Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity: Essays in Honour of Peter Richardson (Studies in Christianity and Judaism, 9) 0889203563, 9780889203563

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Studies in Christianity and Judaism / Etudes sur le christianisme et le judaisme Studies in Christianity and Judaism / Etudes sur le christianisme et le judaisme publishes monographs on Christianity and Judaism in the last two centuries before the common era and the first six centuries of the common era, with a special interest in studies of their interrelationship or the cultural and social context in which they developed.

GENERAL EDITOR: Peter Richardson

University of Toronto

EDITORIAL BOARD: Paula Fredriksen

Boston University

John Gager Olivette Genest Paul-Hubert Poirier Adele Reinhartz Stephen G. Wilson

Princeton University Universite de Montreal Universite Laval McMaster University Carleton University

Studies in Christianity and Judaism / Etudes sur le christianisme et le judaisme: 9

STUDIES IN CHRISTIANITY AND JUDAISM / ETUDES SUR LE CHRISTIANISME ET LE JUDAISME Number 9

TEXT AND ARTIFACT IN THE RELIGIONS OF MEDITERRANEAN ANTIQUITY ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PETER RICHARDSON Edited by Stephen G. Wilson and Michel Desjardins

Published for the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion / Corporation Canadienne des Sciences Religieuses by Wilfrid Laurier University Press

We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program for our publishing activities.

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Text and artifact in the religions of Mediterranean antiquity: essays in honour of Peter Richardson (Studies in Christianity and Judaism = Etudes sur le christianisme etlejudaismeESCJ; v. 9) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-88920-356-3 1. Bible. N.T. - History of contemporary events. 2. Bible. N.T. - History of Biblical events. 3. Church history - Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. 4. Bible. N.T.Criticism, interpretation, etc. 5. Judaism - History - Post-exilic period, 586 B.C.A.D. 210 6. Jews in the New Testament. I. Wilson, Stephen G. II. Desjardins, Michel Robert, 1951- . III. Richardson, Peter, 1935- . IV. Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion. V. Series. BS2410.T49 2000

225.9'5

COO-930959-4

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Printed in Canada © 2000 Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion / Corporation Canadienne des Sciences Religieuses Cover design by Leslie Macredie. Front cover photograph by Graydon Snyder is the arch before the apse of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome. Floral motifs used for the back cover and section divisions are from the Eastern Gate of the Temple of Jupiter in Damascus. Photographs compliments of Silke Force. Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity has been produced from a manuscript supplied in camera-ready form by the editors. All rights reserved. No part of this work covered by the copyrights hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic or mechanical—without the prior written permission of the publisher. Any request for photocopying, recording, taping or reproducing in information storage and retrieval systems of any part of this book shall be directed in writing to the Canadian Reprography Collective, 214 King Street West, Suite 312, Toronto, Ontario M5H 3S6. Order from:

Wilfrid Laurier University Press Wilfrid Laurier University Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3C5

CONTENTS

Preface

xi

Partners in Publication

xiii

Contributors

xv Part One Peter Richardson: Writer and Teacher

1.

Giving to Peter What Has Belonged to Paul

3

MICHEL DESJARDINS

2.

The Professor's House

31

LAURENCE BROADHURST

Part Two Text and Artifact in the New Testament World 3.

Reading the Text and Digging the Past: The First Audience of Romans

35

LLOYD GASTON

4.

Peter in the Middle: Galatians 2:11-21

45

L. ANN JERVIS

5.

Phoebe, the Servant-Benefactor and Gospel Traditions

63

ROMAN GARRISON

6.

Paul and the Caravanners: A Proposal on the Mode of "Passing Through Mysia" ROBERT JEWETT

74

viii

7.

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

Benefaction Gone Wrong: The "Sin" of Ananias and Sapphira in Context

91

RICHARD S. ASCOUGH

8.

Isaiah 5:1-7, the Parable of the Tenants and Vineyard Leases on Papyrus

Ill

JOHN S. KLOPPENBORG VERBIN

9.

The Parable of the Tenants and the Class Consciousness of the Peasantry

135

WILLIAM E. ARNAL

10. Placing Jesus of Nazareth: Toward a Theory of Place in the Study of the Historical Jesus . . . . 158 HALVOR MOXNES 11. Irony, Text and Artifact: Cross and Superscription in the Passion Narratives PAULW.GOOCH 12. On the Relation of Text and Artifact: Some Cautionary Tales

176

192

JAMES D. G. DUNN

Part Three Text and Artifact in the World of Christian Origins

13. Physiotherapy of Femininity in the Acts of88888,,,

5555

WILLI BRAUN

14. Sex and the Single God: Celibacy as Social Deviancy in the Roman Period

231

CALVIN J. ROETZEL

15. "Good Luck on Your Resurrection": Beth She'arim and Paul on the Resurrection of the Dead RICHARD N. LONGENECKER

249

CONTENTS 16. The Earliest Evidence of an Emerging Christian Material and Visual Culture: The Codex, the Nomina Sacra and the Staurogram

ix

271

LARRY W. HURTADO

17. The Aesthetic Origins of Early Christian Architecture

289

GRAYDON F. SNYDER

18. "Ascent and Descent" in the Constantinian Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem

308

WENDY PULLAN

Part Four Text and Artifact in the World of Late-Antique Judaism

19. Better Homes and Gardens: Women and Domestic Space in the Books of Judith and Susann;;; ADELE REINHARTZ

5555v

20. Tyros, the "Floating Palace"

340

EHUDNETZER

21. OinOTEIOTAAIOI: Epigraphic Evidence for Jewish Defectors

354

STEPHEN G. WILSON

22. Jerusalem Ossuary Inscriptions and the Status of Jewish Proselytes

372

TERENCE L. DONALDSON

23. Behind the Names: Samaritans, loudaioi, Galileans

389

SEAN FREYNE

24- Friendship and Second Temple Jewish Sectarianism

402

WAYNE O.McCREADY

25. What Josephus Says about the Essenes in his Judean War STEVE MASON

423

x

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

26. The Archaeological Artifacts of Masada and the Credibility of Josephus

456

WILLIAM KLASSEN

27. Mishnah's Rhetoric, Other Material Artifacts of Late-Roman Galilee and the Social Formation of the Early Rabbinic Guild

474

JACK N. LIGHTSTONE

Part Five Text and Artifact in the GrecoRoman World

28. Some Thoughts on Theurgy

505

ALAN F. SEGAL

29. Apuleius to Symmachus (and Stops in Between): Pietas, Realia and the Empire

527

HAROLD REMUS

30. Apuleius the Novelist, Apuleius the Ostian Householder and the Mithraeum of the Seven Spheres: Further Explorations of an Hypothesis of Filippo Coarelli

