not only by his own Example, but by proper Encouragements. He regards GOD as the original Foun­ tain of all Power, the Bestower of temporal as well as spiritual Blessings: And considers, that Religion, when ’tis duly taught, and rightly understood, when ’tis propagated and embraced in its native Purity, free from Hypocrisy, false Zeal, and Superstition; he considers, I say, that such a pure and reasonable Religion, doth so much influence and affect the civil State, that the Happiness and Ruine of / Cities and Countries, are inseparably linked with the flourishing or decaying state, with the well or ill management of it. In pursuance therefore of his Zeal for the glory of GOD, and credit of Reli­ gion, a righteous Ruler will make use of his authority, to discredit and suppress all licentious Practices, all profane and destructive Principles, all Vice and Debauch­ ery, all Faction and Disorder; with the restless Maintainers and Abettors of them. He will hold no secret friendship, no strict familiarity with the declared, open Enemies of Godliness; because he wisely considers, that to act otherwise, would betray the honor of his supreme Constituent, by prostituting his authority to coun­ tenance and encourage what his Soul abhorreth. A righteous Ruler always acts with a humble Dependance upon the wise Disposer of all things: He considers by whom, and for what End he was raised above his Brethren; and therefore Governs such as are committed to his Charge, in the Fear of GOD, always remembering the solemn Account he must one Day make of his Stewardship. / One in authority, acting on such worthy Principles as these, will carefully direct all his Councils, and steer all his Actions, not by the giddy blasts of popular Applause, but by the due sense of his known Duty: He will not study so much to ingratiate himself with Men, as to keep a Conscience void of Offence; will be more

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careful to be really a good Magistrate, than to be a beloved one: Tho’ in the issue, a righteous Character rarely fails to obtain the general esteem and approbation. Upon the whole then, a righteous Magistrate is one that sincerely fears GOD, and honors the King; that is strictly observant of the Laws, and true to the Gov­ ernment; that encourages good and virtuous Persons, and meddles not with, but opposes them who are given to Change, under pretence of seeking the public Good, in opposition to established Authority. A Pretence this in Politicks, that nearly resembles the Practice of Empiricks in another Faculty, who effectually indeed cure Distempers; but their Patients are destroyed by their applications. When Men desire to change without just and urgent Reasons, they / thereby proclaim either their ignorance to be invincible, or their guilt and malice to be unpardon­ able. Even private Persons, by frequent unnecessary Changes, by shifting from one course to another, run the risque of losing their Credit; and gain little but the Character of unsteadiness. But in public Societies there may be some real Inconveniencies; which yet, like some Distempers in the Body, become more troublesome and dangerous, when tampered with, in order to a cure. So long as Men are weak enough to be misled, and the errors of some may be profitable to others, there will always be Dissensions, and Instruments employed to foment them. But should the restlessness and importunity of Men be suffered to break in upon the established Constitution of Church or State, the Event could only shew, to what mischievous Extremes the capricious humors of Men, once set on changing, would unavoidably run. A good and righteous Ruler will therefore discountenance and stigmatize at least, if he cannot prevent or restrain, such dangerous Attempts. / I proceed now to the Second thing I proposed, viz. II. To point out what good reason there is for rejoicing, under such an One’s Administration. When the Righteous are in Authority, the People rejoice. And truly People have good, very good reason to rejoice in such a Case; because good and upright Rulers are a public Blessing; a Blessing as extensive as the Community, over which they preside. Their Piety and Virtue have generally a good influence upon the Man­ ners of all inferior Orders of Men; who are thereby more easily persuaded, than by any other means, to tread in the same steps; being either ashamed or afraid to transgress the Laws of GOD, which they daily see so punctually observed by those in higher Stations. Rulers and People (according to Archbishop Tillotson’s just Observation*)5 seem to be / connected in a moral as well as political Capacity; and evil and guilt appear to be reciprocally communicated betwixt them: So that they are many times mutually rewarded for the Virtues, or punished for the Faults of one another. *

Vol. II. Fol. p. 218.

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Thus GOD threatned the Israelites, to involve their King in their destruction, even when he was not partner in their Sins. 1 Sam. xii. 25. But (says the LORD) if ye shall still do wickedly, ye shall be consumed, both ye and your King. There are plain Instances in holy Scripture, of the Proceedings of the Divine Justice in this manner: So that in Truth, Men have good reason to rejoice for their own sakes when the Righteous are in Authority; because the public Welfare is involved in theirs, and it often suffers on account of their personal Miscar­ riages. Thus when David transgressed in numbring of the People; the Plague fell upon them, (2 Sam. xxiv. 15.) He was punished in their calamity. And this was by no means unjust; because there are always Sins enough in every Country, to deserve Punishment; and GOD may take what occasion he / pleases to send Judgments on such as deserve them. Add to this, that the good or ill Conduct of Rulers, nay, their very being and continuing such, may be sometimes entirely owing to a People’s free Choice, or supine Neglect; and then very justly may the Faults and Miscarriages of the former, be imputed to and punished on the latter. Again, since righteous Rulers look upon the whole Country, as a Trust com­ mitted to their Charge; and consider themselves as Guardians of the public Peace and Happiness; in which view they cannot make their own Interests distinct or separate from those of their People. How great soever their Powers may be, they will never think them well employed, but when the public good is promoted by the exercise of them: People therefore cannot choose, but be delighted with the enjoyment of all those good things, which render their lives easy, comfortable and happy. They must needs then rejoice in the Preservation, and grieve at the Departure of such a Magistrate, as / constantly endeavoured to secure these Advantages to them. We are all, I confess, too apt to overlook these common, tho’ great and valua­ ble Benefits, which like deep Streams are gently and silently diffused among all the members of Society, when the Righteous are in Authority; yet may every one attain a due sense of such Benefits, by barely considering the Miseries, that attend upon a wicked Ruler’s Administration: For as Solomon observes in the Words immedi­ ately following my Text, when the wicked beareth Rule, the People Mourn.6 An unrighteous Magistrate, neither keeps his own, nor the Pride and Insolence of others in due Subjection: In stead of restraining the injurious, or protecting the innocent, he will make a Trade of the Powers committed to him: He has Crimes of his own, that make him ashamed or afraid to punish them in others. His corrupt Affections, and selfish Views, will biass his Judgment; and incline him to reject virtuous and worthy Persons, from holding any Place of Profit under him; / and to employ those of a contrary Character, as more proper and pliable Instruments, to serve his sinister Purposes. Men, thus let loose from the ties of

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Conscience, and the awe of civil Justice, are at full liberty to satiate their unruly Appetites, to glut their Revenge, and to commit all imaginable Outrages. A People therefore far removed from the smart of such Calamities, by hav­ ing the Righteous in Authority among them, have all the reason in the World to rejoice, and to be sincerely Thankful; since GOD has promised to charge his gra­ cious Providence with them and their Concerns, so that no harm shall come nigh their Dwellings; the Wicked shall not approach to hurt them. A deep and hearty sense of these Truths, would make Rulers and Magistrates strive to become as conspicuous by their Piety and Uprightness, as they are by their Stations. It would excite and encourage all orders of Men to esteem and honor righteous Rulers: Especially since personal Virtues and public Characters are two things / that separately have a right to Honor and Respect; but, when happily joined together, are to be accounted worthy of double honor. The Memory of the Righteous will long survive their funeral Obsequies; and tho’ Dead, yet shall they live in the praises of Posterity. There is no Spice so sweet to embalm the Dead; no Marble so durable to per­ petuate the remembrance of them, as a virtuous and upright Conversation. ’Tis this that perfumes the relicks of their Corruption; that preserves and defends their Character against malicious Obloquy: For however the Passions and Preju­ dices of Mankind may drive them sometimes from personal piques, to vilify and abuse the good Name and Reputation of the Righteous, on this side the Grave; yet, beyond it, for the most part the World is so just, as to allow them their due share of Veneration. ’Tis Righteousness that transforms Men into the Divine Image: ’Tis a Transcript of those Excellencies which make GOD the Object of our / Love and Wonder, our Praise and Adoration. How can we choose then, but admire and extol it in our fellow Creatures? Can we refuse Honor to their Memories, who have done Honor to him; and taken pains to promote the public Happiness and Welfare? Having now gone through the Two Heads of Discourse, I proposed: I shall leave it to yourselves to recollect the Character I have drawn of a righteous Ruler, and to apply it to the conduct of our late deceased Governor; according as you shall find the resemblance between them, upon a candid and impartial Examination. For my own part, I verily believe that there are few, if any Instances can be pro­ duced, during his Ten Years Administration, wherein he made not the establish’d Laws the Rule of his Actions; wherein, at least, he had not the concurrent Advice of those, in whose Honesty and Ability, he thought, he might safely confide. / In his private Capacity, such as knew him in the most intimate and famil­ iar manner, discovered that unaffected Candor and Sincerity to be the genuine Disposition of his Mind, which visibly appear’d in his outward Mien and whole Demeanour. His generous Beneficence to helpless Orphans, and Charity to indi­

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gent Persons, were extensive, and are well known in this Place; and render the Loss of such a Benefactor, very grievous and afflicting, to those who are of Age to think and be sensible of it. All that knew him, will allow him to have been (what indeed every righteous Man is) a kind and obliging Husband, an affectionate Father, a careful Master, an agreable Companion, and a faithful Friend; frugally Generous in his domestick affairs, and punctually Just in his Dealings with others. His Integrity and Sincerity were supported by a natural Courage, and sense of Honour; and these too had been cultivated and improved in his Youth, by a strict military Education; and by polite Conversation afterwards, to which he was / introduced, both at Home and in foreign Countries, by the Commissions his Merits raised him to, in the Service of the Crown. As to his Religion, he shew’d that he really had a due sense of, and regard to it, by frequenting the public Worship of GOD in this Place; where he always demean’d himself with that exemplary Seriousness, which well becomes the Presence and Service of the great and glorious Majesty of Heaven and Earth. And in truth, the greatest Rulers among Men, never appear so illustrious, as when they fall down before the Altars of the Most High, worshipping him that Liveth for ever and ever. This much I thought myself in common justice obliged to say, in remem­ brance of our deceased Governor. I thank GOD, I have a natural Aversion to Falshood and Flattery of every kind; and through his Grace, I hope, that no Temptation, Fear or Favour, shall induce me to make use of so vile deceitful Arts, in any Conversation, far less in solemn Discourses from this Place. / What might have been amiss in his, or any others Conduct, I shall never pretend to justify: Yet may I safely affirm, that no Man should be denied his just share of Praise and Commendation, on account of a few Failings; and those too the common Infirmities of human Nature. There are Blemishes on great Men, recorded in sacred and ancient History; and all, even the best of Men since, have had their slips and foibles: But these should be passed over with silent Tenderness; and are never to be remembered, for the encouragement of detraction or evil speaking; nor are they, I acknowl­ edge, to be adduced and pretended as plausible Excuses for any Miscarriage whatsoever. No, they are principally designed for our greater Caution, Watch­ fulness and Circumspection; that we may rectify in our own lives, and strictly guard ourselves from falling into any enormities, that have been justly deem’d blame-worthy in others. We should, on the other hand, industriously imitate the good Examples of the Righteous; and copy after their Piety, Justice / and Charity; together with those other Virtues, for which they have been eminent. ’Tis the Apostle’s Rule,

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that we should follow their Faith, considering the end of their Conversation, Heb. xiii. 7. As Example in general is more instructive and engaging than Precept; so the Examples of the Deceased in particular, have a more powerful Influence over their Friends, than the Examples of the Living: And to imitate their upright Lives, is greater Honor done them, than to lament their Death. All of us, I own, have reason to be concerned for our present Loss: But at the same time we ought to consider, that the Governor liv’d to a good old age, and is gone to his Grave in Peace. ’Tis St. Paul’s Caution, and applicable to those who are even most nearly concerned on this Occasion, not to be sorry as Men without Hope; much less should they run into excessive Grief, so as to murmur or repine at this or the like afflicting Dispensations; For GOD may by them have great and wise Ends to serve. Righteous Men (as Revelation suggests) may be taken away from the Evils to come. Such as have / abused their goodness, it may be, are to be Punished by their removal: And some Ends may be accomplished by other Instruments, for which, perhaps, they were not every way so well qualified. To Conclude, As People have reason to rejoice when the Righteous are in Authority, so ’tis their duty to honor and esteem the Memory of those, that have finished their Course, and answered that Character. May we never want good and righteous Rulers, to preside over us: May both Magistrates and People, among all the Changes and Chances of this World, have a special regard to the one thing needful. True Virtue and Piety contribute most to the honour, safety and welfare of every Government: And without the due influence of Religion, the most refin’d Politicks (like Ahithophel’s,7 2 Sam. xvii.) will be defeated: For we cannot reasonably hope, that Providence will long con­ cur with and prosper those Schemes, that are form’d by Fraud, that are executed by the Councils of the ungodly, and contradict the Will of Him who Governs the whole Universe. / Let us all in our different Stations, employ the respective Talents GOD has entrusted us with, so wisely, so faithfully, as that when we render him an Account of our Improvement of them, at the last Day, we may receive that blessed Approbation of Well done, good and faithful Servants, enter into the joy of your Lord and Master. That this may be the Portion of all and every one of us, GOD of his infi­ nite Mercy Grant through the Merits of JESUS CHRIST our Mediator and Redeemer. AMEN.

FINIS.

VERELST, ‘SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE

RIGHT OF THE CROWN’

Harman Verelst, ‘Some Observations on the Right of the Crown of Great Britain to the North West Continent of America’ (1739). National Archives, PRO, CO 5/283.

Harman Verelst was the Georgia Board of Trustees’ accountant and General James Oglethorpe’s London agent. On 21 April 1732, the Board – including Oglethorpe; John Percival, Earl of Egmont; Thomas Coram; and Anthony Ashley-Cooper, fourth Earl of Shaftesbury (great-grandson of the founder of Carolina) – received a charter for land between the Savannah and Altamaha rivers, territory claimed by Spain. Georgia was to provide a buffer between South Carolina and Spanish Florida and enslavement was forbidden in order to create a white population to counterbalance South Carolina’s two-thirds black majority. Spain encouraged resistance to the British among African Americans and Amerindians. Relations with Spain were strained further afield also. The Treaty of Seville (1729) gave Spanish warships ‘visiting’ rights to search British vessels to ensure adherence to the ‘asiento’ that allowed British merchants to import slaves and other merchandise into Spanish colonies and which was due to expire in 1743. In 1731, a Spanish coastguard captain cut off one of the ears of Robert Jenkins, a British sea captain, for alleged piracy. In March 1738, encouraged by MPs opposed to Robert Walpole’s pro-Spanish policy, Jenkins reportedly showed parliamentarians his dismembered ear, escalating clamour for war. Walpole then sent troops to the West Indies and Gibraltar. When Spain demanded compensa­ tion, Britain annulled visitation and King Philip annulled the asiento. After the Convention of Pardo failed to find a resolution, the War of Jenkins’s Ear began on 19 October 1739. Although the war was soon subsumed within Europe’s War of the Austrian Succession, its beginnings reflected Britain’s increasingly impe­ rial ‘blue water’ approach to foreign policy.1 As David Armitage argues, Verelst’s ‘Observations’, presented to Secretary of State for the Southern Department, Thomas Pelham-Hollis, Duke of New­ – 95 –

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castle, and part of that growing clamour for war, propounded the same patriotic and expansionist sentiments as Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke’s Idea of a Patriot King (1738) and James Thomson’s ‘Rule Britannia (1740), albeit highly legalistically. Verelst, ever concise, opens by stating that ‘By the Law of Nations there are four Ways by which the Right of the Dominion of Lands in America, or other Countrys inhabited by Infidels may be acquired’ (below, p. 99). Recalling earlier writers, these are: ‘By the first Discovery … By Occcupation and Posses­ sion of Lands first discovered by others, and afterwards by them deserted or derelicted … By Conquest … By Treaty’ (below, p. 99). The first of these is for Verelst by far the most important: The Crown of England, is justly Intitled to all the North West Continent of America, from Newfoundland to the very Cape of Florida. In right of the discovery made by Sebastian Cabot, who with his Father John Cabot and his two Brothers were impow­ ered by Letters Patent from King Henry the Seventh bearing date the 5th of March 1495 (below, p. 99)

After recounting the Cabots’ and others’ discoveries, he notes that ‘Succeeding Kings of England have from time to time Exercised their Right to these Lands founded upon the first Discovery by Cabot, by Granting particular Po[r]tions thereof by their Letters Patent to such of their Subjects as they saw meet’ (below, p. 101). He then mentions various colonization charters from Humphrey Gilbert’s for Norumbega (1578), with particular attention to those for the Caro­ linas, including Georgia and Florida (though, curiously, Verelst does not detail the Georgia charter). He also observes that ‘in the Year 1721 His Majesty King George the first Ordered a Fort to be Erected and Garrison’d at the mouth of the River Alatamaha’ before concluding ‘That the Spaniards are Invaders of the Right of the Crown of Great Britain, in their unjust Pretensions to Saint Augus­ tine it Self ’ (below, p. 104). He adds that British claims ‘cannot be controverted by Spain without destroying her Right to all her valuable Possessions in America’ (below, p. 104). Verelst deals only briefly with the ‘inferior and secondary’ right to claim derelict lands, as Britain’s claim by discovery supersedes it. ‘Conquest’ provides only ‘imperfect Title’ and, while ‘Treaty’ right is not necessary to confirm claims made ‘by the first Discovery’, Verelst nevertheless notes treaties by which the Spanish and Amerindians acceded British possessions in North America, though his reference to ‘Countrys inhabited by Infidels’ implies a perceived weakness in Native Americans’ original rights (below, pp. 105, 99). Verelst appends to his own ‘Observations’ a stack of supporting documents (not included here) from Henry VII’s 1495 patent to ‘John Cabot & Sons’ to contemporary writings con­ firming his view that Georgia and Florida were British territories.2

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Notes: 1. T. R. Reese, Colonial Georgia: A Study in British Imperial Policy in the Eighteenth Cen­ tury (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1963); K. Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York: Charles Scribners, 1976); D. A. Baugh, ‘Great Britain’s “Blue Water” Policy, 1689–1815’, International History Review, 10 (1988), pp. 33–58; E. H. Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000). 2. D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), pp. 102, 170, 185–7.

Some Observations on the Right

of the Crown of Great Britain to the

North West Continent of America.

By the Law of Nations there are four Ways by which the Right of the Dominion of Lands in America, or other Countrys inhabited by Infidels may be acquired 1.st By the first Discovery 2.d By Occupation and Possession of Lands first discovered by others, and afterwards by them deserted or derelicted According to the Maxim, Quo pro derelictis habentur, cedunt Occupanti. 3.d By Conquest 4.th By Treaty As to the First vizt: The Right of Dominion arising from the first discov­ ery. The Crown of England is justly Intitled to all the North West Continent of America, from Newfoundland to the very Cape of Florida. In right of the dis­ covery made by Sebastian Cabot, who with his Father John Cabot and his two Brothers were impowered by Letters Patent from King Henry the Seventh bear­ ing date the 5th of March 1495, granting to them and to the Heirs of them and every of them, and their Deputies, full Authority to Sail to all parts, Countrys and Seas of the East, of the West and of the North, under his Majestys Banners / and Ensigns to seek out discover and find whatsoever Isles, Countrys, Regions, or Provinces of the Heathen and Infidels in what part of the World soever they be, which before that time had been unknown to all Christians, Et quod for anomi­ natus Joannes, et filei ejus dem, seu Hieredes es et eorum deputati, quasqunque hujus modi villas, castra oppida, et insulas à se inventas, quce subjugari, occu­ pari, possideri, possuit, subjugare, occupare, possidere valeant Ianquam Vasalli Noshi, et gubernatores, loca tenentes, et deputati eorundem, dominium, titulum et jurisdictionem earundem villarum, cashorum, oppidorm, insularum ac terra firmae, sic inventorum nobis acquirendo. – 99 –

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In the Year 1496 In pursuance of which Letters Patent Sebastian Cabot Sailed from England in the Year 1496 and Searched the North Seas, but turning his Sails to follow the West, coasted by the Shore into the South so far towards the West, that he had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in manner in the same Degree of Longitude. This is particularly described in the 6.th Chapter of the 3.d Decade of the Ocean written by Peter Martyr of Angleria Milenses,1 and dedi­ cated to the King of Spain from Madrid, the day before the Calends of October in the Year 1516. It plainly appears from the before mentioned Letters patent, that King Henry the Seventh made no doubt That he should acquire to himself as King of England, the Dominion Title and Jurisdiction of all the Lands which should be Discovered by the said Cabot. And in this, he was certainly well warranted by all the Maxims of the Law of Nations, See Grotius & Pufendorf.2 And it appears by the Evidence given by the said Peter / Martyr, That Cabot was the first Discoverer from the latitude of 56 to the Southern Extremity of the Lands which Shoots into the Gulph of Mexico, which Land is now called the Cape of Florida, and which is the 25th degree of Northern Latitude; by having the Island of Cuba on his left hand. No person on the behalf of Spain or any other Nation, having at that time discovered any part of that Continent. Colum­ bus’s most Northern discovery, which was in August 1497, having been only of one of the Lucayon Islands; which was about a Year after Sebastian Cabot’s dis­ covery of the Continent. Thus was the Dominion of those Lands Vested in the Crown of England by Right of the first discovery, And this sort of Right has been frequently urged and insisted upon in disputes between Crown’d Heads, and particularly in the great Controversy between the Castilians and the Portugals, concerning the Dominion of new discovered Lands. For the Castilians Argument then was ‘That whatsoever God by the ministration of Nature hath created on the Earth, was at the beginning common among Men, and that it is therefore Lawful to every Man to possess such Lands as are void of Christian Inhabitants’ which dis­ pute both Parties agreed should be decided by the Bishop of Rome, Whereupon Alexander the 6.th Bishop of Rome by the Authority of his leaden Bull, drew a right Line from the North to the South, an hundred leagues Westward, and divided the Lands.3 This is particularly described in the 8th. Chapter of the 2.d Decade of the Ocean written by the said Peter Martyr. Another Author of Good Credit and Repute. Vizt. Peter Heylin4 in the 4th. Book of his Cosmography page 85 takes Notice That John Cabot the Father of Sebastian Cabot in behalf of King Henry the / Seventh of England in the Year 1497 Discovered all the North East Coasts of America from the Cape of Florida in the South, to Newfoundland, and Terra di Laborador in the North, Causing

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the Royalets to turn Homagers to that King and the Crown of England. This Book was Published in the Year 1664. In the Year 1516 Sir Sebastian Cabot was sent in 1516 by King Henry the Eighth, together with Sir Thomas Pert Vice Admiral of England, and Coasted this Continent a second time. And the Succeeding Kings of England have from time to time Exercised their Right to these Lands founded upon the first Discovery by Cabot, by Granting particular Po[r]tions thereof by their Letters Patent to such of their Subjects as they saw meet, who under the Authority of those Grants went over to Cultivate and Inhabit the same. Some of which Grants are as follow Vizt. 11 June 1578 Queen Elizabeth by her Letters Patent to Sir Humphry Gilbert and to his Heirs and Assigns for ever granted free liberty to discover such remote heathen and barbarous Lands, Countrys, and Territories not actually Possessed of any Christian Prince or People, as they should seem good. And the Same to Have and Enjoy to him his Heirs and Assigns for ever. 25 March 1584 Queen Elizabeth by her Letters Patent to Walter Raleigh Esq and to his Heirs and Assigns for ever granted free Liberty to discover such remote heathen and barbarous / Lands, Countrys and Territories not actually possessed of any Christian Prince or People, as they should seem good. And the same to have and enjoy to him his Heirs and Assigns for ever. 23 May 1610 King James the First by his Letters Patent to the Adventurers and Planters of the first Colony in Virginia5 for the propagation of the Christian Religion and reclaiming People barbarous to Civility and Humanity, granted unto the said adventurers and Planters; that they and their Successors for Ever should be incorporated by the name of the Treasurer and Planter of the City of London for the first Colony in Virginia; and further granted unto the said Treasurer and Company and their Successors for Ever All those Lands Countrys and Territories in that part of America called Virginia, from the Point of Land Cape a pointe Comfort all along the Sea Coast to the Northward Two Hundred Miles; and from the said point of Cape Comfort all along the Sea Coast to the Southward Two hundred Miles: And all the Space and Circuit of Land lying from the Sea Coast of the Precinct aforesaid up or into the Land through out from Sea to Sea West and North West, and also all the Islands lying within One Hundred Miles along the Coast of both the Seas of the Precinct aforesaid. 12 March 1612 The said King James on the application of the said Company to grant onto them an Inlargement of the beforementioned Letters Patent for a more ample / Extent of their Limit and Territories unto the Seas adjoining to and upon the Coast of Virginia, by these his subsequent Letters Patent granted unto the said Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the said City of London for the first Colony in Virginia and to their Heirs and Succes­ sors for Ever All and singular the Islands lying desolate and uninhabited in any

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Limits extended to 30 Degrees of northerly latitude wch. Reaches the River St. Juan.

N.B. this River is now call’d St. Juan limited between 31 and 36 degrees of northern latitude Erected into a Prov­ ince called Carolana.

Limits as in the last Grant

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part of the Sea bordering upon the Coast of Our said first Colony in Virginia, and within Three hundred leagues of any of the parts heretofore granted to the said Treasurer and Company, and being within or between the one and forty and thirty degrees of northerly latitude. 30 October 1629 King Charles the First by his Letters Patent granted to Sir Robert Heath then his Attorney General, and to his Heirs and Assigns for Ever the Rivers Matheo and Passamagno, and all the Lands between the said Rivers, which lye between thirty one and thirty Fix degrees of northern latitude. And Erected the same into a Province by the Name of Carolana. For it was at that time very well understood That the Dominion of all the North West Continent of America was in the Crown of England by the first Discovery by King Henry the Seventh; And therefore in the Desscription of the particular Territory then intended to be granted, it is said to be in Terrâ Nostrâ, as being only a Parcel or Portion of the King of England’s / Dominions and lying within them, and it is observable That the Grant is of all the Lands within the 31.st and 36.th degrees of Northern Latitude inclusive. NB. This Grant comprises the Island where Mr. Oglethorpe built a Fort in the Year 1736. These Letters Patent were granted to the King’s Attorney General, a Man of great Emminence in the Profession of the Law, who cannot be supposed would have Solicited a Grant of Lands, and have been at so great Expences in endeavouring to settle them; If the Grantor had not a clear and indisputable Title thereto. And the Said King soon after this Grant lent Sir Robert Heath the ship S.t Claude to be imployed in his new Plantation in Virginia called Carolana. Which appears by Sir Robert Heath’s Petitions, and his Letter to Edward Nicholas Esq.r dated 17.th of January 1629 then Secretary to the Admiralty Which lye in the Paper Office. 24 March 1662 King Charles the Second by his Letters Patent to Edward Earl of Clarendon Chancellor of England, George Duke of Albemarle Master of the Horse and Captain General of the King’s Forces, William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir George Carterett Baronet Vice Chamberlain of the Houshold, Sir William Berkeley Knt. and Sir John Colleton Baronet, their Heirs and Assigns, granted All that Territory or Tract of Ground, within His Majesty’s Dominions in America, not then cultivated or planted, but only inhabited by some barbarous People who have no knowledge of Almighty God. Extending from the / North End of the Island called Lucke Island, which lyeth in the Southern Virginia Seas, and within six and thirty degrees of northern latitude, and to the West as far as the South Seas; and so southerly as far as the River Saint Matthias, which bordereth upon the Coast of Florida, and within one and thirty degrees of northern latitude, and

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so West in a direct line, as far as the South Seas aforesaid And made them the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors thereof. And by the said Letters Patent Erected the said Tract of Ground, Country and Island into a Province and called it the Province of Carolina. Whereupon the said Lords Proprietors Ordered Maps of the Province to be printed. Wherein the River St Matthias is called S.t Mattheo. And they appointed Sir John Yeamans Governor of the said Province. 30 June 1665 The said King Charles at the Request of the said Lords Propri­ etors to Enlarge the former Grant unto them, by these his subsequent Letters Patent, to them their Heirs and Assigns; granted All that Province, Territory, or Tract of Ground, within His Majesty’s Dominions in America; extending North and Eastward as far as the North end of Carahtuke River, or Gulet, upon a straight westerly line, to Wyonoake Creek, which lyes within or about the degrees of thirty six, an thirty minutes northern latitude, and to West in a direct line as far as the South Seas and South and Westward, as far as the degrees of twenty nine inclusive northern latitude, and so west in a direct line, as far as the South Seas. And by the said Letters Patent annexed and united the same Tract of Ground and Territory / to the said Province of Carolina, and made them and their Heirs and Assigns the true Lords and Proprietors of all the Provinces or Territory aforesaid. Of which Province the said Lords and Proprietors in 1676 on an Application to them Resolved not to alienate any part. 16 May 1728 The 16th. of May 1728 Copies of several of those Memorials hav­ ing been laid before the Parliament of Great Britain, which had been presented to his present Majesty, to Resume the Right of Sovereignty and Government of Carolina into his own Hands. 24 May 1728 The House of Commons Resolved to Address the King to Pur­ chase the Provinces of North and South Carolina from the Representatives of the Lords Proprietors to whom the Province of Carolina was Granted by King Charles the second by his two Letters Patent before mentioned. And that the Purchase Money should be made good to His Majesty out of the next Aids. To which his Majesty most Graciously Agreed. In the Year 1729 and the second year of his present Majesty’s Reign, the Sur­ render of seven eighths of the Lords Proprietors of the Provinces of North and South Carolina, extending from 36 degrees and 30 Minutes to 29 degrees inclu­ sive northern latitude, to his Majesty; was Confirmed by Act of Parliament, and all the Tract of Land within those limits and degrees, Vested in his Majesty his Heirs and Successors. With a saving Clause to the 8.th Lord Proprietor6 (who did not join in the Surrender) of his Estate and Interest in the one eighth part of the Premisses.

N.B. This River is now call’d St. Juan. Erected into a Prov­ ince call’d Carolina.

Limits extended from 36 degrees & 30 minutes to 29 degrees inclusive northern latitude which extended Limits are united to the said Province of Carolina

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And the Kings of England have from time to time asserted this their Right against all Invaders. Some of whom acknowledging the Justice of their Claim removed themselves, and left the Possession to the English as the / Rightfull Owners thereof. And in like manner the Normans Portuguese and Bretagnes, who had Settled themselves in Newfoundland, quitted and surrendered up the Possession thereof to the English, who were Sent there by Queen Elizabeth in the year 1583 in her Name to repossess the said Country, and to restrain all other Nations from ffishing there; being resolved to maintain the Title of the Crown of England to those Countrys which belong’d to her by virtue of the Primier Seis in taken by King Henry the seventh, upon the first Discovery of thereof. And in the Year 1585 Sir Francis Drake by Comission from the same Queen drove off the Spaniards by force of Arms from Fort S.t John and the City of Augustine, and took actual Possession thereof, as far as the 29th degree of north­ ern latitude. And in the Year 1721 His Majesty King George the first Ordered a Fort to be Erected and Garrison’d at the mouth of the River Alatamaha, so called from the Tribe of Yamasee Indians whose Chief was known by the name or Title of Alatamaha. Which about the Year 1726. being accidentally destroyed by Fire, His Majesty by his Instruction to Governor Johnson of South Carolina, Ordered a Fort to be Erected and always kept in sufficient repair for Securing the Embou­ chure and Navigation of the River Alatamaha. From the whole of which it appears That the Spaniards are Invaders of the Right of the Crown of Great Britain, in their unjust Pretensions to Saint Augus­ tine it Self. Note this Right arising from the first discovery, is the first and fundamental Right of all European Nations, as to their Claim of Lands in America, & cannot be controverted / by Spain without destroying her Right to all her valuable Pos­ sessions in America. And if any thing else could be wanting to give further Strength to the Title of the Crown of Great Britain She has by Treaties and Agreements with the Native Indians the then Occupiers, purchased the very Soil and property of the Lands of which her Subjects are at this time possessed. Second Way … As to the second Way of Acquiring the Right of the Domin­ ion of Lands in America Vizt. By Occupation and Possession of Lands first discovered by others, and afterwards by them deserted or derelicted. According to the Maxim. Quo pro derelicitis habentur, cedunt Occupanti. This is an inferior and secondary sort of Right, which the King of Great Brit­ ain in this case, can have no occasion to make use of; In regard that he himself and no other, was the first discoverer of this Country; and in consequence thereof, he could not take possession of it on the dereliction of any other Christian Prince: Neither can any other Nation Set up any Pretence of Right to these Lands dis­

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covered by King Henry the Seventh, on account of their being derelicted by the English. Since the Kings of England Successively have Enjoyed and Exercised their Dominion over these Lands by making Royal Grants thereof to divers of their Subjects under the Great Seal of England, Entered up upon Record in the Court of Chancery. In pursuance whereof the several Patentees have from time to time made Settlements there from Newfoundland to the thirtieth / Degree of Northern Latitude. And by the usage and Practice of Nations; It does not seem to be necessary, in Order to Support the Right of Dominion which had been obtained by the first Discovery; That the Discoverers should imediately People and Settle every part of such new found Lands, The Spaniards not having to this day Peopled or Cul­ tivated any of those great Countrys which she lays claim to in the West Indies: The large and unpeopled Tracts of Land in Cuba Hispaniola Mexico Veragua Peru Chili &c being Demonstrations of the Truth of this Assertion. So that it is not to be imagined The King of Spain will insist upon an Argument which must turn so much to his own prejudice, and by which no Prince in the World can be so great a Sufferer as himself. Third Way … As to the third way of acquiring the Right of the Dominion of Lands in America. Vizt. By Conquest Conquest can only give a Right to those Nations who invade the Territories of others, and in the Event of War possess themselves of their Lands and Territo­ ries by force of Arms. And this of itself is an imperfect Title until made compleat and established by Treaty of Peace; in which the Party conquered yields up the Jus Dominii et Proprietatis to the Conqueror, who before had obtained the Jus Pos­ sessionis by force of Arms. This is the Title of the English Nation to Jamaica. But on the other hand. Spain can have no Pretensions to the Dominion of any Territories on the Continent of / America between Newfoundland and the Cape of Florida, having never gained any part thereof by Conquest over the English of Great Britain But the Right of the Crown of Great Britain to these Countries is not founded upon Conquest; but upon those higher and Stronger Rights of first Discovery, and also of Occupation and Possession in Consequence thereof Fourth Way … As to the fourth Way of acquiring the Right of the Dominion of Lands in America, vizt. By Treaty. As the Crown of Great Britian does not claim these Countries by Right of Conquest, so is it not Possible for her to stand in need of any Treaty to confirm the undoubted Right which she derives from the first Discovery in the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, and by her continued Occupation and Possession from time to time, as the several Colonies were therein Planted and established. But it may not be improper to take notice that by the 7:th Article of the Treaty of 16707 It is agreed ‘That the King of Great Britain, his Heires and

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Note he died in 1700. Which was subse­ quent to all the Grants and Charters before mentioned.

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Sussessors, shall have, hold, keep and enjoy for ever with Plenary Right of Sov­ ereignty, Dominion Possession. and Propriety, all those Lands, Regions, Islands, Colonies and Places whatsoever, being or situated in the West Indies, or in any Part of America, which the said / King of Great Britian and his Subjects do at present hold and Possess so as that in Regard thereof or upon any Colour or Pre­ tence whatsoever nothing more may or ought to be urged nor any Question or Controversy be ever moved concerning the same hereafter.’ Which amounts to a Release or Extinguishment of all the Right and Title of the Crown of Spain & is an express Dedition of that Right of Sovereignty which she had to Jamaica, and all other Lands as had in War been conquered from her by the Subjects of Eng­ land. But there is no Grant or Release of any Right or Title from the Crown of Great Britain to the Crown of Spain of any Lands or Territories whatsoever, and therefore that Treaty must be interpreted, as a Bar to the Rights of the Crown of Spain, and a Confirmation of the Rights of the Crown of Great Britain. And as for the 8:th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht in the Year 1713 by which it is agreed That neither the Catholick King, nor any of his Heirs and Succes­ sors whatsoever, shall sell, Yield, Pawn, transfer, or by any means or under any name alienate from them and the Crown of Spain, to the French or to any other Nations whatsoever any Lands, Dominions or Territories, or any Part thereof, belonging to Spain in America, on the contrary, That the Spanish Dominions in the West Indies may be preserved whole and entire, the Queen of Great Britain engages that she will endeavour and give Assistance to the Spaniards, that the ancient Limits of their Dominions in the West Indies be restored, and settled as they stood in the time of the / Catholick King Charles the second of Spain, if it shall appear that they have in any Manner, or under any Pretence been broken into and lessened in any Part since the Death of the said Catholick King, Charles the second.’ If it shou’d be urged on the part of the Crown of Spain, That by the said Article any Grant or Concession was made by the Crown of Great Britain of any Lands on the North West Continent of America, between Nova Scotia and the Cape of Florida, It will appear from the Perusal & Examinations of that Article, that no such Inference or Construction can possibly be made, for that the said Treaty was concluded between the Queen of Great Britain and King of Spain only Therefore those words in that Article which name the French or any other Nation whatever, must mean other Nations than those who were the contracting Parties, who no doubt would have have [sic] been expressly named had it been so intended, And to Spain it could not extend, because it was impossible for her to grant or alienate to herself, neither could it be meant or intended to extend to England, because the Queen of Great Britain engages that she will endeavour and give Assistance to the Spaniards, That the ancient Limits of their Domin­ ions in the West Indies should be restored, if it shall appear that they have been

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broken into and in any part lessen’d. Which must mean by some other Nation than Great Britain, for in Case it had related to any Acts of her Subjects, She had it then in her own Power to have restor’d to the Spaniards without engag­ ing to endeavour & give Assistance to them. / And it is further to be observed, That the Purport of this Article is That the ancient Limits of the King of Spain’s Dominions in the West Indies shoud be restored and settled as they stood in the time of King Charles the second of Spain, whereas it is clear to a Demonstra­ tion from the Preceding Observation, that the Expressions used in that Treaty of the ancient Limits of the King of Spain’s Dominions in the West Indies cannot be construed any way, to relate to any Lands on the Northwest Continent of America; As his Claim & Pretensions to any part of that Country is not founded either upon the Right of the first Discovery, or upon the Right of Occupation or Possession, or upon the Right of Conquest, or by Treaty, And if he is pos­ sessed of any Part thereof it is unjust, tortious, and against the Law of Nations: And it is to be hoped that his Spanish Majesty from his Uprightness & Justice, upon his being inform’d thereof, will immediately abandon the Possession of the same, and restore it to his Britannick Majesty, the true & rightfull Sovereign and owner thereof. But if contrary to all Reason and Justice, it shou’d be insisted upon by Spain, That any Part of the Dominions of the Crown of Great Britain should be Yielded up to the Spaniards, It might be Proper to observe That the whole Country of North & South Carolina extending from 36 Degrees & 30 Minutes to 29 Degrees inclusive, Northern Latitude, are expressly declared by several Charters under the Great Seal of England, to be within the Dominions of the Crown of England. / That they were Purchased by his Present Majesty from the Lords Proprietors in Pursuance of an Address from Parliament, with the Monies of the Nation. Which Purchase was confirm’d by act of Parliament. That the Use and Impor­ tance of these Countrys to the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain, is expressly mentioned in the said Act, That the Parliament have from time to time thought it worthy of a National Regard, And a Particular Part of South Carolina, called Georgia, has been Supported by Parliamentary Aids and Supplies. Humbly presented to His Grace the Duke of Newcastle

His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State by

His Grace’s Most Obedient humble Servant

Harman Verelst

16. April 1739 Copy

ASHLEY, MEMOIRS AND CONSIDERATIONS

John Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations concerning the Trade and Revenues of the British Colonies in America. With Proposals for Rendering those Colonies more Benefi­ cial to Great Britain (London: C. Corbett, 1740).

John Ashley’s Memoirs and Considerations concerning the Trade and Revenues of the British Colonies in America (published in two parts in 1740 and 1743, the first part of which is reproduced here) were in some ways a continuation of his early 1730s The British Empire in America, Consider’d in three letters to a friend in London (the second of which is reprinted earlier in this volume). After a brief introduction, the first chapter of Memoirs and Considerations largely comprises a reprint of the Barbadian petition to the King printed in his 1731 letter and mentioned in his 1732 letter. The petition’s prologue is identical to that of the ‘Representation’ printed in the second letter, while the remainder summarizes similar grievances and suggested solutions. Ashley acknowledges that ‘many Regulations have been made, conformable to the several Complaints’ (below, p. 118), most significantly free trade of sugar products to foreign markets and new duties on foreign sugar imports into British colonies. The second chapter nev­ ertheless argues for lifting ‘several Restrictions’ that ‘will in great Measure baulk the Operation of ’ the Act Granting Liberty or Carrying Sugar from the British Sugar Plantations Directly to Foreign Markets (below, p. 121). Ashley’s third chapter notes that the 1733 Molasses Act was ‘notoriously evaded’ and advo­ cates that the ‘high Duty of six Pence per Gallon Sterling on foreign Molasses’ should be reduced to ‘one, two, or three Pence’ (below, pp. 132, 134). Parlia­ ment’s 1764 Sugar Act made it three pence, aiming to raise revenue rather than restrict trade but thereby provoking what would become the American Revolu­ tion. The fourth chapter requests that the British rum duty be reduced by eight pence to three shillings per gallon to increase annual consumption from 500,000 to 800,000 gallons and thereby raise an extra £20,000 yearly for the Treasury (and discourage consumption of French brandy). The next two chapters argue for improving trade by prohibiting paper money and regulating the quality of silver coin (similar to the Currency Act of 1764 that also did much to aggravate – 109 –

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colonists), and for making interests rates lower and more uniform at 6 per cent. The final chapter recommends that the 4.5 per cent duty paid on sugar exports within Barbados and the Leeward Islands be replaced with a ‘more equal’ prop­ erty tax that others besides planters would have to pay. Ashley does not neglect to mention that this would include ‘as well Jews as Christians’ (below, p. 148). The remaining pages, over half the total, comprise appendices, some with appen­ dices of their own, providing various forms of evidence supporting the claims and recommendations in the main body of the text. Many of them offer valuable insights on the routine operations of trade and empire. In other ways the tone and content of Memoirs and Considerations are very different from Ashley’s letters of a decade earlier. His complaints about New Englanders’ trade practices and political machinations are more muted and his imputations against New Englanders’ characters disappear altogether. By con­ trast, Ashley notes that ‘The Northern Colonies are a great Support to the naval Power of Great Britain’ (below, p. 126) through shipbuilding, naval stores, sail­ ors and trade revenue, as well as revenue raised from exports and imports. He also notes (with what appears to be unintended irony) that ‘I have heard some People exclaim against some of the Northern Colonies, and look upon them as Rivals to their Mother Country … This Notion seems to me to be ill grounded’ (below, p. 125). Indeed, throughout Memoirs and Considerations Ashley repeat­ edly stresses the interdependencies and therefore (in his view) common interests of the different colonies and the mother country. He observes, for example, how the colonies ‘bring home to Great Britain such vast Quantities of Sugar, Tobacco, Shipping, Naval Stores, Rice, Rum, Furs and Train-Oil, besides Gin­ ger, Cotton, Indigo, Piemento, Cocoa, Coffee, Aloes, Dying-Wood, and other American Products’ (below, p. 131), while Numberless Artificers and Manufacturers at home are employed in the several Branches of Trade dependent on the Sugar Islands … all which maintain and support a large Branch of the British Navigation: Which shews, that the Manufactures, Traf­ fick, Treasure and Power of Great Britain depend in great Measure on the Fate of our Sugar Islands. (below, p. 153)

As David Armitage has written, Ashley’s writings in the early 1730s and early 1740s represent a shift from a relatively narrow, divided ‘transatlantic’ concept of empire to a broader, unified ‘Pan-Atlantic’ one.1 Notes: 1.

D. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000), p. 178.

MEMOIRS

AND

CONSIDERATIONS

CONCERNING

The Trade and Revenues of the British Colonies in

AMERICA.

WITH

Proposals for rendering those Colonies more Beneficial to

Great Britain.

By JOHN ASHLEY Esq;

LONDON:

Printed for C. Corbett, Bookseller and Publisher at Addison’s

Head in Fleetstreet; E. Comyns, under the Royal Exchange; and J.

Jolliffe, in St. James’s Street. 1740. /

PREFACE.

The several Memoirs which are the Subject of this Treatise, are approved or dis­ liked according to the various Concerns or Interest of those to whom they have been communicated: Some are of Opinion, that the taking off several Restrictions con­ tained in the Law lately passed for granting Liberty to carry Sugar directly from the Sugar Islands to foreign Markets, is absolutely necessary to enforce the Operation of that Law; Others alledge, that the illegal Importation of foreign Sugar; Rum, and Molasses / into British Dominions, without paying the Duties those Commodities are liable to by Law, and in some Cases without paying any Duties at all, is a heavy Grievance, and requires a speedy Remedy; and that a farther Encouragement for the Consumption of Rum in Great Britain will prove a reciprocal Advantage to this Kingdom and its Sugar Colonies: Some think the Regulation of the Currency and Interest of Money in the Colonies requires the Attention of the Legislature; Others would insist, that a farther easing or taking off the Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent,1 would contribute a good deal towards turning the Scale of the Sugar Trade in favour of the British Nation. And no doubt there are some Opponents to every Point, since the Judgments of Mankind are too often biassed and / warpt, by Self-Interest or Caprice, in their Opinions on an Affair of this Nature; however, I submit the Determination of it to the Consideration of those, whose Candour and Impartiality sets them above such groveling and contracted Views. It is, therefore, at the request of several emi­ nent Planters and Merchants, I have ushered every Part into the World, in order to shew how far the British Legislature have already advanced the general Interest of our American Colonies, and to lay a second Foundation (if I may be allowed the Expression) for the farther Consideration of the same Benevolent Spirits, who are always ready to succour and support every Branch of his Majesty’s Dominions, so far as is consistent with the true Interest of the Whole. / As the principal Motive that induced me to turn my Thoughts on this Topick, was to shew the many Advantages that arise to this Nation from our American Colonies, and how those Advantages may, in my humble Opinion, be still increased; I shall hope some Good may arise from this Publication, and that it may prove useful to all fair Traders, Planters, and Others interested in British America: This is the full Scope of my Design, and Success in it the Height of my Ambition. / – 113 –

MEMOIRS

AND

CONSIDERATIONS,

Concerning the Trade and Revenues of the British

Colonies in America, & c.

CHAP. I. In and about the Year 1731, the Planters and other Inhabitants of the Sugar Islands, observing the dangerous Circumstances of the British Sugar Colonies, from the visible Increase of the French in their Plantations, sent Home several Petitions and Representations; and the Island of Barbadoes in particular address’d his Majesty as follows, viz. / To the KING’s most Excellent Majesty: ‘The humble Petition of the Planters, Traders, and other Inhabitants of your Majesty’s Island of Barbadoes, ‘Humbly sheweth, ‘That this your Island of Barbadoes was the first settled,2 and Mother of all your Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, and has for many Years past been a very profitable Colony to Great Britain, not only from its Produce and Import of Sugar, Rum, Molasses, Cotton, Ginger, and Aloes into Great Britain, the taking off from thence great Quanties of Woollen and other Manufactures, and Goods that pay Duties to the Crown (which by means of the Barbadoes Trade are not only con­ sumed amongst the Inhabitants here, but are also exported from Great Britain to Africa, Madeira, and the Northern Colonies, for the Purchase of Negroes, Wine, Fish, and other Goods for the Use of this Island, and thereby numberless Hands have been employ’d in your Majesty’s Kingdoms and Territories, and great Rev­ enues have accrued, and do / still continually accrue to the Crown) but has also been a great Support to your Majesty’s Northern Colonies, and given a very great – 115 –

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and profitable Vent to their Fishery and other Produce, and also to the Produce of Ireland, besides employing in those several Trades great Numbers of Shipping and Seamen, on which the Wealth and Safety of the British Nation does so much depend; and after all leaves a considerable Balance in England, to the Benefit of the National Stock. ‘That within these few Years great Improvements have been made by the Dutch and French in their Sugar Colonies, and great and extraordinary Encour­ agements have been given to them, not only from their Mother Countries, but also from a pernicious Trade carried on by them to and from Ireland, and the Northern British Colonies. And the French do now from the Produce of their own Sugar Colonies, actually supply with Sugar not only France it self, but Spain also, and a great Part of Ireland, and the British Northern Colonies, and have to spare for Holland, Germany, Italy, and other Parts of Europe; And the French / and Dutch Colonies have lately supplied the Northern British Colonies with very large Quantities of Molasses for the making of Rum and other Uses, and even with Rum of their own Manufacture, to the vast Prejudice of your Maj­ esty’s Sugar Colonies, as Rum is a Commodity on which, next to Sugar, they mostly depend, and they have in Return (for such Sugar, Rum, and Molasses) Shipping, Horses, Boards, Staves, Hoops, Lumber, Timber for building, Fish, Bread, Bacon, Corn, Flower, and other Plantation Necessaries, at as easy, or easier Rates, than your Majesty’s Subjects of the Sugar Colonies have. For the continual Supplies received by the Dutch and French from the Northern British Colonies, have enabled them to put on and maintain a great Number of Slaves on their Plantations, and to enlarge their Sugar-Works, and make new Settle­ ments in new fertile Soils; and at the same Time cost little, being now purchased chiefly with Molasses, which before this late Intercourse between the foreign Colonies, and the Northern British Colonies, were flung away as of no Value. And thus the foreign Colonies are daily improving, / while your Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, are apparently declining; and instead of supplying, as they used to do, France and Holland with Sugar, they are now almost confined to the Home Consumption in Great Britain, and are in a great Measure excluded from the Kingdom of Ireland and the Northern Colonies; who instead of sending their Produce as usual to your Majesty’s Sugar Colonies, and taking Sugar and Rum in Return, do now often send it directly to the foreign Colonies in exchange for the Produce of those foreign Colonies: and when they do send their Produce to the British Sugar Colonies, they insist upon being paid for them in Cash, which they export and lay out among the foreign Colonies in the Purchase of the very same Goods that they formerly used to supply themselves with from your Majesty’s own Sugar Colonies, to the enriching the foreign Colonies, and impoverishing your Majesty’s.

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‘Your Petitioners humbly beg Leave to lay before your Majesty, some of the many Advantages the Subjects of foreign Powers have over your Majesty’s Sub­ jects of your Sugar Colonies, as they have been well inform’d. / I. ‘The French and Dutch pay much less Duties both at Home and in their Plantations, than your Majesty’s Subjects do, whilst your Majesty’s Subjects of this Island are at a very great Expence to keep up their Fortifications and main­ tain their Militia for their Defence, (exclusive of the Duty of four and a half per Cent. in Specie on all their Exports) without any Charge to the Crown. II. ‘The French Subjects of the Sugar Colonies are permitted to trade to the Spanish Islands of Margueritta, Trinidado, and Porto Rico, and also to carry their improved Sugar at a Duty of one per Cent. only, upon Exportation to any of the Spanish Ports in Europe, without first importing them into France, whilst your Majesty’s Subjects are excluded from trading directly to any of the Spanish Ports, and are oblig’d to carry their Sugar first into Great Britain (after paying a Duty of four and a half per Cent. in Specie here upon Exportation) before they can carry them any where else; and are obliged upon exporting them afterwards from Great Britain, to leave in England a Duty of near two per Cent. and are put to the Risque of a double Voyage, besides the / Charge of it, which amounts to above twenty per Cent. more. III. ‘Your Majesty’s Subjects of this Island pay upwards of ten per Cent. more than the French and Dutch do, for what Sugar is carried to your Majesty’s Northern Colonies, and consumed there; by which means these Colonies are mostly supplied with foreign Sugar, to the Prejudice of the Plantation-Duties, being Part of the Aggregate Fund, which might otherwise be greatly increased. And altho’ the French and Dutch Subjects of the Sugar Colonies do so vend their Sugar as well as their Rum and Molasses, to the Northern British Colonies, yet your Majesty’s Subjects of the Sugar Colonies are restrained from vending their Produce to any of the French or Dutch Colonies, and at the same Time your Maj­ esty’s Subjects of the Northern Colonies and Ireland have that Advantage. IV. ‘The French Subjects do actually send great Quantities of Sugar and other Goods directly to Ireland, without first importing them to Great Britain, and paying a Duty there to your Majesty, which your Majesty’s Subjects of the Sugar Colonies are oblig’d to / do, and they are supplied with Beef and other Provi­ sions directly from Ireland, on as easy Terms as your Majesty’s Subjects are. ‘These, may it please your Majesty, are some of the many Advantages the Inhabitants of the foreign Sugar-Colonies have over your Majesty’s Subjects of your Sugar-Colonies, who have already suffered very much, and must inevitably be undone thereby, unless your Majesty will in your great goodness interpose, and save them from the Ruin now impending over them, which your Petitioners humbly conceive may be effected, if Order be taken to prevent any Sugar, Rum, or Molasses of the Growth, Produce, and Manufacture of foreign Plantations or

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Colonies, from being imported into Ireland, or any of the British Plantations, or Colonies in America, until they have first been imported into Great Britain, and paid such Duties there to your Majesty, as those Commodities are now liable to; or that your Majesty’s Subjects of your Sugar Colonies may have the like Advan­ tages in these Branches of Commerce, as the Subjects of foreign Powers now actually have. / ‘Your Petitioners wholly depend, under God, on your Majesty’s consum­ mate Wisdom, sovereign Power, and paternal Care, and humbly pray your Majesty will be graciously pleased to take the Premises into Consideration, and grant to your Petitioners such Relief therein, as your Majesty shall judge the Nature of your Petitioners Case to require. ‘And Your Petitioners shall ever pray, &c.’ You will observe by this Petition the many Disadvantages our Sugar Trade then laboured under, and the many Encouragements the Inhabitants of foreign Sugar Colonies then had over the Planters of our Sugar Colonies, since which time many Regulations have been made, conformable to the several Complaints laid before his Majesty by the said Petition. I. The Collection and Management of the four and a half per Cent. Duty has been since regulated and eased, to the Benefit of the Planters and Fair Trad­ ers, altho’ perhaps not so to some illicit Traders, and others concerned in that Revenue. / II. The Duty of about two per Cent. left to the Crown upon Re-exportation of Sugar is given up and all drawn back, and two Shillings per C wt. Bounty is added to the four Shillings which makes in all a Bounty of 6 Shillings per C wt.3 upon the Re-exportation of refined Sugar from Great Britain. 6 Geo. II. cap. 13. Sect. 10. III. Liberty hath been granted to import Rum, with other unenumerated Goods of our Plantation Produce, directly into Ireland. 4, 5 Geo. II. IV. Foreign Sugar, Rum and Molasses are totally prohibited from being imported into Ireland, unless shipp’d in Great Britain in Ships legally navigated. 6 Geo. II. cap. 13. Sect. 4. V. A high Duty is laid upon all foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses, imported into any of our Northern as well as Southern Colonies in America. 6 Geo. II. cap. 13. Sect. 1, 2. VI. Liberty is granted to carry all Sugars directly from our Plantations not only to Spain, but also to all the foreign Ports of Europe. 12 Geo. II. So that the Intention of this Petition seems to be answered, – saving what relates to a / Trade with the Spaniards, which the Assiento Contract4 hath hith­ erto obstructed.

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And besides all this, for the Encouragement of the Growth of Coffee in the Plantations, the Duty on Importation here is six Pence per Pound less, than for Coffee of Foreign Growth. 5 Geo. II. cap. 24. These Advantages and Amendments in our Sugar-Trade are apparently owing to proper Representations to the Throne, and to the favourable Assist­ ance of the Auditor-General of the Plantations, and the Readiness of other of our worthy Patriots, to make the Sugar Colonies some Part of their Care, and to lay their Grievances before his most Sacred Majesty, who has thereupon shewn fresh Instances of his Paternal Care of his remotest Subjects. And since the real Advantages of our American Plantations to their MotherCountry, are now so universally known, surely too much cannot be offer’d for so valuable a Branch of the British Dominions, on which the Wealth and Naval Power of Great Britain does in great Measure depend. Wherefore I shall, to the best of my Capacity, set forth what I humbly apprehend may be still requisite to give the British Subjects an Advantage / over Foreigners in the American Trade, and thereby render our Colonies more beneficial to their Mother-Country, which I will endeavour to do by offering my Sentiments on the following Sub­ jects, viz. I. On the Act granting Liberty to carry Sugars from our Plantations directly to foreign Markets, with some Comparisons between the English and French in regard to the Trade of the Sugar-Islands in America. II. The evading the Payment of the Duties upon foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses imported into British Dominions. III. The Consumption of Rum in Great Britain and Ireland. IV. The Regulation of Money throughout all his Majesty’s Colonies in America. V. On Interest upon Money in Colonies. VI. The Duty of four and a half per Cent, paid in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands. /

CHAP. II.

On the Act granting Liberty for carrying Sugar from the British Sugar Plantations directly to foreign Markets, with some Comparisons between the French and English in regard to the Trade of the Sugar Islands in America. During the last Session of Parliament the Planters, Merchants and others, interested in and trading to his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies in America, laid their humble Petition and Representation before the Honourable the House of Com­ mons, setting forth the many Difficulties they laboured under, in regard to the Sugar-Trade. In pursuance of the said Petition, a Bill was brought into the House for granting Liberty to carry Sugar directly to foreign Markets: The Case in the Appendix, mark’d (No I.) was printed; and the said Bill passed into a Law, enti­ tled, An Act, / &c. An Abridgment of which is also in the Appendix, mark’d (No 2.) But there are several Restrictions contained in this Act, which it is appre­ hended will in great Measure baulk the Operation of it; wherefore I shall mention a few that (in my humble Opinion) may be worthy of immediate Con­ sideration. I. Excluding Ships built in our American Plantations. II. Taking out Licences in Great Britain only. III. All Owners of Ships in this Trade to reside in Great Britain, or the Sugar Islands. IV. All Ships bound to the Northern Ports of Europe, to touch and enter at some Port in Great Britain in their way to such Northern Ports. These Restrictions at the Time of passing the Act, were thought by some of our worthy Patriots to be of no Use, but rather a Prejudice to the British Trade in general, and to the Intention of this Law in particular. But as they were laid hold of by several Opponents, who apprehended, and perhaps without any just Grounds, that their several Interests might some how or other be affected / by so – 121 –

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great a Change in so considerable a Branch of Commerce, it was thought best to let them stand for a while, rather than to risque the whole. But as our Laws are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable, this Law may receive such Changes, as may appear for the general Good of Great Britain, as well as for the Benefit of our Plantations in America; to which end I shall give my Sentiments distinctly upon the said Restrictions.

RESTRICTION I.

Excluding Ships built in our American Plantations.

To weigh this Point rightly, it will be proper to consider that these Plantation Ships are built and fitted chiefly with Woollen, Linnen, Leather, Iron, and other Produce and Manufactures of Great Britain, and such Ships are the principal Returns of such Goods sent to that Part of the World, directly from Great Brit­ ain, or of such as are, by a Circulation of Trade, bought of other Countries with our Produce and Manufactures. The Materials for Cables and Sails, and great Part of the Iron / Work and other Materials, are sent from Great Britain; and the Hull and Masts are, by means of this Trade, taken out of those American For­ ests, and exchanged for those Goods, and thereby raise Money to pay for such Produce and Manufactures. And should these Plantation-built Ships be discour­ aged in other Branches of Trade, as they are in this one Instance, Freight would be so dear as to lose the British Nation, one of the greatest Advantages it now has over its greatest Rivals in Trade. – A low Freight; and from the great Traffick Great Britain now has, they must, in such Case, be compelled to buy Materials for building Ships of Foreigners, and for Cash instead of British Goods, to the enriching of Foreigners, and the Discouragement of all our American Colonies, as well as the Exportation of British Products. And it was observed when the Bill for the direct Exportation of Sugars was under Consideration of the Parlia­ ment last Year, that the refitting and finishing Plantation Ships upon their first Arrival into Great Britain, often gives as much Advantage to the Shipwrights as the building of new Ships. / The French take the Benefit of our Plantation-built Ships to carry their Sugar directly to Spain, and often pay for such Ships in Sugar, Rum and Molasses of their own Plantation Growth, so that they have in this Instance an Indulgence that we are by this Act debar’d from. The Province of Carolina has this Advan­ tage, without which the Exportation of Rice directly to foreign Markets could not be carried on, and consequently there would be a Restraint upon the Rais­ ing of Rice in Carolina, and also upon the Exportation of Goods from Great Britain, to raise that Rice as well as the Plantation-built Ships now used in this beneficial Trade, which returns to Great Britain at least 80,000 l. Sterling per Annum, including Freight and Commissions, and the like may be said in regard

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to the Fish Trade carried on from New England, Newfoundland, and Nova Sco­ tia, which employs great Numbers of Ships and Seamen, and returns to Great Britain at least 300,000 l. Sterling per Ann. besides Freight. And no doubt but the Liberty of a direct Exportation of Sugar, to be eased as much as possible from all Restrictions and Obstructions, would soon return to Great Britain as much as the Rice and Fish put together, according to the following / Computations on those three Commodities. Rice. The Province of Carolina has increased to that Degree, as to be capable of exporting in a good Year 80,000 Barrels of Rice, each Barrel containing about 400 weight. Upon a Medium of seven Years it is computed they may make 50,000 Barrels per Annum. 10,000 of which may be computed to go to the South of Cape Finisterre. 38,000 to foreign Ports to the North of Cape Finisterre, and 2,000 may be consumed in Great Britain and Ireland. 50,000 This Quantity of Rice will employ about 10,000 Tuns of Shipping, and 900 Sailors, and may return to Great Britain about 80,000 l. Sterling per Annum. Fish. From Newfoundland, New England, and Nova Scotia, there are about 300 Sail of Ships, great and small, or about 30,000 Tuns of Shipping, employ’d annually in carrying Fish to Portugal, Spain and Italy, which employ / about 2700 Seamen, and may, by a Circulation of Trade, return to Great Britain about 260,000 l. Sterling per Annum, in this Article of Fish, besides Train-Oil5 and Whale-bone, of which there may be imported into Great Britain to the Value of 40,000 l. per Ann. and upwards. And it is computed that about two thirds of all these Advan­ tages arise from the Fishery of Newfoundland only. Sugar. It is computed there is the Quantity of about 80,000 English Hogsheads6 of Sugar imported into Germany, Holland, the Baltick, Spain, Italy, and Turky per Ann. (exclusive of what is imported into Holland and Spain from their own Plantations) which Quantity may employ about 40,000 Tuns of Shipping, and 3600 Seamen, only to bring it to Europe, and amounts in Value to 1,000,000 l. Sterling per Ann. computing at 12 l. 10 s. per Hogshead, Freight and Commis­ sions included. And it is computed that the abovementioned Quantity of Sugar is imported into the undermentioned Places, viz. /

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Engl. Hshds Hamburg, Bremen, and other 30,000 Ports of Germany Holland 30,000 Petersburg, Dantzick, and other 3,000 Ports in the Baltick Cadiz, and other Ports in Spain 5,000 Genoa, Leghorn,7 Naples and 8,000 Messina

Venice, and other Ports in the

4,000 Mediterranean 80,000 The British Nation had once a good* Share of this Sugar Trade, but now have none of it. And what Part they are to regain, will depend upon taking off the Restrictions we are now treating of, and granting all reasonable Encouragements that can possibly be given, to enable the British subjects to sell cheaper than their Rivals at Foreign Markets. Quick Intelligence of Markets is a Spring to Trade; but what would it avail, as the Case now stands, to hear at any of the Sugar Islands, that the Price of Sug­ ars was raised at any European Market, while twenty or thirty Ships were lying in their Harbours, and perhaps / not one with a License previously taken out in Great Britain, since there is no Provision that a Licence can be taken out there, even if the Ships are British built, and duly qualified in every other respect: But suppose there should be a Ship or two qualified upon the Arrival of such Intel­ ligence, would they not naturally demand a Freight that would equal, or exceed a French Freight for the like Voyage, and so give the French an Advantage over us in this Instance also that we might otherwise have over them? For in case Ships were to be licensed in the Plantations, and Plantation-built Ships permitted to carry Sugar to foreign Markets, there would of course be some Ships, as well Brit­ ish built as Plantation built, that for want of a Freight for Great Britain, would readily take in a Freight of Sugars for any other Part of Europe at one or two Shil­ lings per Hundr. cheaper than can be expected by any Ships under the present Restrictions, and such Ships may go with less, and more suitable Quantities, than Ships that go from Great Britain directly, on account of this Exportation Trade. And since it appeared before the Parliament the last Session, that the French did not undersell us above a Shilling or / eighteen Pence per Hundred, while they were running away with this Trade; this saving in the Freight alone† would go near to enable us to undersell them, especially if the Ships in this Sugar Trade * Vide, Case of the Sugar Colonies in the Appendix (No. 1.) † Vide Calculation, Pag. 129.

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had the same* Encouragements as the Ships that carry Fish to the Mediterra­ nean Sea, who have the same Privileges as the Ships that are commonly called Act Ships, and thereby receive an additional Encouragement in their Freights from the Mediterranean to Great Britain. And besides, such Plantation Ships will bring in a constant Supply of able Seamen at their Arrival in Great Britain. Upon all which, it is submitted whether Ships built in our Plantations should not have the same Privileges in this Branch of Trade, as they have in any other Branch of Commerce belonging to Great Britain, especially when it is to regain a lost Trade? I have heard some People exclaim against some of the Northern Colonies, and look upon them as Rivals to their Mother Country, and particularly in regard to this Article of Shipping, and supplying Europe with Rice and Corn. This Notion seems to me to be ill / grounded, for if Ships were restrained from being built in those American Parts, what an immense Quantity of Cash would go out of this Kingdom, to purchase Ships as well as Materials for Building, at Norway and other foreign Countries, since it is a received Opinion that there is not Timber enough in England, at a convenient Distance, to answer the Demands of the British Navigation, without great Prejudice to his Majesty’s Navy. And what a Stagnation would there be to the Vent of almost all Sorts of British Produce and Manufactures, which now go to those American Colonies, to build Ships, and to carry on the many Branches of Trade that arise from our Plantations, and bring home to Great Britain such vast Quantities of Sugar, Tobacco, Shipping, Naval Stores, Rice, Rum, Furs and Train-Oil, besides Ginger, Cotton, Indigo, Piemento, Cocoa, Coffee, Aloes, Dying-Wood, and other American Products? And by a Circulation of Trade a considerable Ballance is thereby brought home to the national Stock from several Countries of Europe, whereby we receive no small share of the Products of the Mines of Brazil, Peru and Mexico: The flour­ ishing State of this grand Commerce, and / the Revenues arising therefrom, are in no small Degree owing to a low Freight, occasioned chiefly from our building Ships so cheap in our American Plantations. It is well known that the Price of Corn has not decreased in Great Britain, upon account of the Increase of those American Corn Countries: And should those industrious People be discouraged, and decline improving those Colonies, the French and other Foreigners would soon stand in their stead, and be the only Gainers thereby. And since the French struggle so hard to gather Strength in America, surely it is the true Interest of Great Britain to do so too, and to encour­ age and nourish its Northern as well as Southern Colonies, so that one Part may be dependant on another, and every Part contribute to the Support of the whole, for the real Benefit of their Mother Country. *

Vide 14 Car. II. cap. 11. Sect. 35, 36, and Extract. in Appendix (No 4.)

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The Northern Colonies are a great Support to the naval Power of Great Britain, and assist in great Measure in giving us a Superiority at Sea over all other Nations in the World: They add largely to our Trade and Navigation the Nursery of Seamen; the Indulgence given them by granting a Bounty upon the Importation / of Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, has answered the Intention, as they have thereby brought the Prices of those Commodities from upwards of 50 s. per Barrel, down to 10 s. per Barrel and under; which is attended with this further Convenience, that it aids them in making Returns for the immense Quantity of Goods that are exported from Great Britain to those Colonies, and it also prevents five times the Value thereof from going out of the Kingdom in Cash to Sweden, and other Foreign Countries. And they also supply the King’s Yards with great Quantities of Masts, Yards and Bowsprits, instead of those of foreign Growth, and may in Time, with proper Encouragement, do the like in regard to Hemp and Iron, and even with this further Advantage, that British Produce and Manufactures will purchase what is of the Produce of our own Plantations, and Cash chiefly must go to purchase what is of the Produce of foreign Countries. Since therefore it is evident that our American Colonies, with proper Encouragement, can be made so very beneficial to Great Britain in regard to its Trade and Navigation, what Advantages may not also be drawn from / those Colonies in case of a War with France or Spain? A Squadron of British Ships of War to touch at one or more of the most populous of those Northern Plan­ tations, and take under their Convoy some thousands of brave Men, properly encouraged with certain Pay and Hopes of Plunder, would shake the Dominions of those Foreigners in America, and turn the Balance of Power in that Part of the World in favour of the British Nation.

RESTRICTION II.

To take out Licences in Great Britain only.

Before the Shipping of any Sugar, or other enumerated Goods in the Planta­ tions, it has been usual, in pursuance of the* Acts of Trade, to give Bonds in the Plantations or in Great Britain, not to carry such Goods to any other Places, than to such as are by those Acts limited and appointed: The like to be done in regard to these Licences, as to their / being granted in the Plantations as well as in Great Britain, would in some Measure take off the Inconveniences men­ tioned in the foregoing Article, and could not be attended with any manner of Inconveniency; but on the other hand, it would give the British Planters and Merchants, a better Opportunity to send their Sugar to the best Markets, as soon as they hear they may gain an Advantage by sending any thither. And two or *

12 Car. II. cap. 18. Sect. 19.

22 Car. 11. cap. 26. Sect. 11.

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three Months Charge, or Hire of a Ship, to go directly from Great Britain to take in her Loading at the Sugar Islands, may in some Cases be thereby saved, which in all Probability would amount to as much as may be esteemed a reasonable Profit upon the whole Voyage. And the Freight, by means of taking out Licences as here proposed, could be afforded at least* one Shilling per Hundred cheaper than by any Ship that is obliged to take out a Licence in, and to proceed directly from Great Britain, without an outward-bound Freight. But the Case may be otherwise where any Ship shall have a sufficient Freight from Great Britain or from Ireland, Madeira, Guinea, or elsewhere, in their way to the Sugar Islands. The first of these Acts limited the Bonds to be taken in Great Britain only. The last permitted them to be taken in the Plantations by the Governours there. Vide Extract, in the Appendix (No 4.)

RESTRICTION III. All Owners of Ships to reside in Great Britain or the Sugar Islands. No British subjects, let them reside in any Part of the World, are debarr’d from being Owners of Ships by any Acts of Trade, except by this one Act, and this Trade certainly requires the contrary as much, or more, than any one Branch of Trade at all: For the principal Part of our Shipping-Trade is usually carried on in Partnership, by Persons who have other Views of Gain than barely the Profits of Shipping, which is often a losing Trade. A British Factor at Hamburg, Leghorn, or any other Port of Europe, would join with Merchants and Plant­ ers in Great Britain, Ireland, and our Colonies, and become Joint-Owners of Ships with a View of Dispatch, the Life of the Shipping Trade. The Merchants would be concerned with a View of Commissions, and the Planters View would be to encourage a foreign Consumption; and I think I may venture to say, that this is the first Instance of British Subjects being debarr’d from promoting / and encouraging the British Trade and Navigation.

RESTRICTION IV.

All Ships bound to the Northern Part of Europe, to touch and enter at

some Port in Great Britain in their Way to such Foreign Ports.

This at first View appears to be convenient from the Situation of Great Britain in the direct Way to all the Northern Ports, where we may probably send Sugar, and no doubt many Ships will touch without any Compulsion, especially in the Summer Months, for Intelligence and Orders. And some People may think it necessary to guard against carrying on an illicit Trade; but it appears to me that sufficient Care is taken to prevent that in this Act, as well as in other Acts of *

Vide Pag. 129. /

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Trade: And since every Ship is obliged within eight Months after the Delivery of her Cargo at foreign Markets, to return to Great Britain, and there unload what she shall have on Board, I see no Cause why the like Liberty may not be given to Ships bound to the Northern, as well as Southern Ports of Europe. / And Instances may happen to make this Restriction of very ill Consequence, especially in the Cases of War, bad Weather, and contrary Winds. In War, Ships must run into some Port to deliver a Manifest, and perhaps up the Channel, and be in Danger of being taken by their Enemies; which may be avoided by going North about Scotland in their Way to the Baltick, Hamburgh, or Holland. In bad Weather, the Ships may proceed to foreign Ports with a fair Wind that may be contrary as to their touching, and prove dangerous while they are beating up and endeavouring to get into a British Port, only to deliver a Manifest of her Cargo. The Ship may be no sooner in Port, but the Wind may prove as contrary as it was fair before, and thereby detain her many Weeks for a Wind at a large Expence, and perhaps to the Loss of a good Market, in case the Ship should be preserved. I will now say a few Words on the Advantages that may in all probability attend the direct Exportation of Sugar to foreign Markets, and shall point out the Difference, in / some few Instances, between the French and English, in regard to their Sugar Trade. A low Freight, easy Supply of Negroes and other Plantation Necessaries, and a Vent of Rum and Molasses, is what are accounted the three principal natural Advantages of the British Sugar Trade: These three Articles to be nourish’d and supported with what else is herein proposed, would soon enable the British Sub­ jects to bring British Sugar to the European Markets easier and cheaper than any Foreigner whatever. But the French have lowered their Freight for Sugar within these few Years from ten and twelve Shillings, to five and six Shillings per Hundred, chiefly by means of Ships built in our Plantations, and the Increase of their Navigation; and they have of late Years push’d on their Negro Trade from Africa with the utmost Vigour; and they do not content themselves with Ships built in our Plantations, but have large Supplies of Plantation Necessaries also from thence, in Exchange for their Molasses and other Commodities*, and thereby share largely in these natural Advantages of the British Planters: whereby they / can afford Sugar near one third cheaper than they could, when they flung away their Molasses for want of a British Vent. *

Vide Barbado’s Petition, Chap. 1.

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However, as their Freight and Supplies of Negroes are still dearer than those of the British Subject, their Price of Sugar, especially their coarser Sort, is kept down very low in their Plantations, which compels their poorer Sort of Planters to live extreme low, and this whilst the British Subject sold with the French at foreign Markets under the Load of a double Voyage, being from twenty to eighty per Cent, as explained in the* Case of the British Sugar Colonies. Now as it is apparent that this direct Exportation alone will enable the British Subjects to afford their Sugar at the several foreign Ports of Europe at least two or three Shillings per Hundr. cheaper† than they did in the usual way of Trade / before they had this Liberty, this Change in Trade, with some Ease in regard to the Restrictions and other Matters herein mentioned, must naturally lower the Price of Sugar in the French Plantations at least two or three Shillings per Hundred, and of course render some of their Planters unable to live by making of Sugar, or abate their Quantity to such a Degree, as to leave room for the British Subjects to regain a great Share of this profitable‡ Branch of Commerce. What Benefits therefore may not be expected, if the Restrictions herein mentioned should be eased and taken off, since it is a Fact that Plantation-built Ships to go directly from the Northern Colonies to the Sugar Islands, and there take out a Licence, can, during the present War with Spain, afford to carry Sugar to the Streights at four Shillings per Hundred, and such Ships to be obliged to take out a Licence in Great Britain, require five Shillings per Hundred. And it is very difficult to get a Ship built in Great Britain, and otherwise restrained by the present Act, to go at six Shillings per Hundred, / which is as much or more than the French now give for the Freight of their Sugar. The French Planters have a considerable Advantage over the British Plant­ ers, in regard to Interest upon Money lent in their Sugar Colonies, which I have touch’d upon in the 6th Chapter: And the French coin in France small Pieces of Silver, and send it to their Plantations to pay off their Governours and other publick Officers, which I have also touched upon at the End of the 7th Chapter. /

* Vide Appendix (No 1.) † Vide Calculations, Pag. 123. 21 per Cent. saved on 16 s. 2 d. the neat Value of 1 Hund. of Sugar to sell in London at 25 s. per Hund. per Account No 1, in Appendix (No. 1.) is 3 s. 4 d. per Hund. So that 1 s. per Hund, saved on the first Article, is above 8 1/2 per Cent. and on the second Article above 6 per Cent. which Difference alone will beat out any Competitor in any Trade. Vide Pag. 124, 127. ‡ 26 per Cent. saved on 11 s. 6 d. the neat Value of 1 Hund. of Sugar to sell in London at 20 s. per Hund. per Account No 2, in Appendix (No. 1.) is 2 s. 11 d. per Hund.

CHAP. III.

Upon the Duties payable upon foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses imported into British Dominions. The British Legislature willing to support and encourage his Majesty’s Planta­ tions in America, and particularly the Sugar Islands, have thought fit to charge all foreign Sugar,* Penneles, Rum, Spirits, Molasses and Syrups,8 imported into Great Britain, with certain Duties which are abundantly higher than the Duties upon the like Species of British Growth.† By an Act pass’d in the 6th Year of King Geo. II. cap. 13. all these Commodi­ ties are prohibited from being imported into Ireland, and a Duty of five Shillings per Hundred is laid on Sugar or Penneles, nine Pence per Gallon on Rum or Spirits, and six Pence per / Gallon on Molasses and Syrups of the Product of any Plantation in America, not in the Possession of his Majesty, imported into any of the British Plantations in America, which is to be paid in Money of Great Britain, according to the Value of five Shillings and six Pence per Ounce in Sil­ ver, and so in Proportion for a greater or lesser Quantity to be paid down before landing. Any of the said Goods landed before due Entry and Payment of the Duty, or without Warrant from the proper Officer, are forfeited, and may be seized by the Governour, or any Person authorized by him, or by Warrant of Justice or other Magistrate, or by any Custom, Impost or Excise Officer, or their Assistants. Any Person assisting in the unlawful landing, or receiving into their Cus­ tody any of the aforesaid Goods so landed, are to forfeit treble the Value; and for molesting the Officer in the Execution of his Duty 50l. and to suffer three Months Imprisonment. Officers conniving at the said Offences, are to forfeit 50l. and be rendred incapable of holding any Place under his Majesty. * A coarse Sort of Sugar made from Molasses. † Vide Appendix. (No. 3)

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Masters of Ships, being his Majesty’s Subjects, receiving on Board any of the aforesaid / Goods, in order to land the same contrary to the true Intent of this Act, are to forfeit 100l. Such Offences and Forfeitures may be prosecuted (within two Years after the Offence) in any Court of Admiralty or Record in his Majesty’s Plantations where the Offence is committed, and the Forfeiture is to be divided 1/3 to the King (out of which the Charge of Prosecution is to be paid), 1/3 to the Gov­ ernour, and 1/3 to the Informer.* In all such Prosecutions for illegal landing the said Goods, the Onus probandi9 is to lie upon the Owner or Claimer thereof. Notwithstanding these good and wholesome Laws for encouraging the British Sugar Colonies, and discouraging those of Foreigners, it is well known that they are notoriously evaded, and great Quantities of foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses are clandestinely imported for a British Consumption, without paying more Duties than the British Subject, and in some Instances, without paying any Duties at all. / As there is generally a rising and falling of all sorts of Commodities, accord­ ing to the various Occurrences in Trade, so in Sugar, the Prices in the Plantations usually vary as the Crop or Quantity of Sugar made, is in Proportion to the Demand: When a short Crop is made, it is natural to expect a proportionable living Price to support the Planter; but sometimes, when this is the Case, in our Plantations, the French, by means of this illicit Trade, fling in their coarse Sugar that will not bear their high Freights to Europe, and thereby take the Benefit of a Vent by means of our low Freights, as such Sugar is thereby brought to Great Britain in English Casks and Shipping, and pays no more Duty to the Crown, than Sugar of the Growth of our own Plantations, which is contrary to the true Intent and Meaning of our Legislature as before mentioned, and gives a Vent by a British Consumption to the Products of foreign American Soil, raised chiefly from the Produce, Manufactures, and Navigation of old France, to the Prejudice of the Vent of the Products of British American So[i]l, raised chiefly by the Produce, Manufactures, and Navigation of Great Britain. / There is little foreign Rum imported into Great Britain, saving what is run from Dunkirk and Holland, when the Price will answer the Risque. Nor do I know of any foreign Molasses being imported, but have heard there has been large Quantities imported clandestinely from old France, and that Sugars are also run into Ireland from that Kingdom. The high Duty of six Pence per Gallon Sterling on foreign Molasses imported into the British Colonies, and the small Number of Officers on the extensive Shores of the Northern Provinces, for want of a Fund to pay Salaries to proper * Qu. If these Forfeitures are accounted Sterling Money of Great Britain,10 or Money of the Country where the Offence is committed, or Proclamation Money.

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Officers, obstructs the Intention of that Part of the said Act, passed in the 6th Year of the Reign of King George II, for the better securing and encouraging the Trade of his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies in America, since there is as much foreign Molasses imported into those Northern Colonies, as there was before the passing of that Act, which cannot amount to less than 10,000 Hogsheads, or 1,000,000 of Gallons per Annum, and little or no Duties have been paid by virtue of that Act, notwithstanding the several Precautions before mentioned. And consider­ able Quantities of foreign Sugar and / Rum are also frequently imported into those Northern Provinces without paying any Duties at all. In the last Session of Parliament the Honourable House of Commons were pleas’d to resolve as follows, viz. ‘Resolv’d, ‘That some more effectual Provision be made for securing the Duties already laid upon the Importation of foreign Sugars, Rum and Molasses into Great Brit­ ain, and his Majesty’s Plantations in America.’ In pursuance of the said Resolution, a Bill was brought into the House, and now lies in a state of Suspension; but this Bill was attended with several Objec­ tions made by some of the Merchants of London, trading to the Sugar Islands, upon account of some Difficulties proposed to be laid upon the fair Trader: Be that as it will, I shall venture to give some Hints, that I humbly apprehend may tend in some Measure to the further Security and Encouragement of the Trade of his Majesty’s Colonies in America. / The Laws now in being for the Regulation of the Plantation Trade* are very well calculated, were they put in execution as they ought to be, which would in great Measure put an end to the Mischiefs here complained of: If the several Officers of the Customs would see that all Entries of Sugar, Rum and Molasses were made conformable to the Directions of those Laws; and let every Entry of such Goods distinguish expresly, what are of British Growth and Produce, and what are of foreign Growth and Produce; and let the whole Cargo of Sugar, Penneles, Rum, Spirits, Molasses and Syrup, be inserted at large in the Manifest and Clearance of every Ship or Vessel under the Office Seal, or be liable to the same Duties and Penalties, as such Goods of foreign Growth are liable to: This would very much baulk the Progress of those who carry on this illicit Trade, and be agreeable and advantageous to all fair Traders. And all Skippers and Masters of Boats in all the Plantations, should give some reasonable Security, not to take in any such Goods of Foreign / Growth from any Vessel not duly entred at the Custom-house, in order to land the same, * 14 Car. II. Cap. 11. Sect. 2, 3, 9, 10. 7, 8 Will. III. Cap. 22. Sect. 5. 6. 6 Geo. II. Cap. 13. Vide Appendix No. 4. and pag. 132.

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or put the same on Board any other Ship or Vessel, without a Warrant or Suffer­ ance from a proper Officer. In fine, I would humbly propose that the Duties on foreign Sugar and Rum, imposed by the beforementioned Act of the 6th of King Geo. II, remain as they are, and also the Duty on Molasses, so far as concerns the Importation into the Sugar Colonies; but that there be an Abatement of the Duty on Molasses imported into the Northern Colonies, so far as to give the British Planters a reasonable Advantage over Foreigners, and what may bear some Proportion to the Charge, Risque, and Inconvenience of running it, in the manner they do now, or after the proposed Regulation shall be put in Execution: Whether this Duty should be one, two, or three Pence Sterling-Money of Great Britain per Gallon, may be the Matter of Consideration. /

CHAP. IV.

On the Consumption of Rum in Great Britain and Ireland. Rum is a Commodity that is universally allowed to be wholesomer than most other Spirits, and is in effect the Produce of Great Britain as much as Malt Spir­ its, Beer, Ale, Woollen, Linen, or any other Produce or Manufactures of Great Britain; because it is with British Produce and Manufactures, and with Negroes and other Materials bought with such Produce and Manufactures chiefly, that the Sugar Cane is planted and raised, and it is well known that it is from the Sugar Cane that Rum as well as Sugar is made. It is from the like Produce and Manufactures, and by a Cerculation of Trade, that such Negroes and other People employed in producing the Sugar Cane are cloathed and fed. It is British Ships, and Ships built in our Plantations chiefly with British Produce and Manufac­ tures, / that are employed in carrying those Negroes and other Materials to make the Rum, and bringing it to Great Britain, so that the Consumption of Rum may be look’d upon as necessary, and as beneficial to Great Britain, as the Consump­ tion of Malt Spirits. And whilst Rum as well as Sugar is consuming, it may with Truth be imagined, that there is at the same Time, in effect, a Consumption of Woollen, Linen, and almost all sorts of British Produce and Manufactures, and that so many Manufacturers, Artificers and Seamen of Great Britain, are thereby paid for their Industry and Labour, in Proportion to such a Consumption. The following Paragraph was inserted in a Treatise wrote in the Year 1725. ‘If once People could be made to believe that the Produce of the British Colonies ought to be as tenderly regarded as the Produce of Great Britain, Rum might be put upon a Parallel with British Spirits, and in Opposition to French Brandy: A small Encouragement for the Importation of Rum into Britain and Ireland, would be a vast Encouragement to the Plantations, and very much discourage the Consumption / of French Brandy, a Commodity that is pernicious in every Degree, as Rum is benefi­ cial: Such an Encouragement would put the Sugar Colonies upon their Industry and Endeavours, to make a Spirit that might be as wholesome and as acceptable as other Spirits, to obtain which, we are annually at a great Expence of Bullion.’11 – 135 –

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Since the Time of writing this, considerable Encouragements have been given for the Importation of Rum into Britain and Ireland, which has proved very beneficial to that Branch of Commerce. In those Days there were but two Ways of importing British Rum into Ireland, one was by running it, and the other was to swear it was French Rum; but by an Act passed in the fourth and fifth Years of the Reign of his present Majesty King George II, British Rum was, amongst other unenumerated Goods of Plantation Growth, permitted to be imported into that Kingdom directly from the Plantations. The Duty or Excise upon British Rum and French Brandy, has also been regulated since that Time; and Brandy now pays four Shillings and eight Pence per Gallon, and Rum but three Shillings and eight Pence per Gallon / for Excise, besides Duty*, so that Rum pays towards the Excise one Shilling per Gallon less than French Brandy. This Difference of one Shilling per Gallon with the small Difference of the Duty† it seems is not sufficient to prevent running very large Quantities of French Brandy which pays no Duties at all to the Crown; wherefore it is apprehended a farther Abatement or Regulation to fix Rum at three Shillings per Gallon for Duty and Excise, and Brandy at five Shillings per Gallon, will in great Measure encourage the Consumption of Rum, and thereby prevent the Running of such great Quantities of French Brandy or Rum either, and such Rum would then pay for Duty and Excise above five Times as much as Malt Spirits, which is far from a Parallel. Suppose then that such an Encouragement, if granted, should cause an Importation of 8000 Hogsheads, or 800,000 Gallons of Rum, instead of 5000 Hogsheads, or 500,000 Gallons supposed to be now annually imported, the Account would stand thus, / 800,000 Gall. at 3 s. per Gall. is 120,000 l. 500,000 – at 4 s. – is 100,000 l. The Difference in Favour of the Crown by this Branch of the Revenue, would be 20,000l. per Annum, and the British Planters would then find a Vent for 3000 Hogsheads of Rum annually more than they do now, which at twelve Pence per Gallon in the Plantations, amounts to 15,000 l. per Annum, (besides Duty, Excise, Freight, Commissions, and other Charges.) This last Sum would of Course be returned to the Plantations chiefly in British Produce and Manu­ factures, in like manner as the Proceeds of the 500,000 Gallons, supposed to be annually imported, is now returned. Such an extraordinary Encouragement in the Vent of 3000 Hogsheads of Rum, would not only prove beneficial in regard to the Particulars abovemen­ tioned, but would of course encourage and encrease our Sugar Plantations so, as to raise a greater Quantity of Sugar as well as Rum, and thereby advance the Traffick and Navigation of Great Britain in proportion. * To be paid by the Importer in ready Money, without Discount upon Entry before Landing. † Vide Appendix No. 3.

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Should I be mistaken in regard to the Advancement of the Revenue by lowering the / Excise on Rum as here proposed, and admitting the lowering any Duties, cannot be dispensed with at this Time, there is still Room to give some further Encouragement for the Importation and Consumption of this wholesome and most valuable Commodity, by permitting it to be landed, and lay in the King’s Warehouse without paying the Excise until sold, or otherwise disposed of by the Importer, as in the Case of Jamaica Coffee, Arrack, or other India Goods. This would ease this Branch of Trade to a high Degree, as the Duty and Excise on Rum is now paid down upon Entry before landing, and amounts to * four times as much as the first Cost, or neat Value of that Commodity to the Proprietor, insomuch that the Factors now refuse to accept of any Consignments of Rum from the Planters. And in Case the Importer should be inclined to export any Rum, or sell any to the outward-bound Shipping, it may be done without any Regard to the Duty or Excise, and thereby a large Quantity of British Rum may find a Vent instead of French Brandy, / and such Rum may be afforded to the outward bound Ship­ ping, at two Shillings per Gallon, or under; and now two Shillings and six Pence, to three Shilings, is usually given by the outward-bound Ships for French Brandy: And such a Vent to the Shipping only, may, in all probability, amount to Thirty thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum, and upwards, without any Prejudice to British Spirits, but altogether in favour of British Subjects, and to the Prejudice of the French Nation, our greatest Rivals in Trade. /

*

The Duty and Excise on 10 Hogsheads of Rum, is about – 200 l. The first Cost, or neat Value, is usually about 50 l.

CHAP. V.

On the Regulation of Money throughout all his Majesty’s Colonies in America. This is a Matter of a nice, intricate Nature, and I fear it is beyond my Reach; however I shall use my best endeavours to lend a helping Hand to an Affair that calls so loudly for help. On the first Settlement of the British Colonies in America, an English Crown was five Shillings Denomination, but the Trade there was carried on chiefly by exchanging one Commodity for another, and with little or no Silver or Gold: Sugar, Tobacco, and Rice, served as a Medium for Trade in some of the Planta­ tions. In Barbadoes the Merchants kept their Books, and the publick Officers received their Fees in Sugar fixt as a Standard at 12 s. 6 d. per 100 weight; so that the Exchange between that Island and England, varied in Proportion to the Price of Sugar in England and / 100l. in Barbadoes was sometimes worth 105l. to 108l. Sterling in England. As the American Commerce flourished, foreign Silver and Gold Coins were introduced, and became a Medium for Trade, and Bills of Credit, commonly called Paper-Money, were emitted in some of the Colonies by their Govern­ ments, to be discharged by some Tax or otherwise, at certain Times to come, which added to their Medium of Trade, and answered the Intention of those Colonies whilst they kept within due Bounds. As the said Silver Coins went by Tale,12 and were not mill’d, they were clipt to such a Degree, that the Exchange to England varied in Proportion, and the Paper-Money also varied in Value, and was depreciated in several of the Colonies, occasioned by their emitting more than their Trade and Property could bear, or from some other Imperfections, and in some of the Colonies, such Paper-Money, notwithstanding its Undervalue, went in Discharge of prior Contracts, made when such Money was of a greater Value, and instead of varying in Denomina­ tion in Proportion to its intrinsick Value with Silver, the Principal Standard in other Countries, they varied the nominal / Price of Silver in proportion to the – 139 –

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Value of their Paper-Money; so that an Ounce of Silver that formerly went for 6 or 8 s. per Ounce, has since gone for 28 s. Money of New England per Ounce, and for 42 s. Money of Carolina per Ounce; so that in Process of Time, almost every Province, as well as the Islands, varied more or less in their Currency, and con­ sequently in their several and respective Exchanges between Great Britain, the Centre of the Plantation Commerce, and those Colonies, which put the whole American Trade upon a state of uncertainty, and into such Confusion, that no Trader could tell how to value his Debts after they were once contracted. Her Majesty Queen Anne by her Royal Proclamation bearing Date the 18th June 1704, did publish and declare, ‘That from and after the first Day of January next ensuing, no Seville, Pillar, or Mexico Pieces of Eight, tho’ of the full Weight of seventeen Penny-weight and an half, should be accounted, received, taken, or paid within any of the Colonies or Plantations, as well those under Proprietors and Charters, as under her Majesty’s immediate Commission and Government, at above the Rate of 6s. / per Piece current Money, for the Discharge of any Con­ tracts or Bargains to be made after the first Day of January next; the Halves, Quarters, and other lesser Pieces of the same Coin, to be accounted, received, taken, or paid in the same Proportion; and that the Currency of all Pieces of Eight, of Peru Dollars, and other foreign Species of Silver Coins, whether of the same or baser Alloy, should after the first Day of January next stand regulated according to their Weight and Fineness, according and in Proportion to the Rate before limited and set for the Piece of Eight of Seville, Pillar, and Mexico, so that no foreign Coins of any Sort be permitted, to exceed the same Proportion on any Account whatsoever.’ In the 6th Year of the said Queen Anne, an Act was passed for ascertaining the foreign Coins in her Majesty’s Colonies or Plantations in America, whereby it was enacted, ‘That if any Person within any of the said Colonies or Plantations, as well those under Proprietors and Charters, as under her Majesty’s immediate Commission and Government, should after the first Day of May 1709, for the Discharge of any Contracts / or Bargains to be hereafter made, account, receive, take, or pay any of the several Species of foreign Silver Coins mentioned in the before recited Proclamation, at any greater or higher Rate, than at which the same is thereby regulated, settled and allowed to be accounted, received, taken or paid; every such Person so receiving, accounting, taking, or paying the same, contrary to the Directions therein contained, shall suffer six Months Imprisonment with­ out Bail or Mainprize, &c. and shall likewise forfeit the Sum of 10 l. for every such Offence, &c. But with a Proviso, that nothing in the Proclamation should extend or be construed to compel any Person to receive any of the said Species of foreign Silver Coins at the respective Rates in the said Proclamation mentioned.’ By the abovementioned Regulation, Silver at 17 dwt.13 12 gr. for 6 s. is equal to 6 s. 10 2/7 d. per Ounce.