551

ROGER BECK

Indices

Modern Authors Index

571

Ancient Sources Index

584

Subject Index

607

PREFACE

STEPHEN G. WILSON

In itself the presentation of a Festschrift says a great deal about the respect and admiration in which we hold the recipient. Peter is likely, I imagine, to think that we have gone to excess, since he would argue (and has argued) that only the great and the good are deserving of such a signal honour, and in his usually unassuming way he would not include himself in that category. This book is evidence that we both agree and disagree. Festschriften do indeed appear rather more frequently than is justified. We emphatically believe, however, that Peter genuinely deserves one. There are, of course, his scholarly and administrative achievements. From his first book, one of the pioneering works on early Christian attitudes toward Judaism, through his work on Paul, to his recent studies on Herod and the architecture of early Judaism and Christianity, he has established himself as a scholar of both originality and depth. His labours as the editor of the series "Studies in Christianity and Judaism/Etudes sur le christianisme et le judaisme" and of several volumes of collected essays, and as Managing Editor of the journal Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses, have been unstinting, allowing others to benefit from his sharp editorial eye, strong sense of style and shrewd judgment. In the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies he was the key figure in initiating a series of extraordinarily productive seminars that have lasted now for more than twenty years and have themselves been the source of several published works. While he was an executive member, Secretary and President of the Society, and even now when he is just one of the regular old guard, we have benefited from his energy, his fertile imagination and his endless good will. His international work in the Society of Biblical Studies and the Society for New Testament Studies merely confirms the qualities that we in Canada have always known. Then there is the man himself—warm and generous, wise and thoughtful, entirely without pretension. Of course some occasions demand serious conversation and hard work, something that Peter (a closet workaholic) relishes.

xii

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

But never far beneath the surface is the rollicking laughter, the sense of the absurd, the uncanny ability to create an aura of welcome and friendship that so many of us have come to expect and enjoy. "He was not an enthusiastik man" is an epitaph I once saw. It tickled my fancy because it conjured up anything and everything, though nothing very complimentary. Turned around, the sentence could be applied to Peter: "He is an enthusiastik man." It could contain any and every compliment you might think of, and it is meant to. The theme "Text and Artifact" seemed the best way to summarize Peter's career and abiding interests. Contributors were encouraged to give the most generous possible interpretation to "artifact"—as referring to anything outside a primary text that might illuminate it—and we are delighted that so many friends, colleagues and former students were able to contribute. There are several people to whom we owe special thanks and recognition. Sandra Woolfrey, then Director of Wilfrid Laurier University Press, from the start gave strong support and encouragement and facilitated publication by the Press. The Research Office of Wilfrid Laurier University generously provided a book preparation grant and the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion a book publication subsidy. Bill Klassen single-handedly and enthusiastically canvassed for funds to cover production costs, most notably a large and generous initial donation from Edward J. R. Jackman that made the raising of further funds so much the easier. We approached only a small group of family, friends and colleagues to become "partners in publication," in what we hope has been a successful attempt to preserve an element of secrecy. They too were most generous in their gifts. Bill Morrow, Treasurer of the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies, adeptly managed the finances. Chad Hillier and Tony Chartrand'Burke helped to prepare the indices. Graydon Snyder suggested and provided the illustration on the cover. Jenny Wilson, with her gimlet eye and unerring sense of style, gave the whole manuscript a thorough going-over at the final stage of preparation. To all of you, Michel and I are enormously grateful.

PARTNERS IN PUBLICATION

Michael P. Barnes Bracebridge, Ontario

Victor and Kay Fenn Port Hope, Ontario

Charles and Elizabeth Bates Mississauga, Ontario

Marty and Judy Friedland Toronto, Ontario

Marianne Beare Toronto, Ontario

Roman Garrison New Wilmington, Pennsylvania

Donna and Glenna Cameron Barrie, Ontario

Lloyd and Suzanne Gaston Lion's Gate, British Columbia

Jean Lois Cameron Barrie, Ontario

James T. Gollnick Waterloo, Ontario

Mary and Ed Cameron-Miller North Bay, Ontario

Paul William Gooch Toronto, Ontario

Alan T. Davies Toronto, Ontario

Peter D. Gooch Pickering, Ontario

Kingsley and Helen R. Dean Edmonton, Alberta

Janice and Peter Griffiths Toronto, Ontario

Michel Desjardins Waterloo, Ontario

Francess G. Halpenny Toronto, Ontario

Paul and Katharine Dingley Toronto, Ontario

Vern and Elfrieda Heinrichs London, England

Terry Donaldson Toronto, Ontario

Dona Harvey and William Klassen Kitchener, Ontario

Herb and Ida Drury Barrie, Ontario

John and Helen Hurd Toronto, Ontario

Donald A. and Heather J. Elliott Toronto, Ontario

Amir Hussain Northridge, California

Helen L. Epp Waterloo, Ontario

Jack N. Lightstone Montreal, Quebec

Dorothy Farooque Mississauga, Ontario

John Marshall and Pamela E. Klassen Toronto, Ontario

XIV

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

Paul and Kathy McCarroll Hamilton, Ontario

Susan Richardson and Eric Rogers Toronto, Ontario

Wayne O. McCready Calgary, Alberta

Elizabeth Sabiston Toronto, Ontario

Jerome Murphy-O'Connor Jerusalem, Israel

D. Moody Smith, Jr. Durham, North Carolina

Dan Nighswander Winnipeg, Manitoba

Graydon F. Snyder Chicago, Illinois

Carolyn Nullmeyer Barrie, Ontario

Jessica J. Steen Los Angeles, California

Charles and Ann Paris Vancouver, British Columbia

Mary Lou Strathdee Thornhill, Ontario

Henry and Lillian Regehr Warkworth, Ontario

Roy and April Tredgett Willowdale, Ontario

Harold Remus and Alice Croft Waterloo, Ontario

Donald and Gloria Wiebe Toronto, Ontario

David I. and Kathryn M. Richardson Toronto, Ontario

Steve and Jenny Wilson Ottawa, Ontario

James A. Richardson Toronto, Ontario

Sandra Woolfrey Quebec City, Quebec

John and Pam Richardson Toronto, Ontario

The Jackman Foundation - courtesy Reverend Edward Jackman

Jonathan Richardson Whistler, British Columbia

The University of Toronto

Mary Richardson and Sylvain Marcotte Simon, Lucas, and Lea Jean Marcotte Richardson Stoneham, Quebec

- President's Office, courtesy President Robert Prichard

Nancy Jean Richardson Toronto, Ontario

- Knox College, courtesy Principal Arthur Van Seters

Ruth A. Richardson and Andrew J. Duffy Toronto, Ontario

- Department for the Study of Religion, courtesy Joseph Goering, Chair

- University College, courtesy Principal Paul Perron

contributorsstoesrsss

William RArnal New York University New York, New York

Roman Garrisovn USA Presbyterian Church New Wilmington, Pennsylvania

Richard S. Ascough Queen's Theological College Kingston, Ontario

Lloyd Gaston Vancouver School of Theology Vancouver, British Columbia

Roger Beck University of Toronto Toronto, Ontario

PaulW.Gooch University of Toronto Toronto, Ontario

WilliBraun University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta

Larry W. Hurtado University of Edinburgh Edinburgh, Scotland

Laurence Broadhurst University of Toronto Toronto, Ontario

L. Ann Jervis Wycliffe College Toronto, Ontario

Michel Desjardins Wilfrid Laurier University Waterloo, Ontario

Robert Jewett Garrett Theological Seminary Evanston, Illinois

Terence L. Donaldson Wycliffe College Toronto, Ontario

William Klassen Ecole Biblique Jerusalem, Israel

James D. G. Dunn University of Durham Durham, United Kingdom

John S. Kloppenborg Verbin St. Michael's College Toronto, Ontario

Sean Freyne Trinity College Dublin, Ireland

Jack N. Lightstone Concordia University Montreal, Quebec

XVI

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

Richard N. Longenecker McMaster Divinity College Hamilton, Ontario

Adele Reinhartz McMaster University Hamilton, Ontario

Steve Mason York University Toronto, Ontario

Harold Remus Wilfrid Laurier University Waterloo, Ontario

Wayne O. McCready University of Calgary Calgary, Alberta

Calvin J. Roetzel Macalaster College St. Paul, Minnesota

Halvor Moxnes University of Oslo Oslo, Norway

Alan F. Segal Barnard College New York, New York

Ehud Netzer Hebrew University Jerusalem, Israel

Graydon F. Snyder Chicago Theological Seminary Chicago, Illinois

Wendy Pullan University of Cambridge Cambridge, United Kingdom

Stephen G. Wilson Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario

PART ONE

PETER RICHARDSON WRITER AND TEACHER

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1 GIVING TO PETER WHAT HAS BELONGED TO PAUL

MICHEL DESJARDINS

Ambiguities remain about what, where and when Paul of Tarsus wrote, and the degree to which his extant works reflect the man that others knew. The situation is different with Peter Richardson, who has spent the better part of his academic career engaged with Paul and his world. We can locate and date his books and articles, make reasonable sense of them, and place them in a late twentieth-century context. This essay is an attempt to tease "Peter" out of his publications, to give his work some of the attention that has long been accorded to Paul by biblical scholars—asking what Peter's literary legacy tells us about his primary research interests and his approach to the material, and suggesting reasons for those concerns. The following intellectual biography is limited to the primary texts, but is also informed by twenty years of interactions I have had with this scholar, first as a doctoral student, then as a colleague. A challenge for me has been to remain faithful to the texts. Realia and other non-literary resources would certainly have broadened the discussion. I think, for example, of videotapes and personal accounts of his classroom teaching, his interactions with other scholars in academic settings, reports from those who accompanied him on his Middle East tours, the sound of his hearty laugh, the twinkle in his eye as he engages others in his favourite academic topics, and the curve of his shoulders as he absorbs a new idea. Texts do not tell us everything about a person. Sketching the picture of that more fully realized Peter, though, I leave to others. 1. What Are His Primary Research Interests? Three topics have animated Peter Richardson's writings: Paul, Jewish-Christian interactions during the first Christian century and Herod. The first two are closely linked from the start. Paul, after all, represents the clearest early

4

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

Christian example of someone trying to work out, personally and ideologically, the nature of "Christianity" in the context of Judaism. The interest in Herod first becomes public in Peter's 1985 Canadian Society of Biblical Studies (CSBS) Presidential Address, and subsequently develops into another one of his passions. 1.1 Pawl

Peter is particularly fond of Paul. The attraction begins early. His published dissertation, Israel in the Apostolic Church (1969a; "The Israel of God in Early Christianity," Cambridge University, 1965), in offering a historical survey of the first one hundred years of Christian experience, allots almost half its pages to Paul. In fact, Peter Richardson's writings on the whole display a far greater interest in Paul than they do in Jesus. He sees Paul, for instance, working out an integrative solution to the Jew-Gentile problem that had eluded others, including Jesus. His Paul is a sensitive pastor, a skilled mediator. A typical comment is the following interpretation of 1 Corinthians: The absence of "anti-Judaism" in 1 Corinthians arises not because there are no Jews but rather because Paul is being deliberately conciliatory, irenic, and accommodating. The stage of development in the Corinthian congregation is such that an intemperate blast might fragment it irreparably. Paul objects to two tendencies, one on either side of him. Because he perceives himself to be in the middle, he is in a position to try to effect compromises. . . . There is, first, Apollos's tendency towards a loosening of the core beliefs and customs, based on a speculative wisdom which stresses imaginative understandings of the faith. Apollos and his followers are a part of the movement towards too great an assertion of freedom and too small a concern for others.... The second tendency, on this showing, is Cephas's inclination towards a concern only for the Jewish members of the community, predicated on the conviction that the Palestinian church's needs and perceptions are basic. Those who see Cephas as their mentor are deeply concerned to ally themselves as much as possible with Palestinian customs. In such a situation Paul attempts to conciliate. (1986b: 72-73)

This fondness for Paul is occasionally mixed with mild criticism. He can reprimand him for not carrying through with his Galatians catchphrase, "in Christ there is neither slave nor free" (3:28): "As a slogan it seemed not to