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And there is a further Proviso in the said Act of 6th Queen Anne, whereby it is declared, ‘That nothing in the said Act contained shall extend, or be construed to restrain her Majesty from regulating and / settling the several Rates of the Species of foreign Silver Coins, within any of the said Colonies or Plantations, in such other Manner, and according to such other Rates and Proportion, as her Majesty by her Royal Proclamation for that purpose to be issued, shall from Time to Time judge proper and necessary, or from giving her Assent to any Law hereafter to be made in any of the said Colonies or Plantations; but that such farther Regulations may be made, and such Assent given, in as full and ample Manner to all Intents and Purposes, as the same might have been done in Case this Act had not been made, and no otherwise, any thing before contained to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding.’ The changing the Value of current Money in any Country must certainly make a considerable Change in many Mens Properties, unless due Care is taken to proportion and ascertain the old Currency with the new intended Currency. But this not being fully provided for by the said Proclamation or Act, altho’ they extended only to Contracts made after a certain Day to come after the Proc­ lamation, yet as the Contracts made before that Time, remained / under a State of Uncertainty and Difficulty, few of the Colonies have, or could without much Loss and Confusion observe this intended Regulation to this Day. Barbadoes indeed struggled through it with much Difficulty and Loss to many of its Inhabitants, and observe it to this Day. The Money-holders lent their Money just before the Regulation took Effect, for several Months with­ out Interest, the Borrowers paid it to their Creditors, some with Loss, and some without, so it passed from Hand to Hand, and Exchange, between England and that Island, fell from 60 to 25 per Cent. which proved a great Loss to several, and particularly to those who contracted Debts while such Exchange was at 60 per Cent. and paid them when it was reduced to 25 per Cent. and also to those who had light clipt Money upon their Hands. However, since this Regulation this Colony has had an extensive Credit, because every Creditor is sure his Money will be of equal Value when it is repaid: And the Exchange between that Island and London is now about 30 per Cent. which is near the Proportion between 5s. 3d. the Value of an Ounce of Silver in England, and 6 s. 10 2/7 d. the Value of an Ounce of Silver in Barbadoes. / The Exchange of the Leeward Islands plays at about 60 per Cent. and that of Jamaica at about 40 per Cent. and varies from Time to Time, according to the nominal Value they put upon their Gold and Silver Coin, and other Incidents. Carolina for the same Reasons, and from a large Emission of PaperMoney, have raised their Exchange to 700 per Cent. Advance, and New England to upwards of 400 per Cent. Advance, which has proved a great Loss from Time to Time to such as have given Credit in and to those Provinces, but as such Loss

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has happen’d gradually, it has not been felt so severely as at first View it may appear, and the Price of Silver and Exchange in New England has vary’d but lit­ tle within the last four Years. New York, the Jerseys, and Pensilvania, allow 8 s. 6 d. to 9 s. for an Ounce of Silver, and their Exchange is from 65 to 70 per Cent. Maryland allows 10s. to 11s. per Ounce, and Exchange there is at about 100 per Cent. Advance; Bermudas is much as Barbadoes, and Virginia is at 6 s. 8 d. per Ounce, and Exchange there at about 25 per Cent. Now for the better regulating all Money and Exchange throughout all his Majesty’s Colonies / and Plantations in America, I would propose that there be an equal and fixed Price for Silver throughout all those Colonies and Plantations, and that all Contracts or Bargains from some certain Day to come, be made for such Money, and such Money to be accounted, received, taken, paid, sued for and recovered accordingly. And no Recovery to be made for any Money of different Sorts or Denominations that shall be contracted for after such Time, except for such Money, and at such Prices as shall be herein after mentioned. This will natu­ rally be called Sterling Money, Proclamation Money, or new Money, and what is now Current, be it what it will, will be called old Currency or old Money. In order to prevent any Loss or Inconvenience by such a Regulation to any Creditor, Debtor, or Money-holder, I will suppose the Standard of Silver should be fixed at 5s. 3d. per Ounce, the Price of Silver in Pieces of Eight or Bars; then, L. 100 new Money would be equal in Value to L.

130 old Currency in Barbadoes and Bermudas, and

140 old Currency in Jamaica, /

160 old Currency in the Leeward Islands,

500 in New England,

165 in New York, the Jerseys, and Pensilvania.

125 in Virginia,

200 Paper Money in Maryland,

800 in Carolina.

Or in such Proportions as the present Currency of the several and respective

Colonies shall really bear to either of the undermentioned Prices of Silver, as may be found most agreeable, viz.

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s. d. per Ounce, which is equal to 6 s. for 17 dwt. 12 gr. the Price 6 102⁄7 regulated by Queen Anne’s Proclamation, confirmed by an Act of Parliament in the 6th s. d. Year of her Reign. per Ounce, the Price ascertained for Payment of the Duties 5 6 on Foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses imported into the British Plantations in America. s. d. 6 Geo. II. cap. 13. per Ounce, may be accounted the Price of Silver in Pieces of 5 3 Eight or Bars. / s. d.

5 2 per Ounce, is the Price of English Silver Coin or Sterling.

Notwithstanding such a Regulation there would still be a small Exchange in the several Plantations, in Proportion to the Risque, Charge, and other Inci­ dents attending the transporting Money from one Country to another; but every one, for the future, may expect an equal Value upon the Repayment of the Money he shall credit, lend, or trade for in the Plantations, without having the Value of his Property depreciated by any Law or Custom while it is in other Peo­ ple’s Hands; which is the principal Design of this Proposition. And Gold must and will always bear a Value in Proportion to such a Standard of Silver: But it is however proposed, that all Gold Coins, and other Commodities, do pass for the Satisfaction of all Contracts made or to be made before such a Period of Time, at the several and respective Rates or Prices, and in like manner as they now pass in each and every Colony respectively. And should there be a necessity for creat­ ing and issuing out Bills of Credit, commonly called Paper Money, to answer a Medium / of Trade, or any extraordinary Emergency in any of the Plantations, there may be a Proviso, that some reasonable Sums, to be limited, may be issued or emitted, provided there be a Fund sufficient to answer an Interest on all Bills of twenty Shillings Value or more; and likewise gradually to pay off, discharge, and sink the same within a limited Time. But that nothing in any Act, to be made in any of the said Plantations or Colonies, to extend, or be construed to compel any Person to receive any such Bills of Credit or Paper Money in dis­ charge of any Debt, or to allow or account the same a legal Tender, unless such Act shall have first received the Royal Approbation. Now suppose Order should be taken that all Bargains and Contracts that shall be made after the first Day of January next, in any of his Majesty’s Planta­ tions or Colonies in America, be made, received, paid, and recovered conformable to the Act past in the 6th Year of the Reign of Queen Anne, entitled, An Act for ascertaining the Rates of foreign Coins in her Majesty’s Plantations in America:

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And that all Bargains and Contracts made or to be made in the said Plantations or Colonies before that / time be paid, received, and recovered at the current Value or Rate that the current Moneys, of any kind or nature soever, actually bore on the first Day of February last in the said Plantations or Colonies respec­ tively, in Proportion to 6s. for 17 dwt. and 12 gr. or 6s. 10d. 2/7. per Ounce, the Price of Silver ascertained by the said Act. And that the Rates or Value of all such current Money, as it stood on the said first Day of February be settled and ascer­ tained by the Governor and Council of each Province or Colony respectively, or by some other Authority. This Regulation would be no ways prejudicial to any Debtor, Creditor, Leg­ atee, Annuitant, or any other Person whatsoever; since the Money of all sorts that is now Current, or that may hereafter be emitted as above proposed, will pass at its respective Value, according to Contract, to a fixt Standard of Silver, in like manner as Moydores,14 Guineas, and other Coins, or as India, Bonds and other publick Securities now pass in Great Britain. On the other hand, suppose the said Proclamation and Act should be attempted to be put in Execution, without any Regard to Contracts made before such an Attempt, the greatest / Confusion must ensue in some of the Colonies; since in New England and Carolina every Debtor, to comply with that Act, with­ out some further Proviso, must pay the value of 4 or 500 Guineas for every 100 Guineas he contracted to pay, or stands chargeable with, by means of any Legacy, Annuity, or otherwise, even if it was but a few Months before: or to speak in other words, he must pay four or five times as much as he ought to pay. /

CHAP. VI.

On Interest upon Money in Colonies. Interest upon Money lent, or otherwise credited in America, seems to want some Regulation in some of the Colonies, especially in the Sugar Islands, where Interest runs at 8 and 10 per Cent. per Annum; except at Antigua, which Island has lately reduced it to 6 per Cent. High Interest may be convenient and necessary in new settled Colonies, where the Risque is great, and the Profits answerable. Low Interest in all Countries that are well settled and established, is ben­ eficial to the landed Interest, or landed Property, and the landed Property of a Colony ought to be preferred by the Mother Country before the Usurers Inter­ est; because the Produce of any Colony can be afforded cheaper where Interest is low, than where it is high, as Experience / hath shewn in the Case of the French and British Sugar Islands. High Interest in Sugar Plantations, where the Produce of the Land is reduced to a low Price, and any large Sum is owing, will infallibly ruin the landed Debtor, sooner or later, in Proportion to the Sum he owes, which has been the unfortu­ nate Case of many of our Sugar Planters. Should Interest be lower in the Colonies, the Planters Security would be better, and as long as Sugar, or any other valuable Commodity is raised in the Plantations, Necessaries will be carried thither, and in Course of Time, with a low Interest, long Credits may be out of Use, and every Ship may then carry Home the Proceeds of her Cargo, which will answer the Intention and Interest of the British Merchant better than to leave his Trading-Stock in the Colonies at a high precarious Interest. Since the natural Interest of Money in England is now at 3 and 4 per Cent. I should think 6 per Cent. a full Interest in any of our American Colonies; but the Fall of the Produce of the Sugar Islands, and the Calamities the Planters have of late Years laboured under, have made such a Change in Property / in some of the Islands, that the publick Officers, Lawyers and Usurers, have gained such a Superiority over the landed Interest, that the poor Planters can’t hope for any – 145 –

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Relief in this particular, unless the British Legislature shall in their great Wisdom interpose, and settle Interest at once throughout all his Majesty’s Colonies and Plantations in America at 6 per Cent. upon all future Contracts. This may seem the more reasonable, as large Sums are now lent to some of the richest Planters at an Interest of 5 per Cent. only, which enables them, in many Instances, to engross the Lands of the poorer Sort of Planters, who are obliged to pay 8 and 10 per Cent. Interest, until they quit their Habitations, and sometimes the Islands, and thereby abate the Strength of such Colonies. The common Interest in the French Sugar Islands is but 5 per Cent. and that as Usury is discouraged, and the Dealers that way call it Rent; and this low Inter­ est may be justly esteem’d one of the Causes of the great Increase of their Sugar Colonies, and particularly in encouraging their poorer sort of Planters to settle and improve their new Plantations. / If there should be an Instance where any Colony should find it for their Advantage at any time hereafter, to give more Interest than what is here pro­ posed, there may be a Proviso, that a Law may be made in such Colony to allow such Interest as the Demands of the Colony may require, but to be limited to some short Term of Years, or not to be in Force until it shall receive the Royal Assent. /

CHAP. VII.

Touching the Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. paid in Barbadoes and the

Leeward Islands.

The Produce of Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands (but not Jamaica) pay this Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. on its being shipped off. It was given by the Inhabitants in the Year 1662 to his Majesty King Charles the Second, his Heirs and Succes­ sors for ever, and by the Island of Barbadoes for the following Uses, viz. For maintaining the Honour and Dignity of his Majesty’s Authority there. The publick Meeting of the Sessions. The often Attendance of the Council. The Reparation of the Forts. The building a Sessions House and Prison. And all other Charges incident to the Government. / But little Benefit, in Proportion to the Burthen, has hitherto accrued from this Duty to the Inhabitants of this Island, who have been, and still are obliged to have recourse to other Methods to raise Money for most of the Uses for which this very Duty was given; and some time past great Abuses had crept into the Management of it; but upon proper Representations being made, new Orders and Regulations were sent over in order to reform those Practices for the future, and to ease the Planters who pay this Duty. There is payable out of this 4 1/2 per Cent. 1000 l. Sterling per annum to the Heir of the first Proprietor, and 2000l. Sterling per annum to the Governour of Barbadoes, and it likewise pays the Officers who have the Care of this Duty and the Acts of Trade, and also of the Duties laid on certain * enumerated Com­ modities carried from one Plantation to another. This Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. is rather the more burthensome upon the Sugar Trade, as it is in effect paid altogether by the Sugar Planter, and that too, upon his improved and manufactured Sugar as well as the raw or dead Produce, and / consequently upon the Value of the annual Produce of his Buildings, Negroes, Horses, Cattle, and other Stock on his Plantation, which in Barbadoes usually *

25 Car. II. Cap. 7. Sect. 3.

– 147 –

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costs, and is actually worth twice or three times as much as the bare Land. There are Numbers of Inhabitants, as well Jews as Christians, who have a great Number of Negroes and other large Properties in these Colonies, that do not pay a Penny of this publick Duty. A Duty to be raised upon Negro Heads and the Towns in Barbadoes, according to the usual Custom of raising Taxes there, to answer every Purpose of this Duty, would be more equal, as Matters are now circumstanced; since every one would then pay an equal Portion of the publick Charge, and then the Planters Quota of 10,000l. to be raised in Barbadoes in that manner, would not amount to much more than one third of what he now pays to raise the like Sum, as may appear from the following Calculations, viz. / Suppose a Plantation in Barbadoes may make 50 Hogsheads of Sugar (Clay’d and Muscovado together) to pay for the said Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. 9s. per Hogshead, according to the present Regulation, 60 Hogsheads of Rum at 4 s. per Hogshead.

l. 22

s. 10

12 34

10

Suppose there may be 100 Negroes to make the above Sugar and Rum.

100 Negroes at 2 s. 6 d. per Head. 2 s. 6d. per Head on 60,000 Negroes, the usual Number for which Taxes are paid, will amount to The Proportion of the Towns, Jews, and Patent Officers to the above Sum may be computed at Then the whole Tax will amount to

l.

s.

12

10

l. 7,500 2,500 10,000

/

So that 12l. 10s. on Negroes (without any regard to Windmills) will be the Planter’s Quota to raise 10,000l. as above; and the 4 1/2 per Cent. Duty seldom raises so much per annum, altho’ the Planter’s Quota amounts to 34l. 10s. as above. And there are several Planters in the Windward Sugar Islands who make three or four times the abovementioned Quantity of Sugar and Rum with a pro­ portionable Number of Negroes. The said Sum of 10,000 l. thus to be raised on the Inhabitants in general, may still answer the following Purposes, viz.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

House Rent in Barbadoes, and Officers, including the whole Salary of the Sur­ veyor-General of the 4 1/2 per Cent. now

all paid in Barbadoes.

To the Heirs or Assigns of the E. of Car­

lisle first Proprietor. To the Governor of Barbadoes There will then remain for other Uses. Total

149

Sterling Money.

Barbadoes Money.

2550

3315

1000

1300

2000 5550 2142 7692

2600 7215 2785 10,000

The Surplus will then be above 2000l. Sterling; Part of which may be applied towards fortifying the Island, and making a good Harbour at Bridge-Town, for the Security of Shipping against Weather or Enemies. The Leeward Islands may be accounted for much in the same manner as Barbadoes, saving the Annuity to the first Proprietor and the Surveyor-General’s Salary. Such a Tax as here proposed would also be more agreeable to the Custom of Great Britain, where personal Estates are taxed as well as Lands for the Subsist­ ance of the Government, and every one pay their Proportion towards the publick Expence. It was proposed the last Session of Parliament by a noble Lord in one House and by a worthy Member in the other, that this burthensome Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. be taken off. And it was further proposed, that a Sum of Money, and a handsome Sum too, be paid by the Government as a full Equivalent to all those who have a Right in, or to the said Duty. This, no doubt, would be a great Encour­ agement to the Planters of those Windward Islands, and enable them to give a helping hand towards turning the Scale of the Sugar Trade in our Favour. / The French coin small Species of Silver in Old France for the particular Use of their Colonies, in order to pay off their Governours and other publick Offic­ ers, and ease their Trade. And should there be Silver and Copper Money coined in England, and sent to our Plantations for the same Purposes, it would not only ease our Planters, but would also revive and nourish the Trade of our Colonies to the great Benefit of their Mother Country. And this may be done from such Duties as may arise upon foreign Sugar, Rum, and Molasses, and other foreign Products imported into his Majesty’s Plantations in America, or from such other Fund as may be found most proper. /

APPENDIX.

NO I.

The Case of the British Sugar Colonies in the Year 1739. The present Situation of the Trade of the Sugar Colonies in general is now so well known as to need no Proof, that Great Britain has near lost that Branch of Trade which concerns the supplying of Hamburgh, Holland, Flanders, the Bal­ tick, and the Mediterranean with Sugar. The British Sugar Islands have for many Years past raised Sugar sufficient to answer the Demands of Great Britain and Ireland, and when they had a Vent for it, raised a considerable Surplus for Re-exportation, insomuch that Great Brit­ ain from the Year 1713 to 1718, exported about 18,000 Hogsheads per annum out of about 62,000 Hogsheads imported of ten hundred Weight neat to the Hogshead; and as the Home-consumption / hath gradually increased, so from that Time the Sugar Planters have not only made Sugars sufficient to answer the Demand of the Home Market; but whilst they had any Exportation, imported a considerable Surplus to answer the Demands of Foreign Markets. From the Year 1728 to 1733 there was above 93,000 Hogsheads of Sugar imported per annum, of which about 14,000 were re-exported, including Ire­ land and the Plantations; but the Remainder being much more than was wanted for the British Consumption, the Price was bore down to 18 s. 16 s. and 11s. per Hundred, after having paid above 8 s. per Hundred for Custom, Freight, and other Charges, which left to the Planter or Merchant Adventurer not above One Half-penny, or at most a Penny per Pound for his Sugars. These low Prices of Sugar, which held to the Year 1736, except in some very few and short Intervals, put a Damp upon the Progress of the Sugar Planters, and several of their Plantations were flung up and abandoned, and now lie wholly uncultivated, and others are under-managed for want of a sufficient Supply of Negroes, and other Necessaries; / and the Importation of Sugar into Great Brit­ ain hath diminished above 15,000 Hogsheads per annum for the last Five Years. – 151 –

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Great Britain from the Year 1715 to 1719 exported to Foreign Markets only about 17,000 Hogsheads of Sugar per annum; and from the Year 1733 to 1736 exported not more than 2,300 Hogsheads per annum; and in the Year 1737 not 450 Hogsheads, and now there is little or no Sugar re-exported from Great Britain, except to Ireland, which is a Home-consumption; all which appears by the Accounts in Appendix (A) to this Case. The French, our greatest Rivals in the Sugar Trade, supply with their Sugars all the Foreign Markets, that were used to be supplied by the British Subjects, to the Amount of several hundred Thousands of Pounds Sterling per annum, whereby their Sugar Plantations are arrived to a most flourishing Condition. Before the Year 1716 no French Sugars were known to be imported into Hamburgh, but from that Time they have gradually increased in supplying that City, and now furnish it with 30,000 of their Hogsheads of Sugar per annum; and there is such a vast Quantity of French Sugars imported into Holland, that / they are daily erecting new Sugar-Houses in all their Towns, without the Help or Want of any Sugars from us. This Increase of the French in their Sugar-Trade, it is apprehended, is owing chiefly to their Alteration of their Edicts, or Acts of Trade, and other Encour­ agements, whereby their Subjects get their Sugar earlier to Market; and cheaper than the British Planters can do; so long as they are compelled to bring and land their Sugars in Great Britain; before they can carry them to Foreign Markets; by which Means British Sugars have been loaded with the Expence of a dou­ ble Voyage; double Freight, double Commission, which with the extraordinary Charges attending thereon from the Port of London, the principal Magazine of our Sugar, amount to from 20 to 80l. per Cent. according to the Price the Sugar may be at, as appears by the Account in Appendix (B), besides the Disadvantage of coming so much later to Market; and by which means the French are, as our Laws now stand, enabled to undersell the English very considerably. The Liberty of a direct Exportation of our Sugars to the several Foreign Ports in Europe, under the Restrictions in the Bill now / depending, is the most probable Means of putting the British Subject in a Capacity of once more disput­ ing foreign Markets with the French; but without such a Liberty, there is not the least Probability of regaining that most valuable Branch of Commerce. The French have a Liberty of a direct Exportation not only of Sugars, but of all other their Plantation Produce to Spain, and by the Situation and Privileges of the Ports of Dunkirk and Marseilles, the French have in Effect the Advantage of a direct Exportation of all their Plantation Products to the Northern as well as Southern Parts of Europe. However useful the Acts of Trade, with regard to the Clauses restraining the Exportation of Sugars directly to foreign Markets, might have been at the Time they were passed, and for some Time after; yet the Sugar Trade in general is since

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so much altered, and now stands upon so different a Footing, that those Clauses, if not altered, must unavoidably diminish the British Shipping and Navigation, and prevent our having any Share in the Foreign Sugar Trade, contrary to the plain Intent of the Legislature, and in direct Opposition to the Act of Naviga­ tion; whilst the naval Power of / France, together with their Trade in America, will be thereby augmented. And the same Causes which streighten the British Commerce, will naturally enlarge the French; and the Naval Power of either Nation will thrive or languish, in the same Degree as their Commerce gathers or loses Strength. Our Sugar Colonies, if preserved, must always be dependent on Great Brit­ ain; and none of the Products of those Islands interfere with the Trade of their Mother Country, but, on the contrary, some of them are of the greatest Use in the Home Manufactures. Numberless Artificers and Manufacturers at home are employed in the several Branches of Trade dependent on the Sugar Islands, which take off from Great Britain very great Quantities of Woollen, Linen, Corn, Hoops, Leath­ ern, Iron, Copper, Lead, and other Manufactures, not only directly to the Sugar Plantations, but also by Way of Madeira, Africa, and the Northern Colonies, in Exchange for Wine, Negroes, Fish, and other Goods, for the Use of those Islands; all which maintain and support a large Branch of the British Navigation: Which shews, that the Manufactures, Traffick, Treasure and Power / of Great Britain depend in great Measure on the Fate of our Sugar Islands. Great Britain can never want a sufficient Supply of Sugar at a reasonable Price, since there is Room enough in the British Sugar Islands to make more Sugar than all Europe consumes. Sugar is as cheap in Old France, since that Nation had this Liberty, as ever it was before; and yet that Nation in general, hath been great Gainers by it. The Province of Carolina hath increased largely in Produce and Navigation, since it hath had the like Liberty in regard to Rice, chiefly by that Encouragement; and yet, notwithstanding, the Price of that Commodity is no-ways advanced in Great Britain, nor the Quantity of Rice imported into Great Britain decreased. The Proceeds of such surplus Sugars may amount to many Thousands of Pounds Sterling, which will of course center in Great Britain, to be laid out in British Manufactures, or remain here; and the Ships employed in the direct Exportation thereof, being restrained to come to Great Britain before they go back to America, no Danger can be apprehended of evading the Acts of Trade, by carrying Goods / of the Produce of Europe directly to the Plantations, without being first landed in Great Britain, according to Law. As the French as well as the English have each of them Lands enough in their Hands to produce as much Sugar as will supply the whole Consumption of

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Europe, it is very evident, that in a small Course of Years one or other of them must become Masters of the Trade, and beat the other out of it. It is very apparent, that the French are sensible of this, and have such a watch­ ful Eye upon this Trade, that they neglect no Opportunities of encouraging their own People to maintain the Competition, and give them every Advantage over ours that opens itself to them; and if the British Legislature think this Trade worth their keeping, they must do so too, and give the Planter all the Aid and Assistance in their power. With this Aid the British Planters and Merchants are sanguine enough to believe that they are a Match for the French, and that they can afford to sell their Sugars at a Foreign Market as cheap as they; but without it they can’t long sup­ port the Struggle. / The Crisis now comes on apace; and therefore it seems necessary that some vigorous Measure should be immediately taken, and a new Plan formed, that is better accommodated to the present Circumstances of Things, or in a little Time it may be too late; for if once this Trade should be fixed in the new Chanel the French have got it in, it will then be too late to think of bringing it back. The French have been long intent upon drawing it to themselves, and have got too great a Start upon us already. A Liberty of carrying our Sugars directly to a Foreign Market, free from the Charge, Incumbrances and Restraints that at present lie upon us, seems to be immediately necessary in order to keep this Trade from being wrested from us. For this Purpose a Bill has been brought in, and passed the Honourable the House of Commons, and which Bill (if passed into a Law) as it is humbly hoped it will, will be a Means once more of regaining the Foreign Sugar Trade. The Objections that have been made to this Liberty of a direct Exportation, though they are many in Number, carry very little, / if any Weight, with them. – The most material are these

OBJECTIONS. Object. I. That our Sugar Islands now make as much Sugar as they can; and therefore can’t spare from Great Britain any Sugar for foreign Markets. Answ. This Objection may serve to amuse those who have little or no Knowledge of the Sugar Islands; but to such as are acquainted with them, it is abundantly evident, that the British Sugar Islands can make more than treble the Quantity they now do; and should they increase in growing of Sugar, Great Britain would be more certain of a sufficient and constant Supply, than if they remain confined to the Quantity necessary for a Home Consumption; because dry Weather, Losses at Sea, and other Casualties, would be more effectually felt

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in a smaller Quantity than in a greater; and Great Britain would naturally have the Preference in case of a Scarcity. / Object. II. That the Liberty desired will raise the Price of raw Sugars in Great Britain to an unreasonable Height, and be prejudicial to the Sugar Manufactury here, by raising the Price of refin’d Sugar at Home, and preventing the Exporta­ tion of it to foreign Markets. Answ. There can be no room to suppose, but that if Sugar should bear a higher Price here than at foreign Markets, the Sugars will be imported into Great Britain, and not sent Abroad, till the Home Demand is satisfied; so that it is conceived, the Bill now depending, if passed into a Law, can have no Opera­ tion at all, but when the Price of Sugar is low in Great Britain: for ever since the French began to rival us Abroad, the Price of that Commodity has been reduced in foreign Markets. This is the Case of all Competitions in Trade; and in these Circumstances of the Sugar Trade, it would be in vain for the British Planter and Merchant to pretend, by the Liberty proposed, to raise the Price of Sugar to an unreasonable Height here. If they could effect it, this would be even prejudicial to themselves, and hurt the Consumption: All that they aim at, is to prevent the sinking of that Commodity so low, that the Planter cannot afford to bring / it to Market. Whenever this happens, the Quantity will decrease of course, and the Price must rise; so that the raising the Price of Sugar to an extravagant Height, is more to be apprehended from those Means that tend to streighten and lessen the Number of our Sugar Settlements, than from those that tend to increase and inlarge them; for a regular and constant Demand of any Commodity will always occasion a regular and constant Supply, and at a moderate living Price. As to the Sugar Manufactury of Great Britain, it was always abundantly supplied; and the Price of refin’d Sugar was never at an unreasonable Height, even when we had the largest Exportation of raw Sugars to foreign Parts, to the Amount of Twenty-Nine Thousand Hogsheads in one Year. And, to shew how little Reason there is to apprehend any great Rise of refin’d Sugars from the Bill now depending, it may be observed, that raw Sugars must rise or fall 11 s. per Hundred to affect the Price of refin’d 2d. per Pound. When the former sells at 25 s. per Hundred, the latter may be, and is afforded at 8 d. or 9 d. a Pound; raw Sugars must therefore rise from 25 s. to 36 s. per Hundred to bring the Price of refin’d / to 10 d. or 11d. a Pound*; a Price never to be expected, unless in Times of the greatest Scarcity. On the other hand, if raw Sugars should fall 11 s. per Hundred from 25 s. as it did in the Year 1732 and 1733, and remain so low for a Continuance of Time, the British Sugar Trade must be lost. With regard to the Exportation of refin’d Sugars, it is very remarkable, that though an additional Bounty is allowed upon the Exportation thereof, and though *

Vide Appendix B.

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little raw Sugar has been exported for two or three Years past, yet the Quantity of refin’d Sugar exported to foreign Markets is lessen’d, instead of being increased; so that the Exportation of refin’d Sugars seems to be no way affected by the Liberty proposed, the Contest between us and the French not being who shall supply for­ eign Markets with refin’d, but with raw Sugars; and as the Dutch and Hamburghers can and do refine as well, if not better, than the British Subjects, they are furnished with those Materials for doing it by the French, which we formerly furnish’d them with, and might do so again by the Liberty granted in the Bill. / Object. III. That this Liberty will be prejudicial to the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain. Answ. It is apprehended, the very Reverse will be the Consequence of this Liberty, because the more Vent there is for Sugar at Foreign Markets, the more Sugar will be made in our Plantations, and consequently more Negroes and other Materials for making of Sugar will be sent to the Sugar Islands, which have taken off from Great Britain within the Term of twelve Years upwards of the Value of Five Millions of Pounds Sterling, besides another Million and a half that went to Africa within that Term; all which in a Circulation of Trade must have employed great Numbers of British Ships and Seamen, which will naturally increase or diminish in Proportion to the Quantity of Sugar raised in our Sugar Islands; and it is provided by the Bill, that no Ships are to be employed in this particular Branch of Trade, but such as are built in Great Britain, and navigated according to Law; and such Ships are to return to Great Britain within a limitted Time after the Delivery of the Cargo at any Foreign / Port, before they return to America; and in this Case the Sugars, which, when we had an Exportation, used always to be exported in Foreign Bottoms, will be carried in British Bottoms. Object. IV. That the Ships employed in this Trade will be refitted at Foreign Ports, and the Seamens Wages paid there. Answ. This may be urged in regard to every Branch of Trade carried on from Great Britain to any Foreign Ports, with much greater Strength than in the present Case, because the Ships who carry Sugars to Foreign Markets under this Bill are obliged to return to Great Britain within Eight Months, which the Ships concerned in any other Branch of Trade are not obliged to do; and consequently they are not under the same Necessity or Temptation to refit, as Ships in other Branches of Trade may. Besides, if they refit abroad, they must be at a much greater Expence than if they did it at home; for when they refit at home, they discharge all their Sailors, one only excepted: Whereas, if they refit abroad, they must have all their Sailors: Whose Wages and Provision / will more than over-balance what they might otherwise save in refitting there: And as to the Seamens Wages, the Bill provides, that no more than one half thereof shall be paid before the Ship returns to Great Britain.

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But suppose they should refit and pay abroad, the Expence thereof cannot amount to one tenth of the Value of the whole Cargo, which will be altogether paid for by the Foreign Consumer; so that the other nine tenths will even in that Case centre in Great Britain, by Bills of Exchange or otherwise; great Part of which will be laid out in British Produce and Manufactures, necessary for the raising more Sugar, and thereby pay the British Manufacturer, and the Freight of the whole Voyage, and also for the whole Labour in raising the Sugar out of the Money thus raised upon Foreigners by means of this Liberty. Object. V. That this Liberty, if granted, would be of no Use, since the French would notwithstanding still undersell us in Foregin Markets. Answ. This Objection gives up the Foreign Sugar Trade as absolutely lost, and therefore opposes any Means being used to retrieve it; the / Sugar-Planters and Merchants are of a different Way of thinking, and by the Help of a direct Exporta­ tion, not only hope to share with the French in this Trade, but to beat them out of it: for with this Liberty they are of Opinion they shall be able to undersell the French, and they hope it will soon be put to the Trial whether they are or not. When we had an Exportation to Foreign Markets, all the Sugars sent abroad were chiefly exported from the Port of London, and came to the Foreign Market loaded with the increased Charges mentioned in the Calculations contained in the Appendix; and yet those Sugars were sold in Foreign Markets as cheap as the French: if therefore those Charges are taken off by a direct Exportation, it neces­ sarily follows, we shall be thereby enabled to undersell the French. Object. VI. That the Sugar Colonies make more Sugar now than they did formerly; therefore they stand in Need of no new Encouragement. Answ. The Consumption of Sugar is greatly increased, and the British Planters have increased their Sugar Settlements, and / broke up new Lands, in proportion to the Demand: But the French having rivalled them in this Trade, and beat them out of Foreign Markets, the British Planters were forced to desert and throw up many of their Settlements; and from that Time they have gone on decreasing, and the French increasing, in proportion; and if Matters go on for a few Years longer in the same Way, we shall not raise Sugar enough for our own Consumption, but must purchase that Commodity from France, as we now do all the Indigo we use: But encouraged by the direct Exportation given by this Bill, the Planters would again increase and extend their Settlements, and make Sugar sufficient to answer every Demand of our own and the Foreign Markets too. Object. VII. That the British Subjects may, as the Law now stands, send their Sugars by the Way of Cowes15 to Foreign Markets for the Charge of 2 1/3 per Cent. of the gross Amount of the Cargo; and therefore any Law for a direct Exportation is unnecessary. Answ. This Objection proceeds upon an imaginary Computation, there having been no Instance shewn of any Sugars exported by the / Way of Cowes.

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– It has indeed been done in Rice; but they are Commodities of a very different Nature, and the Expence of landing and reshipping Sugars is much greater than that of Rice, besides the Damage Sugar is liable to, by having the very Quality of it altered in their moving, the Molasses at the Bottom again intermixing with, and spoiling the upper Part of the Sugar; and likewise from the Wastage Sugar (which is in the Nature of an essential Salt) is liable to in the shifting and mov­ ing; besides, from the nicest Calculations that have been made for this Purpose, it is apprehended, that Sugars could not be exported by the Way of Cowes, but at an Expence of 10 per Cent. upon the neat Value or Proceeds of the Sugars to the Owners thereof *. But supposing the Fact was as here stated, yet every single Objection that is made against the Bill for a direct Exportation, lies, not only with the same, but much greater Strength, against carrying Sugars by Way of Cowes; because Ships going by the Way of Cowes would not be liable to any of the Restrictions laid by this Bill, nor be under any Obligation of returning to Great Britain. / So that let the Expediency of this Bill be tried upon the footing of this Objec­ tion:– On the one hand; by the Help of a direct Exportation, the Planters and Merchants think they shall be able to regain the foreign Sugar Trade; – but, with­ out it, they can see nothing but certain inevitable Ruin and Destruction upon the whole Sugar Trade of this Kingdom; so that, if they are in the Right, the Consequence of denying them this Liberty must be the entire Loss of the Sugar Settlements (and particularly that valuable Island Jamaica) to this Kingdom, and of all those many and great National Benefits and Advantages arising from them, and be the Occasion of fixing the whole Sugar Trade of Europe in the Hands of the French. – Whereas, on the other hand, if the Planters should be mistaken, no possible National Inconveniencies could arise from the Experiment being tried, because they can do the very same Thing now, by touching and landing at Cowes, and that not only without being under any of the many Restrictions provided by this Bill, but, if this Objection speaks Truth, at the inconsiderable Expence only of 2 1/2 per Cent. / Upon the Whole therefore, and as this Bill is proposed only to be a tem­ porary one for 5 Years, and as it will be in the Power of the Legislature, if any unforeseen Inconveniency should arise from it, to shorten its Duration, and as the Advantages proposed by it are of so great and so momentous a Nature, and the Disadvantages alledged so very inconsiderable; It is humbly hoped the Experiment shall be tried, and that the Bill granting Liberty of a direct Exportation of Sugars, under the Restrictions therein mention’d, shall pass into a Law. /

*

Vide Appendix (B.)

A PPE N D I X (A).

An ACCOUNT of the Quantity of Hogsheads of Sugar Exported in a Medium per Annum for 7 Years from Christmas 1715, to Christmas 1722; and for 7 Years from 1729, to 1736, distinguishing the first four Years, and the last three Years in each Term; and also of the Quantity Exported in the Year 1737, taken from the Custom-House Books, and calculated at 10 C. per Hog shead. Hogsheads of Raw Sugar at an Average per Annum. – 159 –

To Holland Germany Flanders The Baltick Total to the Northern Ports as above To the Mediterranean, and other Southern Ports Total to Foreign Markets, as above To Ireland To the British Plantations, Alderny, Guernsey, Jersey, Africa, and the East-Indies Total Exported

Refined Sugars at an Average per An. 1715 to 1729 to 1736 to 1722 1736 1737 27 328 62 22 66 8 3 280 10 12 42 5/ 64 716 85 368 402 83 432 1118 168 118 381 581

1715 to 1719 5961 6994 1990 559 15504 1080 16584 1960

1719 to 1722 2050 3258 1528 307 7143 306 7449 1596

1729 to 1733 2178 3978 1243 917 8316 568 8884 3267

1733 to 1736 232 251 192 379 1054 101 1155 4602

1736 to 1737 4 70 40 57 171 87 258 3740

36

19

41

25

80

72

494

384

18580

9064

12192

5782

4078

622

1993

1133

Sugars imported. vide p. 105. N.B. By the Accounts given in from the Custom-House, the whole Exports to foreign Markets, Ireland, and the Planta­ tions, are added up together; but by this Account they are separated, whereby the Declension of the Foreign Exportation, and the Increase of the Exports to Ireland are distinguished and put in a clear Light. /

APPENDIX (B).

An Account of the Sale of 10 Hogsheads of Sugar in London, Calculated at 25 s. 20 s. 16 s. 13. s. and 11 s. per Hundred. No (I.) at 25 s. per C. To Custom of 120 C. at 3 s. 6 d. per C. abate 5 per Cent.

Bill Money, Primage16 and Post

Lighterage17 and Wharfage 9 d. Porterage 10 d. Cooperage18 6 d. is 2 s. 1 d. per Hogshead Land-Waiters19 3 d Primage 6 d. Peerage20 1 1/2 is 10 1/2 d. per Hogshead Warehouse Rent 6 Weeks, at 3 d. per Hogshead per Week Freight on 120 C. at 3s. 6d. Commission and Brokerage 3 per Cent. Insurance on 125 l. at 4 per Cent. and Policy, being the Medium between Jamaica and the other Islands

l.

s.

19

19

00

0

3

6

1

0

10

0

8

9

0

15

0

21 43 4

0 7 10

0 1 0

5

4

6

d.

Charges Net Produce to the Proprietor Amount of the Sale of 10 Hogsheads qt. 120 C. at 25 s.

l.

s.

d.

53 96

1 18

7 5

150

0

0/

An Account of the Charges that may be saved on the 10 Hogsheads of Sugar per. Contra, by being carried from the Sugar Islands directly to Hamburgh. On Importation, as on the other Side. Bill Money, Primage and Post Lighterage, Wharfage, Porterage and Cooperage Primage, Waiters and Warehouse Interest on the Drawback, 4 Months at 5 per Cent. Commission and Brokerage

– 161 –

l. 0 1 1 0 2 4

s. 3 0 0 5 12 10

d. 6

10

6

6

4 0

l.

s.

d.

7

2

4

162

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

On Exportation to Hamburgh. All petty Charges at 6d. per C. Commission on 153 l. at 2 per Cent. Wastage and Pilferage from taking out to re-shipping 2 per Cent. Freight at 6s. 8d. per Hogshead* Insurance saved 1/2 per Cent. and Policy –

l.

s.

d.

3 3

0 1

0 2

3

0

0

3 0

6 19

8 6

20l. 9 s. 8 d. on 96 l. 18 s. 5 d. is 21 per Cent.

l.

s.

d.

13 20

7 9

4 8

No (II.) /

No (II.) at 20s. per C. To Custom, Port Charges and Freight, as before Commission and Brokerage 3 per Cent Insurance on 90 l. at 4 per Cent. and Policy Charges – Net Produce or clear Value to the Owner

l. 43 3 3

s. 7 12 16

d. 1 0 6

Amount of the Sale of 120 C. at 20s. No (III.) at 16s. per C. To Custom, Port Charges and Freight, as before Commission and Brokerage Insurance on 60l. at 4 per Cent. and Policy Charges Net Produce Amount of 120 C. at 16s.

l. 43 2 2

s. 7 17 12

d. 1 7 6

l.

s.

d.

50 69

15 4

7 5

120

0

0

l.

s.

d.

48 47 96

17 2 0

2 10 0/

An Account of what may be saved when sold at 20s. per C. On Importation. Port Charges, Interest, Commission and Brokerage On Exportation. Petty Charges, Wastage, Pilferage and Freight Commission on 122l. 10s. at 2 per Cent. Insurance 1/2 per Cent. and Policy 18l. 0s. 2d. on 69l. 4s. 5d. is 26 per Cent. An Account of what may be saved at 16s. per C. On Importation. Port Charges, Interest, Commission and Brokerage On Exportation. Petty Charges, Wastage, Pilferage and Freight, Commission, Insurance, and Policy, 16l. 4s. 2d. on 47l. 2s. 10d. is 34 per Cent.

l.

s.

d.

8 2 0

14 9 12

8 0 0

l.

s.

d.

8 2

5 9

1 2

l. 6

s. 4

d. 4

11 18

15 0

10 2

l. 5

s. 9

d. 11

10 16

14 4

3 2/

* Taking all the Northern Ports at a Medium, but the Freight to the Southern Ports is above twice as much.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations No (IV.) at 13 s. per C. To Custom, Port Charges and Freight, as before Commission and Brokerage Insurance on 40l. at 4 per Cent. and Policy Charges Net Produce

l. 43 2 1

163

s. 7 6 16

d. 1 9 6

Amount of 120 C. at 13s. No (V.) at 11 s. per C. To Custom, Port Charges and Freight, as before Commission and Brokerage Insurance on 40l. at 4 per Cent. and Policy Charges Net Produce Amount of 120 C. at 11 s. An Account of what may be saved at 13 s. per C. On Importation. Port Charges, Interest, Commission and Brokerage On Exportation. Petty Charges, Wastage, Pilferage and Freight Commission, Insurance and Policy

l. 43 1 1

s. 7 19 16

d. 1 7 6

l.

s.

d.

7 2

17 0

10 0

14l. 16s. 11d. on 30l. 9s. 8d. is 48 per Cent. An Account of what may be saved when sold at IIs. per C. On Importation. Port Charges, Interest, Commission and Brokerage On Exportation. Petty Charges, Wastage, Pilferage and Freight Commission, Insurance and Policy 13l. 19s. 0d. on 18l. 16s. 10d. is 74 per Cent.

l.

s.

d.

7 1

13 14

1 0

l.

s.

d.

47 30

10 9

4 8

78

0

0

l.

s.

d.

47 18 66

3 16 0

2 10 0/

l. 4

s. 19

d. 1

9 14

17 16

10 11

l. 4

s. 11

d. 11

9 13

7 19

1 0/

N. B. Freight from Jamaica is 10 l. per Ton of 4 Hogsheads in time of Peace, which at 12 C. per Hhd. is 4 s. 2 d. per C. which will make 1 per Cent. more on the Account No (I.) and more in proportion on the other Accounts. 6d. per C. extraordinary Freight to Hamburgh on the Account No 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

is – – – –

3 per Cent. less, makes 4 – 6 – 10 – 16 –

18 per Cent. 22 28 38 58

And so in proportion for any other Charge or Savings, in Freight* or otherwise.

*

Vide page 122, 124, 125, 126, 129.

164

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

25 20 16 13 11

l.

s.

d.

s.

d.

9 6 4 3 1

13 18 14 0 17

10 5 3 11 8

16 11 7 5 3

2 16 10 1 2

which is

N.B. 1 Hhd. of Sugar containing 12 C. to sell at

per C. produces

s.

per C. clear, as per Account,

N. B. The Sugar that has been exported to Foreign Markets, has been generally loaded with all the Charges mentioned in the above Account under the Head of savings by a direct Exportation; but if the Planter were to export his Sugars from London upon his own Account, without altering the Property, the Charges would be lessened in the Articles of Brokerage and double Commission.

No 1 2 3 4 5

Thus it appears that the Difference between the net Produce of a Hhd. of Sugar to sell at 16 s. per C. or at 25s. per C. is above 100 per Cent. altho’ the Difference of the Price is but 9 s. per Cent. which is not a Penny a Pound. / The Amount of the Savings by the direct Exportation of Sugar. To Hamburgh by the fore­ going Calculations.

At 25s. 20 16 13 11

At 12 C. per Hhd. per C. is

21 per Cent. –

26 –

34 –

48 –

74

At 10 C. per Hhd. 22 p. Cent. 27 35 49 76

To Holland, by another Calcu­ lation. At 10 C per Hhd. 21 per Cent. 26 ⅛ 35 2⁄5 50 77 ⅜

That is 7½ 8½ 10 12½ 17½

per Cent. – – – –

on – – – –

l. 96 69 47 30 18

s. 18 4 2 9 16

Which is 11 1/5 per Cent. on an Average.

Sugars Imported into Great Britain.

*

Vide page 157, to 158.

† See page 151.

d. 5 5 10 8 10

the net Produce at

Suppose the Charges at Cowes* were but 2 1/8 per Cent. this with Wastage and Pilferage, (besides Loss of Time) cannot amount to less than 5 per Cent. on the Gross Amount. s. 25 20 16 13 11

per C. – – – per C.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations From 1708, to 1718, 10 Years, 53439 1718, to 1728, 10 Years, 68931 1727, to 1733, 6 Years, 93889 1733, to 1737, 4 Years,

165

Hhds. per Ann. in an Average. †

75695

Diminished since 1733, 18194 Hhds. per Ann. at 10 C. per Hhd. Or 15160 Hhds. per Ann. at 12 C. per Hhd

s. 4 9 18 28 37

d. 8 4 8 0 4

per C.

s. 2 5 11 16 22

d. 93⁄5 71⁄5 22⁄5 93⁄5 44⁄5

per C.

d. ½ 1 2 3 4

p. lb. on refined

per lb. is – – – –

on Muscovado Sugar equal to

d. 3⁄7 1 2 3 4

which reduced as above makes

Suppose the Reduction of Muscovado Sugar by refining it is as 12 is to 20,

Admitting 25 s. per C. for Muscovado Sugar to be a Medium Price to afford the best refined Sugar at 9d. per Pound, Muscovado Sugar must rise 5s. 7d. 1/5 per C. that is, to 1l. 10s. 7d. 1/5 per C. to be equal to the Rise of 1 d. per Pound on refined Sugar, and so in proportion as above *. And the Rise or Fall of Muscovado Sugar 9s. 4d. per C. will be but a Penny per Pound more or less on the small Proportion of the general Expences of the Consumer of Muscovado Sugar, and in some Cases it is above Cent. per Cent. on the whole Amount of the Planter’s annual Produce. /

*

See p. 155. /

APPENDIX.

NO 2.

Notes on the Act for granting Liberty to carry Sugar directly to Foreign Markets. 12 Geo. II. Cap. 30. Sect. 2. 3. No Ship or Vessel is to have a Licence to carry Sugars to Foreign Parts, by Virtue of this Act, unless it shall appear by the Oath or Affirmation of the Master, that the Ship is British built, and the Property thereof is in his Maj­ esty’s Subjects, residing in Great Britain, or that the major Part of them reside there, and the Residue in some of his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies in America, and not elsewhere. But, by Sect. II. this is not to excuse Ships from being registred, pursuant to the Act of 7th and 8th of W. 3d. / Such Licences are to be taken under the Hands of the Commissioners of the Customs at London or Edinburgh, upon Bond being enter’d into for 1000 l. if the Ship be of less Burthen than 100 Tons, and 2000 l. if of that, or a greater Burthen, to comply with the Requisites in the said Act mentioned. Every such Ship to return to Great Britain within 8 Months after she shall have discharged her Lading at any Foreign Port. Sect. 5. Before any Sugar is loaded by Virtue of this Licence, the Master of the Ship is to deliver the same to the Collector of the Port, where the Lading: is to be taken in, with the Certificate annex’d, of Bond having been given, and shall declare in Writing to the Collector, whether he intends to load any Sug­ ars, by Virtue of this Licence, which must be done before any Goods are laden, otherwise this Licence will be invalid, and of no Force and Virtue. Sect. 4. In Case any Ship or Vessel, licensed by Virtue of the said Act, shall take on Board any Sugars, or other Goods, being the Property of any other Per­ son than some of his Majesty’s Subjects, and such as shall be shipp’d and laden on their proper Risque and / Account, to be carried to foreign Parts; all such Sugars, and other Goods so laden on such Ship, will be forfeited and lost. – 167 –

168

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

Sect. 5. The Merchant Exporter, before he lades any Sugars by Virtue of this Licence, or any other Goods not enumerated, is to make an Entry in Writ­ ing, with the Collector, Comptroller, and Naval Officer, expressing the Name of the Ship and Master, on which such Sugar or other Goods not enumerated, are to be laden, and where she lies, and the Places, Keys, or Wharfs, where such Goods are to be laden, or first Water-born, in order to be laden on Board the Ship; which shall be such only where an Officer or Officers are or shall be appointed to attend the lading and shipping thereof, or at such Place or Places as shall be mentioned in a Sufferance or Warrant to be taken out from the Collector and Comptroller, for that Purpose; and the Exporter shall thereon take out a Cocket,21 whereon he shall endorse the Marks, Numbers, Contents and Denominations of the Sugars to be shipped, and deliver the same to the Searcher or other proper Officer appointed to examine the shipping, and shall ship or lade such Sugars in the Presence of such Officer or Officers, or at such Place as / shall be mentioned in the Sufferance, that the Officer may attend the shipping thereof; and if upon Examination, before or after shipping, there shall appear to be more Casks or any other Sugars than such as shall be endorsed on the Cocket or Warrant, or any other enumerated Goods, all such Sugars and other Goods so shipped, or put into any Lighter, &c. or brought to be shipped, will be forfeited, together with the Ship, Lighter, &c. on which they shall be laden, and the Owners will forfeit double the Value. The Master of the Ship or Vessel before he departs from the said Colonies, must receive this Licence from the Collector, Comptroller, and Naval Officer, who are to endorse thereon, the Marks, Numbers, and Contents, and Sorts of Sugars so shipped; and the Collector, and other Officers aforesaid, are to make two Copies of such Licence, &c. which Copies are to be attested by the Master, and left with the Collector, &c. who are to send one of them to the Commis­ sioners of the Customs in Great Britain respectively. The Officers in the said Colonies are to take no more than the legal and accustomed / Fees for any of the said Entries, Cockets, Endorsements, or Cop­ ies. The Master of the Ship is to proceed directly to Great Britain, without putting into any other Port, unless forced by stress of Weather, or shall proceed to the South of Cape Finisterre, in the Case, and on the Conditions, hereafter mentioned. The Master of the Ship on his touching at any Port in Great Britain, shall deliver his Licence to the Commissioners, or the Collector and Comptroller of the Port where he arrives, immediately on his Arrival, with the Indorsements; &c. thereon or annex’d, and shall also deliver an exact Manifest of his Loading, expressing the Marks and Numbers, with the Tale and Sorts of Casks, attested

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

169

upon Oath or Affirmation, and shall also make Entry of the Sort and Quanti­ ties of all the Sugars on Board, with which he is bound to foreign Parts, and shall also declare on Oath or Affirmation, to what foreign Port or Ports he is bound with his Loading; whereupon he may then proceed, taking his Licence, &c. along with him, with a Certificate of having touched in Great Britain, and complied with the said Act. / In Case any Vessels shall proceed to foreign Parts, without first touching at some Port in Great Britain, and complying with the Directions of this Act, they will be subject to the same Penalties as if this Act had not been made, except such as shall be carried to the Southward of Cape Finisterre, as hereafter mentioned. Sect. 6. Officers of the Customs are impowered to unlade and examine suspected Ships upon Information upon Oath, and to seize such Goods as shall not be mentioned in the Manifest; and in Case there be no Fraud, Offic­ ers to reload and repair Damages. Sect. 7. The Sugars taken on Board by Virtue of this Licence, or any Part thereof, may be entered and pay Duty in Great Britain if desired. Sect. 8. If the Sugars to be loaded in the Sugar Colonies by Virtue of this Licence, are to be carried directly to the Southward of Cape Finisterre, the Master of the Ship, shall, on his Arrival in the said Colonies, and before he lades any Goods, declare the same in Writing upon Oath or Affirmation, to be endorsed on the Back of this Licence. / Sect. 9. The Master of the Ship or Vessel, must, within eight Months after landing the said Sugars at some Port to the Southward of Cape Finisterre, return with his Ship to Great Britain, and deliver his Licence, endorsed as above, to the Commissioners of the Customs, or the Collector and Comptrol­ ler of the Port where she arrives; with a Certificate signed and sealed by the Consul or two known British Merchants residing at the Port or Place where the Sugars were landed, certifying the Landing thereof, with the Number of Casks so landed, and the Marks, Numbers and Contents of each Cask, with the Name of the Ship and Master, and that they verily believe that no Tobacco, Melasses, Ginger, Cotton-Wooll, Indico, Fustick,22 or other dying Wood, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, Hemp, Masts, Yards, Bowsprits, Copper Ore, Beaver Skins, or other Furrs, of the Growth, Production or Manufacture of any British Plan­ tation in America, have been there landed out of such Ship; and the Master shall also make Oath or Affirmation to the Truth of the Certificate, and that none of the Goods before enumerated, except Sugar, were taken on Board at any of the said Colonies, or landed at the Place or / Places mentioned in the Certificate: And the Master of the Vessel shall moreover make an Entry of the Quantity and Sorts of all the Sugars laden on Board his Ship at any of the said

170

The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

Colonies, and landed to the Southward of Cape Finisterre, but not pay any Custom for the same; and if the Master neglect making such Entry, he shall forfeit 100l. And upon the Licence being returned with the Oath of the Mas­ ter, and an Account of the Lading endorsed thereon, as also the Certificate of the Consul produced, and the other Directions of the Act complied with, the Bond to be delivered up, otherwise to be forfeited and prosecuted as directed by the said Act. Sect. 15. Persons falsifying, counter-feiting, erasing or altering any Licence, Oath or Certificate made pursuant to the said Act, or knowingly pub­ lishing or using the same, shall forfeit 500l. Sect. 16. No Sugars to be carried from any of the said Sugar Colonies to Ireland, by Virtue of the said Act. Sect. 17. The said Act to commence after the 29th of Sept. 1739, and to continue in Force Five Years, and from thence to the End of the next Session of Parliament. / The Form of a License given in pursuance of the Act of the 12 Geo. II. cap. 30. By the Commissioners for managing and causing to be levied and collected His Majesty’s Customs, &c. in London. A LICENCE to load and carry Sugars of the Growth, Produce and Manu­ facture of any of His Majesty’s Sugar Colonies in America, from the said Colonies directly to any foreign Part of Europe, except Ireland, pursuant to an Act passed in the 12th Year of His present Majesty King GEORGE the Second. Whereas it appears to us by the annexed Certificate of the Collector and Comptroller of His Majesty’s Customs at the Port of That pursuant to the Act above mentioned one of His Majesty’s Subjects residing at hath given due Notice of his Intention to ship or load in the said Colonies, Sugars of the Growth, Production and Manufacture thereof, on board the Ship or Vessel called the whereof is Master, and / bound for one of the said Sugar Colonies; and for that Purpose hath given Security, with Condition to comply with the several Regulations, Matters and Things required by the said Act to be done and performed, as more fully appears by the said Certificate annexed; whereby it also further appears to us, that Proof hath likewise been made by the of the Master or Person taking Charge of the Ship, that the Prop­ erty thereof is in His Majesty’s Subjects residing in Great Britain, or that the major Part of them reside there, and the Residue in His Majesty’s Sugar Colo­ nies in America, and not elsewhere, and that the other Requisites mentioned in the said Act, have been duly complied with. KNOW YE THEREFORE, That aforesaid, the Master or other Person having or taking Charge of the said Ship or Vessel for this present Voyage, or any of his Majesty’s British

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

171

Subjects, is, or are by Virtue of the said Act, hereby licensed to ship or load at or any other of his Majesty’s Sugar Colonies in America, Sugars of the Growth, Produce and Manufacture thereof, / to be carried to some foreign Part of Europe, except Ireland. PROVIDED the Conditions of the said Bond, and the several Regulations prescribed by the said Act, be duly performed. Given under our Hands at the Custom-House, London, the Day of in the Year of the Reign of His Majesty King GEORGE the Second, and in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and ./

A PPE N D I X NO. 3 An Account of the Duties on Sugar, Rum, RATES Inwards

Sugar

Candy

Brown and Muscovadoes Sugar, from the British Plantations, the Hundred Weight containing 112 lb. of East India brown, in British Ships the Hund. not of East in Ships not belonging to Wt. cont. India Great Brit. or Ireland, or 112 lb. Foreign built. of East India white, the in British Ships Hund. Wt. not of East in Ships not belonging to cont. 1112 India Great Brit. or Ireland, or lb. Foreign built. of East India Muscovadoes, the Hundred Wt. cont. 112 lb.

not of East India

not of East India, or from the Brit. Plant

By II Geo. I. cap. 7

l.

s.

d.

l.

1

10

10 10

s.

d.

duties to be Paid on Importation By British.

By strangers.

Repaid on Exportation, in Time, by any Person

s.

l.

l.

s.

d.

1/20

l.

d.

1/20

s.

d.

1/20

0

0

3

3

18

0

3

8

8

0

2

7

7

0 0

0 0

3 1

6 8

0 6

-

3 1

8 1

6 0

-

3 1

1 3

3 9

­ ­

10

0

0

1

11

0

-

1

1

0

-

1

3

9

­

15 15

0 0

0 0

4 2

19 2

0 9

-

5 2

2 6

9 9

-

4 1

11 15

10 7

10 10

15

0

0

2

6

6

-

2

6

6

-

1

15

7

10

4

0

0

1

6

4

16

1

7

4

16

1

4

6

-

in British Ships

4

0

0

0

11

4

16

0

12

4

16

0

9

6

­

in Ships not belonging to Great Brit. or Ireland, or Foreign built.

4

0

0

0

12

4

16

0

12

4

16

0

9

6

­

of East India from the British Plantations White, the Hundred Weight cont. 112 lb.

By 12 Car. II cap. 4, & c.

in British Ships in Ships not belonging to Great Brit. or Ireland, or Foreign built.

7

6

8

2

8

4

16

2

10

2

16

2

4

11

­

5 7

0 6

0 8

0 1

11 0

1 10

16

0 1

12 2

4 8

16

0 0

8 17

8 5

10 ­

7

6

8

1

2

8

16

1

2

8

16

0

17

5

­

Inwards.

Sugar

Refined, double or single, in Loaves, in British Ships the Hundred Weight containing 112 in Ships not belonging to Great brit. lb. or Ireland, or Foreign built. in British Ships St. Thome and Panellis, the Hundred in Ships not belonging to Great brit. Weight containing 112 lb. or Ireland, or Foreign built. But if Sugar or Paneles of the British Plantations in America be exported within one Year after Importation, the whole Duty is to be repaid. 6 Geo. II. cap. 13. §. 9. Rum, the Gallon – But may not be imported in Casks under 20 Gallons. of the British Plantations in America, the Molasses of Ton Rameals from any other Place, the Ton Rum or Spirits of the British Plantations in America pays for Excise 3 s. 8 d. per Gallon single, and 6 s 8 d. double or above Proof. Brandy Spirits, or Aquavitæ (except Rum, or Spirits of the British Plantations in America) pay for Excise 4 s. 8 d. single, and 8 s. 8 d. double, or above Proof. By 6 Geo. II. cap. 17. 1 s. single, and 2 s. double was added.

Brandy

ARRACK imported from any of his Majesty’s Colonies in the East-Indies, is by 7 Geo. II. cap. 14. §. 1. to pay the same Subsidies, Duties and Excises as Brandy, and other foreign Spirits. Note by Practice pays as French Brandy. in British Ships of France (and by Practice Arrack of the East-Indies) the in Ships not belonging to Great Brit. Ton cont. 252 Gallons or Ireland, or Foreign built. of Spain, Portugal, or Italy, the Ton containing 252 Gallons.

in British Ships in Ships not belonging to Great Brit. or Ireland, or Foreign built.

Rates By 12 Car. By 11. II. cap. 4 Geo. I. & c. cap. 7 l. s. d. l. s. d. l. 17 0 0 2

Duties to be Paid on Importation By British s. 8

d. 1/20 5 8

Repaid on Exporta­ tion, in Time by any Person d. 1/20 l. s. d. 1/20 8 8 2 0 4 10

By strangers l. 2

s. 12

17 0

0

2

12 8

8

2

12

8

8

2

0

4

10

2

0

0

0

5

8

8

0

6

2

8

0

4

9

­

2

0

0

0

6

2

8

0

6

2

8

0

4

9

­

0

0

0

0

0

3

16 ½1

0

0

4

1 ½1

0

0

3

6 1½1

13 6

8

1

18 0

-

2

1

4

-

1

11

8

­

13 6

8

9

8

-

9

11

4

-

9

1

8

­

0

1 8

0

To be paid by the Importer in ready Money, without Discount upon Entry before Landing, and nothing repaid on Exportation.

0

0

0

30 0 0

5

5

6

-

5

13

0

-

4

11

3

­

0

0

0

30 0 0

5

13 0

-

5

13

0

-

4

11

3

­

0

0

0

15 0 0

3

2

9

-

3

6

6

-

2

15

7

10

0

0

0

15 0 0

3

6

6

-

3

6

6

-

2

15

7

10

Inwards

Rates By 12 Car. By 11. Geo. II. cap. 4 I. cap. 7 & c.

Duties to be Paid on Importation By British.

By Strangers.

Repaid on Exportation, in Time by any Person

s.

d.

l.

s.

d.

l.

s.

d.

1/20

l.

s.

d.

1/20

l.

s.

d.

1/20

0

0

0

20

0

0

3

17

0

-

4

2

0

-

3

7

6

­

0

0

0

20

0

0

4

2

0

-

4

2

0

-

3

7

6

­

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

2

11

3½1

0

3

2

3½1

0

2

5

9½1

Geneva the Gallon

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

2

135⁄21

0

0

2

165⁄21

0

0

2

71½1

Rosa Solis, and all other Cordial Waters not otherwise rated, the Gallon

0

0

0

0

10

0

0

1

6

1½1

0

1

7

11½1

0

1

3

4½1

Brandy

l.

in British Ships in Ships not belonging to Great Brit. or Ireland, or Foreign built. But Brandy may not be imported in any other than British or Irish Ships, or Ships of the Built of the Country of which it is the Product, or of the Port where it can only, or is most usually first shipped, nor in Casks not containing 60 Gallons. Citron Waterthe Gallon

of all other Countries not otherwise rated, the Ton containing 252 Gallons

APPENDIX.

NO 4.

Extracts of Laws and Rules relating to the Plantation Trade. 12 Car. II. cap. 18. An Act for Encouraging and Increasing of Shipping and Navi­ gation. Sect. 4. No Goods or Commodities of foreign Growth which are brought into England to be shipped or brought from any other Place or Country, but only those of the said Growth, or from those Ports where the said Growth can only, or are, or usually have been first shipt for Transportation, and from no other Places or Countries, under forfeiture of all such Goods, as also of the Ship in which they were imported, with all her Guns, Furniture, Ammunition and Apparel, one half to the King, and one half to the Informer. / Sect. 18. No Sugars, &c. to be carried from any English Plantation, but to his Majesty’s Dominions. Sect. 19. Bond to be given in England, that if the Ship takes in any Sugar, &c. in our Plantations, the same shall be by the said Ship brought to England or Ireland, and there unload the same. 14 Car. II. cap. 11. An Act for preventing Frauds, and regulating Abuses in his Majesty’s Customs. Sect. 2. The Master or Purser of any Ship or Vessel arriving from Parts beyond the Seas, shall make a just and true Entry upon Oath of the Burthen, Contents and Lading of every such Ship or Vessel, with the particular Marks, Numbers, Qualities, and Contents of every Parcel of Goods therein laden, to the best of his Knowledge; also where and in what Port she took in her Lading, who was Master during the Voyage, and who are Owners thereof, and in all Out-Ports or Members, to come directly up to the Place of unloading, as the Condition of the Port requires, and will admit, and making Entries as aforesaid upon the Penalty of the Forfeiture of 100 l. / Sect. 3. The Masters of all Ships outward bound, to enter at the CustomHouse, and declare to what Port or Place she intends to pass or sail; and before – 177 –

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they depart with such Ship out of such Port, shall bring and deliver in a Con­ tent in Writing under their Hands of the Names of every Merchant that shall have laden and put on Board any Goods and Merchandizes, together with the Marks and Numbers, and shall likewise publickly in the open Custom-House, upon his corporal Oath to the best of his Knowledge, answer to such Questions as shall be demanded of him by the Customer, concerning such Goods, upon Forfeiture of 100 l. Sect. 6. Such Person as shall forcibly hinder, affront, abuse or beat Officers of the Customs in the Execution of their Duties, to be committed to Prison by the next Justice of Peace, or other Magistrate, there to remain till the next Quarter Sessions: And the Justices of the Peace of the said Quarter Sessions shall punish the Offender by Fine, not exceeding one hundred Pounds, and the Offender is to remain in Prison till he be discharged by Order of the Exchequer, both of the Fine and of the Imprisonment, or discover / the Person who set him on work, to the End he may be legally proceeded against. Sect. 8. Any Officer that shall make any false Certificate of any Goods or Merchandizes which should have been landed out of any Ship or Vessel, shall lose his Employment, and forfeit 50 l. Sect. 9. Goods secretly conveyed beyond the Seas, uncustomed and undis­ covered by the Officers, the Owners, or such who ship’d, or caused the same to be ship’d, to forfeit double the Value of the Goods. Sect. 10. Every Merchant, or other, passing any Goods inwards, or out­ wards, shall by himself, or known Servant, Factor or Agent, subscribe one of his Bills of every Entry, with the Mark, Number and Contents of every Parcel of such Goods. Sect. 35. Every Person that shall export any Goods or Merchandize from England capable of a Ship or Vessel of two hundred Tons, upon an ordinary full Sea, to any Part or Place of the Mediterranean Sea beyond the Port of Malaga, or import any Goods or Merchandizes from the Ports or Places aforesaid to any Port of this Kingdom, in any Ship or Vessel that hath not two Decks, and doth carry / less than 16 Pieces of Ordinance mounted, together with two Men for each Gun, and other Ammunition proportionable, shall pay 1 per Cent. over and above the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage, otherwise due and payable. Sect. 36. Fish may be exported from any of his Majesty’s Dominions into any of the Ports in the Mediterranean Sea aforesaid, in any English Ship or Vessel whatsoever, provided that one Moiety of her full Lading be Fish only, and in such Case to import any Merchandize in the same Ship for that Voyage, without paying any other duties of Tonnage and Poundage than were heretofore accustomed. 15 Car. II. cap. 7. An Act for the Encouragement of Trade.

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179

Sect. 6. No Commodity of the Growth of Europe shall be imported into the Plantations, but from Great Britain, under Penalty of forfeiting such Goods, together with the Ships Guns, Tackle, Furniture, Ammunition and Apparel. Except, Salt from Europe for the Fisheries of New-England, Newfoundland, Pensilvania, / and New-York; Wines of and from the Madeiras, and the Western Islands, or Azores; and Servants, Horses and Victuals of and from Ireland, by British and in British Ships. 15 Car. II. cap. 7. Sect. 7. 13 Geo. I. cap. 5. Sect; I. 3 Geo. II. cap. 12. Sect. I. Except also Irish Linnen Cloth from Ireland, by British or Irish, so long as British Linnen is permitted to be imported into Ireland Duty free – 3, 4 Ann. cap. 8. Sect. I, II. 1 Geo. I. cap. 26. Sect. 3. 3 Geo. I. cap. 21. Sect. 1. Sect. 9. No Officer to give any Warrant for, or suffer any Sugar, Ginger, Cot­ ton, Indigo, &c. to be carried to any Country or Place whatsoever, until first unladen, and put on Shore in Great Britain, under the Penalties in the Act men­ tioned. 22 Car. 26. An Act to prevent the planting of Tobacco in England, and regulat­ ing the Plantation Trade. Sect. 11. Ireland left out, and the Bonds directed to be given by the 12 Car. II. enforced, and to be taken by the Governors of the English Plantations. / Sect. 12. The Governors of the Plantations are to return yearly to the Cus­ tom-House, a List of all Ships as shall lade any Sugars, &c. in our Plantations, and if such Ships shall unlade such Sugars, &c. in any other Port of Europe, other than England, the Ship and Cargo forfeited. 25 Car. II. cap. 7. An Act for the Encouragement of the Greenland and Eastland Trades, and for the better securing the Plantation Trade. Sect. 3. Giving Bond to bring the enumerated Goods, &c. of the American Plantations to England further enforced, and a Duty laid on certain enumerated Commodities carried from one English Plantation to another. 7, 8. W. III. cap. 22. An Act for preventing Frauds, and regulating Abuses in the Plantation Trade. Sect. 5. Officers in the Plantations to give Security for the true and faithful Performance of their Duty. Sect. 6. That all Ships coming into, or going out of any of the said Planta­ tions, and / lading or unloading any Goods or Commodities, the Master thereof, and their Ladings shall be subject and liable to the same Rules, Visitations, Searches, Penalties and Forfeitures as to the entring, lading and discharging their respective Ships and Ladings, as the Ships and their Ladings, and their Masters are liable to by 14 Car. II. And the Officers in the said Plantations shall have the same Powers and Authority for visiting and searching Ships, and taking their Entries, and for seizing, securing, and bringing on Shore any of the Goods pro­ hibited to be imported or exported, or for which any Duties are payable, as are provided by the said Act.

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Sect. 8. Notwithstanding the Payment of the enumerated Duties, no Sugars, &c. to be shipped ’till such Security given as required by the Acts of 12 and 22 Car. II. Sect. 13. Persons entring into the Plantation Bonds, to be of known Ability, and the Condition of the said Bonds shall be to produce Certificates of having landed and discharged the Goods therein mentioned in his Majesty’s Planta­ tions, or in England, within 18 Months, otherwise the Bond to be in Force. / Sect. 14. No Plantation Goods to be landed in Ireland, unless first landed in England. 4 Geo. II. cap. 15. Sect. I. It shall be lawful to import into Ireland from his Majesty’s Plantations in America, all Goods of the Growth or Manufacture of his Majesty’s Plantations (except Sugars, Tobacco, Cotton, Wool, Indigo, Ginger, Speckle Wood, Fustick, or other dying Wood, Rice, Molasses, Beaver Skins, and other Furrs, Copper Ore, Pitch, Tarr, Turpentine, Masts, Yards and Bowsprits, the Act 7 and 8 W. III. cap. 22. notwithstanding. Sect. 2. Provided the Goods be imported in British Shipping, whereof the Master and three fourths of the Mariners are English, 5 Geo. II. cap. 9. The Act 9 Annæ, cap. 12. and the Act 1 Geo. I. cap. 12. which prohibit the Importation of Hops into Ireland from Flanders, and other Parts (other than from Great Brit­ ain) shall be in Force, as if the Act 4 Geo. II. cap. 15. had never been made. /

APPENDIX.

NO. 5.

An Account of the Prices of Sugar at several Ports of Europe, compared with the Prices at London; calculated with the Duties of 3s. 4d. per C. paid in London, and the Duties at other Ports, but without any Regard to Freight or other Charges on one Side or the other. LEGHORN. Sugar is sold here at so many Dollars or Piastres per Quintal of 151 lb. Leghorn Wt. for 2 Months Credit, with a Discount of 2 per Cent. or 6 Months without Discount. lb. lb. 151 in Leghorn is equal to about 116 English. 145 or thereabouts is equal to 112 A Piastre or Dollar is from 48d. to 52d. according to the Course of Exchange, which is now at 49d, 1/4 in London. / 6 Piastres per Quintal of Leghorn is equal to 27 s. 8 – – – 35 10 – – – 43 12 – – – 51

per 112 lb. in London with the Duty of 3 s. 4 d. per C.

GENOA Sugar is sold here at so many Livres current Money per 100 lb. Genoa Wt. with an Allowance for Waste of 2 per Cent. 100 at Genoa is equal to about 70 lb. English. 159 – is equal to 112 – 181 –

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

The current Money is about 16 per Cent. worse than Bank Money, which Difference is their Agio; 5 Livres Bank is I Piastre or Piece of Eight, I Piastre or Piece of 3/8 is worth from 52 to 56 d. English, according to the Course of Exchange. 53 d. is now the Exchange at London, and 55 d. at Genoa. / 20 Livres per 100lb. Genoa Wt is equal to 26 s. 30 – – – – 37 35 – – – – 43 40 – – – – 48:6d.

per 112 lb. in London with the Duty.

VENICE. In this City they have also a Bank, and Sugar is sold at so many Ducats cur­ rent Mone[y] for a large Hundred, which is about 105lb English, and their small Hundred is 66lb. 11 oz. English. A Ducat Banco is about 51d. English; but there is a settled Agio of 20 per Cent. between Bank and current Money, which must be deducted, besides an uncertain Agio, which must also be deducted to ascertain the true Value of their current Money; so that a Ducat of current Money may be computed at about 33 to 36 d. Sterling. / 8 Ducats per 100 lb. Venice Wt. is equal to 27 s. 10 – – – – – – – 33 12 – – – – – – – 34 16 – – – – – – – 50:6d.

per 112 lb. in London with the Duty of 3 s. 4 d. per C.

NAPLES. In this City Sugar is sold at so many Ducats per Cantar of 196 lb. English, or I C. 3 Qrs. and a Ducat may be computed at 40 to 42 d. English. 100 lb. at Naples is equal to 64 lb. 10 oz. in London. 12 Dollars per Cantar is equal to 26 s. 6d. 16 – 34 : 6 20 – 42 24 – 50

per 112 lb. in London with the Duty

HAMBURG. At this City Sugar is sold at so many Grotes Bank Money per Pound, and usually / with a Rebate of several Months more or less, and 1 per Cent. for prompt Payment.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

183

100 lb. at Hamburgh is equal to 107 lb. 5 oz. in London. 112 lb. at London is equal to 104 lb. 6 oz. in Hamburgh. The Duties to the Poor are 1/2 per Cent. and Imposition 1/2 per Cent. 32 Grotes or 16 Shillings Lubs, or Styvers make a Mark, in which their Accounts are usually kept. 3 Marks is 1 Rixdollar, which is about 4 s. 6 d. Sterling, according to the Course of Exchange. 12 Deniers or Grotes, or 6 Shillings Lubs is I Shilling Flemish. 20 Shillings Flemish is 1 Pound Flemish. Exchange is from 33 to 36 Schell­ ings Flemish to one Pound Sterling, and is now at 34 s. 1 d. at London. 4 Grotes per Pound in Hamburgh without any Rebate is equal to 23 s. 5 – – – – –28 6 – – – – –33 8 – – – – –43

per 112 lb. in London with the Duties

HOLLAND. Here Sugar is sold at so many Grotes current Money per Pound.

100 lb. in Holland is equal to 109 lb. 8 oz. Holland.

Their Duty is about 3 per Cent. except what comes in ships from the Planta­

tions, for which there is an Allowance. There is a Bank at Amsterdam, and the Agio in Holland is usually from 3 to 5 per Cent. They keep their Books and Accounts in Guelders, Styvers, and Penningens. 16 Penningens is 1 Styver. 20 Styvers 1 Guelder, or Florin. They also reckon, 8 Penningens to 1 Grote. 2 Grotes to 1 Styver. 12 Grotes or 6 Styvers to 1 Schelling. 20 Schellings to 1 Pound Flemish. Exchange is from 34 to 37 Schellings Flemish to one Pound Sterling. 35 s. 5d. is now the Exchange at London. / 4 Grotes per Pound in Holland is equal to 22 s. 5 – – – – – – – 26:6d. 6 – – – – – – – 31 8 – – – – – – – 41:6

per 112 lb. in London, including the Duties

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

SPAIN. At Cadiz Sugar is usually sold on Board at so many Piastres or Pieces of Eight, or Dollars of 8 Rials Plate per Rove of 25 lb. or per Quintal of 4 Roves. A Quintal, or lb. lb. 100 of Cadiz Wt. is equal to 103 1/2 English. 100 English is equal to – 97 at Cadiz. A Piastre or Piece of 5/8 may be computed from 40 to 42d. Sterling, accord­ ing to the Course of Exchange, which is now at 41 7/8 d. 6 Dollars per Quintal of Cadiz on board is equal to 25 s. 8– – – – – – – – – – 32:6 d. 10– – – – – – – – – – 40 12– – – – – – – – – – 47:6

per 112 lb. in London the Duty of 3s. 4d. included.

Alicant, Malaga, and Barcelona have great Part of their Sugar from Cadiz. / FRANCE. Throughout this Kingdom Sugar is sold at so many Livres per Pound, but many of their Cities and Towns differ in their Weights. Their Duty is from 5 to 6 per Cent. upon a low Valuation on what is con­ sumed, and 3 per Cent. upon what is re-exported, or carried directly to foreign Markets, and their Port Charges are a good deal lower than in London. A Livre is about 10 d. 1/2 Sterling, according to the Course of Exchange; which is now at 32 d. per Crown of 3 Livres. 100 lb. in London is equal to about 88 at Rouen and Havre de Grace. 90 at Rochell. 92 at Bourdeaux. 113 at Marseilles. At HAVRE. 20 Livres per lb. is equal to 19 s. 6 d.

25 – 23: 6 30 – 28 40 – 36

per 112 lb.

in London with the Duties

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

185

At MARSEILLES.

20 Livres per lb. is equal to 24 s. 6d. 25 – 29 – 6 30 – 35 40 – 45 : 6

per 112 lb. in London with the Duties

The Difference at the other Towns may be easily computed. N.B. Accounts of this Nature are subject to many Uncertainties and Variations; particularly in regard to the Exchange, Agio, Uzance, Weights, and Drawing or Remit­ ting Bills, so that I have not regarded the odd Pence. And I hope, notwithstanding any imaginary or real Imperfections in this Account, it may prove, in some Measure, use­ ful to those who have not as yet traded to foreign Parts, especially when they receive Accounts from, or hear of the Prices of Sugar, or any other Commodity at the several foreign Places herein mentioned, which is the principal Design of this Account. /

CONTENTS.

CHAP. I. The Sugar Planters represent their Danger from the Increase of the French Sugar Colonies; and the Barbadians Petition to the King in the Year 1731. – Page 115 to 118 Setting forth the following Particulars: The Value of the Sugar Islands, and particularly the Island of Barbadoes to Great Britain. – 115 The Improvements of the foreign Sugar Colonies, and the Encouragements they enjoy. – 116 The Vent of foreign Sugar, Molasses, and Rum to the British Northern Col­ onies in Exchange for Plantation Necessaries, and / the Advantages gained by Foreigners thereby – ib. The British Sugar Colonies declining, confined to the home Consumption of Sugar, and in great Measure excluded from Ireland – ib. Their Cash sent to foreign Colonies to purchase foreign Sugar, Molasses and Rum – ib. Foreigners pay less Duties than British Subjects – 117 Barbadoes keep up their Fortifications, and maintain their Militia without the 4 1/2per Cent. or any Charge to the Crown – ib. The French trade with the Spaniards in America, and send the Produce of their Sugar Islands directly to Old Spain – ib. The English have not that Advantage, but send all their Sugar to Great Brit­ ain, and there leave 2per Cent. Duty upon Reexportation – ib. The English pay 10 per Cent. more than the French for Sugar carried to the British Northern Colonies – ib. The French send Sugar and Rum directly to Ireland, which the English could not do, and they have Supplies from Ireland on as easy Terms as the English have – ib. / A Remedy proposed to save the British Planters from the Ruin then impend­ ing over them – Page 117 to 118 – 187 –

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Encouragements and Regulations in the Plantation Trade granted since the year 1731. – 118 To what Causes these Encouragements and Regulations are owing – 119 Such farther Encouragements as are still requisite to give his Majesty’s Sub­ jects an Advantage over Foreigners in the American Trade pointed at – ib.

CHAP. II. On the Act granting Liberty for carrying Sugar from our Sugar Plantations directly to foreign Markets, with some Comparisons between the French and English in regard to the Sugar Trade – 121 to 129 Application to Parliament in the Year 1739, for Liberty to carry Sugar directly to foreign Markets – 121 Restrictions in the Act that baulk the Operation of it – ib. / The Cause of those Restrictions – ib. Restriction 1. Excluding ships built in our American Plantations, considered – 122 to 126 Plantation built Ships the principal Returns of the Produce and Manufactures of Great Britain sent to New England, and other Parts of North America – 122 A low Freight one of the greatest Advantages the British Nation has over Foreigners – ib. The French have the Benefit of our Plantation built Ships – 122 Carolina must in great Measure lose the foreign Exportation of Rice, if excluded from the use of Plantation built Ships – ib. The Value of the Rice Trade, and Fish Trade from North America – 123 The Value of the Sugar Trade – ib. The Way to regain the Sugar Trade is to enable the British Subjects to sell cheaper than their Rivals at foreign Markets – 124 The Inconveniences of this Restriction, and the Advantages that would arise to the Sugar Trade and this Nation, if Plantation Ships were admitted in this new Trade. – ib. The Northern Colonies exclaimed against / without any just Foundation – 125 The great Advantages that have arose to Great Britain by Means of a low Freight, occasioned chiefly by our building Ships so cheap in America – ib. On the Corn Countries in America – ib. The Northern Colonies are a great Support to the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain – 126 And can assist their Mother Country in Case of a War with France or Spain – ib. Restriction II. To take out Licences in Great Britain only, considered – ib. Restriction III.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

189

All Owners of Ships to reside in Great Britain, or the Sugar Islands, consid­ ered – 127 Restriction IV. All Ships bound to the Northern Parts of Europe to touch and enter in some Port in Great Britain in their Way to such foreign Ports, considered – ib. Advantages of the direct Exportation of Sugar, and Comparisons between the French and English, in regard to the Sugar Trade and the Colonies – 128 to 129 / A low Freight, easy Supplies, and a Vent of Rum and Molasses, the three principal natural Advantages of the British Sugar Planter – 128

CHAP. III. Upon the Duties payable upon foreign Sugar, Rum and Molasses imported into British Dominions – 131 to 134 Notes on the Act passed in the 6th Year of King George II. concerning the Importation of Sugar, Rum and Molasses into Ireland, and our Northern Colo­ nies – 131 French Sugars brought to Great Britain thro’ the British Colonies – 132 On the running of Rum and Molasses into Great Britain – ib. On the Trade between the foreign Sugar Colonies and our Northern Colo­ nies – 133 A Proposal to lower the Duty on foreign Molasses imported into the British Northern Colonies in America – 134 /

CHAP. IV. On the Consumption of Rum in Great Britain and Ireland – 135 to 137 Rum a wholesome and beneficial Commodity – 135 A Proposal to lower the Duty or Excise on Rum 1 s. per Gallon – 136 The Advantages that may arise to Great Britain therefrom – ib. Proposal for landing and housing of Rum before the Excise or Duty is paid, and to supply the outward bound Shipping with Rum instead of French Brandy – 137

CHAP. V. On the Regulation of Money throughout all his Majesty’s Colonies in Amer­ ica – 139 to 144 Queen Anne’s Proclamation and Act, concerning the Rates of foreign Coin – 140 A Proposal for a Remedy in regard to the Currency of Money in America – 141 The several Proportions of the current Money and Exchange in America – 142 /

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The American Colonies and the British Empire, Volume 3

CHAP. VI.

On Interest upon Money in Colonies – 145 to 146

CHAP. VII. Touching the Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent. paid in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands – 147 to 149 The Uses of the 4 1/2 per Cent. Duty – 147 The Application and Management of it – ib. How burthensome to the Sugar Trade, as being all paid by the Planter – ib. Proposal for transmuting this Duty – 148 Another Proposal for taking it off, and sending Money in Specie from Great Britain to pay all the publick Officers – ib.

APPENDIX. No. 1. The Case of the British Sugar Colonies, with an Appendix (marked A.B.) printed / in the Year 1739, when the Bill for granting Liberty to carry Sugar directly to foreign Markets was depending in Parliament 151 to 165 Objections to the said Liberty. With Answers subjoin’d to each distinctly. 1. Objection. That our Sugar Islands now make as much Sugar as they can, and therefore can’t spare from Great Britain any Sugar for foreign Markets. Answered – 154 2. Objection. That the Liberty desired will raise the Price of raw Sugars in Great Britain to an unreasonable Height, and be prejudicial to the Sugar Manu­ factory here, by raising the Price of refined Sugar at home, and preventing the Exportation of it to foreign Markets. Answered – 155 3. Objection. That this Liberty will be prejudicial to the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain. Answered – 156 4. Objection. That the Ships employed in this Trade will be refitted at foreign Ports, and the Seamens Wages paid there. Answered – ib. 5. Objection. That this Liberty, if granted, would be of no Use, since the French / would notwithstanding still undersel us in foreign Markets. Answered – 157 6. Objection. That the Sugar Colonies make more Sugar now than they did formerly, therefore they stand in need of no new Encouragement. Answered – ib. 7. Objection. That the British Subjects may, as the Law now stands, send their Sugars by the Way of Cowes to foreign Markets, for the Charge of 2 1/2 per Cent.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations

191

of the gross Amount of the Cargo, and therefore any Law for a direct Exporta­ tion is unnecessary. Answered – ib.

APPENDIX. (A) An Account of the Quantity of Sugar exported, and to what Ports, from the Year 1715 to 1737 – 159

APPENDIX (B) An Account of the supposed Sale of 10 Hhds. of Sugar in London at 25 s. 20 s. 16 s. / 13 s. and 11 s. per C. with an Account of what may be saved on Sugar at those several Prices, by being carried directly to foreign Markets – 161 to 164 A Table shewing the net Value of Sugar to the Owner or Proprietor when sold at those Prices – 164 The Amount of the Savings by the direct Exportation of Sugar at those Prices; to Holland by Mr. Hyam, and to Hamburgh by Mr. Ashley – ib. A Computation of the Charges that may attend the carrying of Sugar to for­ eign Markets, after landing them at Cowes – ib. An Account shewing the Increase and Decrease of the Importation of Sugar into Great Britain, from the Year 1708 to 1737 – ib. The Prices of refined Sugar compared with the Prices of Muscovado Sugar – 165

APPENDIX. / APPENDIX. No. 2. Notes on the Act for granting Liberty to carry Sugar directly to foreign Markets – 167 to 170 The Form of the Licence given in pursuance of the said Act – 170

APPENDIX. No. 3. An Account of the Duties on Sugar, Rum, Spirits and Molasses imported into Great Britain – 173 to 175

APPENDIX. No. 4. Extracts of Laws and Rules relating to the Plantation Trade, and concern­ ing the Duties of Merchants, Masters, and Officers upon entring and clearing of Ships, &c. 177 to 180 Concerning the Act-Ships, and Ships that / carry Fish to the Mediterranean – 178

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The Plantation Goods that are enumerated by several Acts of Trade – 169,

180

APPENDIX. No. 5. An Account of the Prices of Sugar at several Parts of Europe, compared with the Prices at London. – 181 to 185

Leghorn – 181

Genoa – ib.

Venice – 182

Naples – ib.

Hamburg – ib.

Holland – 183

Spain – 184

France – ib.

FINIS.

KENNEDY, AN ESSAY ON THE GOVERNMENT

OF THE COLONIES

Archibald Kennedy, An Essay on the Government of the Colonies (New York: J. Parker, 1752).

As Jack P. Greene has argued, 1748 was a more significant year in imperial and colonial history than historians have usually acknowledged. The end of the War of the Austrian Succession meant opportunity for better imperial governance and greater territorial expansion, while the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle left unre­ solved clashing British and French claims in north-western North America. Also, the Duke of Bedford had replaced the Duke of Newcastle as Secretary of State for the Southern Department, and when Lord Monson died in 1748 he appointed the activist George Dunk, Earl of Halifax, as Chair of the Board of Trade. Henry Pelham’s ascendance as Prime Minister also meant more active government, and the era of imperial policy that began with Robert Walpole and that Edmund Burke would call ‘salutary neglect’ ended thus. Halifax financed Nova Scotia’s development, gave stricter instructions to governors and improved Atlantic communication with a packet-boat system, but more radical reforms (with unintended radical results) had to await the end of the Seven Years War in 1763. Nevertheless, imperial officials used the new era to promote reform. Among them was Archibald Kennedy, who produced a series of papers in the early 1750s, including An Essay on the Government of the Colonies (1752).1 Archibald Kennedy (1685–1763) was born in Craigoch, Ayrshire, and probably arrived in New York in June 1710 in the retinue of Governor Robert Hunter. In his early years he served in the New York militia and as lieutenant in the regular army. He retained a life-long interest in frontier security, influencing Benjamin Franklin’s Albany Plan of Union (1754). He gained a reputation for fairness with Amerindians, not least for licensing British traders, and some of his ideas were adopted by William Johnson, superintendent of the northern Indians from 1756. He was also New York Receiver General from 1722 and Council member from 1727, serving until 1761 and 1763 respectively, despite frustra­ tion in collecting quit-rents. Though very much of the ‘Court Party’ (as it was – 193 –

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called in New York), he was conciliatory with people and pragmatic in policy, even eventually arguing for elimination of most navigation duties in favour of economic growth through freer trade.2 The beginning of this tract makes clear, however, that Kennedy believed in the political justifiability if not the practicality of mercantilism. Britain had, he thought, founded the colonies for its own commercial benefit and a colony was ‘compensated by the Protection of the Mother-Country, who defends it by her Arms, or supports it by her Laws’ (below, p. 199). Kennedy briefly iterates Britain’s claims to North America by discovery and settlement, with particular attention to proprietors’ ‘Abuse of their Powers’ justifying imposi­ tions of royal rule (below, p. 201). The bulk of the tract, however, recounts instances of assemblies’ lower houses over-reaching their authority, in par­ ticular their increasing control of money bills, including payment of imperial officials – problems that governors endlessly complained of in the early eight­ eenth century.3 For Kennedy, as for John Palmer (whose work appears in Volume 2 of this collection), colonies were of the Dominions of the Crown of England; we are no Part, nor ever were, of the Realm of England, but a Peculiar of the Crown … Thus you see our Dependence and the Reason of it, is altogether upon his Majesty’s Grace and Favour. (below, p. 206)

Yet Kennedy’s imperial authoritarianism was founded on Whig rather than absolutist principles. He argues that Mankind have been led by the Principles of Reason and Self-Preservation, to join themselves into distinct Civil Societies; wherein, as by a Compact, expressed or implied, every single Person is concerned in the Welfare and Safety of all the rest … The most regular Mixture seems to be that wherein the chosen Representatives of the People have their distinct Share of Government. The Nobles, or great Men, have their Share; and a single Person, or the King, has his Share in this Authority … Such is the Happiness of Great-Britain, under the King, Lords, and Commons. (below, pp. 203–4)

Unlike Palmer, however, Kennedy argues that ‘Every Subject within the King’s Dominions … have a Right to the common Law of England, and the Great Char­ ter, established and confirmed, as Sir Edward Coke tells us, by two and thirty Acts of Parliament’ (below, p. 206). Kennedy is thus able to invert the usual terms of imperial constitutional debate and argue the necessity that ‘the Liberties and Properties of British Subjects abroad, established and cemented by the Treasure and Blood of our Ancestors, Time out of Mind, is not left to the Caprice and Humour of a Colony Assembly’ (below, p. 206).

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Notes: 1. J. P. Greene, ‘Metropolis and Colonies: Changing Patterns of Constitutional Conflict in the Early Modern British Empire, 1607–1763’, in J. P. Greene, Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1994), pp. 62–75. Kennedy also wrote Observations on the Importance of the Northern Colonies under Proper Regulations (1750); The Importance of Gaining and Preserving the Friendship of the Indians to the British Interest, Consider’d (1751); Serious Considerations on the Present State of the Affairs of the Northern Colonies (1754); Seri­ ous Advice to the Inhabitants of the Northern-Colonies on the Present Situation of Affairs (1755); and A Speech Said to Have Been Delivered Some Time before the Close of the Last Session, by a Member Dissenting from the Church (1755). 2. H. M. Ward, ‘KENNEDY, Archibald, (1685–14 June 1763)’, in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 12, pp. 564–5. 3. See Greene’s essay cited above and others in the same volume, and also his The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the Southern Royal Colonies, 1689–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1963) and Peripheries and Center: Consti­ tutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (New York: Norton, 1986).

AN

ESSAY

ON THE

GOVERNMENT

OF THE

COLONIES.

Fitted to the Latitude Forty-one, but may, without sensible Error, serve all the Northern Colonies. Poor Richard’s Title-Page.

NEW-YORK:

Printed and Sold by J. PARKER, at the New Printing-Office in

Beaver-Street, 1752. /

AN

ESSAY, &C.