GIVING TO PETER

5

catch even his own imagination except as an incentive to better Christian service" (1979a: 56). And he can wish that Paul had more clearly acted on the gender equality he posits—"though Paul," he is quick to add, "was not the male chauvinist he has been made out to be by critics" (169). But when all is said and done, his Paul remains "incisive and imaginative," "deeply concerned" for his converts, "a daring thinker," someone with "enthusiasm, excitement and vitality" (41, 50, 72, 162). His Paul is also circumscribed. He is reconfigured from the letters, notably the "great" ones (Romans, 1-2 Corinthians, Galatians), and especially 1 Corinthians. Despite thinking that Paul wrote ten letters that now bear his name (e.g., 1969a: 111; 1979a: 14), excluding the Pastorals and with a question mark beside Ephesians, and that the author of Acts was closely connected to Paul (1973d also suggests that Luke wrote 1 Timothy), he shows only a slight interest in Acts and relatively little in letters outside the Corinthian corpus. Paul's Ethic of Freedom, for example, pays almost no attention to Colossians, Ephesians and the Thessalonian correspondence— nor, for that matter, to the Pastorals. In a thematic book of this nature, the single most important source is 1 Corinthians. It is in fact remarkable that throughout the mid-1970s and the 1980s the work of both of the University of Toronto's two senior New Testament scholars, John Hurd and Peter Richardson, focussed on this one Pauline letter. To be sure, the specific concerns of these scholars differed. Neither one was captivated by theology (1973b is a fleeting exception; 1976a expresses a discomfort with philosophy)—including eschatology, which both nevertheless acknowledge as significant for Paul (e.g., 1980b; 1983a). Unlike John Hurd, however, Peter Richardson has shown little interest in Pauline chronology and holistic understandings, even of 1 Corinthians—although a forthcoming book (working title: Dear Saul) promises to offer a broad interpretation of Paul. What has continued to fascinate Peter is the issue of Pauline ethics. He has also explored the relationship between Paul and the Jesus traditions, in the process offering a few reflections on Jesus himself. Peter Richardson's views on Pauline ethics are best seen in Pawl's Ethic of Freedom (1979a). This book builds on several studies (1970a; 1973a; 1973e; 1974b; 1975; particularly two closely related pieces: 1973d; 1978a) and extends into other articles (1980c, refurbished in 1983a; 1986f). Its eight chapters

6

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explore the Galatians 3:26-28 topics (ethnicity, slavery, gender) and four others ("firmness and flexibility," "love and license," "weakness and strength," "order and charisma"), before suggesting a few modern Christian applications. The thread he isolates is a Pauline emphasis on Christian freedom generated by the Spirit. Noting the complexity of the interpenetration of Paul's "immediate circumstances with his religious inheritance and his present religious experience" (1979a: 166), he argues that discerning the Spirit allows Paul, and modern Christians in turn, to develop an ethical system that builds on the past while allowing for ongoing individual creativity and mutual respect. The complemental articles point to matters of particular ethical interest. One is the emphasis on experience—e.g., "The early church . . . constantly revised, rephrased and reapplied what it 'knew', but it did so in the light of what it had experienced" (1973e: 5). Subsequent articles develop his abiding interest in the related issues of sexual ethics and women's roles in the Pauline communities. For instance, two studies (1983a; a revision of 1980c) argue that in 1 Corinthians "all of chapters 5-6, including 6:1-11, has to do with sexual questions" (1983a: 37). And "From Apostles to Virgins" insists "that Paul and a few of his associates make the most important steps towards [gender] equality" (1986f: 251). Jesus concerns Peter Richardson primarily to the extent that he sheds light on Paul. But he does offer some opinions about Jesus alone, whose actions and teachings he does not on the whole consider as remarkable as Paul's. In fact, Peter tends to be disengaged from modern historical-Jesus scholarship. His work evinces no particular fascination with form or literary criticism and little with redaction criticism, the Gospel of John is ignored, and the Synoptics on the whole are thought to bring us reliably close to the historical Jesus after one removes the anachronistic elements. Moreover, his Jesus is both "fully human" and divinely generated/resurrected: He is not portrayed in the synoptics as some mixture of divine and human in a way that separates his existence from ours, else the cross is morally evacuated of content. However, he is totally and absolutely unique because his birth has no human origin (though every other feature of it is human) and his death—though human in every respect—has not the usual conclusion. God is the origin of Jesus, and God raises Jesus. (1973f: 37)

GIVING TO PETER

7

The most extended examination of an incident recorded about Jesus' life comes in a Society of Biblical Literature (SBL) seminar paper that sets out to explain Jesus' "temple tantrum," as Peter and others have called it with a twinkle in their eye. Even here, however, he is interested more in "the religious realities of life in Israel in the first century" (1992: 508) than he is in Jesus. The argument is that the coin used to pay the Temple tax in the first century was a Tyrian shekel, which for Jews would have asserted "Melkart's importance, [the Tyrians'j offensive eagle-symbol and their statement of Tyre's preeminence" (520). Jesus' act of overturning the money changers' tables "is not a visionary's symbol of the destruction of the Temple but a reformer's anger at the recognition of foreign gods" (523) reflected on that coin, as well as at the annual payment required by the priests, rather than the once-in-a-lifetime contribution required by Torah. Since the mid-1980s Peter Richardson has written about the possible use and abuse of sayings attributed to Jesus in the Pauline communities. One coauthored article explores 1 Corinthians to "evaluate as carefully as possible the recollections of Jesus' sayings" (1984d: 40), and to consider what this might tell us about Paul's use of them. The conclusion: fogia informed Paul's teachings, but were not considered by him as authoritative as the Bible and were likely not taught to the Corinthians. These "factors point in a single direction: a dominant concern for preaching the crucified and risen Christ; little concern to teach about Jesus' teaching; and little inclination to use sayings of Jesus as decisive arguments in his paraenesis" (56). Elsewhere, Peter Richardson links Paul's reticence in using Jesus' sayings to a dispute he had with Apollos, which he explains by revivifying a dormant Proto-Luke hypothesis. Two articles in particular provide the details (1984b; 1987). The beginning of 1 Corinthians suggests to him a conflict in which Apollos shows more affinity than Paul for Jesus' teachings: Paul stresses "cross" and Apollos stresses "wisdom." In addition, there are tensions created by baptism: someone (probably Apollos) has baptized some of Paul's converts in Corinth; Paul, for his part, has re-baptized some of Apollos' converts in Ephesus.... [SJome of the differences between Paul and Apollos were heightened by their different perceptions of the importance and authority of Q. (1984b: 107)

8

TEXT AND ARTIFACT

Luke, we are told, uses this dispute to revise Q. He adds to Q, or a sayings source like Q, a passion narrative, resurrection accounts and some anti-Baptist polemical sections to create "Proto-Luke." Adding Mark to the mix would later result in the Gospel of Luke. This reconstruction injects Paul into gospel formation: Jesus' sayings, Peter argues, cause divisions among early Christians, resulting in a crisis in one of Paul's communities that eventually leads to the present form of the Gospel of Luke. 1.2 Jewish-Christian Interactions Peter Richardson's concern for the interrelationship of Judaism and nascent Christianity begins with his published doctoral dissertation (1969a; see also 1970b). The book explores how "Israel" evolves in meaning for Christians, until with Justin Martyr it becomes an appellation for "Christianity": There is a gradual but inevitable takeover by the Church of the attributes and prerogatives of the people Israel, so that at some point it becomes an uncontested assumption of the Church that it is "true Israel" and "old" Israel has lost all claim to that title of ancient privilege. Hand in hand with this goes a christological development culminating in Justin's assertion that Jesus is himself Israel: as we participate in him we become Israel. (1969a: 1-2)