A late elaborate Author tells us, ‘The Design of Colonies is to trade on more advantageous Conditions, than could otherwise be done with the neighbouring People, with whom all Advantages are reciprocal. It has been established, that the State which has founded the Colonies, alone shall trade in the Colonies; and that from very good Reasons; because the Design of the Settlement was the Extension of Commerce, not the Foundation of a City, or a new Empire. Thus it is still a fundamental Law of Europe, That all Commerce with a foreign Colony, shall be regarded as a mere Monopoly, punishable by the Laws of the Country. It is likewise acknowledged, that a Commerce established between the Mother-Countries, does not include a Permission to trade in the Colonies; for those always continue in a State of Prohibition. ‘The Disadvantage of a Colony that loses the Liberty of Commerce, is visibly compensated by the Protection of the Mother-Country, who defends it by her Arms, or supports it by her Laws. From hence follows a third Law of Europe, That when a foreign Commerce with a Colony is prohibited, it is / not lawful to trade in their Seas; except in such Cases as are excepted by Treaty. ‘The great Distance of our Colonies, is not an Inconvenience that affects their Safety; for if their Mother-Country, on which they depend for their Defence, is far distant, no less distant are those Nations, by whom they may be afraid of being conquered. Besides, this Distance is the Cause, that those who are estab­ lished, cannot conform to the Manner of living, in a Climate so different from their own; they are obliged, therefore, to draw from the Mother-Country, all the Conveniencies of Life. ‘The Carthaginians, to render the Sardinians and Corsicans more dependent, forbid their planting, sowing, or doing any Thing of the like Kind, under Pain of Death.’1 So far my Author. We are told, this Continent was first discovered to the Europeans, by Sebas­ tian Cabot, a Genoese Adventurer, who lived at Bristol. In the Year 1497 he was sent by King Henry the Seventh, to make Discoveries in the West-Indies; Columbus’s Successes, five Years before, having set all the trading Nations in the – 199 –

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World, upon Expeditions into America, in Hopes of sharing the Treasure of the new-discovered World, with the Spaniards. The 25th of March, 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained Letters Patent from Queen Elizabeth, to possess, plant, and enjoy, for himself and such Persons as he should nominate, themselves and Successors, all such Lands, Territories, &c. as they should discover not in the Possession of any Christian Prince: And this Company was the first of that Kind that was established in Europe. A Settlement was carried on with much Zeal and Unanimity. The Form of Government consisted of a Governor and twelve Councellors, incorporated by / Name of The Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh, in Virginia: But Sir Walter, that great Projector and Furtherer of those Discoveries and Settle­ ments, being under Trouble and Disgrace at Court, after an infinite Expence, besides the Hazard and Loss of many Lives, gave over all Thoughts of prosecut­ ing those Designs. And the King, in 1606, did incorporate two Companies in one Patent, to make two separate Colonies; the first to Sir Thomas Gates, &c. Adventurers of the City of London, with Liberty to begin their first Plantation and Seat, at any Place upon the Coast of Virginia, between the Degrees of 34 and 41; and for the second Colony, to Thomas Hanham, &c. of the Town of Plymouth, with Liberty to begin their first Plantation or Seat, at any Place upon the Coast of Virginia between the Degrees of 38 and 45. But (as the Author of The History of Virginia,2 by a Native of the Place, observes) they were no sooner settled in all this Happiness and Security, but they fell into Jarrs and Dissentions among themselves; which continuing, the Virginia Adventurers, were under the Necessity of petitioning his Majesty for a new Patent, with Leave to appoint a Governor. In Consequence of which, they re-settled all their old Plantations that had been deserted; made Additions to the Number of the Council; and called an Assembly of Burgesses from all Parts of the Country, which were to be elected by the People, in their several Plantations. These met the Governor and Council in May, 1620,3 and sat in Consultation in the same House with them: And this was the first General Assembly that ever was held there. This, however, had but little Effect; for the same Author tells us, That ‘the fatal Consequences of the Company’s Mal-administration, cried so loud, that King Charles the First coming to the Crown, had a tender Concern for the poor People that had been / betrayed thither and lost; upon which Consideration he dissolved the Company in 1626, reducing the Country and Government unto his own imme­ diate Direction, appointing the Governor and Council himself, and ordering all Patents and Process to issue in his own Name, reserving only to himself, an easy Quit-Rent of Two Shillings for every Hundred Acres of Land: He likewise con­ firmed the former Methods and Jurisdictions of the several Courts, as they had been appointed in the Year 1620; and was pleased to establish the constitution to be by a Governor, Council, and Assembly.’

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This, however, was the first regular Form instituted for the Government of the Colonies, and has been the Plan for every other of his Majesty’s Colonies. His Majesty and his Ministers having the Prosperity of this Colony at Heart, and with great Reason, considering the vast Addition it brought into the Rev­ enue; not less, it is computed, than Twenty Million, since its first Settlement; all due Attention was given to the Legislature, and each kept strictly within its own Sphere of Action: And Matters went smoothly on till the Year 1676, when Bacon’s Rebellion happened. Whoever has read the History of those Transactions, will easily see how far the Assembly interested themselves in that Affair, which cost the Crown and Colony upwards of £200,000, and brought the Colony almost to an End. The Words of my Author are, ‘The King, when he was informed of this Rebellion, was so far from hearkening to the Pretences of Bacon’s Assembly, that he ordered a Squadron of Men of War to be fitted out, and a Regiment of Soldiers to embark on board it, for Virginia: But Bacon was dead before Sir John Berry arrived with his Squadron; and his Followers returned every one to their own Homes, with Fear and Trembling. The Governor having / made some false Steps in the Affair, as it is supposed, the Matter was not so strictly enquired into.’ Thus you have the Fate of this Colony; First, in the Dissolution of the Com­ pany, for their Abuse of the Powers they were entrusted with; and next, by being almost brought to Destruction, by the Countenance the Assembly gave Bacon. As to their Conduct since, it shall be taken Notice of hereafter. The Northern Colony, or Plymouth Adventurers, escaped a Dissolution, by their Friends at Court, but were not less guilty of the Abuse of their Powers; as may appear from the following Letter; upon which I shall make no further Com­ ment, than to request the serious Perusal of it, by those our pretended Patriots; – let them consider in Time, what a perverse, continued, and obstinate Disobedi­ ence to his Majesty’s Instructions and Commands, may bring upon us. We have, I doubt, but few Friends at Court, and fewer, I doubt, at the Board of Trade: How, indeed, can we expect it, from our Behaviour, after so many gentle Admonitions from both? But to the Letter, which is in very few People’s Hands.

A Letter of THANKS from the Governor of New-England,4 to Mr. Boyle,5 for his Services to that Colony. ‘Honourable SIR, ‘The Occasion of our giving you this Trouble, is from the Confidence we have of your Favour and Care of these his Majesty’s Colonies in New-England, mani­ fested by your continued Endeavours; as in promoting that good Work of the Natives Conversion; so in taking Opportunity for ingratiating us with his Maj­ esty, and the Right Honourable the Lord Chancellor; as we understand by your

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Letter to Mr. Winthrop;6 whereby you have given us that / comfortable Informa­ tion of his Majesty’s Grace towards us, in expressing himself in a very favourable Manner; and that the Lord Chancellor did assure you, (with giving you Com­ mission to assure our Friends in the City) that the King intends not any Injury to our Charter, or the Dissolution of our Civil Government, or the Infringement of our Liberty of Conscience; and that the doing of these. Things is not the Busi­ ness of the Commissioners: The Truth whereof we believe, (as we ought) having the Word of so gracious a King. But alas! Sir, the Commission impowering those Commissioners to hear and determine all Causes, whether military, civil, or crim­ inal; (what they have further by Instruction, at present, we know not) should this take Place what will become of our Civil Government? which hath been (under God) the Hedge to that Liberty for our Consciences, for which the first Adven­ turers passed through, and bore up against all Difficulties that encountered them, as in the Way to, so in the Continuance in, this Wilderness. ‘Sir, We return unto you our true and hearty Thanks for your former Favours; and crave, the Continuance thereof, as Opportunity shall offer; and the great Mover of Hears, shall incline you in appearing our Friend still, that, if possible, the Commissioners may be recalled; for which End we have made our humble Sup­ plication to his Majesty; in whose Eyes, if we find Favour, we and our Posterity shall have Cause to bless the Lord: But if the Decree be passed, so that it may not be recalled, we shall wait the Lord’s issue with us: And whatever may be the Con­ jectures of any, rendering Alterations here adviseable, the Issue will speak them to be the Subversion of all which makes this Place, or our Abode herein, desireable; or if any of those that desire / a Dominion over us, (not to serve his Majesty’s Interest in advancing Plantation Work; with the Countenance of Godliness; but to serve themselves by his Majesty’s Authority, and our Ruin) shall prevail, it will, to Posterity, be rendered a Disservice to his Majesty’s Honour, and such a Dam­ age as the Procurers will not be able to repair. We can sooner leave our Place and all our present outward Enjoyments, than leave that which was the first Ground of our wandering from our native Country; nor are we thereby made such Stran­ gers thereunto, but that we can rather chuse to return, and take our Lot with our Brethren, than abide here under the Deprivement of the Ends of our Travels. ‘Our Way is with the Lord. – Craving your Honour’s Pardon for this Bold­ ness; lifting up our best desires for you; we remain, SIR, Your humble Servant. In the Name, and by Order of the. General Court held at Boston, in New England, October 19th, 1664.

JO. ENDECOTT Governor.’

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First, Their Loyalty was called in Question. Secondly, They were said to be factious in the Principles of Religion. Thirdly, It was said they were a divided People. Fourthly, They were charged with carrying disrespectfully towards his Maj­ esty’s Commissioners. Fifthly, They were blamed for a great Omission touching baptizing Infants. Sixthly, They were accused of Rigidness to such as differed from them in Mat­ ters of Religion. / Seventhly, Of grasping after Dominion, more than belonged to them. This appears from a Letter to the same Gentleman, dated May 10th, 1673. How this Affair ended, I have not been able to learn from any Part of their History. Most People, however, know what Amendments in their Constitu­ tion, from Time to Time, have been made, and for what Reasons: The last was thought severe; but the Alternate was given them, either to take it upon those Conditions, or they were to have no Charter. Numerous Instances of the Encroachments and Abuse of Power in our Col­ ony Assemblies might be given, which I shall wave; what the Event will be, is hard to determine: The many Complaints, however, that have gone, and daily going Home, upon this Subject, have created Impressions with his Majesty, his Ministers, and the Parliament, not at all in our Favour. Our Neighbour Colony is, at present, in the Hands of the Potter; in what Shape they may turn off the Wheel we shall soon know. My Intention in this, upon the Whole, is no more, than to convince, if possible, our Assembly that they are in the Wrong, and do make a bad Use of their Power; in which if they persevere, it will infallibly bring our constitution and Privileges into Danger. This, at least, is my Way of thinking. As this is a Subject of no small Importance to me and mine, as well as, I conceive, to us all, I hope a little Warmth (should it so happen) will be pardoned. Previous to this it may be necessary, as few of our Assembly-men have had the Advantage of a Liberal Education, or the Opportunity of Books to inform them­ selves of the Nature of Government (especially that of our own,) to present them with a short Sketch of it, which I accidentally met with; and is as follows; / ‘The Design of Civil Government is to secure the Persons and Properties, and Peace of Mankind, from the Invasions and Injuries of their Neighbours: Whereas, if there were no such Thing as Government amongst Men, the stronger would often make Inroads upon the Peace and Possessions, the Liberties and the Lives of those that were weaker; and universal Confusion and Disorder, Mis­ chiefs and Murthers, and ten Thousand Miseries would over-spread the Face of the Earth. ‘In order to this general Good, viz. the Preservation of the Persons of Men, with their Peace and Possessions; Mankind have been led by the Principles of Reason and Self-Preservation, to join themselves into distinct Civil Societies; wherein, as by a Compact, expressed or implied, every single Person is concerned

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in the Welfare and Safety of all the rest; and all engage their Assistance to defend any of the Rest, when their Peace or Possessions are invaded; so that by this Means, every single Member of the Society has the Wisdom and Strength of the Whole engaged for his Security and Defence; To attain this End most happily, different Societies have chosen different Forms of Government, as they thought most conducive to obtain it. ‘The most regular Mixture seems to be that wherein the chosen Represent­ atives of the People have their distinct Share of Government. The Nobles, or great Men, have their Share; and a single Person, or the King, has his Share in this Authority; and all agreed upon by the whole Community. This is called a mixed Monarchy; and herein these three Estates of the Kingdom, are supported by mutual Assistance, and mutual Limitations; not only to secure the common Peace, the Liberty of the Nation from Enemies, but to guard it also from any dangerous / Inroads that might be made upon it, by any of these three Powers themselves.’ Such is the Happiness of Great-Britain, under the King, Lords, and Com­ mons. ‘Here let it be noted, That whosoever has the Power of making Laws, whether the King, Nobles, or the People, or all these together; yet still the particular Execution of those Laws, must be committed to many particular Magistrates or Officers; and they are usually fixed in a Subordination to one another; each of them fulfiling their several Posts, throughout the Nation, in order to secure the general Peace. ‘In all Forms of Government there is, as before hinted, a Compact or Agree­ ment between the Governors and the Governed, expressed or implied, viz. that the Governors shall make it their Care and Business to protect the People in their Lives, Liberties and Properties, by restraining or punishing those who injure, attack, or assault them; and that the Governed submit to be punished, if any of them are found guilty of those Practices; and also that they oblige them­ selves to pay such Homage, Honours and Taxes; and yield such Assistance to the Governors, with their natural Powers, and their Money or Possessions, as may best obtain the great Ends of Government, and the common Safety of the whole Society. ‘For this Purpose, therefore, each Person, by his Compact, willingly abridges himself of some Part of his original Liberty or Property, for the common Service of the Society of which he is a Member: And he engages himself, with his Pow­ ers and Capacity to defend and preserve the Peace, and Order and Government of the Society, so long as he and his Fellow-Subjects are protected by it, in the Enjoyment of all their natural Rights and Liberties. The/ very Reason of Man, and the Nature of Things, shew us the Necessity of such Agreements.

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‘From this View of Things it appears, that tho’ no particular Form of Govern­ ment; besides the antient Jewish, could claim divine Right, yet all Government is from God, as he is the Author of Reason and Nature, and the God of Order and Justice: And every particular Government which is agreed upon by Men, so far as it retains the original Design of Government, and faithfully preserves the Peace and Liberties of Mankind, ought to be submitted to, and supported by the Authority of God, our Creator, who, by the Light of Reason, hath led Mankind into Civil Government, in order to their mutual Help and Preserva­ tion, and Peace. ‘In this Sense it is, that the two great Apostles, Peter and Paul, vindicate Civil Governors, and demand Subjection to them, from Christians. Rom. xiii. 1. &c. Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers; for there is no Power but of God. The Powers that be, are ordained of God: Whosever, therefore, resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves Damnation, (i.e. are condemn’d;) for Rulers are not a Terror to the good Works, but to the evil. 1 Pet. ii. 13. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of Man for the Lord’s Sake; whether it be to the King, as supreme, or to Governors, as to them who are sent by him, for the Punishment of evil Doors, and we Praise of them that do well. What St. Paul saith, is, ordained of God, i.e. in general; as Civil Government, or Civil Powers. St. Peter calls it the Ordinance of Man, i.e. in particular; as to the several Forms of this Government, which Men agree upon or appoint: And, indeed, God has left to Men to agree upon and appoint the particular Forms: And so far as any of them / pursue and attain this End, they must be submitted to, and supported as an Ordinance both of God and Man.’7 What Connection there is between this System, and the Constitution of Great-Britain, let those acquainted with it, judge:– A Constitution envied and admired by every State and Power on Earth; and which Nothing has been able to injure, or ever will be able to injure, but those intestine Encroachments and Divi­ sions amongst themselves; and while the Ballance of that Power, lodged with the three Branches, is kept in a due Poise, will last as long as Time lasts. Of this glorious System we are but a very faint Resemblance; if any at all, it is the most disagreeable Part of it, that, viz. of encroaching upon the two upper Branches of the Legislature; in this we have shewn a good Deal of Dexterity. But more of this hereafter. We are no more than a little Corporation, in the same Manner as a Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council are impowered, by his Majesty’s Letters Pat­ ent, to form Rules and Orders for the Government of a City, in its several Wards and Districts; even so; tho’ in somewhat a higher Degree, and more extensive Sphere; but all to the same Purpose is a Governor, Council and Assembly, to govern a Colony, in its several Counties and Precincts, by the same Power: Every Law or Rule made, that is not peculiarly adapted to their respective Communi­

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ties, has no Meaning; and every Law made, that in any Shape clashes or interferes with the Laws of Great-Britain, are, ipso Facto, void. By this I understand, that the Liberties and Properties of British Subjects abroad, established and cemented by the Treasure and Blood of our Ancestors, Time out of Mind, is not left to the Caprice and Humour of a Colony Assembly. – O Fortunati! I would not, there­ fore, advise our worthy Assembly, or their / Leaders, to profane those sacred Terms, either to frighten or mislead the Ignorant. Our Liberties and Properties are out of their Reach; they have Nothing to do with them: Every Subject within the King’s Dominions, the meanest as well as the greatest, have a Right to the common Law of England, and the Great Charter, established and confirmed, as Sir Edward Coke tells us,8 by two and thirty Acts of Parliament, and is only declaratory of the fundamental Grounds of the common Law, and no more than a Confirmation or Restitution of the Privileges which were previously claimed and due thereby; and all this we were intitled to, before Assemblies had a Being, and which our Posterity will enjoy when they are no more. I would, therefore, advise those Gentlemen, for the Future, to drop those parliamentary Airs and Stile, about Liberty and Property, and keep within their Sphere, and make the best Use they can of his Majesty’s Instructions and Commission, because it would be High-Treason to sit and act without it. This is our Charter; and we may, if we please, be extremly happy in the Privileges we enjoy from it; that alone, of having it in our Power to tax ourselves, is invaluable; of this, I doubt, we shall never be truly sensible, till, by some Mis-conduct of our own, we come to lose it. If we abuse, or make a wicked Use of his Majesty’s Favours, we are, of them, but Tenants at Will; we only hold them during Pleasure, and good Behaviour. In most Corporations, where there appears an Abuse of Power or Neglect of Duty, a Quo Warranto is necessary to set Things to rights; in our Case it is not wanted, tho’, (as that great Lawyer Lord Chief Justice Hale,9 has remarked, in Relation to the Island Jersey) we are Parcel of the Dominions of the Crown of England; we are no Part, nor ever were, of the Realm of England, but a Peculiar of the Crown; and by a natural and necessary / Consequence, exempted from parliamentary Aids. Thus you see our Dependence and the Reason of it, is altogether upon his Majesty’s Grace and Favour. If we don’t approve of our present System of Gov­ ernment, let us pray for a better: In the mean Time, let us not contemptuously treat those Favours the Crown has been pleased already to confer upon us. That this is the Case, is but too obvious. The Constitution, or Frame of Government the Crown has been pleased to favour us with, is by a Governor and Council of his own Appointment; and to which, by his Directions, are added the Representatives of the People; of which his Majesty’s Commission and Instructions are the Basis. This is an Emblem, or faint Representation of the British Constitution; and will, with equal Propriety, answer all the good Purposes intended, if we have but Sagacity enough to make

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a proper Use of it. Here are three Branches in the Legislature, whose Powers are sufficiently distinguished and pointed out to them; and while the Ballance is duly kept up, that is, while each of the Branches keep candidly and strictly within its own Sphere of Action, without encroaching, infringing, or maliciously endeav­ ouring, for any particular Ends, to vilify or lessen the Powers of any other of the Branches, we may conclude ourselves in a happy Way; on the Contrary, if we see any one of the Branches, assuming to itself any Part of that Power, originally lodged, and intended by his Majesty to be lodged with the other Branches, and scrambling vehemently, out of all Measure and Character, for more Power than ever was intended it, you may conclude, that every Step taken for that Purpose, is a Nail in our Coffin, and tends to an Alteration, if not a Dissolution of the Constitution. That each, in their Turns, have attempted this, is beyond Dispute. Those Attempts from a Governor, can only be by Fits and / Starts, out of Pique or Prejudice to Particulars; they cannot long subsist: He may be guilty of some few Acts of Oppression; but considering he has not only the other two Branches of the Legislature to check him, but even his own Commission and Instruc­ tions, nay, even the whole Body of the Laws of England, and one particularly adapted to the Purpose, which makes him accountable in Westminster-Hall, for any Mis-conduct here. There Mr. Lowther10 was called to an Account for Acts of Oppression, and was like to have payed severely for it, had he not screened himself by the Act of Grace. He was allowed, upon a regular Complaint, to come home to defend himself; at the Conclusion thereof, he was committed by the Council-Board, till he entered into a Recognizance with Sureties in £20,000; and was also ordered to be prosecuted by the Attorney-General. From hence I would infer, that no Governor, from any Acts of his qua Governor, can indanger our Constitution. From a Council we have not much to apprehend, even if they were to join any one of the other Branches, provided the third keeps it’s Ground. The Council are in the Nature of Moderators between the Extreams, without whose Concurrence they have no Power to act: Should they, however, neglect their Duty, or abuse the Powers they are intrusted with, they are accountable to his Majesty, and a Suspension soon puts an End to their Being. From an Assembly, if we value our Constitution, we have every Thing to dread; they have the People on their Side, which greatly preponderates in the Ballance, and will be doing (I wish I could say fairly) what every other monied Person does; that is, turn it to their own particular Advantage; and in this Kind of Traffick our Assemblies have, of late Years, shown great Dexterity, even so far as greatly to lessen that / Dignity and Power, so essential to Government, lodged with their Superiors, the Governor, and Council; and to add to our Misfortune, there is no Remedy, at present, in Being, to cure this Mischief, but either a great Alteration, or a total Dissolution of the Constitution; dissolving an Assembly is none, but the most effectual Method to continue the Mischief: This we may

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learn, in some Measure, from an Advertisement of their own, or from some of their Friends, of the 17th of February, in the Gazette, in these Words, ‘Notwith­ standing the utmost Efforts of the Court Party had been exerted, yet our two late Members carried the Elections by a very great Majority; and thus, I am per­ suaded, it will be, should we have an Election every Month in the Year, for we are determined not to be worried out; and we know our Interest too well, to be deceived either by Paper or Parchment.’ I cannot conceive what this Advertise­ ment refers to, unless it be to the King’s Commission, which, if I mistake not, is on Parchment, as the Instructions are on Paper. Thus it is evident, a Dissolution is no Cure for the Abuse of Power in an Assembly: And this brings to my Mind an Observation of a noted Author, on this Point, viz. ‘That when the Ballance of Power is duly fixed in a State, Noth­ ing is more dangerous or unwise, than to give Way to the first Steps of popular Encroachments; which is usually done, either in Hopes of procuring Ease and Quiet from some vexatious Clamour, or else made Merchandize, and merely bought and sold. This is the breaking into a Constitution to serve a present Expe­ dient, or supply a present Exigency; the Remedy of an Empirick, to stifle the present Pain, but with certain Prospect of sudden and terrible Returns. When a Child grows easy and content by being humour’d; and when a Lover becomes satisfied by small Compliances, without / further Pursuits; then expect to find popular Assemblies content with small Concessions. If there could one single Example be brought, from the whole Compass of History, of any one popular Assembly, who, after beginning to contend for Power, ever sat down quietly with a certain Share; or if one Instance could be produced, of a popular Assembly, that ever knew, or proposed, or declared what Share of Power was their Due; then might there be some Hopes, that it were a Matter to be adjusted by Reason­ ings, by Conferences, or Debates: But since all this is manifestly otherwise, I see no Course to be taken, in a settled State, but a steady, constant Resolution, in those to whom the Rest of the Ballance of Power is intrusted, never to give Way so far, to popular Clamours, as to make the least Breach in the Constitution, through which a Million of Abuses and Encroachments, will certainly, in Time, force their Way. ‘Health, in the natural Body, consists in the just Proportion of those Salts, Sulphurs, and other Principles which compose our Fluids: If any of them becomes predominant, or too much weakened, Sickness ensues: And in order to restore an equal Ballance, we are frequently obliged to have Recourse to a Remedy, which, to a Man in Health, would prove a slow Poison. ‘Most of the Revolutions of Government, in Greece and Rome, began from the Abuse of Power in those selected for the Preservation of the People; which generally ended in the Tyranny of a single Person. This shews the People are their own Dupes.

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‘The Romans chose Legislators to pick up the best Laws wherever they were to be found, and to digest them into Order; and during the Exercise of their Office, suspended the Consular Power: But they soon affected kingly State, destroyed the Nobles, and oppressed the People. / ‘The Ephori in Sparta usurped the absolute Authority, and were as cruel Tyrants as any in their Ages. ‘The Athenians chose four Hundred Men for the Administration of Affairs, who became a Body of Tyrants: They murdered, in cold Blood, great Numbers of the best Men, without any Provocation, for the mere Lust of Cruelty. ‘In Carthage the Ballance of Power got so far on the Side of the People, as to bring their Government to a Dominatio Plebis; as was that of Rome, at last, which ended in the Tyranny of the Cæsars. Thus it may appear, Tyranny is not confined to Numbers.’11 Now, if I may be allowed to compare small Things with great; if it evidently appears, that those great and free and independent States, lost their Liberties from an over Ballance of Power, usurped by their popular Assemblies; and if I can shew, that our little, diminutive, dependent States are following that Exam­ ple, as fast as ever they can; and that the same Causes eternally produce the same Effects; I hope I shall be intitled to the Thanks of some of my thoughtless, unwary Country-men; and tho’ it may not affect us in so fatal a Manner, our Liberty being, (as before mentioned) otherwise secured; yet it must infallibly indanger our Constitution: We are but yet, as it were, in the Hands of the Potter; in a probationary State of Good-Behaviour; if we totter upon three Legs, he can add or diminish, or turn us off in what-ever Shape he pleases; and who dare say, What doest thou? If any impartial Thinker, or indeed that can think at all, would give himself the Trouble seriously to reflect, and compare our present Situation and Con­ stitution, with any other upon the Face of the Earth, I am confident he would determine in our Favour. We have, from the Infancy of Times here, been nursed up and indulged, at an infinite Expence to the Crown, and / People of England: Even at this Day, they are at the Expence of £10,000 Sterling, yearly; and have been at no less, for any Thing I know, every Year ever since we had a Being, for our Preservation. We are exempted from all parliamentary Aids; we have never added any Thing to the Revenue of Great-Britain, as some of our Neighbour Colonies have done, of immense Sums: Our Plan of Government is from that of Old-England; the most complete System known; to which, if any Additions can possibly be made, we have it in our Power to make them: We have it in our Power to tax ourselves, as Conveniency sutes; which bears no Proportion to those Taxes paid by a like Number of our Fellow-Subjects, in Great-Britain. Can mortal Men expect, then, to be happier? or any reasonable Man or set of Men, wish for, or endeavour at a Change?

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Let us now see what grateful Returns we have made, on our Parts, for those Favours. A general Retrospection into the Proceedings of our Assembly, is a Task I have neither Inclination nor Leisure to undertake; and shall, therefore, leave it to those who may hereafter have the Curiosity to collect the Debates of that House, for the Benefit of the Community; and shall only content myself with giving a short Specimen of their Conduct for – Years past. The Commission and Instructions directed to his Excellency the Governor, but intended for the Good of the Whole; which, by the Bye, I cannot help think­ ing, that if they were in every Body’s Hands, as a Family-Piece or House Bible, and not cooped up like the Sibylline Oracles,12 to which Recourse was only had upon extraordinary Emergency, it might be of mighty Use; the People would become acquainted and in Love with their Constitution! they would there see, through the Whole, the benevolent Intentions of our / most gracious Sovereign the King, and our Mother-Country; Whereas, at present, they are represented, by some of our Dealers in Politicks, as big with that Monster, Prerogative, a Thing which some of our weak Members are taught to dread as much as ever Children were that of Raw-Head and Bloody-Bones. Thus by wicked Instruments, for wicked Purposes, are weak Minds imposed upon; for whose Sake I shall endeavour to explain the Word, which, I doubt, is but ill understood, even by those the Perverters of it: If I am mistaken, I shall readily stand corrected. There is, in every Family, a Sort of Government without any fixed Rules; and indeed it is impossible, even in a little Family, to form Rules for every Cir­ cumstance; and therefore it is better conceived than expressed; but perfectly understood by every Individual belonging to the Family. The Study of the Father or Master, is for the Good of the Whole; all Appeals are to him; he has a Power, from the Reason and Nature of Things, to check the Insolent, or Indolent, and to encourage the Industrious: In short, the whole Affairs of the Family are imme­ diately under the Care or Direction of the Father or Master; and this is a natural Prerogative, known and acknowledged by every Man living, who has ever had a Family, or been any Ways concerned in a Family, in all Ages and in all Places. His Majesty, as he is our political Father, his political Prerogative, from the like Circumstances and Reasons, is equally necessary. And this political Authority has been allowed the supreme Director, in all States, in all Ages, and in all Places; and without it, there would be a Failure of Justice. In the Commission and Instructions, as I was observing, there are some Pow­ ers in the Crown, which it cannot divest itself of, that, viz. of the Militia, Guards, and Garrisons; and tho’ his Majesty has given / particular Directions for the Regulation of the Militia here, (a Part so essential to every State and Govern­ ment) yet our late worthy Assembly thought fit to drop it altogether; for which,

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as they have given us no Reasons, they must give us Leave to guess; and I think there can be but two, that, viz. of lessening the Power of the Captain General; or that the Road to those Commissions, is not generally through the AssemblyHouse. It is plain the Intention of the Crown, in our Constitution, was to bring it up, as near as possible, to that of the original Plan. All Monies raised by the Parliament, are issued by Warrant from the Lords of the Treasury. His Majesty has been pleased to direct, that all Monies raised in the Colonies, shall be issued by Warrant under the Hand of the Governor in Council. What due Regard has been paid to this Instruction, is notorious, and the Reason plain; because, otherwise, the Assembly would, in a great Measure, lose those Applications for Gratification of Services done, or pretended to be done, by their Friends and Dependents; of which they take upon themselves to be the sole Judges, in Der­ ogation of the Power lodged with the other Branches of the Legislature, and Violation of his Majesty’s Commands. This will appear in a clearer Light, from the Proceeding of our late Assembly, and the Council’s Address to his Excellency, upon that Point; to which I beg Leave to refer. But, as I have met with an Address in the Proceedings of a neigh­ bouring Colony, upon the same Subject, done with great Spirit and Accuracy, I shall make no other Apology for inserting so much of it, as relates to the Subject; and is as follows: ‘ – And now we are come to that Part of this Controversy, which we are no less surprized than confounded should ever be made One, since, as the gentle­ men / of the Assembly are sensible, that what is objected to, under this Head, was wholly new, and not to be met with in any former Excise Act; so they could not be ignorant of his most sacred Majesty’s Instruction in this Respect; his Excellency having caused the same to be laid before them, previous to their pass­ ing the Act; and consequently they might well believe, that no Member of the Council could consent to the passing this Bill, with such Clauses in it, without justly forfeiting, at the same Time, his Place at this Board. ‘The Words of the Bill are in the forty-third Clause; wherein, after some of the Uses are mentioned, is the following proviso, viz. Provided, That a particu­ lar Account of all such Necessaries and Utensils, be first laid before the Assembly, to be by them inspected, regulated and approved of: And they, thereon, address the Governor and Commander in Chief of this Island, for the Time being, and Council, for the Payment thereof: And the Treasurer for the Time being, is strictly enjoined and required, not to pay, or allow of, any Order or Orders that shall be granted, or obtained, for the Payment of such Utensils or Necessaries, unless such Order or Orders, be obtained in Manner aforesaid. And the Com­ mittee of publick Accounts, for the Time being, is hereby strictly required and enjoined, not to allow of any Order or Orders that shall be granted, or obtained,

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for the Payment of such Necessaries or Utensils, unless the same be obtained in Manner aforesaid; to the Credit of the Treasurer, for the Time being; upon his accounting with them; any Law, Usage, on Custom to the contrary notwith­ standing. After this, another Use is specified; and then is added the following Paragraph. ‘“For which no Sum or Sums of Money shall be paid to any Person or Persons whatsoever, by the / Treasurer for the Time being, on any Order or Orders that shall be hereafter passed; but such only, as shall be addressed for by the General Assembly, and obtained in the same Manner, as is herein before appointed in this Clause Nor shall they, or any of them, be allowed of by the Committee of publick Accounts, for the Time being, to the Credit of the Treasurer for the Time being, on his accounting with them; any Law, Usage, or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding.’ ‘“All which the Council would have left out of the Bill, and an unanswerable Argument, why they must necessarily insist upon their being left out, the Mem­ bers of Council think proper to insert, immediately after those Words in the Bill, the King’s thirty-fourth Instruction to the Governor; by which they apprehend it will, at first View, appear what a direct Opposition there is in one to the other. The Instruction is as follows, viz. ‘“You are not to suffer any publick Money whatsoever, to be issued, or dis­ posed of, otherwise than by Warrant under your Hands by and with Advice and Consent of our said Council: But the Assembly may, nevertheless, be permitted from Time to Time, to view and examine the Accounts of Money, or Value of Money, disposed of by Virtue of Laws made by them, (which you are to signify unto them) as there shall be Occasion.” ‘These Words in the instructions, the Council think too plain and full to be misunderstood; and that they are not capable of any other Meaning than that genuine, in which they have been, and are taken by the Members of this Board; who cannot, therefore, suffer themselves to be taught otherwise. Thus we find the Royal Instructions say, No publick Money whatsoever, shall be suffered to be issued or disposed of otherwise / than by Warrant under the Governor’s Hand, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Council. But the General Assembly of his Majesty’s Island, on the contrary, say, That no Warrant or Order for Money, shall be obtained, till the Accounts of the Persons seeking such Order, have been first said before them, to be by them inspected, regulated, and approved of: And if the Governor and Council should presume to issue any such Order, in Pursu­ ance of his Majesty’s Instructions, the Gentlemen do strictly enjoin and require the Treasurer not to pay or allow of any Order, to be granted or obtained; nay, if the Treasurer should, by Inadvertency or otherwise, pay any such Order, the Gentlemen of the Assembly have still another Remedy behind; and do, there­

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fore, strictly enjoin and require, the Committee of publick Accounts, not to allow the same to the Credit of the Treasurer. ‘The Royal Instructions make it necessary, for all those who are intitled to any publick Money, to apply for it to the Governor and Council; but the Assembly of this Province will have it, that Application shall be first made to them for it. The King’s Instructions say, That the Governor and Council, and they only, shall be Judges of what Warrants are proper to be issued for any of the publick Money: But divers of his Majesty’s Subjects, who are of the General Assembly here, insist, that they will be the Judges; and that no Order for publick Money shall issue, till their Judgment has been obtained for it. The Royal Instructions permit the Assembly only to view and examine the Accounts of Money, after it has been disposed of; but these Gentlemen contend for a View, Inspection, Regulation, and Approbation of them, before; and that too, with the strongest Words of Defiance, – any Law, Usage, or Customs to the Contrary notwithstanding. / ‘Such Contrarieties as these, betwixt the Royal Pleasure, signified in the Instructions, and that of the General Assembly, may well be thought enough, without any more, to determine the Opinion of this Board; and no better Rea­ son, certainly, can be expected from the Members of his Majesty’s Council, for their refusing their Assent to any Bill, than that the passing of it would be con­ trary to the King’s Instructions. But as the Members of the Council are assured, that the Gentlemen of the Assembly are going upon a great and dangerous Mis­ take; and that they are now aiming at what can have no other Tendency (tho’ we do not charge them with any such Intention) than to subvert the Constitution of the Island, as settled by his Majesty’s Commission and Instructions, and to render the Council altogether unuseful in the Government; they cannot pass over this Head without observing, that this Attempt of the Assembly, is not only a bold Innovation here, but is also very contrary to the Usage of Parliaments in England; where, tho’ it is admitted, that Bills of Aids and Subsidies do generally begin with the Commons, and they usually lay the Rates and Duties on Mer­ chandize, yet they have Nothing to do with the Application of the Money, as far as we may presume to judge by their Practice. If they are afterwards apprised of any Misapplications or Abuses, the Method is, to address the King, (as the Assembly may do here) that the several Officers concerned in the same, do lay the Accounts before the House, that they may examine into them, and be there­ fore enabled to take suitable Measures for bringing the Offenders to condign Punishment, or for preventing the like Abuses for the Future; but that is all. And will the Assembly of this Island, assume Powers not attempted, nor even claimed by a British House of Commons? For / Gentlemen to set up for Judges of what does not belong to them; and to assume to themselves the Powers and Privileges of the Council Board, we cannot think at all becoming; but, on the other Hand,

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are satisfied it, must lead to Confusion, and in the End, if a timely Stop be not put to it, produce the worst of Consequences. ‘The Members of the Council would be glad to know what there is in the Nature of those Accounts, that they may not be supposed capable of judging of them, as well as the Assembly? or why this Board may not be presumed to have as tender a Regard for she Interest of the Island, and to the due Disposition of its publick Money, as the Assembly? They think they may reasonably ask, how it comes to pass, that the Gentlemen of the present Assembly should be deemed the only Persons fit to be trusted with the publick Affairs? or what Security the Country will have, that the same would be safer in their Hands, than where the King has been pleased to place them?’ The Gentlemen go on to observe upon the Agent Bill. ‘The ninth Amendment is to the following Clause of the Bill, viz. “For the Payment / of such Sum or Sums of Money as from Time to Time, upon the Address of the General Assembly of this Island, shall, by Order of the Governor, or Commander in Chief for the Time being, by and with the Advice and Con­ sent of the Members of his Majesty’s Council, be made payable to such Person or Persons, as the present General Assembly of this Island, shall or may appoint to be their Agent or Agents, to regulate the publick Affairs of this Island, in GreatBritain.” ‘Which Clause discovering the same Spirit of Encroachment with the last, the Council found it necessary to alter, and instead thereof, to insert what follows, viz. “For the Payment of the Salary of such Agent or Agents of this Island, in Great-Britain, as shall or may, at any Time hereafter, be appointed, and given by, any Law for that Purpose.” ‘And this, they apprehended, would answer all the good Purposes of the other, without being liable to any of the Objections. By these Words, if the Legislature, at any Time during the Continuance of the Act, judge it proper to have Agents for the publick Service, here is sufficient Provision made to pay them out of the publick Moneys But the Council could not, nor can on any Account, consent to the Clause, as it stands in the Bill; First, Because the Money is not to be paid but upon the Address of the Assembly: Sec­ ondly, For that the Words are too general and indefinite; for the Payment of such Sum or Sums of Money, as shall, from Time to Time, &c. whereby the Assembly might have it in their Power to give away immense Sums for that Purpose, or under that Pretence: Thirdly, Because the Money is made payable to such Person or Persons, as the present General Assembly shall or may appoint to be their Agents. And here the Members of his Majesty’s Council cannot forbear express­ ing their Amazement, that the Gentlemen of the Assembly should take upon themselves to appoint Agents of their own, as they call them, when, at the same Time, they say, it is to negotiate, transact, and carry on the publick Affairs of this Island, in Great-Britain! What! are all those publick Affairs to be carried on by their Agents, without any Concern of the Governor and Council? Must these

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have no Hand at all in directing and instructing such Agents, in what will be for the publick Benefit; and the Money, notwithstanding, even unlimited Sums, be implicitly paid, by their Allowance? What is this but to assume, in Effect, an arbitrary and independent Power, and so far to render the / other Branches of the Legislature useless, and of no Signification?’ – Etc. The Event of this Affair was, that the Bill, or a Draught of the Bill, with the Council’s Reasons for their Amendments, were sent Home; and the Governor soon received an Order, grounded on a Report of the Honourable the Com­ mittee of his Majesty’s Privy-Council, for rejecting the Draught of the Bill, as contrary to the constant Usage of that Island, and of all other his Majesty’s Colo­ nies, and derogatory to the Royal Prerogative; which being expressly said to be advised by their Lordships, with Intent to discourage Attempts of the like Kind for the Future. While these Matters were in Agitation at Barbados, the same Disputes were carried on in New-England, but, if possible, with still more Obstinacy, tho’ with somewhat more Colour of Reason, because of their Charter, which they pre­ tended was infringed by the Instructions: They, therefore, were not satisfied with the Royal Determination, but thought fit to apply to the Parliament; as appears from the printed Votes of the British House of Commons. Jovis13 10, Die Maii, 1733. ‘A Memorial of the Council and Representatives of the Massachusetts-Bay, was presented to the House and read; laying before the House the Difficulties and Distresses they labour under, from a Royal Instruction given to the present Gov­ ernor of the said Province, in Relation to the issuing and disposing of the publick Monies of the said Province; and moving the House to allow their Agent to be heard by Council upon this Affair: Representing also, the Difficulties they are under, from a Royal Instruction given, as aforesaid, restraining the Emission of Bills of Credit; and concluding with a Petition, That the House will take their Case into Consideration, and / become Intercessors for them with his Majesty; that he would be graciously pleased to withdraw the said Instructions, as contrary to their Charter; and tending, in their own Nature, to distress, if not ruin them.’ ‘Resolved, ‘That the Complaint contained in this Memorial and Petition, is frivolous and groundless; an high Insult upon his Majesty’s Government; and tending to shake off the Dependency of the said Colony upon this Kingdom, to which, by Law and Right, they ought to be subject. ‘Ordered, ‘That the said Memorial and petition be rejected.’

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To this I have only to add, by Way of Query; – Should an Assembly, chose by the People as Trustees and Guardians of their Constitution and Privileges, after so clear a Declaration of his Majesty’s Sentiments, continue to insult his Majesty’s Government, by contemptuously rejecting every Order and Instruc­ tion that does not sute their Taste or Humour? And are they not accountable to the People, for the Consequences of their Conduct? Surely no One can think otherwise. But I shall go on to shew, in a few more Particulars, the Intention of the Crown, in forming us upon the British Plan. The Bill for the Payment of the Debts of the Government, has been suffi­ ciently animadverted upon, by the Address of the Council here, as well as what may be collected from that other of Barbados. The Application Act, as it is called, comes next to be considered: It is, indeed, an Original; and from the very Face of it, appears to be calculated in direct Opposition to his Majesty’s Instructions, and the very Form and Nature of our Constitution: Every Officer of the Gov­ ernment is there named by the Assembly, with his Allowance tacked to the End of it; which being a / Money Bill, is with them, sacred and not to be touched with profane Hands; and with this Proviso too, viz. That if any of them die or are removed, so much of the aforesaid Allowances to be paid, as shall be at that Time due; and no more.’ If an Officer, then, dies or is removed, the Governor, it is true, may put another in his Place; but he can have no Salary or Allowance, till the Assembly please; and that Allowance is just as they please to like the Person. It is not a new Thing with some of our Assemblies, to add or subtract a Figure in the Salary of of the Officers, according to the Nature of the Application; and even to drop an useful Office, upon Occasion, if they disapprove of the Officer; witness the Weigh-Master General’s Office. This, I think, is an Encroachment with a Witness, as it creates a Dependence of all the Officers of the Government, upon an Assembly; which of Course, quite inverts the very Order and Nature of Government. In Great-Britain, to defray the necessary Services of the Government, Esti­ mates are laid before the House of Commons, of which they, if they please, may judge of the Necessity, as well as of the Quantum; the Funds, however, are raised; but the Application is left to his Majesty. If there are any Misapplications, it is with the Commons to enquire; and Nothing is more dreaded, than a parliamen­ tary Scrutiny. The Disposition of Officers, is an inherent Right of the Crown; and is, indeed, a Part of that Power lodged in that Branch of the Legislature, in order to keep up the Balance; and without it, it would lose of its Weight. It is his Majesty’s Intentions, that we should follow the same Method; but, those Intentions our Assemblies have treated according to their usual Complaisance.

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The proper Appointments of the Civil List, for his Majesty’s Support, is for Life; which, from long Experience, / is found most conducive to the Benefit of the Community. It is his Majesty’s Royal Will and Pleasure, that there be paid to his Gover­ nor and Captain General, £1200 Sterling, yearly, out of his Revenue arising in his said Province; and it is his express Will and Pleasure, that all Laws made for the Supply and Support of Government, be indefinite, and without Limitation, as to Point of Time: As the Commission is, the Meaning I think is plain, that it should last, at least, as long as the Commission; and in this Sense, most of those Colonies immediately under his Majesty’s Direction, have taken it; and accordingly, as I am informed, observe it, and enjoy Peace and the Favour of the Crown, while New-York and New-Jersey are, at present, famous all over his Majesty’s Dominions, for worrying one another, and Contempt of Royal Orders and Instructions: But instead of this, our Assembly tell him he may take £1200, if he pleases, but it shall be at 40 per C. Discount; and even that, but from Year to Year; it is this or Nothing; there is no Alternate. This, however, is paying no great Compliment to his Majesty’s express Royal will and Pleasure, and but poor Returns of Gratitude for Ten Thousand Pounds Sterling, laid out upon us yearly, by his Majesty. That of a yearly Support is but of a late Standing; it was not so from the Beginning. From this Period, however, we may date the Com­ mencement of all our Confusions. Five Years was the common Method; and I believe I may challenge the most sanguine Party-Man, to point out any dreadful Consequences that attended it. This, I say, was the Method, this ought to be the Method, and this will be the method, however terrible, at present, it may appear; and if we do not follow it, will be done to our Hands; or we shall have no Peace in our Israel, and the King no Government. / Can any Thing be more absurd, than to imagine a Governor, sent abroad to govern a People, and to be supported according to the Dignity of his Officer, and under certain Restrictions and Instructions, essential to that Government; but to obtain that Support, every Instruction must be given up, one after another, or have no Support? which is just throwing the Governor into their Hands; This has been the Practice for many Years, and his Majesty and his Ministers know it too; what the Event will be, Time only can discover, Some Remedy must be found, or the People will at last govern. A Governor is no sooner appointed, than the first Question is, Into whose Hands shall I throw myself ? the Answer is ready, Into whose but such as can best manage the Assembly. Hence Prime Ministers and Courtiers are established, and of Course, Anti-courtiers, Hence Parties are formed; and thus the Peace of the Publick is destroyed, honest Neighbours set together by the Ears, and all Goodfellowship excluded the Society; Elections are carried on with great Animosity, and at a vast Expence, as if our Alls were at Stake: And what is all this for? Is the

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publick Good really the Point in View? or is it to shew how dexterously the one Side can manage the Assembly for him, and the other against him? Let us be told what mighty Advantage the Publick has reaped from that repeated Round of Squabbles we have been pestred with, with no other View than to distress a worthy Gentleman. Thus, I think, the Reasonableness, and even the Necessity of supporting a Governor, according to his Majesty’s Royal will and Pleasure, that is independ­ ently of any Body but himself, is evident, as it will destroy all those Sources of Contention. In Virginia, the Two Shillings Sterling, upon every Hogshead of Tobacco exported, makes the Support / easy to the People, who are at this Time, and like to continue in all Duty and Obedience. It is the same in the Leeward-Islands, from the Four and an Half per C. and we hear of no Fraca’s amongst them. A gentle Tax upon Lands here, would answer all these Purposes, relieve the Merchant, and encourage Trade, at this Time in a languishing Condition. If a Man of Worth and Honour falls to our Share, (which indeed, as Matters stand as present, we can hardly expect) he will, if supported according to his Dig­ nity, naturally incline to do us all the good Offices in his Power, if we ourselves don’t take Pains to prevent him; and he, the Council, and General Assembly, will have that Time, hitherto spent in trusting Squabbles, to think of securing us from abroad, and encouraging Trade and Industry at home. The Manner of our supporting our Judges, is equally ridiculous and absurd. It is agreed on all Hands, that those Offices ought to be held for Life, independent both of Crown and People, and under no Bias; but our Assembly are determined to keep them too, under their Thumbs; and tell them, we will allow so much for this Year, but if you do not behave as we think you should do, we will give you less next Year, and perhaps Nothing at all. This would have little Weight with a Man of Fortune and Integrity, in that Office; but might prove too powerful a Temptation to such as have Nothing else to depend upon. As the Commissions, therefore, for good Reasons, are for Life; so ought, for the same Reasons, the Salaries to be. I have been informed, that in New-England, there was a long Debate in the House, whether the Governor’s Salary should be paid at the Beginning or at the End of the Year, that they might be the better able to judge of his Good-Behav­ iour; and, if I am not mistaken, it was carried for the latter. / The Jersey Assembly, not many Months ago, waited upon the Governor with the Revenue Bill, insisting, that the Council had Nothing to do with it; and had he passed it in that Manner, can any Body doubt, but that their next Vote would have been to exclude both Governor and Council. Those are great Strides in our Assemblies towards – But to go on with our Act.

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Whoever will be at the Pains to compute the Amount of the Salaries, and compare it with those Allowances made to Assemblies, and their immediate Dependents, will readily see how far the one comes short of the other. There are Twenty-seven Assembly-men, to whom the Law allows to some Ten, to some Six, and to others, Four Shillings a Day; take the Medium at 7 s. and this amounts to £9:9:0, every Day-from their setting out, to their Return to their Homes; and this is a Tax immediately out of the Farmers Pockets; all others are upon the Merchant (a Point that may be discussed at another Time;) besides £300 to a Treasurer, yearly, tho’ his Majesty has appointed one for that Purpose, and £200, yearly, to an Agent of their own. The Incidents on both Sides may be left out in the Computation. We shall be told, perhaps, that some of these Gen­ tlemen, don’t take up their Allowance; but sure They won’t openly declare this, because, in my humble Opinion, it is down-right Bribery, as I cannot conceive the Difference between saying, I will give you seven Shillings a Day, if you chuse me; or, I will forgive you seven Shillings a Day, if you chuse me. – So much for this extraordinary Act. His Majesty, out of a tender Regard for the Preservation of the Lives and Properties of his Subjects here, has given Directions, that proper Provision be made for Indian Affairs; but our worthy Assembly, that / their Conduct may appear of a Piece, have made none; I shall not enquire into the Reasons; they ought, indeed, to be very good Ones, to satisfy the People; because, in Case of a Rupture with France, it must have very fatal Consequences; and it is not impossible, (considering how indefatigable the French are in this Matter) but that Fresh-Water may become our Frontier: I can see Nothing to hinder them, without our Indians, from driving the whole Country in before them. How far the Authors of this Neglect may be answerable for those Consequences, at the great Day of Accounts, I am not Casuist enough to determine; and shall, there­ fore, leave it to their own Consciences. I have but one Thing more to observe upon, in this Act, and that is, That neither Governor nor Council can command one Shilling of the Publick Money, if that Shilling would save the Province, while the Speaker has it in his Power, by Order of the House, to dispose of it as he pleases, without being accountable to any but themselves. – See the last Clause but one, in the Act. – How consistent this is with the Nature of our Constitution, or, indeed, any other Constitution, I shall leave to those more judicious to determine. As I have but little Hopes of any Remedy for those Evils, on this Side of the Atlantick, I would have it enacted, by a British Parliament, That whereas great Irregularities and Confusions have arisen from the present Methods taken for the Support of Government, and Officers of the Crown, &c. 1. Be it Enacted, That all Lands hitherto granted, or that shall be granted by his Majesty, shall pay at the Rate of One Shilling for every Hundred Acres,

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upon Oath, in Lieu of all other Rents or Reservations whatsoever; applicable only towards the Support of Government and the Officers of the Crown; to be issued by Warrant, according to Instructions. / As to what may be objected in Relation to the giving up the Quit-Rents; they are but a Trifle to the Crown, and will ever be a Canker in the Estate of the Subject. From 1664 to 1710, they are but of very little Importance. The Coun­ ties of New-York, West-Chester, Dutchess, and Albany, that is, all the East Side of Hudson’s River, extending along the River about 179 Miles, does not, by an accu­ rate Calculation, pay above £90 Sterling, to be collected from several Thousand Hands. The Rest of the Counties are much upon the same Footing; and I may, I think, venture to affirm, that had it not been for the vacating two Grants; one, viz. to Mr. Evans, and the other to Dellius and Bayard; the Quit-Rents would not have defrayed the Expence of collecting them; nor would the Province have been half so well settled. Governors, during that Period, were under no Restrictions. Grants of Lands, and Reservations, were in Proportion to the Gratifications to a Governor. The greatest part of the Grants, during that Time, are to pay such Quit-Rents, as hereafter shall be established by the Laws of this Country; which is just saying, you shall pay when you please. There are, however, some Pepper-Corns, some Wampum, Stivers, and Beaver-Skins ascertained. Since 1710, 2 s 6 is reserved upon every Hundred Acres; but as Grants are not easily come at by a poor Man, the Rich have generally engrossed them, not with a View of settling the Lands, but of parcelling of them out to the best Bid­ ders. Those Grants, and, of Course, the Reservations, by these Means became so divided and subdivided, that at last, it will become impracticable, if not impossi­ ble, either for the Officer to collect, or the Possessor to pay, tho’ never so willing, with any Certainty or Regularity. In many of the old Grants, the Shares of the Possessors / does not amount to the tenth Part of a Penny; and they must go per­ haps a great Way to pay that, or be prosecuted; or if any one of them should even be obliged to pay the Whole, they have no Remedy against those concerned. A poor Man in the Mohawk’s Country, possessed, perhaps, of fifty Acres, must go upwards of two Hundred Miles every Year, to pay fifteen Pence, or be pros­ ecuted; the Event of which may be fatal to such a person. This will, in Time, create great Uncertainty and Confusion in that Collection. In Lieu, therefore, of which, I humbly conceive, that One Shilling upon every Hundred Acres, would relieve the Subjects, amply support Government, the Officers of the Crown would become independent of Assemblies, Trade would be relieved, and those extravagant landed Gentlemen, would be obliged to pay their Proportion of that Expence.

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From good Hands I understand, that a Person possessed of two Hundred Acres, pays more to the Publick, than some of those possessed of their Hundred Thousands. In order to put our Indian Affairs upon a proper Footing, I would have all Monies, raised upon the Retailers of Liquors, (being a Sort of a voluntary Tax through the whole Continent) be made a perpetual and unalienable Fund for that Purpose. If this Affair, of so much Importance to the British Interest, be left much longer to the Caprice of Assemblies, we may easily guess what will be the Consequence. And that all Duties upon Indian Goods cease, and the Trade left open to all his Majesty’s Subjects, except those that take the Road to Canada. As I conceive, that Trade carried on between Albany and Canada, is attended with very pernicious Consequences to the British Interest, I cannot help think­ ing, with Submission, but that an effectual Stop might be / put to it by the following Method. By the 12th of Ch. II. no Alien, or Person not born within the King’s Allegiance, &c. shall exercise the Trade or Occupation of a Merchant or Factor in any of his Majesty’s Plantations, upon Forfeiture of all his Goods, &c. Let an Officer, therefore, be posted at Albany, who is to publish the above Clause; giving Notice, that in three Months, all Goods, Wares, or Merchandize exported or imported, from or to Albany, by the French or their Factors, the Natives, not under his Majesty’s Allegiance, will be seized; the Proof to be put upon the Owner. There are two Objections to this; First, If the French are not supplied from us, they will fall upon other Means of supplying themselves, which will preju­ dice the Consumption of the British Manufactures: But the Absurdity of this Objection has already been sufficiently exposed, (See the Papers relating to an Act of the Assembly of the Province of New-York, for Encouragement of the Indian Trade, &c. and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French, viz. of Canada; and Mr. Colden’s History of the Five Nations)14 I shall take no further Notice of it. As to the second Objection, that this will be acting contrary to that Freedom of Commerce with the Indians, mutually stipulated by the Articles of the Treaty of Utrecht; to this I have only to say, that the French understand not that Treaty in such Light; as appears by their discharging our Traders from trading, upon any Pretence whatever, within their Territories, under severe Penalties; witness the Treatment those three Philadelphia Traders met with lately, for trading at Ohio, only pretended to be within their Territories; whereas neither English nor Indians, admit it to be so; and the Ohio Indians will suffer all the Extremities of War rather than admit it to be so. / By this Time, I presume, I am reckoned a mighty Governor’s Man, (an invid­ ious Distinction) and no Friend to Assembly-men. As to the first, I own it, First,

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Because I find the Laws are severe (where Laws govern) against such as industri­ ously endeavour to create Jealousies between the supreme Magistrate and the People: Secondly, Because no Piques or Prejudices ought to efface Good-Man­ ners, due to every Superior, especially a Supreme Magistrate: And lastly, Because in the whole Course of my Observations, I never knew any one Individual get any Thing by it, but a little Vanity and a great Deal of Vexation. As to Assembly-men, there are those whom I revere. One whose only Aim is at the Honour, Safety, and Interest of his Country; and who on this Mark con­ stantly keeps his Eye fixed; who dreads not the Frowns of an enraged Governor, or the horrid Clamours of a possessed Multitude; who smiles to see so many (in all Appearance) honest and thinking Men, jog on like a Gang of Pack-Horses; who truly enjoys all that Freedom in his Actions, which he thinks his Duty to procure for, and defend his Countrymen in; One, in short, who is directed, influ­ enced, or biassed by none; and while he is in his Country’s Service, thinks the most glorious Epithets the World can fix upon him, are those of a rigid, inflex­ ible, ill-natur’d honest Man. – And such a one who would not revere? But, as a certain Gentleman observes: ‘I think, says he, there is hardly to be found through all Nature, a greater Difference between a representing Commoner in the Function of his publick Calling, and the same Person, when he acts in the common Offices of Life; here he allows himself to be on a Level with the Rest of Mortals; here he follows his own Reason and his own Way; in short, here his Folly and his Wisdom, his Reason, and his Passions, are / all of his own Growth, not the Echo of other Men: But when he is got near the Walls of his Assembly, he assumes and affects an intire Set of very different Airs; he conceives himself a Being of a superior Nature to those without, and acting in a Sphere where the vulgar Methods for the Conduct of Life, can be of no Use. He’s listed in a Party where he neither knows the Temper nor Designs, nor perhaps the Leader; but whose Opinions he follows and maintains with a Zeal and Faith, as violent as a young White-fieldian15 does those of a Methodist, whose Sect he is taught to pro­ fess. He has neither Opinions, nor Thoughts, nor Actions, nor Talk, that he can call his own; but all conveyed to him by his Leader, as Wind is through an Organ: The Nourishment he receives, has not only been chewed, but digested before it comes into his Mouth: Thus instructed, he follows the Party, right or wrong, thro’ all its Sentiments, and acquires a Courage and Stiffness of Opinion, not at all con­ genial with him.’16 Such a One, if any such there be, I most heartily despise. The Raging of the Sea and Madness of the People, are put together in HolyWrit; and the Wrath of a King, to that of the Raging of a Lyon: But his Favours are as the Dew upon the Grass, which that we may endeavour, every one in his particular Station, to cultivate and deserve, are my sincere Wishes.

FINIS.

EDITORIAL NOTES

Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland 1. Oh Liberty! Oh Servitude … Cato: John Trenchard (1662–1723) and Thomas Gordon (c. 1692–1750), Whig writers, editors of the weekly Independent Whig, and authors of ‘Cato’s Letters: or, Essays on Liberty, Civil and Religious, and other Important Subjects’. The quote here is taken from number 73 of the 144 letters of ‘Cato’, this one by Gordon, first published on Saturday, 21 April 1722, ‘A Display of Tyranny, its destructive Nature, and Tendency to Dispeople the Earth’. 2. Lord Coke … Fame, and Life, also: Sir Edward Coke (1552–1634), jurist and MP, opponent of Charles I, co-author of the 1628 ‘Petition of Right’, and author of the thir­ teen-volume Reports on the common law and the four-volume Institutes of the Lawes of England. The quotation here is from vol. 1, A Commentary upon Littleton (1628), about property law. 3. an honest, bold patriot … He must not pass: Richard Creswell (n.d.), quoted from John Rushworth (c. 1612–90), Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, 8 vols (completed 1659), also called The Rushworth Papers, vol. 1, 1618–29. Rushworth was Secretary to the New Model Army. 4. resolved in the House of Commons … Act of Parliament: ‘Resolves touching the Subject’s liberty in his Person’, in ibid. 5. Puff endorf … vindicate its Honour: Samuel von Pufendorf (1632–1694), German jurist, De jure naturae et gentium (Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 1672). 6. Grotius saith … the Mother City: Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Dutch jurist and author of De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War and Peace, 1625). 7. 7 Co. Rep. 4. b.: Sir Edward Coke, Reports. 8. Mr. Locke, says … Dominion, and Sovereignty: John Locke (1632–1704), English phy­ sician and philosopher, Two Treatises on Civil Government: In the Former, the False Principles of Sir Robert Filmer, and his Followers, are Detected and Overthrown. The Lat­ ter is an Essay concerning the True Original, Extent, and End of Civil-Government (1689). The reference is to what is generally called The Second Treatise. 9. A Man … Law gives no Remedy: Sir John Vaughan (1603–74), Welsh judge, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas (and some-time MP for Cardiganshire), Reports (1665–74). 10. Ter-tenant: ter or terre tenant is the actual occupant of land. 11. as great a Judge … to recover it: Sir John Holt (1642–1710), Lord Chief Justice of Eng­ land and Wales from 17 April 1689, Report of Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench with some Special Cases in the Courts of Chancery, Common Pleas and Exchequer … From – 223 –

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the First Year of King William and Queen Mary, to the Tenth Year of Queen Anne, by Wil­ liam Salkeld, Late Serjeant at Law. 12. The same Judge … Termini convertibiles: Ashby versus White (1703), involving the Tory Mayor of Aylesbury, Lancashire, striking several Whig voters off the electoral roll. The High Court ruled that the House of Commons had exclusive jurisdiction in election cases, but Holt dissented, arguing that the right to vote was a species of property and that therefore courts of law could have jurisdiction. 13. Magna Charta … defer Justice, or Right: see Coke, Institutes, vol. 1, p. 81. 14. an ingenious Author … if there were none: Cato’s Letters, first published on Saturday, 6 May 1721, ‘A Defence of Cato against his Defamers’. 15. Dispute between the Earl of Darby … did not reach the Isle of Man: Sir William Anderson (1530–1605) was Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 2 May 1582 until he died and ruled in a 1598 case over the powers of William Stanley, fifth Earl of Derby, over sovereignty in the Isle of Man. 16. Calvin’s Case … Laws of that Kingdom remain: In Calvin’s Case (1608), Lord Chief Jus­ tice Coke ruled that Scots born after the accession of James VI as James I of England and the consequent union of the crowns could hold land in England as they owed allegiance to the same king. He also ruled that they could have access to the courts as friendly aliens, as opposed to enemy aliens at war with England or all infidels, with whom there was perpetual enmity. 17. says Seneca … govern by Love than Fear: The citations here seem to be lifted almost word for word from Grotius De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War and Peace, 1625), ch. XV, ‘Moderation in obtaining Empire’, referring to Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 bc–ad 65), also known as Seneca or Seneca the Younger, Roman philosopher and dramatist, De Ira (On Anger), Lib. II, Cap. XXXIV; Publuis (Gaius) Cornelius Tacitus (ad c. 56–117), Roman historian and Senator, The Annals, Lib. XI, Cap. XXIV, no. 7, and The Histories, Lib. IV, Cap. LXXIV, no. 3; Polybius (c. 203–120 bc), Greek historian of the Hellen­ istic period, The Histories, Lib. V, Cap. IX, covering the period 220–146 bc; Appian of Alexandria (ad c. 95–165), Roman historian of Greek ethnicity, Bell. Mithridate (or Mithridateios or the Mithridatic Wars, of which there were three between 88 and 63 bc, in Historia Romana, 24 vols); Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, or Pliny the younger (ad 61–112), Roman lawyer and author, Epistulae, or Epistles, LVI; Gaius Sallustius (Severus) Crispus, or Salust (86–34 bc), Roman historian and governor of Africa Nova, Jugurthine War, 102.6, about the c. 112 bc war in Numidia, an ancient Berber kingdom in modern Algeria and Tunisia. 18. Julius Cæsar … Arbitrary Power: Gaius Julius Caesar (100–44 bc), Roman military and political leader who helped transform Rome from a republic to an empire, author of Commentarii de Bello Gallico, or Commentaries on the Gallic War (of 58–51 bc). It is Caesar who ‘quotes’ Critognatus, a Gallic nobleman and relative of Vercingetorix. 19. English Liberties: Henry Care (1646–88), English Liberties, or The Free-Born Subject’s Inheritance; Containing Magna Carta, Charter de Foresta, the Statute De Tallagio, non concedendo, the Habeas Corpus Act, and several other Statutes; with comments on each of them. The first edition was published in London in 1680, although Dulany may have used an American edition published in Boston in 1721 (a first American edition was published in 1719 but only cited documents specifically relevant to the colonies). 20. Wingate’s Maxims: Edmund Wingate (1596–1656), mathematician and legal writer, Maxims of Reason or the Reason of the Common Law of England (1658).

Notes to pages 23–73

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21. Writ of Estrepment: Estrepment was a common law writ to prevent a party in possession committing waste on an estate when the title to the estate is in dispute. 22. Mr. Waller’s: Edmund Waller (1606–1687), poet and politician. 23. Lord Hale says: Sir Mathew Hale (1609–76), Lord Chief Justice of England, The History and Analysis of the Common Law of England (1713), though it was widely known and circulated before that date.

[Ashley], The British Empire in America, Consider’d 1. the Treaty of Peace in America: ‘Treaty of Peace, Good Correspondence & Neutrality in America: between the most serene and mighty Prince James II by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, & c: and the most serene and might Prince Lewis XIV, the most Christian King’ (16 November 1686). 2. oblig’d to carry their Sugars … Duty of four and a half per Cent: At the Restoration the Crown raised a 4.5 per cent tax on goods exported from all the Caribbean islands except Jamaica. 3. the whole Island of St. Christophers is now ours: British colonists first settled St Kitts or St Christopher in 1624, followed by French colonists in 1625. The two groups jointly occupied the island, occasionally expelling the other, until France ceded possession of the whole island to Britain in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. 4. Mr. Gee … Observations on the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain: Joshua Gee (1667–1730), merchant, economist and writer, The Trade and Navigation of Great Brit­ ain Consider’d (1729).

A Pattern for Governours 1. Stupendous Grief … Pleasure of our Eyes: Joseph Stennett (1663–1713), Seventh-Day Baptists minister, hymn writer and poet, ‘A Poem to the Memory of King William III’ (1702). 2. Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit: Quintus Horatius Flaccus, or Horace (65–8 bc), Roman poet, Odes (23–13 bc), I.24, ‘By many a good man wept, Quintilius dies’. 3. Whose Ox have I taken … mine Eyes therewith: 1 Samuel 12:3. 4. Of Comfort … Bosom of the Earth: William Shakespeare, Richard II, III.ii.144–7. These are the words of King Richard to Sir Stephen Scroop and others. Scrope or Scroop was the family name of the Lords Howe. 5. Cou’d none but such … frozen Eyes: Stennett, ‘A Poem to the Memory of King William III’. 6. Th e happy few … deathless Pleasures know: ibid. 7. For doing good, he knew, was being great: ibid. 8. ’Tis to the Vulgar … Friendly Stroke, ’tis o’er: Sir Samuel Garth (1661–1719), English physician and health reformer, The Dispensary: A Poem. In six cantos (1699), Canto III, ll. 221–6. The poem was satirical, mocking apothecaries and others who opposed free dispensaries for the poor. Two years earlier Garth had advocated free dispensaries in his Harveian Oration. 9. a Terror to Evil doers, and a Praise to them that do well: Psalm 101:8. 10. His Life was glorious … his latest Breath: Stennett, ‘A Poem to the Memory of King Wil­ liam III’.

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Notes to pages 85–113

Cummings, The Character of a Righteous Ruler 1. King Solomon: King Solomon (c. 1011–c. 932 bc), King of Israel, c. 971–931 bc, and son of King David. 2. Akeldama: Akerldama, also called the Potter’s Field or Potter’s Ground because of the much-used rich clay deposits; the place in Jerusalem where Judas Iscariot is supposed to have died. 3. Every one may dwell … fruits of his labour: 1 Kings 4:25 and Micah 4:4, a phrase com­ monly used by colonial promotional writers. 4. Here I am … I will restore it to you: 1 Samuel 12:3. This is exactly the same passage used to praise Lord Howe in the previous document (see p. 62 above). 5. Archbishop Tillotson’s just Observation: John Tillotson (1630–94), Archbishop of Can­ terbury from 1691 until his death and author of The Rule of Faith (1666) and, during his lifetime, of 54 published sermons as well as Sermons Preach’d upon Several Occasions with a second volume appearing in 1678. After his death, his chaplain Ralph Barker published some 250 of his sermons. 6. when the wicked beareth Rule, the People Mourn: Proverbs 29:2. This is the line imme­ diately following the one with which Cummings opened his discourse. 7. refin’d Politics … Ahithophel’s: Ahithopel was a minister of King David, reputedly of great political insight but lack of scruple, who abandoned his king for the rebellion of Absalom.

Vereslt, ‘Some Observations on the Right of the Crown’ 1. described in … Peter Martyr of Angleria Milenses: Peter Martyr d’Anghiera (1457–1526), Italian historian of Spain and its discoveries, Decades of the New World (first published in Latin, 1511–30), trans. Richard Eden (1555). It details the letters and reports of early Spanish explorers, each divided into ten chapters. 2. Grotius & Pufendorf: see notes 5 and 6 to Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Mary­ land, above, p. 223. 3. Bishop of Rome … divided the Lands: The papal Bull of Inter Cetera (1493) was followed with the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494. 4. Peter Heylin: Peter Heylin, or Heylyn (1599–1662), English historian, theologian and political writer, Cosmographie: In Four Bookes, containing the Chorographie and Historie of the Whole World 1652 (1657) (later editions were spelled Cosmography). 5. King James the First … Colony in Virginia: The first charters issued to the Virginia com­ panies of Plymouth and London were granted 10 April 1606. 6. the 8.th Lord Proprietor: The eighth proprietor was Sir George Carteret (c. 1610–80), and his great-grandson, John Carteret, second Earl Glanville, retained the Glanville district of North Carolina after 1729. 7. the Treaty of 1670: The 1670 Treaty of Madrid between England and Spain was also known as the Godolphin Treaty.

Ashley, Memoirs and Considerations 1. the Duty of 4 1/2 per Cent: see note 2 to [Ashley], The British Empire in America, Consider’d, above, p. 225.

Notes to pages 115–99 2. 3. 4.

5. 6.

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

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Barbadoes was the first settled: Settled in 1627, Barbados was actually the second sugar island to be colonized by the British, after St Kitts, or St Christopher, in 1624. C wt: Cwt meant a hundredweight, or 112 pounds in British and American colonial measures (that is, eight stones or four quarters). The Assiento Contract: Under the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht Spain granted Britain the Assiento, the right for 30 years to transport and sell slaves and 500 tons of other goods in Spanish colonies. Train-Oil: a kind of whale oil, specifically from right whales (baleen whales or Eubalaena). English Hogsheads: A hogshead was a standardized barrel of sugar (or tobacco and other goods). Because shippers allowed planters to load four hogsheads to the ‘freight ton’, however, irrespective of actual weight, the size and weight of hogsheads increased from 500 pounds in the seventeenth century to upwards of 2,000 pounds in the second half of the eighteenth century. See J. J. McCusker, ‘The Tonnage of Ships Engaged in British Colonial Trade during the Eighteenth Century’, in Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic World (New York: Routledge, 1997), pp. 26–46, on pp. 38–9. Leghorn: Leghorn is an archaic English word for the Tuscan port of Livona. charge all foreign Sugar, Penneles, Rum, Spirits Molasses and Syrups: the Molasses Act of 1733. Onus probandi: ‘burden of proof ’ (Latin). Sterling Money of Great Britain: Fines as well as duties were to be paid in ‘Sterling Money of Great Britain’. ‘If once People could … Expence of Bullion’: This appears to be from ‘A Barbadoes Planter’ [ John Ashley], The Sugar Trade, with the Incumbrances Thereon, Laid Open (1734). Tale: an archaic use of the word ‘tale’, meaning in total. dwt: Dwt here means pennyweight; that is, 1/240 of a troy pound (7000 grams) of ster­ ling silver. Moydores: A moydore (‘moeda de ouro’, or gold coin) was a Portuguese gold coin. Cowes: Isle of Wight. Primage: a customary payment above freight costs made to the master of a ship for his time and trouble. Lighterage: the cost of loading and unloading a cargo. Cooperage: the cost of barrel-making. Land-Waiters: customs officers. Peerage: or pierage, the cost of docking or wharfage. Cocket: a certification given to a shipper by customs officers to show that goods have been recorded and duties paid. Fustick: an American mulberry tree (chlorophora tinctura) whose wood produces a light yellow dye.

Kennedy, An Essay on the Government of the Colonies 1. A late elaborate Author … under Pain of Death: Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de Montesquieu (1689–1755), De L’Esprit des Lois, 2 vols (1748), or The Spirit of the Laws, vol. 2, Book XXI, ‘Of Laws in Relation to Commerce, considered in the Revolution it has met with …’, ch. 21, ‘The Discovery of Two New Worlds, and In What Manner Europe is Affected by It’.

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Notes to pages 200–21

2. the Author of The History of Virginia: Robert Beverley (1673–1722), Virginia planter and historian, author of The History and Present State of Virginia (1705) and a revised version entitled The History of Virginia, in four parts … By a Native and Inhabitant of the Place (1722). The quotation is from Part I, ‘The History of the First Settlement of Virginia, and the Government Thereof, to the Year 1706’. 3. Assembly of Burgesses … May, 1620: The first meeting of the Virginia House of Burgesses in fact took place on 30 July 1619. The dissolution of the Virginia Company and the imposition of royal rule took place respectively in May 1624 and May 1625. 4. Governor of New-England: John Endecott (c. 1588–1665) was governor of Massachu­ setts in 1649, 1651–3 and 1655–64. 5. Mr. Boyle: Robert Boyle (1627–91), English natural philosopher, chemist, physicist and theologian, was a fellow of the Royal Society, a member of the Society for the Propa­ gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts and an active Crown agent as a member of the Council on Foreign Plantations. He was thus interested in the natural history, religion and politics of New England. 6. your Letter to Mr. Winthrop: John Winthrop the Younger (1606–76) was a geographer, geologist and governor of Connecticut in 1657–8 and 1659–76. He was son of John Winthrop (1588–1649), was the principal founder member of the Massachusetts Bay Company and colony and was governor of Massachusetts in 1630–3, 1637–9, 1642–3 and 1646–8. Boyle wrote to Winthrop Jr on 19 and 28 December 1661. 7. ‘In order to this general Good … both of God and Man’: The origins of this rather fine sum­ mary of contract theory are unknown. 8. Sir Edward Coke tells us: see note 2 to Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland, above, p. 223. The first volume of his Institutes of the Lawes of England, about property law, was published in 1628, but the political volumes referred to here were so incendiary that they were not published until the mid-1640s. 9. Lord Chief Justice Hale: see note 23 to Dulany, The Right of the Inhabitants of Maryland, above, p. 225. 10. Mr. Lowther: Robert Lowther (1681–1745) was governor of Barbados in 1711–14 and 1715–20. 11. a noted Author … Tyranny is not confined to Numbers: Jonathan Swift (1667–1745), Anglo-Irish satirist and political writer, originally Whig, later Tory, A Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions between the Nobles and Commons in Athens and Rome (1701), pp. 56–8, first published anonymously. An American edition was published in Boston in 1728. See R. J. Allen, ‘Swift’s Contests and Dissensions in Boston’, New England Quar­ terly, 29:1 (March 1956), pp. 73–82. 12. Sibylline Oracles: The Sibylline Oracles were originally a 14-volume (12 surviving) col­ lection of the supposedly prophetic utterances of the Sibyls in religious frenzy. 13. Jovis: Thursday. 14. Mr. Colden’s History of the Five Nations: Cadwallader Colden (1688–1776), acting gov­ ernor of New York in 1760–2 and 1763–5, and governor in his own right in 1769–71, author of History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, which are Dependent on the Prov­ ince of New-York in America, and are a Barrier between the English and French in that Part of the World …, first published in 1727 with numerous later editions, including one of 1747. It was written when Colden was a New York councillor and surveyor-general and after being the colonial representative to the Iroquois Confederacy.

Notes to page 222

229

15. White-fieldian: George Whitefield (1714–70), itinerant Anglican minister, evangelist and revivalist who helped spread the Great Awakening in Britain and North America, noted for his theatrical preaching style. 16. ‘I think, says he … congenial with him’: Swift, A Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions, pp. 69–70. Interestingly, Kennedy includes his own attack on George Whitefield. Where Kennedy wrote ‘whose Opinions he follows and maintains with a Zeal and Faith as vio­ lent, as a young White-fieldian does those of a Methodist, whose Sect he is taught to profess’ (above, p. 222), Swift originally wrote ‘whose opinions he follows and maintains with a zeal and faith as violent, as a young scholar does those of a philosopher, whose ideas he is taught to profess’.

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Contents of the Edition

PART I

volume 1

General Introduction

Introduction, 1607–1763

1607–75

volume 2

1676–1714

volume 3

1715–52

volume 4

1753–63

PART II

volume 5

Introduction, 1764–83

1764–8

volume 6

1769–75

volume 7

1775–7

volume 8

1777–83

Index

THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND

THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1607–1783

Editor

Steven Sarson

Consulting Editor

Jack P. Greene

Volume 4

1753–63

First published 2010 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Taylor & Francis 2010

Copyright © Editorial material Steven Sarson 2010

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.

No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or

by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter

invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage

or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and

are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

british library cataloguing in publication data

The American colonies and the British Empire, 1607–1783. Part 1, Volumes 1–4. 1. United States – History – Colonial period, ca. 1600–1775. 2. Great Britain – Colonies – America. I. Sarson, Steven. II. Greene, Jack P. 973.2-dc22 ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-948-7 (set) Typeset by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

CONTENTS

Samuel Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England. Representing the very Great Importance of Attaching the Indians to their Interest (1753) 1

Jonathan Mayhew, A Sermon Preach’d in the Audience of his Excellency Wil­ liam Shirley, Esq ([1754]) 23

[ John Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England (1756) 53

[Henry McCulloh], Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies on the

Continent of America (1757) 123

William Smith, Discourses on Several Public Occasions during the War in

America (1759) 149

James Otis, A Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives of

the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay (1762) 189

John Pownall, ‘General Propositions: Form and Constitution of

Government to be Established in the New Colonies’ (1763) 227

Editorial Notes

231

HOPKINS, ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW­ ENGLAND

Samuel Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England. Representing the very Great Importance of Attaching the Indians to their Interest; not only by Treating them Justly and Kindly, but by using Proper Endeavours to Settle Christianity among them (1753; reprinted Philadelphia, PA: B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1757).

The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) did not resolve the disputed possession of the Ohio River valley, and the French subsequently built forts there. The construction of Fort Duquesne at the forks of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers prompted Governor Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia in October 1753 to send George Washington to demand French withdrawal. French refusal resulted in the French and Indian War (1754–60), which initially went disastrously for Britain until William Pitt’s administration from June 1757 turned this and the wider Seven Years War (1756–63) around.1 Samuel Hopkins’s Address to the People of New-England was partly a product of the early crisis, partly of longstanding concerns. Samuel Hopkins (1693–1755) was born in Waterbury, Connecticut, gradu­ ated from Yale College in 1718, and became minister of West Springfield, Massachusetts, in June 1720, where he remained until he died. Settled in 1636 (as Thomas Pynchon’s company town) in the western Pioneer Valley, Springfield was attacked during Metacom’s War (1675–6) and remained vulnerable in the 1750s. Hopkins was part of a frontier puritan dynasty.2 In June 1727 he married Esther Edwards, sister of Jonathan Edwards, minister in western Northampton, Indian missionary and President of Princeton. Their son was Samuel Hopkins, pastor of Hadley, also in western Massachusetts, and their nephew was another Samuel Hopkins, student of Edwards, minister in Housatonic (Great Bar­ rington), again in western Massachusetts, and later in Newport, Rhode Island. This Hopkins founded ‘consistent Calvinism’, also called the New Divinity and ‘Hopkinsianism’, a Congregationalist response to the multi-denominational challenge to the Great Awakening that stressed God’s omnipotence, including his permission of sin for the greater good, his greater repugnance for ‘awakened’ –1–

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than ‘unawakened’ sinners, and ‘disinterested benevolence’, including willing­ ness to accept damnation for God’s glory. Hopkins published these ideas after his uncle’s death, but the elder Hopkins may have influenced or been influenced by his nephew’s early thoughts, as disinterested benevolence towards Indians is central to his Address to the People of New-England.3 Given the French and Indian threat, Hopkins’s first aim, ‘to shew, that it is of vast Importance to the British Provinces and Colonies in America, especially to the Provinces of Massachusetts, New-York, and New-Hampshire, that they be in good Terms with the Indians’ (below, p. 7), is hardly disinterested. But his second aim, ‘to shew, by what Means this may be effected’ (below, p. 7) exempli­ fied Hopkinsianism. Hopkins shows disinterest of another kind by saying ‘that the Indians, simply considered, are not of such great Consequence to us. We can subsist without them’ (below, p. 7). But he also observes that ‘with Relation to Peace and War … they certainly have the Ballance of Power in their Hands’, especially as ‘our Frontiers are of vast Extent, and border upon the adjacent Wil­ derness; which, tho’ almost inaccessible to us, yet is the very Element in which they delight to live’ (below, pp. 7–8). Furthermore, the French of Canada, thro’ their Policy and Vigilance, have taken the Advantage of our Neglect, and gained a large Number of the Natives to their Interest, and are gaining more and more every Year; and some even from among our own Indians. (below, p. 8)

The first measure Hopkins advocates to secure Indian allegiance is licensing Indian traders: It must not be in the Power of every private Person to treat them as he pleases. We may upon good Grounds despair of their being treated with Equity and Justice, if every one may gratify his avaricious Temper in dealing with them. Our Trade therefore must be of a publick Nature; and must be committed to the Care and Management of faithful Men. (below, p. 12)

But not only that: ‘We should not … content ourselves with being barely just in our Treatment of them, but we should also be kind and generous’, meaning creating ‘Townships, suitable for Indians to settle in’ where ‘they should not only enjoy the Land as their own, but also have a Minister supported among them to instruct them in the Christian Religion; and also a School-Master to teach their Children to read and write’ (below, pp. 14, 15). He also advocates sending ‘Missionaries among their respective Tribes, Ministers and Schoolmasters’, citing the examples of John Sergeant and Jonathan Edwards at Stockbridge, but also noting, ever security-conscious, that ‘the Five Nations being nearest us, and their Friendship of very great Consequence, it might be proper to begin with them’ (below, p. 16).

Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England

3

Notes: 1.

F . Anderson, The Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in Brit­ ish North America, 1754–1766 (New York: Vintage, 2000) is the most comprehensive account of the war. 2. S. Innes, Labor in a New Land: Economy and Society in Seventeenth-Century Springfield (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983). 3. P. Jauhiainen, ‘Hopkins, Samuel (1721–1803), Congregationalist Minister in America’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 28, pp. 66–7; J. Conforti, ‘HOPKINS, Samuel (17 September 1721–20 December 1803)’, in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 19, pp. 671–73. For the younger Hopkins’s New Divinity writings, see Sin, through Divine Interposition, and Advantage to the Universe (1759), An Inquiry concerning the Promises of the Gospel (1765), An Inquiry into the Nature of True Holiness (1773) and his summary magnum opus, System of Doctrines (1793). The younger Hopkins also authored the anti­ slavery A Dialogue concerning the Slavery of the Africans (1776).

ADDRESS

TO THE

People of New-England.

REPRESENTING

The very great Importance of attaching the INDIANS to their Interest not only by treating them justify and kindly, but by using proper Endeavours to settle Christianity among them By SAMUEL HOPKINS, A.M.

Pastor of a Church in Springfield.

I perceive that GOD is no respecter of persons. But in every nation he that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accepted with him APOSTLE PETER1

Printed in Boston, 1753. Being a Conclusion to the Histori­ cal Memoirs relating to the Housatunuk Indians; with an Account of the Methods used for the Propagation of the Gos­ pel amongst the said Indians, by the late reverend Mr. John SERGEANT2 Now recommended to the famous Consideration of the inhabit­ ants of Pennsylvania, and the other Colonies.

PHILADELPHIA: Reprinted by B. Franklin, and D. Hall 1757. /

AN

ADDRESS, &c.

My Design in this Address is to represent, to the People in this Country, the very great Importance of treating the Indians, who live among us, and upon our Bor­ ders, in a just, kind and charitable Manner; and that we do, by all proper Means and Methods, endeavour to attach them to us, and to the British Interest. This, I apprehend, is a Subject that has been too much neglected, and that greatly wants to be set in a clear and just Light. And I sincerely wish that some Gentleman of greater Abilities and Address than I can pretend to, would take it in Hand: Tho’ if my weak Endeavours may be a Means of moving others to do Justice to a Sub­ ject of such Weight, I shall heartily rejoice in it. That I may offer what I have to say in the clearest and most concise Manner I can, I shall go into the following Method. First, I shall endeavour to shew, that it is of vast Importance to the British Provinces and Colonies in America, especially to the Provinces of the Massa­ chusetts, New-York, and New-Hampshire, that they be in good Terms with the Indians, and attach them to their Interest. And, Secondly, I shall endeavour to shew, by what Means this may be effected: Or what are the most likely Methods to bring it to pass. / 1. I am to shew, that it is of vast Importance, that we be in good Terms with the Natives; and that we engage them in our Interest. I freely grant, that the Indi­ ans, simply considered, are not of such great Consequence to us. We can subsist without them. But yet, their Trade is a considerable Article, worthy the Care of any politick People, and managed as it might, and ought to be, would yield us great Profit. But if we consider them with Relation to Peace and War, as attached to us, or to our Enemies, they are of the last Importance to us; for they certainly have the Ballance of Power in their Hands, and are able to turn it for or against us, according as they stand affected to us. Canada,3 in-considerable as it is, and from which, separate from the Indians, we have little or nothing to fear, in Time of War; Canada, I say, would be more than a Match for us, in case they join with them against us. He must be a great Stranger to, and very ignorant of, the Circumstances both of the English and Indians, who is not sensible of this. Our Circumstances are such, that we cannot guard ourselves against the Incursions of such Enemies in Time of War; for our Frontiers are of vast Extent, and border –7–

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upon the adjacent Wilderness; which, tho’ almost inaccessible to us, yet is the very Element in which they delight to live. They are at Home in it. The People therefore who inhabit our Frontiers, while they follow their necessary Business, are exposed to be an easy Prey to them; and many of them have been surpriz’d in their Fields and Houses, and in a most barbarous Manner put to Death. A small Number of Indians, encouraged and supported by the French (which they are ready enough to do) can easily keep us in a constant Alarm, put us to an immense Charge, destroy many, and impoverish more, in our exposed Places, and not put themselves / at all out of their Way; yea, find their Account in it; for as they live by Hunting, so where Game is most plenty they are best off : And where can they find a better Supply, than among our Cattle, Sheep, and Corn-Fields? There they live at Ease, distress and impoverish us, and the adjacent Wilderness is their Refuge. By retiring into it, they are soon out of our Reach; and long Experience has taught us how ineffectual the Measures we have taken for our Safety and Defence have proved. Some, I am sensible, will say, let us not be at any Cost and Pains to gain the Friendship of such a perfidious Crew, but let us destroy them all. Quickly said indeed, but not so soon nor so easily effected. Those Persons who are for destroying them would doubtless, soon do it, were they first bound and delivered up to them. But one Question here is, how we shall get them into our Power? And another is, Whether it would be so humane, generous and Christian-like, to take away their Lives, were that in our Power, as it would be to cultivate Friend­ ship with them, and to seek their best Good? If we should be so sanguine as to endeavour to destroy them, it would doubtless prove a vain Attempt; and serve only to drive them to the French, who would be very ready to receive and protect them. If we neglect them, and take no Measures to engage them in our Interest, or to cultivate Friendship with them, this will probably render them indifferent to us, and dispose them to hearken to the enticing Insinuations of Romish Emis­ saries; and our Situation must be very unhappy, when they become engaged in the French Interest. If it be objected, that the French have already gained a large Number of Indi­ ans to their Interest, and therefore if we use our best Endeavours to gain others, it will avail nothing; for those who are / devoted to the French, will nevertheless distress us in Time of War. I reply, It is very true, that the French of Canada, thro’ their Policy and Vigilance, have taken the Advantage of our Neglect, and gained a large Number of the Natives to their Interest, and are gaining more and more every Year; and some even from among our own Indians. They spare neither Cost nor Pains to accom­ plish their Designs of this Nature, being sensible enough how advantageous it is to them, and how injurious to us; and if they continue to be active, and we negligent, as in Times past, is it not too probable that they will, in a little Time,

Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England

9

attach to themselves all the Indians in North-America? Does it not then concern us to use proper and vigorous Endeavours to prevent this apparent Mischief, by counter working the French? who are, I suppose, tampering with all the Tribes of North-America, to engage them in their Interest. And should we succeed in our Endeavours (as it is highly probable we might, if proper Steps were taken) so as to engage the Five Nations,4 and some other Tribes, in hearty Friendship with us; and especially if we should bestow such Favours upon them, as would induce them to settle upon our Frontiers; it would in all Probability prevent the Evil spoken of in the Objection; for the Indians from Canada would not molest us, if a Number of the Natives, in hearty Friendship with us, were placed in our Borders. Of this we have had a very plain Proof the last War, in the Safety of Stock-bridge, and the adjacent Places, from any Attempts of the Enemy from Canada. Stockbridge is in the very Road of, and more exposed to, the Indians from Canada, than any other Place whatever; and yet we see that the Enemy turned off East to Connecticut-River, and West to / the Dutch Settlements, where they did much Mischief; while Stockbridge, Sheffield, New-Marlborough, and Number One, tho’ more exposed, were not molested. This, so far as we can dis­ cern, was owing to a small Number of Indians dwelling at Stockbridge, who are our hearty and fast Friends; which the Enemy being sensible of, cared not to come within their Reach, lest they should be taken in their own Snare. And if we should encourage the Settlement of other Indian Towns upon our Frontiers, where Hunting is most handy to them, as Stockbridge has been encouraged; should we give them Townships of Land suitable for their Improvement, build a Meeting-House and School-House in each Town, and support Ministers and School-Masters in them; would not this convince them that we are their true Friends, and seek their Good? Would it not induce them to settle in our Bor­ ders? especially those of them who are desirous that they themselves and their Children should be instructed? Would they not be a Guard to us in Time of War? And if, after all, we should meet with some Trouble from the Indians of Canada, might it not be effectually prevented, by playing our Indians upon them, as they do theirs upon us? And would not the Charge of all this be a Tri­ fle, compared with that of defending ourselves in Time of War? But if we neglect them, and take no Measures to cultivate Friendship with them, and especially if we deal injuriously by them, shall we not put an Advantage into the Hands of the French (which they will not fail of improving) to engage them in their Interest, and to employ them against us in Time of War? which would prove a very great Calamity to us, if not our utter Ruin. These Things considered, is it not of very great Importance, that we be at good Terms with the neighbouring Natives? /

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2. I will, in the next Place, endeavour to shew what are the likely Methods to bring this to pass. Or what Measures we must take with the Indians, if we would engage them in hearty Friendship with us. And here, in general, our Conduct towards them must be such as shall make them sensible that we are indeed their hearty Friends; and such also as shall con­ vince them that it is their Interest and Advantage to be in Friendship with us. Nothing short of this, I apprehend, will attach them to us, so as to answer the Ends proposed. If we often treat with them, renew the Friendship, and bestow upon them large Presents: Or, as they phrase it, Smoke together, brighten the Chain, or put the Brands together, to kindle up the former Fire; and yet leave Room for them to suppose that this proceeds not from true Friendship, but rather from Fear of them, or from Suspicion that they will join with our Enemies, &c. this will never be sufficient to engage them; the utmost we can rationally expect from it is, that they will not openly break with us, but keep up a Shew of Friend­ ship, that they may have the Benefit of future Presents at our Hands. Again, if we should by any Means convince them that we are their true Friends, and yet not go into such Measures with them as should turn to their Advantage, they would hardly be engaged for us. As all other People are gov­ erned by Interest, so are they. And the principal Handle we can take hold of, to attach them to us by, is their Interest, and that would not fail of doing it. If a Tribe of Indians can sell their Skins to us for Twenty Shillings, and buy their Blankets for Ten Shillings; they will never go to Canada where they must sell their Skins for Ten Shillings, and give Twenty Shillings for a Blanket. Convince them that it is much for their Interest / and Advantage to be our Friends and Allies, and we need not fear but that they will be so. Now, in order to convince them that we are truly their Friends, and that it is their Interest to be ours, we must, In the first Place, treat them according to the Rules of Equity and Justice. We must not defraud and oppress them, but be honest and just in our Dealings with them. The Natives, with whom we have to do, are Persons of so much Sagacity, that they can distinguish between just and injurious. Treatment, as well as other Men. They are also as ready to resent, and perhaps more forward to revenge Injuries, than any other People under Heaven. If therefore we treat them in an unjust Manner, we may rationally expect that they will be so far from being our Friends, that they will join with our Enemies, and seek Opportunities of Revenge. It is well known, that the Indians are generally addicted to Drunkenness, and that when they have tasted a little Liquor, they have a strong Thirst for more, and will part with any Thing they have, for a sufficient Quantity to make them drunk. – And is it not as well known, that we have taken the Advantage of this their vicious Appetite, and for a few Quarts of Rum have purchased valuable Effects of them? Have not private Persons thus made their Gains of them, not­

Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England

11

withstanding the good Laws that have been in Force to prevent it? And is not this the Manner of all private Traders, who go among their several Tribes for Gain? In our publick Dealings with them at our Truck-Houses, where Rum has been freely sold them, Care has been taken that they should not be cheated, but that they should have the full Value of what they had to sell: An Indian therefore, who was Owner of a Pack of Beaver, Deerskins, or any other / valuable Goods, could buy a large Quantity of Rum, and might get drunk perhaps ten times, or more; whereas, if he had fallen into private Hands, he must have contented him­ self with being drunk but once or twice. Which of these proves most injurious to the Indians in the End, I shall not pretend to determine. When they are thus intoxicated, they fall out among themselves, fight, and sometimes kill one another, and some have drunk themselves dead on the Spot. An Instance of each of these there has been, if I am rightly informed, at Fort Dummer, since that has been improved as a Truck-House. And whether the Guilt of that Blood does not lie upon us, I leave others to judge. Now, if we treat the Natives in this Form, will they, can they, live with us? Will not the Law of Self-Preservation oblige them to leave us, and to go where they may be better used? Some of the Five Nations plainly speak it out, and say, ‘We cannot live with the English and Dutch; they bring us so much Rum, that it destroys us; we must go to the French, who will let us have but little strong Drink.’ Thus we alienate the Indians from us, and as it were oblige them to go over to the French, who are often our Enemies, and fail not to employ them against us in Time of War. And if we proceed to deal thus injuriously with them, what can we expect but that they will leave us, and be a severe Scourge to us? Tho’ the Indians are sunk below the Dignity of human Nature, and their Lust after Drink exposes them to be cheated out of what little they have; yet this gives us no Right to deal unjustly by them. They have a natural Right to Justice, and may, with great Propriety, challenge it at our Hands, seeing we profess to be subject to the Laws of Christ, / which teach us to do that which is altogether just. And we should be so far from taking the Advantage of their Ignorance, Vice and Poverty, to defraud them of what is their just Right, that we should rather be moved to Pity, and compassionate their deplorable State, and be Eyes to the Blind, &c. I am fully persuaded, that if we were upright and just in all our Transactions with them; if our Trade with them was put into the Hands of faithful Men, who would deal justly by them; and if they were supplied with all Necessaries for themselves and Families at a moderate Price, it would not be in the Power of all the French at Canada (subtle as they are) to alienate them from us. The French are not upon equal Ground with us in this Affair. For their Northern Climate is much more inhospitable and severe than ours is: Their Country is not so pro­

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ductive of those Fruits, which the Indians very much live upon, as ours: Nor can they afford Goods which are proper and necessary for the Indians at so cheap a Lay as we can: Therefore we can give them those Advantages which Canada can­ not. We can, without Damage to ourselves, make it their Interest to adhere to us: And when Experience has once taught them, that their Interest lies with us, they will want no other Inducement to engage them to us: Yea, it will not only attach those of them to us, who are not yet gone to Canada, but it will induce those who are, to return to their Brethren, for the Sake of the Profit they might reap by it; especially if we give them all the Advantage we can, consistent with our own. As unjust and abusive Treatment of the Indians tends naturally to alienate them from us, and to turn them off to the French; so a Series of just and faithful Dealing with them would be likely to attach them to us, and to make them our fast Friends. / This again appears from the Temper and Conduct of that Part of the Tribe of the River Indians who live at Stockbridge. For tho’ they were, for a considerable Time, extremely jealous, that we had some ill Design upon them, even in the Favours they received at our Hands (a Jealousy founded, I suppose, upon the ill Usage the Natives have too often been the Subjects of ) yet by the just Treatment they, for a Course of Years, have met with from the Government, from Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Woodbridge, and others, they are become our hearty Friends; willing to live or die with us, whether in Peace or War. It is very true, that in order to obtain the End proposed, our Trade with the Indians must not be in private Hands. It must not be in the Power of every pri­ vate Person to treat them as he pleases. We may upon good Grounds despair of their being treated with Equity and Justice, if every one may gratify his avaricious Temper in dealing with them. Our Trade therefore must be of a publick Nature; and must be committed to the Care and Management of faithful Men: Not to such as will seek the Service, and make Friends to procure the Post for them; (certain Indications of a Self-seeker) but Men of Uprightness and Integrity must be sought out; such, and such only, must be trusted with Business of such Impor­ tance: Good Instructions must be given them, which must be carefully adhered to. If the Indian Trade at Canada was in private Hands; if every private Person there might deal with the Indians at Pleasure, we might then hope that those who are gone from us would soon return; for, in that Case, it is supposable enough that they would not meet with much better Usage there than they do here; tho’ it is scarcely supposable that they / would meet with much worse. The French Trade with the Indians is wholly in the Hands of publick Officers, (if I am rightly informed) and a private Man, if he wants a Dear-skin, a Beaver-skin, &c. is not allowed to purchase of an Indian, but must go to the publick Stores. Upon the Supposition that those Officers are faithful, and deal justly by the Indians, it is surely a wise and politick Method to engage them in their Favour. And so long as

Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England

13

every private Person in the English Government is at Liberty to trade with them, when, and where, he pleases, and to cheat them out of what they have, what can we expect but that they will repair to Canada, where they may be better used? Is it not owing to the ill Treatment they have met with from the English and Dutch, that so many of them are gone already? And if no proper Measures are taken to prevent their being ill used, will not those who are yet behind soon follow their Brethren? Yea, if we furnish them with large Quantities of Rum, make them drunk, and then defraud them of what they have, do we not reduce them to a Necessity, either of living low and miserable with us, or of going from us, that they may fare better? How low, how dispirited, how miserable and brutish these few are, who live within our Borders, is too manifest. And whether we, by our ill treating of them, have not contributed to their Misery, is worthy of our serious Enquiry. Yea, would it not be proper for us to enquire, Whether we have not, by our Neglect and Abuse of them, provoked Heaven to let loose the Natives upon us, who have been one of the sorest Scourges that we were ever chastised with? What Multitudes have they, in a most cruel Manner, murdered in our Borders? How many of our Neighbours have they led into Captivity? Some of whom have been redeemed at a very great Expence, and / others are become either Pagans or Papists, and continue still in a foreign Land. And who can count the Cost we have been at, to defend ourselves against their Incursions? If the British Government should be disposed, in Time to come, to set up and maintain a publick, honest and just Trade with the Five Nations, or any other Tribes, thereby to attach them to us, to promote their true Interest, with other valuable Ends, that might thereby be answered; this Objection perhaps would arise, viz. That such a Proceeding will be a very great Expence to the Publick, for our Trade cannot be safe, unless it be protected by a considerable Force. A Fort must be built, and a Garrison of 50, 60, or perhaps 100 Men, with their proper Officers, must be maintained at each Place where the Trade is set up; therefore the Advantage would not countervail the Cost. To this I reply, If such Garrisons should be thought necessary in the Places where a Trade is set up, to be a Guard to it, the Charge would nothing like equal that of an Indian War, which perhaps it might prevent. But further, I apprehend that the Charge of such Garrisons might be spared; and that, instead of being necessary, they would prove very injurious to the Design; and that it would be a very wrong Step to be taken in that Affair. All who are in any good Measure acquainted with the Indians know, that they are extreamly jealous, left any Incroachments should be made upon them; and it is not strange it should be so, considering what has past over them. And if a Number of armed Men were placed among them, and Forts built for the Defence of our Trade, they would be suspicious that something hostile was intended, and

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we should not be able to remove the Suspicion. They / would behold us with a jealous Eye, and perhaps take Measures to frustrate the whole Design. The most effectual Way to induce them to trust us, is to trust them; and they will be ready enough to protect our Trade if we desire it, and shew that we confide in them to do it. And when a little Experience has taught them how advantageous such a Trade would be to them, they would be ready enough to do it, for their own Advantage. If therefore we should desire them to admit a Trader into one of their own Forts, or to build a Fort at our Charge in some convenient Place for such a Design, and to take Care that our Trade be safe; this would tend to convince them, both of our Friendship to, and of our Confidence in, them; and they would not only be pleased with it, but also ambitious to shew us that we may safely trust them: And were I to be the Truck-Master, I should esteem myself much safer in their Protection, than in a Garrison of 100 English Men: For if such a Garrison should be placed among them, they themselves would sus­ pect some ill Design carrying on against them; and the French would infallibly tell them, that tho’ we pretended Peace and Friendship, yet our Design in the End is to dispossess them of their Country. If indeed a Truck-Master should prove an unfaithful Servant, and enrich himself by defrauding them, he might have Occasion for English Soldiers to pro­ tect him and his Stores; but if they found him faithful, friendly and just in his Dealings with them, they would be as careful of him as of their own Eyes, and venture their own Lives for him. What would not the Indians of Stockbridge have done for Mr. Sergeant in his Day, whom they had found to be their true and hearty Friend? And what would they not now do for Mr. Woodbridge, of / whom they have had the like Experience? Indians will be as ready as the English, and perhaps much more so, to serve and protect, if there be Occasion, those whom they have found to be their faithful and real Friends. In a Word, I apprehend, that if we had in Times past treated the Natives according to the Rules of Equity and Justice, it would have been quite suffi­ cient to have engaged them in our Interest, and to have kept them in Amity and Friendship with us; and that, even now, they might in a little Time be attached to us, by such Treatment: But this, I confess, I despair of, if every private Person must be left at his Liberty to treat them as he pleases, and to defraud them of all they have; which I take to be the Case in New-York Government, who lie next to the Five Nations, and have their Trade; tho’ in this Province we have good Laws in Force to restrain private Persons from selling them strong Drink. 2. We should also exercise that Kindness and Generosity towards them, that shall convince them that it is for their Interest to be in Friendship with us. We should not, in a Case of such Importance, content ourselves with being barely just in our Treatment of them, but we should also be kind and generous, as a

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proper Expedient to obtain the End proposed. I am aware, I shall here be quickly interrupted with this Exclamation; What! kind and generous to such an ungrateful evil Crew! To which I shall only answer, We have good Authority for being kind to the Unthankful, and to the Evil. And if that good Being who recommends it to us, had not given an Exam­ ple of it, in his Dealings with us, how deplorable had our State been? This kind Temper and Behaviour is recommended to us in the Gospel, not only because it is the Will of our heavenly Father that we should be / kind, but also because the Exercise of it answers excellent Ends; produces very good and desirable Effects; such as Love, Friendship, Peace, &c. And while we make a Profession of Chris­ tianity, it is Pity the Practice of it, in so material an Article, should be objected against. And is it not very proper that we should exercise Kindness and Gener­ osity to the poor Natives, when there is a strong Probability of its being of very happy Consequence both to them and us? A great deal of Kindness and Generosity has been exercised towards the River Indians at Housatunnuk, by this Government, by the honourable Corporation at Home, by their honourable and reverend Commissioners at Boston, by the Rev. Mr. Hollis, by the Rev. Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Woodbridge, and others; and the Con­ sequence has been very happy as to them; they are brought to the Knowledge of the Gospel, and to a Christian Profession; and many of them, we hope, to the saving Knowledge of God. We also have found the Benefit of this kind Usage of them; for thereby they are become our hearty Friends, are united to us in their Affections, and were a Means, in the Hand of Providence, of covering our most Western Frontiers the last War. And were the like Kindness shewn by us to other Tribes, is there not Room to hope that the Effects might be alike happy? If Townships, suitable for Indians to settle in, were provided in our Frontiers, and it were proposed to them, that if they would come and settle in them they should not only enjoy the Land as their own, but also have a Minister supported among them to instruct them in the Christian Religion; and also a School-Master to teach their Children to read and write; would not this induce many of them, especially of the better Sort, to come and settle in our Borders? And would they / not cover our Frontiers in case of a War with France? What has been done for the Indians at Stockbridge, has doubtless been much observed and approved of by the Natives far and near. That there is a School set up at Canada, in Imitation of Mr. Sergeant’s School at Stockbridge, and a large Number of Scholars in it, we have heard and receive for Truth, That the French, who esteem Ignorance to be the Mother of Devotion, and do not desire to teach the Indians any Thing more than to say their Beads, and to cross themselves, have done this out of Choice, is not at all likely. They do not desire that their Indi­ ans, should become a knowing People. But yet, being sensible that the Report of Mr. Sergeant’s School had spread itself far and wide, and that their Indians

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were pleased with the Method the English had taken to furnish the Natives with Knowledge, they apprehended, that unless something like it were done among among them, there would be Danger of the Indians repairing to us for Instruc­ tion, and to prevent this, and to engage them to themselves, they set up their School. This, I conjecture, is the Truth of the Case. And if so, it is manifest that the Indians are inclined to seek after Knowledge; and therefore would be dis­ posed to hearken to such kind and generous Proposals, if they were made to them. And who can tell but that this, that, or the other Tribe, would gladly settle such Towns, if they were invited to it in a proper Manner? 3. Another Step, and perhaps the most promising one we can take, to engage the Indians in Friendship with us is, to send Missionaries among their respective Tribes, Ministers and Schoolmasters, to instruct them in the Principles, and to persuade them to the Practice of Christianity. Tho’ they have so long lived near us, and been conversant with us, yet / they remain ignorant of the Way of Salva­ tion, Strangers to the Gospel, and are perishing for lack of Knowledge: A Case that might well move our Pity and Compassion towards them, and put us upon doing what we can for their Relief. And whether our former Neglect of Things of this Nature has not been provoking to Heaven, may be worthy of our serious Enquiry. The Interest the Rev. Mr. Barclay had in the Mohawks, while he was with them, the Reformation of Manners he wrought among them, their Willing­ ness to receive Instruction, and their Engagedness to prosecute Learning, are a plain Indication that faithful Missionaries would be welcome to them. And the Five Nations being nearest us, and their Friendship of very great Consequence, it might be proper to begin with them: And what has been done among them by Mr. Barclay and others, might be no small Help in the Case. If we should send Persons well qualified for the Business to reside among them, and support them well, there would be no Foundation for any Jealousy that we have an ill Design upon them, and if at any time such Jealousies should arise, they would soon subside, upon the Indians having a little Experience of our Kindness and Friendship to them. The prudent Conduct and faithful Labours of such Mis­ sionaries might, by the Blessing of God, serve to remove their Barbarity, correct their Manners, reform their Lives, promote in them virtuous Sentiments, and by Degrees form them to true Religion. This we may hope would be the happy Event, with Respect to many of them, tho’ not to all; and if, by much Labour and Expence, it might be brought to pass, should we not find our Account in it; for what would be the Charge of supporting a few Missionaries, compared with that of an Indian War? And is there not great / Probability that such Measures would in a few Years Time attach them to us in a hearty Friendship? And if the Five Nations, who are a Terror to, and have in great Measure the Command of, other Tribes, were indeed our Friends, and made so by such Obligations laid

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upon them, would it not be an effectual Means of restraining other Indians from giving us Trouble in case of a War? The general Objection here, I am sensible, will be; – There is no Likelihood of succeeding, and therefore it is not worth While to make any Trial; it would only be to spend Labour and Money to no good Purpose. To which I reply, How can we draw the Conclusion before we have made the Experiment? Have we ever made any proper Trial, and found ourselves disappointed? And can it be looked upon just to draw such a Conclusion, in a Case of such Impor­ tance, unless we had better Grounds for it? It is true, Mr. Sergeant made a Visit to the Susquehanna Indians, Mr. Brain­ ard also, in his Day, did the same, without Success; but we know that the Excuse those Indians made was, that they held then Lands of the Five Nations, and therefore could not comply with such a Motion, till their Consent was first obtained. And besides, shall we esteem two or three Visits made by private Per­ sons a sufficient Trial in this Case? Sufficient indeed it was to shew that those good Gentlemen were possest of an excellent Spirit, and of a laudable Zeal for the Good of the poor Natives; but yet I apprehend not sufficient to discourage further Attempts. If those Gentlemen, who went in a private Capacity, had sus­ tained a publick Character, perhaps they had been more regarded. But however, when we have used our best Endeavours, and they indeed prove unsuccessful, we may be excusable; but can we look / upon ourselves so, if we sit still, and use no Endeavours for the Help of those poor benighted People? If proper Attempts should be made for Christianizing the Five Nations, there would, I am sensible, some notable Difficulties lie in the Way, but yet perhaps none but what might be surmounted. One Difficulty that would doubtless attend such a laudable Undertaking, would arise from those who maintain a private Trade among them, from which they reap great Gain; especially by the Article of Rum, too much of which they convey to them, and by the Influence of which the Indians are easily defrauded. These Traders would be very sensible, that if Christianity should prevail among those Nations, the Hope of their Gain would be gone, and seeing by this Craft they have their Wealth, they would use their utmost Endeavours to dis­ suade the Indians from embracing the Ways of Religion. They in Fact did so at Housatunnuk, where the Number of Indians was small, and their Trade not so considerable. How much more then will they do it, if Endeavours should be used to convert the Mohawks, whose Trade is vastly more advantageous? But as the Indians at Housatunnuk, by Mr. Sergeant’s Help, saw thro’ the Artifice they used, and were made sensible of the selfish Views of the Traders, so doubtless the Five Nations may easily be informed, and the Obstruction soon removed. Another Difficulty will arise from the false Insinuations of Romish Emis­ saries, who will not fail to tell them, that we are about to teach them a false

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Religion, and if they hearken to us, they will all certainly be damned. But when those Indians are properly informed of the Conduct of the French, and other Roman Catholicks, how they deny the Use of the Bible to the common People among themselves, / and that they have no Design to acquaint the Indians with the Word of God: And on the other Hand, that our Design is not to impose upon them, but to open the Bible to them, to enable them to read it, and to judge for themselves; will not this satisfy them of our honest Intentions towards them, and of the Safety and Propriety of their examining Things, that they may form a Judgment for themselves? A third, and perhaps much the greatest Difficulty that would attend this good Design is, that those Indians esteem themselves Christians already, and value themselves upon their being as good Christians as their Neighbours. Mr. Sergeant, in his Journal of November 25, 1734, says, – The Mohawks are ‘gener­ ally Professors of Christianity, but for want of Instruction have but little of it in Reality. –’ They are so ignorant of the Principles of Religion, that they know not the Difference between one who is baptized, and calls himself a Christian, and one who lives agreeably to the Rules Christ has given us to walk by. They are not sensible of the Necessity of being conformed to those Rules of Virtue and Holiness which Christ has prescribed. Romish Emissaries have baptized some of them, others (as I have been informed) have been baptized by Dutch Ministers; and they esteem it a Privilege belonging to them to have their Children baptized, whenever they present them, without any Regard being had, either to the Quali­ fications of the Parent, or the religious Education of the Child. When the Rev. Mr. Spencer was among them a few Years ago, they were much displeased that he declined baptizing some Children, whose Parents were notoriously ignorant, vicious and wicked. Some Indians from Canada, who had an English Woman to their Mother, came a few Years past to Westfield to visit their English / Rela­ tions there, and while they staid at that Place, they had a Child born, and were much offended with the Rev. Mr. Balantine, who declined baptizing of it, as they desired. Since the Rev. Mr. Edwards has been at Stockbridge,5 one of the Mohawks residing there had a Child born, and was highly affronted because Mr. Edwards did not baptize it upon his Desire. From these Instances it is evident, that they account their Children have Right to Baptism, whenever they desire it. And being baptized, they esteem them good Christians, whatever their Conver­ sation may be; for they derive their Notions of Christianity, not from the Bible (to which they are Strangers) but from the Example of the Dutch and French, with whom they are conversant, and who profess themselves to be Christians. And so far forth as being baptized, in the forementioned Manner; and call­ ing themselves Christians will make them so, they are so to be esteemed. Now these Things being so, it may prove a difficult Thing to make them sensible, that Drunkenness, and other vicious Practices, are inconsistent with Christianity;

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because those Christians, who fall under their Observation, give them an Exam­ ple of Vice, and go such Lengths therein. But yet I apprehend this Difficulty might also be removed, by giving them a just and true Account of the Nature and Extent of the Christian Religion, by informing them what the Will of Christ is; how he expects that we should be conformed to his Likeness, and to his Laws. The Indians are as capable of hear­ ing Reasons, and giving them their Weight, as other Men; and it is because they know not what Christianity is, that they esteem themselves Christians, in their present Circumstances. When they are made acquainted with the Terms of Sal­ vation, proposed in the Gospel, and what they must / do that they may inherit eternal Life; when they are well instructed in the Doctrines of Christ, they will be sensible that the Religion which they now have, is little or nothing like that which is taught by the Gospel. When Mr. Edwards refused to baptize a Mohawk Child born at Stockbridge (which I have before mentioned) and they were very much displeased with him on that Account, he went to them, gave them the Reasons of his Conduct, and informed them as clearly as he was able, of the Nature and kind of Baptism: Those Indians received the Form of his Reasons, and appeared to be satisfied and contented, when he had taken Pains to inform them. And I doubt not but proper Instruction and Information would remove the Difficulty I have been speaking of. Tho’ Christianizing those Indians may prove a difficult Work, yet if our Endeavours might, by the divine Blessing, be succeeded, would not the Advan­ tage thence arising to them, and us, more than compensate the Pains and Expence we should be at? And is there not so much Ground to hope for Success, as should induce us to make the Experiment? I shall now conclude, by briefly suggesting a few Things, not yet mentioned, the serious Consideration of which may excite us to use our best Endeavours for the Conversion of the neighbouring Indians to the Christian Faith. 1. And in the first Place, should not the Consideration of the divine Bounty and Goodness, bestowed upon us, excite us to employ Part of that undeserved Goodness to promote the Knowledge of God, our bountiful Benefactor, among those who are destitute of it? Thro’ the undeserved Favour and Blessing of God, we have been prosperous in our secular Affairs, succeeded in our Husbandry, / Trade, &c. and are become a wealthy People: And, were we as willing as we are able, might we not spare large Sums for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Heathen? Ought we not then to shew our Gratitude to the glorious Author of all our Comforts, by employing a Part of his Bounty to promote the Redeemer’s Kingdom? Is it not fit that we should thus honour the Lord with our Substance? Does it not lie as a Reproach upon us, who make an high Profession, that we expend so little to promote the Knowledge of God among the Natives, and so much to ill Purposes? Were what we employ in unnecessary Expences, by which

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Pride and Luxury are indulged and nourished, employed in the laudable Method I am recommending; would it not be sufficient well to support a Multitude of Missionaries among the neighbouring Tribes? Would it not probably be a Means of turning many of them from the Power of Satan to God? And would it not be an Odour of a sweet Smell, a Sacrifice acceptable, well pleasing to God *? And see­ ing God, by his Blessings, has enabled us to contribute to such a good Design, should we not chearfully give of our Substance, for the spiritual Benefit of the perishing Heathen? 2. Should not the Light and Grace of the Gospel, which we, thro’ divine Goodness enjoy, be a stronger Argument still to excite us to endeavour the Con­ version of the Heathen? A few Generations back we were in a State of Heathenism, as they now are: Aliens from the Commonwealth of Israel – and without God in the World†But, thro’ divine Goodness, the Day-spring from on High has visited us, and we enjoy the Light and Privileges of the Gospel-Dispensation. Seeing then God has had Compassion on us, and bestowed upon us those richest Blessings, ought we not to have / Compassion on the neighbouring Heathen, and use our best Endeav­ ours that they also may be made Partakers of the Light and Blessings of the Gospel? 3. Should we not be moved to such charitable Endeavours from the Consid­ eration of the wretched and forlorn Circumstances, in which the poor Natives appear before our Eyes? We often behold those piteous Objects, appearing half naked, and almost starved; which is the Effect of their vicious Way of Living. We see them also in the Depths of Ignorance and Barbarity; wholly unacquainted with the Way of Salvation, and quite unconcerned for their eternal Good: And yet their Powers, both of Body and Mind, are not inferior to our own. Were they brought to Civility and Industry, they might stand upon equal Ground with us, respecting the Comforts of Life; and were they instructed in divine Things, made acquainted with the great and important Truths of the Gospel, they might stand as fair for the Kingdom of Heaven as we do. Should not our Eyes there­ fore affect our Hearts, when we behold them in such miserable Circumstances? And should we not exert ourselves in all proper Ways for their Help? Did the Wounds of the poor Man half dead, who fell among Thieves,6 plead with so much Eloquence for human Compassion, as the unhappy State of the poor Natives does for Christian Charity? And if the Compassion of a Samaritan was moved by the former, how much more should the Bowels of a Christian be moved by the latter? 4. The noble Example of some generous and pious Persons, at Home, may well excite us to liberal Contributions for the Benefit of the poor Heathen. * Phil. iv. 18. † Ephes. ii. 12.

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Not only publick Societies, but also private Persons, in Great-Britain, have generously and liberally contributed for the Benefit of the Natives, in this distant Part of the World. Tho’ they are at 3000 Miles Distance, and never beheld, as we do, those / miserable Objects; yet, from a truly pious and generous Spirit, they have sent over their liberal Contributions, that the Heathen, by their Means, may be informed in the Way of Life. Verily, they shall not lose their Reward. A noble Example they set before us, most worthy our Imitation: And how can we excuse ourselves, if we neglect to copy after it? Some indeed may plead their Inability, but this is not the Case of all. Are there not among us many wealthy Merchants and Traders? Are there not also many Farmers, who abound in Wealth, upon the Lands which were, a few Years ago, the Property of the Indians, who now stand in Need of their Charity? Should not such Persons be moved, by the generous Examples of others, to help forward the noble Design of converting the Hea­ then? Yea, are not the People in general able to do something to help forward so good a Design? And will it not lie as a Reproach upon us, if we, who make a high Profession of Religion, prove void of Charity, when we are so loudly called to the Exercise of it, not only by the laudable Example of generous Benefactors at Home; but also by the perishing Circumstances of the neighbouring Indians? I shall only add my hearty Wishes, that this American Continent, which, for Ages unknown, has been a Seat of Darkness, and full of the Habitations of Cru­ elty, may become a Scene of Light and Love; that the Heathen in it, who have been wont to thirst after Blood, may hunger and thirst after Righteousness; That the Wilderness and solitary Place may be glad for them, the Desart rejoice and blos­ som as the Rose; – That the Glory of Lebanon may be given unto it, the Excellency of Carmel and Sharon; That they may see the Glory of the Lord, and the Excellency of our God*.

FINIS.

*

Isaiah xxxv. 1, 2.

MAYHEW, A SERMON

Jonathan Mayhew, A Sermon Preach’d in the Audience of his Excellency William Shirley, Esq; Captain-General, Governor and Commander in Chief, The Honourable His Majesty’s Council, and the Honourable House of Representatives, of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England. May 29, 1754. Being the Anniversary for the Election of His Majesty’s Council for the Province (London: G. Woodfall, n.d.).

Among the first to sermonize about the threat of ‘the slaves of Lewis with their Indian allies, dispossessing the free-born subjects of King George, of the inher­ itance received from their fore-fathers’ (below, p. 46) was Jonathan Mayhew (1720–66), the scion of four generations of Indian missionaries in Martha’s Vineyard, Massachusetts. Influenced by his father’s practical Christianity, he studied rationalistic and liberal Christianity at Harvard, graduating BA (1744) and MA (1747), and then served for life at Boston’s West Congregational Church. In Seven Sermons (1749) Mayhew controversially argued that a single (non-Trinitarian) God was all-powerful but benign, and rejected original sin and predestination in favour of free will. His famous Discourse concerning Unlim­ ited Submission (1750), inspired by a 1750 Anglican attempt to make Charles I a martyr, rejected divine right of Kings in favour of political liberty. He later vehemently opposed the Anglican Society for the Propagation of the Gospel’s proselytizing among dissenters and an American bishopric as it threatened to lead to religious qualifications for voting and office-holding as well as church levies. He denounced the Stamp Act as an imposition of slavery, and its repeal prompted his Thanksgiving 1766 sermon, ‘The Snare Broken’. Had he not died of a probable stroke he would undoubtedly have become a leading revolution­ ary.1 Mayhew’s sermon published here, originally given before the Massachusetts Governor, Council and Representatives, encompasses these themes. Mayhew argues that ‘the source and origin of civil power … is ultimately derived from God’, but forms of government were ‘creatures of man’s making’ (below, pp. 30, 31). The ‘divine right of monarchy’, he notes, serves ‘the purposes of ambition and tyranny’ and ‘monarchical government has no better foundation in the Ora­ – 23 –

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cles of God, than any other’ (below, pp. 30, 31). The ‘end of government’ he says, is ‘the good of man … the preservation of men’s persons, properties and various rights’ and securing ‘advantages, which are unattainable out of society’ (below, p. 31). He considers it ‘blasphemous to think that God’ would ‘exalt a few per­ sons to power over the rest, to be their oppressors; or … that they may amass riches’ (below, p. 32). Indeed ‘human felicity’ could be the only end of govern­ ment ‘founded in, and supported by, common consent’ (below, p. 32). Though generally more concerned with principles of governance than, like Archibald Cummings, with the character of good governors, Mayhew still thinks rulers should be ‘pious’, but only ‘as far as is consistent with the natural, unalienable rights of every man’s conscience’ (below, p. 33). He even quotes Voltaire against ‘Persecution and intollerance’ (below, p. 33) and later attacks the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for attempting to convert Protestant dissenters to Anglicanism rather than Indians to Protestantism. Britons are blessed, Mayhew believes, ‘to be governed by such men, and by such laws, as themselves approve; without which their boasted liberty would … be but an empty name’ (below, p. 37). As for colonists: ‘Though we are not an independant state, yet, Heaven be thanked! we are a free people’ (below, p. 39). Mayhew thus urges his audience not only to follow his general rules of good governance but also specifically to exercise ‘good knowledge of the nature of gov­ ernment in general; of the British in particular; of our charter rights, and this provincial constitution; a thorough acquaintance with the circumstances of the province, and with its true interests’ (below, p. 41). Yet the most pressing issue of the day, prompting ‘warlike preparations … in our southern colonies’, is the gigantic strides, which the French are making towards us; the consequence of the strict alliances they are forming with those Indians who are already our enemies; of their endeavours to secure such as are yet neuters; and of their practices, and many artifices, to corrupt those who are in amity with us. (below, p. 44)

Vividly lyrical and virulently anti-Catholic in describing the threat, he fears ‘all liberty, property, religion, happiness, changed, or rather transubstantiated, into slavery, poverty, superstition, wretchedness!’ (below, p. 46). After advocating the kind of inter-colonial union later suggested at the Albany Congress (19 June–11 July 1754), Mayhew praises the Governor’s vigilance and urges legislators to put aside ‘party disputes and factions’ and be not ‘backward, or parsimonious, in such cause as this’ (below, pp. 49, 50). He is also precocious in seeing the bur­ geoning north-eastern North American contest in what we now call Atlantic terms, referring to it as ‘a cause wherein the glory of God, the honour of your King, and the good of your country, are so deeply concerned … whereon the liberties of Europe depend’ (below, p. 50).

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Notes: 1. J. B. Frantz, ‘Jonathan Mayhew (1720–1766), Congregationalist Minister in America’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 37, pp. 587–8; H. W. Bowden, ‘MAY­ HEW, Jonathan (8 October 1720–9 July 1766), in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 14, pp. 775–6.

A

SERMON

Preach’d in the Audience of His Excellency

WILLIAM SHIRLEY, Esq;1

Captain-General, Governor and Commander in Chief,

The Honourable

His Majesty’s Council, And the Honourable

House of Representatives, of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, in NEW-ENGLAND. May 29, 1754. Being the Anniversary for the Election of His MAJESTY’s COUNCIL for the Province. N. B. The Parts of some Paragraphs, passed over in the Preaching of this Discourse, are now inserted in the Publication.

By Jonathan Mayhew, D.D.

Pastor of the West Church in Boston.

BOSTON Printed:

London, Reprinted for G. Woodfall, at the King’s Arms, Charing Cross. /

In the House of Representatives, May 30, 1754. Ordered, That the Representatives of the Town of Boston; together with Mr. William Fletcher, be directed to give the Thanks of this House, to the Rev. Dr. Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston, for his Sermon preached Yesterday before the Gen­ eral Court, being the Anniversary for the Election of Councellors, and desire a Copy thereof for the Press. Attest.

Oliver Partridge, Cler. Dom. Rep. /

AN ELECTION SERMON. Matt. xxv. 21. HIS LORD said unto him, Well done, thou good and faithful Servant; thou hast been faithful – This is part of our Saviour’s well-known parable of the talents; the moral of which is in general this, That whatever powers and advantages of any kind, men severally enjoy, are committed to them in trust by the great Lord and Proprietor of all,2 to whom they are accountable for the use they make of them; and from whom they shall, in the close of this present scene, receive either a glorious rec­ ompence of their fidelity, or the punishment due to their sloth / and wickedness. The subject, then, is very general, and equally interesting. All men, of whatever rank or character, are concerned in it. It leads our thoughts from what we pos­ sess, up to the great source thereof; from what we are at present, to what we shall be hereafter. It connects this world with another; and comprehends both our probationary and final state, under the righteous administration of God. But though the subject is very general, and of the last importance to all; yet civil power being one of the principal of those talents which Heaven commits to men, and the present occasion requiring a more particular consideration of it, the ensuing discourse will be confined thereto. Nor would I injure our honoured Rulers by the least suspicion, that they can possibly take it amiss to be reminded of their duty to God and Man upon this occasion, with all the plainness and simplicity becoming a minister of the Gospel, and consistent with decency; the rules of which, it is hoped, will not be violated. Indeed were One to discourse upon this subject before Rulers in an arbitrary government; or before unfaithful Rulers, even where the constitution is free; there would be almost a necessity of disguising and suppressing the truth, on one hand, or of giving umbrage on the other. A miserable dilemma! But surely there can be no necessity of the / former, nor any danger of the latter, under – 29 –

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such a government as the British, and before such Rulers as I have the honour to speak to. It is customary for those who are called to speak upon such public occasions, to apologize for their want of proper qualifications for the task. But how much reason soever they may often have for this, I think it is usually their unhappi­ ness not to be thought very sincere in doing it. I shall therefore wholly omit this common ceremony; because I would fain be thought quite in earnest in every thing I say before so grave and venerable an auditory, and upon so important an occasion. It may not be improper, in the first place, to speak of the source and origin of civil power: And then, of the great end of government: Which two particulars will be dispatched in a few words. In the third place, it will be useful to recollect some of those arguments, by which those who are vested with authority, should be induced to exercise it with fidelity, suitable to the design of it. And so the subject will be closed with some reflections, chiefly relative to this Anniversary, and to the present state of the Province. As to the source and origin of civil power; the parable on which my discourse is grounded, suggests that it is ultimately derived from God, whose ‘kingdom ruleth over all;’ this being as truly a talent committed by Him to the fidelity of men, as any thing else can be. / In this light it is considered in the holy scriptures. It is not only agreeable to the original scheme and plan of God’s universal gov­ ernment, that civil rule should take place among men, in subordination to His own; but his providence is actually concerned in raising those persons to power and dominion, who are possessed of it. In the language of the Prophet, ‘Wisdom and might are His. He removeth kings, and setteth up kings. The most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.’ The lan­ guage of the apostles is not less emphatical. They tell us, that ‘there is no power, but of God;’ that ‘the powers that be, are ordained of God;’ and that ‘they are God’s Ministers.’ But then it is to be remembered, that this power is derived from God, not immediately, but mediately, as other talents and blessings are. The notions of any particular form of government explicitly instituted by God, as designed for a universal model; of the divine right of monarchy, in contradistinction from all other modes; of the hereditary, unalienable right of succession; of the despotic, unlimited power of kings, by the immediate grant of Heaven; and the like; these notions are not drawn from the holy scriptures, but from a far less pure and sacred fountain. They are only the devices of lawned parasites, or other grace­ less politicians, to serve the purposes of ambition and tyranny. / And though they are of late date, yet being traced up to their true original, they will be found to come, by uninterrupted succession, from him who was a politician from the beginning.

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God did indeed formerly take one nation under his more immediate care and patronage, establishing therein a kind of civil polity. But with this, the other Nations of the world had no concern; nor were they required to imitate it. It might be added, that even this commonwealth of Israel was not moulded and modelled wholly by the immediate dictates of Heaven. Moses, who sometimes consulted God in the Mount, at other times consulted his father-in-law Jethro in Midian,3 the prince and priest of that country. By whose advice, though a mere pagan, it was that the great Hebrew lawgiver, partly framed his government. And it is to be observed, that this government did not put on the regal form at all, till after a long time; and then, in express contradiction to the council of the Prophet, God declaring that this people rejected Him, in requesting a king. To say the least, monarchical government has no better foundation in the Oracles of God, than any other. And after the establishment of it amongst the Hebrews the crown, instead of descending uniformly to the elder branch of the male line, was often bestowed on a younger; sometimes transferred to another family; and sometimes / even into another tribe: And this not without the divine approba­ tion. All the different constitutions of government now in the world, are imme­ diately the creatures of man’s making, not of God’s. And indeed the vestiges of human imperfection are so manifest in them, that it would be a reproach to the all-wise God to attribute them directly to Him. And as they are the creatures of man’s making; so from man, from common consent, it is that lawful rulers immediately receive their power. This is the channel in which it flows from God, the original source of it. Nor are any possessed of a greater portion of it, than what is conveyed to them in this Way. Or at least, if they have any more, they have it only as the thief or the robber has the spoil, which fraud or violence has put into his hands. Agreeably to what is here said, concerning the medium or channel through which power is derived from God, government is spoken of in scripture, as being both the ordinance of God, and the ordinance of man: Of God, in reference to His original plan, and universal Providence; and of man, as it is more immediately the result of human prudence, wisdom and concert. In the second place, we are just to mention the great end of government. And after the glory of God, which we usually consider as the end of all things in general, that can be no other than the good of man, the common benefit / of society. This is equally evident whether we consider it as a divine, or an human institution. As it is God’s ordinance, it is designed for a blessing to the world. It is insti­ tuted for the preservation of men’s persons, properties and various rights, against fraud and lawless violence; and that, by means of it, we may both procure, and quietly enjoy, those numerous blessings and advantages, which are unattainable out of society, and being unconnected by the bonds of it. It is not conceivable

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that the all-wise and good God, should ordain government amongst men, but with a view to its being subservient to their happiness, and well-being in the world; to be sure, not, that it might be subservient to a contrary one, their mis­ ery. We cannot imagine it possible that He who is good unto all, and whose tender mercies are over all his works, should exalt a few persons to power over the rest, to be their oppressors; or merely for their own sakes, that they may amass riches, that they may live in ease and splendor, that they may riot on the produce of other’s toil, and receive the homage of millions, without doing them any good. It were blasphemous to think that God has instituted government for such a partial, unworthy end. So far has God interposed in founding the commonwealth of Israel, it was in favour to his chosen people that he did it: Not that they might be oppressed and enslaved by their own Rulers; but that they might be delivered from / oppression and slavery and their taskmasters in Ægypt: And that, being brought out of the house of Bondage, they might be conducted into a good land, flowing with milk and honey; that they might there possess property, enjoy the blessing of equal laws, and be happy. Nor is the general design of government and magistracy now, throughout the world, different from what it was amongst the Israelites; viz. the happiness of men. Accordingly the apostle tell us that the civil magistrate ‘is the minister of God to us for good,’ and from hence argues the reasonableness of submitting to his authority. And all the instructions and admonitions which God has given to rulers in his word, exactly correspond to this declared end of their institution. The end of government then, as it is a divine ordinance, must be human felicity. And if we consider it as it is more immediately the ordinance of man, the end must evidently be the same. It being founded in, and supported by, common consent, it is impossible the design of it should be any other: Since we cannot suppose that men would voluntarily enter into society, and set up and maintain a common authority, upon any other principles than those of mutual security and common good. Nor is there any medium betwixt such common consent as is here intended, and plain lawless force and violence; for which Christians, surely, ought not to be advocates. Some states may have owed their / beginning, and more, their progress and enlargement, to the latter of these causes. But these are not to be drawn into example, or to have any regard paid to them, when we are speaking of the end of government. We ought not to take our estimate of the design hereof, from the views of banditti, and robbers, associated to plunder and oppress others: (tho’ even they have a common interest which they profess to regard, and which keeps them together.) But we are to form our idea of this end, by what reason suggests must be the motive with reasonable and honest men to unite together in the bonds of society. And if we judge by this rule, the end of

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government must be the common good of all, and of every individual, so far as is consistent therewith. We are therefore brought exactly to the same point at last, whether we consider government as it is originally an appointment of Heaven, or, more immediately, the voluntary choice of men. The security and happiness of all the members composing the political body, must be the design and end thereof, con­ sidered in both these lights. God is too good to ordain it for any other Purposes; and men, at least love themselves too well, to chuse it from any other principles: Unless, perhaps we may suppose that a farther design of political union, is the defence and patronage of other persons, out of the society; and the doing of good to all, as opportunity is, in providence, afforded for it. But if this is really any end at all; / yet it being only a secondary and remote one, it might have been passed over in silence. But tho’ the grand end of government under all its different forms, is one, the good of the political body; this general end admits of various subdivisions, and is prosecuted in a variety of ways; to speak of which is quite beyond the design of this discourse: And indeed that would be to deliver a system of politicks, rather than a sermon. I shall therefore only add under this head, that as the happiness of men in society depends greatly upon the goodness of their morals, and as mor­ tals have a close connection with religion, the latter as well as the former, ought doubtless to be encouraged by the civil magistrate; not only by his own pious life and good example; but also by his laws, as far as is consistent with the natural, unalienable rights of every man’s conscience. Protection is, in justice, due to all persons indifferently, whose religion does not manifestly and very directly, tend to the subversion of the government. And a general toleration, with this single exception, is so far from being pernicious to society, that it greatly promotes the good of it in many respects. Persecution and intollerance, are not only unjust, and criminal in the sight of God; but they also cramp, enfeeble, and diminish the state. And many states, in other respects politic enough, have hereby greatly prejudiced themselves, and strengthened their rival neighbours. For what else is it, to butcher multitudes of their / own people on religious accounts, as they have done; and to oblige others of them to betake themselves to flight, with their effects and arts, into foreign countries, where they may live securely? So that set­ ting aside the great impiety and unrighteousness of this practice, the impolicy of it is a sufficient argument against it. Nor, indeed, can it be doubted but that the interest of true religion, has been greatly prejudiced, by that notion which has so generally prevailed in Christendom from the days of Constantine; I mean, that kings could not be nursing fathers, nor queens nursing mothers, to the Church, unless they suckled her with human blood, and fed her with the flesh of those,

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whom angry Ecclesiasticks are pleased to stigmatize with the names of heretic, schismatic and infidel*. Thirdly: It is now time to mention some of those arguments by which Rulers should be induced to exercise their power with fidelity, suitable to the great end and design of it. It is asserted by a great man of the last age, ‘that the pretended depth and difficulty in / matters of state, is a mere cheat.’ And from the begin­ ning of the world,’ says he, to this day, you never found a common-wealth, where the leaders, having honesty enough, wanted skill enough to lead her to her true interest both at home and abroad†.’ It belongs not to my function to determine how far this assertion will hold true. But I may venture to say, that if honesty and publick spirit are all that are wanting, there are not wanting arguments enough, founded in reason and reli­ gion, to engage Rulers to act from those principles. To a generous mind, the public good, as it is the end of government, so it is also such a noble and excellent one, that the prospect of attaining it will ani­ mate the pursuit, and being attained, it will reward the pains. The very name of patriotism is indeed become a jest with some men; which would be much stranger than it is, had not so many others made a jest of the thing, serving their own base and wicked ends, under the pretext and colour of it. But there will be hypocrites in politicks, as well as in religion. Nor ought so sacred a name to fall into contempt, however it may have been prostituted and profaned, to varnish over crimes. And those times are perilous indeed, wherein men shall be only lov­ ers of their own selves, having no concern for the good of the public. Shall we go to the Pagans to learn this god-like virtue? Even they can teach it. And is there a Christian, who is required to love all men, / and to do good to all, as he may have opportunity for it; is there a Christian, who does not love even his brethren, the members of the same body with himself ? Is there a Christian, who is void of all generous solicitude for his country’s welfare? Is there, who has no desire to see it in a prosperous and flourishing condition? Who has no pleasure in actually seeing it so? Is there, who has no grief, in beholding its calamities? no disposi­ tion to serve it? Such a person, though he were of a private character, would be a reproach not only to his religion, a religion of charity and beneficence, but even to our common nature, as corrupt and depraved as it is. But how much more * ‘Not only Germany, but all the Christian states, bled at the wounds which they – received in – religious wars; a rage which is peculiar to Christians, who are ignorant of idolatry, and is the unhappy consequence of that dogmatical spirit, which has so long been introduced into all parties. There are few points of controversy which have not been the occasion of a civil war: And foreign nations (perhaps our own posterity) will one day be unable to comprehend how it was possible, that our fore-fathers could kill one another, for so many years together, and yet, at the same time, be preaching patience.’ Volt. Age of L. XIV.4 † Harrington.5

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infamous were this, in persons of a public character? In those, on whom the wel­ fare of their country, under providence, immediately depends? But it is not to be thought merely an office of generosity and charity, for Rul­ ers to exert themselves in the service of the public. This is an indispensable duty of justice which they owe to it, by virtue of their station. They have taken the care and guardianship thereof upon themselves: Yea they are commonly laid under the solemn obligation of an oath, to study and pursue its interest. And why are they honoured? why, rewarded by the public, but that the public may receive benefit from them? Here then, are ties, if possible, more strong and sacred than those of charity: Ties, which being violated, leave the violators of them, guilty of manifest injustice, and great impiety. / Another argument of some weight, is, that people are not usually either so blind and insensible as not to know when they are well governed; or so ungrate­ ful as not to acknowledge it, and to requite their benefactors suitably to their merits. Some men will, indeed be captious, and find fault without reason: But it is a mere calumny to represent them of this turn and temper in general. All history scarce affords an example of a people ruled with prudence, justice, and due clemency, but what loved and honoured their Rulers; but what loudly pro­ claimed their vertues; but what, in all proper ways, requited their paternal care and goodness, while living, and reverenced their memory, when dead. And how much more desirable is this, than for them to have their ears filled with cries, complaints and murmurings? How much more eligible is it, to live esteemed, and to have their names transmitted with honour to posterity, than to be the objects of publick hatred, as being rather task-masters than fathers; and to leave no remembrance behind them, but of their selfishness and injustice; their unfaithfulness and oppressions? It were, moreover, to be wished, that Rulers (especially Legislators, whom I have all along chiefly in view) would seriously consider how much their own beloved posterity may be affected by their counsels and conduct. The effect of public counsels and resolutions, whether good or bad, is not so transient as / they are themselves. Even remote generations often feel the consequence of them. By wise and good laws, and a proper conduct in other respects, the gover­ nors of a people, lay a foundation, by God’s blessing, not only for the welfare of the generation present, but also for the prosperity of those who may come after them. In doing which, they, in effect, leave the most valuable legacy to their own offspring; whereas, by a contrary conduct, they entail on them only misery and ruin. This consideration will be of great weight, not only with persons of a truly patriot and public spirit; but even with all such as are not without natural affec­ tion; with all, who would not have their memory cursed after they are gone, even by those who should rise up, and call them blessed.

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A farther argument may be drawn from this consideration, that Rules derive their power from God, and are ordained to be his ministers for good. They are not only entrusted by man with the care of the publick; but by God himself, the supreme lawgiver, that they may be the instruments of his goodness and munifi­ cence. This doctrine, that rulers are God’s ministers, and cloathed with authority delegated from Him, has for too often been made use of as a topic of compliment and adulation, in order to sooth them, and puff them up with vain imaginations. And so successful have the servile adorers of Princes sometimes been, in the man­ agement of it, as to make them conceit themselves almost literally / Gods, and to think their subjects scarce better than brutes, made only for their service. That the title intended, denotes their dignity, and the honour which they may justly expect, no one can question. But the grand inference they themselves ought to draw from hence, is, that they should imitate the justice and unwearied goodness of that God, whose ministers they are; and exercise the power with which his providence has cloathed them, to that gracious end, for which it is given. When they prosecute the true interests of the public, and diffuse happiness around them, then, and only then, they act up to their honourable character. They then answer the noble purposes for which Heaven exalted them; and are seconding the benevolent designs of providence, being workers together with God. And what can more animate a considerate man to fidelity in his trust, than this reflection. That while he is thus serving his generation, he is doing it according to the will of God? that he therein concurs with the designs of the greatest and best of Beings, the Creator and Lord of all, who is good unto all? It is an honest joy, a pleasure truly divine, that must result from such conscious integrity. Christian Rulers should, moreover, always have in view the example of our blessed Lord and Redeemer, to whom all power in Heaven and in earth is given. All his laws are calculated for the good of his subjects; and he governs them, in order to render them happy. / He was the king foretold, who was to ‘reign in righteousness.’6 After Him should all the princes and rulers of the earth copy. And if they did so, the great object and end of their government, would be to bless mankind. But the argument suggested in my text, is of the greatest weight and solem­ nity of any that can be thought of; viz. the account which all men are to give of their conduct hereafter, to the judge of quick and dead. That same Lord, who has given to one of his servants five talents, to another two, and to another one, will come at the appointed time to reckon with them; and to render to every man according to his deeds. Nor are there any persons who have more reason to aim at approving themselves to Him, than civil Rulers, who have so great a charge. It is an established maxim of God’s equal government, that ‘unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required.’7 Nor does He, at whose tribunal they are to appear, regard the persons of princes any more than of their slaves.

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They are all equally his servants. Happy! thrice happy! those who shall then be found faithful; for then shall they enter into the joy of their Lord. Not so, the slothful and wicked servant, who has either neglected, or wilfully misapplied, the talents committed to him! Innumerable, alas! innumerable are the miseries and calamities which have accrued, and are daily accruing, to mankind, from the abuse of that very power, / which was designed to prevent them, and to be instrumental of good to all that are under it. Heaven beholds these things: And shall not Heaven, at length, visit for them! ‘Shall not the judge of all the earth do right!’8 Rulers surely, even the most dignified and powerful of them, should not be so elevated with the thoughts of their power, as to forget from whom it comes; for what purposes it is delegated to them; whose impartial eye it is that surveys all their counsels, designs and actions; and who it is that will, one day, exact an account of their stewardship. If only the hand upon the wall,9 caused the haughty Babylonian’s knees to smite one against another; what amazement will seize the proud oppressors of the earth, when they shall behold the ‘son of man coming in the clouds of Heaven, with all the holy angels with Him!’10 The apocalypse of St. John informs us how different sentiments the kings of the earth, and the great men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men,11 shall then entertain of them­ selves, from those which they are too apt to entertain at present. You will then see many of those who made the world tremble and stoop before them, in vain attempting to hide themselves in the dens and in the rocks of the mountains! But, It now remains to make some reflections upon this subject, and to apply it to the present occasion. / And we are reminded by the preceding discourse, how great a blessing good government is; and what gratitude becomes those whom God, in his providence, favours with it. Inconsiderate men are too apt to think government rather a burden, than a blessing; rather, as what some persons have invented for their own particular advantage, than what God has instituted for the good of all. This is, under Him, the great guard and security of men’s property, peace, religion, lives; of every thing here, for which it is worth while to live. And this is a blessing which British subjects enjoy, in as high a degree, perhaps, as any other people. It is their felicity to be governed by such men, and by such laws, as themselves approve; without which their boasted liberty would, indeed, be but an empty name. The form of our government is justly the envy of most other nations; especially of those which have either no parliaments at all, or such as may be banished at the word and pleasure of a tyrant; which comes much to the same thing. We have also, for several late reigns, been blessed with Princes too just and good to encroach upon the rights of their subjects, and too wise to think that Britons can endure a chain. Happy had it been for some

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former Princes, as well as for their people, had they been endowed with the same moderation, justice and wisdom! – Persons of a private character are, moreover, admonished of the reverence and submission, / which they owe to government as it is God’s ordinance; and as Rulers derive their power from him. Were this no more than an human institu­ tion, yet it would, in the nature of the thing, demand great respect; that being necessary even to the preservation of it in the world, and so, to people’s reap­ ing those numerous advantages which accrue from it. But when we reflect, that this is an appointment of Heaven, it suggests that we should be subject even ‘for conscience sake;’ and that we cannot behave undutifully towards our Rulers, without also rebelling against God. Nor is it easy to mention any duty which the gospel inculcates upon the consciences of men, with greater solemnity, than that of paying due honour to kings, and all that are in authority. However, it is not to be forgotten, that as in all free constitutions of government, law, and not will, is the measure of the executive Magistrate’s power; so it is the measure of the subject’s obedience and submission. The consequence of which, I shall at present leave others to draw; only observing, that it is very strange we should be told, at this time of day, that loyalty and slavery mean the same thing; though this is plainly the amount of that doctrine which some, even now, have the forehead to ventilate, in order to bring a reproach upon the Revolution, upon the present happy settlement of the crown, and to prepare us for the dutiful reception of an hereditary tyrant.12 / It is moreover suggested by what has been said upon this subject, how much care and integrity should be exercised in the choice of those, who are to have a share in government; that they may not be unworthy of it. If it ever happens in countries of liberty, that the conduct of public affairs falls into the hands of weak or dishonest men, the people will scarce be the less miserable, because they had the choice of these men themselves; tho’ they will be the less to be pitied. People have, in some countries, been so regardless of their own welfare, as to give too much encouragement to designing men, who would practice upon them; yea, as to make an infamous merchandize of their hands and voices to the highest bid­ der, without any consideration of merit, of capacity or inclination to serve the public. It is not easy to determine, who are the most criminal, they who would make their way to places of power and trust, by indirect means, or they who have so little concern for the welfare of their country, as to hearken to them, and to become the tools of their ambition and covetousness. And how faithfully they are likely to serve their country, who set out with corrupting it; they who aspire to a part in the government, by bribing the avaritious, by flattering the foolish, and making fine promises to the credulous; is not hard to conjecture. Sir Thomas More tells us, in his model of a commonwealth, that the wise and virtuous / Utopians, ‘take an oath, before they proceed to an election, that

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they will chuse him whom they think meetest for the office:’ and that, ‘if a man aspires to an office, he is sure never to compass it.’13 Some will perhaps think it a pity, that it is only an Utopia, an imaginary region, where such maxims are said to prevail. People being under no undue influence, would doubtless make a better choice than they often do, in those places, where importunity supplies the want of wisdom in the candidate; and the spirit of corruption, the spirit of patriotism. As to men of real worth, it is a pity they should be put upon violating their natural modesty, by proclaiming their own superior Qualifications for serv­ ing the publick; and by solliciting an acknowledgement hereof. It is still harder, that those who are most capable of serving their country, should be obliged to reward others for the liberty of doing it. Such men should surely be made choice of, freely and voluntarily, without being forced, as it were, either to beg or to buy, a confession of their great merit; especially, because in this case, some people of a jealous temper, may be apt to suspect, that they have something else more at heart, than the good of their country. Indeed the experience of all ages has proved, that men of the greatest merit, do the most disdain those arts and prac­ tices, of which others serve themselves with the unwary; and that those who are the most addicted to / them, are commonly the least fit to be trusted, either in respect of capacity or integrity, or both. God forbid, that ever such things should become fashionable and reputa­ ble amongst us; or that any Son of New-England, should prove such a profane Esau, as to sell his birthright! Our ancestors, though not perfect and infallible in all respects, were a religious, brave and virtuous set of men, whose love of lib­ erty, civil and religious, brought them from their native land, into the American deserts. By their generous care, it is, under the smiles of a gracious providence, that we have now here a goodly heritage; and see these once desart and solitary places rejoicing and blossoming as the rose, the glory of Lebanon being given unto them, the excellency of Carmel and of Sharon.14 By the wisdom and piety of our fore-fathers it is, under that God who hath determined the bounds of all men’s habitation, that we here enjoy many valuable privileges; of which this day, amongst other things, is a proof and monument. Though we are not an inde­ pendant state, yet, Heaven be thanked! we are a free people. However all know, that it is not from our privileges and liberties, simply considered, but from the use we make of them, that our felicity is to be expected. And they are so great and ample, that the right improvement of them, cannot but make us happy, provided we have the virtue and honour to make such a one of them. Nor can I think / we are so far degenerated from the laudable spirit of our ancestors, as to despise and abuse what they procured for us at so dear a rate. I am not willing to believe we are running so fast into the evil practices and customs of other places; or so fond of imitating the fashionable follies and vices of any, even of those whom decency may perhaps require us to call our betters, as some would insinuate that we are;

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and from hence prognosticate our destruction. No: I will not believe but that we fear God, reverence the memory of our fore-fathers, love our country and ourselves, more than to do thus; and that God will still give us to see the good of his chosen. But long custom requires that, upon this occasion, I apply myself more par­ ticularly to our honoured Rulers; or, at least, custom will screen me from the imputation of presumption in doing it. To you, therefore, the Legislators and political Fathers of the country, I would now, with all proper humility and defer­ ence, direct my discourse. I would not, much honoured Fathers, willingly go beyond my line in any respect. But surely I should forget the proper duty of my station, if I did not embrace the opportunity which this day affords me, to beseech you, as you fear God, whose ministers you are; as you love the country, whose welfare depends upon you; as you regard that good name, which is as precious ointment, and rather to be chosen than great riches; as you have any / concern for posterity, even your own; as you would enjoy the blessed peace of a good conscience, in life and death; and, in fine, as you would be found of our common judge in peace, in the day of his appearing; if I did not beseech and exhort you, by all these motives, to be faithful in the discharge of that trust which is devolved upon you by God and man; to let no unworthy views influence your conduct; but in all things to consult and prosecute the public good. You are very sensible, my Fathers, that this is your indispensable duty. Your God, your king, your country, all expect this of you. Nor could you answer it to either of them; no, not even to yourselves, should you neglect it. It is, I trust from a sense of duty to God, in whose name I am now called to speak, and from an affectionate concern for the welfare of my dear native country, not from a vain affectation of putting on the monitor towards my superiors, that I use this freedom of speech, and such importunity. And if it serves, in any measure, by the blessing of God, to awaken your zeal for His honour, and for the prosperity of this people, the intent of it is answered. There is but little probability, that those who fear not God, will much regard man; or that they who have not an habitual sense of His authority over them­ selves, will exercise that which he has given them over others, as they ought to do. Be pleased, therefore, always / to bear in mind that glorious Being, who is ever with you: who spake all worlds into existence; whose power sustains and governs all things; in whose presence no seraph is unveiled; at whose frown, apostate spirits tremble; before whom, all ‘the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing:’15 Whose ‘eyes ever view, and whose eyelids try the children of men: That righteous Lord who loveth righteousness;’16 and under whose administra­ tion, all men shall at last find their account in an upright conduct, and in that alone. While you have a just sense of these things upon your minds, you will pursue no unworthy ends: You will have the interest of the public at heart: You

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will be inquisitive about the best measures of promoting it; and ‘attend continu­ ally upon this very thing.’17 It is an important branch of the legislature for the ensuing year, that is this day to be chosen; a branch of great honour, weight and influence in the govern­ ment. Besides the known part which the gentlemen of that honourable board, will have to act in a legislative capacity; they will have another, which demands, at least, equal wisdom, equal uprightness, equal fortitude; and that of ‘freely giv­ ing advice, at all times, to the Governor, for the good management of public affairs of the government;’ according to the form of their oath. The world does not abound with persons, in whom all those qualities concur, / which render them fit for advisers and counsellors, even in matters of far less moment. But superior wisdom and discretion; a good knowledge of the nature of government in general; of the British in particular; of our charter rights, and this provincial constitution; a thorough acquaintance with the circumstances of the province, and with its true interests; a generous and public spirit; great honesty and intre­ pidity, such as will not waver with every gale of popular breath, or any other breath; these surely are the qualities, which are naturally expected to be found, in all who have a seat at that respectable board. Should there be ever seen here­ after, (a supposition which I do not make without great reluctance; but should there ever be seen hereafter) at the council board, a person of a low capacity, of little knowledge and discretion; one, almost ignorant of the laws, government, and circumstances, even of his own country; one, of a narrow, selfish, avaritious turn; one, of little integrity and little fortitude; one, afraid to disclose his mind, when advice is to be given, ‘freely for the good management of the public affairs;’ should such a one be ever seen hereafter at that board; this, surely would not seem very agreeable to its known stile and character of honourable. And all who are concerned in the approaching election, will regard those qualities which tend to support and justify that title; exercising a care proportionate to the importance and dignity of / such a trust: I mean they will do so, provided they are actuated in this affair, by such principles as become men and Christians; the principles of fidelity to God, and love to the country. Taking it for granted therefore, that these are the principles which will govern in the ensuing choice, in opposition to those of party, personal friendships, and personal enmities; and to all private interest; taking this for granted, I say, I would now beg leave, honoured Fathers, to mention some other things that may possibly deserve consideration; though with great submission and deference, knowing that to prescribe, is not my prov­ ince. It may be worth considering, whether we have not some laws in force, hardly reconcileable with that religious liberty which we profess; and which the Royal charter expressly requires should be preserved inviolate. A neighbouring colony, we know, has lately been reprimanded on account of some laws of a persecuting

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aspect. And whether some of our own, are of a genius and complexion sufficiently abhorrent from the same spirit, is not, perhaps, unworthy the consideration of the legislature. The state of our College can never be forgotten, nor enough lamented, by those who wish to see learning duly honoured, and in a flourishing condition. Indeed of literature and the muses chiefly haunted where poverty resides – But this a thread-bare topic. – Long / live the names of our venerable fore-fathers, who did so much for the promotion of liberal science, in the infant state of the country! Long, the names of all the generous, benefactors to this seminary of learning! Long, the names of Harvard, Stoughton, Hollis, Berkeley! The want of some act effectually to settle claims and quiet possessions, espe­ cially in the frontiers of the Province, which is much complained of by many: Not merely, as what renders private property too precarious; but also as what is prejudicial to the public, in more respects than one. There is such a spirit in some respects, now appearing, and growing amongst us, as being duly encouraged by the legislature, cannot, with the ordinary bless­ ing of providence, but be of happy consequence. We are grown pretty sensible of the importance of improving our lands, better than formerly; that so we may not be beholden for our daily bread, unless it is to him, to whom we pray for it. It is not improbable, from the late experiments of some public spirited Gentle­ men, that we might have a valuable staple, by means of that fruit which delights so much in our soil; as well as greatly lessen the importation of foreign liquors. Something considerable has, of late, been done towards the establishing of useful manufactures among us: None of which, it is to be hoped, will fall through and miscarry, for want of proper encouragement from the / government. The fishery now of late projected, and carried on, from this Capital, cannot fail to be of great advantage to it, in the low and declining state of its commerce; and, indeed, to the whole province; at least as long as the mortifying religion of lent, is upheld in foreign countries. – To these Things, which have a favourable aspect, may be added the zeal shown by many, for the introduction of foreign Protestants*. It is large importa­ tions of this sort, not of other European commodities, that has made one of our British provinces rich and populous, in the course of a few years; so that, of an * Though the Province alluded to, has in fact been made both populous and rich, by the intro­ duction of foreigners; yet it is apprehended, that some inconveniences may arise hereafter, if they have not arisen already, for want of due precaution in the distribution of them, &c. Which incon­ veniences will, doubtless, be guarded against, by any others of our British Colonies and Plantations, which shall bring in great numbers of such Settlers; this not being impracticable, though there may be some difficulty attending it. And although it should be thought, that the Germans in Pennsyl­ vania, however they had been disposed of, and whatever precautions had been taken with regard to them, are too numerous in proportion to the other Inhabitants; yet the Province of the Massa­ chusetts is already so populous with English, that there seems not to be the least, or most remote, danger here, of too large importations of this nature.

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inconsiderable settlement, it now vies with the greatest and most opulent. And that which may, perhaps, render it the more expedient thus to increase our num­ bers, is the probability that we shall, before long, have other employment than agriculture, and the blessed arts of peace, for many of our own people: I / mean, in curbing and chastizing the insolence of our neighbours on the Continent, neighbours, whose perfidy renders them a more formidable enemy even in peace, than either their number or bravery in war. It is not a little surprizing to many persons abroad, that this government has been at no greater expence, and taken no more pains, to civilize the natives of the country; and to propagate amongst them the glorious Gospel of our Redeemer: Especially considering one professed design of our fore-fathers in coming hither, our own high pretensions to religion, and our own interest. Indeed there is some reason to fear, that even the donations of persons abroad, and entrusted with others here, in America, for carrying on so pious and good a design, have not always been applied with that care, impartiality and faithfulness, which might have been justly expected. But this not being a matter wherein the government is immediately concerned, I shall say no more of it: And some will, perhaps, think that even this is too much. It is to be hoped that You, our honoured Rulers, will not neglect any means that are proper to be used by the government, to humanize and christianize these poor Savages. Charity requires this, and requires it the more, because they will, otherwise, be in great danger of apostatizing from their natural paganism and barbarity, into that which is worse, the / religion of Rome; a religion, calculated rather to make men wicked, than to keep them from being so, or to reform them after they are become so. We know the great pains, and various artifices, that are used by the Romish missionaries, to convert them to this wicked religion. Nor can one well help calling to mind here, the words of our blessed Saviour: ‘Woe unto you; – for ye compass sea and land to make one proselyte; and when he is made, ye make him two-fold more the child of hell, &c.’18 But, as it was intimated before, were compassion to the souls of these mis­ erable pagans wholly out of the case, even policy requires us to bring them, if possible, to embrace the Protestant faith. This would be one great means, amongst others not so proper to be mentioned in this place, of attaching them to the British interest: Whereas they will, otherwise, probably be our enemies. And what sort of enemies we are to expect in them, is no hard matter to con­ jecture, since the great duties which the Missionaries of Rome inculcate upon their savage converts, are those of butchering and scalping Protestants: Gener­ ous enemies, doubtless, when their native ferocity is whetted and improved by a religion, that naturally delights in blood and murder! That which seems, at present, chiefly to engage the attention of the public, is the British settlements on the Continent being now, in a manner, encompassed

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by the French. / And this is a matter of much more serious importance that it would be, were it not for the numerous tribes of warlike natives on our back; who, it is to be feared, are more generally disposed to fall in with that inter­ est, than with ours. The principal reason of which is, doubtless, this: That our politic neighbours take much more pains to gain them over, than our colonies have hitherto done. Nor can it be thought a thing of less importance for us, by all means that are lawful and practicable, to secure the friendship of the one, than it is to put a stop to the encroachments of the other. Indeed, whoever has the friendship of most, or all, of these natives, may probably, in time, become masters of this part of the Continent. Whether we, or they who are now making such a resolute push for it, Heaven knows*? / The warlike preparations that are made and making, in our southern colonies, prove that they are not unapprehensive of what may be the consequence of those quick advances and gigantic strides, which the French are making towards us; the consequence of the strict alliances they are forming with those Indians who are already our enemies; of their endeavours to secure such as are yet neuters; and of their practices, and many artifices, to corrupt those who are in amity with us. We, surely, who have always distinguished ourselves by a jealousy of our rights; by our loyalty; and our zeal for the common interest of his Majesty’s dominions on the Continent; We, surely, shall not be inattentive to these commotions, nor inactive when the general good, yea, the very being, of all these colonies is threat­ ened. Shall not be inattentive and inactive, did I say? We are not, we cannot be. We see from the late conduct of our neighbours, from their recent encroach­ ments, and unprovoked hostilities, (unless to breath on our own territories be a provocation to such men) we see from these things, in what manner all con­ troversies about bounds and limits, are to be settled; how very amicably! Punic faith! unless perhaps, Gallic is become sufficiently proverbial. No one that is not an absolute stranger to their ambition, to their policy, to their injustice, to their perfidiousness, can be in any doubt what they aspire at. /

* Query, Whether, if the Society for propagating the Gospel in foreign Parts, was well acquainted with the state of religion in these parts of America, Gentlemen of so great piety, charity, and loy­ alty, would not rather send Missionaries among the Savages; (by which they might, at once, both enlarge the Kingdom of Christ, and increase the number of his Majesty’s friends and subjects) than continue to support missions here; where the people are already christianized; and also well able to maintain their own Clergy? Some have suggested, that the Gentlemen of the worthy and honour­ able Society mentioned, are not unacquainted with these circumstances. But is not this supposition very injurious? For if that is really the case, we must necessarily conclude they wretchedly pervert the design of the Charities intrusted with them; and that their great aim in supporting these mis­ sions, is not the converting of Heathens to Christianity; but the converting of Christians of other protestant denominations, to the faith of the church of England: An imputation, so irreconcilable with their known probity, honour and Catholicism, that it can never be believed; and which must certainly bring shame upon the authors of it, in the end!

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And, indeed, the progress they have made in a short time, might seem strange, were it not for their union amongst themselves, and for the nature of their gov­ ernment. The slaves are content to starve at home, in order to injure freemen abroad, and to extend their territories by violence and usurpation. Their late conduct may well alarm us; especially considering our disunion, or at least want of a sufficient bond of union, amongst ourselves: An inconvenience, which, it is to be hoped, we shall not always labour under. And whenever all our scattered rays shall be drawn to a point and proper focus, they can scarce fail to consume and burn up these enemies of our peace, how saintly soever they may strike at present. What union can do, we need only look towards those Provinces, which are distinguished by the name of the UNITED, to know. But in the mean time, each government that considers its own true interest, will undoubtly concur in such measures as are necessary and practicable, for the common safety.19 Our present situation, my Fathers, calls to mind that of the tribes of Israel, surrounded and harrassed by their common enemies, at a time when they were under no common direction. Then it was that ‘Judah said unto Simeon his brother, come up with me into my lot, that we may fight against the Canaanites; and I also will go up with thee into thy lot; so Simeon went with him.’20 Though peace is very desirable, / upon just and honourable terms, yet we know very well, that God’s ancient people were not wont to be frighted out of their possessions; nor patiently to endure the incursions and ravages of their neighbours. And I am sure there is not a true New-England-Man, whose heart is not already engaged in this contest; and whose purse, and his arm also, if need be, is not ready to be employed in it; in a cause, so just in the fight of God and man; a cause so neces­ sary for our own self-defence; a cause whereby our liberties, our religion, our lives, our bodies, our souls, are all so nearly concerned. We have, indeed, of late done something to secure ourselves, and are doing more. We have put our hand to the plough; and he that looks back, is so far from being worthy the privileges of a citizen of Heaven, that he is not worthy to enjoy the rights of an Englishman. We are morally sure from the steps which our neighbours are taking, that there must, sooner or later, be some great turn of affairs upon this Continent, which will put it out of our power, or out of their’s, to dispute about boundaries: We have heard their threats, and insolent menaces; we have seen their more inso­ lent behaviour. And what a turn may be given to the affairs of Europe, should Heaven permit Gallic policy and perfidy to prevail here over English valour, I need not say, and even tremble to think! We are peaceably extending our settle­ ments upon our own territories; / they are extending their’s beyond their own, by force of arms. We must meet at length; which cannot be without a violent concussion: And the time seems not to be far off. In short, their conduct must be very different from what it has all along been, especially of late, before we shall have any reason to think, that we can live in peace and good neighbourhood

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with them, how much soever we may desire it. The continent is not wide enough for us both; and they are resolved to have the whole. – The Court of Versailles, for extending the French dominions in America, hath ever adopted this maxim, Divide & Impera; and, in pursuing it, hath stuck at no measures of perfidy*, or violence, for rooting out their neighbours. And what horrid scene is this, which restless, roving fancy, or something of an higher nature, presents to me; and so chills my blood! Do I behold these terri­ tories of freedom, become the prey of arbitrary power? Do I see the motly armies of French and painted Savages, taking our fortresses, and erecting their own, even in our capital towns and cities! Do / I behold them spreading desolation through the land! Do I see the slaves of Lewis with their Indian allies, dispossessing the free-born subjects of King George, of the inheritance received from their fore­ fathers, and purchased by them at the expence of their ease, their treasure, their blood! To aggravate the indignity beyond human toleration, do I see this goodly patrimony ravished from them, by those who never knew what property was, except by seizing that of others for an insatiable Lord! Do I see christianity ban­ ished for popery! the bible, for the mass-book! the oracles of truth, for fabulous legends! Do I see the sacred Edifices erected here to the honour of the true God, and his Son, on the ruins of pagan superstition and idolatry; erected here, where Satan’s seat was; do I see these sacred Edifices laid in ruins themselves! and others rising in their places, consecrated to the honour of saints and angels! Instead of a train of Christ’s faithful, laborious ministers, do I behold an herd of lazy Monks, and Jesuits, and exorcists, and Inquisitors, and cowled, and uncowled impostors! Do I see a protestant, there, stealing a look at his bible, and being taken in the fact, punished like a felon! What indignity is yonder offered to the matrons! and here, to the virgins! Is it now a crime to reverence the hoary head! And is he alone happy, that taketh the little ones, and dasheth them against the stones! Do I see all liberty, property, religion, happiness, changed, or rather / transubstanti­ ated, into slavery, poverty, superstition, wretchedness! And, in fine, do I hear the miserable sufferers (those of them that survive) bitterly accusing the negligence of the public Guardians! and charging all their calamities, less upon the enemies, than upon the fathers of their country! O dishonest! profane! execrable sight! O piercing sound! that entereth into the ears of the Lord of Sabbaoth! Where! in what region! in what world am I! Is this imagination? (its own busy tormentor) or is it something more divine? I will not, I cannot believe ’tis prophetic vision; or that God has so far abandoned us! * One flagrant instance of this, appears in the murderous manner of Capt. Howe’s being killed, in the year 1750, at Chiegnecto, by a party of Indians in the interest, and under the direction, of the French, in presence of Monsieur Le Corne, their Commandant, when he was received by them under the protection of a flag of truce: For which outrage, no other cause can be assigned, than that he distinguished himself by his activity in the service of his King and Country, against the attempts of the French in those parts.

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And how different a scene is now opening upon me, with clearer indications of truth and reality! There, insolence and injustice punished! Here, ‘the meek inheriting the earth!’21 Liberty victorious! Slavery biting her own chain! Pride brought down! Virtue exalted! Christianity triumphing over imposture! And another Great Britain rising in America! But I must not declare the whole – The Lord God omnipotent reigneth! just and true are all thy ways, O thou king of saints. And them that walk in pride, thou art able to abase! ‘What has pride profited! Or what good hath vaunting brought you,’22 ye restless disturbers of our peace! What good, your masses? your relicks? your crossings? your Ave Maria’s? And to which of your saints will you now turn! / But we are not, my honoured Fathers, to presume on God’s protection, much less, on his giving us any signal advantages over them that are ever either planning or executing mischief against us, without using the proper means for obtaining that protection, and these advantages. As the apostle said to the mariners, after assuring them of deliverance from the impending danger, ‘except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved;’23 so it may be said to our British colonies, Ye cannot be saved from the storm you are now threatned with, yea, which is already begun, except ye are at union amongst yourselves; and exert your strength together, for your common interest. Upon this condition, you are safe, even without a miracle: otherwise, nothing short of one can save you. And can you, without the utmost indignation, think of becoming a prey to those who are so much inferior to you in all respects, meerly for want of unanimity, public spirit, the manly resolution of your fore-fathers, and a little expence! It is not, may it please your Excellency, (for to you, Sir, I must now beg leave more particularly to direct my discourse; It is not) one of the least felicities of this province, to have at the Head of it, a gentleman so well acquainted with its true interest, so capable of serving it, and so heartily disposed to do it, as we have reason to think your Excellency is, We have had experience of your warm zeal for his Majesty’s service, and for the welfare of / this his most loyal province. In the long war during your administration, had all concerned been, I will not presume to say, equally faithful, but, equally successful, neither the European, nor the American Dunkirk, would probably have been a port and fortification at this day; or, which is still better, they might have been in other hands than they are at present. However we, in some measure, reap the happy fruits of your subjecting the latter of them to the British crown, in the change of our medium; and are likely, by God’s blessing, to reap them in much greater perfection hereafter, when time has matured them. The zeal which your Excellency has lately shown with relation to the encroachments and hostilities of our bad neighbours, gives us assurance, Sir, that nothing will be wanting, on your part, towards their meeting with timely and effectual opposition. And the ready concurrence of the other branches of the

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legislature, with what you was pleased to propose to the last General Assembly, at once shows the confidence that is placed in you, and renders it probable, at least, that no necessary supplies will be wanting hereafter, in order to prosecute designs of this nature; whether of erecting fortresses for our own security, or of demolishing in season, those of our injurious and trespassing neighbours. Crown-Point, Crown-Point, will surely be a lasting Monument of the danger of delays in such Cases! / It is upon your Excellency, under God and the King, that we chiefly depend for protection and happiness. We are sensible how much you have the union of these colonies at heart. Nor can we, without an implicit taxing of your former administration, which we would be far from doing, doubt but that, for the future, you will use all your power and influence for the good of this province in particular; and of all His Majesty’s dominions on this Continent in general. You will never forget, Sir, whose minister you are; what God, the King, and this people, reasonably expect from You, considering the paternal relation in which you stand towards us. In some respects we have peculiar need of a faithful and skilful pilot at this time. By the looks of the clouds, we are to expect bad weather; such as will require an experienced and resolute mariner to carry us safely and happily through it. But if that which has the appearance of a long and violent storm gathering, or rather actually breaking upon us, should soon blow over, and leave us a clear sky; yet even when the Heavens are serene, and the gale prosperous, it demands at least an upright heart, (such a one as we trust your Excellency is possessed of ) to keep the state in the right channel, and steer her to her true felicity. And as we are confident, Sir, you will in all things do the duty of a good Governor towards us; so it is to be hoped, that Your public / services will never meet with an ungrateful return from us. But I may venture, at least, to assure your Excellency, that none of your good deeds shall be forgotten by our common Master in Heaven. He, whose providence has put you into this place of honour and trust, will surely recompence all the diligence and fidelity which you have shown in it already, or shall show hereafter, at the resurrection of the just. Nor can we wish you, Sir, any greater felicity, than that You may, in every respect, discharge this important trust in such a manner, as to have His approbation at the last; and to be accounted a good and faithful servant. I could not, with propriety, and in due consistency with the established form of our government, apply myself particularly to his Majesty’s Council for the present political year, now expiring, unless it were with relation to the new Elec­ tion this afternoon, wherein they are to bear a part. But having nothing to add upon that subject, to what has been said already, to them in common with others concerned; it is humbly hoped, that the omission of a particular address to that

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honourable Board, will not be imputed even to forgetfulness, much less, to any disrespect. The honourable House of Representatives, at the command of whose pred­ ecessors it is, that I appear in this place, will indulge me in a short application to them. / As You, honoured Gentlemen, are delegated immediately by the good peo­ ple of the Province, to represent, and act for, them; You are, if possible, under a nearer and stricter obligation, to regard their welfare, than the other branches of the legislature. You are more particularly the guardians of their rights and privi­ leges. It is, therefore, to be presumed, that you will always be zealous to maintain them; and not only so, but, in all things, studious of their real and best interest. Private, personal interest, You are very sensible, has nothing to do in the supreme Court of the province. You are not deputed hereto by your constituents, Gentle­ men, that you may prosecute your particular interests, or the interests of others, any farther than they coincide with the common good, and are involved in it. Nor can you be at any loss, what ought to be done to the vile, mercenary tongue, that should toil; what to the guilty hand, that right hand of falshood, which should either be lifted up, or kept down, to serve the particular ends of any man or party whatever, to the detriment of the public! Such things are indeed, almost too infamous and horrid, to be supposed possible, in a Christian country. But alas! it is a degenerate world, if not a corrupt age of it, that we live in! – However, it were very injurious to suspect, honoured Gentlemen, but that You are all assembled here, from different parts of the / land, with upright views, and an ardent love for your country. And if You mean to serve the public, as doubtless you do, you will always study the things that make for peace, both amongst yourselves, and with the other branches of the legislature: For it is by these things only, that the commonwealth is edified: Not, surely, by party dis­ putes and factions; not by indulged animosities, and studied oppositions; which greatly dishonour and weaken any government; and have both their origin and end in evil. They who promote and foment them, have always something else in view, than what they would be thought to have, the public good. This is, indeed, always the pretence; but private pique, or private interest, or a general temper and turn to wrangling, is at the bottom. It is, usually at least, the pursuit of sepa­ rate, distinct interests, and a want of public spirit, that is the source of party and contentions in any state. When all are united heartily in the main end, having nothing so much in view, as the good of the public; party names, distinctions, and disputes, vanish of course; and that unanimity and harmony take place, which give both beauty and strength to government; and without which, the public affairs cannot be carried on, to advantage. A public spirit, is a spirit of union; and union is the source of public happiness: And public happiness is the great end which you should have in view. /

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As you, honoured Gentlemen, have a distinct part in the legislature, nothing considerable can be done without You, for the public good; and I may add, or contrary to it: Though I am far from thinking, that this is designed by any. God forbid! But the granting of monies, a thing of the utmost importance, lies more immediately with You. And though you will always have a tender concern for the interest of your respective constituents, yet You will have a greater, for the good of the whole Province; to be sure, for the common interest of his Majesty’s dominions on this Continent. Nor will You be over thristy, when that calls for liberality. And this will probably be the case before it is long, if it is not actually so already. I speak now with particular reference to the necessary defence of this, and all these colonies, against those who are making inroads upon us; and who have, even within the space of a few weeks, had the hardiness to commit such hostili­ ties as are not to be endured, unless we are determined to sit down in inglorious ease, and patiently to look on, while our trade with the natives is ravished from us; our fortresses taken; our friends and brethren, captivated, butchered, scalped; our fields, laid waste; our territories, possessed by those that hate us; and the British interest on the Continent brought to nothing. Peace is a great blessing; peace is what we / would chuse; peace is the desire of all who deserve the name of Christians. But shall the trumpet sleep? Shall the sword rust? Shall our gold and silver lie cankering in our coffers? Shall our military garments be moth-eaten for want of use, when such things are doing! It is impossible, Gentlemen, you should be any ways backward, or parsimonious, in such a cause as this; a cause wherein the glory of God, the honour of your King, and the good of your coun­ try, are so deeply concerned; I might perhaps add, a cause, whereon the liberties of Europe depend. For of so great consequence is the empire of North America, (and that, you are sensible, is the thing now aimed at by our neighbours) that it must turn the scale of power greatly in favour of the only Monarch, from whom those liberties are in danger; and against that Prince, who is the grand support and bulwark of them. Consider then, Gentlemen, in the name of God, consider, what you owe Him, and to your holy religion; what, to the protestant inter­ est in general; what, to your King and to Great Britain, in particular; what, to your native country; what, to the honour of your Ancestors; what, to the present generation; what, to future ones; what, to yourselves; and what, to those whom the God of nature has made dearer to you than yourselves, your children. It is even uncertain, Gentlemen, how long you will have an House to sit in, unless a speedy / and vigorous opposition is made to the present encroachments, and to the farther designs, of our enemies! This, surely, is not a time to be saving, unless in our private expences. And while I am speaking of grants for the common good, I cannot but just add, That neither the honour of the Province can be promoted, at present, nor its

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true interest, in the end, by great parsimony towards those who serve the public in a public capacity; and receive salaries from it. There is another thing which I would beg leave to hint at here. So far, honoured Gentlemen, as fixing the pro­ portion which the different parts of the Community are respectively to bear in the public Expences, lies with You; You will doubtless be far from desiring, that any particular part, should bear a greater proportion than is just and equal; being regulated by its ability and circumstances relatively considered. You are too reli­ gious, just and impartial to desire this*. In fine, honoured Gentlemen, I persuade myself, that you will, in all your debates and consultations, in all you do in your political, as well as private capac­ ity, remember you are to / give an account of yourselves to the all-knowing, all-just, and impartial Judge of the world. And if you keep this most solemn and awful truth uppermost in your minds, it will be almost impossible for you to do amiss. You will then act, in all respects, with such a disinterested view to the com­ mon good of your country; with such unblemished, irreproachable integrity, as will be both acceptable to God your Saviour, and to those for whom you act; with such prudence and fidelity, at least, as will afford no handle to persons of captious tempers, and licentious tongues, under the pretext of blaming former Houses, to couch a real and just sarcasm on the present. If any thing has been said in this discourse, not sufficiently conformable to the usual stile of the pulpit; if, any thing that approaches too near to politicks; if the discourse has not been enough confined to matters altogether spiritual; if our temporal and worldly concernments have been too long dwelt upon; in fine, if there has been any greater liberty of speech used; if, any greater pathos of expression, than becomes an English subject, a lover of his country, and a prot­ estant Minister, upon such an occasion, and at such a juncture, as the present; if this is the case, as perhaps it is, the great candor of the audience is humbly relied on, to make the most favourable apology, that the nature of the thing will admit of, for him that has thus transgressed. And that / will be, at least, as good a one, as any he could make for himself, should he attempt one. But an apology would certainly be necessary in another respect, were this discourse protracted to a much greater length. My Reverend fathers and brethren in the ministry, will therefore readily excuse me, if I do not honour myself by a particular address to them, as is customary upon these occasions: Though the subject I have been upon, is very applicable, not only to civil Rulers; but also to those whom our blessed Lord has counted faithful, putting them into the ministry. * A certain part of this Community (which surely there is no need of mentioning!) has fallen under such great decays and difficulties of late, through that same Providence, which has been smilling upon the other parts of the Province; that I verily believe righteous Heaven will be justly and greatly provoked, unless some pity and relief is afforded to it. Poor BOSTON! once the Glory of British America, What are thou coming to! What, rather, art thou come to already! –

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However, I cannot conclude without just reminding this great assembly, That all men have certain talents committed to them, for which they are accountable to him that gave them. The least and lowest of us need not live without honour­ ing God, in some way or other, and being, in a degree, serviceable to the world. Nor shall any one that is faithful to his trust, lose his reward; though he is so far from being in a capacity to do great and extensive good in his generation, that he can only ‘give a cup of cold water to a disciple in the name of a disciple.’24 For ‘if there be first a willing mind, it is accepted according to that a man hath, and not according to that he hath not.’25 ‘As we have many members in one body, and all members have not the same office; so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and members one of / another. Having then gifts differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether ministry, let us wait on our ministring; or he that exhorteth, on exhortation; he that giveth, let him do it in simplicity; he that ruleth, with diligence:’ ‘And, in all of us, let love be without dissimulation,’ while we ‘abhor that which is evil, and cleave to that which is good.’26 Thus, through faith, and patience in well-doing, shall we at length ‘inherit the promises:’27 for ‘he is faithful that has promised.’28 We must unavoidably concern ourselves, in some measure, about the things of this mortal life, so long as it shall please the Father of spirits to continue us in it. But our great interest lies in another region, far beyond the sphere and verge of mortality. And whosoever is faithful to the death, shall receive a crown of life, that fadeth not. There is nothing here, Men, Brethren and Fathers! there is nothing here, that can claim our highest love and affections. ‘All that cometh is vanity.’29 Riches take to themselves wings; pleasures pall; ‘favour is deceitful, and beauty is vain.’30 ‘All things are full of change,’31 and in perpetual rotation. ‘The fashion of the world passeth away;’32 and God alone is without variable­ ness, and shadow of turning.33 Even all the kingdoms of the earth, though they had their foundations laid in iron and brass and adamant, must sooner or later, be / dissolved; and their place be no where found. All empire should be blotted out, except His, ‘of whom, and through whom, and to whom, are all things.’34 All shall terminate in a Monarchy, truly one and universal. The kingdom of the glorious Mediator, shall first break in pieces, consume, and absorb all inferior ones. And when he shall have ‘put down all rule, and all authority, and power, and subdued all things unto himself, then cometh the end,’ when, as the scrip­ tures inform us, even He shall no longer reign; but ‘deliver up the kindom to GOD, even the Father, that put all things under him; that GOD may be All in All.’35

THE END.

[SHEBBEARE], THREE LETTERS TO THE

PEOPLE OF ENGLAND

[ John Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England. Letter I. On the Present Situation and Conduct of National Affairs. Letter II. On Foreign Subsidies, Subsidiary Armies, and their Consequences to this Nation. Letter III. On Liberty, Taxes, and the Application of Public Money, 6th edn (London, 1756).

Samuel Hopkins and Jonathan Mayhew wrote from colonial perspectives on the looming French and Indian War. John Shebbeare (1709–88) provides a Tory metropolitan perspective on the Whig Duke of Newcastle’s conduct of that con­ flict. Shebbeare was from Bideford, Devon, and trained as a physician, though after his father’s death and mother’s bankruptcy he never fully qualified (though he claimed a medical degree from Paris). In 1736 he moved to Bristol where he first associated with Tory patriots. After moving to London around 1750 he produced a political novel, The Marriage Act (1754), and was arrested for sedi­ tion and had to post bond for good behaviour. Another novel, Lydia (1755), included the character Cannassatego, a romanticized Indian warrior appalled by the greed and corruption of Hanoverian England. Letters on the English Nation (1755) was a similar satire, this time voiced by a fictional Italian Jesuit. The first of the Letters to the People of England, straightforward political polemics written in Shebbeare’s own voice, appeared in autumn 1755, and others quickly fol­ lowed, gaining a popularity that earned them numerous reprints. Shebbeare begins his first letter comparing himself with Demosthenes, the ‘Patriot Orator’ who upbraided ‘his degenerate Countrymen with universal Venality and Loss of Public Virtue’, noting that ‘Virtue and Wisdom, Vice and Venality, have ever been: The first the Sources of national Happiness and Success, the latter of Decline and Ruin’ (below, pp. 59, 61). ‘In England’, he continues, ‘the King can do no Wrong, for which Reason the M—r becomes justly chargeable with the Errors and Misconduct of the State’ (below, p. 63). Although Shebbeare then focuses on Newcastle’s military mistakes, the implica­ tion is clear that these arose from vice and venality, especially when Shebbeare – 53 –

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ascribes some of them to the influence of Quaker and Pennsylvania proprietor Thomas Penn, Head of a Sect which has constantly supported the M—r in all his strenuous Endeav­ ours for Power, and Designs upon his Country … attended to with greater Deference, and had more Weight than the Remonstrances of two Millions of faithful American Subjects (below, p. 70)

Letter II accuses Parliament of subverting the constitutional balance of power by employing foreign mercenaries, who further endanger British liberties at enor­ mous financial cost. It also argues for ‘the Defence of his Majesty and his Subjects Possessions in America, the living Fountain of perpetual Wealth to this Kingdom, an Object worth all your Consideration; whatever is expended in the Defence of English Plantations, returns to England again’ (below, p. 98). After this attack on Parliament, Letter III claims even more radically that ‘Liberty belongs not necessarily either to Monarchy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, Democracy, or to a Com­ position of these’ but, agreeing with Montesquieu, comprises ‘a People’s possessing a Power of doing all that they ought to choose, and in not being constrained to do that which they ought not to choose’ (below, p. 103). Shebbeare lengthily explains how that necessarily entails the right to bear arms. The remainder of the letter comprises an attack on the impoverishing taxes that funded Williamite and Hanoverian wars for the benefit of Netherlanders and Germans. Throughout the letters, Shebbeare urges readers to remonstrate with Ministers and MPs, but the invocation in Letter III of the liberty to bear arms implies a right and reason to rebel. In fact, the influential letters encouraged the fall of Newcastle and rise of William Pitt, for which Shebbeare claimed great credit. Shebbeare wrote three similar subsequent letters, the sixth (1757) earning him prosecution for seditious libel with three years’ imprisonment, £1,000 secu­ rity for good behaviour and a period in the pillory that Shebbeare turned into a moment of defiant political theatre. A seventh letter he was writing at the time was suppressed. Disillusioned by Pitt’s failure to support him, in prison Sheb­ beare became a supporter of Prince and then King George, eulogized in The History of the Sumatrans (1760), another attack on William III and previous Hanoverians, and in 1764 he received a pension of £200. He later wrote in sup­ port of British taxation and political reform in America. Shebbeare had long had critics of his medical qualifications, polemical politics, abrasive personality, and nationalist and religious bigotries, conducting feuds with Ralph Griffiths, editor of the Monthly Review, whom Shebbeare satirized in Lydia, and Tobias Smol­ lett, editor of the Critical Review, who satirized Shebbeare as Ferrett, the quack doctor and demagogue of Sir Lancelot Greaves (1760). Shebbeare also appeared in William Hogarth’s The Polling (1758), in leg irons, recalling his pillorying, spreading sedition.1

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55

Notes: 1. M. J. Cardwell, ‘Shebbeare, John (1709–1788), Physician and Political Writer’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 50, pp. 143–6; E. H. Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 35, 46, 51–2, 64–5, 75, 82, 142, 146–7.

THREE

LETTERS

TO THE

People of England.

LETTER I.

on the

Present Situation and Conduct of National

AFFAIRS.

Hoc illud est præcipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illustri posita monumento intueri: inde tibi tuæque reipublicæ quod imitêre, capias, inde foedum inceptu, fœdum exitu, quod vites. Tit. Liv.1

LETTER II.

on

Foreign Subsidies, Subsidiary Armies, and their Consequences

to this Nation.

– Quo ruis? inquit. Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget.

Virg. Æneid.2

LETTER III. on LIBERTY, TAXES, and the Application Of Public MONEY. Torpere ultra, & perdendam rempublicam relinquere Sopor & Ignavia videtur. Tacit.3

The SIXTH EDITION. LONDON:

Printed in the Year 1756. /

LETTER I. to the

People of England.

On the present Situation and Conduct of

National Affairs.

Hoc illud est præcipue in congnitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum; omnis te exempli documenta in illustri posita monumento intueri: inde tibi tuæque reipublicæ quod imitêre, capias, inde foedum inceptu, foedum exitu, quod vites.