This concern leads to articles (1986b; 1986c; 1991b; 1991c), special edited issues of Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses (1984e; 1985b; 1986d) and edited books (1986a; 1991a). These studies emerge from two seminars led by Peter and others that engaged a wide spectrum of scholars from the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies: "Anti-Judaism," from 1977 to 1982; and "Torah-Nomos," from 1983 to 1988. More recently he has continued his interest in Jewish-Christian interactions by studying places of worship. Two articles focus on the origin and function of the earliest synagogues. "Early Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestine" argues "that synagogues functioned as—and were perceived as—collegia in the diaspora, that the earliest evidence for synagogues is from the Mediterranean (not Mesopotamian or Babylonian) diaspora,.. and that only gradually did they take on (especially in the Holy Land) a new set of characteristics deriving from the loss of the Temple" (1996b: 90). "AugustanEra Synagogues in Rome" adds that the synagogues in Rome "attest to the vigor of the Jewish community at the end of the first century BCE and the

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beginning of the first century CE" (1998B: 29). To some extent, these articles are atypical, since Peter rarely writes about Judaism outside its interactions with Christianity. "Architectural Transitions from Synagogues and House Churches to Purpose-Built Churches," though, provides this expected link by exploring the parallel development of synagogues and churches: Early on, both [Jews and Christians] used houses donated by patrons; both shifted to purpose-built structures; in a transitional phase both used meeting halls and basilicas; both eventually adopted the Roman basilica. These circumstances militate against the prevailing view that early Christianity and postdestruction Judaism were bent on differentiating themselves from one another, for Jewish and Christian communities behaved rather similarly over a long period of time. (1998d: 386)

A forthcoming book (working title: Jews, Greeks and Christians in Paul's Corinth) will gather previously published and some unpublished articles that emphasize the connections between Judaism and Christianity. Peter Richardson's writings have shown a long-standing concern with Jewish-Christian interactions in antiquity. This interest is in keeping with much New Testament scholarship since the late 1960s, although the degree of attention he has paid to this topic is remarkable. His approach to ancient Judaism also reflects the more widespread "coming of age" that has characterized his generation of (mainly) Christian New Testament scholars in dialogue with Jewish scholars who themselves have re-visioned late-antique Judaism. In 1970, for instance, Peter could write: In Judaism women, though esteemed, were kept in a totally subordinated position888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888 unduly harsh, greater conformity with the Jewish (or Palestinian) view of the subordination of women.... To that extent he has not pushed Jesus' new view of women any farther, but has rather retreated . . . to a more Judaic and rigidly Pharisaic view. (1970a: 36-37)

A decade later more innovation is attributed to Paul, while the distinction between Paul and Judaism on this issue has not changed much. Jewish "exclusivism," he notes in Paul's Ethic of Freedom, is a problem solved by Paul, and in contrasting "Spirit" and "law" Paul's "freedom" from the law is depicted positively (1979a: 79). Part of the freedom is said to lie in pulling away from the

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treatment of women by men within Judaism. Moreover, the rhetorical skill he shows in contrasting Galatians 3:26-28 with the standard synagogue prayer serves to elevate Paul at the expense of traditional Jewish religiosity: Not only did the churches he founded break the usual pattern of Jewish restrictiveness toward women, he also broke at one level the theoretical subjugation of women. His statement in Gal. 3:28 is an exact reversal of a synagogue prayer: "Lord, I thank you that you did not create me a barbarian (Greek), a slave, or a woman." (1979a: 75)

By the mid-1980s, though, we see him, and most of his colleagues, even more clearly in transition, working with a new paradigm of an increasingly diverse and less restrictive first-century Judaism. "From Apostles to Virgins" notes with approval recent work on early Judaism by Bernadette Brooten and David Goodblatt that suggests a more positive role for women in the Judaisms of that period; still, this article continues to argue that in dealing with women Paul "stands out from virtually all his contemporaries" (1986f: 249). Paul's distinctiveness is in fact central to Peter Richardson's writings. A subtle example of this occurs in the 1980 article, "'I Say, not the Lord,'" concerning 1 Corinthians 7. It begins by laying out phrases that present the content of this Pauline chapter, and suggests that Paul "is a writer who is aware of his authority, who carefully spells out the sources of that authority, and who is self-conscious about his own role in giving authoritative advice" (1980b: 66). The bulk of the article is devoted to outlining the basic framework of rabbinic halakah, in the end arguing that the Pauline form of the argumentation in this chapter shows heavy dependence on halakhic form. Still, the concluding paragraph suggests a different root explanation for Paul's stance, "based on his perception of spiritual insight, aimed at an undivided response to the Lord, in an interim time when the urgency of imitating Christ took precedence over a rigorous pursuit of the law" (86). Rabbinic halakah might indeed go a long way toward explaining the rhetorical form of 1 Corinthians 7, he argues, but in the end Paul's "in Christ" experience is determinative. Nevertheless, Judaism remains Paul's main dialogue partner. Study after study (e.g., "Accommodation Ethics," 1978a) describes Paul as a Christian Jew working out his new religious understanding in the context of his mother faith, and meeting after academic meeting sees Peter probing early Judaism with his colleagues.

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1.3 Herod Herod, the major Jewish figure immediately before the rise of Christianity, has been on Peter Richardson's mind for the last fifteen years. "Religion and Architecture: A Study in Herod's Piety, Power, Pomp and Pleasure," the 1985 CSBS Presidential Address, first made this interest public. Revised a year later (1986e), this study formed the backbone to his magisterial Herod: King of the jews and Friend of the Romans (1996a). A recent article, "Augustan-Era Synagogues in Rome" (1998b), extends the work by reconstructing a synagogue inscription to make a case for Herod's importance among first-century CE Jews in Rome. More is promised in a forthcoming book (working title: Herod's Architecture and Urban Design), and several articles (FCa; FCb; FCc; FCd). The CSBS address centres on Herod's architecture. It argues for "a consistency in approach and style that suggests a dominating personality behind it—and that personality is probably Herod's own" (1985a: 19). Peter explores Herod in three arenas: Hellenistic architecture ("an exuberant postHellenic movement"), Romano-philia and the Orient (his "need for power and pomp and pleasure is to be understood more against the background of the East than in the light of the western Imperial power of Rome," 4). Peter's Herod is "fundamentally 'religious'" (18). His survey of the buildings covers the public (Temple to Yahweh, and numerous other places in other locations) and private structures (e.g., villas), and notes his interest in athletics—for instance, Herod was named President for Life of the Olympic Games in 12 BCE after contributing a huge endowment to revitalize these games, and he constructed other athletic facilities in the East. Peter calls him an "Oriental despot" and notes that his artistic nature was "joined to depravity" when it came to dealing with his family (4, 17). Overall, however, this first piece is an encomium for Herod, particularly in regards to building projects: "Herod is one of the world's greatest builders" (9), from whom Augustus and others likely derived some of their architectural inspiration. In the revised form of this paper, presented at a CSBS Torah-Nomos seminar, Peter Richardson highlights the extraordinary diversity that existed within Judaism in this period, and offers a closer examination of Josephus's remarks about Herod. His conclusion is that Herod's buildings and actions, in the context of this broader understanding of Judaism, show him to be concerned with Jewish piety, despite coming into serious conflict with the more orthodox