Whoever has been accustomed to read with Attention, the Historians, Ora­ tors, and satyric Poets of Greece and Rome, that wrote towards the Decline of those States, and observed the Manners, Pursuits, Objects, and ruling Passions of those People, together with the Symptoms of impending Ruin, presaged and delineated by those Men of superior Genius, must, on Comparison with what prevails at present in England, be deeply touched with the Analogy. The Philippics of Demosthenes4 are so replete with striking Pictures and vivid Repre­ sentations, drawn from Observation on what passed at Athens during his time; and so applicable to the People and present State of this Country, that the great Difference of the Names of those Persons who lived, and Places which existed Two Thousand Years ago in Greece, have not sufficient Power to with-hold my Imagination from being imposed on by the Similitude of Manners; or restrain me from believing, that I am reading the History of Englishmen, and the present Age. / When I see this Patriot Orator generously upbraiding his degenerate Coun­ trymen with universal Venality and Loss of public Virtue; describing them drown’d in Floods of self-love, Pleasure, and public Shows, supinely negligent of their Country’s Welfare; contemning the Merit of all other Nations, themselves arrogant and self sufficient in Excess: preferring private Opinion to established Wisdom; idolizing Mortals in Power and irreverent to their Gods: What Eye so dim that cannot distinguish the Analogy so manifest between the Athenians of his Time, and the English of ours? What Mind so stupid as not to foresee the same Events? It seems evident from all I can gather, that the Strength, Happiness, Military and Civil Glory of all Nations, have ever subsisted and encreased in Proportion to the Understanding and Virtue of those, who reigned, and those who obeyed; – 59 –

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and though Numbers of Inhabitants and Degrees of Riches may be thought by many to oppose this Observation, yet a just Examination will prove the Truth of what is here said. Was it not by means of the happy Union of those superior Qualifications in the first Cyrus, that he extended his Empire from the little Realm of Persia over Nations, almost too distant to be visited, and whose Languages were unintel­ ligible to each other, as Xenophon has described them?5 Yet such is the Fate and Revolution of Empires; Darius with all these Nations in Subjection, with infi­ nite Armies and untold Sums of Treasure, deserted by Virtue only, fell the easy Prey of Alexander and a few Macedonians.6 To this energic Influence of Virtue in the common People, and Understand­ ing united with it in their Leaders, it is owing that the Grecians in their rising Glory performed almost miraculous Exploits. To confirm this Truth, the well fought field of Marathon, where Miltiades and ten thousand Greeks defeated six hundred thousand Persians,7 affords an irresistible Evidence: as did the naval Victory of Themistocles,8 / who saved his Country from Perdition: Such amazing Atchievements can small Numbers, actu­ ated by their Country’s Love, armed with the Sword of Virtue, and conducted by superior Wisdom, perform against Millions sunk in Effeminacy, Luxury, and Riches. SPARTA remained invincible whilst her Sons were virtuous, and Leonidas unconquerable but by Death. Even Thebes, the long Object of sarcastic Attic Wit,9 listed her Head from below the Dust, and walked forth the prevailing Power of Greece, by the Virtue of one great Man; like a new Star she shone forth in Lustre amongst the other Cities: With Epaminondas it’s resplendent Course began, with him it blazed, and with him expired. The whole Roman Glory was entirely owing to the Virtue of it’s Inhabitants, whilst the greatest Honour attended Integrity in Poverty, and private Parsimony was Praise; whilst their Generals tilled their own little Farms, and the Labour of their Hands gave their Children the Bread of Virtue; whilst Merit brought Dic­ tators from the Plough to rule a Nation, the Romans were insuperable: Yet, when their Emperors possessed half the Globe and half the Riches on it’s Surface, this very People became the easy Capture of Goths and Vandals. In this Manner will Nations perish, who renounce the Dictates of Virtue. In all Situations, where Nations are equal in the Qualities of the Heart, the Chief who excels in Understanding prevails in his Undertakings. The Moment Marlborough left the Command of the Army, Villars conquered the Allies, and the long vanquished triumphed over their former Victors. Turenne, who during three Months had traversed the Designs and disappointed the Attempts of the

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61

Austrians, being now no more, left an easy Conquest over the Troops he had commanded, and his Country to be invaded by Montecuculi. / PETER the Russian Emperor, by Dint of Genius created a civilized People from Beings little better than Brutes. The very Man, who with more than a hun­ dred thousand of his Troops, fled before the Approach of eight thousand Swedes, and the severe virtue of Charles, in his Beginning Reign, became at last his Con­ queror, and made his Nation respectable. The present Sovereign of Prussia,10 the patriot King, who has rescued his subjects from the Rapine of the Law, who institutes and sustains Manufactures, encourages Arts and Sciences, promotes Industry, opens new Trades, extends his Commerce, enlarges his Dominions, aggrandizes his Name, and holds the Bal­ ance of Europe; is a living Instance of what exalted Understanding on a Throne can effect for a Nation. In this Manner our illustrious Queen Elizabeth reigned over the Hearts of a free People, directed by upright Ministers to her Subjects good. In this Manner it might have continued, if the cold, conceited, disputatious, man-loving Scot,11 had not filled the Throne of England, and blasted with his Northern Breath the blooming Plants of Glory which she had raised. As are the Princes and Ministers, such have ever been the People who live beneath their Influence, in England and all Nations. Even long after Luxury, and every Vice had prevailed at Rome, a virtuous Emperor recalled the People to Greatness and Felicity; the Reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius12 were equal in Happiness and Glory, to the most flourishing Æra of the Roman Name. Virtue and Wisdom, Vice and Venality, have ever been: The first the Sources of national Happiness and Success, the latter of Decline and Ruin. To flatter ourselves then, that the same Causes which destroyed Greece and Rome will not generate the like Consequences in England, is to delude ourselves like Children with self-willed, over-weaning Fondness. It is to suppose that the original Institution of / all Things is established on vague and capricious Princi­ ples, and that those degenerate Faculties of mental Nature, which have begotten Ruin in all other Countries, will not produce the same Effect in this Island. It is to believe that Corruption of Heart, and public Virtue; Love of Ease and Search of Danger; Insolence and true Bravery; Contempt of Heaven and Contempt of Death, can be existing in the same People; that the Course of Nature is suspended in our Favour, or that England is exempted from the Con­ ditions which Providence first fixt on all created Things. Is such Imagination a less Absurdity than to conceive that physical Principles, which produce Putrefaction and Dissolution in vegetable and animal Nature, may exist in full Energy, and yet these Substances remain unaltered, incorrupt, and entire, from that influence.

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Has not Venality in human Kind, the same Effect on the Soul that the putrefactive Principle has on Matter? Does it not destroy the Union of it’s Parts, and dissipate the strong attractive Power which holds the Mind firm, and resist­ ing all vicious Attacks? Deprived of Virtue, it no longer possesses Strength or Vigour; it becomes feeble and effete. Yet, as in preserving animal and vegetable Substances from Decay, Art may supply the Absence of Nature in some Degree, so in Societies and moral Nature, Wisdom may restrain the precipitate Fall of Nations, and preserve them from total Ruin, tho’ it may never restore them to their original Perfection. I have frequently thought that the Roman Word Virtus, which signifies Courage, has a Propriety in expressing the Idea beyond all the few Languages I have any Knowledge of; it seems to embrace the whole in Man which conspires to perfect that Attribute; Courage has been deemed by that People an Emana­ tion of every Virtue, the Result of all others combined; and therefore by way of Eminence distinguished by that Appellation Virtus, the Virtue. They had / remarked, that in Proportion as the Bosom is replete with Probity and Truth, the Love of it’s Country and it’s Gods; so is the Heart which inhabits it, with Courage. That Breast which is freest from Pollution, is the least intimidated at Dan­ ger; the purest Soul is foremost in offering up Life a Sacrifice to it’s Country, whereas the contaminated skulks to save itself in Cowardice. This was the unvarying Characteristic of Persian, Greeks, and Romans, in their Days of greatest Glory, ’till at Length their Souls, debased by Corruption and Pleasure, became pusillanimous in Action, even in those Men whose Minds were not influenced by the certain Fear of future Punishments. This Kind of Cowardice receives a new Cause, and this Observation a far­ ther Confirmation in Christian Kingdoms; that Being which is depreciated by mean Actions, Corruption, and Injustice, is eternally haunted by the Dread of opposing himself to Danger; his Fears increase with his Vices: That very Indi­ vidual which despises his Religion and defies his God, breathes Insolence and Outrage apart from Danger, trembles at the Approach of an Enemy, when Death and conscious Guilt recoil upon his Mind, like the timid Deer, who, valuing himself upon the Strength of his Antlers, flies at the first Sound of Hounds which pursue him; or the Lark, which shrinks to the Bosom of the Earth at the Sight of the Hawk, which hovers over his Head. The Englishman whose Valour is insuperable whilst Integrity sustains, Reli­ gion animates, and Patriotism urges him to Battle, must yield an unresisting Victory when those invigorating Qualities desert him; however true this must be acknowledged to be, it must be confessed also that the common People in no Nation have ever been the Cause of their own, Corruption; it has always taken

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63

it’s Source from the polluted Fountain / of the Great, and thence ran muddy thro’ the Multitude below. Was it not the Patricians at Rome that by Bribes began to sap the Virtue, pollute the Hearts, and corrupt the Integrity of the Roman common People, by purchasing their Votes in the public Elections of their Officers; the Inferior sought not the Great. England was a Nation of Probity, ’till those who ought to have been the voluntary Choice of uninfluenced Consent, debased their own Souls and those of their Electors, by becoming their representatives thro’ Venal­ ity and Purchase. The Man who sells himself is more a Slave than he that is sold by another, and deeper impregnated with baser Qualities of Bondage. Hence, from History and Nature, from Observation and Reason, it plainly appears, that Nations have ever succeeded according to the Virtue and Under­ standing of those who directed them, and have declined and risen and these prevailed. That this Kingdom is replete, with all those fatal Symptoms, which foretold the Ruin of other free States, who shall deny? In England the King can do no Wrong, for which Reason the M—r13 becomes justly chargeable with the Errors and Misconduct of the State. As are the Talents and Designs of this Man, will be the Capacities and Pursuits of those who are employed beneath him. If we divide the Scale of mental Nature into ten degrees, and suppose that of a M—r to be at five, will not all those he appoints either in the Army or the Fleet, in Embassies and Council, be below that Degree of Understanding, his own Judg­ ment must, in his own Opinion, be the most perfect of human Intellect in all Plans, Resolutions, and Conduct; he is prevented, by his shallow short-sighted Degree of Understanding, from penetrating into the Conceptions and Schemes of superior Minds, and must necessarily chuse those which resemble him in Size of Capacity. For this Reason, as Men exceed him and one another in Excellence, the less probable / will it be that they will be employed under him. As these Men advance to Perfection in this Scale of intellectual Nature, they will grow more incomprehensible to his confined Understanding, and be deemed as Visionaries and Projectors; in Proportion as they are adapted by all the exalted Attributes of the Mind to serve their King and Country, their Counsel will be rejected and themselves excluded; judge then what Catastrophe must attend Kingdoms so directed. It is with the human Intellect as with the human Body, each extends accord­ ing to it’s natural Size, each has it’s Limit, beyond which it cannot pass; and a Dwarf will reach with his Hand as high as Goliath, before the Duke of — will conceive the Extent, Force, and Truth of the E—l of G—e’s14 Capacity. From this Manner of Reasoning, whenever a M—r is weak [we shall talk of the Effects of Wickedness in a succeeding Letter] all those who are under his Direction, and of his Choice, must participate of that national Calamity; the

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Stream of Poison which rises destructive in the Head, will still run on the same, through the Conduct of all that Body which lies beneath him. I have thus long intruded on your Patience, my Fellow-Countrymen, to shew you that what may be here advanced is true in the View of Nature, as deduced from Principle; and verified by Observation and Experience in the History of Mankind, to convince you that Love of my Country, and not Malevolence to M—rs, Truth and not Scandal, Goodwill towards Mankind, and no latent Aver­ sion against Individuals, have been my sole Motives to this Attempt. In all Accounts I shall confine myself severely to Truth, and attempt to draw no Inferences which do not appear evidently deducible from preceding Facts: In executing this, however derogatory to the Capacity / of those in Power, I fear not the Calumny of Minions in Favour, Hawkers of ministerial Falshoods, Advo­ cates for Destroyers of their Country, or even M—rs themselves. If what shall be here written appears to be just, what honest Englishman shall disapprove of my Conduct? Whatever Distance either Chance, Birth, or Riches, may have placed between me and a Prime M—r, there must be yet more between him and his Country. No Subject can be so superior to me in Rank, as this Nation is above him in Dignity. If I presume to examine the Understanding of him who presides at the Helm, let it be remembered it is because I am con­ vinced his Weakness misguides his Fellow-Subjects. If I am blamed for daring to arraign his Conduct, it is because I am satisfied his Presumption may ruin his Country. Acquit me then or condemn me, as he is inn[o]cent or guilty. However, I confide that the patriot Design which justified Demosthenes the Athenian, and immortalized his Name, shall at least find me, an Englishman, present Favour and Applause; and Zeal for the Constitution of my Country, vindicate me in the Hearts of all Men, who yet preserve the Love of Probity and their native Land. As we resemble the Greeks and Romans in the Symptoms of declining Liberty and Virtue, superior Wisdom in the Conduct of our M—rs can alone reinstate and preserve us. Let us then examine on what our Expectations are founded, and what is to be expected from those who preside in public Affairs. It is not my present Design to summon up before your Eyes the Ghosts of Mal-Administration, or turn them back on the Conduct of the two Brothers,15 during the last Wars; I mean not now to awaken your Attention to that Flood of Pollution and Corruption, which has been let out, to deluge Integrity and Justice; I wish not to bring past Crimes to your Remembrance, squandering your Properties, and invading / your Liberties, to aggravate the present Misconduct, or tread backwards those Paths which lead to unravel M—l Iniquity; I will not hint the Inattention which prevailed during the French naval Armaments and Usurpations in America. Objects within the Ken of every Eye, Transactions of Yesterday, what has lately past by Land and Sea, shall be lain before you. Behold

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England

65

these with Attention, judge impartially from the Conduct of those Affairs, what is the Force of that Capacity which directs them, then remember that England is your native Land, and reflect one Moment on the Danger which hangs threaten­ ing over it. To avoid every minute Particular, let us begin with examining the Conduct of the Navies. No Man, I believe, will presume to deny, that a true Intelligence of what employs our Enemies, is necessary to all Ministers who would successfully oppose their Machinations; and though it may be difficult to obtain a sure Knowledge of that Expedition which a Fleet is destined to go upon, it must be an easy Task to be ascertained of the Number of Ships they are equipping. The Bosom of one Man only may be conscious of the Intention of a naval Arma­ ment, when Thousands must know the Number which are arming. The Minister may be incorruptible, and the Secret impossible to be penetrated. Amongst the Multitudes employed in preparing this Force, many may be found, and infinite Ways contrived, to know the Number of our Enemies Ships. Without this previ­ ous Knowledge, on what Basis can it be presumed we oppose the Fleets of our Enemies? Yet this necessary Information, so easily procured, must be confessed to have been totally neglected, disregarded, or unobtained; or, which is yet more flagrant, the highest Imputation of Folly must be attributed to the Ad—n. To prove this Assertion, let us begin with saying, that it was decided that the French Fleet at Brest should be opposed by the English, and it’s Destruction resolved upon; let us now cast our Eyes on the Manner / in which this Design was plann’d, and the Way in which it was intended to be accomplished. To execute this, Admiral Boscawen16 was sent to command a Squadron of Men of War, and in consequence of that Resolve set Sail from off Plymouth the twenty-seventh of April, with a Fleet consisting of eleven Ships of the Line and one Frigate. It has since appeared, that his Orders were to cruize on the Banks of Newfoundland, to wait the Arrival of the French Fleet, and intercept their Voy­ age to America. The sending this Squadron under Admiral Boscawen, is a clear Proof that our M—rs imagined the Number it contained was sufficient to destroy the French Fleet, or it must be granted, that that Behaviour would be but little better than dooming them a Sacrifice. On the sixth of May the French Fleet, consist­ ing of twenty-five Ships of the Line, ten of which were employed as Transports, their lower-deck Guns being taken out, the rest fully armed, sailed from Brest to North-America. In Consequence of the Intelligence that this Fleet was sailed, and the Number of it, Admiral Holbourne17 was dispatched with six Ships of the Line and one Frigate, and sailed from off Plymouth the sixteenth of May, being nine­

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teen Days after Mr. Boscawen, and ten after the sailing of the French Fleet, to join the English Admiral. This Reinforcement is an undeniable Proof that the M—y was absolutely unacquainted with the Number of Ships equipping at Brest, for this Expedition, before their sailing; otherwise can it be presumed they would not have sent a greater Number of Ships with Mr. Boscawen at first, since many more were ready for the Sea? or would they have sent the Reinforcement by Mr. Holbourne at all, if they had known that Mr. Macnamara would have returned with nine Ships of the Line; the Number of the French Fleet then, and the Part of it which was to return, were absolutely unkonwn to our M—y before it sailed; for the / last they may be excused, but the Ignorance of the former is utterly unpardonable. After these three Fleets were sailed, let us now suppose that to happen, which our M—y had presumed, and wished at Admiral Boscawen’s sailing might be the Event of their Orders; that is, that he might meet Macnamara with his Squadron of twenty-five Ships of the Line, sixteen of which were prepared for fighting, and the rest with their lower-deck Guns out, proceeding, as the M—ry believed, at the Time of Holbourne’s sailing, for North-America. What would have been the Event of this Rencounter, since Mr. Boscawen had received Orders to attack the French? I ask this Question of Men who can look with unprejudiced Eyes on the Merits of other Nations. With all the true Bravery, Prudence, and Knowledge of that Commander in naval Affairs, and those brave Captains joined with him in the Expedition, is there a well-founded Reason to believe that twenty-five French Men of War, circumstanced even as these were, would have been defeated by eleven English? If they had not, would not the shameful Ignorance of the M—y in the Number of the Enemy’s Fleet, a Knowledge which every Man might have obtained, who would have been at the Expence of paying for it, and surely the Parsimony of public Money is not the present reigning Taste, have proved the Perdition of his Majesty’s Fleets and Subjects, to the everlasting Disgrace of the English Nation? Nay so exquisitely subtle was the Design of this Scheme, even the second Fleet commanded by Admiral Holbourne, would in all human Probability have fallen into the Hands of the French Squadron also; for by the Result it has appeared, that he did not join Mr. Boscawen till eleven Days after the taking the Alcide and Lys. By this Accident it might, with the greatest Probability, have happened, that Admiral Boscawen being / defeated the tenth of June, the Day the English and French Fleet met in Darkness and Fogs on the Banks of Newfoundland, that Mr. Holbourne might have suffered the same Fate eleven Days after, the very Time of his arriving at those Parts. I mean, if the surrounding Obscurity had not saved the English Fleet, as it has the French.

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Such was the probable Presumption when Mr. Holbourne quitted the English Coast, and such would have been the fatal Event, if Macnamara had continued the Voyage and Mr. Boscawen had met and engaged him. Judge then how pernicious this Ignorance of the Number of the Enemy’s Fleet would have proved to this once illustrious Nation, had Things fallen out as our M—rs origi­ nally designed it. It is extremely difficult to assign any Reason for Mr. Holbourne’s being dis­ patched at all to join Admiral Boscawen, the very Distance in the Times of sailing of these Fleets rendered it improbable that he could join the first Admiral before the Engagement between him and Macnamara must have been totally decided, as is manifest by the Event of his joining Mr. Boscawen. It appears then self-evident, that the sending this Admiral could have answered no other Purpose than destroying two Fleets instead of one, and sacri­ ficing more of their Countrymen to the God of War, on the Altar of Ignorance. The Escape then with which these two Fleets have been favoured, and the Success which the first obtained in taking two French Men of War, inconsid­ erable as it is, cannot with the least Appearance of Justice be attributed to the ill-plann’d Designs of those who sent them on the Expedition. Can those Men be intitled to Praise for an Error in Judgment, in the French Admiral’s Return, of which they knew nothing? and who, if he had proceeded on the whole Voyage to America, would in all Probability have / ruined the two Fleets of England, sent as they were one after the other on this Expedition? With what Propriety then can this unforeseen Event be imputed to the Fore-thought of those who preside in m—l and naval Affairs: shall the Advantage of Accidents, unimagined, be laid to the Account of their Penetration and Wisdom? as well may you attribute the Winds which blew the Fleet to the Coast of America to their Sagacity, as the little Success which they have obtained in the Voyage. The just Reward of these Men then, is the Dishonour of planning an Expedition that, through the Igno­ rance of what Numbers the Enemy’s Squadron was formed, would in all human Probability have been the Perdition of two English Fleets, and Thousands of brave Men and useful Subjects of Great-Britain. But as there may be Englishmen who, prompted by national Prejudice, believe that Admiral Boscawen with his eleven Ships was a Match for Macnamara and five and twenty French Men of War; let us, supposing this to be true, examine the Prudence with which, under this Idea, the Expedition was conducted. First it is a self-evident Truth, that there can be no Evidence or Intelligence of a Fleet’s sailing to any Part of the Globe, equally certain with that of it’s leav­ ing the Port in which it is equipt; the first, however well founded it may be in the Opinion and Judgment of an Enemy, can in it’s Nature be no more than casual and the Height of Probability; the second must be Demonstration and Necessity.

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Ministers may alter the Nature of their Design in an Hour, and send a Fleet which was originally equipping for one Part of the World, to another; they may purposely give out different Tales to cover their Intentions, or the Powers engaged against them may be left to divine it’s Intent only; these Circumstances may alter or conceal the true Place of it’s Destination. But no Change of Senti­ ment or Disguise / can prevent a Fleet’s being discovered in sailing out of that Port in which it is armed, whether destined to the Baltic or Africa, America or Japan, however dubious the Place of it’s Destination may be; neither of these can alter any thing in it’s Manner of leaving the Harbour in which it is prepared for the Seas. Supposing then the Strength of the French Fleet had been perfectly known, and Mr. Boscawen had commanded a Force sufficient to have defeated it, which he might with Ease have had under his Command, there being at that Time twenty Ships of the Line at Spithead more than his Squadron, most of them fully mann’d. Is there a Boatswain of the Fleet who would have sent the Admiral to the Banks of Newfoundland, where Darkness palpable like the Ægyptian, is known, by every common Sailor in the Navy, to reign three successive Months in the Year, in one of which the French Fleet must have passed these Parts of the Seas; where Fogs that conceal more effectually than the darkest Night, all Objects which pass within the Length of a Ship, must have saved the greatest Part of that Fleet which they were sent to destroy? A Place to which they never might arrive, or never be seen if they did. The Consequence of their being sent has evidently proved the Truth of this Observation. What shall then be said in Favour of that Man, who ordered the English Navy from those Parts where the Enemy’s Fleet must inevitably pass, to one where they might not have been ordered to sail? To desert a Part in which they must be visible to all the Squadron, for one in which they would probably be enveloped in a Cloud like Æneas, secured from the Eyes of all Beholders? What is this but sending Ships the long Voyage to America, with the greatest Risque of missing in those Seas that which they must have met in the British Channel? Is not this the first Instance of an Understanding that has presided over Fleets and Armies, that preferred a may be to a Demonstration, / and quitted a real Advantage in Certainty, for one of less Value in Probability only? Is it not owing to this Cause that so little Utility has been reaped from this Expedition, and the French Fleet escaped almost unseen? Was there ever a Person till this Time who would have deserted the Door of the House of that Man he wanted to meet, and who must come out of it, to seek him in the Streets where he never might pass, and prefer even Darkness to the noon-tide Hour, for that Business? Is there a Country Gentleman who could judge so diametrically wrong? would he have sent his Game-Keeper to shoot Woodcocks by Night?

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England

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Yet such is the Goodness of Heaven, as Mr. Boscawen was prepared, inferior to the Fleet which left Brest; the Absurdities of these Directors have preserved our Navy from a Defeat, and our Nation from a greater public Disgrace. For if Mr. Boscawen had been ordered off Brest, the Place which in right Reason he ought to have been ordered, the Ignorance of our M—s in the Number of that Fleet which first left Brest, would have proved the Destruction of him and the English Squadron. So gracious was the Will of Heaven, and so absurd the Judgment of those who preside over naval Affairs in this Kingdom! This Conduct of our M—rs is not however without it’s Advocates; the Reasons for justifying their Proceedings in this Manner are yet more extraordinary than the Behaviour itself: It is most gravely urged in Defence of this Conduct, that the French Squadron was not attacked in Europe, because their Allies, particularly the Spaniard, should not take Umbrage at our Behaviour; or such an Action bring on Hostilities in Europe. What kind of Capacities must these Men pos­ sess, who can imagine that an Englishman of common Sense can be cajoled with such frivolous Pretensions to a Justification of wrong Measures? Who can be deluded to believe, that a Fleet, freighted in France with Arms, Ammunition, Soldiers, and Provisions for America, can create any Difference of Opinion in a Nation, whether / it be defeated on the Coast of France, or the Banks of New­ foundland? These Advocates must have well studied Grotius and Puffendorff,18 who make this Distinction; and understand human Nature to great Perfection, who conceive, that the Spanish Ministry can be influenced against England, or to it’s Advantage, in favour of, or contrary to it’s own Interest, to join or oppose the Power of France, by so subtle a Distinction, as our not engaging that French Fleet in Europe, which you determine to destroy in America*. A Defeat in this Part of the World of one half of the French Navy, would have humbled the Gal­ lic Arrogance, prevented Spain and the Allies from joining the King of France; and cooled their Ardor for War, in Proportion as it diminished the Powers with which it must be sustained. The depriving our Enemies of their military Force, is the most effectual Method of intimidating their Allies from joining them: few chuse the sinking Side of a Question, and add a Probability of their own Ruin to that of those who are already destroying. Though the drowning Person seizes every Thing to save himself; yet few catch hold of him that is sinking, with the View of going along with him. But in the Manner we have proceeded, what have we done but behaved like Poachers, with all that little despicable Cunning of sending our Ships at a Distance, to effect what it was prevented from doing by the Nature of the Place? A Specimen of that mean Timidity and Weakness of Capacity, pro­ * That this was gives out as a Reason to cover their Mistakes, and not thro’ any just Apprehen­ sion of Spanish Resentment, is now evident from the taking the French Merchant-Ships, and Mr. Hawke’s19 cruising for their Men of War in the European Seas.

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ceeding from the Exercise of corrupting, and being corrupted, which has been long too manifest in all our m—l Measures. A Disposition which effectually disgraces a M—r, and infallibly ruins a Nation. What have we done more than shewn, that our Navy, though the most powerful, and our Seamen the bravest; by the wrong Judgment / and sinister Direction of our Rulers in m—l Affairs, can be rendered absolutely ineffectual? We have cautioned and not chastised the French; we have sent a brave Admi­ ral, brave Officers, brave Sailors, and seventeen Line of Battle Ships on a useless Parade to Nova Scotia, at an immense Expence, to take two French Men of War and to lose one of our own. We have been the Witnesses to the landing their Troops in America, and not prevented their Expedition. Such is the Conclusion of all the boasted Secrecy, Dispatch, and ravishing free-born Subjects from the Arms of their Wives and Children; and such the Result of the Wisdom of our m—l Conductors. This then having been the Success and Conduct of our naval Armaments; let us now turn our Eyes on those of our Land-Forces, and candidly enquire, if the Wisdom of our M—rs has shone forth more eminently in the Management and Design of our Army on the Continent of America. It was at length resolved, that General Braddock,20 with two Regiments, and all necessary Provision for a Siege, should be sent to America, to defeat the Schemes of the French Nation, which had been artfully usurping the Domin­ ions of our Sovereign. And here it is impossible to avoid remarking, that the Alarm which was spread against the French Insolence, and the Measures taken in consequence of it, were not so much undertaken from the Representations of the various Provinces of America, as from the private Interest which a certain Quaker21 had in the M—y, to whom Lands on the River Ohio had been granted by the Governor of Virginia,22 which have since been ratified in England. This Man, being at the Head of a Sect which has constantly supported the M—r in all his strenuous Endeavours for Power, and Designs upon his Country, was attended to with greater Deference, and had more Weight than the Remon­ strances of two Millions of faithful American Subjects, who were still totally neglected: So much can the Interest of one Man, who / heads a factious Sect in favour of a M—r, prevail beyond the public Good of the Subjects of this King­ dom, and the Honour of it’s Sovereign. Fort Lequesne,23 seated on the Ohio, in those Lands which were granted to this Quaker, was the Object which General Braddock, and the British Forces were destined to demolish; the French were to be dislodged from these Parts, at all Adventures. And in this Place it must strike the Sense of every Man who reflects one Moment, that this very Person, whose passive Principles of Christian Patience prevent him from bearing Arms in Defence of this Land, which was granted him,

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England

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had yet the unrelenting Conscience to obtain many Hundreds of his Fellow-Sub­ jects to oppose their Lives, and fall a Sacrifice in repossessing his Property. Such are the Proceedings of this Sect of Anti-constitutional and pernicious Beings. The Expedition, however, being set on foot, the same identical Quaker, who had influence sufficient to get it resolved on at first, had yet the farther Interest of it’s being destined to defend Virginia: The Reason of this will soon appear more evident; and here, notwithstanding we should allow Fort Lequesne to be a Place which ought to be attacked, we must insist that Pensylvania was the Place where the Troops ought to have been disembarked. First, This Country being fuller of Inhabitants, and all kinds of Handicraft Workmen, could have easily supplied whatever an Army might have stood in need of at that Time. Virginia being a Land cultivated by Negroes, must, for that Reason, be more destitute of European Settlers, than Colonies where Blacks are not in use. Secondly, The additional Numbers which might have been thought neces­ sary to have been raised for this Expedition on the Ohio, would have been more easily levied in Pensylvania than Virginia. Thirdly, The requisite Attendants of a Military Expedition, such as Horses, Carts, Cattle, Provision, / and all kinds of Tools, are in greater Plenty in Penn­ sylvania than Virginia was under of having those Utensils and Supplies from Pennsylvania before it marched. Fourthly, The March of the Troops to Fort Lequesne from Philadelphia, had been for a much longer Part of the Road through a settled and cultivated Country, where all Kinds of Refreshments which are useful for an Army in hot Countries, and fatiguing Marches, might have been supplied with greater Ease. The important Advantages which attended Pennsylvania above Virginia, though represented to our M—rs in the most strong and demonstrative Man­ ner, were all neglected and over-ruled by the private Interest and Opinion of one Quaker. Tantum ille potuit suadere malorum.24

Is it not obvious to all Apprehensions that a Tobacco Merchant, especially if he be the Head of his Profession in London, must have more Interest in Virginia than in Pennsylvania, his Correspondence being with the former, which pro­ duces the Commodity he traffics in, and not with the Philadelphians, who do not raise that Merchandize? Is it not certain also from the Necessity of Trade, that he must have many outstanding and dubious Debts in that Colony, and from the Nature of Man, and more particularly from the Nature of a Quaker, that he must wish to have these hazardous Debts rendered more probable to be paid; and with this Intent, that he would embrace an Opportunity of putting his Debtors in a Way of dis­

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charging them whatever his Country might suffer? As his Correspondence is the largest of any Merchant’s in this City with the Colony of Virginia, and his Inter­ est the strongest with the M—r, he clearly foresaw that an Army sent to Virginia could not be sustained without large Sums of Money, and that the Remittance of it must fall to his Share: which very Circumstance being attended / with at least two and a half per Cent. was an Object too replete with Advantages, to be neglected by a Money-loving Mercantile Man, detached from all other Consid­ erations of Advantage. These Circumstances then duly attended to, would they not persuade many a Man, who is not firmly convinced of the sincere disinterested Spirit and patriot Love which animates a Quaker’s Heart, that Virginia was preferred to Pensylva­ nia for the lucrative Considerations abovementioned? But as this Sect has ever behaved with such particular Zeal to defend their own Country, and singular Attachment to it’s Welfare, divested of all Desire of private Advantage, what can the most malevolent Imagination suggest against the Behaviour of this individual Quaker? Let me then suppose a Thing not absolutely impossible, That this Design of his procuring the Troops to be sent to Virginia, took it’s Source from an Error of Judgment; that the Good of his Country was his Object, tho’ he was mistaken in his Aim, and though his private Interest was the sole Result of his Design, yet he proposed it for the Public. How shall we, even in this View of Th ings, apologize for the M—rs who were drawn into so palpable a Mistake? Though it might be allowed, that Merchants may be vindicated in not understanding to what Part of the American Continent a Military Force ought to be sent, which was destined to attack Fort Lequesne, yet a M—r, whose peculiar Province it is to superintend the Public Welfare, the Lives, Properties, Advantages, and Commerce of his Fellow-Subjects in Peace and War, cannot avoid Condemnation for such mistaken and fatal Judgment. There may indeed be Men who may imagine, that this Quaker was truly acquainted with the Difference and Disadvantage which attended Virginia more than Pensylvania, and that Self-Interest, more than the public Welfare, weighed in obtaining the Troops being sent to the Colony of Virginia. If this Notion / should meet a general Reception among Mankind, how shall we then account for a M—r’s being duped to the Interest of a private Quaker, or reconcile national Disgrace and slender Intellects, with the Duty of Directing in Peace and War, the Affairs of a whole Nation? From what has been said, does it not evidently appear, that allowing Fort Lequesne to be an Object which demanded our Attention, and that a Military Force was necessary to be sent from these kingdoms to reduce it, that Virginia was the Spot which ought not to be preferred to Pensylvania?

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England

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This then, absurd as it may appear, is even less than what we shall soon lay before your Eyes; shall we venture to assert, that the whole Armament which was designed and sent to the Demolition of this little Fortification, the Money which it has and will cost the Nation, and Lives which it has lavished in the Serv­ ice of a non-resisting Quaker, were altogether useless and unnecessary; nay, that even Success in the Expedition to this Fort, could have been attended with no possible Advantage, whether the Attempts of the Americans succeed or miscarry at Niagara and Crown Point. To prove what we have here suggested, let us cast our Eyes over Mr. Huske’s Map of North-America,25 by much the most accurate of all those which have been given to the Public. Let us observe from what Part of the Dominions possessed by the French, the Supplies, Provision, and Men necessary for the Supporting Fort Lequesne, must be drawn. It is a truth universally acknowledged, that Canada is the only part which can afford these Requisites to the Parts where the French Forts are built from Quebec to Fort Lequesne; this happens because the Method is by an easy Tran­ sit, and Things are commodiously transported, the whole Distance being almost Water-Carriage, from the Mouth of St. Lawrence River to the Forts on the Ohio. / The Mississipi is too distant for a March by Land, and the Navigation of the meandering Ohio too long to be attempted by Water. Indeed it is a known Fact, that the Northern Settlements of the French supply all these Parts with Recruits, Ammunition, and Provision. To attack Fort Lequesne at all then seems absolutely absurd; because all Sup­ plies for that Place being necessitated to pass by the Fortification at Niagara, situated between the two Lakes Erie and Ontario, whoever becomes Master of that Fort, necessarily cuts off all Communication and Power of Support from Fort Lequesne, and this latter Place must of consequence surrender itself in a very little Time, into the Hands of those who possess Niagara: This Assertion is as true, as that the Power which can cut off the River Thames at Maidenhead, and turn it into a new Channel, prevents Windsor from being supplied with that Water. This Fortification of Niagara then, situated between the Lakes, being abso­ lutely the Pass by which all Supplies must go to Lequesne, the taking that alone should have been the Object of our Forces. The Design on Lequesne, supposing all to have been honest that produced it, could have taken it’s Rise from nothing but want of Knowledge in common Geography: No Eye that follows the Course in the Map, which is always taken by the Canadian French from Quebec to Fort Lequesne, but must be necessarily convinced that the taking Niagara would have answered all the Purposes of pos­ sessing that and Lequesne.

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Thus the disgraceful Defeat of our Army, the Disputation of our General, the Destruction of our Subjects, the Expence of the Expedition, and Dishonour of the Nation, might have been prevented. But alas! such has been the undeviating Custom of the English, since the Administration of the late Earl of Or—d, to bear Insults from all Nations inat­ tentively, ’till the Reservoir of Injuries being full, the Banks are broken down, and the Torrent of Resentment / rushing forth with too much Impetuosity, destroys by its Violence and Quantity, the very Benefit which it would otherwise have afforded by being deliberately and justly dispensed abroad. Too slow in our Resolves in the Beginning, and too impetuous in the Execu­ tion of them at last, the Zeal for doing, too frequently defeats the Reasons and Powers which conduct and support our Enterprizes. There are not wanting indeed Men well acquainted with those Parts of America, who, with great Appearance of Truth, and Force of Argument, alledge, that a few armed Vessels on the Lake Ontario, would have secured us a safe and easy Conquest of Niagara and Fort Lequesne. It is indubitably true, that no Ship of Force or Burden can enter that Lake from the Head of the River St. Lawrence: Consequently the English Ships being first set a swimming on the Lake Ontario, they must have prevented all Supplies from going by Water to Niagara, as well as destroyed all Ships pretended to be built on the Borders of the Lake by the French, as the English by that Conduct would become absolute Masters of that Water. Hence, by the cruizing of these Ships, it being rendered impracticable to supply Niagara and Fort Lequesne, a few Months consuming the present Provi­ sion, would have given us Possession of both; Famine being an Enemy which no human Power can resist. Thus then, by observing this Conduct, a small Expence, a prudent Patience, a steady Perseverance, and a little Time, would have accomplished what has already failed in one Part. Let us however suppose, that it was absolutely necessary that an Army should be sent to the besieging Fort Lequesne from England; shall we be per­ mitted the Liberty of asking those who chose the General for this Expedition, and directed the Undertaking, Whether a hot impetuous Arrogance of Temper is that which is adapted by Nature, or should be pitched upon in a Man, who is sent to command an Army in a new Land, where Hardships more than / in European Countries, must be undergone by the Soldier, where Affability and Compassion, Gaiety, Popularity, and Encouragement in a General, are the nec­ essary Ingredients to sweeten and palliate the Bitterness of that Draught which War administers to the Taste of all Nations, and to win the People to his Confi­ dence and Obedience?

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England

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Would a Man of common Understanding have sent a self-willed, selfsufficient, rash Commander, to oppose an Enemy in a Country replete with Opportunities and Situations for Ambuscade and Snare? The Genius of which People is to combat their Enemies in that way of Fighting; a Man whose very Presumption, Idea of Security, and Contempt of his Enemy, effectually deceived him into the Ruin of his brave Officers and his Army, with an Addition of Dis­ grace to his own peculiar Destruction; such a Disposition in a General, is a greater Advantage to a discreet Enemy, than a thousand fighting Men added to their Party. And here permit me to observe, that it seems owing to this want of Judgment in those who have long appointed our Commanding Officers, that the Panic at Preston Pans,26 the Fatality, as it is politely called at Falkirk, the Flight at Port L’Orient, and the Disgrace at Fort Lequesne, have thus succeeded each other, in a great measure, as well as to the universal Corruption of those Men from which the Soldiery are generally collected. Had the Soldiers possessed a full Confidence in either of the Generals, who commanded on those Days, they would probably have behaved with the same Spirit they did at Culloden,27 when the Duke of Cumberland, in whom every Soldier confided, led them to an easy Conquest, and routed the Rebels at that Place. It is this Confidence of an Army in their General which unites every Hand into one Action, animates every Heart to the same Obedience, and executes, by a happy Belief in their General’s Excellence, what / is vainly expected from the exact Discipline of Exercise in a Martinet; these are the Means, and not the Regularity of moving the Legs of a whole Rank, which incite and carry a Soldier on to Victory. From what has been already said, is it not self evident, that General Braddock should, instead of dividing his Powers, have marched in Union with Mr. Shirley to Niagara, if they were determined to take that Fort by a land Force? But by thus having divided their Forces, and his being defeated four Days before Mr. Shirley began his march for Niagara, Mr. Braddock has given his Enemies that received him so fatally near Fort Lequesne, the unexpected Oppor­ tunity and Advantage of being at Niagara before the Americans under the Command of Mr. Shirley, and assisting their Countrymen with all the Ammu­ nition, Cannon, and Baggage, which were taken at this disgraceful Defeat: This Circumstance, if it should not totally prevent will absolutely retard the taking Niagara, produce more Bloodshed, and expend more Money. When we reflect on the Behaviour of our Troops on this disastrous Spot, so fatal to English Honour, how can we refrain from observing that the Irregulars of the Provinces held their Bosoms firm against that Battle, and that Danger from which the Regulars and Disciplined Troops turned away; and that native Cour­

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age supplied to the uncorrupted American, what Art and Discipline could not impart to the Soldiers of Great-Britain. This, in my Opinion, offers an invincible Proof, that a Militia in this King­ dom, raised amongst the Farmers and Peasants, where Virtue yet remains in a much greater Degree, than amongst that corrupt Rabble of perjured Corpora­ tion Borough-men, from whom the Soldiers are chiefly collected, where every moral and religious Influence being effaced by Bribery and Venality, all Sense of Honour and Duty is Destroyed, would be a more effectual Defence of the King­ dom from all foreign Attacks, than ten times the / Number of standing Troops, composed of such miserable Miscreants. But alas! such is the Difference in Judgment and Conduct of the M—y which directs the Affairs of France and this Kingdom, the Subjects of a Free Nation are not permitted to know the Use of Arms, and defend themselves, their Liberties, King, and Country; whilst those which we treat as Slaves in that Nation, are encouraged to the Use of Military Discipline, and entrusted with Arms to defend, alas, what we call neither Liberty nor Property. Shew me a greater Paradox in all Nature, and explain to me the Motives to this Behaviour in the different M—rs on justifiable Reasons, why a free People should be denied the Power of defending their Freedom, and those under a Monarchic Govern­ ment should be openly encouraged to fight for Slavery? Is Bravery more natural to Slaves than Freemen? or is Despotism a more animating Motive to the Person who lives under it, than the Charms of Liberty? Thus, my Countrymen, I have, with the utmost Impartiality, laid before your Eyes the true Proceedings of those who have lately conducted our Fleets and Armies. From this View does it not too plainly appear, that the Direction of each has been totally mistaken? Providence indeed, in pity to this favourite Isle, has almost deviated from the common Course of Nature, and once more saved it’s Fleets from Disgrace, in spite of all the Ignorance that superintended them. A Miracle only could have saved the Army commanded by a self-willed General, who arrogantly despising the Powers of his Enemy, fell the Victim of his own Folly and their superior Knowledge. How contemptible must we appear in the Eyes of all Europe, from this Imbecility of M—l Judgment in the Choice of Generals; what Expectations of Success may not our Foes flatter themselves with, from this visible Inequality of Understanding in those who direct, to the Greatness of those Powers which are to be conducted by them during a War, when / they have seen a State the strongest in maritime Force so totally divested of all Advantage, by the sinister Application of it’s Navy; an immense Fleet preventing not their Enemies from being supplied with every thing necessary to support themselves during a War? What must we conceive will be the ultimate Event, when M—rs, by the natu­ ral Bent of their Understanding, can defeat all our Armaments with scarce an

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Enemy to oppose them? Will they, whose Capacities, in Tranquillity and at Ease, might have planned the Destruction of their Enemies Fleet, and yet have failed, be equal to the Conduct of a general War, and Success? Will not those, who have been the ductile Dupes of their own Incapacity, and a Quaker’s self-interested Designs, in appointing useless Expeditions and unequal Generals, be eternally bewildered in the Turbulence of a general War, and the Attention which is necessary to a Multiplicity of Affairs? Will those then be less open to the Schemes of their Enemies, than to their own Follies, and the Designs of their deceitful Countrymen? Will those Eyes which could not discern the true Object that should be pursued, when one only was in Agitation, be capable of supervising to the infinite Calls of a general War? What more beneficial Suggestion in Favour of France could Monsieur Mach­ ault28 have insinuated into the Imagination of our M—r, than this, of concealing the Fleet of England in Fogs impenetrable to human Vision, rendering them invisible and useless? Who but this Bayes in Politics can elevate and surprize in so amazing a manner? He has concealed his Ships in Darkness as effectually as his Namesake did his army at Knightsbridge. Is not this, as a certain Speaker in P—t began his Speech; ‘New in Politics, new in War, and new in Council.’ It is more than probable that Macnamara, not meeting our Fleet in the European Seas, had Orders to return, and confide in their Invisibility on the Banks / of Newfoundland for their safe Arrival in America. In this how little was he deceived? Hence it too evidently appears, that we are in that sinking State which, through all Ages, has attended the Want of Understanding and Virtue. If then the Resurrection of a Nation from Sloth and Corruption, to Honour and Esteem, depend on the Capacity of those M—rs who direct it, how dreary and barren is the Prospect which is eternally offered to our Eyes? Is it not the settled Rule of Providence, that the best Understandings shall always prevail at last, though in the Beginning sometimes the contrary appears true; yet here, alas, we want that flattering Commencement. It is like the Calcu­ lation of Chances; though the Person that deals at Pharo may be worsted once or more, he must infallibly get the better at the Year’s End, and ruin those who engage with him, at the Conclusion. If then the Direction of M—l Affairs run on in this Channel, what shall defend us from National Destruction, which comes sailing down before the Wind and Current full armed upon us? But as my Intent in this Letter is to admonish you, my Countrymen, before it be too late, and not impute that to a criminal Heart which is but Error in Understanding; to clear myself of all Malevolence against the private Characters of those who superintend; I most sincerely believe, that no pernicious Intention in the M—y has been the Cause of these ill-judged Undertakings and Miscar­

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riages; they have not taken their Source from Spleen, or Resentment to a Party; which too often warping the Minds of M—rs, drives them into unbecoming Actions; their private Resentment urging them to the public Ruin. In this Instance, their Hearts being not culpable, will excuse them for this single Essay of their Incapacity, in the Opinion of all honest Men: But if the Ambition of presiding in public Affairs, a Passion too often and too fatally mixed with Weakness of Understanding, / should still goad them on to direct and ruin, what will then be their Due from your Hands? Yet even tho’ Incapacity may plead a Pardon, it does not annihilate the Disgrace which attends the Nation in consequence of it: Tho’ the Punishment due to premeditated Villainy cannot be imputed to the Charge of those Direc­ tors, yet the Sufferers are not alleviated by that Consideration in the Distress which they bring to a Nation. Weakness and Incapacity are even more fatal and destructive than a wicked Heart joined to superior Intellects in a M—r: This last, thro’ pure Understanding, will exert every Faculty; conceiving his own and his Country’s Interest inseparably united, his Judgment will correct his Mistakes, and re-instate what may have been originally wrong: But want of Intellect is irre­ mediable; no human Power can correct that Error; it’s natural Lumpishness, like Gravitation in Matter, making it tend for ever to the Center of Darkness; like Impotence in Nature, producing nothing but ill-shaped Monsters: It is the most incurable of all Diseases of the Mind. What I wish then, is not to rouse you to the Destruction of these Men, but to your own Preservation; to awaken your Attention, that nods over the Ruin which surrounds you, that, like the paralytic Stroke, seems to benumb your Faculties. Rise then to the Salvation of your expiring Country; urge to your Rep­ resentatives the Resolution of obtaining a superior Understanding, as essentially necessary to the Preservation of this Kingdom, which ought to be dear to every Englishman. Do not imagine I mean to intimidate you with the Dread of Perils, or alarm you with the Idea of French Power, to the asking an ignominious Peace. I am no Advocate but for my Country, and for English Glory: All I intreat you is, not by exclaiming against French Perfidy to lose the Sight of displacing those, who, by the Want of Understanding, are yet greater Enemies to this Nation. / As I know that Success must ultimately depend on Prudence and Understanding, that Heaven has originally determined that Human Glory shall be the Slave of these and Virtue, as your Lives and Properties, Liberties and Religion, must be the ignominious Victims of wrong Judgment. Remember how dangerously you are at present situated. Will not one Miscarriage in Europe push you headlong into the Gulf of Perdition, from that Precipice on which you at present stand exposed?

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Let not the Clamour of Dispatch, and Impetuosity of Warlike Preparation, deceive you into an Opinion of these Men. The headstrong Horse, whose Vio­ lence carries him without the Course, as effectually loses the Race as that which is distanced: The Traveller who rides Post out of the Way, is at the Evening only more tired and farther distant from his Home than he who trots on soberly; and Fleets and Armies, destined by strong misguided Impulse to wrong Places, use­ less and inapplicable Designs, only sooner exhaust the Powers of a Nation. Let me implore you then to remonstrate to Majesty itself, if your Repre­ sentatives refuse your Petition, that able Heads may direct his Councils; and that Arms be entrusted to your Hands, in whom Safety can be only placed; who love your King and Country, and are ready to offer up your Lives a Sacrifice to their Preservation and Welfare. Let us not stand thus, almost naked, and exposed to the Attacks and Insults of Two hundred thousand Soldiers, defended by less than twenty thousand: A Battle lost in this Isle decides the Fate of England. Remedy those Evils; place yourselves, your King, and Country in Security; chastise your Enemies by Sea. Believe me in what I have uttered, lest, like the Trojans who neglected the Proph­ ecies of Cassandra,29 self-sufficient, inattentive, and secure, you bewail too late the predicted Evil, when no human Powers can remove the Weight of that Ruin which now hangs threatning over you. /

LETTER II. to the

People of England.

On Foreign Subsidies, Subsidiary Armies, and their Con­ sequences to this Nation.

– Quo ruis? inquit. Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget.

Virg. Æneid.

In all Governments constituted like this, of which you have the good Fortune to be born Members, where the Legislative Power is the People’s Right, and the Executive belongs to the King, indeed, wherever it is of the mixed Kind, it is impossible, from the changeable Nature of all human Institutions, but the Bal­ ance which ought to be preserved between the Prince and the Subject must be destroyed, and the Scale preponderate sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other. However upright and able Men may be in planning a Form of Govern­ ment, such is the fluctuating State of all human Things, that no opulent Nations can long proceed in the right Way, without frequently returning to the first Prin­ ciples on which they were established. It becomes, therefore, the indispensible Duty of every Subject, who sees the Weight increasing in one Scale, to point out the Evil immediately, lest it grow too great to be removed, without causing more Struggle, Tumult, Bloodshed, and Desolation, than even / bad Men (one would imagine) can wish to see in their native Land. Whoever therefore shall have Fortitude enough to expose the pernicious Designs of a wicked M—r, and his more profligate Adherents, notwithstanding their Attempts to blast his Endeavours with the poisonous Appellation of Fac­ tion, or even of Jacobitism, must ever be esteemed, by all good Men, as the Lover of his Country, and Friend to Mankind. Despotism on one Hand, and Anarchy on the other, are the Consequences to be dreaded from a King’s or People’s Power, increased beyond the due Propor­ tion; one half of either side of that vast and solid Arch which sustains a whole Nation, being weakned by undermining the Whole which it supported, without sudden Help, tumbles into everlasting Ruin. – 81 –

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If the despotic Inclinations of Charles I. were grievous to Men who were born the lawful Heirs of Liberty, was the Anarchy that succeeded less terrible? Both Extremes then being proved by the Histories of those Times to be alike fatal to the King and Subject, all possible Care should be taken to prevent such Evils: and early too, before the heated Ambition of a few Men shall dare to plunge the Nation into the Abyss of Confusion and Distress, by Attempts to fix themselves in absolute Power. Notwithstanding the Revolution may be justly denominated the Æra of establishing English Liberty on a rational Plan of Government, yet the Con­ sequences of Men’s Pursuit of Power may be such, that the Equilibrium which was then settled may be lost, and the Scale incline too much on one side; when this shall happen, England, to preserve it’s Liberties, should again attempt to vindicate the Advantages of her happy Constitution. Whoever therefore shall dare to assert, that an Englishman has no Right to oppose the exorbitant Power of a Prince upon the Throne, is an Advocate for passive Obedience, and an Enemy to the Revolution. / In like manner, if it be lawful to oppose the despotic Designs of a Sovereign, who may be taking gigantic Strides to subvert the Laws, change the established Religion, and set up an arbitrary Power on it’s Ruins; it must be just to resist every other Part of our Constitution, which may invade the Rights and Privi­ leges of their Fellow-Subjects. The Commons of England are the Representatives of the People; five hundred Men are intrusted with the Liberties, Properties, and Privileges of Mil­ lions. If this Number, elected for the Public Good, instead of supporting the Honour and Prerogatives of the Crown, protecting their Constituents, and the People, shall at any time be rendering the Sovereign dependent on his M—r, fleecing the Millions to enrich the Hundreds, and betraying their Countrymen to iniquitous and ministerial Views, can the People of this Land, the Millions, the Men of Property and Understanding, still Lovers of their Country, be con­ demned for opposing such pernicious Proceedings; or I, your Fellow-Subject, for knocking at your Breasts, and awakening those Hearts within, which sleep supinely inattentive to their Country’s Danger? It has been lately propagated, with no small Industry, that the P—t, as a Legislative Body, has a Right to make what Laws it pleases; and that our Rep­ resentatives, once elected, are accountable to no one for their Proceedings. Nothing can be a more fatal Insinuation to the Ear of an Englishman than this, if it should find Acceptance amongst Mankind. Man, from the very Nature of his Being, can never be supposed to delegate a Right to his Representative, contrary to his own Welfare and Felicity, much less a whole Nation to it’s own Destruction. Ne quid Detrimenti capiat Respublica,30

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is the Condition of his being chosen and appointed. It is therefore an Absurdity to imagine, that Men can delegate a Power / of injuring themselves, to those who are elected for the universal Welfare: Ye are Inheritors of the Constitution of this Realm from your Fathers, and are bound, by all the Ties of Nature and Justice, to deliver it intire to your Sons; many of whom being yet unborn, or too young to bequeath Power to the Representatives of the Nation, cannot justly, by their Predecessors, be deprived of the most valuable of all Inheritance, their Liberty. To chuse Men as national Representatives Protectors of the Public Good, and then suppose they have a Right to act contrary to the Interest of their Con­ stituents, is to imagine, that Physicians, chosen to superintend and cure the Sick in Hospitals, have a Right to kill their Patients, if they please. Common Humanity, and the Sensation of all honest Hearts, fly in the Face of such Assertion; and yet some insidious or informing Emissary, is eternally advancing such Absurdities, in Favour of a M—r, in Opposition to the Glory of that K— he pretends to revere, and the Good of that People he affects to love. Is not a Parliament by Nature and the Constitution established, equally obliged with the Prince upon the Throne, not to violate or exceed the Measures, which tend to the Public Welfare? Is it not therefore a heinous Insult on the common Understanding of this Nation, to assert, that six Millions of People, many of superior Sense, Family, and Property, to those who represent them, have impowered their Guardians to squander their Possessions, convert the public Revenue to private Uses, and general Destruction; and bind, in ministerial Fet­ ters, the Hands of those Men whose Freedom they are elected to preserve? Is it not from the Nature of our Constitution that a P— exists? Can it be imagined then, that a Part dependent on the Whole, can have a Right to destroy that very Being from which it derives it’s Existence? Ought not that Nation therefore, which, unremonstrating, permits her Servants to assassinate her, or runs / on that Sword which she has given into the Hands of others for her Pro­ tection, though she does not stab herself, to be deemed equally guilty of Suicide, with Men who commit that unnatural Act? and, like those Self-Destroyers, will it not be ignominiously buried in Rubbish and the Highway? To assert the contrary of this self-evident Truth, is but to change the Face of Despotism; will not the absolute Power which was so justly complained of, and so righteously opposed, in Kings, before the Revolution, be thus transferred from them to the P—? In this other View, Tyranny has only changed the Place of her Abode: Is the Sultan less despotic at his Summer’s Seraglio than at Con­ stantinople? Do his Subjects enjoy more Liberty by his residing at one Place than another? What Power amongst Men can be more arbitrary than that which can bind your Hands in Chains, by Laws which it enacts, according to it’s arbitrary Inclination, and levies what Money it pleases on your properties, unexamined,

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unreproved, and uncontroled? And this, it may be, for the private Advantage of a Majority of those, who constitute this Power to your Impoverishment. That P— then, which, inattentive to it’s Charge, and unjust to the Confi­ dence reposed in them by their Fellow-Countrymen, shall proceed diametrically opposite to your Welfare, must, in the Eye of Reason, be conceived as acting arbitrarily and illegally, and violating the Constitution by which it exists. It is the common Custom of all those, who presume to defend the present Ad—n, to ask, in Opposition to those who complain of the Mal-Conduct of public Affairs, whether we are not governed by Laws legally instituted? To which I answer, by asking, If any Law can be said to be legally instituted, which may be enacted by Men chosen contrary to Law, and exceeding the Design of their Institution? If Bribery and Corruption / influencing the Elections of the national Representatives of this Kingdom, are absolutely contrary to the estab­ lished Laws of this Realm; can then the Member, who is chosen by Means of corrupt Influence and Perjury, in direct Opposition to the Legislature, be legally endowed with the Power of making Laws? If this Question be answered in the Affirmative, tell me then the Difference between the Ideas, which attend the Words Legal and Illegal? Will not this fatal Absurdity be the Consequence of such an answer, that if one Set of Men, illegally chosen, shall ever presume to enact Laws, that all others have an equal Right to it? What Reason can be assigned, why one Part of this Nation shall be excluded from an Authority of doing whatever is done by another, which has no legal Right to Superiority of Power? Nay, will Disobedience to Laws, made by Men who have been elected con­ trary to the established Rules of the English Constitution, be a greater Breach of the Legislative Power, than that which these Legislators committed in procuring their Elections? The criminal Means of procuring Seats in P—, though they may never be openly proved against the Transgressors, are they for that Reason the less true in the impartial Eye of Justice? And who, from the Post-Boy that guides a Post Chaise on the Road, to him that misguides his K— and Country in the Ad—n, is ignorant of this Truth, that Seats in P—t have been obtained by Bribery and Corruption? Is it not the Commission of the Action, and not the Conviction of the Judge and Jury, which constitutes the Crime in all who dare to violate the Laws of their Country? Let us, however, through pure Indulgence to the Dissolute, suppose the greatest of all Contradictions, that Men, illegally chosen, are yet lawfully author­ ized to constitute and appoint Laws for the good Government of a Kingdom; does it thence follow, that they / are endowed with Authority to make Acts diametrically opposite to the Public Welfare? Can the three Letters, which com­

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pose the Word L A W, change the Nature of Right and Wrong? Will Robbery, Adultery, or Murder, enacted by a P—, transmute the Nature of these Crimes? Will they not, in Opposition to ten Million Acts of a Legislature, instituted in their Favour, remain as cruel and detestable as before to every humane Bosom? If an Act is once passed the House of C—, does it thence follow, that it must be absolutely complied with without Complaint or Remonstrance, especially if it contain Conditions destructive to all that is valuable amongst Men? Are the Laws of England, like those of the Medes and Persians, to remain unalterable because they are made? Through this thin Argument the Fallacy manifestly appears; or, it must be granted, that Englishmen, of all the People of Europe, are particularly doomed to Slavery. How can the effeminate Dastards of the East more effectually express the abject State of their Existence, than by tamely complying with whatever is ordained them? It is the unmanly yielding to this ignominious Imposition, which confirms the Condition of Slavery, and not the Source from whence it proceeds: The Acts of an E—h P—t, whenever they shall be arbitrary, and the despotic Mandates of a Persian Sophi, are equally tyrannical, though the first may seem to be the Voice of a Majority of more than Five Hundred, and the latter of one Man. I say seem, because it may easily happen, that a M—r may dictate as despot­ icly as a Sophi, and the Voice of more than Three Hundred M—rs be no more than the Reverberation of as many Echoes, from a Place formed with the Power of multiplying one Sound equal to that Number. Laws may become the most tyrannical of all Oppression, even more to be dreaded than the Despotism / of Kings; for which Reason, every good Repre­ sentative of the People will with Pleasure receive whatever can be offered for or against them by his Fellow-Subjects. Kings, when they invade the Liberties of their Subjects, are soon discov­ ered; the Breach is visible, the Inroad felt, and the People soon alarmed, and on their Guard to oppose it; the Object and the Design are open to their Senses: But Laws, enacted under the Sanction of deliberate Debate, and digested maturely by Men selected to defend the Publick Weal, bear the Appearance of being instituted with Justice, and according to the original Design of our happy Constitution. Things conducted in this Manner wear no open Face of Injustice, no exter­ nal Mark of arbitrary Power; the People, deluded and deceived by the Glare of this specious Varnish, unaccustomed to examine Things to the Bottom, believe these Acts are just, because they are made by those whose Duty it is to enact no other than the Laws of Truth and Justice. I imagine then it will be allowed me, that Laws which violate the Consti­ tution, create Inequality in the Course of distributive Justice, pillage the many

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to enrich the few, alter the primary Dispositions of human Nature, sacrifice the publick Good to private Emoluments, and English Property to Foreign Inter­ est, are such Laws, as even a P— legally chosen, can hardly have an Authority to enact. If ever then a P— should be unconstitutionally elected, and carry such Laws into Execution, will not this be a double Breach of the established Constitution of E—d? What will such Men offer to their Constituents in Favour of them­ selves; or how will that M—r defend himself who, though perhaps, without the Subtilty of the Serpent, may, like that Reptile, transfuse his Poison through a House of C—s, to the Ruin of his native Land, as it was through the Mother of all, to that of human Race? / Laws, in a Free State, are the standing Defence of the People; by these alone they ought to be judged, and none enacted but such as are impartially conceived; the Peer should possess no Privilege destructive to the Commoner; the Lay­ man obtain no Favour which is denied the Priest; nor the Necessitous excluded from the Justice which is granted to the Wealthy: Unless these Things are truly preserved, the Laws, which should defend the People’s Property, are, like the Body-Guards of a King corrupted, the more to be dreaded, because the Liberties of the first, as the Life of the latter, are more immediately in their Hands. When Charles I presumed to levy Taxes on his Subjects without their Con­ sent, this Design was not opposed by them, because it proceeded from the King, but because it was contrary to the Constitution, and illegal: In like manner, whenever a P—t shall enact Laws destructive of the Public Good, such Proceed­ ings will be equally contrary to the Constitution; and if such Transactions in a King are justly denominated Tyranny, tell me by what Name I shall distinguish similar Designs, if ever they are found in a House of C—? If opposing the arbitrary Efforts of a Sovereign, were Acts of the most heroic Nature, and most laudable Design, if passive Obedience to a crowned Head be the Height of Slavery, learn from thence, that Opposition to illegal Proceedings in K— or C—, is equally praise-worthy and virtuous: Without behaving in this Manner, it must be granted, that Resistance to the Kings of old was personal Pique, and not patriot Justice; Resentment against the individual Man, and not a Vindication of your just Rights. Thus you see that Tyranny is the same, from whatever Source it springs; and the Arguments and Truth which justified our Forefathers in opposing the arbitrary Proceedings of one Head, though sur­ rounded with a Diadem, will support you in the same Behaviour / against any Hydra-headed Minister, or Hundred-handed Briareus,31 which may attempt to scale the Heaven of your Constitution. I have said thus much to shew you, as clearly as I could, what appears to me to be the true Power of P—t: To do Good they have, and ought to have, unlim­ ited Power; but their Power to do Evil, surely, ought to be under some Restraint:

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Whether they have a Power to institute Laws to the Ruin of their Country? is a Question that never can arise; it can only be, Whether the Laws proposed are in themselves pernicious or beneficial? Whoever then shall endeavour to set in a clear Light the Utility or Destruc­ tion which may follow from a Law before it is enacted, will undoubtedly be considered with a favourable Eye; and though his Counsel be but a Mite added to the Whole, the Goodwill and patriot Love with which it is offered, will render it not unacceptable to the highest Wisdom. It may not be amiss then to examine the Effects which a Subsidiary Army may have on this Kingdom, if a War should be begun on the Continent: To set in a clear Light the Advantages or Disadvantages which it may produce to this Country, and, from History and past Transactions, infer what may result from the Supporting such a military Force with the Revenues of England. Perhaps there are few Things which can come before the Mind of a M—r, that require more Deliberation and Prudence, than that of hiring Subsidiary Troops, for the Protection or Service of that Kingdom which he superintends, or more replete with Danger to the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, or even to the Crown itself. Every righteous Statesman, in all his national Proceedings, cannot but intend promoting the Public Welfare: His Plans for the Public Good will justify his Intention, however adverse the Event of them / may prove, and free him from all injurious Imputatation in the Sight of his Countrymen. Yet, though it should be allowed that the best conceived Designs may prove abortive in the Execution of them, it must be granted also, that in directing a State there is for ever inseparably connected with good Sense, an Advantage which cannot be found in company with Folly. A M—r then of weak Intellects can expect nothing but Chance to assist him in his insufficient Schemes, and I fear that Union has too seldom prevailed, to found a national Expectation that the Vagaries of Chance and Folly shall succeed against Reason and good Conduct, in the Management of a Nation’s Welfare. Whenever then a M—r shall entertain the Design of taking an Army of Subsidiary Troops into a Nation’s Pay, it behoves the Subjects of that Kingdom, who have yet their Liberties to preserve, and Properties to lose, to be extremely circumspect in relation to the Consequences which such an Undertaking may produce, particularly if a Suspicion of wicked Design may be imagined to be blended with Weakness in the same Head; an Union not uncommon amongst Men exalted to the highest Stations, however fatal it may prove to the public Weal. I believe it may be justly ascertained a Maxim in Politics, That no Nation which can defend itself, and effectually annoy it’s Enemy, should ever retain mer­ cenary Troops for these Purposes.

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To support this Idea, there seems to be many Reasons not easily contro­ verted. First, The Money with which the Aid of a mercenary Army is purchased, must be a Diminution of the Wealth of that Kingdom which pays them, and therefore detrimental, as it lessens the pecuniary Strength of the People. Secondly, All mercenary Soldiers must for ever be deficient in that ani­ mating Spirit, which the Love / of their Country infuses through the Soul of every Native. This inspiring Impulse, which Money cannot impart, carries Men on to Conquest, through Contempt of Danger and of Death. To this the great Deeds of all Nations have been chiefly owing, not amongst Greeks and Romans only, but even amongst the wild Arabs, who fought underneath the Standard of Mahomet, the Dalecarlian Savages under Gustavus the Swede,32 or Englishmen at the Fields of Cressy and Agincourt, in the Days of Conquest, under the Com­ mand of our Edward and Henry. Thirdly, Men whose Hearts are actuated to Battle by venal Views and Pur­ chase, are justly suspected to be within the Reach of pecuniary Corruption; that Prince, and that Army which Money bribes to your Assistance, will probably be bought to desert you by a greater Sum: This Consideration ought to efface all Confidence in mercenary Armies. Fourthly, A hireling Army once victorious, perceiving the People, who invited them to their Assistance, unequal to the Task of defending themselves, and resisting their Force, will, in all Probability, set up for themselves, and become their Masters; as did our Ancestors the Saxons, who, sollicited by the Britons, to assist them in repelling the Invasion of the Scots and Picts, remained in this Isle, and became Lords of the very Kingdoms they came to protect. Or lastly, a M—r who fears he shall one Day feel the Resentment of a Nation justly enraged against him for sinister Management, may retain these Hirelings in his Service, to subdue with more certainty, and less Danger, that People, which, though he has deprived them of Arms, he has not yet forgot to fear. These Considerations then must necessarily operate strongly against taking mercenary Troops into the Pay of any Nation, in the Minds of all Men who wish well to their native Land, and have no pernicious Designs / on the Liberties of their Fellow-Subjects, and the Constitution of the Realm. Let us now suppose that a War should be declared between France and this Kingdom, and then examine whether England is reduced to the abject State of fearing her Enemies, more than the mercenary Men she may hire to support her Interest and Honour against the military Force of France. The first Consideration which offers itself in favour of this Nation is, that no foreign Power can attack it without being obliged to cross the Sea for that Purpose.

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The Uncertainty and Danger of that Element, which has more than once preserved us from hostile Invasion, is an Advantage of no small Account in our Favour against a Descent from France: Afflavit Deus & dissipabantur, was the pious Acknowledgement of the best of Queens for her Success against the Span­ ish Armada. However, without reckoning Storms amongst our Advantages, if we sup­ pose that in all Attempts of an Invasion, a Fleet is necessary to convoy and protect the Enemy in their Passage, and cover them in their Descent, and that a superior naval Force has the Power to intercept and destroy it, in what manner are we to form our Opinion in this Light? Let us then compare the Fleets of the two Nations, and thence infer what are the probable Consequences of such an Attempt by the French. The Navy of England consists in about two hundred and fifty Men of War, exclusive of Bombketches, Fire-ships, and armed Sloops, in all more than three hundred: the last named being at least equally useful in frustrating such Attempts, as Ships of the Line of Battle. The whole Navy of France, at the highest Computation, is not equal to one hundred. Thus then, as far as can be inferred from the Nature of Naval Armaments, and the Utility which / can be drawn from them, no Reason can be offered to induce a thinking Man that one hundred French Ships of War are a Power which can oppose treble that Number of English. Consequently on the Side of the Marine, there cannot be the least Reason to suspect a Necessity for hiring a mer­ cenary Force, to prevent an Invasion from the Armies of the French King. But I freely own, my Confidence in Armies is much stronger than in Fleets; and that a Descent on this Realm, divided from the Continent by so narrow a Channel, so suddenly passed with a favourable Wind, secreted by the Darkness of the Night, is too practicable an Undertaking, and may be accomplished in Spite of all naval Opposition. Let us then examine, in Case an Attempt of that Kind should succeed, how we are provided to repel a Visit of that Nature, when our Enemies being landed, are beyond the Reach of being destroyed by naval Powers. The Inhabitants of England, exclusive of Ireland and Scotland, are gener­ ally computed at the lowest Account to be about six Millions: Those who have examined, and calculated, with the greatest Accuracy, the Numbers and Age of a People, have laid it down as a certain Truth, that a fifth Part of the Whole, including those from sixteen to sixty, are able to bear Arms. Thus then England alone can furnish one Million two hundred thousand Soldiers in her Defence; and, by adding the four Million Inhabitants of Ireland and Scotland to the Account, the Sum amounts to two Millions of Men, able to oppose the Descent of our Enemies. Of this Number, without Doubt, more

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than one hundred thousand near London, may be summoned together in a few Hours, where Arms and all military Accoutrements are preserved in the Tower, for emergent Occasions; and in a few Days, a like Number may be collected in any other Part of this / Kingdom, before much national Injury can be perpe­ trated by the Enemy. What Force then, allowing the Armies of the French King to be ever so numerous, can be embarked and landed with any Prospect of Success, against so formidable a Power as two Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in their King and Country’s Defence? It is ridiculous to offer a Reason in Vindication of this Truth, the Absurdity glares through the thin Disguise, and is visible to the weakest Understanding. Thus then the natural Powers of England, securing us beyond all Suspicion of Danger, to what honest Purpose can Mercenaries be hired, to defend this Nation from the Attacks and Invasions of a foreign Enemy? This then is the natural Strength and State of our Powers and Defence; but alas, like brute Matter, it lies inert and unexerted! Amazing beyond all Cred­ ibility! Two Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in Defence of their King and Country, are treated by the M—r, as Lunatics by Physicians, sur­ rounded with that Waistcoat which deprives them of all bodily Exertion, twenty thousand only are invested with the Powers of our Defence, instructed in the Art of War and Use of military Weapons, dispersed from the Orcades to Minorca, whilst the Millions look on and lament their abject Condition, deprived of assisting themselves and Country. This View of our Situation then, sets Things in a new Light, and creates very naturally these Questions; From what Motive does this Behaviour proceed in the M—r? And then this other, Whether England being so circumstanced, should seek the Aid of foreign Hirelings by pecuniary Powers, or put Arms into the Hands of her own Natives, who stand ready to receive them, and defend her? Whether the Lives, Liberties, Properties, and Constitution of this King­ dom, shall be intrusted to / those, whom every Motive, external and internal, honourable and interesting, must urge to their own Defence, unattended with any possible Disadvantage to this Nation, or to the hireling Hands of foreign Mer­ cenaries, against whose being employed in such an Action, there subsist almost as many Arguments, as against suffering the Island to be invaded and overcome by an Enemy? Can these Questions need an Examination or Answer? Perhaps some Man, of more Turbulence than Judgment, the humble but violent Retailer of M—l Falshood, may treat this long Disquisition as a luna­ tic Scroll of a Bedlamite, (who having created a Devil of his own, with a burnt Skewer on the Wall of his Cell, is tilting at it as if it were the very foul Fiend

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itself ) and may assert, that the French will neither attempt a Descent, nor the M—y bring into this Isle foreign Subsidiaries to defend us. To which it is easily answered, by asking, Will a M—r, of common Under­ standing and Patriot Intentions, trust the Security of this Kingdom to the good Inclination of his Enemy? If he does, and a Descent should prove successful, with what Powers will he repel them? Will a Multitude of Men unaccustomed to Obedience Discipline, and Arms, like the Teeth of the Dragon, sown by Cad­ mus,33 start up, and become Soldiers in an Instant at his Command? Hirelings, the base Defence of foreign Mercenaries, must they be called in to your Assistance? Hessians and Dutch, Germans, Hanoverians, and Rus­ sians! Must these be brought to assist the once brave English, in repelling the Foes of their native Land? – Abject, degenerate Thought! And yet, if an Inva­ sion be made from France, what stronger Reason have you to hinder them from being sent for at this Time, than during the last War, when Dutchmen and Hes­ sians, to the eternal Infamy of England, were landed in this Isle, to protect you against a Rabble of rebellious Highlanders, yourselves disarmed and incapable of Defence? / Where then is the Absurdity, of supposing an Enemy should attempt an Invasion against so small an Opposition as the Troops of England? or that a M—r, who has already applied for foreign Aid, should again recur to the same Expedient of mercenary Assistance. Thus then the Reasons against your being armed lie only in the M—r’s Breast, and are relative to him alone; his Designs may possibly controvert the Public Good; and those Mercenaries which will destroy your Liberties, may coincide with his Schemes: Is he not then the Torpor, which benumbs your natural Faculties of War and Resistance? the Source from whence innumerable Calamities will flow to this once happy, free, and martial Kingdom? Thus then your Weakness consists only in your Want of being intrusted with those A[r]ms, which are purchased by your Contributions, and in your Strength being with­ held from your Hands by the arbitrary Will of a M—r. But as it may probably be urged, that England and it’s Defence are not the sole Object of having recourse to Subsidiary Troops, let us examine what is. The Balance of Power, that fascinating destructive Sound, so much in use since the Revolution, so productive of Wars, even more ridiculous than Crusades and combating Saracens for recovering the holy Sepulchre, demands the Atten­ tion of this Realm; or, this political Equipoise being once destroyed, England must perish, alike with all the Powers of Germany, and France be possessed of universal Monarchy: No Chimera can be more visionary than this Idea of fear­ ing universal Empire, and balancing the States of Europe. Will Germany conspire against its own Interest, to give France the first? Is not this Balance, notwith­ standing the Number of Troops and Sums of Money which each State can raise, eternally shifting from Realm to Realm, according to the Understanding and

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Integrity of Ministers and Kings who preside and rule them? / This Balance, so glorious in Idea, and fatal in it’s Effects, which was held by the Hands of our gracious Queen Anne, has since been taken from this Land, and is now possessed by the King of Prussia, by dint of superior Intellect. Let us however accede to this Proposition, that the Balance of Power is an Object worthy the Attention of this Nation, as our M—y chuses to inculcate to our Belief. Under the Sanction of this Concession, Are the Arms of France a more rea­ sonable Object of dread to this Island than to the Princes of Germany? Is our Danger, divided as we are from our Enemy by the Sea, with Powers sufficient to resist all Attacks, greater than that of these Princes, whose Dominions are hourly open to hostile Inroad and Rapine by the first March of the French Army? What Claim have they, or what Pretext can be urged to induce this People at any Time to hire the Troops of these very Princes to defend their own Territories? Shall Hanoverians Saxons Hessians Saxe-Gothians Bavarians Wolfenbuttlers Darmstadians Piedmontese Russians In all

16000 12000 12000 6000 8000 5000 4000 30000 73000 166000

be hired as Mercenaries by the Revenues of England to defend their own Ter­ ritories? Not reckoning in this Account the Subsidies which have, and ever must be paid to the Austrians, when we have engaged to fight their Battles, and sustain their Interest, at the Perdition of our own. Cast an Eye on the Map of Europe, and remark / on what Dominions an Invasion is most probable to fall, if France comes to an open Rupture with this Kingdom, and our German Allies; and whose more immediate Care it is to arm and defend themselves. But alas! such is our Situation, that no Success, however great, can bring us Advantage; a Conquest influences little more than a Defeat in our Favour. Is there a Truth more self-evident in Euclid,34 than that Nations cannot be long purchased against their own Interest (England excepted) but this, that nothing is so ridiculous as attempting to buy them to it: Will German Princes long prefer French Interest to their own, or neglect to oppose it, if you withdraw your Subsidies? How absurd must be the Head of that M—r who can cherish

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such Conceptions, and act in consequence of them? What intuitive Knowledge in the Actions of Men must he be blessed withal? But it may be offered in defence of hiring these Mercenaries, that their Masters Inability to defend themselves, makes it necessary that England should protect them. Is there in Nature a Reason which ought to induce a Nation to it’s own Ruin, in defence of others who are reaping Advantage by our Undoing? In Truth, no Assertion is so false as the above: In what manner did these States exist before the Revolution without your Assistance? Have they not the same Means at present? It is the Weakness of our M—y, and fatal Attachments to German Interests; the Sums of Money which they have gained, and we uselessly squandered, that turn the Eyes of all these Princes on you. This creates the War, and disunites the Germanic Body; otherwise, the Interest of all Germany, and the Constitution of the Empire, would unite all Germany against the common Enemy; but your interfering, and their pecuniary Ideas and mercenary Passions, foment the Division: Would the King of Prussia, and the other States who are inactive, see the German Interests defeated, if you did not espouse the Quarrel? But as our M—y behave, his View is / extent of Territory, by becoming necessary in the Broil, whilst other German Potentates humanely traffic the Lives of their Subjects for the Price of your Gold; the only Manufacture and Commerce which their Countries produce. Thus then, conscious of the Imbecility of our M—r, they reap the plenteous Harvest of his busy Folly, and thus his preposterous Conduct begins, foments, and fosters a Continental War. But lest what has been said should appear like the enthusiastic Fervour of Patriot Love, impetuously urged in favour of my Country, let us examine the Sentiments of our Forefathers, the Remarks of ancient Wisdom, on the Conse­ quences of being united with the States and Interests of the Continent, and then observe what has been the Effects in our own. Those Times, when the Kings of England had vast Possessions in France, will furnish us with many an Observation applicable to the present. It was then the Opinion of those Men, most celebrated for patriot Love and the clearest Judgment, that the Territories of our Kings in France were by no Means to be defended at the Expence of English Treasure; they justly distin­ guished the Dominions of an English King from those of England, and separated the foreign Interests of an infatuated Monarch from those of his Subjects in this Island; and in Consequence of this, they virtuously and strenuously opposed the squandering English Treasure, in Protection of Dominions, in no Sense con­ nected with the Welfare of this Kingdom. The Earls of Hertford, Bohun, and Bigot, began their Commotions through the Distaste which Edward I. gave them, by demanding their Service in the Quarrel of Gascoigny; and in denying to defend or recover foreign Provinces

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independent of England, though subject to the King, they had great Reason, since so many Consents of Parliament justify their Refusal. In the twentieth Year of the Reign of Richard II. the / sixth and the ninth of Henry IV. the first and seventh of Henry V. it is affirmed, the Commons of Eng­ land are not bound, pour supporter les guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie; that is, to support the King’s Wars either in France or Normandy; publicly declar­ ing this, and publicly refusing Assistance. In the Reign of King John, the Bishop of Durham, was killed by the Peo­ ple, who determined to oppose a Tax for supporting the King’s Wars in France: The King himself was detested also by the Citizens of London for his grievous Taxations on the same Account. Hence followed the Wars between him and his Barons. In the Reign of Henry III. there was another Contention between the Kings and Barons on the like Reason. EDWARD I. was refused Money by his Subjects, to defend his Territories in France against the French. EDWARD III. was also denied Contribution by his Subjects to carry on the Wars against the French; and one of the Articles of Treason against Mortimer, was the Offence he bred in the Commonwealth, by causing a Subsidy to be enacted from the Subjects on that Account. The Poll-Money imposed by Parliament in the Reign of Richard II. to defray the Expence of the Wars in France, was the Cause of bitter Imprecations against the King, which were followed by an Insurrection of the Commons: And in the Reign of this King, as well as in others of those who preceded and succeeded him, the Parliament was so tender in granting Subsidies, and raising Taxes for foreign Wars, that they added to the Act, Quod non trabatur in Consequentiam, that it should be no Precedent to Futurity for levying Taxes; at the same Time appointing peculiar Treasurers of their own, to give them Account upon Oath the next Parliament. Innumerable Instances of this Nature may be drawn from the History of our Ancestors, and evident Proof inferred, that the Commons of England considered / this Attachment of their Sovereigns to their Dominions on the Continent, as the great Cause of their Miseries and Distress, and frequently refused to indulge their Kings in the Ambition and Folly of enlarging and protecting their Possessions, to the Ruin and Poverty of themselves and their Constituents. So certainly true is it, that Poverty of England has ever been the Attendant of our engaging in War on the Continent: I believe it may be proved, that the Peo­ ple of this Nation have owed their Increase in Riches to the single Circumstance of being once detached from Continental Possessions.

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Till the Beginning of Elizabeth’s Reign, whatever had been gained by the Natives of this Island in Commerce, had been again wasted in Defence of foreign Dominions; but from the Reign of this illustrious Woman, whose Memory must be for ever dear to all Englishmen, for the Blessings she spread upon her Peo­ ple, to the last Day of that infatuated Bigot, James II, England only as a Nation has grown rich; all Increase of Wealth since that Time being Paper-Possessions, which like the Leaves of the Sibyl,35 scattered to and fro by m—l Winds, too plainly pronounce the impending Fate of this Kingdom. From this fatal Æra, the m—l Destroyers of their Country recurred to the same Means, which had formerly been the Ruin and Waste of English Blood and Treasure; the unspeakable Disadvantage which this Nation had suffered, from their Sovereigns being possessed of Dominions in France, returned with double Fury: Holland and Germany were yoked to this Nation; the last, like an enor­ mous Wen fixed to a beautiful Body, has grown luxuriant, by draining the vital Juices which should have been distributed through this Realm, and emaciated it’s natural Strength, Beauty, and Vigour. Since the Attachments of M—rs to the Germanic Interest, during the Wars of William and Anne, and in our Times, we have thrown Three hundred Millions / of English Money into the Scale of that Balance of Power in Germany, which has never inclined, nor ever will preponderate on our Side, while we have a Shilling more to add to it. Such immense Sums of Money have been ineffectually wasted in sustaining this visionary Equilibrium of Power in Europe; Fourscore Millions of which, we, free-born Englishmen, and our Posterity, are this Day mortgaged to pay for German Advantages. Thus it is evidently demonstrable, that national Poverty has been the insepa­ rable Companion of being again attached to Continental Interests; for, I believe, no Man will assert, that a Nation, which has not more Money in it at this Time, than at the Day of James the Second’s Abdication, with a Debt of Fourscore Millions added to it, can be as wealthy as it was at that Period. Is the Value of Fourscore Millions, in uncoined Gold and Silver, and other Merchandise, to be found in this Kingdom, beyond what it possessed at that Time? As much then as this Nation is deficient in the Possession of that Sum, so much is it poorer than it was at that Period: I speak not of imaginary Paper-Wealth, got by the Iniquity of M—rs and their Favourites, to which nothing real answers but your Taxes and Calamities. Thus then ancient and modern Observation demonstrate, that our Attach­ ments to Territories, which, though belonging to our Kings, were independent of England, have ever been the Cause of Poverty and Distress; and our Welfare and Happiness prevailed only, when we were unconcerned in Continental Wars and Interests. Can it then be imagined, that what has ever been pernicious, will not change it’s Nature, and become beneficial? Will not the same Ruin, the same

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Increase of Debts, and waste of national Treasure, be the fatal Consequence of all future Engagements to support foreign Dominions in Europe, as it has of all past? As all Acquisition of Territory in that Part of the World would be but Increase of Misfortunes, and / every Conquest be attended with farther Ruin to this Isle. Let me now lay before you some Estimate of what may be the annual Expence, if ever a Design of hiring that long list of mercenary Blood-Suckers, from Germany and other Parts, should take Place; in which, though the Cal­ culation does not pretend to Exactness, it is yet, I believe, rather under than above the just Computation: When we consider the enormous Sum of Money which was levied the last Year of the last War, and the great Navy-Debt which was then left undischarged. Let us then examine, whether England can support that Expence. The Pay of the Russian Troops alone, according to the Proportion of former Subsidies, will be half a Million of Money; the remaining Troops of all Germany (exclusive of Austrians and Piedmontese) cannot be estimated at less than dou­ ble that Sum: Thus in Subsidy alone, One Million and a half will be annually expended. The Hire which must be paid the Austrians; Money to put all these Troops in Motion, according to late Practice; supporting the whole Army, when ever they leave their own Countries to be assembled on the Rhine or in Flanders, will double that Sum at least, and increase it to three Millions. For Experience has shewn us, that whatever Bargain we may make with necessitous Princes, to support their own Troops in the Field, that notwithstanding this, it is the Gold of England which has ever supplied and furnished them with Subsistence during that Time; this, besides the Expence of our own Troops in Flanders, which can­ not be estimated at less than a Million more yearly, will make the Sum of Four Millions of Money, which must annually pass the English Channel, like Ghosts over the Stygian Ferry, never more to revisit this Isle. Can England then, indebted Fourscore Millions, whose circulating Cash is not more than Fourteen, support a War on the Continent of Europe, which had / almost proved her Ruin, when she did not owe one Shilling? What Obligation can German Interests have on this Land, that she must exhaust her vital Powers to her own Ruin and their Advantage? I imagine the most sanguine Friend to the present M—y can scarce entertain a more flattering Idea in favour of this Nation, when he considers who presides in the various Branches of the Ad—n, than that if we engage in Flanders, our Success will be equal to that of the great Duke of Marlborough. And yet even this Success, should we win every Battle, must lead us to inevitable Ruin. Can England, buried in Mountains of Debt, which, like Pelion upon Ossa,36 have been heaped upon her, sustain the Expence of a War upon the Continent of Europe? Do we grow more vigorous by being exhausted? or will

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national Parsimony answer all the immense Demands of such a War? Where then shall this unhappy Nation find Money for foreign Mercenaries? The most rapid Success must even prove your Ruin, and the nation be exhausted of all Resource before these ten Years Conquests can be half completed. Thus the Sound of every Victory must be received with aching Hearts, and our Generals in their triumphal Carrs be followed by People drowned in Floods of Sorrow for the Battles they have won. In the mean time, whilst you are sluicing forth your vital Treasure to pro­ tect Germanic Princes, how different is their Fate? they grow great by your Folly and Destruction, the Wealth which you lavish they receive by the Hire of their Armies, mercenary in their own Defence. These are the Friends and Allies of England! Thus Conquest, any more than Defeat, cannot avert your Ruin, tho’ the first may retard it a little while. Shall then this Kingdom be totally drained by grievous Subsidies, in sup­ port of foreign Princes Dominions, among whom there is One, whose untold / Sums lie useless and untouched, even for the Protection of that State which is so dear to him. But as painting the distressful Side of Nature, and our Situation, may be too displeasing to your Eyes, let us now point out to you the Way by which our Enemies must be humbled, and this Nation exalted. We have already proved that the English Fleet consists of treble the Number of that of France; that Englishmen want nothing but being trusted with Arms, and instructed in the Use of them, to defend themselves from all Invasion; and that the German Princes, undivided by the Hopes of our Money, and enlarging their Territories by our interfering, would unite in one common Cause against one common Enemy. These being the true Circumstances of Things, our Fleet so superior, must drive the French Commerce from the Face of the Ocean, and enrich this Island, when Specie might again appear instead of Paper. Our Troops and Militia, confined to the Defence of this Kingdom, what­ ever Expence they might prove, would prevent the Money from escaping to our Ruin, and still be circulating amongst us. The Germans, being ever Germans, and not bought by our Treasure, would tread the direct Road to their own Security and Preservation. Thus then nothing but m—l Wrongheadedness can prevent this Nation from growing great in Case of a War with France. This Kingdom, by the Acquisi­ tion of Wealth taken from that, will then be a Reservoir for our Supplies; which very Treasure, if a War be begun in Flanders, will be no more than Waters run­ ning into the Head of a Pool, which immediately run out at the lower End, the Money we and the mercenary Army must spend in that Country, travelling very

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soon from the Hands of us to those of the Netherland Inhabitants, and thence speedily / into France, as it happened too apparently last War. Thus our Enemies get great Part of that Money which we squander to oppose them. Therefore to make England truly great, this Isle, as she is by Nature, must stand unconnected with the Interests and Territories of German Princes and the Continent. But there is yet a farther Consideration for our declining to engage in Ger­ man Welfare, it is the Defence of his Majesty and his Subjects Possessions in America, the living Fountain of perpetual Wealth to this Kingdom, an Object worth all your Consideration; whatever is expended in the Defence of English Plantations, returns to England again. Shall we then raise Money to lavish on German Mercenaries for German Interests, and neglect our own Colonies? Shall that bastard and unnatural State, whose whole Revenue does not exceed the fourth Part of what you annually pay the Poor of this Nation, which has already cost so many Millions, continue to exhaust all your Wealth in her Defence and Service, and the legal Child of England be neglected and abandoned in her Distress? Shall a hundred and sixty thousand Mercenaries wage War on the Banks of the Rhine, and in the Meadows of Flanders at your Expence, to defend what is not in it’s whole Value worth the Treasure which will be consumed in four Campaigns for its Protection? Thus then these Things being clearly placed before your Eyes, does it not follow that Ruin must await you, if these mercenary Troops are hired in defence of you for German Interests? And may it not as justly be said when that Time arrives, as in those of Tacitus, Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit, quotidie pascit;37 the Britons are every Day imploring to be Slaves, and adding Money to purchase that Infamy? If hereafter some future Son of Ambition shall / make the obtaining Subsidies for German Interests, the very Condition of his being a M—r, will you tamely bow your Necks to that Yoke; if some future P—t shall grant the Revenues of England for such Purposes, is there an Englishman who can look silently on and see his Constitution totally expiring, unremonstrating, and uncomplaining? If ye should prove so fallen from the Spirit of your Ancestors, how despi­ cable must you be regarded by the Eyes of all Europe? Shall France behold the proud insulting mercenary German, the hireling Defender of this Isle, stalking indignant and oppressive thro’ your Lands and Cities, yourselves untrusted with Arms, doomed, like the Slaves of Sparta, to work for these foreign Soldiers? If you shall ever become so despicable in the Opinion of m—l Men, your Souls deemed unequal to the Task of combating for your own Safety, what are ye then but heartless Cowards, a Race of soft, effeminate Dastards? Oh ignomini­ ous Thought! Oh abject England!

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Will you then be considered but as People unfit for War, to plow and labour, to hew Wood and draw Water, for those whose Souls are yet daring enough to meet an Enemy on the Field of Battle? Where will then be fled that martial Spirit which animated the Souls of your great Ancestors at Cressy, Poitiers, and Agincourt? Is that English Valour which knew no Defeat beneath the Command of Marlborough, totally annihi­ lated? Will ye then permit in silence these Foreigners to be bought to your Assist­ ance? Will ye servilely surrender yourselves and Liberties into their Hands for Protection? Will ye be the Slaves of German Mercenaries? Ye silken Sons of Pleasure, rouse from your Lethargy; modestly represent to your Sovereign the Dangers of your Condition: urge your Representatives to procure you Arms, which become your / Hands alone, for the protecting Him and your Country from Invasion. Let your Navies prove that France can be humbled without mercenary Assistance. Or will ye permit the white Horse to trample down the Sons of England in Dust, Disgrace, and Ruin? Shall the Brit­ ish Lion be yoked to draw that Carr from which he is unharnessed, to wanton in the fattest Pastures? If even Yourselves and Liberties should be no longer dear to you, will you behold your Progeny enslaved? Your Properties wasted in foreign Wars and Ger­ man Interests? Will ye not then exert your native Powers, and shake off that lazy Inattention which is stolen upon you? Be attentive, or irremediable Evils may steal imperceptibly upon you, like Death in old Age, when there no longer remains Vigour to combat the Attack; when exhausted, and driven by mercenary Bands, converted from being your Defenders to your Enslavers, you are excluded from the free Expatiating of Lib­ erty, and your Constitution driven into a narrow Compass, as the Britons of old; and, treading on each other, like wild Beasts in the Eastern Nations, surrounded with Toils, you tear each other to Pieces with Rage; or die tamely and supinely, expiring by the Darts, which are thrown by mercenary and m—l Huntsmen. Nor is it for you alone, my Countrymen, my Breast feels the anxious Alarm; the Welfare of that illustrious House, which fills the Throne with so much Glory, thrills me with Apprehension for their Safety. What Behaviour can more prob­ ably wean the Hearts of Subjects from a Sovereign, than their being treated so ignominiously by his M—s? What Motive so apt to irritate their Minds, as beholding their Treasures exhausted to their Ruin, themselves considered as Cowards, unworthy to bear Arms in their own Defence, and contemptuously postponed to German Mercenaries by M— Counsellors? / History too fatally informs us, that the English have been frequently driven to dangerous Extremes by Causes of less Moment: Let me therefore implore you, if it should ever be the abject Fate of England to become the Slave of Germany, urge not your

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Resentment beyond remonstrating, to your Representatives and Sovereign, your despicable Situation; withhold your Hands from vindicating your own Rights; point your legal Designs alone against that M—r, who, betraying the Trust which is committed to him by his Master, may attempt to enslave you to foreign Hirelings, exhaust your Treasure by defending German Interests, and risk even the Stability of that Crown, which it is his Duty to sustain. Will ye, degenerate Men, behold Britannia, like Prometheus, chained to a Rock, whilst the German Eagle is devouring her Vitals,38 and yield her no Assistance? Believe me, the Moment of that Catastrophe may not be at a great Distance. When it arrives I shall not fail to give you Warning of the Evil: That Message must either prove the Passing-Bell of your expiring Liberties and Nation’s Glory, which, like Women, ye may follow to their Graves with Sighs and Tears unmanly; or, like the Sound of the last Trumpet, awaken to a Resurrec­ tion the long-departed Spirit of defending yourselves, your King, and Country.

Virtu contra ’l furore, Prendra l’ arme & fia il combatter corto, Che l’ antico valore Nell Inglese cuor non e ancor morte.39 /

LETTER III. to the

People of England.

On Liberty, Taxes, and the Application of Public Money.

Torpere ultra, & perdendam rempublicam relinquere Sopor & Ignavia videretur.

Without entering into a long Disquisition concerning the Requisites which are necessary to constitute the Idea of Liberty in every State, or ascertain­ ing what kind of Government is, in the Nature of it’s Conformation, the best adapted for sustaining it when once established; may it not with Truth be said, that whenever Inequity in Laws, and Inequality in distributive Justice are found amongst a People, that then the Exertion and Enjoyment of true Freedom do not perfectly exist in that State. That Liberty necessarily belongs to no one Form of Government, may be fairly inferred from the Opinions and Practice of all Antiquity, and in particular from the Sentiments and Behaviour of the two most illustrious Nations of the World, the Athenians and Romans. During the Reign of Theseus40 their great legislative King, and in many others which succeeded his, and under the Archons,41 the Athenians considered themselves as a Free People, because they were governed by equitable Statutes. Even Pisistratus,42 who fraudulently usurped an absolute Power over his Fel­ low-Countrymen, was less / opposed by the People than by his Competitors for Dominion, and died at last upon the Throne of Athens. The Reason of this seems evident; he ruled according to the Laws of Equity and Solon.43 Had his Successors accompanied their Reigns with equal Judgment, and the same just Disposition, the Grecians had not complained of violated Free­ dom, and expelled them from their City. Breach of Justice, and Contempt of Laws, proved their Bane and Demoli­ tion; and not their being Monarchs. The next Innovation in the Athenian State, was the Aristocratic Govern­ ment, consisting of Four Hundred Men. These, under the Pretext of appealing to their Constituents, observing the Laws, and preserving the Constitution of the State, perverted the Intention of the first, and subverted the Foundations of the latter; till, becoming obnoxious to a People, ever jealous of their Liberty – 101 –

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and sensible of Injury, they were banished by the Re-call of Alcibiades,44 and the Valour of their enraged Countrymen. After this, Liberty, and the old Form of Government, returned to Athens. No long Space intervened, till ambitious Views and popular Commotions created new Disturbances in the State. At this time the Athenians, to re-instate the confused Condition of their Affairs, chose from amongst their Fellow-Citi­ zens thirty Men, to collect and compile a Body of Laws, the most promising and probable to re-establish the broken Police of the City, correct the Dissolution of Manners in the Citizens, restore it to it’s ancient Glory, and to be the standing Rules of future Government. To this Oligarchy the sole Direction of the State, and supreme Authority was entrusted. These, in the Beginning, proceeding with great Appearance of Justice, and forming salutary Laws, were chearfully obeyed by the People; ’till the Lust of Power devouring the Love of Equality, they instituted Statutes oppres­ sive / of their Fellow-Citizens, and held in Contempt those which they had already passed; when being let loose to all the Outrage of despotic Insolence, perpetrating the most atrocious and tyrannic Insults on Liberty and the Consti­ tution, instigated thereto by a Subsidiary Army of Lacedæmonians, they became the Detestation of every unpurchased Athenian. At this Time the Virtue of Thrasybulus,45 and Seventy more only, who disdained to be Athenians and be Slaves, rescued their native Land from the opprobrious Chains of Oligarchic Tyranny: The Tyrants were ignominiously expelled the City, driven to that Land from whence they had hired the enslav­ ing Mercenaries, and their Laws publicly abolished. In this manner Liberty and Justice returned once more to Athens. Hence let it be remembered what Success attends the Virtue of a Few fired with their Country’s Cause; and what Fatality awaits those who attempt des­ potic Sway, and the Ruin of their native Land by Foreign Hirelings. In this State of Freedom the Athenians persevered for some time, ’till grow­ ing insolent by Wealth they despised the Religion, severe Virtue, and wholesome Laws of their Ancestors; when drowned in Luxury, Effeminacy, and Sports, neglecting all Military Attention, consuming the public Revenue in Wanton­ ness and Profusion, thronging to Theaters, and inattentive to their Country’s Welfare; excluding the Wise from all public Councils, and indulging Mimics, Buffoons, and Parasites, at the Tables of the Great, they fell at length the easy Prey of Philip, King of Macedon.46 In like manner, amongst the Romans, under the various Changes of that Empire, the Revolutions which prevailed in it, seem rather to have arisen from the pernicious Excess of acting contrary to the nature of Liberty, than from Dis­ inclination to any one Form of Government. The Kings, in the Infancy of Rome, / were willingly obeyed by the People, and the regal Power would probably have

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continued, if they had not dared to violate the laws of that Constitution which they were chosen to protect. The Consular and Patrician Power was never opposed, ’till it became oppres­ sive and injurious to the Plebeians; ’till the Senators, designed the Protectors of Liberty, became the Oppressors of the People; hence sprang the Decemviri,47 to curb the Aristocratic Power, and institute stable Laws for the Distribution of Justice, and Preservation of Liberty. Yet, alas! such is the Nature of Man, these, grown arrogant by Power, illegally prolonged the Time for which they had been chosen for the forming good Laws; violating the first Principles of Justice, and the very Intent for which they had been elected. At length the Just Resentment of an injured Nation fell upon them; they were ignominiously deposed, and the ancient Form of Government, and Freedom restored together. Hence does it not manifestly appear from the History and Transactions of those People, who entertained the justest Sentiments on that Subject, that Liberty belongs not necessarily either to Monarchy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, Democracy, or to a Composition of these; that it is not absolutely united to elective, more than to hereditary Powers; or consists in being governed by Laws; but in being obliged to obey no Power which is arbitrary; and being ruled by no Laws, which are not equally distributive of Justice and Equity; alike preservative of Great and Small, the Ruler’s Prerogatives, and People’s Liberties? What I mean by Liberty, is not that dissolute Licentiousness, which is con­ stantly mistaken for, and asserted by the Profligate to be that celestial Attribute, alike the impious Companion of Tyranny and Anarchy; but such as it is defined by the celebrated Author of De l’Esprit des Loix;48 consisting in a People’s possess­ ing a Power of doing all that they ought to / choose, and in not being constrained to do that which they ought not to choose. If then this Definition, and what has been already said, bear the sacred Seal of Truth, does it not follow, that whenever a People are prohibited to bear Arms in Defense of themselves, their Liberties and Properties; that whenever a Nation is doomed to labour for Those who have no legal Claim of Merit on it’s Inhabitants, who are destructive to the public Good, or for the Advantage of foreign Potentates, independent of their own: That in whatever Country these Conditions have obtained, they must be incompatible with the Interest of a free People, and totally repugnant to the Definition of Liberty, and that Idea of it acknowledged by Ancients and Moderns? Notwithstanding these Queries are almost self-evident Truths, per­ mit me to examine without Heat, and explain without Acrimony, whence it is derived that Liberty and the above Conditions are absolutely contradictory and found impossible to subsist together. In attempting this, I shall now trace your Right to Liberty from Magna Charta, and the distant Practice of your Ancestors; it will be sufficient for me

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to say, That the same Legislative Act which establishes the present illustrious Family on the Throne, confirms you in your Liberties; that Law, which gives your Sovereign his Crown and Prerogatives, assigns and fixes your Rights and Privileges. The Power of making Peace and War is not more inherent in the King, than the being governed by just Laws belongs to the Subject. Should any Men audaciously attempt to infringe the Royal Authority, and make the crowned Head dependent on the People’s Will, ought they not to be deemed as Rebels to their Sovereign? In like manner, are not all those who by any means would deprive their Fellow-Subjects of their Rights by Law established, Traitors to them, their Constitution, and all that is committed to their Charge? / If Liberty then be the undisputed Inheritance, and peculiar Blessing of an Englishman, has he not a just Claim to the Right of defending it? Or, with what Shadow of Truth can he be imagined to be free? But lest the Word Liberty, conveying no Idea of an Object to the Senses, may create some Puzzle in comprehending what may be here said, let me place the Word Money in it’s stead; the Reality of which, and the Idea adequate to the Term, being thoroughly understood by all. Let us then imagine a Law to have been enacted, by which every Man in England, who does not possess an hundred Pounds a Year in Land, is prohibited from resisting all who have the Inclination to deprive him of his Money. What kind of Security would he conceive he had for possessing this Property? Would not he conclude, that his Tenure, depending on the Good-will and Honesty of all who surrounded him, open to the Inroad of Invaders, was little worth, and extremely precarious? Thus circumstanced, would he not find himself in a worse Condition in Society than without; being prevented from defending his Property by this Law of Compact; whereas it is permitted by that of Nature? And thus would not the very Essence of Society be annihilated, because a Law of such a Kind is destruc­ tive of the very Ends for which Societies were originally instituted, mutual Preservation, and Defense of Property? Is not such a Law a more slavish Injunc­ tion than the arbitrary Will of a Prince, because under the Semblance of being enacted by your Representatives? Is it not considered as your own Deed, and do you not therefore become the Assassins of your own Freedom? Place Liberty for Money, and the Arguments are equally coercive. If then Ease of Mind be amongst the distinguishing Characteristics of Freedom, in what a deplorable Situation must every Man be, who beholds this celestial Donation every Minute ready to / be snatched from his Possession, deprived of Arms to rescue that Blessing from the Hands of the Ravisher? Wherefore under whatever Disguise Military Weapons may be withheld from your Hands, tho’ it should be under that important and natural Consid­ eration of preserving Hares and Partridges; since you will thereby be denied the

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Power of defending your Liberties from the Invasion of all who may attack them; can ye any longer be deemed a free People? To assert a Nation is in secure Possession of what it is forbidden to protect, is a Contradiction in Terms: And to say it is free, divested of all Power of defending it’s Freedom, is that absurd Contradiction. Liberty, by the Constitution of the Realm, is the Birthright of every Eng­ lishman, and ought to be defended by all. It is not a Privilege granted to the Peer, and denied the Commoner; it is not conceded to the Merchant, who deals in Thousands, and withheld from him who labours at the Loom or Plough. Your Representatives have never been authorized to dispose of it, being chosen as it’s Protectors, and not as Traffickers in that precious Merchandize; to guard, and not to betray, the important Charge of preserving your Constitution. Every Law therefore, which can deprive you of defending that celestial Right, is it not an Infringement of your just Privilege, and a Violation of the Constitu­ tion? Let me add also, that inhibition of bearing Arms in defending of Person, Lib­ erty, and Country, has been ever deemed, through all Nations of the World, the most flagitious Characteristic of abject Slavery. Under no Form of the Athenian or Roman Governments were the People denied the Use of military Weapons, and Fighting for their native Soil. Indeed the Elotae, the unarmed Slaves of Lacedethon held in Contempt and ignominy through all Greece, tilled the Lands, and reaped the Harvests for their atrocious Masters; in like manner, divested of / all Power of Defence, the sooty African toils for his insulting Lord beneath the sultry Suns of Jamaica. In this Way, naked and defenceless, do ye not labour in this Isle, with this imbit­ tering Circumstance, that being born Englishmen, ye have the same Claim to Liberty with Those who may forge your Chains and rivet your Bondage: A Cir­ cumstance never known in Greece or Rome, in which the Slaves were Aliens to the Land. That your Ancestors, and many now alive, entertained the same liberal Sentiments, may be certainly gathered from that very Act which placed the Eng­ lish Diadem on the Head of William III. in which one great Complaint against James II. and one just Cause of his being dethroned, was, that he caused several good Subjects, being Protestants, to be disarmed, at the same Time that Papists were indulged with Arms contrary to Law. What Act of Rebellion have ye since committed against your Sovereigns, that ye are thus stript of all military Power of defending yourselves? If disarming a few Protestants was at that Time a just Cause of Complaint, and no small Motive to dethrone a King; is it a less reasonable Cause of com­ plaining against a M—r at this Hour, when the whole Nation is disarmed? Are Papist and Protestant become equally dreaded, and stript of all Defence, alike

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injuriously suspected? Are the Sons of those who opposed, and those who placed William on the Throne of England, thus held indignantly like Slaves? If Papists were a just Cause of Terror in the Reign of James, will the Russian Savages and German Bloodsuckers, under the Name of Mercenary Auxiliaries, afford less Reason for your Fears? If the pretended Exigency of Affairs, through M—l Neglect, or Design, should require their Assistance in this Isle, will Those who freeze beneath the biting Frost of a Russian Winter, denied almost the Nec­ essaries of Life, divested of it’s Comforts, cherished by Treaty with / Hopes of being Freebooters, and endless Plunder; will they return at your Command, after having tasted the Sweets of England? Will the Hessian, whose Being is the Price of Thirty Crowns, who sees himself sold by his inhuman Master, like the Ox to the highest Bidder; will he return to him who traffics his Subjects Lives for Eng­ lish Gold, and quit this Land, where they may be Masters? If they should disobey your Orders, defenceless and disarmed as ye are, by what Method will ye compel them to obey you? Are then these foreign Troops of mercenary Hirelings less to be dreaded in George’s Reign, than English Catholics were in that of James? Are ye less treated like Bondsmen, in being deprived of the Use of Arms now, than at that Time? Are ye less open to Attack and Ruin from avowed Enemies and pretended Friends? Is not then the Law which renders ye defenceless, and snatches all Power of preserving Liberty from your Hands, a more alarming Approach to Arbitrary Power than James’s presuming to effect it by his own Authority? The one, a Bur­ den fixed upon your Shoulders which ye cannot escape, a Load which you must carry; the other, though placed on the Back of Englishmen for a while, thrown to the Ground and rejected: Shall the first prevail unremonstrated against because disguised as legal, allowed and acquiesced in, and the other disavowed, deemed despotic and resisted because illegal; is it not a Breach of that Act which placed the Crown upon William’s Head? Surely no Man has Hardiness enough to assert, that if the Minister in the Reign of James II. had possessed by Place and Pension an absolute Power over the House of Commons, and commanded them to pass a Law for disarming the People, that such an Act would have been less an Infringement of English Lib­ erty, than if it had been executed by means of the King’s Mandate only; all Ways of bringing about / wrong Measures being alike unconstitutional and arbitrary, it is the despicable State to which ye are reduced, and not the Means by which it is effected, that makes your being disarmed a Violation of that Liberty and that Constitution, which neither British Kings nor British Laws have a Right to diminish or destroy. Has then that humiliating Condition, which was so justly deemed Slavery in his Reign, and so gloriously shaken off by your Fathers, changed it’s Nature and lost it’s Sting in this? Or has Time erased all Sense of Injury from your Souls,

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that being prohibited the Use of Arms, ye supinely behold the abject Situation to which ye are reduced, regardless, unremonstrating, and uncomplaining of your Fate? Shall M—rs acquire that Despotism, which Kings have never yet been able to obtain? Wipe then all Record of Liberty from your Minds, if any Trace unhap­ pily remains upon them; left the Remembrance of your lost Condition should damp the future Hours of your Lives with one eternal Sadness. Look not on your defenceless Hands, nor sighing think what England was. Learn from Athenians, Romans, Britons, that not Men alone, but Laws may be equally tyrannic and oppressive; then, by remonstrating legally to your Prince and Representatives, emerge from that abject State. Emulate your Fathers Glory; like Them, be Virtu­ ous, be Immortal, and be Free. Having said thus much to prove to you, that no Nation denied the Power of defending their Liberties and Properties from foreign and domestick Ene­ mies, can justly be denominated Free; permit me to shew you, how those Hands which have been denied the Use of Arms for their own Protection, have been employed for the Advantage of others: That the whole Produce of your Labour, the Improvement of your Lands, your Increase of Manufactures, and your Gains by Merchandize, have been long doomed to the Support of foreign Nations, ruinous to English Liberty and the public Good. / In order to lay this Truth more evidently before your Eyes, it seems necessary to return to the End of the Reign of James the Second, to shew you the State the Nation was then in, and compare it with what at present exists in this Island. That Prince then, from a Passion of being despotic, and mole-eyed Zeal of propagating the Roman Catholick Religion, abused the regal Authority, and extended his Prerogative illegally over the People. He disarmed Protestants; kept a Standing Army in Times of Peace; attempted to subvert the established Reli­ gion; by tolerating Catholicks and Sectaries; violated the Freedom of Elections of Members to serve in Parliament; and committed many other gross Enormities, mentioned in that Act of Parliament which placed the Crown on King William’s Head: All these being then deemed destructive of Liberty and your Constitu­ tion, and avowed as justifiable Reasons for deposing a King, are still maintained to be such, by every Englishman; they must ever remain the same, in the Opin­ ion of all honest Men; and be an everlasting Justification of all who attempt to oppose the Return of such absolute Proceedings, whether in the Monarch or his Minister. Accordingly in obedience to such true Sentiments of Liberty and our Constitution, Popery and arbitrary Power were supposed to be expelled together. Since which Time the two last have been considered as constant Companions ever united in the Mouths of the Whigs: Let me examine, whether the Experi­ ence of succeeding Years has not proved that they have been divided, and that

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when Popery was driven into Banishment, arbitrary Power did not change Mask and Domino, and remain in that new Disguise amongst the Crowd. And here it is impossible to avoid observing to you, that though before this Date it had been declared ‘a ‘King of England could do no Wrong,’ yet that this Maxim could not then have been universally received, because in dethroning James II. and in not confining / their Punishments to the Ministers alone, the Leaders must have been deemed as Rebels by all Men of Virtue, which Behav­ iour having never been considered in that View, it appears impossible that the above Maxim could have been universally acknowleged. Notwithstanding this, whatever might have been the Speculation and Practice of Englishmen at that Time, it certainly ought to be received as an invio­ lable and sacred Tenet at present, ‘that the King can do no Wrong:’ And I am under no Apprehension of it’s being disproved, when I affirm, that since that Day no crowned Head has ever committed a wrong Action. However, though Kings, as Vicegerents of Heaven, replete with celestial Attributes, are acknowleged to be incapable of doing Wrong, yet are they not totally exempt from human Weaknesses: Nor has it ever been asserted that Min­ isters, who generally receive their Qualifications from a very different Origin, cannot injure their Fellow-Subjects, or destroy their Country. Can it therefore be Criminal for an Englishman to delineate to his Countrymen in what manner human Frailty in a crowned Head, and Iniquity in Ministers may have co-incided to advance a Nation’s Ruin? JAMES being deposed, and the Prince of Orange placed on the Throne, that Prince, though considered as Immortal, was yet not unallayed with human Frail­ ties; amongst which, his Preference and Predilection of the United Provinces, proved not a little prejudicial to this Land, and this People, who presented him with the precious and superb Donation of three Kingdoms, to which he had no Claim, and to the obtaining which no Man ever atchieved less. This Foible too eminently distinguished itself in postponing the Good of these Nations to that of Holland; and tho’ a Theme for much Praise in the Songs of Dutch Poets, yet ought it to be held in everlasting Remembrance with Pain by all Englishmen. From the Time of this Prince’s mounting the Throne, the Interest of Eng­ land began to sink in / the Bogs of Holland, and the High and Mighty States reigned in the Breast of this King in Possession, as Popery did in Him that was exiled from the Throne. Unhappy for this Nation, the King of England was likewise Stadtholder of the United Provinces: And though a Prince of the Continent may be allowed Plurality of Dominions, yet past Experience has proved, that the Interest of this Island will no more permit the Sovereigns of it to possess Plurality of Realms, than the Christian Religion Plurality of Wives. It cannot suffer this Kingdom to

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be wedded for her Wealth, subservient to another more favourite Wife, taken for Love alone. As she is separated from the World, she ought to be disunited from all others in the Breast of her Possessor. It is not therefore impossible for one Part of a King’s Dominions to be uttering eternal Eulogies, in Commemoration of him, whom the other has little Reason to esteem. It must be remembered also, that tho’ the King of England and Stadtholder were united in one Person, that the Interest and Titles of England and the United Provinces remained as distinct and separate as if held by two different Princes; and no Union of these in one Man, can change the Nature and Advantages which each Dominion naturally possesses. Whatever Country then may be held by the King of England under another Title, is to be considered as unconnected with this Isle, farther than as that Dominion and this may mutually aid and support each other; and this notwithstanding any superior Love which the Sovereign may manifest towards it. An E—h M—r therefore, who may indulge his Master, and, for the sake of preserving his own Power, dupe his native Land to this Propensity, is an Enemy, if not a Rebel, to his Country. Should France and England, which Heaven avert, be ever ruled by the same Sovereign, would not the M—r who pillaged this Land to please his King, and enrich the French, deserve the severest Punishment? / In like Manner, every other Realm held by a King of this Island, the Inter­ est of which is distinct, if not contradictory to yours, should be considered by you in the very same Light as France, and beheld with the same Aversion by every Englishman who is resolved to be free. Have ye not just Right to complain, whenever the Labour of your Hands, the Profits of your Trade, and the Blood of your Fellow-Subjects, shall be wantonly lavished in Defence of Foreign Interests, to fatten the sterile Soil, and fill the empty Purses of more favourite subjects? – Will not every M—r who fosters such Inclinations, and drains his Country’s Treasures to supply them, merit the most ignominious Punishment? It must be remarked also, that at this glorious Period of the Revolution, which so happily established (according to the Whig Phrase) our Liberties and Privileges, Things took a different Turn from what is generally conceived; the Supreme Power, in Fact, fell from the crowned Head on that of the Minister. From this Instant the latter began to be absolute, and his Sovereignty has been increasing since that Time. The Whigs in Power, from the Principle inseparable from a Whig, now resolved to make themselves arbitrary. They had found by Experience, that an Attempt to reign without a King was impracticable in England; they therefore commenced the successful Scheme of reigning with one; and this Change of Princes afforded too favourable an Opportunity for executing their despotic Designs.

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They saw that the King must of Necessity fall entirely into their Possession. They knew also that his Opponents being very numerous, he dared not to desert that Party which had crowned him. They perceived also, that being an Alien to the Land, the Love of Dutch Welfare had absorbed the Good of England in the new Sovereign’s Heart; and he, in his Turn, had discovered, that the Desire of Power, / and not Freedom, had chiefly actuated in the Breasts of those who had given him the Throne: In mutual Acquiescence therefore with each other’s Interests, the King declined struggling for Power in England, to obtain Money for the Service and Advantage of Holland; and to fate his Love of Slaughter, and Enmity to Lewis XIV. And the Minister indulged him with the Objects of these Desires, in order to govern more quietly and despotic. Thus this Country was sacrificed to Holland, to please the favourite Inclinations of a King, and to sup­ port a pernicious Ministry, At the same Time the Ministers, to bind the monied Men to their Devotion, and secure them in their Power, began the destructive Schemes of National Debts, and mortgaging Englishmen; by which all those thus indulged in their Designs of accumulating Wealth were gained to the Party: And all this was transacted under a Mask, written all over in red Letters with LIBERTY, PROPERTY, and the PROTESTANT RELIGION; No POPERY! No SLAVERY! The People, caught like Larks by the dazzle of these Words, and with seeing a King seemingly kept under by his Ministers and Parliament, imagined that the Temple of Liberty was now fixing on a Rock, which no Winds or Tempests could remove; never entertaining the least Idea, that the very Part of the Constitution which was pruning the Regal Power, was inoculating their own; and that by their future Culture, this Sprig of Ministerial Power might grow to overshadow the Regal Prerogative and People’s Liberties; and that a Minister might hereafter be an absolute Potentate. Yet, though Ministers are absolute, they are not immortal. Like the despotic Sultans they frequently give Way to their Successors, through Tumult and Oppo­ sition; and Kings, like Janizaries,49 may change their Lords, and yet live under an absolute Dominion. For this Reason, as there are at all times many vigorous / Sons urging up the steep Ascent of Power, the Minister in Possession, in order to preserve his Seat, has constantly indulged the crowned Head with Money to promote Dutch and Germanic Interests; and thus the Sovereign being content, the Minister has been secure, and the Nation going on to Ruin. By Proceedings of this Nature, since the placing the Crown on the Head of William the Third, a new Way of becoming arbitrary has been pursued by M—rs. It seems, they had been convinced by the Death and Exile of Princes, that P—ts would not silently bear the exorbitant Attempts of Regal Prerogative, and from thence were apprehensive, they were no more inclined tamely to submit to the arbitrary Disposition of M—rs; they therefore began to divide amongst

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the Members Part of that Money which they levied on the Constitutents; and thus, under the Appearance of proceeding legally, kept the People quiet, and stifled the Clamour of their Representatives by venal Influence. – By this Way Laws were made, which inflicted greater Grievances, and imposed heavier Taxes on you, than had ever been attempted by extended Prerogative and arbitrary Inclinations. Notwithstanding this, it appears to me, that as those Articles in the Act of Settlement were then judged necessary to ascertain your Liberties; they cannot be infringed or abrogated without injuring your Rights and the Constitution, and bringing back in Effect, though not in the same Place, that arbitrary Power so justly complained of in James’s Reign. Having said thus much, let me now present you with the State of your Taxes, as they stood at the Abdication of King James; and then shew you by what Means they have so enormously increased, from that Hour to the present. At James’s leaving the Crown, the annual Revenue of this Kingdom, at the highest Computation, was Two Millions Sixty-one Thousand Eight Hundred fifty-six Pounds. This Income then supported a formidable / Navy equipped for the Seas, and an Army of Thirty-Thousand Land Forces. It supplied the Civil Lift, and impowered the King to save Money yearly: For, according to Accompts given into Parliament, the annual Expence amounted at a Medium to no more than One Million Six Hundred ninety-nine Thousand Three Hundred sixtythree Pounds. By this it appears, that Three Hundred sixty-two Thousand Four Hundred ninety-three Pounds of the public Revenue were annually saved: At this Time also the Kingdom was not a Shilling in Debt. This then was the supposed Situation of your Affairs at that distinguished Æra. A Kingdom without a Head; a Nation out of Debt; an annual Revenue of Two Millions; Popery and Slavery banished; the Whig in full Possession, unin­ cumbered, and entire Masters! Let me now inquire, how like Patriots those who stript the Crown from the Father’s Head, and placed it on the Son and Daughter’s, have acquitted them­ selves in the Service of their Country. During the Reign of King William, his Love of Holland, and Lust of War cherished by the Ministry desiring to be absolute, levied upon this People upwards of Fifty Millions in thirteen Years. More than double the Amount of former Taxes, for an equal Number of Years preceding; besides which, you and your Posterity were mortgaged for a Debt of Ten Millions. This Blessing the Deliverer of this Land bequeathed you at his Death; doubly Immortal, in expel­ ling Popery, and mortgaging England. After his Decease, the Balance of Power, the Liberty of Germany, Popery, Slavery, and the Protestant Interest, Terms which Time has shewn never to have had any reasonable Ideas annexed to them, together with the Ambition and Ava­

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rice of the Duke and Dutchess of Marlborough,50 engaged you in a War on the Continent,51 in support of the most Popish and most Arbitrary Prince of all the Germanic States, the House of Austria. During this War, your Taxes, your Ruin, and / your Conquests, went Hand in Hand, magnificently increasing. For at the End of Ten Years Victory and Queen Anne’s Reign, there had been levied on this People more than Seventy five Millions; which being almost Six Millions a Year, is annually three Times as much as was raised during the Reign of James. To say nothing of the extravagant Increase of the National Debt to Fifty-three Millions. Thus, in two Reigns of Twenty-six Years, this infatuated Nation was pillaged of One Hundred twentythree Millions to support Dutch and German Interests, and destroy their own. To this Princess succeeded George the First, whose Inclination to govern according to the Constitution has been generally allowed and believed, and I imagine with Justice, though by no Means divested of Predilection for his native Land. Had his Minister possessed the simple Qualification of Integrity during this Reign, England might have been lightened from her Load of Debts, and emerged with all her former Effulgence from behind her Cloud of Grievances: For it is as demonstrable as Figures can make it, that during this Reign, if English Welfare had been the ministerial Object, your Debts might have been reduced to Twelve Millions, which at Three per Cent. would have been but Three Hun­ dred and Fifty Thousand Pounds per Ann. a Subsidy at present scarce deemed worthy the Acceptation of a German Prince, whose Revenue does not amount to half that Sum. In Consequence of such Design pursued with Equity, in the Year 1740 we should have had a free Revenue of Five Millions from the Sinking Fund, Malt Tax, and Land Tax at Four Shillings in the Pound. During this Reign of Peace the whole Revenue amounted to more than Thirty Eight Millions, and the National Debt remained much as it was at the Queen’s Death. How then can the Memory of a M—r be sufficiently detested, who thus neglecting the Salvation of / his native Land, saw it expiring beneath the Burthen of her Taxes, yet never stretched forth his Hand to case her Load and save her from Perdition? He, who had been the Universal Invader of Freedom in elect­ ing your Representatives, the Profligate Spreader of Perjury and Corruption; the wanton Spoiler of Religion and Virtue; who, by the Power of passing penal Laws cut you from your Rights and Privileges, and doom’d your Lives to the Mercy of every prostituted Justice of the Peace. Is this according to the Spirit of Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the Act of Settlement, or English Liberty? Detestable therefore as he must remain in the Hearts of all honest Men, tell me in what Light ought his Successors to be regarded, who, improving on his nefarious Plan of National Ruin, have so loaded

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the Genius of this distressed Isle with accumulated Imposts, that, sunk beneath the Load, he gasps expiring? During this Time Germanic Interest grew daily more prevalent, and M—rs insolently pursued the old Maxims of indulging the ruling Passions of their — to preserve themselves in Power, remorseless in their Country’s Ruin; so that dur­ ing this Reign there has been levied on this oppressed People, One Hundred forty five Millions, and in one Year, the last of the War, Ten Millions fifty nine Thousand ninety four Pounds: And even in the Year Seventeen Hundred fifty four, in profound Peace, Seven Millions five Hundred thirteen Thousand three Hundred forty four Pounds. Thus from the happy Hour of the Glorious and Immortal King William’s being placed on this Throne, your annual Taxes have been increased from Two Millions sixty one Thousand eight Hundred fifty six Pounds, to Ten Millions fifty nine Thousand ninety four Pounds in Time of War, and to Seven Millions five Hundred thirteen Thousand three Hundred forty four Pounds in Time of perfect Tranquillity; added to which Blessing, you, your Children, and Childrens Children, / to endless Generations, are mortgaged for a National Debt of Eight Millions. During this Interval, so productive of Blessings to this Land, according to the Songs of Whigs, Pensioners, Placemen, and M—rs, consisting of sixty-six Years only, there has been levied Three Hundred and eight Millions, from which deducting the annual Expence of Two Millions at the dethroning James the Sec­ ond, there remains One Hundred and seventy-six Millions, which have been lavished in supporting Dutch and German Interests, and ruining your own. Having thus far traced the happy Consequences of the Whig Administra­ tion, in draining you by oppressive Taxes, and overwhelming you with enormous Debts, I shall take the Liberty to shew you how this Money has in Part been dis­ posed of in Subsidies to foreign Princes; first making one Remark, that whenever a Man of no Fortune marries a rich Wife, it generally follows, that her Money maintains his poor Relations and needy Cousins. In doing this it will be impossible to come at all the Sums paid in Subsidies, because Votes of Credit, Money for Deficiencies not provided for by Parliament, and other unspecified Sums, may very possibly have been applied in this anticonstitutional Manner. And to shew you that this Supposition is not without just Foundation, in 1697 there were amongst the Resolutions of the House, mention of Sums due to the Elector of Brandenburgh, Landgrave of HesseCassel, Duke of Wolfenbuttle, Bishop of Munster, Duke of Hanover and Zell, Duke of Holstein, and the King of Denmark. However, without including what has been just mentioned, there has been paid in Subsidies and incident Expences to foreign Princes, more than Fourteen Millions: A Sum exceeding the present Quantity of Specie in the Nation. And

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to this if there be added the Expence of subsisting those Troops in time of War, probably the Sum would be doubled. This must inevitably appear not a little unaccountable and extraordinary to the Mind of every / true Englishman: How will he reconcile this Idea with the Love of his Country; that during Wars carried on solely for Germanic Inter­ ests, the English have spent in Paying and Sustaining those Powers Twenty-eight Millions, hiring Princes and People to defend their own Territories, and pro­ tect their own Properties. What Arguments can a M—r offer to palliate this profligate Abuse of Power and Public Trust, this Sacrifice, more inhuman than those to Moloch,52 of a whole Nation to the Advantage of German Princes, whose Interests are as distant from yours, as those of one Planet from another, whose Dominions are not worth, at Publick Auction, the Tenth Part of what you have spent and ran in Debt to support them; of this Sum, Two Millions Three hun­ dred thousand Pounds English Money, have been paid to the Elector of H—r, as Subsidies for Troops hired to defend his own Country. Marvellous as the former must appear, this Article must yet surely excite a greater Wonder in the Eyes of all Men who yet love their Country, particularly when they consider, that since the blessed Accession of this Family to the Throne of these Realms, the Elector of H—r must have been enabled to save from his Germanic Revenues, by not residing on the Spot, at least Two hundred thou­ sand Pounds Annually. These Sums, without entering into a strict Calculation of increasing Interest, like a Change-Alley Broker, and yet not quite rejecting it, must, without Doubt, have doubled themselves to the amount of Sixteen Mil­ lions Four hundred thousand Pounds. This Sum then H—r has saved, whilst M—rs have been oppressing the harassed Subjects of England, destroying your Manufactures by Taxes, ruining your Liberties by fatal Laws, and mortgaging your Progeny by enormous Debts; methinks therefore, since this forlorn State has been already thus exhausted, oppressed, and mortgaged for German Interests, whilst those for whom you have Fought and Laboured have been growing Rich by your Undoing, it would be reasonable / that H—r should at least expend in her own Defence that Money which England has enabled her to save, before we are deeper plunged into the fathomless Abyss of National Debt and overwhelming Taxes on that Account. Notwithstanding this, tho’ I confess to you with great Alacrity, that unspeakable Advantages to this Nation have been derived from the Kings of the Brunswick Race; yet, may I not be permitted to plead something in Favour of a grateful People, who have by Indulgence defended the Germanic Dominions to the enriching their Inhabitants, and impoverishing themselves. Gratitude towards the Electorate of H—r, which has given us so Illustri­ ous a King, ought undoubtedly to be cherished and estimated to its full Value, in the Breast of all Englishmen; yet will it not admit of some Debate, whether

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a M—r should be indulged in such extravagant and fatal Misconduct, as that of dooming the Labour of your Hands entirely to German Welfare; especially when we know, that our most gracious S—n on the T—e is absolutely divested of all such partial Inclinations, preferring the National Bliss of this Island and its Inhabitants, to whom he was born a Stranger, to the Welfare of that People, amongst whom he first drew his Vital Breath? To such Exaltation can the Souls of S—s rise above Humanity! With what Rapture then do I declare this to you, my Fellow Countrymen; with what Pleasure will you see it confirmed by Public Authority, that all these levied Subsidies, to hire mercenary Barbarians, and sustain German Interests, are the Schemes of M—l Heads? Shall then the Tenderness of the parental P—e be defeated by the Arts of rapacious M—rs? But let me no longer detain you from the Joy of reading what, fatally over­ looked by the M—r, demonstrates the Truth of that which I have been asserting: The Passage is from the last Edinburgh Address on his Majesty’s Return from Hanover, printed in the London Gazette, and in these Words, ‘The Spirit / and Vigour with which your Majesty has supported the Rights of your Crown and Kingdom, when unjustly invaded, makes it our indispensible Duty to applaud those Measures, wherein all Considerations have been manifestly postponed to the Interest of the British Dominions.’ This transcript of Zeal, breathed from a Coun­ try so remarkable for its Loyalty, though perhaps it may not be parallelled by any Address from English Corporations, yet for the Honour of my Country, I assert is as firmly believed by English as by Scotchmen; and though you have been less warm in your Expressions, I am convinced ye are as steady in your Loyalty and Duty. Having in this Manner proceeded to lay before you the Money which has been raised and lavished, together with the Debt incurred in sustaining German Interests, it is with Pain I proceed to shew how your Calamities have increased in other Views; every Bosom that yet feels for its Native Land, must prove the biting Anguish of this accumulated Misery. It is not only that your Trade, Agriculture, and Manufactures, have been wholly employed to support foreign Interests; the matchless Iniquity of M—rs has been totally engaged in ruining yours, by reducing the Value of pecuniary Property to less than one Sixth of its worth at the Revolution. In the Reign of King William Money was at Seven per Cent. it is now reduced to Three and One half: Thus then as the Interest arising from that Prop­ erty determines its Value, Two thousand Pounds being now only productive of the same Interest which one gave you at that Time, are of no more Worth; and all your Property in that Shape must have lost half its Value: To this Misfortune the fatal Adherence to Germanic Interests has reduced you.

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How many friendless Widows and destitute Orphans have already sorely felt, how many more must suffer on this Account, owing to this calamitous Reduction? Old Age pines in Want of the necessary Comforts which that help­ less State requires, and Infants / are divested of Education from this fatal Change in pecuniary Income. Yet alas, this Reduction of half the Worth of your Possessions in Money does not terminate the Evil. By the best Computation, according to the Taxes of 1754, in profound Peace, out of every Twenty Shillings which is laid out to purchase the Necessaries of Life, Fourteen are doomed to the paying Taxes. By this Means two Thirds of that Money which was before reduced in half its Value since the Revolution, by diminished Interest, is again taken from you, by the Increase of your Taxations. Thus then for every Twenty Shillings Income in the Time of James the Sec­ ond, arising from the Interest of your Money, you receive but Ten Shillings only at present; and as at his Exile your Taxes amounted only to Four Shillings in the Pound of all you expended, and at this Time to Fourteen, it follows, from the Imposts so enormously increased by M—rs, that since that Time, instead of possessing Sixteen Shillings in every Pound clear of Taxes, you now possess Three only to purchase all the Necessaries of Life: What have ye already suf­ fered? When will ye behold the End of your Calamities? What Englishman’s Heart can cease from throbbing with Anxiety, when the hapless Condition of his industrious Countrymen comes across it? When wounded with this Thought, that of all you earn one half is lost in Value, and two Thirds of that sunk in Taxes since the Revolution; how inexpressible must that Anguish be to all you who recollect, that of every twenty Strokes of those who labour at the Hammer, or in the Loom, in Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures, Fourteen are doomed to pay accumulated Taxes, raised for German Interests? That of Minutes, Hours, Days, Weeks, Years, and Ages, Fourteen of every Twenty are destined to pay for what will be your Ruin, before yourselves, your Wives and Children, can taste their daily Bread, the honest Labour of your Hands? Nay, all ye Eat, Drink, or Wear, Health, Cleanliness / and Warmth, your Dwellings, and even the chearing Light of the Sun, which Heaven has given alike to all, are taxed to enrich Germans and exhaust you. Such then, tho’ the Revolution was at that Time absolutely necessary, have been the deplorable Effects of M—l Conduct since that Æra. To such Distress ye are reduced. Hard as these Conditions may appear, I should yet have acquiesced in this Support of German Interests, if the Product of your Trades had answered to the Sums ye consumed, and the Increase of your National Wealth had augmented during the Time of this Dissipation: But alas! such is the Fate of Englishmen, that of the Millions coined in this Land, of the Millions coined in others, and

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brought hither by Loans and Commerce, not less perhaps than One hundred Millions since the Revolution, not one Shilling remains amongst you more than there was in England at that Time; not to mention the National Debt incurred of Eighty Millions. Germany and her Interests, with some Assistance from the East-India Company, like the Locusts, which fell on Ægypt, have devoured up the Whole. Wealth has passed thro’ this Kingdom like a Meteor thro’ the Sky, blazed, and left no Trace behind. This long List of Evils, ye might well expect would terminate your Misery; but alas! it is not in the Burthen of your Taxes only, but in the Manner which they are laid upon you, that the Calamity is increased. When Taxes were first granted in this Kingdom, for ever, as a Security for the Money which was to be levied upon them, in many it was provided, that as soon as the Money borrowed thereon was paid, the Tax should cease: But since that Time, these and all others, the Malt-Tax, Land-Tax, and very few besides excepted, have been granted to all Eternity, with a Provision only, that when the Money borrowed on them shall be paid, the Produce shall be at the Disposal of Parliament. / The Difference is too glaring to escape your Observation in these two Ways of passing the Bills; in the first, the Tax ceases necessarily with the Payment of the Debt, and the People are not obliged to pay it; in the second, it continues after the Debt is discharged, and the People are obliged to pay it. Wherefore, if ever the National Debts should be liquidated, which I believe no Man’s Fears will induce him to say God prevent, from any present Probability of that Event, the King will have a Revenue of more than four Millions Sterling coming annu­ ally into his Exchequer, without any new Grant from Parliament, or need of it. Will then the Crown, the M—r, Placemen, Pensioners, and Plunderers, hereafter consent to free you from these Taxes, by abrogating the Law? Should a Monarch graciously incline, will a M—r honestly consent; or will a Crowned Head listen to the righteous Advice of a just M—r, if Heaven, in Commiseration to our Fall, should in future Time send us that Temporal Saviour? If then the blessed Sun shall ever rise, which shall behold the Discharge of your Debts, and peradventure there shall be seated on this Throne a K— swift to Wrath, and swift to Fear, whose partial Fervour for Germanic Interests shall prompt him into Broils, inattentive to your Welfare, so tender of his continental Subjects, and so afraid of French Invasion in that Part, that through Dread of their Distress, he shall be intimidated to vote for the Election of that very E—r he is opposing; when chaining by his timid Command the Royal Fleet of Eng­ land at Gibraltar, he shall permit that of the Enemy to pass by unnoticed and untouched, whilst the brave Admiral runs mad at the Horror of this Sacrifice of his Country’s Honour; then this Revenue will probably be applied to the sole Benefit of foreign Nations.

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But if it shall happen that the M—r then in Direction shall dare the K—g to dismiss him from his Post, shall appoint all Officers at his arbitrary Will, and discharge all who presume to oppose his pernicious / Practices; then shall this Revenue be squandered to purchase Boroughs, corrupt P—ts, lull the Turbulent, sooth and satisfy the Ambitious, and rule ye with the Iron Rod of M—l Despot­ ism. It may happen also that a K— and M—r of these Propensities may rule together; then will their Conduct be a Mixture of the fatal Effects of such Incli­ nations, and you doubly fleeced, to sate the outrageous Love for foreign Nations in one, and to supply the inextinguishable Hunger after Rapine in the other, and in his profligate Adherents: In this Manner, by Powers drawing different Ways, ye shall be rent asunder. To what a deplorable Situation since the glorious Revolution are ye reduced? Arms are again taken from your Hands, the Income of your pecuniary Prop­ erty shrunk to one Sixth of its Value. The Necessity of your Toil for daily Bread immensely increased, the whole Profits of it bestowed on Foreign Nations, your­ selves and Progeny mortgaged beyond Redemption, and your Taxes rivetted beyond all Hopes of Dissolution. Tell me then by what Name I shall define ye, doom’d to such hard Con­ ditions for your daily Bread, defenceless even of that little ye possess. Shall I, beholding ye are yet Englishmen, dare to call ye Slaves? Yet alas! to German Weal have not your Looms and Labour, Arts, Agricul­ ture, Merchandize and Science, been long destined? For that your Flocks have been increased and shorn, your Fields been fertilised and reapt, your Ships have dared the Wrath of Tempests, your Cash been squandered, your Blood been lav­ ished. For that Interest ye have Lived and shall Die. Then tell me, how does the purchased Negro differ from you in Servitude? How is your Condition more eligible or free, when the hard Hand of Necessity compels you to Toil Fourteen Hours in every Twenty, for foreign Nations, to whom ye owe no legal Obedience, before ye earn one Bit of Bread. / Who shall now audaciously lift his Front and say ye are longer Free, or that your State answers to the Definition given by that great Author quoted in the Beginning of these Pages? Do ye possess the Power of doing all you ought to chuse? Are ye not compell’d to do that which ought not to be the Choice of a free People? In this Manner reduced as ye are since the Date of the happy Revolution, in all the Value of your annual Revenues, is it credible that the Heart of an English­ man, unrelenting to the Miseries of his Native Land, can again suggest the cruel Thought of finishing your Destruction, by espousing H—n Interests, at this pre­ carious Moment?

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Is it not Time to respite this Nation from her Calamities and Sufferings? Must her Wounds again be opened, her Treasures sluiced for the sole Benefit of German Powers? Shall mercenary Barbarians be purchased in Defence of H—r, and ten Times the Value of that State in English Gold be wasted for its Preserva­ tion? Will the Woes of all Nations but yours be ended? Be not amused with specious Tales of Conventions made with the Prussian King, and vast Advantages obtained; what are you to him, or he to you, as Ham­ let says of Hecuba?53 What is this but farther Proof of Attention to H—n Weal, whilst the Safety of this Nation is still neglected and postponed, and Arms with­ held from your Hands? Whatever be the concealed Condition, be assured, the Price of your Labour, the Works of your Hands, the Produce of your Lands and Manufactories, purchase him to the Engagement; whatever the Advantage, it can accrue to H—r alone. Of what other Consequences can these Treaties be to this Land, saving that of compleating your Perdition? Have ye an Ally, unpurchased by your Treasure, who will advance one Regiment to the Field in your Defence? Will even the H—ns, for whom your have already wasted so much Wealth, will the Austrians / espouse your Quar­ rel, and risque the Netherlands in your Favour? Can that Nation which already pays Fourteen Shillings in every Twenty which her Inhabitants expend towards the Taxes of the State, bear farther fleecing, and new Imposts? Can a People in whose Favour, at the highest Computation, the Yearly Balance of Trade does not exceed Five Hundred Thousand Pounds, whose Cash consists of only Fourteen Millions, be capable of sustaining the Payment of foreign Subsidies, and Support of German Armies, to the Amount of three or four Millions annually; which transmigrating, like the Soul in the System of Pythagoras, from hence to Brutes, never returns to the same Body? Will Dutchmen and other Foreigners lend their Money to furnish Loans to a State, whose declining Credit is manifest by the Reduction of one Quarter of their East-India Stock? Can you alone sustain a continental War, mortgaged for Eighty Millions, against France, who, when free and unmortgaged, have been running to Destruction in supporting former Wars, assisted by the Dutch and Austrians? Will not then a five Years War on the Continent, and M—l Conduct, bring upon you a more deplorable Calamity than that with which the Will of Heaven has visited the Portuguez? When Paper no longer circulating from Hand to Hand in lieu of Money, your Treasure wafted to Germany, ye stand in need of wherewithal to buy your Children Bread? The Gold of Portugal, tho’ buried in the Ruins of Lisbon,54 may again be recovered from the Rubbish; tho’ hid, not annihilated; whereas the Treasure of this Isle, transported to Germanic Lands, will be irrecoverable by human Indus­

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try, and lost for ever. Does it then require the Gift of Prophecy to predict your Destruction? Yet in this present Situation, not irremediable by adhering to British Inter­ ests alone, this precious Moment which must decide the Fate of England, such / is the unnatural Lot of every honest Englishman, who feels for the Distresses of his Country, that Consent to Subsidies, and supporting German Interests, are the sole Tests of Allegiance to M—rs, the sole Preservative of Place and Pension. He who nobly prefers his Native Land to H—n Welfare, is marked the instant Victim of M—l Vengeance. Long Services, unimpeached Fidelity, superior Tal­ ents, wellfought Fields, and honest Wounds in England’s Cause, weigh nothing in the M—l Scale against H—n Welfare; these secure no Man from Dismission, who dares oppose the draining your Treasures for German Interests. Such is your dire Condition: Then tell me, what have ye to expect from that Man, who having violated his Fidelity to his Prince, and trucked his Religion for a Place, bellows out for Subsidies, his hardened Front of Hibernian Brass unblushing at the Speech and Action? Or what have ye to Hope from him, who, like St. Paul, converted by the Splendor of those Rays which dart from on high, becomes all Things to all Men? Who, sown in Weakness is raised in Power? And, like the first Man, is of the Earth, earthly? But behold, I will shew them a Mystery, they shall not all Sleep, but they shall be changed; for this Corruptible, must put on Incorruption, and this Mortal must put on Immortality. Or lastly, from him, who like the Vulture long hovering o’er his Prey, has at length sowsing, fixed his Talons in M—l Power; he who possesses it on the base Conditions of wasting your Wealth in foreign Subsidies, and dooming this Land to Perdition in support of H—n Interests. He who, from his early Youth Companion of the Abandoned, immersed in Dice and Women, Self-interested, Daring, Proud, Rapacious, Vehement, Une­ qual, Active, Timid: his Ambition rising like the rank Weed from Dung; now giving, yet retaining; / completes the promised Expectation of his opening Life, and dupes his native Land to his own, and foreign Interests. He whose Tongue, the pleading Bawd for every Robber of his Country, has vindicated an A—r and L—p, whose Fingers, like the Hair of Solomon’s55 Mistress, are all of pure Gold; like Catiline,56 desperate in his Purposes, undoing or undone, seducing the Young, surrounded by the Profligate, who, avaricious thro’ Profusion, with scarce less Vice or more virtuous Inclinations towards their Country, pillage to waste: Among whom, perhaps, a Cæsar57 now cherishes the Hopes of future Empire. Or that Veteran in m—l Iniquity, who, like the silly Ostrich, thinking him­ self invisible to all he does not see, hides his Head amongst these Men, and leaves his bare Backside an Object of Derision to every Passenger.

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If such shall ever be your m—l Rulers, behold them with that Horror which Heaven has commanded the Virtuous to look on Iniquity: Then turn your Eyes on those, who scorning all Place which is incompatible with English Honour and English Interest, shall be dismissed, because they prefer their Country’s Cause to foreign Welfare. Behold with Joy him, whose unwearied Diligence, superior Intellect, Love of his Country, and Memorial for settling the Limits of Nova Scotia, rescued the M—r from the dire Dilemma of not being able to prove the Right of England to those very Provinces in America, for which ye contend, and silenced all the bab­ bling Batteries of France: Who, greatly renouncing all Post and Place, destines his Talents to serve his Country only.58 Or him, Integrity burning Incense at the Altar of his Heart, whose hon­ est Hand disdained to Sign a Breach of this Constitution, or trifle with British Welfare. He who, resigning all pecuniary Advantage, despises / the false Honour of Place, the fallacious dazzle of Power, sustaining his Country’s Cause still uncor­ rupted. How shall I describe to you a noble Family, where all the Sons are virtuous, ardent in their Country’s Cause, relinquishing all Place and Profit, resolute in Honour, strenuous in Justice to this Land, their Constitution, and their King? Or him, who renouncing immense Income, the Price of Numbers, and even the Post he wishes to possess, when it may be held compatible with his own Hon­ our and his Country’s Glory, steps forth like David, tho’ not at Saul’s Request, before the Israelites, opposing the M—l Goliath, and his Host? His Heart still uncorrupt amidst the general Venality, animates his Lips in your Defence; those Lips, which to this Day have uttered nothing but the Voice of Truth in England’s Favour. He, who condemning mercenary Views, with pure Integrity supported the Honour of his Station, his Hands unstained with venal Pollution, his Tongue unprostituted in defence of Falshood, or extenuation of Iniquity; for him the Soldier maimed in Battle, offers up his daily Prayers, who freed him from the Plunderer. Mark how that force of Eloquence, like the Sword of Michael,59 cleaves the Satanic Body of the M—y asunder; yet such is the Power of Union amongst Evil M—rs, like that of Evil Spirits, it unites them again to war against your Welfare. Assist me, Heaven, to paint this Messenger dispatched from your Abodes, who, arduous in the Task of Liberty, spreads his broad Shield of Truth in Pro­ tection of this Country from the Rage of G—n Harpies; or give my Words his Power of Speech, and strength of Argument, which dart like the solar Rays on the dark Places and Recesses of your Miseries, making all visible: Then may I offer him to your Perceptions, and shew him as he is. /

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Did ye behold him rising in the Assembly of the —, the Lightning of Vir­ tue flashing from his Eyes, the Thunder of Patriotism rolling from his Tongue; so superior he appears, such Majesty he wears, you must conceive him sent an Angel, to denounce the Wrath of Heaven against a sinful Generation; his Oppo­ nents calling on Rocks and Mountains to hide and cover them? Such Confusion and Dread dwell on the dastard Faces of all, who sold, to H—n Interests, stand branded in the Forehead with the White Horse, the ignominious Mark of Slav­ ery. Listen not, ye People, to the Voice of Slander and Malediction, which taints in vain his Acts of Virtue with the base Idea of Tergiversation, or want of Uni­ formity in Conduct: On whom has he turned his Back, but those who would destroy their Native Land? Whom has he deserted, that Honour can suffer an Englishman to herd with? Why did he remain so long silent, but thro’ Hopes, at length the auspicious Hour might come, when getting to his S—n’s Ear, the Voice of Truth might prevail in England’s Favour? In vain, him whom they tremble to oppose Face to Face, beneath the Light of Heaven, they secretly stilletto’d in the Dark, before his M—r. The magic Voice of Verity was withheld frum R—l Ears, whilst the keen Breath of Malice blasted his Attachment to the K— of E—d, pronouncing him the Enemy of H—r. May that Hour never arrive, when the R—l Heart shall too late be touched with Remorse for this Credulity, and suffer by the Deception of M—rs! On this Man then turn all your Eyes, from Him expect Redress, by Him urge your Remonstrances, believe Him sent for your Preservation, lest, like the Messiah to the Jews, he preach Salvation to an ungrateful People, and ye are lost for ever.

FINIS.

[MCCULLOH], PROPOSALS FOR UNITING THE

ENGLISH COLONIES

[Henry McCulloh], Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies on the Continent of America so as to Enable them to Act with Force and Vigour against their Enemies (Lon­ don: J. Wilkie, 1757).

Henry McCulloh (c. 1700–79) was yet another figure who concerned himself with the imperial crisis of the mid 1750s. Perhaps a cousin of but not to be con­ fused with Henry McCulloch, Secretary for North Carolina (1754–5), in 1736 this London merchant secured 1,332,000 acres in North Carolina land grants, mostly in others’ names and some conflicting with older claims. McCulloh pro­ moted William Johnston’s appointment as Governor in 1734 to secure these claims, but when Johnston compromised with rival claimants over quit-rents and legislative representation, McCulloh encouraged the Board of Trade to have assembly legislation vetoed. He also proposed methods to collect quit-rents and in May 1739 was appointed Commissioner for Inspecting and Controlling the Royal Revenues and grants of Land in North Carolina, despite securing his own exemption from quit-rents. He settled in North Carolina in 1741 but returned home in 1747 to settle a dispute over his £600 annual salary, which General Horatio Walpole had refused to pay as he failed to collect quit-rents. The issue was resolved in his favour in 1756. He retained influence in North Carolina, helping secure the governorship for Arthur Dobbs in 1752, sending his nephew, Alex­ ander McColloh, there in 1755, followed by his son, Henry Eustace McCulloh, in 1761. How much money McColloh made from land speculation is unclear due to his opaque methods of transaction, but over half a million acres went to settlers at between £5 and £12 per hundred acres. Historian Charles Sellers counted McCulloh as one of many ‘acquisitive Englishmen with friends in high places’, who helped provoke the American Revolution. The loyalist McCullohs had the remainder of their land confiscated after Independence.1 McCulloh’s Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies flatters the Board of Trade that did him so many favours, arguing that ‘the Strength and Vigour of the Government depend wholly upon the proper Exercise of the Regal Power’, – 123 –

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which in turn depends ‘upon a strict Adherence to the antient Rules or System of the Publick Boards … one of the first Principles of the Constitution, upon which the Unity of Action, or the uniform Prosecution of Business, wholly depends’ (below, p. 129). He also notes approvingly that ‘The French King was under no Restraint in appointing what Form of Government he thought fit’ in the colonies ‘or in directing that all the Lands in America should be considered as a Demesne of the Crown’ (below, p. 132).2 While such arrangements protected his private interests, providing for ‘the Security and Safety of his Subjects in America, so as not to leave them a Prey to the Governors and other Officers in the Planta­ tions’ (below, p. 132), McCulloh undoubtedly genuinely believed that colonies’ ‘Power in a Legislative Capacity originally flows from the Crown, under certain Limitations and Restrictions, particularly that of not passing any Laws, but such as are consistent with the Constitution and Laws of this Kingdom’ (below, p. 137), and their laws and constitutions could therefore be changed by Crown and Parliament in ways he goes on to suggest. Furthermore, colonies should be considered with respect to each other as so many independent States; yet they ought to be considered as one with respect to their Mother Country, being under the Protection of the Legislature, and in some Degree in the Character of Wards, or those under the Protection of Guardians (below, p. 139)

Measures McCulloh advocates ‘to form an Union of the Colonies in Amer­ ica for their general Defence and Protection’ (below, p. 139) mean extending the British fiscal-military state in the colonies. They include replacing colonial paper money with ‘one Currency as a Medium or Standard in the Intercourses of Trade’ administered by a ‘Bank of America’ (below, pp. 139, 140) which would also offer land mortgages to assist settlers buying from land speculators like him­ self, or to encourage migration, as he prefers to put it. He also suggests ‘a Poll-Tax of Eighteen Pence Sterling, per Head’, ‘a Stampt Duty on Vellum and Paper in America’ and lowering ‘the Duty upon foreign Rum, Sugar, and Molasses, imported into our Colonies to one Penny Sterling per Gallon’ (below, p. 140) to discourage smuggling and raise taxes more effectively. Revenues would pay for an inter-colonial militia and ‘handsome Presents to the Indians’ (below, p. 143), and private trading with Indians would be forbidden. As well as anticipating the Currency Act and Sugar Act here, McCulloh repeated his stamp tax advocacy in ‘Miscellaneous Representations Relative to our Concerns in America’, submit­ ted to Earl Bute in 1761 and which influenced George Grenville in drafting the Stamp Act of 1765. Notes: 1. J. Cannon, ‘Henry McCulloch and Henry McCulloh’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 15 ( January 1958), pp. 71–3; C. G. Sellers, Jr, ‘Private Profits and British Colonial

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Policy: The Speculations of Henry McCulloh’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 8 (October 1951), pp. 535–51; J. P. Greene, The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the Southern Royal Colonies, 1689–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), pp. 43–5; B. McConville, The King’s Three Faces: The Rise and Fall of Royal America, 1688–1776 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), pp. 225–6, 234. 2. See also McCulloh’s The Wisdom and Policy of the French in the Constitution of Their Great Offices (1755).

PROPOSALS For Uniting the

ENGLISH COLONIES ON THE

Continent of America So as to enable them to act with Force

and Vigour against their Enemies.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Wilkie, behind the Chapter-House,

in St. Paul’s Church-yard.

M. DCC. LVII.

Price 1 s. /

THE

PREFACE. Altho’ in the following Discourse the Author treats principally of such Mat­ ters as relate to America, yet as they have some Connection with a Treatise lately published, intituled, The Fatal Consequences of the Want of System in the Conduct of Publick Affairs,1 it may not be improper to explain some Particulars, in which the Intention of the said Essay seems to have been misunderstood. / It has been made a Question how the first Principles of the Constitution can consist in a Renewal of the System of the Publick Boards? To which he answers, that the Preservation of the Rights and Privileges of the Subject consists principally in the Union or Harmony of the three great Powers, which form the Commonwealth, viz. King, Lords, and Commons; and that the Strength and Vigour of the Government depend wholly upon the proper Exercise of the Regal Power, which again depends not only upon the due Administration of Justice, but also in a great Measure upon a strict Adherence to the antient Rules or System of the Publick Boards. So that in this Respect the System of the Publick Boards is to be considered as one of the first Principles of the Constitution, upon which the Unity of Action, or the uniform Prosecution of Business, wholly depends. As in a Watch, if any of the Parts be put out of Order, the Whole is rendered useless. / And therefore the View and Design of the above Discourse was to enquire, whether, in the original System or Constitution of this Government, any certain Measures, or Rules, with respect to subordinate and delegated Powers, were to be found, by which the Good of Society might be effectually ascertained? As also, whether, by a Neglect of these Measures, and an inconsiderate Pursuit of every Species, or first Appearance, of Good, all the rational and necessary Ends of Government might not be destroyed? And; in the Course of that Essay, the Author endeavours to demonstrate, that the Strength and Vigour of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign principally consisted in maintaining an uniform Course of Proceeding in the publick Offices, and in preserving the Officers of a lower Class from a servile Dependance on their Superiors. / He shews, that after the Accession of the Stuart Family, the breaking in upon the System of the publick Offices silenced those Informations that ought to have – 129 –

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been given to the Crown, both with respect to the Revenue, and to publick and private Affairs: So that there could not, under such Circumstances, be any Con­ sistency in our Government, either in the Conduct of War or in Peace. And in the whole of that Essay, he only recited the different Regulations, which have been made relating to the Privy Council, Treasury, Admiralty, &c. with such Remarks as were conceived to be pertinent to the Subject, without pointing out any new System, or Plan to be observed. In treating of this Subject, he was obliged to make use of the Terms pecu­ liar to the Offices, which some Persons may not comprehend; a little Attention, however, will make them clear enough to a sensible Reader. / His principal View was to draw the Attention of the Publick to the Impor­ tance of the Subject, before he treated of the System of the Publick Boards since the Year 1690; In the Prosecution of which many Things of a very interesting Nature will necessarily arise, and be brought to the View of the Publick; and it would have been very imprudent in him to have carried on a Work of so impor­ tant a Nature, without being first able to judge of the Disposition of those who have the Power to redress. However, he hopes that the candid Reader will not accuse him of Vanity, as a Dwarf may often see many Things which a Giant may overlook; and that by pointing out the Road to more able and skilful Persons, he may be the Means of saving this Nation from imminent Danger and Distress. With respect to the present Essay, its Design is humbly to propose a Plan for uniting the English Colonies on the Continent of America for their mutual Defence. Some / Readers may not fully understand certain Parts of this Dis­ course; but they will be so candid, as not to censure the Performance until they be better informed of the Course of Business in America. Such as are Judges of the Matter, if they see any reasonable Objections to what is proposed, will, it is hoped, for the Benefit of our Colonies, propose some other Expedient for the uniting of them: By which the Author will gain all that he aims at, as his Endeavours have been wholly calculated for the Service of the Publick, without the least View, or Intention, to reflect on any Persons, who either have been, or now are, in Power. /

PROPOSALS FOR

Uniting the English Colonies on the Continent of Amer­ ica, so as to enable them to act with Force and Vigour against their Enemies.

In a Treatise published in 1755*, I observed, that the Policy and Genius of all Governments are best discerned by their Course of proceeding in their great Offices; and as we had then, and have now, many Concerns of a very interesting Nature depending with / France, I thought it might be of Use to the Public to take a short View of the System of their Government, and the Construction of their great Offices; and in particular of their Council or Board of Commerce, that we might be the better enabled to judge of their Strength, Designs, and Con­ nections in America. And in the Prosecution of the said Design I endeavoured to shew, that in Government there must be some Power, which compared with the rest might bear the Signatures of Authority, and claim the Right of Direction; for otherwise the Delegates of Power would be at Liberty to gratify every Appe­ tite and Passion in its Turn, and indulge every Desire which happened to be uppermost. But that this not being thought consistent with the Dignity of the French Monarchy, their Offices were so constituted; as to make the King the sole Master and Arbiter of all Rewards; and that therefore he was considered as the Center to which all Persons employed in the Administration of publick Affairs, and all Matters relative to the Offices, ultimately resorted. And in treating of the Motives which induced Lewis XIV to constitute a Board of Commerce, and the Plan upon which the said Board was constituted, I observed, that it was not much above half a Century since France was not a Soil in which one could expect Trade to flourish; the / Maxims of their Government being, in many Respects, contrary to that Freedom and Security which are abso­ lutely necessary for the Improvement or Enlargement of Trade. But that Lewis XIV. in a great Measure removed those Obstacles, by the Rules or Ordinances which he made on constituting a Council of Commerce in 1700. For whatever * Intituled, The Wisdom and Policy of the French in constructing their Great Offices so, as best answers the Purposes of extending their Trade and Commerce, &c.

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the Exigencies of State might require him to do at particular Junctures at Home, yet he took effectual Care to provide for the Security and Safety of his Subjects in America, so as not to leave them a Prey to the Governors and other Officers in the Plantations. The French King was under no Restraint in appointing what Form of Gov­ ernment he thought fit, or in directing that all the Lands in America should be considered as a Demesne of the Crown; but as the Order and Subserviency of all lesser Systems, and their Concurrence to the Good of the general System, depend upon the Subordination of the Parts, the Constitution of the French Council or Board of Commerce, and the Form of Government instituted in the Colonies, evidently shew, that the Crown reserved to itself only a Kind of paren­ tal Property in the American Colonies. I added, that in many other Respects, the political Views and Foresight of the French King, and his / Ministers of State, cannot be sufficiently admired, particularly in making the Crown the Center to which all Matters, relating to the Colonies, must ultimately resort, by one Conveyance, or thro’ one Channel only; and in keeping the Offices, in all their several Branches or Departments, uniform, entire, and open, under severe Penalties to be inflicted on the Aggres­ sors, and recoverable by the Subject, when injured by those in Trust and Power under the Crown. In order more clearly and effectually to illustrate this Matter, I inserted a Copy of the French King’s Arret for establishing a Board of Commerce; in which the Regulations, of greatest Moment and Efficacy, are, That the said Board of Commerce shall discuss and examine all the Propositions and Memorials which may be sent to it, together with the Affairs and Difficulties which may arise concerning Commerce; and likewise that the Secretary of the said Board of Commerce shall take care to keep an exact Register of all the Propositions, Memorials, and Affairs, which shall be brought before the said Board, as also the Resolutions which shall be taken thereupon: In which, I took Notice, there was much Safety, as it is much easier to reject any Proposition, or Memorial, than to assign a good Reason for doing it. But that, what was still of greater Moment, the said Board of Commerce, being obliged / to report their Opinion in the Manner above directed, on every Matter laid before them, they thereby preserved a Kind of Independency in their own Sphere of Action. I likewise observed, that the Revenues arising in the French Colonies are accounted for in the Chamber of Accounts; and that all Officers employed therein give Security to the said Chamber for the due Performance of their Duty; so that on any Neglect or Omission in returning their Accounts, agree­ able to the Rules prescribed to them, their Sureties are liable to be prosecuted; and by this Means there is a constant Fund or Supply for the Use of the Colonies,

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which accordingly is applied to their Use, and, for the most Part, by Direction of the Council of Commerce. And then I endeavoured to shew the good Effects which those Regulations and Arrets in France have produced, by taking a cursory View of the Trade and Navigation of the French Colonies at the Time when the said Board of Com­ merce was first instituted, and comparing it with the present State thereof, and the surprising Increase of the Trade and Navigation of that Kingdom; and thence observed, that from the whole Conduct of the French they evidently appeared to be of Opinion, that the Dominion of the Seas, and the Strength and Riches of their Country, in a great Measure, depended / upon the Improvement of their American Colonies; to gain which great and valuable End they would not be wanting either in Industry, or in the Application of Money: And that as this was the Object of so great and powerful a Rival in Trade, it justly claimed our Atten­ tion to adopt every Scheme of theirs, which might suit our present Interest and Designs. I afterwards endeavoured to point out the Designs of the French in form­ ing Connections with the Indians, and in extending their Territories in America; adding some further Remarks on that general Plan of Power which they are attempting to establish. In relation to which I observed, that whenever a Government had Consist­ ency, and a proper Plan for managing their Affairs in Time of Peace, we might expect the same in War; and that without it even fortunate Events would not turn to the Advantage of any Nation; and thereupon concluded, that if we com­ menced a War against France, in Support of our Trade and Colonies, without first correcting the Abuses, which, thro’ Time, had crept into the Publick Offices, we could not make any considerable Effort, either in extending, or protecting, our Trade and Settlements; and that by wrong Informations we might be led into many and great Mistakes, even so as / to apply improper Remedies, which, in the End, might prove destructive to this Nation. And that, therefore, it was humbly conceived to be fit and proper (in those who had the Power to redress) to consider the present State of our Colonies, and of the Offices relative thereto; and as France could not have acted with such Suc­ cess as she has done, if she had not had a standing Fund appropriated to the Use of her Colonies, which had been always applied to the gaining of the Indian Tribes, or Nations, and according to the other Exigencies of their Affairs, it became highly necessary for us also to establish a Fund for the Use of our Colonies. And in another Treatise*, published in 1755, I endeavoured to point out the mistaken Course of our proceeding in the Affairs of our Colonies; those * Entituled, A Miscellaneous Essay concerning the Courses pursued by Great Britain, in the Affairs of her Colonies. With some Observations on the great Importance of our Settlements in America, and the Trade thereof.

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in Trust and Office in the Plantations, having it in their Power, under various plausible Pretences, to take such Measures as might render every Thing done by them precarious and uncertain; which must, from the Nature of Things, open a Door to many Incroachments upon the / Crown, and Acts of Oppression upon the Subject. Then, as one great Advantage the French have had over us in extending their Settlements, and in gaining the Indian Nations, or Tribes of Indians, to their Interest, hath principally arisen from their having several Funds, not only appropriated, but duly applied, to the Uses of their Colonies; and as, by our present Course of Proceeding, there is an Opening for many Incroachments, I thought it of Use to treat briefly on that Subject, and to shew, that as all the foreign Revenues of the Crown were formerly brought into the Exchequer, by Act of Parliament, the Reasons were equally strong for bringing the Revenues of the Crown in America into the said Court; for all the Revenues of the Crown under the View of the Lord Treasurer ought of Course to be brought into the Exchequer. And in the Prosecution of the said Discourse, I humbly offered it to the Con­ sideration of the Publick, whether the Care and Vigilance of the French, in not only putting their Colonies into a Posture of Defence, but also into a Capacity of being very formidable, did not loudly call upon us to give the utmost Attention to the Affairs of America; for altho’ we had very extensive Settlements, and many natural Resources, yet if those Resources were not properly exerted, they would / not avail us, or keep us from Surprize; nor could we, in any Event whatsoever, reasonably hope for Success, until we introduced a regular and orderly Method of proceeding in Business. Therefore, if we hastily pursued vigorous Measures, in the Recovery of the Territories which of right belonged to us in America, and did not first regulate our Course of Proceeding with Respect to the Affairs of our Colonies, and also build Forts for the Security of our frontier Settlements, and as a Place of Retreat to our frontier Settlements, to our friendly Indians, it was much to be feared, that all the Blood and Treasure we might employ to that End would not have the desired Effect; and that our acting, at that critical Juncture, either too remissly, or too precipitately, might be the Means of drawing on a Train of evil Conse­ quences, which, in the End, might prove destructive to this Kingdom. That the Intrigues of the French in the East Indies were likewise very alarm­ ing, and their Views and Designs in Germany and Holland might easily be discovered; so that there never was a Time, which called more loudly, or more importunately upon us, to take a View of our own immediate Concerns, and so to regulate them as to free us from all Surprize. / And altho’ we had a Fleet greatly superior to France, it was to be considered, that she had it in her Power to alarm us in different Quarters of the World, and

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so to divide and draw off our Strength, in the Protection of our Trade and distant Settlements, as to leave us too much exposed at Home; yet notwithstanding the Consideration of those Matters was really very alarming, it was still in our Power, if we did not delay the Season, to put our Affairs into such a Posture, as to defy all the secret and open Attempts of France against us; but that this could only be done by having a regular uniform Course of Proceeding in our publick Boards; which might be the Means of saving us immense Sums of Money, that have been too often profusely employed, at improper Times, to regain what we have lost by our Mistakes and Inadvertencies; the Truth of which might be evinced, by exam­ ining into our Conduct for upwards of twelve Years before the last War with Spain; and also the Measures we have pursued, since that Time, in relation to America. All which Mistakes, and the vast Expence attending them, might have been avoided, provided we had had a regular, uniform Course of Proceeding in our Publick Boards, and Funds applicable to the Use of America. / Therefore it was most humbly hoped, that proper Attention would be given to the several Matters contained in the Course of that Essay; that it would be thought for the Service of the Crown, and of the Subject, to regulate the Publick Offices so as to bring every Matter of Importance to the View of the Crown; that it would be thought necessary for the Support of our Trade and Settlements, to establish some new Funds, applicable only to the Use of America; that it would be thought for the Security of His Majesty’s Subjects in America, and also for the Protection of our Trade and Settlements, to erect Forts near to the Five Indian Nations,2 to the Upper Cherokees, and to the Creek Indians; and also that it would be thought for the Service of this Kingdom, to put our Islands in a Posture of Defence; and, lastly, that the Importance of those Matters might be judged worthy of the Attention of those, in whose Power it was to defeat the secret Designs of our Enemies. However, as the aforesaid Treatises had not the desired Effect, and that we entered into a War without regulating our Affairs, and establishing a Plan or System of Action; we have been thereby liable to an infinite Number of Mis­ takes and Inadvertencies, and from that Cause we have exposed ourselves to many Hazards, and to an infinite Expence of Blood and Treasure. And as / such Regulations were absolutely necessary, previous to our entering into a War, and as by Experience we have found the fatal Consequences arising from the Want of them; this ought to induce us, before we proceed further, to establish some invariable and fixt Plan of Action; for without it, private Interest will, for the most Part, be preferred to the publick Good; and Stratagems will be employed to deceive Men in Power. And altho’ what is proposed may be attended with some Trouble, yet in the End it will give more Ease and Pleasure, and will be much more consistent with the Honour and Dignity of Men in Power, to pursue one invariable Plan

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of Action, than to be led out of the due Road of Business by every first Appear­ ance, or Species of Good. However, as it is scarce possible to determine the Will of others, in any interesting Matter, without the Authority and Example of Men of eminent Wisdom and Experience, I shall pray Leave to mention, that Sir Wil­ liam Cecil (afterwards Lord Burleigh, and Lord High Treasurer of England) plainly shewed, by his Conduct, at the first setting out of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, that he thought the first Entrance into Business was the proper Time to establish a regular and orderly Course of Proceeding; and therefore he requested her Majesty, by a Memorial, to remove to the Tower, in which Place the Archives, or Records, were then / kept; that being there freed from the Attendance and Importunity of her Courtiers, she might settle her Officers and Council, and take such other Steps as were necessary for regulating the public Concerns of this Nation; a Copy of which Memorial may be found in the Cottonian Library. Whereupon I beg Leave to observe, that Sir William Cecil was of Opin­ ion, that if he deferred the Consideration of those Matters, and continued the Course of Business which was in Use in the Reign of Queen Mary, he would find it extreamly difficult, if not impossible, to introduce an invariable Plan of Action afterwards: And indeed, when Men in Power set out in a wrong Road, it is not easy to influence such as are in Connections with them, to return into a proper Course of Business; nor is it possible for them to guard against the Cabals or Factions which may be raised by Men who want to thrive and fatten upon the Spoils of a Nation. The Example of the Great Sully3 ought likewise to have its proper Weight; for when he undertook to reform the Abuses which had crept into the Adminis­ tration of publick Affairs in France, he did not proceed by partial Reformations in the Great Council, in the Treasury, and in the Chamber of Accounts, &c. nor did he attempt to recover the Demesne of the Crown, until he had reformed / the Great Offices; because, although such an Attempt might have had some good Effects for the present, they could not have been permanent or lasting; nor could he in any Event whatsoever have redressed the many Grievances then complained of, or supported the Dignity of his Sovereign, if he had not laid a proper Foundation for the Structure afterwards to be raised by him. From which we may learn, that all Pretensions to Patriotism are vague and idle, and a mere Deception, unless they take their Rise from constitu[ti]onal Principles; and when this is the Case, it will be found the first and most necessary Thing to restore the ancient System of the public Boards. However I shall in the present Discourse confine myself to the Considera­ tion of the Affairs of our Colonies on the Continent, more especially as I intend hereafter, if needful, to treat of the System of our public Boards, from the Revo­ lution unto this Time, having already traced it from the Reign of Henry VII. to that Period.

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The first Settlements of most of our Colonies in America were made by private Adventurers; many of the Colonies were afterwards incorporated by Charters or Privileges granted by the Crown, with a Power to make Laws, and to establish Courts of Justice, Forms of Judicature, and the / Manner of Proceed­ ing, and in some Respects to establish their own Form of Government, under this Limitation, that the Laws or Statutes passed by them, should not be repug­ nant, but as near as possible agreeable to the Laws of England. And whereas in those remote Colonies situate near many barbarous Nations, the Incursions of the Savages, as well as other Enemies, Pirates, and Robbers, might probably annoy them; the said Corporations were authorized and impowered to levy, muster, and train all Sorts of Men, of what Condition soever, and to pursue their Enemies as well by Sea as by Land, even without the Limits of their respective Provinces. It is also proper to mention, that there are several other Colonies that are more immediately dependant on the Crown, both with Respect to their Laws and Constitutions; yet it has been the Pleasure of the Crown, to allow them a kind of legislative Power, under particular Restraints and Limitations. Now as all those Colonies may in some Particulars be considered, with respect to each other, as so many independent States, yet they ought to be con­ sidered as one with respect to their Mother Country; and therefore a Union of the Colonies, for / their general Defence, so framed as to oblige them to act jointly, and for the Good of the Whole, can only be made by the Wisdom of our Legislature; and without such an Union, it is impossible to make the Colonies act with Force and Vigour, or to oppose the united Force of the French, altho’ much inferior in Point of Number. There is another Thing highly worthy of Attention, viz. that tho’ the Char­ ter Governments are entitled to make Bye Laws for the better ordering their own Domestic Affairs, yet they are not entitled to make Laws which may have a general Effect, either in obstructing the Trade of this Kingdom, or in laying Restraints and Difficulties on the neighbouring Colonies: For as their Power in a Legislative Capacity originally flows from the Crown, under certain Limita­ tions and Restrictions, particularly that of not passing any Laws, but such as are consistent with the Constitution and Laws of this Kingdom, the Intention of the Crown must have been, that the Fitness and Expediency of such Laws should be only cognizable and determinable by the Crown, or by the Legislature in this Kingdom, as it is conceived the Colonies cannot be proper Judges in their own Case: Yet to such Excess have some of the Charter Governments proceeded, par­ ticularly Rhode Island and Connecticut, that they have enacted Laws, that no Law shall take Effect in their Colonies, unless it be first / authenticated or enacted into a Law by them; and thus they have made themselves Judges of the Fitness and Expediency of their own Laws, by not transmitting them to the proper

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Boards at Home: Their Charters indeed are injudiciously silent on this Head, yet the Thing is in itself not only fit and reasonable, but absolutely necessary. And therefore if the Affairs of the Colonies are taken into Consideration in Parliament, it is humbly conceived, that it would be highly fit and proper to regulate this Matter, in order to prevent the many Incroachments, which several of the Colonies have made with respect to Trade, and in the issuing of Paper Bills of Currency, which hath often had a publick and a general Effect, and greatly injured the Trade and Commerce of this Kingdom; and in Case of an Union amongst the Colonies for their mutual Defence, it would make it impossible for them to make good the Supplies necessary to support the Charge of the Troops which may be sent from one Colony to the Support of another, especially as their Bills of Currency differ greatly in Value, and that they have no regular Course of Exchange between one Province and another: besides, in new Countries they cannot have those Resources which may be had in Countries where Trade and the Course of Exchanges are regularly established. / The first or Principal Motive for issuing Bills of Credit in the several Prov­ inces on the Continent of America, was to answer the incident Charges of the respective Governments; and if this had been done under wise and prudent Reg­ ulations, there would not have been much Cause of Complaint: But in the first setting out they went upon a wrong Principle, by making such Bills of Credit a legal Tender in Payment of all Debts whatsoever, even such as were contracted before the issuing of the said Bills of Currency; which was assuming a Power which did not of Right belong to the Colonies, and was in its own Nature con­ trary to all the Principles of Law and Equity. The Method usually taken in emitting Paper Bills of Currency in the Colo­ nies, was, by Act of Assembly to order that Bills of Credit to the Amount of should be stampt and signed by the Commissioners appointed for that Purpose; that such Bills should be lent out on Land Security, at legal Interest; and that such Persons as were possessed of the said Bills, should be intitled to pay their Debts with them, as rated by Act of Assembly. The said Bills had originally no other intrinsic Value than the being a Tender in Law, and enabling such Persons as borrowed them to discharge / their Debts therewith; the Fund that was applicable to the Discharge or sinking of the said Bills arising wholly from the Interest paid by the Mortgagees into the Treasurer’s Hands. This Method of Proceeding is therefore diametrically opposite to all the Principles of Law and Justice, and in its Consequences prejudicial to the Crown, the Colonies, and the Trade and Commerce of Great Britain. It is likewise to be observed, that in some Instances the Colonies have emit­ ted Paper Bills of Currency upon the Credit of a future Provision to be made by Provincial Taxes for the Discharge of the said Bills; but as often as the said Taxes

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have fallen short, or been misapplied, the Colonies have had Recourse to a new Emission of Paper Bills of Credit: – And in all Cases, the Value of the said Bills have fluctuated more or less, in Proportion to the right or wrong Application of the Funds whereon they were issued; so that in several of the Colonies, at dif­ ferent Times, their current Bills have been greatly depreciated in their nominal Value, viz. from 33 1/3 per Cent. to 600 per Cent. and in some of the Colonies 1000 l. in Bills of Currency would not, by the Course of Exchange, bring more than One Hundred pounds Sterling; but in this Respect there have been some Alterations made since 1748.4 / I have treated the longer on this Subject, in order to shew the Necessity of introducing one Currency as a Medium or Standard in the Intercourses of Trade; for if at any Time hereafter, we unite the Colonies, so as to make them all concur and act together for the good of the whole, the having different Kinds of Cur­ rency will, as is above observed, lay them under great Difficulties in the Payment of their Quotas, or in paying the Troops which may be sent from one Colony to the Aid and Assistance of another; besides, their making the present Bills of Currency a Tender in the Payment of all Contracts, even special, where Gold or Silver is contracted for, is in itself unjust, and cannot be legitimated from the Plea of Necessity: therefore such Clauses in Acts of Assembly for emitting Paper Bills of Credit ought to be repealed. And altho’ this may seem to injure the Holders of the said Bills of Currency, yet if the Colonies are obliged to make good the Funds on which they were issued, and that they are received in Payment of the provincial Taxes, and of the Quit Rents and Customs, the Holders of the Bills will not find any considerable Loss thereby. Besides, the introducing of Paper Currency, as a Medium in Trade, is an Infringement on the Prerogatives of the Crown, and could never have / taken Place in the Manner that it has done, if the Lords of Trade had not formerly omited to report to the Crown, a true State of the Colonies once in every Year, as directed by their Institution or Appointment. Having thus briefly mentioned such Matters as require the Consideration of those who have the Power to redress, I shall beg Leave further to offer to their Consideration, the Steps which I humbly apprehend may be necessary to be taken, in order to form an Union of the Colonies in America for their general Defence and Protection. The Colonies, as is above observed, are to be considered with respect to each other as so many independent States; yet they ought to be considered as one with respect to their Mother Country, being under the Protection of the Legislature, and in some Degree in the Character of Wards, or those under the Protection of Guardians; and altho’ many Persons in the Colonies have often insisted that they have no proper Representative here, yet this Plea may with equal Reason be urged by many Men of Fortune in this Kingdom; but as both there and here such

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Persons enjoy the Privileges of Subjects, and the Protection of the Laws, they are indispensably bound to conform their Conduct to the Rules and Principles prescribed / to them by the Laws and Constitutions of this Kingdom. And therefore it is most humbly proposed to the Consideration of the Publick, whether it may be proper to enact, that every Person residing in the Colonies from the Age of Fourteen to Sixty, shall be liable to a Poll-Tax of Eighteen Pence Sterling, per Head, to be collected by such Officers as His Majesty shall appoint for that Purpose, or by Direction of the Governor and Council and Assembly in each of the Colonies respectively; and that the Sums arising therefrom shall be only applicable to the mutual Benefit and Advantage of the Colonies. That as by a moderate Computation, the Poll-Tax so collected would amount to upwards of Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum, Commis­ sioners be appointed by His Majesty to emit or issue Bills or Cash Notes (which may be intitled the Bills of Union) to the Amount of the Sum which may reason­ ably be supposed to arise therefrom; payable either in the Course of one, two, or three Years, or as the Exigency of Affairs may require, viz. if One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling be required, the Bills to be payable in three Years, and so in Proportion for a larger Sum. / That when the above Tax is collected, the said Bills be cancelled by proper Officers appointed for that Purpose; but as the Fund is every Year increasing, if the Exigencies of the Affairs of the Colonies require a further Emission of the Bills of Union, that the Commissioners be empowered to issue more Bills on the Credit of the said Fund. That the said Bills be made a legal Tender in the Payment of provincial Taxes, in the Payment of the Quit-rents to the Crown, and of the Customs, and also in the Payment of such provincial Troops, as are raised for the mutual Defence of the Colonies, but not in any Case whatsoever to be tendered as a Payment in special Contracts; for they will always find their true Value, without taking this Step, or breaking in upon the Intercourses of Trade and Commerce. There is another Course which may be taken, namely, to issue Exchequer Orders, or to issue Bills of Union, or Army Debentures, in small Sums, upon the Faith and Credit of Parliament; which may be done either Abroad or at Home; but then such Bills must be made redeemable within a reasonable and limited Time. And there is a third Method which has been often mentioned in private, viz. to introduce a Stampt Duty on Vellum and Paper in America, / and to lower the Duty upon foreign Rum, Sugar, and Molasses, imported into our Colonies to one Penny Sterling per Gallon; which Duties, if justly collected, would amount together to upwards of 60,000 l. Sterling per Annum, and in this Case it would be proper to establish and incorporate a Bank at London, by the Name, Style, and Title, of the Bank of America, in the following Manner, viz.

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That One Million Sterling be raised by Subscription, each Subscriber pay­ ing down (as in our Bank Circulation) 1/10 Part of the Money subscribed, the Subscribers being still liable to a Call for the Remainder, under the Penalty of for­ feiting the Sum so deposited. That for the greater and more regular Dispatch of Business, the Bank shall have a Committee of Correspondents at Williamsburgh in Virginia, and another at the City of New York, or if needful in all the Colo­ nies. That the Colonies on the Continent of America shall be at Liberty, by mortgaging their Funds, to borrow Bills or Cash Notes from the Bank; and that the said Bills or Cash Notes shall be made out by the Committee of Correspond­ ents appointed by the Bank in such Sums, as the Legislature in the said Provinces respectively shall think fit to direct. / That the said Bills or Cash Notes shall circulate, and be a Tender in America, in the Payment of Chief Rents, Customs, and also in the Payment of Provincial Taxes, and in all Matters whatsoever wherein there is no special Contract to the contrary; but at the same Time the Holders of the said Bills, or Cash Notes, shall be at Liberty to demand Payment for the same in England, in Sixty Days from the Time they are so offered for Payment to the Bank. That the said Bank shall not issue any greater Sum in Bills or Cash Notes, than what is equal to the Sum subscribed by them; and that the Bank shall be restrained from taking any higher Interest than Six per Cent. per Annum, for any Sum advanced by them to the Provinces by Way of Mortgage. If this Scheme meets with Approbation, it will, as is conceived, be of infinite Service to the Colonies, and the Proprietors of the Bank will be greatly benefited by it; which I shall endeavour to illustrate by the following Considerations: By the Liberty granted to the Provinces to raise Money in the Manner above proposed, they will be enabled to discharge their present Bills of / Credit, which are, from their uncertain and fluctuating Nature, of great Disservice to the Credit, Trade, and Commerce of the Colonies. The said Provinces, by mortgaging their Funds, or such Taxes as they raise upon themselves, will have it in their Power to establish Loan Offices, in the Manner which has been practiced in Pennsylvania; which may be the Means of bringing a great Number of foreign Settlers amongst them; the Truth of which may be fully evinced from what has been done in Pennsylvania, in which Prov­ ince they have often supplied above Four Thousand Settlers, in the Year, with Money by way of Mortgage on the Lands taken up by them: So that if we had Loan Offices erected in the other Colonies, it is reasonable to believe, from the Dispositions of the Swiss, Palatines, &c. that vast Numbers of them would here­ after transport themselves to our Colonies in America. And with regard to the Proprietors of the said Bank, the Advantage aris­ ing to them may be very considerable, as in all Probability much less than One

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Hundred Thousand Pounds would circulate a Million Sterling. But then there is Allowance to be made for the Risk and Charge the said Bank would be at in carrying on this Business. / What I have now mentioned is only the Outlines, or Heads of what I would humbly propose to be carried into Execution, and may perhaps admit of some Alterations. But if the above Regulations are approved of, it will be further necessary to establish a Militia in each of the Provinces, which should serve as Provincial Troops, not only in the Colony where the said Militia is raised, but also in any Part of America, where the Safety and Protection of any of the Colonies may require their Attendance. That the Governor and Council in each of the Provinces have the Nomina­ tion of the Officers. And as the Magistrates, in the Counties in the respective Colonies, are the proper Judges of the Persons who can be best spared within the said Coun­ ties, that they be impowered to nominate such as shall serve in the Provincial Troops. That the said Troops be allowed Arms when needful, and a Coat and Breeches, as an Uniform, once in two Years; and be exercised as frequently as the Governors and Councils of the Provinces shall judge that the Distance of their Habitations will allow them to assemble without hindering their / necessary Occupations; and be allowed 2l. 12 s. per Annum for their travelling Charges to the Place of Exercise. And that those who have served four Years, shall, if required, be discharged, and others, nominated by the Justices of the said Coun­ ties, put in their Room. That when they are called upon to do Duty, or to march from one Colony to the Aid of another, both Officers and Soldiers shall be paid and provided for in the same Manner as the regular Troops in His Majesty’s Service. It is proper to observe here, that all Men fit to bear Arms in the Colonies are obliged to do Duty when the Law Military is declared by Proclamation; but then they cannot be compelled to march out of their own Provinces, therefore the other Method is necessary to be taken, in order to unite the Force of the Colonies for their general Protection. There are at least Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men fit to bear Arms in America, but the small Number of White Inhabitants, and the Multitude of Slaves in the Southern Provinces, would render it unsafe for a great Number of the former to quit the Province: An Equivalent in Money ought therefore to be paid by these Provinces; which might be raised, by including the / Slaves in the Poll-Tax; and this would be an equitable Way of raising it, as the Rich ought to pay more than the Poor.

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On the whole, the having of one Currency throughout all the English Colo­ nies in America, if properly conducted, will be of infinite Service to their Trade and Commerce; and their having provincial Troops, who may be called upon by the Crown, to aid and assist in whatsoever Place they may be required, will give Force and Vigour to the Colonies, and enable them to defend themselves against the Incroachments of the French. And the having a Fund appropriated to the Use of the Colonies will like­ wise enable them to make handsome Presents to the Indians, which ought to be done yearly, at such Times as are appointed for that Purpose; but then the safest Course we can take, is to restore the Importance of the Five Nations, and make them to treat with the Indians, who were formerly their Dependants; and we ought to observe the same Rule with the Cherokees, and with the Creek Indians; and the more effectually to attach them to our Interest, we ought to apply at least Twelve Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum to that Use; and to protect the Indians from the Abuses which have been too often committed by our Indian Traders; some Regulations are much wanted on this Head. / It may be objected by some Persons, that altho’ the above Regulations are necessary and proper in themselves, yet this is an improper Juncture for carrying them into Execution. In answer to which I beg Leave to observe, that without an Union of the Colonies we cannot prosecute a War with any reasonable Hopes of Success: That the visible Decrease of the current Specie of this Kingdom, and the heavy Taxes we groan, under, make it absolutely necessary to introduce all the Oeconomy in our Power, which may be consistent with the Safety or Protec­ tion of America; and that if this Matter is deferred until we come into Terms of Accommodation with France, it would then be an improper Time to do it, as it would carry all the Appearance of hostile Preparations, and immediately embroil us in new Troubles and Disputes with them; so that in all Respects this is the only fit Juncture to proceed in this Matter, and to lay the Foundation of our future Security and Protection. And if this is done under proper Regulations, the Colonies would be ena­ bled to extend their Arms, and to vindicate their Rights and Possessions against the French, provided we do not limit their Bounds by any indigested Treaty with France. / But after all, with respect to our interior Concerns in the Colonies, if we do not regulate our Course of proceeding in the Offices in America, and at Home; the Subjects of this Crown in America may be made very unhappy from the unjustifiable Conduct of Men in Power; and there will also be an Opening for many Incroachments on the Crown, as well as on the Subject. Therefore every Person concerned in collecting any publick Taxes, which may be levied in America, in pursuance of any Act of Parliament, ought to be

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obliged to give in Bond in the Exchequer for the faithful Performance of the Trust reposed in him. The Secretary’s Office in each of the Colonies respectively in America, ought also to be considered as an Office of Record; and all Business transacted by His Majesty’s Governors, either in a ministerial or judicial Capacity, or as Ordinary, in granting Probates of Wills, or Administrations, &c. should be entered at large in the Council Journals (which is a Branch of the Secretary’s Office;) and so remain in the Colonies as a Record, for the Safety and Benefit of the Subjects; Copies of which ought also to be remitted to his Majesty’s Secretary of State, and Council of Trade: And for the / Performance of this Duty, the Secretaries ought to enter into Bonds or Recognizances at Home. And as His Majesty’s Governors are considered to have a Superintendency and great Influence over all the Officers within their respective Governments, if any of His Majesty’s Subjects there apprehend themselves to be aggrieved by any Person in Power, they ought to be intituled to lay their Grievances before the Governor and Council; and to examine all such Evidences as they can produce in Support of their Charge, so as to make the same Matter of Record. And as those Records ought to be transmitted Home once in every Year to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, their Lordships might thereby be fully apprized of the Course and Proceedings of the Officers of the Crown, and of the Affairs of the Colonies; so as to enable their Lordships to recommend those Officers to the Crown who behaved properly in the Trust reposed in them, and to dismiss and punish such as deviated from their Duty. By the Institution of the Board of Trade, it evidently appears, that the recom­ mending of Officers to the Crown, was a special Trust reposed in that Board, to be employed only for protecting the Servants of the Crown in their Duty, and rewarding Merit and Services. / I beg Leave further to observe, that although there appears great Wisdom and Knowledge in the Frame or System of our Council of Trade as drawn, or planned, by Lord Sommers,5 yet there are several Things wanting with respect to the Regulations necessary in America; and likewise in the original Instruc­ tions to our Governors, which were said to be prepared and drawn by Mr. Locke,6 who doth not seem to have been thoroughly acquainted with the due Course of Proceeding in the publick Offices, by which the Crown ought to be made the Center of Business. Those who want to be better informed on this Subject may look into the Rolls, where they will find all the Proceedings in relation to the constituting of a Council of Trade upon Record: But as this Affair will come properly within the View of another Discourse, I shall defer treating it any fur­ ther till another Time. However, with respect to the Colonies, it is further to be observed, that although an Union amongst them is absolutely necessary, and cannot with

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Safety admit of Delay, yet as the French have introduced a great Number of regu­ lar Troops into their Colonies; and that they have prevailed with most of the Indian Nations to act in concert with their Irregulars, in scalping and murdering our frontier Settlers, and in intimidating many / Thousands of others, so as to make them desert and fly from their Habitations; it becomes thereby indispen­ sably necessary in us to transport a considerable Number of regular Troops to America. The Necessity of which may be better understood by considering the Situation, and what, in all Probability, are the Views and Designs of the French in the present War in America; viz. The French Colonies are in the Form of a Crescent on the Back of the English Colonies in America, and extend opposite to our Settlements upwards of Fifteen Hundred Miles in Length; and in this extended Country most of the Indians are in their Interest, at least under their Direction; whereby they are enabled to make sudden and bloody Irruptions into our Colonies, and to exercise unheardof Scenes of Cruelty. And as there has not been any System or Plan formed, for uniting our Colonies in their general Defence, instead of collecting their Force properly, they have been thrown into the utmost Confusion and Distress. So that the French, taking the Advantage of our want of System, have employed their Irregulars and Indians to massacre our frontier Settlers, whilst they employ their regular Troops, and Coureurs des Bois, to act against such Bodies of Men as we have collected together to annoy them in their Settlements. / And in relation to their present Views and Designs, I apprehend it may, upon good Grounds, be conjectured, that next Campaign they intend to attack us in three different Quarters; and also by their Indians and Irregulars to alarm and destroy the back Settlements in all the English Colonies on the Continent of America. For having this Winter sent upwards of One Thousand Men to Mississippi, in which Government they have not hitherto met with any Disturbance; their unwearied and strenous Endeavours to gain to their Interest those powerful Nations, which are known by the Names of the Cherokee and Creek Indians, and several smaller Nations in Confederacy with these (which, when collected together, would amount to upwards of Seven Thousand fighting Men) plainly discover their Intentions to be against Georgia and Carolina, and, in their defenseless State to over-run them, so as to gain their Sea Coast, or Ports upon the Western Ocean. The great Number of regular Troops they have at present in Canada, and the several Regiments which are said to be embarked, or at least ready to embark, for that Province, makes it reasonable to believe, that they intend to give such Regulars / as we have at present in New York Government, and such as we may hereafter send, even when joined with the New England Forces, full Employ­ ment: Or, indeed, if our Succours, or a farther Aid of regular Troops, be long

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delayed, to take Advantage of our Neglects or Omissions, and to seize, or take Possession of, the Provinces of New York and Pennsylvania. The Proximity, or Nearness, of Cape Breton to Nova Scotia, the Assistance of the Indians in the Province of Gaspesie,7 and the leaving a Part of the great Number of Troops the French are said to be shipping for America, at the Island of Cape Breton, may also greatly endanger the Province of Nova Scotia; and if they succeed there, Newfoundland cannot make any considerable Resistance; so that in such an alarming Situation of Things, we can neither depend singly upon the Protection of our regular Troops, or singly upon the provincial Troops, nor on both of them united; until there be such a regular Plan formed, as may enable us not only to act against those Armies the French may bring into the Field, but also against the Incursions of the Indians, when joined with the French Irregulars. Which can only be done by uniting the Force of our Colonies, and by keep­ ing several thousand Rangers constantly employed to watch the Motions of the French Irregulars, and to annoy them in our Turn; in which Case many of the Indians, / who rather serve the French thro’ Fear than Inclination, will imme­ diately return to our Interest, and act jointly with our Irregulars, in disturbing the French in their Settlements; which would draw off many of the Coureurs des Bois, as well as of the Regulars, to the Protection of their own People. – But as this will require considerable Sums of Money, even more than we can easily spare, ’tis just and reasonable that the Colonies should contribute to an Expence principally calculated for their own Safety and Protection. Yet in the present Situation of their Currency, and in the Manner of raising the provincial Taxes, they are utterly unable to contribute any Thing considerable in this way, unless it be thought agreeable to the Wisdom of the Legislature to establish a Fund for the general Use and Security of the Colonies, or to allow our Governors in America to issue Notes or Bills of Credit, redeemable by some future Provision to be made by Parliament. Upon the whole, if we compare the Number of the French Settlers on the Continent of America, with our Number and Situation, and the many Resources we have, if properly exerted, it is Matter of Wonder and Amazement to consider the Advantages they have gained over us, and the Danger we are still exposed to from the Want of System in the Conduct of publick Affairs: As we are at present circumstanced, we cannot / reasonably hope for Redress, unless it be thought agreeable to the Wisdom of our Senators to appoint a Committee to examine into the State and Condition of our Colonies; to create a new Fund, and to establish a Militia, for the general Security of our Settlements, and to apply such further Remedies, as may be thought necessary in so interesting a Matter. And altho’ what is now offered may have the Appearance of giving much Trouble and Fatigue to the Members of any Committee which may be appointed for that Purpose, yet I humbly apprehend, that, in less than Ten Days, the Mem­

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bers of such Committee might examine and discuss such Proposals as may be brought before them; and that, in a very short Time, they would be enabled to propose such Remedies to the Honourable House of Commons, and also to settle such a Plan of Operation, as would effectually secure our Colonies on the Continent of America from the barbarous Cruelties daily committed by the French and Indians, and from the Incroachments of all our Enemies.