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members of his community. Herod, he argues, "voluntarily maintained a concern for Torah within Israel. . . . Hellenism could be accommodated to the second commandment. In this process of accommodation Herod is an important representative example" (1986e: 356, 360). The comprehensive 1996 reconstruction of Herod situates the Jewish king even more firmly within Judaism, and looks even more sympathetically on him as a man of action, sensitive to his religion and the power politics of his day: Obviously the primary sources tolerate different evaluations of the man. And while mine is not the only possible one, the somewhat more generous assessment of him which follows may be closer to the "truth" than the harsher evaluations of previous generations. (1996a: 13) The chapters alternate between a historical overview (beginning and ending with Herod's death, otherwise proceeding chronologically) and its contexts (social, historical, archaeological, religious). Peter Richardson's interest in Herod complements his fascination with Paul. Both act as focal points for Jew-Gentile relations. Both are leading men of action, with supporters and critics. They were of different generations, but the Jewish ruler and the Christian missionary can be brought together by pointing on the one hand to Jesus' birth in Herod's kingdom, and on the other to Roman synagogues in Paul's day still apparently honouring Herod. Paul and Herod's descendants, though, were the ones left to struggle directly with Jewish-Christian relations. 2. How Does He Approach His Material? Combined interests in Herod, Jewish-Christian interactions and Paul— especially ethics, 1 Corinthians and Paul's use of Jesus traditions—clearly demarcate Peter Richardson within New Testament scholarship. Following are four less overt redactional tendencies that further distinguish him from others. They concern sources, historical reconstruction, community orientation and theories. 2.1 Sources Peter Richardson prefers primary to secondary literary sources. He works most often with Greek, less so with Hebrew, and infrequently with Latin texts. He

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eschews surveys of secondary literature, and Ms references show a higher-thanaverage sprinkling of British sources, some German and very little French, The primary sources are more often springboards for his own extended reconstructions. One example is a study that addresses the apparent inconsistency presented by the combination of 1 Corinthians 9:19-23 (Paul's willingness to accommodate) and Galatians 2:11-14 (Paul's denunciation of Cephas for accommodating himself to an outside group)»Peter begins here by examining the primary texts. Then he briefly summarises the views of four scholars (Daube, Chadwick, Bornkamm, Barrett), quickly setting their resolutions aside. The bulk of the article sees him plowing his own furrow, in the process exploring all the related Pauline passages—an unusual feature here is his reference to some patristic views, which he gets through Maurice Wiles*s study—before arriving at his own reconstruction; Peter . . . is being faced with contrary demands for two quite opposite courses of action. Each has its own kind of legitimacy. On the one hand he should continue to eat with uncircumcised Gentiles because to do otherwise would undercut Paul's effective ministry and would lead to a serious misunderstanding of the position of Gentiles with respect to the Law, On the other hand he should identify' with the representatives of the Jerusalem church, for to do otherwise would undercut his own ministry to the circumcision and would lead to a serious misunderstanding among Jews. (1980a: 360)

The use of a wide range of primary sources has marked Peter's work. In the early years that range involved looking beyond the New Testament, at Jewish and non-canonical Christian sources, for information about nascent Christianity, In 1965, a Christian origins dissertation that extended from Paul to Justin raised eyebrows, as did a later study that touched on modern ethnology and jurisprudence in order to shed light on the ancient notion oPlaw" (1991b), More recently his work has incorporated realia from the ancient world, That interest, like the one concerning Herod, begins in 1985, his fifty-first year, with the CSBS Presidential Address. A publication one year later includes a reference to an artifactual piece of information, a pair of Jerusalem Temple doors made out of Corinthian bronze, to support a Corinthian Jewish presence of note (1986b). Then the floodgates open, and his publications become increasingly concerned with adding artifactual evidence to his reconstructions.

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"Religion, Architecture and Ethics," for instance, sketches "ways in which the architectural setting of worship influences the ethical approach of those who worship there, and reciprocally the ways the value system will influence the architectural system" (1988: 42). A clear description of this direction can be seen in his suggestions about what evidence should be heard and preferred in approaching the historical Jesus: The evidence is of several kinds: literary (easily manipulated and adapted to new situations), especially Jesus' words.., but also his actions (requiring interpretation as much as his words); archaeological (unspecific and general, not pointing directly to Jesus); and social-scientific (imposed from modern assessments, generally of modern cultures). Clearly no one kind of evidence will d o . . . . The stark reality, however, is that most scholars use primarily literary evidence to develop their pictures of Jesus. Within that literary evidence, most concentrate on Jesus' sayings. This set of scholarly convictions needs to change. Dependence on literary evidence has virtually exhausted itself. More—much more—needs to be made of Jesus' actions and of the context in which he is to be understood, especially from what can be reconstructed from archaeological data. (1997a: 306-307)

He proceeds to offer examples of work that needs to be done, and that already has been done, to situate Jesus in his own place—e.g., using the excavations at Gamla, including its synagogue, and Yodefat, a middle-sized town in the centre of things in Lower Galilee, and paying attention to life in small communities. This study is unusual in dealing with a historical-Jesus question. On the other hand, it is consistent, not only with his long-time effort to combine different sorts of evidence to address a topic, but with his more recent attention to artifactual remains. Two forthcoming books (working titles: Religion and Architecture in Late Hellenism, Judaism and Early Christianity, Herod's Architecture and Urban Design) and an article (FCd) promise to extend that interest. 2.2 Historical Reconstruction Peter Richardson's review of Northrop Frye's The Great Code is a rare critique of another scholar—in this case also a departmental colleague—that in both tone and content tells us much about the reviewer's own approach to the Bible. He objects to several aspects of The Great Code, particularly the way Frye imposes a unified view on the Bible:

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Frye's theory requires aka88of homeogeniztion theat obnscrthe perso88 idtosynctacies and even the theological differences of the immediate authors. . . . Frye hints at a mysterious process of compilation. , » . {Glutting and snipping the Bible so that it fits into a neat seven-phase typological pattern is to remove it from reality and turn much of it into an abstraction,,,, [Fryel does nottake the ordinary meaning of the dividual texts as seriously as he should. (1983c: 4G4» 405,406}