FINIS.

SMITH, DISCOURSES ON SEVERAL PUBLIC

OCCASIONS

William Smith, Discourses on Several Public Occasions during the War in America. Preached chiefly with a View to the Explaining the Importance of the Protestant Cause, in the British Coloines; and the Advancement of Religion, Patriotism and Military Virtue (London: A. Millar, R. Griffiths and G. Keith, 1759), Discourses IV–V, pp. 95–177.

William Smith (1727–1803) was born in Slains, attended King’s College, Aber­ deen, in 1743–7, taught in nearby Abernethy, then moved to London in 1750 and New York in 1751. Before migrating, he published an appeal for better pay for Scottish teachers and later wrote about educating Amerindians and white colonists. A General Idea of the College of Miriana (1753), on educating whites, inspired Benjamin Franklin to appoint Smith provost of the Academy of Phila­ delphia (from 1756 the College of Philadelphia, from 1791 the University of Pennsylvania), requiring Smith to return to England to take Anglican orders in 1754. Smith subsequently sided politically with Pennsylvania proprietor Thomas Penn, alienating Franklin, whose supporters called Smith ‘the infernal prince of darkness and father of lies’ whose writings were ‘the vomitings of an infamous hire­ ling’.1 In 1758 the assembly jailed Smith and William Moore for three months for libel, though he lobbied the Privy Council to quash the conviction. He later criticized British taxation in the colonies but argued against Independence and was briefly jailed for loyalism.2 Yet he remained in America, founding Washing­ ton College, Maryland, and returning as provost of the College of Philadelphia in 1789–91. Though he died reputedly an irascible alcoholic, he had helped found the American Magazine in 1757, the American Philosophical Society in 1769, and had educated poet and signatory of the Declaration of Independence Francis Hop­ kinson, astronomer David Rittenhouse and painter Benjamin West.3 The first three of Smith’s Discourses on Several Public Occasions during the War in America (1759) address personal morality and spirituality; the two printed here address empire directly and show how important he thought impe­ rial conflict was. ‘Look round you!’ he urges, – 149 –

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He contrasts these prospects with ‘Popish Perfidy, French Tyranny, and Savage Barbarity’ (below, p. 163). The Discourses address methods by which British vic­ tory could be achieved. Comparing himself with John the Baptist in Discourse IV, Smith urges soldiers preparing to fight the French to ‘Do violence to no man [meaning senior officers and civilians], neither accuse any falsely, and be con­ tent with your wages’ (below, p. 155). After expanding on these themes, Smith urges officers to lead their men in religiosity and courage. Discourse V addresses Smith’s sense of the Christian imperative behind imperial expansion. Part of a great providential design: Christianity was first revealed and embraced in the eastern parts of the world. Like the Sun, there it rose; and, like him, advancing Westward thro’ the nations, dif­ fused light and love and joy, wherever its rays could pierce the thick clouds of error and barbarism. At length, it crossed the vast Atlantic; and, in the settlement of these colonies, a large inheritance was added to the Kingdom of Jesus, in the remotest parts of the west. (below, p. 172)

This mission is inseparable from ‘propagation of Science’ for Smith, who aims to ‘give some account of the Human Sciences, in order to shew their subserviency to the great Science of Christianity, and their tendency to promote its inter­ ests’ (below, p. 173). Education, Smith’s great passion, is thus the key to imperial expansion: Oh! heaven-born Wisdom, and thou divine Science! proceed, still proceed! let other seminaries such as this rise, where other desarts now extend; and, beyond these, let others and still others rise, thro’ the remotest depths of this continent; till Christ’s kingdom is made universal, and ‘the Heathen be given him for an inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for a possession!’ (below, p. 180)

He concludes the sermon by urging Philadelphia graduates to use their educa­ tion for this very purpose. Notes: 1. R. M. Calhoon, ‘SMITH, William (1727–14 May 1803)’, in American National Biog­ raphy, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 20, p. 305.

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S mith’s A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania (1755) and A Review of the Military Operations in North-America, from the Commencement of the French Hostilities on the Frontiers of Virginia in 1753 … (1758) attacked the assembly’s ill-preparedness for war, and A Sermon on the Present Situation of American Affairs (1775) preached against Inde­ pendence. 3. R. Lawson-Peebles, ‘Smith, William (1727–1803), Church of England Clergyman and Educationist’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Har­ rison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 51, pp. 366–7; Calhoon, ‘SMITH, William’, pp. 305–6.

DISCOURSE IV. The Christian Soldier’s Duty; the Lawfulness and Dignity of his Office; and the Importance of the Protestant Cause in the British Colonies. Preached In

Christ-Church, Philadelphia;

April 5, 1757.

At the Desire of

Brigadier-General Stanwix, To the forces under his Command, before their march to the Frontiers. With a Prayer on the same Occa­ sion. /

Luke iii. 14. And the Soldiers demanded of him likewise, saying – Master, and what shall we do? He said unto them, Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages. This chapter contains an account of the preaching of St. John the baptist; who, being called of God in the wilderness, and duly commissioned for his high office, ‘came into all the country about Jordan, preaching to the people the Baptism of Repentance for the Remission of Sins.’1 The more thoroughly to awaken their attention and evince the necessity of his doctrine, he appears in the most striking character; being, as was prophesied concerning him, ‘the voice of one crying in the wilderness; prepare ye the way of the Lord; make his paths straight! Every valley shall be filled, every mountain and hill shall be brought low; the crooked (places) / shall be made straight; the rough ways smooth; and all Flesh shall see the Salvation of God!’2 These words allude to a known custom of great kings, who, when they undertook any long journey, were wont to send forth their messengers before them; proclaiming to the people to make their way plain. Now, as the Jews, at this time, daily looked for the coming of their King or Promised Messiah, such a proclamation, from so extraordinary a person; crying out to clear the way, ‘for that the Salvation of God was at hand,’3 could not fail to excite their curiosity, and interest their affections! Every heart was accordingly seized with an instant hope of beholding the Desire of Nations; with whom they expected to share crowns and empire and temporal glory. Nay, they began ‘to muse in their hearts whether John himself were the Christ*,’5 or only his fore-runner. In either case, they were eager to embrace the baptism which he preached; as artful courtiers will strive to recom­ mend themselves / to the graces of an expected Master. Hence, ‘a Multitude of them came forth, to be baptized of him.’6 * They were, no doubt, sometime in this suspense, before John resolves them, by telling them that he was not the Christ, nor even worthy to unloose the latchet of his shoes; but that the Christ was quickly to follow after him.4

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John, who saw their carnal views, is not too forward in conferring his bap­ tism upon them, without duly instructing them in the nature and conditions of it. ‘O generation of vipers! says he; who hath warned you to flee from the wrath which is to come?’7 Nevertheless, if you are really desirous to escape it, and to be admitted to the blessings promised in the messiah, do not deceive yourselves in thinking that those blessings may be derived to you by inheritance. They are not of a carnal but of a spiritual nature. Nor will it avail you any thing to say, ‘we have Abraham to our father;’ and are thereby the children of promise. For I say unto you that unless you bring forth fruits meet for repentance; you can by no means inherit those Promises – ‘For God is able of these stones to raise up children to Abraham;’8 and in them shall his promises be made good, if not in you. And you must now, without delay, make your choice.* ‘For the ax is already laid to the / root of the trees; and every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is to be hewn down and cast into the fire.’9 Such an alarming denunciation struck the people with double astonish­ ment; and they pressed still more eagerly about John, crying – † ‘what shall we do then;’10 to escape this ruin and obtain this salvation? ‘He answered and said unto them, he that hath two coats, let him impart to him that hath none. And he that hath meat let him do likewise;’11 herein strenuously recommending the universal practice of that diffusive charity and benevolence, which are a main foundation of moral virtue, and the most acceptable service we can render to our adorable Creator! Among others who pressed forward, on this occasion, came the Publicans, a set of men infamous for their illegal exactions upon the people, crying – ‘Mas­ ter, what shall we do?’12 John, who knew their character, strikes boldly at their capital vice; charging them by their hope of salvation and their dread of Ruin, – ‘exact no more than what is appointed you’13 by / law; for how shall you begin to be good, till you cease to be unjust? Last of all came the Soldiers‡, ‘demanding of him likewise, saying – and what shall we do? he said unto them do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages.’14 Such are the words which were recommended to me as the subject of this discourse. And had I been left to my own choice, I could not have selected any more suitable to my purpose. For being delivered by divine inspiration, on a most important occasion; namely, when the soldiers themselves earnestly requested to know, by what means they might escape the threatened fire of God’s wrath, and obtain salvation thro the Messiah, we may be sure they imply in them the fun­ * V. 7, 8, 9. † V. 10, 11, 12, 13. ‡ V. 14.

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damental parts of the Christian Soldier’s Duty; so far at least as relates to that particular character. I shall therefore proceed upon them, in their natural order. With diffidence, however, I enter upon my subject. I know many of you to be men of distin­ guished understanding; conscious of the dignity of / your own character, and of the glorious cause wherein you are engaged. And nothing but your own express desire, could give me courage to offer my thoughts concerning any part of your duty. But, being invited thereto, I shall proceed to the utmost of my abilities, as far as the time will permit. And, whatever may be the execution, I can safely say that I bring with me a heart zealous for the public – and regardful of you! First, then, the Christian-Soldier is to ‘do Violence to no man.’ There are two sorts of violence which a soldier may be guilty of. One is against those who are lawfully vested with command over him. This is com­ monly stiled Mutiny, and is a crime of the most atrocious nature; seldom to be expiated but by the Death of the offender. And as God is a God of order, it must be peculiarly odious to him. Another sort of Violence, which a soldier may be guilty of, is, against his Fellow-subjects. This is that violence more immediately meant in the text; the original word there, signifying, the shaking or terrifying a man, so as to force money / from him, thro’ fear. This we find expresly forbid by the spirit of Chris­ tianity, under pain of forfeiting the Salvation of God. And we may glory to say that it is also forbid by the mild spirit of the British constitution! Our Soldiery are armed by the laws of their country, and supported by the community; not to command, but to serve, it; not to oppress, but to protect, it. Should they, therefore, turn their sword against those from whom they derive their authority, and thus Violate the just rights even but of one Freeman, who contributes to their support – what a complication of guilt would it imply? It would be treachery! It would be ingratitude! Nay it would be parricide! As for the tyrants of mankind, let them (belying heaven and pretending an authority from God) lead forth their armed slaves to plunder, to harass and to destroy those, to whom they owe protection! Let them fill those lands with Vio­ lence and Blood, which they ought to fill with Blessing and Joy! ‘verily I say unto you they shall have their reward.’15 For, believe me, such actions are odious to heaven / repugnant to the gospel; and God will certainly avenge his own cause! Happy for us, we rejoice under milder influences! our gracious sovereign, thro’ a long and prosperous reign, has never, in any instance, offered violence to the rights of his subjects; nor permitted it in his servants. The* Commanders placed over us, in our present distress, have signalized themselves as patrons of * Lord Loudon16 was commander in chief when this discourse was delivered, and as the same character can be justly extended to all his Lordship’s successors in America, it is with pleasure that the Author renders this paragraph general, which was at first particular.

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justice and lovers of liberty. Tho’ appointed over great armies, among a people long accustomed to profound peace, jealous of their privileges, and some of them even unreasonably prejudiced against all Force and Arms; yet they have happily reconciled jarring interests, and, with all possible care, supported the Military, without violating the Civil, power. As a signal instance of the harmony arising from this conduct, it will be but justice to mention you, gentlemen, whom I have now the honor to address. You have been among us for many months. / Most of you were at first but a raw unformed corps; and, from the manner of your being quartered out in small parties among the inhabitants of this city, disturbances might have been expected. But quite the reverse has been the case. No deeds of Violence have been offered. No complainings have been heard in our streets; and your conduct has done honor to yourselves; to your officers in general, and your worthy Commandant in particular. All I shall add, then, on this head is, to beseech you, by your hopes of the Gospel-promises, to persevere in the same dutiful inoffensive behaviour towards your fellow-citizens, in all parts of your future conduct. And, as you can never be led to deeds of Violence by any authority appointed over you, let it never be said that your own choice or rashness engaged you in them; so as to subject you to the severe and shameful punishments denounced against them, by the laws of your country in this world, and by the Gospel of Christ in the world to come. Thus I have endeavoured to give the true meaning of the words ‘do violence to no man.’ I know there are some who affect to understand them in a more unlimited / sense; as containing a general prohibition of all Force and Arms whatsoever. But, in this, they are neither warranted by scripture nor reason. Nay, the very reverse is evident from the text itself. The Soldiers, whom saint John addresses, received wages for fighting and bearing arms against the enemies of their country. He expressly enjoins them to be content with those wages. But this he never would have done, if the service, which they performed as the condition of the wages, had been that identi­ cal Violence, which he so strongly prohibits in the former part of the verse. They must indeed be very bold, who can charge the spirit of God with such an absurdity! But the fact is that – to support Justice, to maintain Truth, to defend the goods of Providence, to repress the wild fury of lawless Invaders, and by main force, if possible, to extirpate oppression and wickedness from the earth, has never been accounted Violence in any language or country. On the contrary, it is duty to the public, and mercy to thousands! If Society is of God’s appointment, every thing essential to its subsistence must / be so too; for he that ordains the end, ordains the means. But how shall Society subsist, if we are to submit to the unrighteous encroachments of every

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restless Invader? If we are tamely to be plundered, tortured, massacred and destroy’d by those who covet our possessions? has God given us his Gospel, endowed us with reason, and made us fit for society, only to put us in a worse condition than the roaming Savage, or the Beast of prey? We all allow, in common cases, that a public Robber may be subdued by force or death, if other means fail. We grant also that those who invade private property may be compelled to restitution at the bar of justice. But if independent states have injured us, to what bar shall we cite them? who shall constrain them to appear at our summons? or, if they should appear, who shall oblige them to abide by the sentence? open force, then, must be the dernier resort. And strange it is that those who are often so litigious in cases of private right, should affect to be the most passive in what concerns the rights of the community! In short, if human societies are instituted for any end at all, independent states / may not only defend their rights when invaded; but if they are already deprived or defrauded of them, they may demand restitution in the loudest and most importunate manner; even by calling for it in thunder at the very gates of their enemy. This is often the shortest and most merciful method. Nor is it doing Violence to our neighbours, but justice to ourselves, and to the cause of Right, Liberty, Virtue and public Safety; which would otherwise be left unavoidably to suffer. It were indeed sincerely to be wished that the Gospel of the blessed Jesus might have such an universal influence on the lives of all men, as to render it no more necessary to learn the art of war. But alas! this is a degree of perfection not to be hoped for in the present state of things, and only to be look’d for in the kingdom of universal Righteousness. Were all men arrived to such a degree of goodness as to render force unnecessary, then also the magistracy, the laws and every thing else belonging to particular societies in this world, would be a needless institution. But as long as particular societies are of any use, so long will force and arms be of / use. For the very end of such societies is to unite the force of individuals, for obtaining safety to the whole. What I have already said will convince every reasonable person that the words – do violence to no man – were never meant as a general prohibition of all force and arms; so often necessary in this embarassed scene of things. As for those who from views of interest, pretended scruples of conscience, and I know not what prejudices of education, still shut their eyes against the clearest light, I do not pretend to offer arguments for their conviction. If the barbarities that have been committed around them; if the cries of their murdered and suffering brethren; if their country swimming in blood and involved in an expensive war – if these things have not already pierced their stony hearts and convinced their deluded reason, that their principles are absurd in idea and criminal in practice, I am sure any thing I might say farther, would

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have but little weight. I shall only beg leave to remind them, that they will have this cause to plead one day more before a tribunal, where subterfuges will stand them in no stead; and where it / will be well if they are acquited, and no part of the blood that has been spilt is required at their hands. Having found it necessary to dwell so long on the former part of the text, I shall be very brief on what remains. The Christian-soldier is forbid, in the Second Place, to ‘accuse any man falsely.’ To circumvent, to bear down, or to take away, the character of another, for the sake of revenge, profit or preferment, is indeed a crime of the most unpar­ donable nature. It seldom admits of any reparation, and strikes at the very root of all peace and faith and society among men. Surely, then, among a society of soldiers, whose strength consists in their harmony, and whose peculiar character is their Honor and Veracity, such a pernicious vice should be discouraged in an eminent degree, as tending to their immediate ruin, and odious both to God and Man. In the Third and last place, the Christian-soldier is to be content with his wages. This is also a very essential duty. Nothing ought to be more inviolable among men than the performance of their covenants. Now, between the British state / and its soldiery, there is a covenant of the most sacred nature. They vol­ untarily enlist into a certain service for certain wages. These wages are sufficient for a comfortable subsistence. The British government has Mercy in its whole nature, and all its appointments are liberal. The wages of our common soldiery are almost equal to those of the inferior officers in many other services. Surely then, for them above all others, to be discontented with those wages, to neglect the duty annexed to them, or to be faint-hearted in its performance, would argue the highest baseness. It would be breach of Faith, breach of honor, and a total want of every generous affection. Moreover, to be content with one’s Wages implies also a faithful applica­ tion of them to the uses for which they are given. They are not to be spent in riot and intemperance, but in keeping the body neat, clean, healthy and vigorous for the discharge of its duty. Nastiness and slovenliness in dress or behaviour are sure marks of a mean and dastardly temper. The man who disregards the care of his own person, which is the Image of his maker, / can have neither spirit nor grace nor virtue in him. It will be almost impossible to exalt his groveling Soul to the performance of any great or heroic action. And as for intemperance, in a soldier; a vice of more ruinous consequence cannot well be imagined; or rather it is a complication of all vices. For, not to say that it generally leads to those acts of Violence, so fully mentioned above, it is in itself a manifest violation of every tie between the Soldier and his country.

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The Soldier, by the terms of his enlistment, consigns his health, strength and service to the public, in consideration of his receiving certain wages. Now for him to spend those wages in enervating or destroying that very health and strength for which they are given him, would be robbery of the public! nay desertion itself is not a greater crime; and nothing but the mercy of our laws, in compassion to the frailties of human nature, could have made the punishment of the one less than that of the other. For a soldier may as well be found absent from his post, or asleep on it, as be found on it in a condition which renders him unfit for the duties of it. / In short, discontent, sloth, murmuring and intemperance, have been the bane of many a powerful army, and have often drawn down the divine displeas­ ure, by giving them up to certain ruin. Upon the whole then, we may conclude from the text, that the particu­ lar duty of christian soldiers consists chiefly in – Obedience to those who are appointed to command them; a respectful inoffensive Behaviour to those who support and maintain them; strict Honor and unshaken Veracity towards one another; Temperance, Sobriety, Cleanliness and Contentment in their private character; and a steady, bold and cheerful discharge of whatever service their King and Country may require of them. I said that these things constitute the particular duty of soldiers, considered as such. But here let it be remembered, that no special injunctions of this kind to any certain order of men can possibly exempt them from the general precepts of the gospel. Tho’ the text be address’d particularly to the soldiers, considered in that character; yet as they are also Men and Creatures of God, they are equally called (in / the eleventh verse for instance) to the practice of universal benevo­ lence and charity, with the whole body of the people, whereof they are a part, and to whom that verse is directed. Thus I have finished what I propos’d from the text. And now, gentlemen Officers, you will permit me to address the remain­ der of this discourse more immediately to you. I know you love your King and Country. I know you regard those men under your command, and would wish to see them shining in the practice of those virtues which I have been recommend­ ing. But yet, after all, this must, in a great measure, depend upon yourselves. If, then, you would desire to have any tie upon their consciences; if you would wish to see them act upon principle, and give you any other hold of them than that of mere command – let me, Oh let me beseech you, to cultivate and propa­ gate among them, with your whole influence and authority, a sublime sense of Religion, Eternity and Redeeming-Love! Let the bright prospects of the Gospel of Jesus be placed / full before their eyes; and let its holy precepts be inculcated frequently into their hearts!

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But, above all things, let the adorable name of the everlasting Jehovah be kept sacred among you! Glorified angels fall prostrate before it! The very devils themselves tremble at it! And shall poor worms of earth; dependent on a pulse for every breath of being; surrounded with dangers innumerable; marching forth in the very ‘shadow of death;’17 to day here, and to-morrow in eternity – shall they dare to blaspheme that holy name, before which all nature bends in adoration and awe? Shall they forget their absolute dependence upon it for all they have, and all they hope to have? Alas! when the Name of our Great Creator is become thus familiar, and prostituted to every common subject, what name shall we invoke in the day of danger? to what refuge shall we fly amidst the various pressures of life? to whose mercy shall we lift up our eyes in the hour of death? and into whose bosom con­ sign our souls, when we launch forth into the dark precincts of Eternity? / Once more, then, I beseech you, let the name of the Lord be holy among you; else have you no sure foundation for virtue or goodness; none for depend­ ence upon providence; none for the sanctity of an oath; none for faith, nor truth, nor ‘obedience for Conscience-sake.’18 Next to religion and a sovereign regard to the honor and glory of your great Creator, it will be of the utmost importance to cultivate, in yourselves and those under you, a noble, manly and rational *Enthusiasm in the glorious cause wherein you are engaged; founded on a thorough conviction of its being the cause of Jus­ tice, the Protestant-cause, the cause of Virtue and Freedom on earth. Animated by this sublime principle, what wonders have not Britons per­ formed? How have they risen, the terror of the earth; the protectors of the Oppressed; the avengers of Justice, and the scourge of tyrants? How have the sons of Rapine and Violence shrunk before them, confounded and o’erthrown? Witness, ye Danube / and Sambre, and thou Boyn crimson’d in blood! bear wit­ ness and say – what was it that fired our Williams and our Marlboroughs to deeds of immortal renown? What was it that steeled their hearts with courage, and edged their swords with victory? Was it not, under God, an animating con­ viction of the justice of their cause, and an unconquerable passion for Liberty, and the purity of the Protestant-faith†? And do you think now, gentlemen, that the cause wherein you are engaged is less honorable, less important; or that less depends on the sword you draw? * The author hopes to be excused in the use of this word, as here restricted and explained. He does not know another, that would convey his idea, to substitute in its place. † Never were the noble effects of this sublime principle so conspicuous as at the glorious battle of the Boyn.19 Here our great deliverer king William, with a small army routed a much superior, and perhaps otherwise a better one. There was only this difference. The one fought for liberty, for religion, and their country; and were ardent in their cause, from a conviction of its justice. The other fought in defence of tyranny, having little of their own to lose, and no steady principle to act upon.

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No gentlemen! I will pronounce it before Heaven and Earth, that from the days of our Alfreds, our Edwards and our Henries downwards, the British-sword was never / unsheathed in a more glorious or more divine cause than at present! Look round you! behold a country, vast in extent, merciful in its climate, exuberant in its soil, the seat of plenty, the garden of the Lord! behold it given to us and to our posterity, to propagate Virtue, to cultivate useful arts, and to spread abroad the pure Evangelical Religion of Jesus! behold colonies founded in it! Protestant Colonies! Free Colonies! British Colonies! Behold them exult­ ing in their Liberty; flourishing in Commerce; the Arts and Sciences planted in them; the Gospel preached; and in short the seeds of happiness and glory firmly rooted, and growing up among them! But, turning from this prospect for a moment, look to the other hand! direct your eyes to the westward! there behold Popish Perfidy, French Tyranny, and Sav­ age Barbarity, leagued in triple combination, advancing to deprive us of those exalted Blessings, or to circumscribe us in the possession of them, and make the land too small for us and the increasing multitude of our posterity! / Oh Britons! Oh Christians! what a prospect is this! ’tis odious to the view, and horrible to relate. See, in the van, a set of fierce Savages hounded forth against us, from their dark lurking places; brandishing their murderous knives; sparing neither age nor sex; neither the hoary fire, nor the hopeful son; neither the ten­ der virgin, nor the helpless babe. Ten thousand furies follow behind and close up the scene! grim Superstition, lording it over Conscience! bloody Persecution, shaking her iron scourge! and gloomy Error, seducing the unwary soul! while, in the midst, and all around, is heard the voice of Lamentation and Mourning and Woe; Religion bleeding under her stripes! Virtue banished into a corner! Com­ merce bound in chains, and Liberty in fetters of iron! But look again, gentlemen! between us and those evils, there is yet a space or gap left! and, in that gap, among others, you stand; a glorious phalanx! a royal regiment! a royal American regiment! a regiment formed by the best of Kings for the noblest of purposes! and formed to continue, perhaps, for these purposes, the / avengers of Liberty and protectors of justice in this new world, throughout all generations! And now is not my assertion proved? Consider’d in this light, does it not appear to yourselves that never, from the first of time, was a body of Britons engaged in a more glorious cause than you are at present; nor a cause on whose issue more depends? You are not led forth by wild ambition, nor by ill-grounded claims of right, nor by false notions of glory. But, consign’d to you is the happi­ ness of the present age and of late posterity. You wear upon your swords every thing that is dear and valuable to us, as Men and as Christians. And upon your success it depends, perhaps, whether the pure religion of the gospel, streaming uncorrupted from its sacred source, rational, moral and divine, together with

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liberty and all its concomitant blessings, shall finally be extended over these American regions; or whether they shall return into the bondage of idolatry, and darkness of error for ever! In such an exalted and divine cause, let your hearts betray no doubts nor unmanly fears. Tho’ the prospect may look dark / against us, and tho’ the Lord may justly think fit to punish us for our sins, yet we may firmly trust that he will not wholly give up the Protestant-cause; but that it is his gracious purpose, in due time, to add to the reformed church of Christ, ‘the Heathen for an inherit­ ance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for a possession.’20 Go forth, then, with humble boldness, as men conscious that their designs are approv’d of God. And oh! if perchance your feet shall touch those fields that have already drank in the blood of the Slain, and have beheld your brethren expiring in all the variety of woe – gently, oh gently tread among their* uncoffin’d bones! drop / a tear over their scattered ashes; and give a moment’s pause for reflection! It will touch the heart with tenderness, and be a fruitful source of much useful thought. It will give fresh vigor to every arm, and new ardor to every breast! There is an account of such a burying as this in the Roman history, painted in very moving terms by Tacitus; who tells us that Germanicus and his soldiers, having come near the forest of Teutoburgium, where by report the bones of Varus and the legions had lain six Years unburied, they became possessed with a tender­ ness to pay the last offices to their countrymen. In performing this sad duty, ‘no one, says he, could distinguish whether he gathered the particular remains of a stranger, or those of a Kinsman; but all considered the whole as their friends, the whole as their relations, with heightened resentments against the foe.’23 To see one of our species mangled and torn in pieces is horrible! to see a Briton, a Protestant, our friend, our neighbour, so used, is more horrible still! but to think that this should be done, not to one but to thousands; and done in an unguarded hour; and done without provocation; and done with all the aggravation of infernal torture; and done by savages; and by savages whom we have cherished in our bosom; and by savages stirred up against us contrary to the faith of treaties; and stirred up by men professing the name of christians – good heaven! what is it? words cannot paint the anguish of the / thought; and human nature startles from it with accumulated horror! * The body of men to which this discourse was delivered, were expected to have gone directly against Fort du Quesne on the Ohio, but were obliged to act only on the defensive for that year. A great part of them, however, were present at the reduction of the place the year following, under Brigadier-General Forbes,21 who, to his immortal honor, literally fulfilled what is here hinted at. For, having happily got possession of the Fort in November, 1758, a large part of his army was sent to Braddock’s field22 on the banks of the Monongahela to bury the sad remains of the dead that had lain there upwards of three years. This was truly a moving and very solemn scene; made yet more so by the tears of sundries who had lost their fathers, brothers and dearest relatives in that fatal spot.

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Rise Indignation! rise Pity! rise Patriotism! and thou Lord God of Right­ eousness, rise! avenge our bleeding cause! support Justice, and extirpate perfidy and cruelty from the earth! inspire those men, who now go forth for their King and Country, with every spark of the magnanimity of their forefathers! the same our cause, the same be its issue! Let our enemies know that Britons will be Brit­ ons still, in every clime and age! and let this American world behold also thy Salvation; the work of the Lord for his Inheritance! Even so; rise Lord God of Hosts! rise quickly! Amen and Amen. /

A PRAYER

On the same Occasion.

Father of all! Preserver of all! Judge of all! thou First and Best of Beings! all praise and glory be ascribed unto thee, who hast made us capable of seeking and loving thee; and hast invited us to fly to the throne of thy Mercy for aid and direction in all our undertakings, and deliverance in all our dangers. Surely that heart must be lost to every nobler feeling that does not see and adore thy unspeakable goodness towards the children of men – We see and we adore it, O thou King of Nations! struck with the transcend­ ent Majesty of thy perfections, conscious of our own unworthiness, and relying on the merits of thy ever blessed Son, we prostrate ourselves in the dust before thy glorious presence; fearing, yet loving; trembling, yet adoring! We confess, O Lord! that thou hast done wonderful things for us and for our fathers! thou hast indeed given us a / goodly heritage; and the power of thy glory, hath often supported us signally in the days of our danger. But alas! our ingratitude has increased in proportion to thy Mercies, and all sorts of trans­ gressions have spread themselves wider and wider among us. Thou hast visited us for these things, and sent thy Judgments upon the earth, but still we have not learned Righteousness; and justly might our unworthiness provoke thee to remove from us our inestimable privileges, both civil and religious. Yet still, tho’ we have sinned against heaven and before thee, we will trust in thy paternal mercy – and we know in what we trust. Thine ear is not heavy that it cannot hear, nor thy hand shortened that it cannot save; and there is sufficiency in the blood of the Redeemer! suffer us therefore, O merciful Father, in this day of our visitation, to throw ourselves upon the merits of the ever-blessed Jesus; humbled under thy chastisements; confessing and bewailing our past offences, both public and private; and beseeching thy divine grace to revive among us a spirit of primitive piety, integrity and virtue! / But oh! above all, and as the foundation of all, inspire us with an awful reverence of thy glorious majesty. Give us an unshaken Loyalty to our gracious sovereign; and a prevailing love and veneration for our excellent Constitution, civil and religious! and as often as we are called more immediately to appear in defence of it, O grant that, in such a glorious cause, we may betray no unmanly fears; but act the part of Britons and of Freemen; going forth devoted either to

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death or to victory; and scorning a life that is to be purchased at the expence of the Protestant Religion and our National Privileges! Bless and long preserve our rightful sovereign King George! Bless his royal family and all his alliances! surround him with Councillors of a true uncor­ rupted British Spirit; men sagacious to discover, and stedfast to pursue, their country’s Good. Guard him from all conspiracies against his person and govern­ ment; whether secret or more open. May his administration be steady! steady in the cause of liberty! steady in promoting the public welfare! steady in opposing the enemies of our / Zion! and may the gates of hell never prevail against it! For this end, O Lord, give success to his arms both by sea and land, and favor our righteous cause! give courage, conduct and integrity to our commanders, and ‘those who turn the battle from our gates.’24 In a particular manner, bless all those who go forth for the Protestant-cause, in this American World! make them instrumental in preserving among us, and spreading abroad to the remot­ est parts of the habitable earth, the precious Blessings of Liberty and undefiled Religion. And thou that stillest the rage of the ocean, and the tumults of the people, speak peace to the rage of our implacable and savage foes, and bring this expensive war to a safe and speedy issue! May we soon be delivered from all our fears, and peace be restored in all our borders. May these men here present, who now go forth in our cause, be returned safe to our friendship, crowned with triumph and victory. And then may they and we together serve and adore thee without fear, in holiness and righteousness before thee, all the remainder of our days! Hear us, / O heavenly father, for thy son Jesus Christ’s sake, to whom with thee and the Holy Ghost, one God, be the kingdom and the power and the glory, world without end. Amen. /

DISCOURSE V On the Planting the Sciences in America, and the Propa­ gation of Christ’s Gospel over the untutored Parts of the Earth. Delivered before the Trustees, Masters, Students and Scholars of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, May 17, 1757. Being the first anniversary Commencement in that place. With a Charge, delivered in the Afternoon of the same Day, to the Candidates who then obtained their Degrees. /

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Psalm ii. 8. Ask of me and I shall give thee the Heathen for thine inher­ itance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession. This Psalm is one of the most exact Allegories of all antiquity. Under the history of David’s being raised from a low condition, and established on the throne of Israel, in opposition to all the efforts of the kings and rulers of the earth, who combined themselves against the Lord and his anointed, is delivered a most illus­ trious prediction of the propagation and final establishment of Christ’s kingdom; and the exaltation of one of David’s royal race to sit upon the throne of glory, and to rule over all the nations of the earth, in opposition to the combined powers of Darkness and Satan. The Lord declared his firm decree – ‘Yet have I set my king upon my holy hill of Sion. Thou art my Son; this day have I begotten thee. Ask of me and I / shall give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession:’25 The meaning of which is, according to all the Commentators – Thou art my Son Jesus! This day have I anointed thee king over all the world; which thou hast purposed to redeem. Go on; compleat the great eternal scheme, and thereby establish for thyself a kingdom of everlasting holiness. In vain shall The nations rage. In vain shall their proud leaders, Herod, Pontius Pilate, the Pharisees and rulers of Israel, combine themselves against thee, as Saul and the kings of the earth, did against David of old. In vain shall they seek to dethrone thee; to cut thee off from the earth, and to crush thy kingdom in its birth. My eternal purposes are fixed. The right hand of my power shall be thy strength and guide. It shall defeat all the machinations of thy enemies, and raise thee even from the habitations of the dead, to thine inheritance in the mansions of glory. There shalt thou dwell for ever, and thy kingdom shall prevail and flourish, till all the / nations of the earth are brought under thy government – Oh most glorious thought! Oh most triumphant consideration, to those who believe the Gospel of Jesus, ‘to be the power of God unto salvation!’26 How must it rejoice them to be assured, not only from the words of my text, but many other clear passages of scripture, that the Saving Influences of this Gospel, are – 171 –

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to be extended over all the dark parts of the earth? And how must this joy be encreased when it appears that the happy period is not only nigh at hand, but even begun to be accomplished in this our day? Christianity was first revealed and embraced in the eastern parts of the world. Like the Sun, there it rose; and, like him, advancing Westward thro’ the nations, diffused light and love and joy, wherever its rays could pierce the thick clouds of error and barbarism. At length, it crossed the vast Atlantic; and, in the settlement of these colonies, a large inheritance was added to the Kingdom of Jesus, in the remotest parts of the west. ’Tis true, there is yet an immense depth of this continent, whose forlorn inhabitants / have never had any opportunity to hear the ‘glad tidings of salva­ tion;’27 and, of those who have been blest with such an opportunity, few, very few, have turned a listening ear to the joyful sound. But ‘the promises of God in Christ are all Yea and Amen.’28 We may be sure that the time will come, when the Heathen around us shall be gathered into his fold, under the great Shepherd and Bishop of Souls. And tho’ the measures, hitherto used, have not proved effective of that glorious end, in any large degree; yet it is our duty to continue our best endeavours. For who knows either the time when, or the means by which, the Lord may be pleased to accomplish his own eternal promises? The Conversion of nations has often, before now, been brought about when but least expected, and by means which, to human foresight, seemed the least probable. One single Savage, fully convinced of the Truth of Christianity, and truly animated by its sublime spirit, may perhaps, thro’ the power of the living God, at some future period, be rendered an apostle to the rest, and an instru­ ment of turning thousands from the ways of darkness and the power / of Satan, to the marvellous light of Christ; ‘that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and an inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is in Him.’29 Innumerable other methods besides this are in the providence of that God, whose power, who shall tell? It is impossible, however, but, in his own appointed time, he must give a blessing to the pious endeavours that are continually used for the propagation of the Gospel of Christ in this western world. The unwearied labors of the venerable Society incorporated for this purpose; the great expence they cheerfully undergo to plant and support Christianity here; the many other pious Societies lately erected, with the same benevolent and godlike views; the Cultivation of the Sciences, and the founding Seminaries of Learning among ourselves – these, all together, must in time light up such a blaze of knowlege, as cannot fail, thro’ divine grace, to burn and catch and spread, like some wide conflagration, till it has finally reached and illuminated the remotest parts of this untutored continent. /

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Time will not permit me to make particular mention of all the Institutions of religious knowlege, already begun in this New World; nor would it be neces­ sary to you. As little do I think it necessary, at present, to enter into any further explanation of the text, compared with those other passages of scripture, which foretel the final Conversion of the Heathen, and seem to have a particular refer­ ence to our situation on this continent. There is, indeed, a beautiful harmony among the sacred writers, to this purpose; and it would be a most delightful exer­ cise to trace it out. But, the present occasion leads me to prosecute my subject in another light; and this I do the more cheerfully, as I persuade myself that you all believe the General Doctrine of the text; namely – ‘That it is the eternal purpose of God, in his own good time, to bring the Heathen around us to the knowlege of his blessed Gospel, thro’ the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.’30 All, then, that remains for me at present, is – First, to observe to you that the propagation of Science (thro’ the establish­ ment of seminaries of Learning on this / continent) will probably be the most effectual human means of accomplishing so glorious an end. Secondly, in this view of things – and surely I can find none higher – to bespeak your continued favour and protection of this infant Seminary. Now, on the first head, it will be necessary to give some account of the Human Sciences, in order to shew their subserviency to the great Science of Christianity, and their tendency to promote its interests. And, that this may be done with the more precision and clearness, I shall recur to first principles. If we consult the constitution of our nature, we shall find ourselves, in every pursuit, actuated by the desire of Happiness, and determined to account every thing more or less valuable, as it contributes more or less to that end. Happiness, however, is a complex thing, compounded of many ingredients; and the road to attain it has its labyrinths and windings, not to be travelled, but with caution and foresight. For man, being made up of soul and body, sustains a double relation, and is capable of a double / kind of pleasure; there being a vari­ ety of objects suited to the variety of his affections, passions and tempers, when in their sound moral state. His Happiness, therefore, must evidently depend on making a right estimate of these objects, and maintaining this sound tem­ perament of constitution; so as to pursue each of them with a degree of force commensurate to their respective values, or tendencies to give pleasure. Hence, then, whatever enables a man duly to estimate the moment of things, and to frame his conduct agreeably, must be considered as an engine of his happiness, and is to be valued proportionably. It follows, therefore, that those researches which bring him acquainted with himself, the ends, uses and meas­ ures of his several powers and movements, together with the ends and uses of the various objects with which he stands connected, must be a main spring of his happiness; and, in this view, may be denominated his true Wisdom, the first and

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great Philosophy; or that glorious System of Knowledge, which gives him his chief preheminence over the brutes, and exalts / him to the supreme perfection and highest enjoyment of his nature! Other Sciences may have their use, as matters of ornament of amusement. But whenever they interfere with this grand Science of Life and Manners, they are to be disregarded as empty trifles; subjects at best but of vain curiosity, or unavailing speculation. I Shall, therefore, endeavour to distinguish the True from the False, the spurious parts of Knowlege from those of genuine growth, by pointing out to you the essential branches of this great Master Science. In doing this, let us never lose fight of the fundamental principle already laid down, namely that every part of knowlege, (human knowlege I speak of ) derives its value from its tendency to inform us – ‘Quid sumus, & quidnam victuri gignimur – ’

What we are, and whither destined; what our constitution and connexions; and what our duties in consequence thereof. Whoever sets out on this enquiry will, in the first instance, be struck with the vastness of the undertaking, and the insufficiency of his own abilities. Human / nature, and the various natures around it, are a copious subject. Life is short, and each man’s own experience too scanty to trace for himself the relations and fitness of things; to examine into all Moral and Physical Qualities; and, from thence, to deduce the Rules of Conduct, and ascertain the true Path of Happi­ ness. Like a traveller in a strange country, he will, therefore, be glad to enquire his way of others; and make all possible use of the experience of those who, with honour and success, have travelled the path of life before him. He will endeavour to avail himself equally of the good and bad fortune of those whose course is fin­ ished, and strive to bring all Antiquity under Contribution to him for wisdom. But how could this be done, if there were not some method of preserving, and possessing ourselves of, the experience of others? And here we see the use of Languages and Writing. Nevertheless an acquaintance with all sorts of languages would be almost as difficult an acquisition, as the particular examination of all sorts of things. Hence then, it became necessary for the Learned to fix on some Universal / Language or Languages, as the grand channel or instrument of con­ veying their experiences, observations and conclusions, concerning the conduct of life and the truth of things. Now Greek and Latin have been chosen for these purposes, on several sub­ stantial accounts. For, not to mention that many of the noblest productions of ancient genius were originally written in these languages, it is to be observed that dead languages are more durable, and less fluctuating, than living ones; and, besides this, living nations, jealous of each other, would think it too great a mark

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of distinction to chuse the language of any particular nation among them, as the grand channel of knowlege and experience. We see, then, that an acquaintance with what is called the Learned Lan­ guages is still justly considered as a part of liberal education, and a necessary introduction to the sciences. For, tho’ words, abstractly considered, cannot in themselves add to our knowlege, yet as the Means of conveying and acquiring knowlege, they will be studied by all those who, to their own experience, would add the experience of those / who have lived in former ages; or, living in the present, can no otherwise render the fruits of their enquiries useful to mankind, than by language and writing.* Nevertheless, a person, who knows himself endued with reason and understanding, will not be content to take his knowledge entirely at second hand. On subjects so important as the nature and fitness of things, and the Summum Bonum of man, he will not care to rely wholly on a Historical knowledge, founded on the Experience and Testimony of others; however much his labors may be shortened thereby. He will think it his duty to examine for himself, and to acquire a Moral and Physical knowlege; founded on his own Experience and Observation. This is what we call Philosophy in general; comprehending in it the knowl­ edge of all things Human and Divine, so far as they can be made the objects of our / present enquiries. Now the genuine branches of this Philosophy or great system of Practical Wisdom, together with the necessary instrumental parts thereof, may be included under the following general heads; it appearing to me that the nature of things admits of no more. 1. Languages, &c. which have been already mentioned rather as an Instru­ ment or Means of Science, than a Branch thereof. 2. Logic and Metaphysics, or the Science of the Human mind; unfolding its powers and directing its operations and reasonings. 3. Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, and the rest of her beautiful train of subservient arts, investigating the Physical properties of Body; explaining the various phænomena of Nature; and teaching us to render her subservient to the ease and ornament of Life. 4. Moral Philosophy; applying all the above to the business and bosoms of men; deducing the laws of our conduct from our situation in life and connexions with the Beings around us; settling the whole Oeconomy of the will and Affections;

* The author found it necessary to be thus particular in explaining the use of the Learned Languages; some regarding them as a needless part of education, and others considering them as all the education necessary to a scholar: opinions equally prejudicial to the advancement of Sound Knowledge. Under this head, it is obvious that he means to include History, both natural and civil; i.e. whatever can be obtained from the Experience of others.

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establishing the predominancy of Reason and Conscience; and guiding us to Hap­ piness, thro’ the practice of Virtue. 5. Rhetoric, or the art of masterly Composition, just Elocution, and sound Criticism; teaching us how to cloath our wisdom in the most amiable and invit­ ing garb; how to give life and spirit to our Ideas, and make our knowledge of the greatest benefit to ourselves and others; and lastly, how to enjoy those pure intellectual pleasures, resulting from a just taste for polite letters, and a true rel­ ish for the sprightly Wit, the rich Fancy, the noble Pathos, and the marvellous Sublime, shining forth in the works of the most celebrated Poets, Philosophers, Historians and Orators, with beauties ever pleasing, ever new. This last mentioned part of literary accomplishment, like the first, I grant, is to be considered rather as an Instrument, than a Branch, of Science. But if the above definition be just, you will not wonder that we separate it from Languages, as being of much higher nature than they; and even place the study of it after all the other Sciences, as necessary and subservient to its perfection. / The materials of every work must go before the work itself; and Compo­ sition; from one’s own stock, can hardly be begun before Philosophy and the Sciences have enriched the understanding, ripened the judgment and furnished the Materials or Topics. Were any further arguments necessary to justify this disposition of Rhetoric and Composition, I might quote the authority of the greatest master* which antiquity can boast. In the beginning of his inimitable Treatise on the Sublime, he does not propose his noble precepts of fine writing to raw youths, to be read with the rules of grammar, but αυδρασι πολιτκοῖς; that is (as I understand the words) ‘men conversant in public life,’ who have laid a foundation in the Sci­ ences, and whose business it is now become to Think, Speak, Write and Act for the General Good. Thus I have given a sketch of the Capital branches of Human Science; and all of them are professed and taught in this Institution. But there is yet one Sci­ ence behind necessary to compleat all the rest, and without which they will be found at best but very defective and unsatisfactory. ’Tis / the Science of Christi­ anity and the great Mystery of Godliness; that sublimest Philosophy, into which even the angels themselves desire to be further initiated! Now, if there were no connexion between the aforesaid Sciences, and this Divine one last mentioned; or did we stop short at the former, without applying all to the latter; we should be building up to ourselves structures of emptiness on foundations of rottenness. But, blessed be God! all who have any knowlege of this institution will acquit us of such a charge. For, tho’ its wide and generous foundation allows *

Longinus.31

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equal indulgence to Protestant denominations of all sorts, without adopting the particular modes of any; yet there is not a greater regard paid to religion, pure evangelical religion, in any seminary in the world than here. We have forms of prayer, peculiarly well adapted to our own circumstances; twice every day; and the morning is always begun with reading some portion of the holy scriptures; all which is done before the whole youth assembled. And when they have arrived at their highest progress in Philosophy and Science, we are / far from instructing them to think that their education is finished. On the contrary, we strive to shew them the connexion between the precepts of sound reason and the morality of the gospel; and teach them that, when Human Sci­ ence has done its utmost, it is from this last source that they must complete their knowlege and draw superior wisdom. Nor do we now find our labors difficult in this respect. For such an acquaintance with the Sciences, as is mentioned above, is so far from damping the ardor of religious knowlege, that it is inflamed more and more thereby; which is one convincing argument of the strong and immedi­ ate connexion between them. Were it necessary to be particular on this head; I might mention the exam­ ple of the greatest and best Philosophers of every age; who have always been the most devout men. Far from being puffed up with the pride of human learning, or ‘ashamed of the Gospel of Christ,’32 they have made it their glory, and acknowl­ eged it to contain the only infallible rules of their conduct in this life, and the only foundation of their hope in that which is to come. It is said of the great Sir Isaac / Newton that, tho’ he entered further into the depths of philosophy than ever mortal before him, yet he accounted the Scriptures of God to be the most sublime Philosophy; and never mentioned his Creator’s name without an awful pause of adoration, wonder and self-abasement! The further we push our enquiries into nature, the more we shall be con­ vinced of the greatness of its author, and the insufficiency of unenlightened Reason. We shall find many things of the utmost importance for us to know, which yet will baffle all our efforts, and elude our most eager researches. The creation and various revolutions of the world; the fall and redemption of man; the last judgment and an immortality to come; are subjects in which no human wisdom could instruct us, unless the Lord had been pleased to reveal himself concerning them. And yet what is all the Philosophy in the world compared to a knowlege in these points? Where is its sublimity, or what is its significancy to us, if it affords us no infallible rule of duty at present, and no ground of hope hereafter? if it leaves us in the dark concerning our own original, the means of salvation from sin and misery / and the immortal state of our souls in the untried periods of eternity?

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What joy, then, must it yield a sincere Enquirer, to be sufficiently informed upon these important subjects, by a revelation from God himself ? Can he neglect or despise such an awful system? or will he not rather take it to his bosom, search into its depths, and reverence it as ‘containing the words of eternal life,’33 and being the richest legacy which heaven could give, or earth receive? Such a Revelation and such a Legacy are the Scriptures of God. In all the simplicity of truth and beauties of majesty, they deliver those rules by which we are to live here and be judged hereafter. Containing doctrines the most rational and exalted, precepts the most humane and important, a stile the most rich and persuasive, abounding in all the variety of tropes and figures, and ‘sharper than a two-edged Sword,’34 the scriptures are calculated to seize and purify the affections; to enlighten and exalt the understanding; to alarm and rouse the con­ science; to confirm our hopes and remove our fears; to banish superstition and cast down the idols / of the nations; to mitigate lawless power and humanize the rage of barbarism; and to call men off from a vain dependence on external ceremonies to a trust in the Living God, obedience to his moral laws, repent­ ance for past offences, an acceptable and manly devotion of heart, a longing after immortality, an union with the divine nature, and an exaltation to the life of angels and felicity unspeakable! Every thing which human reason would desire to know is fully brought to light in the Gospel. Here the Origin, Connexions and Duties of man are amply described! Here his departure from his first Innocence and rectitude, the degra­ dation of his nature, and all the marvellous workings of omnipotence to reclaim and save him, are distinctly recorded! Here we see the Prophets prophesying for his sake, the old world drowned, another fitted up, and last of all the Lord of Glory descending from heaven, to accomplish the amazing Plan of Redemption, and restore him to divine favour! Here also Life and Immortality are brought to light, and the Future displayed! Here the solemnity of the last Judgment and the astonishing scenes of the / general consummation are laid before us! Here Death is disarmed of his Sting, and the Grave of Victory! Here the gates of immortality are set open – and Oh! what an unutterable weight of glory beyond – Say, then, ye Wise Ones of the earth! ye Sages, ye Philosophers, or by whatever other names ye would be called! say now what is the amount of your knowlege, if it resolves you not on such subjects as these? Can an acquaintance with human Science render you indifferent to such an exalted system of heavenly wisdom as this? Surely not. The one will only inflame your thirst for the other, and make you pursue it as the finishing and most durable part of the whole. ‘For, whether there be Tongues, they shall cease; or whether there be Knowl­ ege, it shall vanish away.’35 This vain world itself, all its gay scenes, every thing that we account wise or curious in it, shall come to an end and please no more. But the sublime subjects of the Gospel will still be New. They will be the object

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of our endless enquiries, and constitute a Philosophy, the Marvellous of which eternity cannot exhaust, / nor the longest period of duration bring to decay. And now, having shewn the subserviency of Human Science to the advance­ ment of Christianity, and that the plan of education, pursued in this seminary, cannot fail, thro’ divine grace, to be a means of spreading a thirst for heavenly wisdom; what need I add more to bespeak your continued favour and protection of it? Surely it cannot be indifferent to you, whether the knowlege of Christ and his blessed Gospel shall be spread over this continent, or not? Surely it cannot be indifferent to you, whether your own children should be bred up in ignorance; or whether they shall shine in every moral excellence, the glory of their country and a light to the world around them? You must know the relation in which you stand to them, and the account which you will one day be required to give of their tender years. Oh! then, in the first place, I beseech you, let their minds be seasoned with useful knowlege, and cherish this infant Seminary for their benefit, and the benefit of millions that are to come after them. For whatever business you may design them, / the education they will receive here will not only prepare them for that, but also for a life of general virtue. If you intend them for the noble Profession of the Law, to be the protectors of the innocent and the advocates of justice; the best foundation will be a love of humanity, and such a knowlege of the laws of nature and general rights of mankind as they will obtain here. If for the service of the state, the same will hold good. The man best acquainted with the nature of civil government, the just bounds of authority and submission, and the universal principles of equity and virtue, will always be the ablest Politician and firmest Patriot. Again, if they are to follow the healing art of Physic, the knowlege of mathematics and the various branches of Natural Philosophy, will be the best introduction. If proposed for the Ministry of the blessed gospel, it has been already observed that every human science ought to lend its aid, and kindle a love of wisdom. If other arguments were necessary to induce you to the cultivation of knowl­ ege and the support of this Institution, I might / display to you the wonderful change which the Sciences have produced in the state of every country, where they have been received. Tho’ they have not been able wholly to eradicate tyranny, yet they have always checked and mitigated its influence; inspiring humanity, love of moral excellency, and every softer virtue. But why should I bring instances from other countries, when one of the most illustrious is before our eyes? This polished and flourishing City! what was it fourscore years ago? Even its foundations were not then laid; and in their place was one depth of gloomy wilderness! This very spot, this Seat of the Muses – where I have now the honour to stand, preaching the Gospel of Jesus, surrounded with men excelling in every valuable accomplishment, and youths

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rising after their great example – had I seen it then, what should I have found it? a spot rank with weeds perhaps, or the obscure retreat of some lawless and gloomy savage! O glorious change! O happy day! that now beholds the Sciences planted where barbarity was before! that now sees this Institution at length brought to such perfection, / as to extend the Laurel to her first worthy sons! how ought such advancements in knowlege to rejoice every heart among us, but especially you the founders and patrons of this excellent seminary, who now begin to taste some of the chief fruits of your pious labors! Oh! heaven-born Wisdom, and thou divine Science! proceed, still pro­ ceed! let other seminaries such as this rise, where other desarts now extend; and, beyond these, let others and still others rise, thro’ the remotest depths of this continent; till Christ’s kingdom is made universal, and ‘the Heathen be given him for an inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for a possession!’36 Now to Father, Son and Holy Ghost, one God, who is able to do all this, and to accomplish his own eternal promises, be the kingdom, the power and the glory, for ever and ever. Amen. /

A

CHARGE Delivered in the Afternoon of the same Day, to the Can­ didates who obtained their Degrees. Gentlemen, You now appear as candidates for the first honors of this institution. The free spirit that it breathes permits us not to bind you to us by the ordinary ties of oaths and promises. Instead thereof, we would rely on those principles of virtue and goodness which we have endeavoured to cultivate. Suffer me, therefore, ere you go, to sum up all our former labors for you, in this place, by one last and parting charge. Surely – to live is a serious thing! And you are now about to step into life, and embark in all its busy scenes. It is fit, then, that you should make a pause – a / solemn pause – at its portal, and consider well what is expected from you, and how you are prepared to perform it. On the one hand, you will have all the dangers and indiscretions of youth to grapple with, at your first setting out in the world. Raw and unexperienced in its ways, you will be apt to consider yourselves as set loose from the reins of discipline, and to look abroad in it with conscious rapture, and the most buoyant hopes. The fullness of blood, the strength of passion, the constant call of pleas­ ure, and the harlot-form of vice, will be apt to bear down that sober wisdom and cool reflection, which are your best guard. At every glance, elysian scenes and fairy prospects will open before you; seemingly so variegated with beauty, and stored with pleasure, that the choice will perplex you. But alas! these lead not all to the bowers of joy! many will only seduce you from the path of virtue, by false appearances of happiness, and draw you on, through meads of unreal bliss, to the fool’s paradise; a deceitful region, which proves at last to be but the valley of the shadow of death, where snakes lurk under the grass – And, / mid the roses, fierce repentance rears. Her horrid crest – *37 *

Thomson.

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On the other hand, you will find the world inclined to make but small allow­ ances for the slips of youth. Much – very much – will be expected from you. Your superior opportunities of knowlege, the many specimens of genius you have already exhibited, will give your friends and country a right to expect every thing from you that is excellent or praise-worthy. Oh! then, let no part of your future conduct disgrace the lessons you have received, or disappoint the hopes you have so justly raised! Consider yourselves, from this day, as distinguished above the vulgar, and called upon to act a more important part in life! strive to shine forth in every species of moral excellence, and to support the character and dignity of beings formed for endless duration! The christian world stands much in need of inflexible patterns of integrity and public virtue; and no part of it more so than the land you inhabit. / Remember that superior talents demand a superior exercise of every good quality; and that, where they produce not this salutary effect, it were far better for the world to be for ever without them. Unless your education is seen con­ spicuous in your lives, alas! what will be its significancy to you, or to us? Will it not be deemed rather to have been a vain art of furnishing the head, than a true discipline of the heart and manners? If, then, you regard the credit of this institution, which will travail in con­ cern for you, till you are formed into useful men; if you regard your own credit, and the credit of the many succeeding setts of youth, who may be fired to glory by your example; let your conduct in the world be such, at least, as to deserve the applause of the wiser and better part of it. Remember you are the first who have received the honors of this seminary. You have been judged doubly deserving of them. O! think, then, what pain it would give us, should we be disappointed in you, our first and most hopeful sons! What a reproach would it be to have it said that, under us, you had obtained all sorts of / learning, and yet had not obtained Wisdom – especially that Wisdom, which has for its beginning the Fear of God, and for its end everlasting felicity! But we have every reason to expect far better things of you. And, in that expectation, I shall beg leave to propose a few rules, which, being well observed, will contribute greatly to your success in life. They shall be confined to Two heads. 1st, How to Live with Yourselves, and your God. 2dly How to Live with the World. Perhaps this may be deemed a very needless work at this time. But my heart yearns towards you. I cannot easily part with you. And though I should only repeat what you have often heard in the course of our lectures in this place; yet, being laid together in one short view, and delivered before such a number of wit­ nesses, ’tis probable the impression may be so much the deeper. And, that it may be so, I shall not amuse you with high drawn characters and visionary precepts;

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the creatures of fancy’s brain, worked up beyond the life. Such may allure the eye, but they will not sway the practice. They / may induce despair, but they will not quicken industry. I shall, therefore, confine myself to the living Virtues, as they are within the ordinary reach of humanity, when assisted by divine grace and goodness. For ’tis they alone that can influence the conduct, and excite to imitation. First, then, in Living with Yourselves and your God, let it be your primary and immediate care, to get the dominion of your own passions, and to bring every movement of the soul under subjection to conscience, Reason and Reli­ gion; those three lovely guides, set over the human conduct. Let your wishes be moderate, sollicitous about nothing so much as the friendship of your God, and the preservation of your virtue and good name! Accustom yourselves to an early industry in business, and a wise reflec­ tion upon human life. Beware of idleness, and the pernicious influence of bad habits. Posses yourselves of just and elevated notions of the divine character and administration, and of the end and dignity of your own immortal nature. Oh! consecrate to your God the first and best of your days! When you enjoy health of / body, strength of mind, and vigor of spirits, then is the heart a noble sacrifice, and best worthy of being presented to the great Creator of heaven and earth! But, alas! when the prime of our years have been devoted to the ways of pleasure and folly, with what confidence can we offer to our God the dregs of vice and iniquity; an old age broken with infirmity, and groaning under the load of misery? Tho’ heaven be all-merciful, and even this last resource not to be rejected; yet, to a generous mind, there is something peculiarly painful in the thought. And certainly, when the soul is fittest for pleasure, then also it is fittest to be lifted up, in manly devotion, to its adorable maker! That your souls may be the more disposed to this exalted intercourse, continue to adorn them with every divine grace and excellence. As far as your circumstances will permit, continue thro’ life the votaries of Wisdom; and never drop your acquaintance with those Sciences into which you have been initiated here. But, in the prosecution of them, weigh well the strength of the human Understanding. Keep to subjects within its reach, and rather to / those which are useful than curious. In your enquiries, never suffer yourselves to be drawn from the main point, or lost in a multitude of particulars. Always keep first principles in view; life is short; we can go but little farther, and that little will then only be of use, when clearly deduced from them. For this reason, beware, above all things, of valuing yourselves much on any temporary acquisitions, or falling into the error of those who think they shew the depth of their wisdom, by disregarding that sublime system, brought down from heaven by the Son of God. Poor is the extent of human science at best; and those who know the most, know but just enough to convince them of their own

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ignorance. Vain, then, must they be who would be thought wise for despising the dictates of eternal wisdom, and would build up the pride of knowledge upon their ignorance of things of the most lasting consequence. In my Discourse before you this day, I shewed that such empty smatterers could have but small pretensions to common wisdom, much less to the exalted name of Philosophy. The true votaries of this divine / science will ever disclaim them; and I am persuaded you will heartily join in the suffrage. Tho’ we honor human reason, and think human virtue the glory of our nature, yet your education here will teach you to fix your hopes on a far more solid foundation. It will convince you that reason, when unenlightened, may be fallacious; and consequently that virtue, by it alone directed, will be devious. There are mists, diffused before the temple of happiness, which are only to be penetrated by the purer eye of religion. Hence, then, you will be disposed to seek a sublimer wisdom than any that is to be attained by mere human efforts, confined to the works of nature alone, those fainter exhibitions of the Deity! You will see the necessity of studying his charac­ ter, as exhibited in his holy oracles. There you will receive such august impressions of him, as will correct your philosophy, humble the pride of reason, and lay you prostrate at his feet. You will be taught to renounce your own wisdom, however excellent, and your own righteousness, however distinguished. You will be made to / rejoice in the name of Christians, and triumph in the glorious relation you bear to Jesus, as shedding the brightest luster round the human character. And consequently you will love to inculcate his holy religion, as a scheme of wisdom salutary to mankind, unfolding their best interests, training them up for eternity, and conducting them to the supreme felicity and perfection of their nature! Thrice happy you, when by Divine Grace you shall have obtained this dominion over yourselves, and thro’ the Redeemer’s merits are thus united to the supreme Good; every wish resigned, and every passion raised to the throne of your father and your God! then, and not till then, will you have truly learned to Live with Yourselves, and with Him that made you; till, after the close of your pilgrimage here, you are finally admitted to live and rejoice with him for ever! I am now, in the Second place, to offer you a few plain directions, how to Live with the World. And on this subject I shall be but brief. For, being once initiated into the true enjoyment of your own nature, and actuated by a deep sense of / God’s universal presence all your other actions will be duly influenced thereby. With regard to Benevolence, that great law of Christ, and fruitful source of all social virtue, why should I recommend it to you? If you truly love God, you must necessarily love all his creatures for his sake, and disdain a narrow unfeel­ ing heart, coiled up within its own scanty orb. Your charity will be of the most exalted and fervent kind; extending itself beyond the vulgar attachments of fam­

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ily and friends, embracing the whole human species, and ready to sacrifice every temporal consideration to their good. Actuated by such liberal sentiments as these, you will always be ready to do good and communicate freely your superior knowledge. Your council and your assistance, your hand and your heart – will never be refused, when demanded for the benefit of others; and in a virtuous cause. Or rather, you will never let them be demanded, but freely prevent the readiest wish. Modest merit will be the object of your peculiar regard; and you will always rejoice when you can pro­ duce it / to public view, in an amiable and advantageous point of light. Believe me, my dear youths, you can acquire no authority so lasting, no influence so beneficial, as by convincing the world that you have superior talents, joined to inflexible virtue, and unconfined benevolence. Compared to such a foundation as this, the proud structures of vulgar ambition are but rottenness, ‘and their base built on stubble.’38 A confidence placed as above, will give you a kind of dominion in the hearts of others, which you will, no doubt, exert for the noblest purposes; such as reconciling differences, enforcing religion, supporting justice, inspiring public virtue, and the like. To this Benevolence of temper, you are to add Prudence, and a strict regard to the grace of character and proprieties of life. If you would be very useful in the world, beware of mixing too indiscriminately in it, or becoming too cheap in the vulgar eye. But, when you are in it, be affable to all, familiar with few, cautious in contracting friendships, steadfast in preserving them, and entering into none without / out the clearest virtue for their foundation and end. Maintain such dignity of conduct, as may check the petulance of vice, and suffer none to condemn you; yet shew such modesty of temper, as may encour­ age virtue, and induce all to love you. Preserve a cheerfulness of countenance, never affecting to appear better than you are; and then every good action will have its full weight. ’Tis dishonoring God, and discouraging goodness, to place virtue in a downcast look, or in things external. The Christian life, far from being gloomy and severe, was meant to exalt the nature of man, and shew him in his best perfection – happy and joyful! When you mix in company, you will often have occasion to be disgusted with the froth and levity – ’tis well if not the vice – of the general run of con­ versation. Strive, therefore, as often as you can, to give it a chaste and instructive turn; regarding always the propriety of time and place. And if, on any occasion, an ingenuous honesty of nature, and an abhorrence of vice and dissimulation, should oblige you to bear your testimony against what you / hear; let it be evi­ dent to all that you are offended, not at the persons but at the things. Great delicacy is requisite in such cases; and you must blame without anger, in order to remove the offense, and not to wound the offender.

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’Tis true, sometimes an animating conviction of a just cause, an undisguised love of divine truth, and a consciousness of superior knowledge, will, in the best of men, on such occasions, produce a seeming warmth of expression, and keeness of expostu­ lation; especially when heated by opposition. But if, from the general tenor of your conduct, you have convinced the world of the goodness of your heart, such starts of passion will be forgiven by your friends, or considered only as the fire from the flint; ‘which, being smitten, emits its hasty spark, and is straightaway cool again.’39 It will be your wisdom, however, to preserve the serenity of your temper; to avoid little disputes; and to raise yourselves above the world, as much as pos­ sible. There are really but few things in it, for which a wise man would chuse to exchange his peace of mind; and those / petty distinctions that so much agitate the general run of mankind, are far from being among the number. But some things there are, nevertheless, which will demand your most vigi­ lant attention; and some occasions, when to be silent or consenting, would be a criminal resignation of every pretension to Virtue or Manhood. Should your Country call, or should you perceive the restless tools of faction at work in their dark cabals, and plotting against the sacred interests of Liberty; should you see the corruptors or corrupted imposing upon the public with specious names, undermining the civil and religious principles of their country, and gradually paving the way to certain Slavery, by spreading destructive Notions of Government – then, Oh! then, be nobly rouzed! Be all eye, and ear, and heart, and voice, and hand, in a cause so glorious! ‘Cry aloud, and spare not,’40 fearless of danger, undaunted by opposition, and little regardful of the frowns of power, or the machinations of vil­ lainy. Let the world know that Liberty is your unconquerable delight, and that you are sworn / foes to every species of Bondage, either of body or of mind! These are subjects for which you need not be ashamed to sacrifice your ease and every other private advantage – For certainly, if there be aught upon Earth suited to the native greatness of the human mind, and worthy of contention; it must be – To assert the cause of Religion and Truth; to support the fundamental Rights and Liberties of mankind; and to strive for the Constitution of our coun­ try, and a Government by Known Laws, not by the Arbitrary Decisions of frail impassioned Men. If, in adhering to these points, it should be your lot, – as alas! it has been the lot of others – to be borne down by ignorance, to be reproached by calumny, and aspersed by falshood, let not these things discourage you – All Human Virtue, to its latest breath,

Finds Envy never conquer’d but by death.

The great Alcides, every labor past,

Had still this monster to subdue at last.*41

*

Pope.

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While you are conscious of no self-reproach, / and are supported by your own integrity, let no earthly power awe you from following the unbiassed dictates of your own heart. Magnanimously assert your private judgment where you know it to be right, and scorn a servile truckling to the names or opinions of others, however dignified. With a manly and intrepid spirit, with a fervent and enlight­ ened zeal, persevere to the last in the cause of your God, your King and your Country. And, though the present age should be blind to your virtue, or refuse you justice, let it not surprize you – The suns of glory please not till they set;*42

and the succeeding age will make ample amends to your character, at a time when the names of those who have opposed you will be forgotten, or remembered only to their lasting dishonor. Nevertheless, though you must not expect to escape envy, or to receive the full applause of your virtue in your own day; yet there will always be some among the better few ready to do you justice, and to judge more candidly. Per­ haps, it may be your lot to be singularly favoured by your friends, in this respect. But be not too much elevated thereby. The real good Man, as he will never be more undaunted than when most reviled and opposed in his great career of jus­ tice, so he will never be more humble than when most courted and applauded. The two great rocks of life, especially to Youth, are Prosperity and Adversity. If such meet with any degree either of Success or Difficulty in the world, before they have learned great self-denial, they are apt, in the one case, to be blown up by an overweening conceit of their own importance; and, in the other, to be borne down by a timid distrust of their own abilities. Both dispositions are equally prejudicial to virtue – the former so far as it tends not to excite emula­ tion, and inspire to worthy actions; and the latter so far as it checks the native ardor of the soul, and ties it down to inglorious pursuits. But the same means will correct both. A larger commerce with the world, and a frequent viewing ourselves through a more impartial medium, compared to others of equal / or greater merit, will bring down the one, and raise the other, to its just and proper standard. What was pride before, will then be converted into a sense of hon­ our, and proper dignity of spirit; and what was timidity or self-distrust, will be turned into manly caution, and prudent foresight. Time will not permit me to add more. Happy shall you be, if, by attend­ ing to such maxims as these, you can pass your days, tho’ not with the highest approbation of others, at least with full satisfaction to yourselves! Happy, if in the eve of life, when health and years and other joys decline, you can look back with conscious joy upon the unremitting tenor of an upright conduct; framed *

Pope.

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and uniformly supported to the last on these noble principles – religion without hypocrisy, generosity without ostentation, justice tempered with goodness, and patriotism with every domestic virtue! Ardently praying that this may be your lot, I shall take leave of you in the words of old Pollonius to his son – / The friends you have, and their adoption try’d,

Grapple them to your soul with hooks of steel.

But do not dull your palm with entertainment

Of each new-hatch’d unfledg’d comrade. Beware

Of entrance to a quarrel –

Give every man your ear, but few you voice.

Take each man’s censure, but reserve your judgment.

This above all – to your ownselves be true,

And it must follow, as the night the day,

You cannot then be false to any man.*43

These things I have sketched for you as the out-lines of your duty. I pretend not to go farther. It is not my present business to offer a perfect plan for the conduct of life. Indeed my experience in it has been too small for such an arduous work. And I hope to be judged rather by what I have said, than by what could not properly be said, on such an occasion. As for the rest, I shall commit you to the best of masters. Be sure, in all things, to learn of Christ. In following him you cannot err. And to do so will be your interest, and your greatest glory, at / a time when human wisdom shall fail, and of the things that now are, virtue, – immortal virtue – shall be the great and chief survivor. Farewel! my Blessing season these things in you.†44 /

* Shakespeare. † Shakespeare.

OTIS, A VINDICATION OF THE CONDUCT OF

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

James Otis, A Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay: More Particularly in the Last Session of the General Assembly (Boston, MA: Edes and Gill, 1762).

James Otis, Jr (1725–83) found fame with the Massachusetts Superior Court’s Writs of Assistance Case of February 1761, claiming that general search warrants violated the rights of free-born Britons. Bostonians elected him to the Assembly that May and the next year his Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Repre­ sentatives, like his Writs of Assistance speech, utilized natural rights theory. The Vindication arose from conflict over colonial contributions to the Seven Years War, yet it also presaged the Revolution, outlining a colonial version of impe­ rial constitutionalism. Otis begins by transcribing Governor Francis Bernard’s 8 September 1762 speech to the House of Representatives introducing ‘a Req­ uisition of His Excellency Sir Jeffery Amherst … for garrisoning the several Posts on this Continent during the Winter … continuing in Pay … Five Hundred and ninety one Men’ (below, p. 195). The House acceded, which Otis described as ‘another Instance of the readiness of this Province to do every thing in their Power for his Majesty’s Service’. Indeed, ‘This Province has since the year 1754 levied for his Majesty’s Service … near thirty Thousand men besides what have been otherwise employed’ (below, p. 198). What Otis objects to, however, is the Governor’s use of prerogative power to pay for arming a sloop for a mission against a French privateer. ‘As the King George was then out on a Cruize’, Bernard explained to the House on 14 Sep­ tember, ‘and the Massachusetts-Sloop was just returned from Penobscot, I fitted the latter out in the readiest and most frugal Manner I could … and having com­ pleately armed her, sent her to the Gut of Canso’ (below, p. 199).1 This ‘method of making or increasing establishments by the Governor and council’ took ‘from the house their most darling priviledge, the right of originating all Taxes’ and was thus ‘annihilating one branch of the legislature. And when once the Representa­ tives of a people give up this Priviledge, the Government will very soon become – 189 –

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arbitrary’ and ‘it would be of little consequence to the people whether they were sub­ ject to George or Lewis, the King of Great Britain or the French King … if both could levy Taxes without Parliament’ (below, p. 202). Answering Bernard’s subsequent objections to the House’s words and tone, Otis numbers a set of principles: 1. God made all men naturally equal. 2. The ideas of earthly superiority … are … acquired, not innate. 3. Kings were … made for the good of the people … 4. No government has a right to make … slaves of the subject … 5. Tho’ most governments are de facto arbitrary … none are de jure arbitrary. 6. The British constitution of government … is the wisest and best in the world. 7. The King of Great-Britain is the best as well as most glorious Mon­ arch upon the Globe, and his subjects the happiest in the universe. 8. It is most humbly presumed the King would have all his plantation Governors follow his royal example … 9. This is the summit … of human glory and felicity. 10. The French King is a despotic arbitrary prince, and consequently his subjects are very miserable. (below, pp. 203–5)

He further adds that The natural liberty of man is to be free from any superior power on earth and not to be under the will or legislative authority of man; but to have only the law of nature for his rule. The liberty of man in society, is to be under no other legislative power, but that established by consent in the common wealth; nor under the dominion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislature shall enact according to the trust put in it. (below, p. 203, quoting John Locke)

He then attacks Robert Filmer and praises John Locke, before directly applying these philosophical principles to the circumstances at hand. Otis later famously attacked the Sugar and Stamp acts in The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved (1764) and A Vindication of the British Colonies (1765), both again employing natural rights theories as well as practi­ cal objections. His wife and one of his daughters remained loyalists during the War of Independence while his son and other daughter were patriots. By the late 1760s, however, Otis was suffering from mental illness and alcoholism, his repu­ tation undermined by public ranting and vandalism. He died after being struck by lightning in Andover, Massachusetts.2 Notes: 1.

e Gut of Canso runs from the Atlantic Ocean to the Northumberland Strait, separat­ Th ing Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island. 2. W. Pencack, ‘OTIS, James, Jr. (2 Feb. 1725—23 May, 1783’, in American National Biog­ raphy, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 16, pp. 838–40; ‘Otis, James, junior (1725–1783), Politician and Revolution­ ary Leader in America’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 60 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 42, pp. 99–100; J. R. Ferguson, ‘Reason in Madness: The Political Thought of James Otis’, William and Mary Quarterly, 36 (1979), pp. 194–214.

A

VINDICATION

of the

CONDUCT

of the

House of Representatives

of the

PROVINCE

of the

MASSACHUSETTS-BAY:

more particularly.

in the

LAST SESSION

of the

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

By James Otis, Esq; A Member of said House. ‘Let such, such only, tread this sacred Floor,

Who dare to love their Country and be Poor;’*1

‘Or good tho’ rich, humane and wise tho’ great.

Jove give but these, we’ve nought to Fear from Fate!’ ||

* Pope. || Anon.

BOSTON: Printed by Edes & Gill, in Queen-Street. 1762. /

THE

PREFACE. The following Vindication, was written in order to give, a clear View of Facts; and to free the House of Representatives, from some very injurious aspersions, that have been cast upon them, by ill-minded people out of doors. Whether the writer has acquitted himself as becomes a candid and impartial vindicator, is submitted to the judgment of the publick; which is ever finally given without Favour or affection; and therefore the appeal is made to a truly respectable and solemn tribunal? At the same time that a sincere love is professed for all men, and the duty of honour and reverence towards superiors is freely acknowledged, it must be allowed that one of the best ways of fulfilling these Duties, is in a modest and humble endeavour, / by calm reason and argument, to convince mankind of their mistakes when they happen to be guilty of any. The more elevated the person who errs, the stronger sometimes is the obligation to refute him; for the Errors of great men are often of very dangerous consequence to themselves, as well as to the little ones below them. However it is a very disagreable task, to engage in any kind of opposition to the least individual in Society; and much more so when the opinions of Gentlemen of the first rank and abilities, and of publick bodies of men are to be called in question. The world ever has been and will be pretty equally divided, between those two great parties, vulgarly called the winners, and the loosers; or to speak more precisely, between those who are discontented that they have no Power, and those who never think they can have enough. Now, it is absolutely impossible to please both sides, either by temporizing, trim­ ming or retreating; the two former justly incur the censure of a wicked heart, the latter that of cowardice, and fairly and manfully sighting the battle out, is in the opinion of many worse than either. All further apology for this performance shall be sum’d up in the adage. Amicus Socrates, amicus Plato, sed magis Amica veritas.2 /

– 193 –

A

VINDICATION, &c. A Quorum of the house of representatives of the Province of the Massachu­ setts-Bay, being met, on the 8th of Sept. A.D. 1762. according to prorogation, informed his Excellency the Governour3 by a committee chosen for that pur­ pose, that they were ready to proceed to business. The commitee returned that they had delivered the Message. Mr. Secretary came down soon after with a mes­ sage from his Excellency, directing the attendance of the House in the council chamber. Mr. Speaker with the House immediately went up; when his Excel­ lency was pleased to make the following Speech; of which Mr. Speaker obtained a Copy, and then with the house returned to their own Chamber. His Excellency’s speech is as follows. Viz. ‘Gentlemen of the Council, and ‘Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I have been always desirous to make your Attendance in this General Court as unexpensive to your Constituents and as convenient to yourselves as the Nature and Incidents of the public Business will allow. But, as, whilst the War contin­ ues, this Province, however happy in the Operations being removed / moved at a Distance, must expect to bear some Share of the Trouble and Expence of it: It will sometimes unavoidably happen that I must be obliged to call you together at an unseasonable Time. ‘I have now to lay before you a Requisition of His Excellency Sir Jeffery Amherst, who, observing that the great and important Services on which His Majesty’s Regular Troops are now employed, and the Uncertainty of their Return, render it absolutely necessary, that Provision should be made in Time for garrisoning the several Posts on this Continent during the Winter, desires that you would provide for continuing in Pay the same Number of Troops that remained during last Winter; that is, Six Captains, Thirteen Subalterns, and Five Hundred and Seventy Two Privates, amounting in the whole to Five Hundred and ninety one Men. ‘I must observe to you that the Necessity of this Request arises from the present vigorous Exertion in the West-Indies; which promises effectually to humble the Pride of our Enemies, and pave the Way to Peace. As this glorious – 195 –

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Expedition cannot but have your entire Approbation, I doubt not but you will readily embrace this Opportunity to give a public Testimony of it. The French Invasion of Newfoundland must give you great Concern upon Account of the National Loss which the Interruption of the Fishery there must have occasioned, although this Province will not, in its own particular, greatly suffer thereby. But I am persuaded that the Reign of the French in those Parts is by this Time near over; and I flatter myself that this Government will have some Share in the Honour of putting an End to it. ‘Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, The great Alarm which spread itself over the Country upon the French get­ ting Possession of a strong Post in Newfoundland, obliged me with the / Advice of Council to take some cautionary Steps which have been attended with Expence. But as these Measures were advised with an apparent Expediency, and have been conducted in the most frugal Manner, I doubt not but what has been done will have your Approbation. I shall inform you of the Occasion of these Expences, and order the Accounts thereof to be laid before you. ‘Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, As I have called you together at this Time with Reluctance, so I shall be desirous to dismiss you, as soon as the public Business shall have had due Con­ sideration. This, I apprehend, will take up not many Days; after which I shall be glad to restore you to your several Engagements at your own Homes with as little Loss of Time as may be. Council-Chamber, Fra. Bernard. Sept. 8, 1762. This speech (with General Amherst’s Letter therein referred to) being read, the Consideration thereof was appointed for the next morning at nine of the clock. September the 9th, the house agreable to the order of the day, entered into the Consideration of his Excellency’s speech. In the course of the debate the following speech was made, as nearly as can be recollected by memory; Mr. Speaker, ‘This Province has upon all occasions been distinguished by its loyalty and readiness to contribute its most strenuous efforts for his majesty’s service. I hope this spirit will ever remain as an indelible Characteristick of this People. Every thing valuable is now at stake. Our most Gracious Sovereign, and his royal Pred­ ecessor, of blessed memory, have for some years been engaged in a / bloody and expensive, but most just and necessary War, with the powerful Enemies of their Persons, Crown and Dignity; and consequently of all our invaluable civil and

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religious Rights and Priviledges. The Almighty has declared the justice of this War, by giving us the most astonishing series of Victories and Triumphs recorded in ancient or modern story. From these Successes we had reason to hope that the War would have ended last year in a glorious peace. Our King and Father has condescended to tell us that his Endeavours for that purpose were frustrated by Gallic Chicanery and Perfidy. The King of Spain has been prevailed upon to break his Neutrality, to forsake his alliance with Great Britain, to turn a deaf Ear to the Interest and Cries of his own Subjects, and to attach himself to the Party of France and of Hell. But Heaven still smiles upon his Majesty’s Arms. We have within this Hour received undoubted Intelligence of a memorable Vic­ tory obtained by Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick;4 and of the Reduction of the Havannah, the Key of the Spanish Treasury. Besides an immense Value in spe­ cie we have taken and destroyed one quarter of the Spanish navy. This has been done at a bad Season of the year and in Spite of as Gallant a defence as ever was made of a strong Hold. Mr. Speaker, the Fate of North America, and perhaps ultimately of Great Britain herself depends upon this War. Our own immediate Interest therefore, as well as the general Cause of our King and Country, requires that we should contribute the last peny, and the last drop of Blood, rather than, that by any backwardness of ours, his Majesty’s Measures should be embarrassed; and thereby any of the Enterprizes, that may be planned for the Regular Troops miscarry. Some of these Considerations, I presume, induced the Assembly, upon his Majesty’s Requisition, signified last Spring by Lord Egremont5 so cheerfully and unanimously to raise thirty three Hundred Men for the present Campaign; and upon another Requisition, signi­ fied by Sir Jeffery Amherst,6 / to give a handsome bounty for inlisting about nine Hundred more into the regular Service. The Colonies we know, have been often blamed without Cause; and we have had some share of it. Witness the miscar­ riage of the pretended Expedition against Canada in Queen Anne’s Time, just before the infamous Treaty of Utrecht. It is well known by some now living in this Metropolis, that every Article, that was to be provided here, was in such readiness, that the Officers, both of the army and navy, expressed the utmost Surprise at it upon their arrival. To some of them no doubt it was a Disappoint­ ment; for in order to shift the Blame of this shameful affair from themselves, they endeavoured to lay it upon the New-England Colonies. I remember, that by some, who would be thought faithful Historians, the miscarriage at Augustin in the last War, has been attributed to the neglect of the Carolinians. But it is now notorious to all, that the ministry of that Day never intended that any good should come of that Enterprize; nor indeed of any other, by them set on foot, during the whole War. The Conduct of that War, so far as the ministry were con­ cerned, has been judged to be one continued abuse upon the Sovereign and his People. Thank God, we are fallen into better Times. The King, the ministry, and

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the People are happily united in a vigorous pursuit of the common good. Surely then if we should discover the least remissness in his Majesty’s Service, as we should be truly blame-worthy, we may depend upon having matters represented in the strongest light against us, by those who delight to do us harm. I am therefore clearly for raising the men, if Gen. Amherst should not inform us, by the return of the next mail, that he shall have no occasion for them. But as his Letter is dated the 4th of August, before even Moore Castle was taken, and since the Reduction of the Havannah, a number of the Regulars are returned to New-York, it is possible the General may have altered his / Sentiments, as to the necessity of these Provincials. Waiting 2 or 3 Days however can’t make any odds in this Business, as our Troops are all inlisted to the last of October. Upon the whole Mr. Speaker, I am for a Committee to take the Governor’s Speech and the present Requisition into Consideration, and make report.’ This being seconded, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Otis, Mr. Tyler, General Winslow, and Mr. Witt, were appointed a Committee to take said Speech and Requisition into Consideration, and make report. The Committee waited a few Days for the Return of the Express, but hearing nothing further about the men it was taken for granted that the General expected them. The Committee therefore without debate unanimously reported to the House in favour of raising them at the bounty of Four Pounds each, that is, ten Shillings more than was given in the Spring. This Report was likewise almost unanimously accepted, and the men are now inlisting. Here is another Instance of the readiness of this Province to do every thing in their Power for his Majesty’s Service. This Spirit notwithstanding many ungen­ erous Suggestions to the contrary, has remarkably discovered itself in most if not all the British Colonies during the whole War. This Province has since the year 1754, levied for his Majesty’s Service as Soldiers and Seamen, near thirty Thou­ sand men besides what have been otherwise employed. One year in particular it was said that every fifth man was engaged in one Shape or another. We have raised Sums for the support of this War that the last Generation could hardly have formed any Idea of. We are now deeply in debt, but should think our selves amply rewarded if Canada should be retained. The House did not enter into a particular Consideration of the latter part of the Governor’s Speech, at this Time; as it is general; and an explanatory message was expected, with particular accounts of all the expences alluded to. Accord­ ingly Sept. the 14th Mr. Secretary came down with the following message, from his Excellency, Viz. / Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, ‘Soon after the French Invasion of Newfoundland, the Inhabitants of Salem and Marblehead, who were concerned in the Fishery North-West of Nova-Sco­ tia, were alarmed with Advice that a French Privateer was cruising in the Gut of

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Canso; and petitioned for protection for their Fishing Vessels then employed in those Seas. As the King George was then out on a Cruize, and the Massachusetts-Sloop was just returned from Penobscot, I fitted the latter out in the readiest and most frugal Manner I could. I put on board her twenty-six Provincials, which I had within my Command, and augmented her Crew which was established at six Men, to twenty-four; and having compleately armed her, sent her to the Gut of Canso, to the Protection of the Fishery there. From thence she is just now returned, after a Cruize of about a Month; in which she saw no Enemy, although she heard of a French Pirate being in those Seas, and looked after him; and has in some Part answered her Purpose, by encouraging the Vessels there to stay to compleat their Fares. She now waits for Orders; and before I disarm her, and reduce her Crew, it may deserve Consideration whether it may not be adviseable to keep up her present Complement, ’till the King George is discharged from the Service she is now engaged in; which I refer to your Deliberation.’ Council-Chamber, Fra. Bernard. Sept. 11, 1762. A little paper only, accompanied this message, with a short account of the Difference to the Province by the Governor and Council’s inlarging the Estab­ lishment, which amounted to about Seventy two Pounds. But no notice was taken of the Commissary’s and other Bills which must finally swell this account much higher. However it was neither the measure, nor the expence of it, that gave the House so much uneasiness, as the / manner of it; that is, the inlarging an Establishment without the knowledge of the house, and paying it without their privity or consent. The Council minute relating to this Affair stands thus. ‘At a General Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston upon Mon­ day the 9th Day of August 1762. Present. His Excellency the Governor. Hon. Thomas Hutchison, Esq; Lieutenant Governor. Mr. Danforth, Judge Lynde, Brigadier Royal, Capt. Erving, Brigadier Brattle, Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Han­ cock, Mr. Hubbard, Mr.Gray, Mr Russell, Mr. Flucker, Mr. Ropes. Upon representation made to his Excellency the Governor from a Number of Persons Inhabitants of the Towns of Salem and Marblehead, for some protec­ tion to be afforded to the Fishery, they having received an account of a French Privateer in the Gut of Canso. Advised that his Excellency give orders for fit­ ting out the Sloop-Massachusetts, in order to proceed on a cruize, to the Gut of Canso, and Bay Vert, for the protection of the Fishery, and to continue her said cruise not exceeding one Month; and as his Excellency proposes to put on board

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twenty-six Provincials, and ten men out of the Ship King George, provided she arrives seasonably, towards manning of the said Sloop: Advised that her proper Crew be augmented to twenty-four men, officers included, upon the following Wages, viz. Captain £.568. per Month, Lieut. £.400. Master £.400. Master’s mate £.368. Boatswain £.368. Boatswain’s-mate £.300. Gunner £.368. Gunner’s-mate £.300. per Month, and each Private £.2 13 14. per Month; and that the Commis­ sary General put in Provisions for said Cruize accordingly.’ The Protection of the Fishery is undoubtedly a very important object, and the Province at the beginning of the War built a Ship of twenty Guns, and / a Snow of sixteen Guns, for the immediate protection of the Trade. I wish the Interests of Commerce were more attended to by those who have it in their Power to cherish them. The trade in the opinion of some has never received a Benefit from those Vessels equal to the Tax Trade alone has paid for their Support. However if more are wanted, when that necessity appears, doubtless the assembly will estab­ lish more, in the mean time, no more can be lawfully established at the publick Expence. There has been an Instance or two of the Governor and Council’s tak­ ing upon them in the recess of the Court to fit out the Province Ship, in a very unusual and unconstitutional manner, as appears by the following Extracts from the Council Records. ‘11th of September 1760. Present in Council the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Jacob Wendell, Samuel Watts, Andrew Oliver, John Erv­ ing, James Bowdoin, William Brattle, Thomas Hancock, and Thomas Hubbard, Esqr’s. His Excellency having communicated to the board some Intelligence he had received of five Privateers being cruizing off the Southern Provinces in Lat. 39. 28. and asked the advice of the Council with respect to manning the Province Ship King George. Advised that his Excellency give Orders for immediately compleating the Ship’s Complement of Men, by directing Captain Hallowell to beat up for Volunteers upon the Encouragement of eight Dollars per man for the Cruize over and above the Wages agreable to the Establishment. Advised and Consented that a Warrant be made out to the Treasurer to pay unto Captain Hollowell the Sum of One Hundred and sixty Pounds sixteen Shillings, to pay the Bounty of said Men, he to be accountable.’ To the Honour of General Brattle he was single in his Opposition to this Resolution. ‘21st of May 1761. In Council, Present the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, the honorable John Osborne, Jacob Wendell, Andrew Oliver, John Erving, William Brattle, Thomas Hancock, and Thomas Hubbard, Esqr’s. / Whereas Intelligence has been received of two Privateers cruizing off BlockIsland which have already taken divers Vessels bound to and from the Colonies,

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and the Ship King George having no more than thirty men belonging to her, Officers included, and there being no prospect of any further men inlisting upon the present Establishment, and the appropriation for the Service of said Ship being exhausted, and his Excellency having proposed to put fifty men of the new raised Troops on board said Ship to serve for one Cruize only; therefore in order to compleat the Complement of Men; advised that his Excellency give orders to Captain Hallowell to send the Ship down to Nantasket without Delay, and to impress from all inward bound Vessels, coasters and Provincial Vessels excepted; also to inlist Volunteers upon a Bounty of ten Dollars each; provided the money can be procured; and for that Purpose it is further advised that a Warrant issue upon the Treasurer for seven Hundred Dollars, to be paid out of such Sums as shall be subscribed by any Merchants or other persons, for the above services, upon the credit of a Reimbursement to be made by* the General Court at their next Session.’ There had been some other Proceedings that were very much disrelished by former Houses, e.g. In three Days after the Heirs of Lieutenant Governor Phipps had received a Denial from the House to bear the Expence of his Honor’s Funeral, the Governor and Council paid it. Some other extraordinary accounts had also been allowed contrary to the known and express Sense of the House. All these matters together alarmed the present House, and they thought it high time to remonstrate. Accordingly when the Governor’s Message relating to the Sloop Massachusetts was read, (upon a motion made and seconded) it was ordered as an Instruction to the Committee appointed to answer it, to remonstrate against the Governor and Council’s making and increasing Establishments without the Consent of the House. Tho’ / no Notice is taken of this Instruction in the printed Votes of the House. The Journal stands thus, ‘Read and Ordered, that Mr. Otis, Mr. Tyler, Captain Cheever, Col. Clap and Mr. Witt, take said message under consideration, and report an answer thereto.’ Sept. the 15th, The committee reported the following answer and Remon­ strance, Viz. May it please your Excellency, ‘The House have duly attended to your Excellency’s message of the 11th, Instant, relating to the Massachusetts Sloop, and are humbly of opinion that there is not the least necessity for keeping up her present complement of men, and therefore desire that your Excellency would be pleased to reduce them to six, the old establishment made for said Sloop by the General Court. Justice to our selves, and to our constituents oblige us to remonstrate against the method of making or increasing establishments by the Governor and coun­ cil. *

I wish the words had been, ‘to be recommended to’

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It is in effect taking from the house their most darling priviledge, the right of originating all Taxes. It is in short annihilating one branch of the legislature. And when once the Representatives of a people give up this Priviledge, the Government will very soon become arbitrary. No Necessity th[e]refore can be sufficient to justify a house of Representa­ tives in giving up such a Priviledge; for it would be of little consequence to the people whether they were subject to George or Lewis, the King of Great Britain or the French King, if both were arbitrary, as both would be if both could levy Taxes without Parliament. Had this been the first instance of the kind, we might not have troubled your Excellency about it; but lest the matter should grow into precedent; we earnestly beseech your Excellency, as you regard the peace and welfare of the Province, that no measures of this nature be taken for the future, let the advice of the coun­ cil be what it may.’ Which being read, was accepted by a large majority, and soon after sent up and presented to his Excellency / by Captain Goldthwait, Mr. Otis, Captain Taylor, Mr. Cushing and Mr. Bordman. The same day the above remonstrance was delivered, the Town was alarmed with a report that the House had sent a message to his Excellency reflecting upon his Majesty’s person and government, and highly derogatory from his crown and dignity, and therein desired that his Excellency would in no case take the advice of his majesty’s council. About five of the clock P.M. the same day Mr. Speaker communicated to the house a Letter from the Governor of the following pur­ port. ‘S I R, I have this morning received a message from the house, which I here inclose, in which the King’s name, dignity, and cause, are so improperly treated, that I am obliged to desire you to recommend earnestly to the house, that it may not be entered upon the Minutes in the terms it now stands. For if it should, I am satis­ fied that you will again and again wish some parts of it were expunged; especially if it should appear, as I doubt not but it will, when I enter upon my vindication, that there is not the least ground for the insinuation under colour of which that sacred and well-beloved name is so disrespectfully brought into Question. September 15th. To the Your’s, &c. Honourable Speaker of the Fra: Bernard. House of Representatives.’ Upon the reading of this letter, it was moved to insert these words to wit, ‘with all due reverence to his Majesty’s sacred Person and Government, to both which we prosess the sincerest attachment and loyalty be it spoken’ ‘it would be

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of little importance,’ &c. But a certain member crying ‘Rase them,’ ‘Rase them,’* the proposed amendment was dropped, it being obvious, that the remonstrance would be the same in effect, with or without the words excepted against. These dreadful / words, under which his Excellency had placed a black mark, were accordingly erased and expunged, and the Message returned to the Speaker. In the course of the debate a new and surprizing doctrine was advanced. We have seen the times when the majority of a council by their words and actions have seemed to think themselves obliged to comply with every Thing proposed by the Chair, and to have no rule of conduct but a Governor’s will and pleasure. But now for the first time, it was asserted that the Governor in all cases was obliged to act according to the advice of the council, and consequently would be deemed to have no Judgment of his own. In order to excuse if not altogether justify the offensive Passage, and clear it from ambiguity, I beg leave to premise two or three data.† I. God made all men * Meaning that part of the remonstrance which is in Italick. † The natural liberty of man is to be free from any superior power on earth and not to be under the will or legislative authority of man; but to have only the law of nature for his rule. The liberty of man in society, is to be under no other legislative power, but that established by consent in the com­ mon wealth; nor under the dominion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislature shall enact according to the trust put in it. Freedom then is not what Sir Robert Filmer7 tells us. O. A. 55. A liberty for every one to do what he lists, to live as he pleases, and not to be tied by any laws. But freedom of men under government, is to have a standing rule to live by, common to every one of that society, and made by the legislative power erected in it; a liberty to follow my own will in all things where that rule prescribes not, and not to be subject to the unknown, unconstant, uncertain, arbitrary will of another man; a freedom of nature is to be under no restraint but the law of nature. This freedom from absolute arbitrary power, is so necessary to, and closely joined with a man’s preservation, that he cannot part with it but by what forfeits his preservation & life together. For a man not having power over his own life, cannot by compact or his own consent enslave himself to any one, nor put himself under the absolute, arbitrary power of another, to take away his life when he pleases: no body can give more power than he has himself. He that cannot take away his own life, cannot give another power over it. Locke’s DISCOURSE on GOVERN’t Part II.8 The legislative, whether placed in one or more, whether it be always in being, or only by inter­ vals, though it be the supreme power in every common-wealth, yet in the utmost bounds of it, it is limited to the public good of the society, it is a power that hath no end but preservation; and those can never have a right to destroy, enslave or designedly to impoverish the subjects. These are the bounds to which the trust that is put in them, by the Society, and the laws of God and nature, have set to the legislative power of every common wealth, in all forms of government. First, They are to govern by established promulgated laws, not to be varied in particular cases; but to have one rule for rich and poor, for the favourite at court, and the countryman at plough. Secondly, These laws ought to be designed for no other end ultimately, but the good of the peo­ ple. Thirdly, They must not raise taxes on the property of the people, without the consent of the people, given by themselves or deputies. Fourthly, The legislature neither must nor can transfer the power of making laws to any body else, nor place it any where but where the people have. Id. Ch. XI. Where the legislative and executive power are in distinct hands, as they are in all moderated monarchies and well formed governments, there the good of the society requires that several things

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/ naturally equal. 2. The ideas of earthly superiority, preheminence and gran­ should be left to the discretion of him that has the supreme executive power. This power to act according to discretion for the public good, without the prescription of Law, and sometimes even against it, is that which is called PREROGATIVE. This power, while employed for the benefit of the community, and suitably to the trust and ends of government, is undoubted Prerogative, and never is questioned. For the people are very seldom or never scrupulous or nice in the point, they are far from examining Prerogative whilst it is in any tolerable degree employed for the use it was meant, that is, for the good of the people, and not manifestly against it. But if there comes to be a question between the executive power and the peo­ ple, about a thing claimed as a prerogative, the tendency of the exercise of such prerogative to the good or hurt of the people, will easily decide the question. Prerogative is nothing but the power of doing public good without a rule. The old question will be asked in this matter of Prerogative, But who shall be judge when this power is made a right use of? I answer, between an executive power in being with such prerogative, and a legislative, that depends upon his will, for their convening, there can be no judge on earth, as there can be none between the legislative and the people. Should either the executive or legislative, when they have got this power in their hands, design or go about to destroy them, the people have no other remedy in this, as in other cases, when they have no judge upon earth, but to appeal to heaven. Nor let any one think that this lays a perpetual foundation for disorder, for this operates not ’till the inconveniency is so great that the majority feel it, and are weary of it, and find a necessity to have it amended. But this the executive power or wise Princes never need come in the danger of; and it is the thing of all others, they have most need to avoid; as of all others the most perilous. Id. Ch. XIV. ‘Fatherly authority, or a right of fatherhood in our Author’s sense (i. e. Sir Robert Filmer) is a divine unalterable right of sovereignty, whereby a Father, or a Prince, (and a Governor might have been added) hath an absolute, arbitrary, unlimitted, & unlimitable power over the lives, liberties and estates of his children and subjects; so that he may take or alienate their estates, sell, castrate or use their persons as he pleases, they being all his slaves, and he Lord proprietor of every thing, and his unbounded will their law.’ Locke on Govt. B. I. Ch. II. He that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder, mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis, i. e. Filmer, and the advocates for pas­ sive obedience, so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir R. Filmer hath taught us.’ Locke on Govt. B. II. Ch. II. This other original Mr. Locke has demonstrated to be the consent of a free people. It is possible there are a few, and I desire to thank God there is no reason to think there are many among us, that can’t bear the names of LIBERTY and PROPERTY, much less that the things signified by those terms, should be enjoyed by the vulgar. These may be inclined to brand some of the principles advanced in the vindication of the house, with the odious epithets seditious and levelling. Had any thing to justify them been quoted from. Col Algernon, Sidney or other British Martyrs, to the lib­ erty of their country an outcry of rebellion would not be surprizing. The authority of Mr. Locke has therefore been preferred to all others for these further reasons, 1. He was not only one of the most wise, as well as most honest, but the most impartial man that ever lived. 2. He professedly wrote his discourses on Government, as he himself expresses it, ‘To establish the throne of the great restorer king William, to make good his title in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful governments, he had more fully and clearly, than any Prince in christendom and to justify to the world, the people of England whose love of liberty, their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the brink of slavery and ruin.’ By this title; our Illustrious Sovereign GEORGE the III. (whom GOD long preserve) now holds. 3. Mr.