Peter insists on the particularity of the biblical materials, decrying the antihistorical bias in The Great Code. His approach is a textbook examplle of historical critcalscholoa88 Typically he begins by assessing the primary sources on their own and in their immediate contexts (in recent years, this has included non-literary remains), then he looks for contemporary evidence that will make these sources more comprehensible. With rare exceptions, he does not begin with, or get bogged down by, the secondary material Unlike Frye, he does not view the texts through a clearly delimited modem lens (e.g., sociological, psychological, anthropological, theological, literary), He also does not stay exclusively focussed on those primary sources, nor does h aruger 888888888888888888888888888 Neither does he move directly from ancient source to modern application. The crucial middle step for him is a source's historical context. This context is what provides him with the pieces of the puzzle needed to bring clarity and form to a text or group of texts. He scours the ancient world for all the pieces he can find to the particular puzzle on which he happens to be working, then arranges them in as sensible a manner as he can: "Look, this piece belongs to the picture, fits nicely here; this other piece that I've just found on the floor is the corner piece we've been looking for; that one over there has the same colour as the bottom group, so well keep it ready until we find others...." This approach is his trademark. One even finds it in his more popular works, like his walking tour of University College, which melds historical accounts into his descriptions of the buildings: Three stained glass windows at the east end commemorate three University College undergraduates killed in battle. . , . While the City of Toronto brought their bodies back from Port Dalhousie, the great bell in the main tower tolled once a minute, falling silent only when the coffins reached the college reading room. (1984c: 14}

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The same can be said for his introduction to an endowed talk at University College by the classicist Walter Burkert (1991e), which vividly situates the individual after whom the lectureship is dedicated in the context of Canada's first student strike, at University College. One finds the approach again in another rare polemical work, directed at a piece by a long-time friend and colleague, Donald Wiebe. Peter objects here to an interpretation of the University of Toronto's Department for the Study of Religion that does not, in his view, pay full attention to the historical facts (1997b). One also finds this approach in virtually every one of his explorations of the ancient world. For instance, we see him situating Barnabas in historical context (Syro-Palestine, during Nerva's reign, in a decade of Jewish resurgency) in order to make sense of that letter's anti-Judaism (1986c); grounding Jesus' Temple incident in "the religious realities of life in Israel in the first century" (1992: 508); and explaining 1 Corinthians 9:12-18 in the context of patronage, that is, whether followers of Christ should eat anything given to them by a patron (1994b). Returning to his first book, we hear Peter acknowledge that his major interest in Paul is as a historical source in those first decades: "The heart of this book . . . is the chapter on Paul. The reason for this is the obvious one that we have in these epistles good information about developments over a period spanning parts of three decades within early Christianity" (1969a: ix). Peter Richardson is rarely satisfied situating a source in a single context. He delights in "drawing on the widest possible evidence" (1998a: xi), finding as many pieces as he can, with his eye naturally falling on different colours and shapes over the years. His Proto-Luke explanation is one example. Muted tensions between Apollos and Paul reflected in the opening chapter of 1 Corinthians lead him beyond the letter, eventually to a reconstruction of Christian origins that brings a variety of people (the author of Q, Apollos, Paul, Luke) and texts (Q, 1 Corinthians, Proto-Luke, Luke, Acts) into a coherent whole (1984b). An interpretation of 1 Corinthians 6:1-11 likewise begins by situating this handful of verses in the context of chapters 5-7 and their concern for sexual matters, then explores four possible settings for a context that can shed light on Paul's remarks (Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinic sources, synagogue practice, Greco-Roman sources). This study eventually selects as the likeliest setting the special disciplinary privileges exercised by synagogues in the Diaspora, which in turn lead him to posit eight real-life possibilities, grouped

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under three categories: "a father and son-in-law arguing over the status of the younger man's wife; two men involved sexually or even non-sexually with the same woman; a man charging an influential 'leader' in a congregation with 'tampering'" (1983a: 55). As a result, his treatment of these eleven verses in 1 Corinthians takes readers on a long, imaginative journey through the ancient world of marriage, sexual and legal practices. In scouring and interconnecting sources, Peter is not inclined to dismantle them. He uses Q, not Q1 or Q2; Philippians, not the putative letters that lie beneath it ("the claim to be able to isolate three separate letters . . . is a piece of critical subterfuge," 1969a: 11). He connects 1 Corinthians 9:12b-18 with 8-10 (1994b), and 1 Corinthians 6:1-11 with 5-7 (1983a). On the whole, but not without the occasional strong reservation, he trusts both Josephus and the gospel accounts of Jesus. Not that he accepts everything they say, but he believes that each source tells us something directly about history if only we ask the right questions and have sufficient corroborative data. For instance, rather than dismiss Matthew's infancy stories about the star and the slaughter of the infants as entirely legendary, useful only in showing us how the evangelist wanted to portray Jesus, he links these stories with other pieces of evidence to show how they could be grounded in history: In brief, these accounts [including Luke and Josephus] suggest the following: (1) both John the Baptist (Luke 1:5) and Jesus (Matt. 2:1) were born late in Herod's reign; (2) the birth of Jesus may have been in 7 BCE, two-and-a-half years before Herod's death; (3) the tradition of the "massacre of the innocents" reflected Herod's succession problems and the execution of three of his own children; (4) the flight to Egypt derived from scriptural allusions that were plausible because of the difficult conditions in Judea at the end of Herod's reign. (1996a: 298) Bringing the sources together requires sympathetic imagination. Peter Richardson particularly likes to put himself in someone else's place and reconstruct a scene for his readers—e.g., "I can almost hear Jesus—and for that matter the revolutionaries in 66 CE—say, then give to Melkart what is his and don't sully the Temple with foreign gods" (1992: 519). He imagines what might have been on the mind of Jesus (1969b: 3; 1992: 523), Herod (1985a: 5), the Corinthian community (1994b: 101), and Judaism at the time of the