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deur are educational, at least acquired, not innate. 3. Kings were (and plantation Governor’s should be) made for the good of the people, and not the people for them. 4. No government has a right to make hobby horses, asses and slaves of / the subject, nature having made sufficient of the two former, for all the lawful purposes of man, from the harmless peasant in the field, to the most refined politician in the cabinet; but none of the last, which infallibly proves they are unnecessary. 5. Tho’ most governments are de facto arbitrary, and consequently the / the curse and scandal of human nature; yet none are de jure arbitrary. 6. The British constitution of government as now established in his Majesty’s person and family, is the wisest and best in the world. 7. The King of Great-Britain is the best as well as most glorious Monarch upon the Globe, and his subjects the happiest in the universe. 8. It is most humbly presumed the King would have all his plantation Governors follow his royal example, in a wise and strict adherence to the principles of the British constitution, by which in conjunction with his other royal virtues, he is enabled to reign in the hearts of a brave and generous, free and loyal people. 9. This is the summit, the ne plus ultra of human glory and felicity. 10. The / French King is a despotic arbitrary prince, and consequently his subjects are very miserable. Let us now take a more careful review of this passage, which by some out of doors has been represented as seditious, rebellious and traiterous. I hope none however will be so wanting to the interests of their country, as to represent the matter in this light on the east side of the atlantick, tho’ recent instances of such a conduct might be quoted, wherein the province has after its most strenuous efforts, during this and other wars been painted in all the odious colours that avarice, malice and the worst passions could suggest. The house assert, that ‘it would be of little consequence to the people, whether they were subject to George or Lewis, the King of Great-Britain or the French King, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament.’ Or in the same words transposed without the least altera­ tion of the sense. ‘It would be of little consequence to the people whether they were subject to George the King of Great Britain, or Lewis the French King, if both were arbi­ trary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament.’ The first question that would occur to a philosopher, if any question could be made about it, would be whether the position were true. But truth being of Locke was as great an ornament, under a crown’d head, as the church of England ever had to boast off. Had all her sons been of his wise, moderate, tolerant principles, we should probably never have heard of those civil dissentions that have so often brought the nation to the borders of perdition. Upon the score of his being a Churchman however, his sentiments are less liable to the invidious reflections and insinuations that High flyers, Jacobites, and other stupid Bigots, are apt too liberally to bestow, not only upon Dissenters of all denominations, but upon the moderate; and therefore infinitely the most valuable part of the Church of England itself.

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little importance with most modern politicians, we shall touch lightly upon that topic, and proceed to inquiries of a more interesting nature. That arbitrary government implies the worst of temporal evils, or at least the continual danger of them is certain. That a man would be pretty equally subjected to these evils under every arbitrary government, is clear. That I should die very soon after my head should be cut off, whether by a sabre or a broad sword, whether chopped off to gratify a tyrant by the christian name of Tom, Dick or Harry is evident. That the name of the tyrant would be of no more avail to / save my life than the name of the executioner, needs no Proof. It is therefore manifestly of no importance what a prince’s christian name is, if he be arbitrary, any more, indeed, than if he were not arbitrary. So the whole amount of this dangerous proposition may at least in one view be reduced to this, viz. It is of little importance what a King’s christian name is. It is indeed of importance that a King, a Governor, and all other good christians should have a christian name, but whether Edward, Francis or William, is of none, that I can discern. It being a rule to put the most mild and favourable construction upon words that they can possibly bear, it will follow that this proposition is a very harmless one, that cannot by any means tend to prejudice his Majesty’s Person, Crown, Dignity or Cause, all which I deem equally sacred with his Excellency. If this proposition will bear an hundred different constructions, they must all be admitted before any that imports any bad meaning, much more a treason­ able one. It is conceived the house intended nothing disrespectful of His Majesty, his Government or Governor, in those words. It would be very injurious to insin­ uate this of a house that upon all occasions has distinguished itself by a truly loyal spirit, and which spirit possesses at least nine hundred and ninety-nine in a thousand of their constituents throughout the province. One good natured con­ struction at least seems to be implied in the assertion, and that pretty strongly, viz. that in the present situation of Great Britain and France, it is of vast impor­ tance to be a Briton, rather than a Frenchman; as the French King is an arbitrary despotic Prince; but the King of Great Britain is not so de jure, de facto, nor by inclination; a greater difference on this side the Grave cannot be found, than that which subsists between British subjects, and the slaves of tyranny. Perhaps it may be objected that there is some difference even between arbi­ trary Princes in this respect at least, that some are more rigorous than others. It is granted, but then let it be remembred, that the life of / man is as a vapour that soon vanisheth away, and we know not who may come after him, a wise man or a fool; tho’ the chances before and since Solomon, have ever been in favour of the latter. Therefore it is said of little consequence. Had it been No instead of little, the clause upon the most rigid stricture might have been found barely exceptionable.

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Some fine Gentlemen have charged the expression as indelicate. This is a capital impeachment in politicks, and therefore demands our most serious attention. The idea of delicacy in the creed of some politicians, implies that an inferior should at the peril of all that is near and dear to him (i. e. his inter­ est) avoid every the least trifle that can offend his superior. Does my superior want my estate? I must give it him, and that with a good grace, which is appear­ ing, and if possible being really obliged to him that he will condesend to take it. The reason is evident; it might give him some little pain or uneasiness to see me whimpering, much more openly complaining at the loss of a little glittering dirt. I must according to this system not only endeavour to acquire my self, but impress upon all around me a reverence and passive obedience to the sentiments of my superior, little short of adoration. Is the superior in contemplation a king, I must consider him as God’s vicegerent, cloathed with unlimited power, his will the supreme law, and not accountable for his actions, let them be what they may, to any tribunal upon earth. Is the superior a plantation governor? he must be viewed not only as the most excellent representation of majesty, but as a vice­ roy in his department, and quoad provincial administration, to all intents and purposes vested with all the prerogatives that were ever exercised by the most absolute prince in Great Britain. The votaries of this sect are all Monopolizers of offices, Peculators, Inform­ ers, and generally the Seekers of all kinds. It is better, say they, ‘to give up any thing and every thing quietly, than contend with a superior, / who by his prere­ gative can do, and (as the vulgar express it) right or wrong, will have whatever he pleases. For you must know, that according to some of the most refined and fashionable systems of modern polities, the ideas of right and wrong, and all the moral virtues, are to be considered only as the vagaries of a weak or distempered imagination in the possessor, and of no use in the world, but for the skilful politi­ cian to convert to his own purposes of power and profit. With these, The Love of Country is an empty Name.

For Gold they hunger: but n’er thirst for Fame.

It is well known that the least ‘patriotic spark’ unawares ‘catched,’ and discovered, disqualifies a candidate from all further preferment in this famous and flourish­ ing order of knights errant. It must however be confessed they are so catholic as to admit all sorts from the knights of the post to a garter and Star; provided they are thoroughly divested of the fear of God, and the love of mankind; and have concentrated all their views in dear self, with them the only ‘sacred and well-beloved name,’ or thing in the universe. See Cardinal Richlieu’s Political Testament,9 and the greater Bible of the Sect, Mandeville’s Fable of the Bees.10 Richlieu expresly in solemn earnest, without any sarcasm or irony, advises the

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discarding all honest men from the presence of a prince, and from even the pur­ lieus of a court. According to Mandeville, ‘The moral virtues are the political offspring which flattery begot upon pride.’11 The most darling principle of the great Apostle of the order, who has done more than any mortal towards diffusing corruption, not only thro’ the three kingdoms, but thro’ the remotest domin­ ions, is, ‘that every man has his price, and that if you bid high enough, you are sure of him’.12 To those who have been taught to bow at the name of a King, with as much ardor and devotion as a papist at the sight of a crucifix, the assertion under examination may appear harsh; but there is an immense difference / between the sentiments of a British house of commons remonstrating, and those of a courtier cringing for a favour. A house of Representatives here at least, bears an equal proportion to a Governor, with that of a house of Commons to the King. There is indeed one difference in favour of a house of Representatives; when a house of Commons address the King, they speak to their Sovereign, who is truly the most august Personage upon earth: When a house of Representatives remonstrate to a Governor, they speak to a fellow subject; tho’ a superior, who is undoubtedly intitled to decency and respect; but I hardly think to quite so much Reverence as his master. It may not be amiss to observe, that a form of speech may be, in no sort improper, when used arguendo,13 or for illustration, speaking of the King, which same form might be very harsh, indecent and even ridiculous, if spoken to the King. The expression under censure has had the approbation of divers Gentlemen of sense, who are quite unprejudiced by any party. They have taken it to imply a compliment rather than any indecent reflection, upon his Majesty’s wise and gracious administration. It seems strange therefore that the house should be so suddenly charged by his Excellency with Impropriety, groundless Insinuations, &c. What cause of so bitter Repentance, again and again, could possibly have taken place, if this clause had been printed in the Journal, I can’t imagine. If the case be fairly represented, I guess the province can be in no danger from a house of Representatives daring to speak plain English, when they are complaining of a grievance. I sincerely believe the house had no disposition to enter into any con­ test with the Governor or Council. Sure I am that the promoters of this address had no such view. On the contrary, there is the highest reason to presume that the house of Representatives will at all times rejoice in the prosperity of the Gov­ ernor and Council, and contribute / their utmost assistance, in supporting those two branches of the legislature, in all their just rights and preheminence. But the house is and ought to be jealous and tenacious of its own priviledges; these

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are a sacred deposit intrusted by the people, and the jealousy of them is a godly jealousy. But to proceed with our narration; on Saturday about a quarter before one of the Clock, Mr. Secretary came down with his Excellency’s vindication, which is as follows. ‘Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I have received an Answer from you to a Message of mine; informing you of my having upon a sudden Apprehension of Danger, fitted out the Province Sloop to protect a considerable and very interesting Fishery, belonging to this Province: Upon which Occasion you are pleased to observe, that the Method of doing this, which you call making or increasing Establishments is taking from the House the Right of originating Taxes, annibilating one Branch of the Legislature, and tending to make the Government arbitrary. These are hard Words: and the Consciousness of my own Integrity will not permit me to submit in Silence to such Imputations. I know what the Priviledges of the People are, and their Nature and Bounds: and I can truly say that it has never been in my Thoughts to make the least Invasion of them. If therefore you think proper to send such a Charge as this to the Press; I must desire that my Vindication may accompany it. In Order to which I shall first consider what the legal and constitutional Powers of the Governor and Council are, then state the Fact in Question, and by Application of the one to the other, see whether the Conclusions before men­ tioned will follow. In this Disquisition I shall not inquire whether any Necessity can be sufficient to justify a House of Representatives in giving up the Priviledge of originating Taxes; as I do not believe that such a Cession was ever desired by any Person concerned in the Government, or that any Governor and Council / since the Revolution attempted or ever will attempt to tax the People. The Business of originating the Taxes most certainly belongs to the Repre­ sentatives of the People, and the Business of issuing Money out of the Treasury, as certainly belongs to the Governor with the Advice of the Council. In general all Votes and Orders for the Charge of the Government originate in the House of Representatives, and the Money for defreying such Charges is issued by War­ rant of the Governor with the Advice of Council, without any further Reference to the House of Representatives. But as it is impossible that the General Court should provide for every Contingency that may happen unless they were continually sitting; there will sometimes be Cases in which the Governor, with the Council, is to be justified in issuing Money for Services not expressly provided for by the General Court: Of these there are two very obvious.

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The one is, where a Danger arises so immediate and imminent that there is no Time for calling together the Assembly. In this, I apprehend there is no other Limitation of Expence, but in Proportion to the Evil impending: For the Safety of the People being the supreme Law, should at all Events be provided for. The other is, where the Expence of some necessary Service is so inconsid­ erable, as to be not worth the while to put the Province to the Charge of the Assembly’s meeting for that Purpose only, at an Expence perhaps ten or twenty Times more than the Sum in Question. This I take to be the Law and Usage of every Royal Government on the Con­ tinent. In that over which I formerly presided, where the People were very averse to frequent or long Sessions of the Assembly, I have upon an Emergency, with Advice of the Council only, raised Three Hundred Men at a Time, and marched them to the Defence of the Frontiers; and when the Assembly has met, have received their Thanks for so doing. / Now let me state the Case in Question. Most of the principal Merchants in Salem and Marblehead, who were considerably interested in a Fishery near the Gut of Canso, in which I am told upwards of One Hundred Vessels from this Province were employed, received Advice that there was a French Privateer or Pirate cruising in those Parts. It has appeared since, that this Alarm was not peculiar to this Province: It reached Quebec, from whence an armed Schooner was fitted out to look after this Frenchman. It reached New-York, from whence General Amherst advised me of this French Vessel. These Merchants therefore applying by their Deputies to me for an immediate Protection of their Fish­ ery, I laid the Matter before the Council, and it happening that the Province Sloop was just returned from Penobscot, it was advised by the Council, that she should be immediately fitted out to go to the Protection of this Fishery: this was done in the most frugal Manner possible; out of Fifty Men put on board the Sloop, only twenty-four were charged to the Province, the rest were drawn out of the Provincials employed at Castle-William, and in the recruiting Service; the Ammunition and Military Stores were taken from the Castle, to which they have been restored without Loss or Expence; the Men were engaged only for one Month, after which they were not to be continued without the Advice of the General Court. This is the true State of this Transaction; and surely I may say it deserved a very different Animadversion than what it has had. Now to apply it to the Censure it has met with: This was an Act which the Governor with the Council had a Right to do; it was a legal and constitutional Exercise of the Powers vested in them; it was an Exertion of the Executive Power of the Government, distinct from that of the Legislature. If it was wrong and ill advised (which I don’t mean to admit) it could amount to no more than an improper Application of the public Money, by those who have lawful Authority to apply such Money to the public Purposes. When this Distinction / is con­

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sidered; how can this Act, whether right or wrong, be applied to the Right of originating Taxes, annihilating one Branch of the Legislature and making the Government arbitrary? As for the discretionary Part of the Act, after I have had the Advice of the Council, and the Approbation of my own Judgment and Conscience, I shall not enter into any further Argument about it, than just to observe; That if the Governor and Council legally acting in the Executive Administration, and deter­ mining to the best of their Judgment and Skill, with a conscientious Regard to the Good of the People, shall be liable to be called to account for Difference of Opinion only, the Government will be very much weakned. But I shall persuade myself that a steady Attention to the Peace and Welfare of the Province, which you recommend to Me, will always sufficiently justify my Conduct: and in that Confidence I hope I shall never fail to exert the Powers which have been com­ mitted to Me for the Defence and Protection of the People of this Province, by all lawful and constitutional Means. Province-House, Sept. 18, 1762. Fra. Bernard.’ This being read, the Secretary instantly informed the Speaker, that his Excel­ lency directed the attendance of the house in the council chamber. The two houses had finished the publick business; and before this the house of Representatives had by a committee asked a recess, so it was presumed the house was sent for to be prorogued, as it turned out. The Speaker rose to go up to the council, without desiring the house to attend him, the usual and regular form, which it is presumed was forgot. But it was moved that his Excellency’s vin­ dication, according to his desire, should be printed in the Journal. This motion was seconded, and passed in the affirmative by a great majority. Then a motion was made and seconded, for a committee to prepare a Reply to this / vindication in the recess of the court, and to make report at the next session; this also passed in the affirmative by a considerable majority, and Mr. Speaker, Mr. Otis, and Mr. Tyler, were chosen a committee for said purpose. Then the House immediately attended his Excellency in the Council-Chamber. When his Excellency, after giving his assent to two or three bills, prorogued the court. It was wished, at least by the moderate part of the house, that his Excellency had thought fit so far to give up the point, as to wave any contest about it, by assuring the house, that if his right was ever so clear, he would not exercise it, if grievous to the people. A like condescension crowned heads have practised, and found their account in it; as I am persuaded his Excellency would, if the unani­ mous vote of thanks from the whole representative body of this people is worth any thing. This I guess he would have had: And as it is a maxim that the King can do no wrong, but that whatever is amiss is owing intirely to those about him; so,

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with regard to his Excellency, we ought to presume the best; and that it is to be charged to the account of some weak or wicked advisers, that this business did not end happily. However, the matter is now become very serious, by his Excel­ lency’s vindication; which we shall next consider. The Charter of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay, has invested the Gov­ ernor and Council with power to issue (without the concurrence of the House, as it is now construed, or rather as the genuine sense of the Charter has been waved by former Houses) the monies out of the treasury. But the Question is, Whether this power be limited? If it is unlimited, the priviledge of levying taxes by originating them in the House of Representatives, is of very little value. What Representative would plume himself upon the priviledge of originating taxes, if the money could be squandered away at pleasure; which in other words may hap­ pen hereafter to be just as the tools and sycophants of power shall / advise. This power therefore, in the nature and reason of the thing, should seem to be lim­ ited, by some usage or custom, if not by something more explicit. The words of the Charter are, ‘And we do for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant, that the said General Court or Assembly, shall have full power and authority to name and settle annually, all civil officers within the said province, for the time being; and to set forth the several duties, powers and limits of every such officer to be appointed by the said general court or assembly; and the forms of such oaths, not repugnant to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England, as shall be respectively administred unto them, for the execution of their several offices and places; and also to impose fines, mulcts, imprisonments, and other punish­ ments; and to impose and levy proportionable and reasonable assessments rates and taxes, upon the estates and persons of all and every the proprietors or inhab­ itants of our said province or territory, to be issued and disposed of by warrant, under the hand of the Governor of our said province, for the time being, with the advice and consent of the Council, for our service, in the necessary Defence and support of our government of our said province or territory, and the protec­ tion and preservation of the inhabitants there, according to such acts as are or shall be in force within our said province.’ Here seems to be an express limitation of the power. Nothing is left to usage or custom, much less to discretion. It is manifest from the Charter, that the Acts of the province are the only legal and constitutional justification to the Governor and Council, in issuing any money out of the treasury: ‘According to such Acts as are or shall be in force within our said Province,’ are certainly no unmeaning words. It is clear from hence, that without the aid of an Act of the province, the Governor and Council cannot legally take a shilling out of the treasury, let the emergency be what it may. It is agreed with his Excellency, that in issuing Money from the treasury, as the charter / has of late years been construed, the Gover­

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nor and Council are meer executive officers. They are controllers-general of the Treasury, i.e. the treasurer cannot pay without their warrant; but then they are as much bound by the acts of the province, as the treasurer himself. He, the Treas­ urer, indeed may be called to an account, but they can’t, being in other respects two branches of the Legislature. The only remedy therefore is a remonstrance, and when that proves ineffectual, the house may and ought to refuse to supply the Treasury, and stop a few Grants and Salaries; which would soon bring mat­ ters right without any dangerous shock to Government, or weakening thereof; but what the whole world must impute to a Governor and Council, that would oblige a House to have recourse to the last resort, but one; I mean as we are a dependent Government, a dutiful and humble remonstrance to his Majesty. The Parliament of Great-Britain have as the last resort, been known to appeal to Heaven, and the longest sword; but God forbid that there ever should be occasion for any thing of that kind again; indeed there is not the least danger of it since the glorious revolution, and the happy establishment resulting there­ from. It was formerly the custom for the Speaker of the house to sign all warrants upon the treasury, but this was at last either tamely given up, or at least waved. It may be objected, that tho’ our supply bills appropriate by far the greatest part of the sums raised, yet something is always expresly left for contingencies, and the Governor and Council may and must in the nature of the thing apply this at discretion. I answer, 1. Even this is issued by force of an act, and not by vir­ tue of any general power in the Governor and Council, independent of the act. 2. Neither custom nor usage suppose that this sum appropriated for contingen­ cies could be applied to the fitting out of men of war, and making establishments for them; for armed vessels is one express appropriation in our acts, which shews that / this is not considered as a contingency, and that the assembly do not expect any further charge for this article, than they have appropriated.* 3. All our Governors and Councils have not always confined themselves to the appropriation for contingencies, but some have drawn for what they deem’d contingencies when they have known the appropriation to be expended, and in short have not confined themselves to any appropriation in payment; what­ ever they may have done in the form of their warrants. 4. If the Governor and Council can fit out one man of war, inlist men, grant a bounty and make estab­ lishments, why not for a navy, if to them it shall seem necessary, and they can make themselves the sole judges of this necessity. The rumour in the case of the Massachusetts was that fourteen privateers instead of one pyrate were cruizing off Canso. What could this one poor sloop have done against such odds? Salus populi est suprema Lex.14 Why then did not the Governor and Council fit out fourteen men of war, or at least enough to take fourteen privateers? It has been * This Vessel’s Expence was drawn for upon the Appropriation for armed Vessels, as appears by the Warrant and Roll.

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said that there were no privateers among the fishermen, but that when they dis­ covered the sloop, she was taken for one, and that many of the fishermen ran home in a fright, and lost their fares. How true this is I can’t say, but have heard it reported, and believe there is at least as much ground for it as there was to believe the story of fourteen privateers. The Governor and Council doubtless meant well as to the protection of the fishery, and had there been no unjusti­ fiable extension of their power, every one would have thankfully acquiesced. The money for fitting out this sloop might have been raised by the Governor and Council’s promise to recommend a reimbursement to the assembly. They might perhaps have borrowed it of the Treasurer upon the same terms, and the priviledges of the House thereby would have been preserved. It would be a very easy thing / to raise twenty times the sum wanted to fit out this sloop upon the credit of a like recommendation. This method was taken in fitting out the King George in 1761, as appears by the vote of Council, and the Governor’s message afterwards to the house of Representatives, and their vote thereupon, which last are as follows, ‘Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, ‘The provision made the last session for manning the King George was soon found insufficient for the purpose, and after beating up for a month the crew amounted to but thirty men. In this condition the ship remained, when I received advice that there were two French privateers on the coast, and that there were several more to be expected: I immediately called a Council; at which attended a committee of the merchants. The council were of opinion, that the ship should be immediately fitted out: and in order to do it with more expedi­ tion, I offered that if the crew could be quickly compleated to an hundred men, I would put fifty provincials on board for a short cruize. It was therefore ‘advised to raise seventy men, and to give ten Dollars bounty: But there was no fund in the Treasury to resort to for this purpose. It was therefore concluded to order the Treasurer to borrow seven hundred Dollars of the merchants on the credit of the province, (not on the credit of a recommendation, as it should have been and perhaps was meant) which was accordingly done; and I must desire you would take care for the repayment thereof.’ The House, after long debate, and divers referrences, on the second of June, voted, ‘that the province treasurer be directed to repay the seven hundred Dol­ lars borrowed of the merchants on the credit of the province, for bounty, in order to man the ship King George.’ I want to know why the same method of raising the money might not have been taken the first time of fitting out the ship King George, and in fitting out the sloop Massachusetts. /

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However, even this method of supplying the treasury by the Governor and Council’s ordering subscriptions upon the credit of the province (by which it is presumed a recommendation to the assembly is meant) is by no means a justifi­ able practice. The Governor and Council have naturally a great influence in all Houses of Representatives, and when the money is once taken up and applied, it would seem hard to make the subscribers lose it; and so in time it would come to be a thing of course, for the House to reimburse all expences the Governor and Coun­ cil should be pleased to create in the recess of the assembly; and after a course of came acquiescence in such a practice, the House would become as some desire to have it, a very insignificant, unimportant part of the constitution. It is therefore the indispensible duty of the House of Representatives, to be very cautious how they allow or approve of any expences incurred even in this way. His Excellency is pleased to wave any inquity ‘whether any necessity can be sufficient to justify a House of Representatives in giving up the privilege of origi­ nating taxes?’ for this reason only expressed; viz. ‘I don’t believe (says his Excellency) that such a cession was ever desired by any Person concerned in the government, or that any Governor and Council since the revolution, attempted or ever will attempt to tax the people.’ I wish I could exercise as much charity towards former Governors and Councils, as for his Excellency and the present honourable Council; but I can’t. I am ver­ ily persuaded, that we have had some Governors and some Councellors, since the revolution, that would gladly have been as absolute as Turkish Bashaws;15 and that the whole tenor of their actions has given convincing proof of such a disposition. A tax upon the people in form, by issuing a tax bill, and ordering an assess­ ment, I believe has not been attempted by a Governor and Council since the revolution. This would be too alarming. The vulgar are apt to be forcibly affected with names and appearances, rather / than by realities. If the money can be drawn out of the treasury without any regard to the appropriations, made by the acts of the province; and the House whenever called upon, will without murmuring supply the treasury again; they serve the purpose of a very convenient machine to quiet the people; and the money flows in with greater ease and plenty than if the Governor and Council were, ad libitum, to collect and dissipate the public treasure. It is observable, that in France and other despotic governments, ’tis often with great difficulty, and sometimes with hazard, that the revenue is collected. Had Richlieu and Mazarine16 convinced the parliaments that it was a great priviledge to be allowed to vote as much money as was called for, and for any purpose the court might want it, the government would have had the appearance of liberty

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under a tyranny; which to those ministers would have been a vast ease and secu­ rity. But those great politicians either never thought of this refinement, or, the parliaments were too stupid to be convinced, of the utility of such a plan. His Excellency proceeds, ‘The business of originating the taxes most cer­ tainly belongs to the Representatives of the people; and the business of issuing money out of the treasury, as certainly belongs to the Governor and Council.’ To say nothing of the doubt that might justly be made, whether a non-claim, waver, or even an express concession by any former house, of the privilege of joining in a warrant, for issuing the money, can be binding upon their Successors? Would not a stranger to our constitution be lead to think, from this general assertion of the Governor, that he with the Council, could issue money without regard to the acts of the province, and the appropriations thereby made; and that the house indeed, had no right to appropriate, but only to lay the burthen of taxes on the people? Especially when his Excellency in the next period says, that ‘in general, all votes and orders (and acts might have been added) for the charge of the government, / originate in the House of Representatives; and the money for defreying such charge, is issued by the Governor, with the advice of the council, without any further reference to the house of Representatives.’ That this is true in fact, to wit, that after the money is raised, his Excellency and their Honors have no further reference to, or regard for the house, is possible. But that they have had some regard to appearances is certain from the form of their warrants. Province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

By his Excellency the Governor. You are, by and with the Advice and Consent of his Majesty’s Council, ordered and directed to pay unto A. B. the sum of Which sum is to be paid out of the appropriation for For which this shall be your warrant. Given under my Hand at Boston, the Day of 176 , in the Year of His Majesty’s Reign. F. B. To Mr. Treasurer. By Order of the Governor, with the Advice and Consent of the Council. A.O. Secr’y. Now, if after the house have supplied the treasury, the Governor and Council have a right to issue the money without further regard to the house of Represent­ atives; why are the words Out of the appropriation for, &c. inserted, but to salve appearances? Otherwise it might run thus, ‘Out of the public money in the treas­ ury.’ ‘But as it is impossible, (says his Excellency,) that the General Court should provide for every contingency that may happen, unless they were continually sitting; there will sometimes be cases in which the Governor & Council is to be

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justified in issuing money / for services not expresly provided for by the General Court; of these there are two very obvious.’ ‘The one is, when a danger arises so immediate and imminent, that there is no Time for calling together the assem­ bly. In this I apprehend there is no other limitation of expence, but in proportion to the evil impending. For the safety of the people being the supreme law, should at all events be provided for. The other is, where the expence of some necessary service is so inconsiderable, as to be not worth the while to put the province to the charge of the Assembly’s meeting for that purpose only, at an expence perhaps of ten or twenty times more than the sum in question.’ Frequent and long sessions I know are burthensome to the people, and many think they had better give up every thing, than not have short sessions. But let these consider that it is a very poor bargain, that for the sake of avoiding a session extraordinary, sacrifices the right of being taxed by their Representatives; and risques ten or twenty times the sum in the end, to be levied by a Governor and Council. I know too, that some gentlemen in order to lessen the weight of a House of Representatives, are con­ stantly exclaiming against long and frequent sessions; the people are gulled with the bait, and the house when they meet, are often in want of time to compleat the public business, in the manner that they would wish, and the nature of some affairs requires. What is the consequence? Why, it is become a very fashionable doctrine with some, that in the recess of the court, the Governor and Council are vested with all the powers of the General Assembly. It is costly and unpopular to have frequent and long sessions; therefore they shall be few, short and hur­ ried; and in the mean time, the Governor and Council shall have a right to do what they judge ‘the supreme law,’ the good of the common-wealth, requires, and no limitation or bounds are to be set to the money they expend, but their sovereign judgment of the quantum of the impending evil; for, ‘the safety of the people being the supreme law, should at all events, and / by all means (but that of calling an assembly together) be provided for.’ This is a short method to put it in the power of the Governor and Council, to do as they please with the men and money of the province; and those Governor’s who can do as they please with the men and money of a country, seem to me to be, (or at least are in a pretty fair way soon to be) arbitrary; which in plain English means no more than to do as one pleases. As to those inconsiderable services, not worth while to put the province to the charge of an assembly; it seems to be of no great importance whether they are performed or not. 2. There is always an appropriation for contingencies, great and small. If this sum should be exhausted, sufficient might always be procured upon the credit of a recommendation from the Governor and Council, for a reimbursement. 3. Any particular service had better suffer, and the province suf­ fer that way, than lose such a priviledge as that of taxing themselves; upon which single priviledge evidently depends all others, Civil and Religious.

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His Excellency tells us of ‘the law and usage of every royal government upon the continent;’ and that, ‘in that over which he presided formerly, he had upon an emergency, with the advice of the Council only, raised three hundred men at a time, and marched them to the defence of the frontiers, and when the assembly has met has received their thanks for so doing.’ Whether the assembly of this province equal the assembly of New-Jersey, in gratitude or any other virtue, I shall not presume to determine. But this I am sure of, that this province has been more liberal in their grants to his Excellency, than to any of his predecessors. Instead of any debate about his salary, three grants have been made in less than two years, amounting to near three thousand pounds sterling in the whole; besides the very valuable island of Mount Desart, which the province thought they had a right to grant, subject to his Majesty’s confirma­ tion; and which his Excellency doubtless will have confirmed to him. / All this with the ordinary perquisites, besides the full third of all seizures, must amount to a very handsome fortune, obtained in about two years and two months. His Excellency has not been pleased to tell us, whether the assembly paid the expence of this extraordinary march, or whether the Governor and Council ordered it to be paid? Now if the assembly paid it, as they doubtless ought, after thanking his Excellency, and thereby admitting the utility of the measure, their priviledge was saved. But if the Governor and Council paid it out of the treasury, and the House acquiesced in the infringement of their privilege, it cannot be produced as a precedent for us, let it be ever so royal a government. His Excellency has a right to transport any of the militia of this province to any part of it, by sea or land, for the necessary defence of the same; and to build and demolish forts and castles, and with the advice of the council in times of war, to exercise martial law upon the militia, but then it is with the House to pay the expence, or refuse it as they please. No man by charter can be sent out of the province but by an act of the three branches of the legislature. The King himself applies to parliament to support his army and navy, and it is their duty to do it, and they ever have and will do it; and the supplies for these ever originate in, and are appropriated by the House of Commons; in whose money bills the House of Lords won’t presume to make any amendment; consent or reject in the whole is all the power they exercise in this particular. His Excellency next proceeds to state ‘the case in question, ‘by which I sup­ pose is meant the facts relative to sitting out the sloop Massachusetts. The facts mentioned, I take it for granted are in the main true, but the most material one seems to be omitted, namely, that the Governor and Council made an establish­ ment; in consequence of which the expence of this fitting out, or a great part at least has been paid out of the Treasury, by warrant from the Governor and Council. There is also a small mistake in his Excellency’s / saying the sloop was then returned. She was expected, but her return was uncertain. Had the sloop

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been sent and the pay or reimbursement referred to the House, there might have been no complaint as to this particular step. But the main question is not as to the right of sending the sloop, but of making, or increasing her establishment, and paying it out of the publick monies without the consent of the House; not only in this, but in a number of late similar instances, that have induced the House to question the right of the Governor and Council to draw monies out of the treasury in this way. Or more properly, as it results from the remonstrance of the House, and his Excellency’s vindication: The question is in effect, whether the House have a right to appropriate the money they agree to levy upon their constituents? It being pretty evident I hope by this time, that if the Governor and Council can issue what they please, and for what they please, that the House has no right to appropriate; and it is as clear that if the right of appropriation is of any avail or significancy, the Governor and Council cannot issue the monies from the treasury for what they please; but are bound and limited by the appropriations and establishments made by the acts of the province, to which by the way they are two parties of three in the making. His Excellency having given us his state of the case in question, proceeds ‘to apply it to the censure it has met with’ as his Excellency is pleased to express it. By which I presume his Excellency means the application he had promised in the beginning of his vindication. ‘I shall consider, says his Excellency, what the legal and constitutional powers of the Governor and Council are; then state the fact in question, and by the application of the one to the other, see whether the conclusion before mentioned will follow.’ Here again there seems to be some little obscurity, by reason of these words, ‘fact in question’; there being no question about the facts, but about the right, / not so much about the right of fitting out the vessel, as the Governor and Coun­ cil’s right to pay for it out of the treasury, without the consent of the House. What question can there be about facts? There is no doubt but that the vessel was sent, and that in consequence of an application from some Salem and Mar­ blehead gentlemen. I therefore presume to read the second paragraph of his Excellency’s vindica­ tion according to the sense and spirit, (tho’ not strictly agreable to the letter) thus, ‘In order to my vindication (dele to which) I shall 1. Consider what the legal and constitutional power’s of the Governor and Council are. 2. State the facts. 3. By application of the legal and constitutional powers of the Governor and Council to the fact, see whether the conclusions before mentioned will fol­ low.’ According to this division, which in the spirit, tho’ not in the letter, is a very good one; his Excellency has given us his sense of the legal and constitutional powers of the Governor and Council. His Excellency, is undoubtedly, as well acquainted with the nature of these powers, as ‘what the priviledges of the peo­

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ple are, their bounds and their nature,’ I presume his Excellency also has the same thorough knowledge of ‘what the privileges of the House of Representatives are, their nature and their bounds;’ which last are more immediately the subject of inquiry, than those of the people. Tho’ it is true, that the priviledges of the House are the great barrier to the priviledges of the people, and whenever those are broken down, the people’s liberties will fall an easy prey. His Excellency having finished his state of facts, proceeds according to the method premised to the third and last head of discourse, which is, with his Excel­ lency the application; not ‘of the case in question, to the censure it has met with,’ tho’ the latter words seem to import this; but of the legal and constitutional powers of the Governor and Council, to the facts, in order to make his conclu­ sions. This is evidently his Excellency’s / meaning. The application is mental. The conclusions are express. The first his excellency is pleased to make is in these words. ‘This was an act which the Governor with the Council had a right to do.’ I am no great admirer of the syllogistic form of reasoning, and this dress is very uncourtly, yet all conclusive reasoning will bear the test of the schools. Let us try an experiment. His Excellency’s whole vindication may nearly in his own words be reduced to this categoric syllogism. ‘All the money for defreying the charges of the government is issued by war­ rant of the Governor with the advice of Council, without any further reference to the house of Representatives.’ The principal merchants in Salem and Marblehead were frighted with a rumour of a privateer; upon their application the Governor and Council took the alarm, fitted out an armed vessel, and by their warrant defreyed the charge out of the treasury without any reference at all to the House of Representatives.’ Therefore, 1. ‘This was an act which the Governor with the Council had a right to do.’ No man in his senses to be sure can deny the major proposition, For the word is plainly implies a right; according to Mr. Pope and other great authorities, ‘what­ ever is is right.’17 The minor is a bare recital of notorious facts; therefore the way is clear to follow his Excellency in the rest of his inferences. 2. Inference. ‘It was a legal and constitutional exercise of the powers vested in them.’ 3. ‘It was an exertion of the executive power, distinct from that of the legislative.’ 4. If it was wrong &c. His Excellency then proceeds to ask the House a very important question. But before we consider what answer may be given to that question, and probably would have been given, had there been time before the court was prorogued; I beg leave to make a few observations upon his Excellency’s three last inferences. I have carefully examined the Charter, and the laws of this / province, and think I may challenge any man to show any thing in either, that gives the least colour of right to the Governor and Council, to fit out an armed vessel to cruize upon

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the high seas, at the expence of the province, or to grant a bounty for inlisting the seamen, or to impress them when they won’t inlist fast enough, as in the case of the ship King George, or to make an establishment for the officers and seamens wages, much less to issue the money from the treasury for defreying these charges by warrant of the Governor and Council, without any reference to the House of Representatives, who must upon supposition of such powers be strangers, total strangers to the expence thus brought upon the province. But we are told that ‘this is an exertion of the executive power of the govern­ ment, distinct from the legislative.’ I am as much for keeping up the distinction between the executive and legis­ lative powers as possible. Happy, very happy, would it be for this poor province, if this distinction was more attended to than it ever yet has been. I am heartily rejoiced however, that his Excellency seems here to discountenance and explode the doctrine that some among us have taken great pains to inculcate, viz. that in the recess of the general assembly the whole power of the three branches devolves upon the Governor and Council. If I may compare small things with great, without offence, this doctrine is as absurd as if a man should assert that in the recess of parliament, the whole power of parliament is devolved upon the King and the House of Lords. Had such a doctrine always prevailed in Eng­ land, we should have heard nothing of the oppressions and misfortunes of the Charles’s and James’s; The revolution would never have taken place; the genius of William the third would have languished in the fens of Holland, or evaporated in the plains of Flanders; the names of three George’s would doubtless have been immortal; but Great-Britain to this day might have been in chains / and dark­ ness, unblessed with their influence. I take it for granted therefore, his Excellency must mean by ‘power of the government,’ not the power of the whole province in great and general court assembled, but only the executive power of the Governor and Council, distinct from the legislative, as just explained by him. Names are sometimes confounded with things by the wisest of men. It is however of little importance what the power is called, if the exercise of it be lawful. If the power of taxing is peculiar to the general assembly, if the charter has confined it to the general assembly, as I think it evidently does, and this act of the Governor and Council is a tax upon every inhabitant, as it clearly is, being paid out of money raised by their representatives upon them for other purposes, which must remain unsatisfied; and so much more must be raised upon them as is thus taken away: It follows that as all taxation ought to originate in the House; this act of the Gov­ ernor and Council is so far from being an executive act peculiar to them, that it is evidently taking upon them in their executive capacity, or what other name else, you are pleased to give it, a power not only confined by the charter, law and constitution of the province, to the general assembly or legislative body of the

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province, but so far confined to one branch of that body, that it can lawfully and constitutionally originate only in the House. If therefore his act was wrong and ill-advised, which I think has been abun­ dantly proved, whether his Excellency will be pleased to admit it or not; it could ‘amount to more than an improper application of the publick money by those who have lawful authority to apply such money to the public purposes.’ It is granted, should the treasurer without warrant do such an act, it would be no more than an improper application of the public money by one who has lawful authority to apply such money to the publick purposes, by warrant from the Governor and Council. Should the treasurer act without such warrant, he would be / account­ able. But when he has the Governor and Council’s warrant, that perhaps will justify, or at least, ought to excuse him, be the warrant right or wrong; because it would be hard to make him answerable for the conduct of his superiors, and to expect him to set himself up as a judge against the Governor and Council, one of which joins in his choice, and the other has an absolute negative upon him. But upon supposition the Governor and Council act wrong, and misapply the mon­ ies of the province, which his Excellency seems to concede, is at least a possible case. What is to be done? I agree with his Excellency that they are not liable to be called to an account, and it would be a ridiculous vanity and presumption in the House to think of any such thing. We have no body to institute a suit against the Governor and Council; no court to try such a suit; all that would be left therefore in so unhappy a case (if the priviledge of the House of joining in all issues from the treasury has been given up by former assemblies, and that is binding upon their successors, ‘which I don’t mean to admit’) is to remonstrate. This method the House have taken in the present case, rather than at this juncture reclaim their ancient priviledge of joining in all warrants for the issues from the treasury. However, I conceive that the right of joining in such warrants can never die. But to confine ourselves to his Excellency’s inferences, let us for a moment concede that this act by the Governor and Council, at most is only a misapplication of the publick monies. The conduct of the House is certainly to be justified. The Governor and Council of the province misapplying money, is a grievous event, a terrible misfortune, and a dreadful example to inferiors. It would be enough to infect seven eighths of the petty officers in the community. Whenever a pecula­ tor, great or small, should be called to an account after such an event repeated, and passed unnoticed by the House, he would at least console and comfort, nay even plume himself with such like reflections as these. / ‘My betters have done so before me. They make what applications they please of the publick money, with­ out regard to law, or the duty of their trust, and so will I.’ Tho’ with regard to the present Governor and Council, it is presumed a misapplication can proceed only from an error in judgment, which the wisest are in a degree subject to, not from any supposed pravity of inclination; yet it would be of dangerous tendency, and

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therefore a proper subject of remonstrance. A remonstrance is not an insolent and presumptuous ‘calling a Governor and Council to an account for difference of opinion only’, nor any charge of wilful evil, but only of error in judgment, and a humble endeavour to point it out; relying always upon their known goodness and wisdom, that whenever they shall discover the truth, they will readily fol­ low it. The House of Commons remonstrating (as they have sometimes done) I believe would be astonished to hear their humble petitions to the Throne called ‘hard words and groundless insinuations, &c. and viewed as calling the King to account. It is true, that the Governor and Council may do many things, if they are so disposed, which they cannot be called to an account for in this world; but this will hardly prove that they have a right to do them, especially after the whole body of the people by their Representatives complain of them as grievous. It is by no means a good inference in politicks, any more than in private life, or even in a state of nature, that a man has a right to do every thing in his natural power to do. This would be at once to make a man’s own will and his power, however obtained, the only measure of his actions. But in answer to his Excellency’s grand question, it will appear that this act, and the like instances complained of, are more than a bare misapplication of the public money; they are what the house called them ‘a method, (and they might have added a lately devised method, the first instance almost being in the case of the ship King-George, in 1760.) of making and increasing / establishments by the Governor and Council,’ in effect taking from the House their most darling priviledge, that of originating all taxes.’ ‘In short (i.e. a short method for) annihi­ lating one branch of the legislature.’ And it remains infallibly true, when once the Representatives of a people give up this priviledge, the government will very soon become arbitrary, i.e. the Governor and Council may then do every thing as they please. His Excellency asks, ‘When this distinction is considered, how can this act, right or wrong, be applied to the right of originating taxes, annihilating one branch of the legislature, and making the government arbitrary.’ His Excellency, thro’ his whole vindication, seems to speak of the single act of fitting out the sloop, and don’t once mention the establishment made for her, or the payment thereof; much less the two instances of fitting out the ship King George: All which the house had in view, as is manifest by their saying, that, ‘had this been the first instance, they might not have troubled his Excellency about it.’ How­ ever, if this was the only instance that ever had happened of such an exertion of the executive power by the Governor and Council, it seems to be very applicable to the right of originating taxes, and to have a tendency to make the Governor and Council of the province arbitrary. If the Governor and Council have a right to draw what money they please out of the treasury, under a notion of discretion which they are to exercise, as executive officers of the government; it follows,

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that for so much charge as the government incurs, by the exercise of this discre­ tionary power, by so much the province is taxed by the Governor and Council, without any privity or consent of the house; so much charge then as is incurred by this discretionary power, the house cannot be said to originate. Their right of originating taxes therefore is so far taken away; their power as to this ceasing and coming to nothing, by the Governor and Council exercising it themselves, without the house, may be said to be annihilated. / And when the power and priviledge of any branch of the legislature ceases, is taken away and annihilated, then the government is so far arbitrary. The house are so modest as only to say, ‘that in such a case it will soon become arbitrary.’ Can any man be so unreasonable as to contend that, the province is not as much taxed by the Governor and Council’s paying for this sloop out of the money already raised, as if the house had voted it? What is the difference? The people pay the reckoning whether the Governor and Council take upon them to arm vessels out of money raised for other purposes, or the house vote to raise money for arming vessels. When the money is gone out of the treasury for arm­ ing vessels, the debts of the province contracted by the three branches of the legislature must nevertheless be paid, and other monies must be levied instead of those taken away by the Governor and Council. And as according to his Excel­ lency’s distinction, there is no limitation of the discretionary expence, so long as the good of the whole, in the opinion of the Governor and Council shall require it; they may spend every farthing in the treasury, and for what they please. Sup­ pose his Excellency should judge it expedient and absolutely necessary upon the apprehension of some imminent and immediate danger (of which he is in fact absolutely by the charter the sole judge) to march all the militia to the frontiers. This he can do without even the advice of the Council. Suppose the Council, tho’ not consulted, as they need not be, as to the utility of the march, should place such absolute confidence in his Excellency’s wisdom as to sign a warrant for drawing every farthing out of the treasury for the paying and subsisting this armament. Could not as much be said for all this, as is said for fitting out the sloop? The House of Representatives, should they presume to remonstrate, might with the same propriety be given to understand that ‘there was not time to call them together’, that ‘the danger was immediate and imminent, / and in such a case there is no limitation of expence, but in proportion to the evil impending;’ ‘for the safety of the people being the supreme law, should at all events be pro­ vided for.’ Furthermore, ‘this was an act the Governor and Council had a right to do:’ ‘It is a legal and constitutional exercise of the powers vested in them’. ‘It is an exertion of the executive power of the government, distinct from the legislative.’ Nay let us go but one step further, and I think the reasoning will be compleat on the side of his Excellency, or on the side of the House. All things are possible, and

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when his Excellency and the Council we are now blessed with, are taken from us, we may have a Governor and Council, that after they have given out orders to array and march the militia, and by warrant drawn all the money out of the treasury, may alter their minds as to the imminent, danger, lay by the expedition, but instead of replacing the money in the treasury, divide and pocket it among themselves. The reader no doubt starts at such a supposition, ’tis only a bare possibility as stated. The House might possibly remonstrate in such a case. But I hold that upon the principles advanced by his Excellency, it would be wrong in them so to do, and that it ought to be taken for a satisfactory answer, That ‘if it were wrong and ill advised in the Governor and Council (thus to convert all the treasure of the province to their own use, which they might not mean to admit) yet it would amount to no more than a very improper application of the publick money, by those who had lawful authority to apply such money to the publick purposes.’ ‘When this distinction is considered, how could such an act, whether right or wrong, be applied to the right of originating taxes, annihilating one branch of the legislature, and making the government arbitrary.’ Perhaps such future Gov­ ernor not understanding law distinctions so well as his Excellency our present Governor, might expressly add, and so good Messieurs Representatives you have nothing to do but to supply the / treasury again, tax the many headed monster* once more, and when you have done it, the first moment I think fit I’ll draw it all out again, under colour of some sudden imminent danger; and if you don’t like it; you may e’en go h—g yourselves, as they at least most certainly would richly deserve, who should tamely submit to such usage. To conclude. Would all plantation Governors reflect upon the nature of a free government, and the principles of the British constitution, as now happily established, and practice upon those principles, instead (as most of them do) of spending their whole time in extending the prerogative beyond all bounds; they would serve the King their master much better, and make the people under their care infinitely happier. Strange it is, that when King’s and many other mighty men have fallen in their attempts upon the liberties of the people of Great Britain, that plantation Governor’s don’t all consider the Act of 13th of George the second, Chapter vii. which is a plain declaration of the British parliament, that the subjects in the colonies are intitled to all the privileges of the people of Great Britain. By this act of parliament even Foreigners having lived seven years in any of the Brit­ ish colonies, are deemed natives, on taking the oaths of allegiance, &c. and are declared by said act to be his Majesty’s natural born subjects of the kindom of Great Britain, to all intents, constructions and purposes, as if any or every of *

An opprobious Name by some given to the People.

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them had been, or were born within the kingdom. The reasons given for this naturalization of foreigners, in the preamble of the act are, that ‘the increase of the people is the means of advancing the wealth and strength of any nation or country, and that many foreigners and strangers, from the lenity of our govern­ ment, the purity of our religion, the benefit of our laws, the advantages of our trade, and the security of our property, might be induced to come and settle in some of his Majesty’s colonies in America, if they were made partakers of the / advantages and priviledges which the natural born subjects of this realm do there enjoy.’ Nor is any new priviledge given by this act to the natives of the colonies, it is meerly as to them a declaration of what they are intitled to by the common law, by their several charters, by the law of nature and nations, and by the law of God, as might be shown at large, had I time or room. All settled attempts therefore, against the liberty of the subject, in any of the plantations, must end in the ruin of the Governor who makes them; at least they will render his administration as uneasy to himself, as unhappy for the people. It is therefore the indispensable duty of every one, and will be the sincere endeavour of every honest man, to promote the utmost harmony between the three branches of the legislature, that they may be a mutual support to each other, and the orna­ ment, defence and glory of the people Providence has committed to their care. I am convinced that if his Excellency will in all cases take the advice of the general assembly, (which however contemptibly some may affect to speak of it, is the great council of this province, as the British parliament is of the kingdom) that his administration will be crowned with all the success he can desire. But if instead of this, the advice of half a dozen, or half a score, who among their fellow citizens may be chiefly distinguished by their avarice, ignorance, pride or inso­ lence, should at any time obtain too much weight at court, the consequences will be very unfortunate on all sides. Had the writer of these sheets any thing to ask or fear from his Excellency, for himself, a very slender modern politician would quickly perceive the incompat­ ability of this performance with a court interest. That he has done every thing he could in his small sphere to make his Excellency’s administration prosperous to him and happy for the people, abundant proofs have been given; and they will one day be convincing to his Excellency. He has never opposed his Excellency in any / thing but what he would have opposed his own Father in. And he takes this opportunity publickly to declare, that in all his legal and constitutional meas­ ures, his Excellency shall find him a fast tho’ humble friend and servant: But the Liberty of his country, and the Rights of mankind, he will ever vindicate to the utmost of his capacity and power.

FINIS.

POWNALL, ‘GENERAL PROPOSITIONS’

John Pownall, ‘General Propositions: Form and Constitution of Government to be Established in the New Colonies’ (1763). William L. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, MI, Shelburne Papers.

The French and Indian and Seven Years War brought to wider attention the long-term problems of revenue raising and administration in a widely flung and loosely constituted empire. It also raised a broad consensus in Britain on the necessity for reform of colonial trade and customs in particular and of imperial governance in general. One of Britain’s most radical reformers at this time was John Pownall. Pownall, born in 1724 or 1725, was younger brother of Thomas Pownall, Governor of Massachusetts from August 1757 to June 1760. He left Lincoln Grammar School aged 16 or 17 for a clerkship in the Board of Trade. By 1745 he was solicitor and clerk of reports and from 1748 proved himself an able assistant of the activist the Earl of Halifax. He was made joint secretary of the Board of Trade with Thomas Hill in 1753 and full secretary when Hill died in 1758. Pownall retained his place under Halifax’s successors, lords Shelburne and Hillsborough, and played a key role in the policy reformulations of 1763, pro­ ducing a ‘Sketch of a Report concerning the Cesions in Africa and America at the Peace of 1763’ as well as the ‘General Propositions: Form and Constitution of the Government to be Established in the New Colonies’, reproduced here. The new colonies acquired or affirmed as British in the 1763 Peace of Paris and to which Pownall refers are: Quebec, St John’s Island, Cape Breton, the trans-Appalachian west, East and West Florida, Dominica, Grenada, St Vin­ cent, Tobago (the Ceded Isles), Senegal and Goree in Africa and Pondicherry in India. Most would have agreed with Pownall’s general opening point that royal rather than private government was ‘the most advantageous to the State in gen’l, and would be the most eligible to the Colonies’ (below, p. 229). He also notes, however, that altho’ it is too true that under this Form many Errors and unconstitutional Regu­ lations and practices have taken place and prevailed, yet it is as true that these do not necessarily arise out of the form of Government itself, but from the Ignorance in – 227 –

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What Pownall appreciated perhaps more than most was that in older colonies habits of autonomy and representative government had set in early. His proposi­ tions aim to prevent such habits catching on in the newer colonies. He observes that the new provinces are too sparsely populated to have elected assemblies and that ‘The form of Government for the present therefore must of necessity be Oligarchical, and the Legislative as well as judicial powers must rest in the Governor and a Council’ (below, p. 229). If there was any doubt about the suit­ ability of these arrangements for closer metropolitan control, Pownall adds that the Governor and Council will only have authority to make laws in local affairs, and English law will prevail in every thing that regards the general Commerce of the Country, the Right and Liberties of the Crown and people, the Rules and proceedings in Courts of Justice, whether civil criminal or ecclesiastical, and every other great principles of Constitu­ tion relative to the important Interests of the State (below, p. 230).

Pownall had a distinguished career after 1763. He advised on the location of the Proclamation Line of 1763, consulted with Charles Jenkinson (later Lord Liv­ erpool), who helped draw up colonial taxation measures, advocated creation of the American Department and became its undersecretary (under Hillsborough) in 1768. Under the inexperienced Lord Dartmouth from 1772, Pownall virtu­ ally ran the American Department himself, formulating the British response to the Gaspée Incident of 1772 and, even more consequentially, helping formulate responses to the Boston Tea Party of December 1773, in particular the Boston Port Act and the appointment of Thomas Gage as military governor. When the War of Independence began, in no small part a result of Pownall’s efforts, he sought a ‘less fatiguing situation’ and was elected MP for St German’s in 1775 and appointed excise commissioner in 1776 and commissioner of customs from 1785 to his retirement in 1788. He died in London in 1795.1 Notes: 1. F. B. Wickwire, ‘John Pownall and British Colonial Policy’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 20:4 (October 1963), pp. 543–54.

General Propositions Form and Constitution of Government to be established in the new Colonies There can be no doubt but that the Form of Constitution of Governmt’ which has been established in all those Colonies which are under the immediate Gov­ ernment of the Crown, is in every respect the most advantageous to the State in gen’l, and would be the most eligible to the Colonies – for, altho’ it is too true that under this Form many Errors and unconstitutional Regulations and practices have taken place and prevailed, yet it is as true that these do not neces­ sarily arise out of the form of Government itself, but from the Ignorance in some Cases of ill designs in other of those who have administred Government / under this Form. The late erected Colonies of Nova Scotia and Georgia1exhibit a clear proof of the truth of this observation, in which the true Constitution, both in principle of practice, has been established and preserved by the great attention of Government at home to check all Irregularities and unnessary Deviations from the Constitution of the Mother Country in their Infancy, and by the prudence, moderation and good Sense of those who were early entrusted with the Admin­ istration of Governm’t upon the Spot. At present however the new Colonies. are not, nor will they for some time, be in a Capacity to receive the full Impression of this free Constitution to its full Extent, for either they are not Inhabited at all, or by such as are under a legal dis­ ability of being admitted efficient members / of the Community so as to act in any Judicial or legislative Capacity. The form of Government for the present therefore must of necessity be Oligar­ chical, and the Legislative as well as judicial powers must rest in the Governor and a Council, the latter to consist of twelve, and to be either appointed by the Crown as the Councils are in all the Colonies, or to be elected by the Suffrages of such British born Subjects as shall be resident in the new Colonies, in the same manner as was practiced in the case of Jamaica when a civil Government was established there upon the Restoration of Charles the 2’d; but in this case of Eleven under the restriction of a negative voice in the Gov’t upon such Election. As to the Legislature it must be understood that it is not meant that the Governor and Council shall extend their authority in those cases beyond the making By-Laws / and Orders in respect to matters merely incident to local internal Police and Regulation, and that in every thing that regards the general Commerce of the Country, the Right and Liberties of the Crown and people, – 229 –

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the Rules and proceedings in Courts of Justice, whether civil criminal or ecclesi­ astical, and every other great principles of Constitution relative to the important Interests of the State, the Laws of England shall take place and be observed with the greatest care and exactness and indeed it would have been happier for this Country and for the Colonies themselves had this Rule been close attended to even in those Colonies which were in a natural or political Capacity to admit of a more enlarged Legislature. In respect to Legislature, this Rule of Government may, it is conceived, to be observed in all / the new Colonies upon the Continent without exception, being equally applicable to all; but it may, and properly will admit of some deviation in the Islands, because in them are many cases arising out of the peculiar Situa­ tion and Circumstances, more particularly that of Slavery, to which the Laws of England do not apply themselves.

Note. a great deal to be added which Mr. Pownall has not finished.

Docket:

About the Form of Government to be established in the New Colonies.

EDITORIAL NOTES

Hopkins, Address to the People of New-England 1. I perceive that GOD … APOSTLE PETER: Acts 10:34, 35. 2. Mr. John SERGEANT: Rev. John Sergeant (1710–49) first visited the Housatonic Indi­ ans in Wnahktukook (Stockbridge) in October 1734, on behalf of the commissioners for Indian Affairs of the Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians of North America, also known as the New England Company, persuading them to build a church and school for the teaching of Christianity and English civilization. He returned perma­ nently in July 1635 (giving up tutoring at Yale College) to continue his missionary work. Ezra Stiles declined his widow Abigail’s offer to replace him after his death and in 1750 he was succeeded by Jonathan Edwards (see note 5 below). See Y. Kawashima, ‘SER­ GEANT, John’, in American National Biography, ed. J. A. Garraty and M. C. Carnes, 24 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), vol. 19, pp. 643–4. 3. Canada: i.e. French Canada, or Quebec. 4. the Five Nations: The Five Nations of the Iroquois League (dating from the sixteenth century or earlier), also called the Haudenosaunee and the People of the Longhouse, comprised the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca nations. The league became the Six Nations when the Tuscarora joined in 1722, after migrating north from their ancestral homes in North Carolina following the Tuscarora War of 1711–13. 5. the Rev. Mr. Edwards has been at Stockbridge: Rev. Jonathan Edwards (1703–58) replaced Sergeant as chief missionary to the Housatonic Indians in 1750. Edwards was one of early America’s foremost theologians and writers. 6. the poor Man half dead, who fell among Theives: Luke 10:30 reads ‘And Jesus answering said, A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among thieves, which stripped him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half dead’.

Mayhew, A Sermon 1. WILLIAM SHIRLEY, Esq: William Shirley (1694–1771) was governor of Massachu­ setts from 1741 to 1759. During the Seven Years War he was commander-in-chief of North American forces and in 1755 was responsible for the forced removal of 12,000 Arcadians from Nova Scotia. The following year he was recalled but exonerated and went on to serve as governor of the Bahamas form 1761 to 1769. 2. whatever powers … by the great Lord and Proprietor of all: see Cummings, The Character of a Righteous Ruler, in Volume 3 of this collection, pp. 79–93. – 231 –

232 3.

4.

5.

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

Notes to pages 31–52 oses … father-in-law Jethro in Midian: Moses married Zipporah, daughter of Jethro, M priest of Midian, in the north-east of the Arabian Peninsula, where Moses spent 40 years in exile. Volt. Age of L. XIV: François-Marie Arouet (1694–1778), also called by his nom de plume of Voltaire, French Enlightenment philosopher, historian, poet and playwright whose The Age of Louis XIV (Le siècle de Louis XIV) was published in 1751. Harrington: James Harrington (1611–77), English political philosopher most famous for The Commonwealth of Oceana (1656). This citation comes from The Prerogative of Popular Government. A Political Discourse in Two Books (1658), Book I, ch. 12: ‘Whether Courses or a Rotation be necessary to a well-order’d Commonwealth. In which is contain’d the Courses or Parembole of Israel before the Captivity, together with the Epitome of Athens and Venice’. ‘to reign in righteousness’: Isaiah 32:1. ‘unto whomsoever … much be required’: Luke 12:48. ‘Shall not the judge of all the earth do right!’: Genesis 18:25. hand upon the wall: Nehemiah 12:31. ‘son of man … holy angels with Him!’: Matthew 25:31. the kings of the earth … the mighty men: Revelation 6:15. the Revolution … an hereditary tyrant: A reference to the Glorious Revolution of 1688, then often referred to simply as ‘the Revolution’. Sir Thomas Moore … never to compass it: Thomas More, also called Sir and Saint Thomas More (1478–1535), English writer and statesman, lord chancellor to Henry VIII from 1529 to 1532, eventually executed for treason. The reference is to his Utopia, Book II, ‘Of Their Magistrates’ and ‘Of Their Slaves, and of Their Marriages’, published in Latin in 1516, and in English in 1555. the glory of Lebanon … Carmel and of Sharon: Isaiah 35:2. ‘the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing’: Daniel 4:35. ‘eyes ever view … who loveth righteousness’: Psalm 11:4 and 11:7. ‘attend continually upon this very thing’: Romans 13:6. ‘Woe unto you … child of hell, &c’: Matthew 23:5. What union can do … for the common safety: a reference to the inter-colonial Albany Congress that met in 1754 to discuss the French and Indian threat in the north-west. Mayhew appears to advocate forming a union following the example of the Nether­ lands. ‘Judah said unto Simeon … went with him’: Judges 1:3. ‘the meek inheriting the earth!’: Matthew 5:5 (recounting the Sermon on the Mount). ‘What has pride profited … vaunting brought you’: Wisdom 5:8. ‘except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved’: Acts 27:31. ‘give a cup of cold water … of a disciple’: Matthew 10:42. ‘if the be first a willing … he hath not’: 2 Corinthians 8:12. ‘As we have many members … that which is good’: Romans 12:4–9. ‘inherit the promises’: Hebrews 6:12. ‘he is faithful that has promised’: Hebrews 10:23. ‘All that cometh is vanity’: Ecclesiastes 11:8. ‘favour is deceitful, and beauty is vain’: Proverbs 31:30 ‘All things are full of change’: a phrase attributed to Shaka Nyoria (Buddha), the founder of Buddhism. ‘The fashion of the world passeth away’: 1 Corinthians 7:31.

Notes to pages 52–63

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33. God alone … shadow of turning: James 1:17. 34. ‘of whom … are all things’: Romans 1:36. 35. ‘put down all rule … that GOD may be All in All’: 1 Corinthians 15:24–8.

[Shebbeare], Three Letters to the People of England 1. Hoc illud est præcipue … Tit. Liv.: Titus Livius, or Livy (59 bc–ad 17), Roman histo­ rian, author of Ab Urbe Condita Libri (History of Rome) covering the period from the legendary origins of the city before 753 bc to the reign of Augustus up to 9 bc. The quote comes from the Praefatio to Livy’s History. 2. Quo ruis? inquit … Virg. Æneid: Publius Virgil Maro (70–19 bc), also known as Virgil or Vergil, Roman poet. The quote is from his Aeneidos (Aeneid), II.520–2. 3. Torpere ultra … Tacit.: Publius (or Gaius) Cornelius Tacitus (ad c. 56–117), senator and historian of the Roman Empire. The quote is from his Histories, II.76. 4. The Philippics of Demosthenes: Demosthenes (384–322 bc), Greek statesman and ora­ tor, who produced his Philippics in opposition to the expansionism of Philip II, King of Macedon. He also later opposed Philip’s son, Alexander the Great. 5. X enophon has described them: Xenophon (c. 430–354 bc), Athenian soldier and histo­ rian, The Cyropaedia was his biography of Cyrus the Great of Persia (c. 600 or 576–530 bc); Shebbeare refers to Xenophon’s Anabasis, also known as The Persian Expedition or The March Up Country. 6. Darius … Alexander and a few Macedonians: Darius III (Artashata) (c. 380–330 bc) was the last king of the Achaemenid Empire of Persia from 336 to 330 bc, conquered by Alexander III of Macedon (356–323 bc), also known as Alexander the Great. The particular battle referred to here was the Battle of Issus, in southern Anatolia, November 333 bc. 7. Marathon … six hundred thousand Persians: the Battle of Marathon, 490 bc. 8. naval Victory of Themistocles: the Battle of Salamis, again between the Greeks and Per­ sians, September 480 bc. 9. Attic Wit: or ‘Attic salt’, referring to the reputedly laconic humour of ancient Athenians. 10. The present Sovereign of Prussia: Frederick II (1712–86), also known as Frederick the Great, King of Prussia from 1740 until his death. 11. the cold, conceited, disputatious, man-loving Scot: James VI and I (1566–1625), King of Scotland from 1567 and England from 1603. 12. Trajan and Antoninus Pius: Trajan or Marcus Ulpius Nerva Traianus (ad 53–117), Roman Emperor from January 98 to his death. Antonius Pius or Titus Aurelius Fuluus Boionius Arrius Antonius (ad 86–161), Roman Emperor from 138 to his death. These were two of the ‘Five Good Emperors’, the others being Nerva or Marcus Cocceius Nerva (ad c. 30–98), ruler from 96; Hadrian or Publius Aelius Hadrianus (ad 76–138), ruler from 117; and Marcus Aurelius (ad 121–180) ruler from March 161. 13. the M—r: Thomas Pelham-Hollis (1693–1768) was appointed secretary of state for the Southern Department by Robert Walpole in 1724 and remained in that post until 6 March 1754 when he succeeded his brother, Henry Pelham, as prime minister. He was replaced by the Duke of Devonshire in November 1756 after a poor start to the French and Indian and Seven Years wars, but returned in July 1757 as William Pitt had failed to secure Devonshire a majority in the House of Commons. He was finally replaced by Lord Bute in May 1762.

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Notes to pages 63–86

14. E—l of G—e’s: George, Earl Grenville (1712–70), MP from 1741; a lord of the Treasury from June 1747; treasurer of the Navy and privy councillor from 1754; secretary of state for the Northern Department from May 1762, and lord of the Admiralty from October; and Chancellor of the Exchequer from 16 April 1763 to 13 July 1765, during the Sugar Act and early Stamp Act crises. 15. the two Brothers: Thomas Pelham-Hollis (see note 13 above) and Henry Pelham (1694– 1754), prime minister from 27 August 1743 to his death. 16. Admiral Boscawen: Admiral Edward Boscawen (1711–61). 17. Admiral Holbourne: Admiral Sir Francis Holburne (c. 1704–71). 18. Grotius and Puffendorf: Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Dutch jurist and author of De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War and Peace, 1625) and Mare Liberum (The Free Sea, 1609); Samuel von Pufendorf (1632–94), German jurist, author of De jure naturae et gentium (Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 1672). 19. Mr. Hawke’s: Edward Hawke, first Baron Hawke (1705–81). 20. General Braddock: General Edward Braddock (1695–1755) lost the Battle of the Wilderness by the Monongahela River on 9 July 1755, with 456 men killed and 422 wounded of a force of 1,300. Braddock too died of his wounds a few days later. 21. a certain Quaker: The Quaker referred to here is Thomas Penn (1702–75), son of Wil­ liam Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania, and himself proprietor of Pennsylvania after William’s death on 30 July 1718. 22. the Governor of Virginia: Formally, the governor was Willem Anne van Keppel, second Earl of Albemarle, who was absent throughout his 1737 to 1754 tenure. His lieutenant governor from 1751 was Robert Dinwiddie (1693–1770), who continued to act as gov­ ernor after Keppel’s death in December 1754 and as deputy to John Campbell, fourth Earl of Loudon (1705–82), from July 1756 until he retired to England in January 1758. 23. Fort Lequesne: Fort Lequesne was and is usually referred to as Fort Duquesne. It was captured by the British in 1758, burned, and replaced by Fort Pitt at the site that came to be Pittsburg. 24. Tantum ille potuit suadere malorum: ‘That which is so potent in persuading to evil deeds’ (Latin). 25. Mr. Huske’s Map of North-America: John Huske (c. 1721–73), ‘A new and accurate map of North America: wherein the errors of all proceeding British, French and Dutch maps … are corrected, humbly inscribed to the honorable Charles Townshend …’, in Huske, The Present State of North America &c. (1755). 26. the Panic at Preston Pans: The Battle of Prestonpans in East Lothian, 21 September 1745, was the first major engagement of the Jacobite uprising of that year and a victory for the Jacobites. 27. as they did at Culloden: The final engagement of the Jacobite uprising was the Battle of Culloden in which royal forces routed the rebels on 16 April 1746. 28. Monsieur Machault: Jean Baptiste de Machault d’Arnouville (1701–93), French secre­ tary of the Navy from 1754 to 1757. 29. the Trojans who neglected the Prophecies of Cassandra: In Greek mythology Cassandra was granted powers of prophecy by Apollo but was also cursed to the effect that no one would believe her, including her prediction of the fall of Troy in the Trojan War. 30. Ne quid Detrimenti capiat Respublica: ‘Lest the State suffer any injury’ (Latin). 31. Hundred-handed Briareus: In Greek mythology Briareus was one of the hundred-handed and fifty-headed Heatonchires.

Notes to pages 88–103

235

32. Dalecarlian Savages under Gustavus the Swede: Dalecalians were from Dalarna in northern Sweden, previously part of Norway, and spoke a dialect close to Norwegian. Gustavus Adolphus (1594–1632) was King of Sweden from 1611 and was killed in the Thirty Years War. 33. like the Teeth of the Dragon, sown by Cadmus: In Greek, Roman and Phoenician mythol­ ogies Cadmus or Kadmos was a Phoenician Prince and founder of Thebes. He founded the city after following a cow until it lay down exhausted. He then sent companions to a water spring where they were killed by the spring’s water dragon. Cadmus killed the dragon and sowed its teeth in the ground and from them sprang a race of warriors named Spartes (meaning ‘sown’). By throwing a stone among them Cadmus killed all but five of them by making them attack each other. The survivors helped him build the citadel and founded the city’s nobility. 34. Euclid: Euclid, second- or third-century bc Greek mathematician. 35. like the Leaves of the Sibyl: The Sibylline Oracles were originally a 14-volume (12 surviv­ ing) collection of the supposedly prophetic utterances of the Sibyls in religious frenzy. 36. like Pelion upon Ossa: Pelion is a mountain in south-eastern Thessaly in central Greece. In Greek mythology, the giants Otus and Ephialtes piled Mount Pelion upon Mount Ossa in an attempt to reach Mount Olympus, providing a proverbial instance of huge but wasted effort. 37. Tacitus, Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit, quotidie pascit: Tacitus, De Vita lulii Agricolae (The Life of Agricola, ad c. 98), I.31. The work comprises biographical notes about Tacitus’s father-in-law, especially his campaign in Britain. 38. like Prometheus … devouring her Vitals: In Greek mythology Prometheus was a Titan and was brother of Atlas. He stole fire from Zeus to give to mortals, for which Zeus pun­ ished him by tying him to a rock so that an eagle would eat out his liver each day, after which it would regenerate to be eaten again the next day. 39. Virtu contra … ancor morte: Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (1469–1527), Ital­ ian political philosopher, Il Principe or The Prince (written 1513, published 1532), from the end of ch. 26, ‘An Exhortation to Deliver Italy from the Barbarians’. The last line by Machiavelli reads ‘Negl’ Italici’ but has been adapted by Shebbeare. 40. Theseus: Theseus was the legendary king who founded Athens. 41. Archons: Orchons were chief magistrates in Greek city states, though the word also had a more general meaning of ‘ruler’. 42. Pisistratus: Pisistratos (various alternative spellings) was a tyrant who ruled Athens from 561 to 555 bc, when he was exiled for three to six years. He then ruled another one to six years before being exiled again, and ruled finally from 546 until he died in 527 or 528 bc. 43. Solon: Solon (638–558 bc) was an Athenian statesman and poet. 44. Alcibiades: Alcibiades Cleiniou Scambonides (c. 450–404 bc), Athenian democratic general, orator and statesman. 45. Thrasybulus: Thrasybulus (d. 388 bc), Athenian elected general and democratic leader in the struggles against oligarchs. He worked with Alcibiades. 46. Philip, King of Macedon: King Philip II of Macedon (382–336 bc) conquered large swathes of territory in south-eastern Europe before being assassinated. He was the father of Alexander the Great and Philip III. 47. Decemviri: ‘ten men’ (Latin), referring here to the ten-man Decemviri Legisbus Scribun­ dis Consulari Imperio of 452–451 bc and a second Decemviri of 450 bc that drew up Lex Duodecim Tabularum (Law of the Twelve Tables), which provided the basis of Roman constitutionalism for several subsequent centuries.

236

Notes to pages 103–44

48. the celebrated Author of De l’Esprit des Loix: Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de Mon­ tesquieu (1689–1755), De L’Esprit des Lois [or Loix] (1748), translated as The Spirit of the Laws. 49. Janizaries: The Janizaries were a Turkish military force dating to 1330 originally com­ prised of Christians who had been kidnapped or made prisoners of war who were forcibly converted to Islam. It was dissolved in 1826. 50. the Duke and Dutchess of Marlborough: John Churchill, first Duke of Marlborough (1650–1722), and Sarah Churchill, née Jennings or Jenyns, Duchess of Marlborough (1660–1744), a close friend of Queen Anne. 51. a War on the Continent: the War of the Spanish Succession, 1701–14. 52. Moloch: Moloch is a Semitic word for a god or king requiring sacrifices, in particular those involving fire. 53. as Hamlet says of Hecuba: Hecuba was a queen in Greek mythology. She is mentioned in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, II.ii.501. 54. the Ruins of Lisbon: Referring to the Lisbon earthquake of 1 November 1755. 55. Solomon’s: King Solomon (c. 1011–c. 932 bc), King of Israel from c. 971 to 931, and son of King David. 56. Catiline: Catiline or Lucius Sergius Catilina (108–62 bc), Roman politician involved in the Catiline Conspiracy to overthrow the Republic. 57. Cæsar: Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus (63 bc–ad 14), first Roman Emperor from 27 bc to ad 14. 58. him, whose unwearied Diligence … serve his Country only: William Shirley (1694–1771), governor of Massachusetts from 1741 to 1759, and Sir William Mildmay (1705–71/2), English lawyer and writer, were commissioners in Paris for settling the limits of Nova Scotia in 1750 to 1755. They in fact produced a several memorials during this time. It is likely that Shirley was the particular commissioner referred to here, and Mildmay has become known as the forgotten one. See E. Robbie, The Forgotten Commissioner: Sir William Mildmay and the Anglo-French Commission of 1750–1755 (East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2003). 59. the Sword of Michael: the weapon the Archangel Michael used to defeat Satan and cast him into hell.

[McCulloh], Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

The Fatal Consequences … Publick Affairs: The Fatal Consequences of the Want of System in the Conduct of Public Affairs was published anonymously in London in 1757. Five Indian Nations: see note 4 to Hopkins, Address to the People of New England, above, p. 231. the Great Sully: Maximilien de Béthune, duc de Sully (1560–1641), French soldier, min­ ister and a Huguenot and ally of King Henry IV. there have been some Alterations made since 1748: a reference to the more activist imperial policy adopted since the appointment in 1748 of George Montagu-Dunk, second Earl of Halifax (1706–71), as chairman of the Board of Trade. Lord Sommers: John Somers, first Baron Somers (1651–1716), was solicitor general in 1689, a privy councillor from 1693, one of the lords justices appointed to govern in Wil­ liam III’s absence overseas in 1695, lord high chancellor and Baron Somers of Evesham from 1697, and helped shape the Glorious Revolution settlement, the Union of England

Notes to pages 144–64

237

and Scotland, and the Hanoverian Succession. He retired after William’s death in March 1702. 6. Mr. Locke: John Locke (1632–1704), English physician and philosopher, was secretary to the Council of Trade and Plantations in 1673–4 and member of the Board of Trade from its creation in 1696 to 1700, as well as one of the writers of the Fundamental Con­ stitutions of Carolina (1669) and secretary to the lords proprietors of Carolina, which included Locke’s patron and co-author of the Fundamental Constitutions, Anthony Ashley-Cooper, first Earl Shaftesbury (1621–83). 7. Gaspesie: Gaspésie is a region in eastern Quebec.

Smith, Discourses on Several Public Occasions 1. ‘came into all the country … Remission of Sins’: Luke 3:3. 2. ‘the voice of one crying … Salvation of God!’: Luke 3:4–6. 3. ‘for that the Salvation of God was at hand’: Luke 21:31; Mark 1:15; Matthew 3:2. 4. They were, no doubt … follow after him: Luke 3:16. 5. ‘to muse in their hearts whether John himself were the Christ’: Luke 3:15. 6. ‘a Multitude of them came forth, to be baptized of him’: Luke 3:7. 7. ‘O generation of vipers … wrath which is to come?’: Luke 3:7. 8. ‘we have Abraham … children to Abraham’: Luke 3:8. 9. ‘For the ax is already … cast into the fire’: Luke 3:9. 10. ‘what shall we do then’: Luke 3:10. 11. ‘He answered … let him do likewise’: Luke 3:11. 12. ‘Master, what shall we do?’: Luke 3:12. 13. ‘exact no more than what is appointed you’: Luke 3:13. 14. ‘demanding of him likewise … content with your wages’: Luke 3:14. 15. ‘verily I say unto you they shall have their reward’: Matthew 6:5. 16. Lord Loudon: John Campbell, fourth Earl of Loudon (1705–82), was commander-in­ chief in North America and governor general of Virginia from 1756, but after he called off an expedition to take Louisburg as there was little chance of success against superior numbers, and after the French took Fort William Henry, Loudon was replaced by James Abercrombie (1706–81). 17. ‘shadow of death’: Luke 1:17; Matthew 4:16. 18. ‘obedience for Conscience-sake’: Romans 13:5. 19. the glorious battle of the Boyn: The Battle of the Boyne, 1 July 1690 (old-style Julian cal­ endar), 12 July 1690 (new-style Gregorian calendar). 20. ‘the Heathen for an inheritance … for a possession’: Psalm 2:8. 21. Brigadier-General Forbes: John Forbes (1707–59) captured Fort Duquesne on 15 September 1758, burned it, built Fort Pitt, and named the site Pittsborough, now Pitts­ burgh. 22. Braddock’s field: see note 20 to Shebbeare, Three Letters to the People of England, above, p. 234. 23. ‘no one, says he … resentments against the foe’: Publius (or Gaius) Cornelius Tacitus (ad c. 56–117), senator and historian of the Roman Empire. The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, also known as the Varian Disaster (after Roman General Publius Quinctilius Varus), occurred in ad 9 when Germanic tribes attacked three Roman legions, begin­ ning a seven-year war that pushed the Roman Empire back behind the Rhine. Tacitus wrote about it in The Annals (109) and the quote here is from Book I, 62.1.

238 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

38. 39.

40. 41.

42. 43.

Notes to pages 168–88 ‘those who turn the battle from our gates’: Isaiah 28:6. ‘Yet have I set my king … for thy possession’: Psalm 2:6–8. ‘to be the power of God unto salvation!’: Romans 1:16. ‘glad tidings of salvation’: Ephesians 1:13. ‘the promises of God in Christ are all Yea and Amen’: 2 Corinthians 1:20. ‘that they may receive … faith that is in Him’: Acts 26:18. ‘That it is the eternal purpose … our Lord Jesus Christ’: appears to be an amalgamation of biblical quotes. Longinus: Longinus or pseudo-Longinus (as his real name and identity is unknown) lived in the first, second or third century ad and was author of On the Sublime. Some attribute the work to Cassius Longinus, a third-century student of Plotinus (ad 204–270), who was an Egyptian-born Neoplatonist philosopher who may have been of Roman or Greek descent, and some to Dionysius Hamicarnasus (c. 60–after 7 bc), Greek historian and teacher of rhetoric. ‘ashamed of the Gospel of Christ’: Romans 1:16. ‘containing the words of eternal life’: John 6:69. ‘sharper than a two-edged Sword’: Hebrews 4:12. ‘For, whether there be Tongues … it shall vanish away’: 1 Corinthians 13:8. ‘the Heathen be given him … for a possession’: Psalm 2:8 (as opened Discourse V, see p. 171 above). And, mid the roses … Her horrid crest: James Thomson (1700–48), Scottish poet and playwright, ‘The Seasons: Spring’, l. 996. Thomson wrote ‘Winter’ in 1725, ‘Summer’ in 1727, ‘Spring’ in 1728 and ‘Autumn’ in 1730. He also wrote ‘Rule, Britannia!’ among other works. ‘and their base built on stubble’: John Milton (1608–74), English poet, polemicist, civil servant, Comus: A Mask Presented at Ludlow Castle, 1634 (printed in 1637), l. 599. ‘which, being smitten … is straightaway cool again’: Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, IV.iii.110– 13. Shebbeare has rendered the quote slightly differently from the original, in which Brutus says to Cassius: ‘O Cassius, you are yoked with a lamb / That carries anger as the flint bears fire; / Who, much enforced, shows a hasty spark, / And straight is cold again.’ ‘Cry aloud, and spare not’: Isaiah 58:1. All Human Virtue … subdue at last: Alexander Pope (1688–1744), English poet, satirist and translator of Homer. The quote comes from ‘Imitations of Horace: The First Epistle of the Second Book’ (1733–8), ll. 15–18. The suns of glory please not till they set: ibid., l. 22, except that the original reads ‘Those suns’. The friends you have … false to any man: Shakespeare, Hamlet, I.iii.62–80. Shebbeare has modernized and edited the original, which reads as follows: Those friends thou hast, and their adoption tried,

Grapple them unto thy soul with hoops of steel;

But do not dull thy palm with entertainment

Of each new-hatch’d, unfledg’d comrade. Beware

Of entrance to a quarrel; but being in,

Bear’t that th’ opposed may beware of thee.

Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice;

Take each man’s censure, but reserve thy judgment.

Notes to pages 188–207

239

Costly thy habit as thy purse can buy,

But not express’d in fancy; rich, not gaudy;

For the apparel oft proclaims the man,

And they in France of the best rank and station

Are most select and generous, chief in that.

Neither a borrower nor a lender be;

For loan oft loses both itself and friend,

And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry.

This above all- to thine own self be true,

And it must follow, as the night the day,

Thou canst not then be false to any man.

44. Farewel! my Blessing season these things with you: Hamlet, I.iii.86.

Otis, A Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives 1.

‘Let such, such only … and be Poor’: Alexander Pope (see note 41 to Smith, Discourses on Several Public Occasions, above, p. 238). The quote is from ‘Verses on a Grotto by the River Thames at Twickenham, composed of Marbles, Spars and Minerals’ (written 1740, published 1741), l. 14. This forms the inscription on the entrance to Pope’s grotto in Twickenham. 2. Amicus Socrates … Amica veritas: The adage translates as ‘Socrates is my friend, Plato is my friend, but truth is a better friend’. ‘Amicus Plato, sed magis Amica veritas’ is normally attributed to Aristotle (384–322 bc), Nichomachean Ethics, I.1096a15, paraphrased from ‘Where both are friends, it is right to prefer truth’. 3. his Excellency the Governour: Sir Francis Bernard, first Baronet (1712–79), was appointed Massachusetts governor late in 1759 and took up his post in August 1760. He served until replaced by Thomas Hutchinson in 1769. 4. Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick: Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick (1721–92), Prussian field marshal. 5. Lord Egremont: Charles Wyndham, second Earl of Egremont (1710–63), was secretary of state for the Southern Department from October 1761. 6. Sir Jeffery Amherst: Sir Jeffery Amherst, first Baron Amherst of Montreal (1717–97), commander-in-chief who captured Louisburg, Quebec City and Montreal and became the first governor general of Canada. 7. Sir Robert Filmer: Sir Robert Filmer (1588–1653), English political philosopher and most famously the author of Patriarcha, or The Natural Power of Kings, written in the 630s and 1640s and published in 1680. 8. Locke’s DISCOURSE on GOVERN’t Part II: John Locke, see note 6 to [McCulloh], Proposals for Uniting the English Colonies, above, p. 237. See his Two Treatises on Civil Government: In the Former, The False Principles of Sir Robert Filmer, and his Followers, are Detected and Overthrown. The Latter is an Essay concerning the True Original, Extent, and End of Civil-Government (1689). 9. Cardinal Richlieu’s Political Testament: Armand Jean du Plessis de Richelieu, cardinal­ duc de Richelieu (1585–1642), French chief minister under Louis XIII from 1624 to 1642. See his Political Testament (1624). 10. Mandeville’s Fable of the Bees: Bernard Mandeville, or Bernard de Mandeville (1670– 1733), Dutch-born political philosopher, economist and satirist who lived most of his

240

Notes to pages 207–29

life in England, most famous as author of The Fable of The Bees: or, Private Vices, Publick Benefits (1714) comprising his 1705 poem The Grumbling Hive: or, Knaves turn’d Honest and a discussion thereof that elucidated economic theories later made famous by Adam Smith, including the invisible hand and the division of labour, and, most relevant here, the paradox of thrift and the greater economic and social benefits of self-interest. 11. ‘The moral virtues … begot upon pride’: Mandeville, Fable of the Bees, ‘An Enquiry into the Origin of Moral Virtue’, p. 37. 12. ‘that every man has his price … you are sure of him’: an adage often attributed, as Otis seems to do here, to Sir Robert Walpole, first Earl of Orford (1676–1745), Britain’s first prime minister from 1721 to 1742. 13. arguendo: for the sake of argument. 14. Salus populi est suprema lex: ‘The safety (welfare) of the people is the supreme (or ulti­ mate or highest) law’. From Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), Roman philosopher, lawyer and statesman, De Legibus, or On the Laws, III.3.8, quoted by Locke in his Second Treatise (see note 8 above). 15. Turkish Bashaws: Turkish bashaws or pashas were military and civil officers but the term was a by-word in English for pompous and authoritarian. 16. Mazarine: Cardinal Jules Mazarin, born Giulio Raimondo Mazarino (1602–61), was an Italian diplomat politician who succeeded Richelieu (see note 9 above) and served as chief minister of France from 1742 and through the minority of Louis XIV. 17. ‘whatever is is right’: the final line of Pope, An Essay on Man, ‘Epistle I, Of the Nature and State of Man, with Respect to the Universe’ (written in 1732, published in 1734).

Pownall, ‘General Propositions’ 1.

Nova Scotia and Georgia: Nova Scotia, formerly Arcadia, was obtained by the British from the French in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, and Georgia was chartered in 1732 to the Trustees of the Province of Georgia and settled in 1733.