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Maccabean revolt (1996a: 73). He builds this into a hermeneutical approach that has long been with him: If we are prepared to tackle the Bible on its own terms, to begin with, and see what it says, before judging what it must be, I think the attempt might go something like the following: a) Individual parts of the Bible would have to be studied against the background of an adequate knowledge of the social, cultural, religious, economic and historical setting, b) The interpreter, in seeking to understand this text, would have to enter into the writer's mind (empathy) to understand, so far as possible, why he wrote what he did in that setting88888888888888888888888888888888888 Peter's studies are attempts to convince readers that his reconstruction has correctly sketched the picture that would have existed in antiquity, but now perforce eludes modern interpreters. 2.3 Community Orientation Peter Richardson has spent his career working with other scholars, building communities. With one or two exceptions, noted above, one finds no open criticisms of other scholars in his publications. He likes to keep the peace. The same could be said of his explorations of the ancient world. He has portrayed Paul and Herod engaged in their broader contexts (Jewish, Christian, Roman); Christianity and Judaism emerging together like Rebecca's children, to use Alan Segal's felicitous turn of phrase; and both Paul and Herod with their positive sides amply displayed. This constructive orientation is not restricted to the ancient world. An early essay laments the antagonism he encountered between faculty and administration in his first year at Loyola of Montreal, now Concordia University, which threatened to obscure diversity and overlook integrity ("Division of any social entity . . . into two camps is the greatest of errors. It prepares people for conflict and war," 1970c: 5). This spirit of collaboration is also reflected in his comments on the college system, including teaching, at the University of Toronto: A college system can encourage close academic contact among students and between students and faculty a sense of community, a healthy diversity arising out of differing perspectives888888888888888888888888888888888 and cultural activities can be developed which will broaden narrowly specialized students, where concern can be expressed for the integrity of a

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student's education, and where the unity of knowledge in a fragmented university can be tested. Above all they can be places where students receive informed and concerned individual attention.... Colleges . . . are places where breadth, experimentation, integration, culture, and personal worth can be encouraged. (1978b: 12) The whole community forms an environment that must be carefully nurtured and allowed to bloom. (1979b: 3)

Peter Richardson has not only built communities within the University of Toronto system—first as Chairman of the Division of Humanities, Scarborough College, between 1974 and 1979; then as Principal of the University of Toronto's largest college, University College, between 1979 and 1989—but has played a similar role in the major biblical academic societies: the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies (e.g., Executive Secretary, 1978-82; President and Acting President, 1984-86), the Society of Biblical Literature (e.g., Chair of the Program Committee, 1996 to the present) and the StudiorumNovi Testament! Societas (SNTS) (e.g., Chair of the organizing committee for the 1980 Toronto meeting). Several publications have emerged directly from his involvement in these societies: 1980cb, 1992 (SBL); 1998a (SNTS); 1984e, 1985a, 1985b, 1986a, 1986b, 1986c, 1986d, 1986e, 1991a, 1991b, 1991c, 1991d, 1996b, 1996c, 1997a,FCe(CSBS). His collaboration can also be seen in other ways. He has jointly written and edited a large number of pieces, some with colleagues (1978a; 1984a; 1984c; 1986a; 1991a; 1994a; 1998a; 1998c), others with graduate students (1983b; 1984d; 1986c; 1996c). He has been asked to add contributions to Festschriften (1970b; 1984b; 1993; 1994b; 1998d), and a foreword to the book surveying biblical studies in Canada (1982). A study group he led at St. Cuthbert's Presbyterian Church in Hamilton helped him to form his book on ethics (1979a). Moreover, he has worked closely with Sandra Woolfrey, the now former-Director of Wilfrid Laurier University Press, as well as with the Board of the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion (CCSR) and the Canadian Federation for the Humanities (CFH), to enhance the quality and accessibility of Canadian academic publications. He has been a CFH Board member (1981-84), CCSR Vice-President (1990-93) and Managing Editor of the journal Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses (1986-96), and continues to

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serve as editor of the monograph series "Studies in Christianity and Judaism/Etudes sur le christianisme et le judaisme" (1990 to the present). 2.4 Theories Juxtaposed to this communal element is an equally pronounced tendency to offer theories that break new ground, reorganizing and presenting material in a novel manner, "Spirit and Letter," for instance, mentions Ernst Kasemann's discussion of the Pauline distinction between pneuma and gramma, then quickly adds: "What follows is an attempt to explore this, though in fairness to KSsemann I must add that I have gone my own way" (19?3a: 208). This Sinatraesque comment also applies to his other publications. At times the stance has a tweaking-their-noses quality, as when he offers two Proto-Luke articles in honour of people who he knows do not look kindly on the hypothesis (1984b; 1987). Other times it is reflected in his experimental writing style. He likes to end his writings where they began—for instance, in his Israel in the Apostolic Church (1969a) the bookends address Justin; in "Philo and Eusebius" (1993) he opens and closes with Eusebius's comments about the Therapeutae. In Herod, though, Peter Richardson not only follows this practice but presents us with imaginatively reconstructed ancient documents. The first ("Introduction") is set at the time of Herod's death. It begins with an imitation of the contemporary Acta Diwrna, a daily gazette "posted daily in Rome and distributed to the provinces" (1996a: 1), and is followed by a variety of written accounts of Herod's death. The introduction touches on Herod's importance, the complexity of the world in which he lived and the different ways in which he was seen. The last document ("Chapter 13") is modelled on Augustus's Res gestae and offers Herod's appreciation of himself as he is about to die. It allows Peter to close the book with a positive appreciation of the grand figure he has painted. The fictional mode will continue in one of his forthcoming books (Dear Saw!), which will include letters written (back) to Paul from a variety of ancient people, completing a project that has been on his mind for years, Some of Peter Richardson's most daring theories clearly display his individuality. The positive assessment of Herod immediately comes to mind: his book-length reconstruction (1996a) offers a revisionist picture of Herod set firmly and positively within Judaism—a man of action, a great architect, in tune with the power politics of his day. Proto-Luke, described above, also

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stands out as a theory that not only reconstructs the beginning of 1 Corinthians as nobody else had, but also resurrects a moribund source theory (1984b; 1987). "Jewish Voluntary Associations in Egypt and the Roles of Women" argues for the presence of Jewish priestesses in the temple at the military settlement of Leontopolis: "This evidence for Egyptian priestesses and for assimilation of Jews in Egypt to Egyptian religious practices provides a plausible background for the claim that the temple at Leontopolis has priestesses" (1996c: 238). In "Barnabas, Nerva and the Yavnean Rabbis," another article co-authored with a student, Barnabas is dated to the reign of the previously overlooked emperor Nerva (1983b), a novel theory at the time but one that has since gained wide acceptance. The Temple incident further exemplifies his love of challenging theories: in the wake of long-standing, ongoing attempts to spiritualize the story of Jesus overturning the money changers' tables ("cleansing the Temple"), Peter takes the contrary view that Jesus likely overturned the tables in reaction to the political implications of the coin used for payment. Another article (1993) sets out partly to rehabilitate Eusebius's clearly apologetic, rarely considered, claim that the Therapeutae/ Therapeutrides were Christian: after surveying a wide range of evidence he wonders whether there might in fact have been early Christians who modelled themselves on this Jewish monastic group. Recent studies on synagogues noted above (1996b; 1998b; 1998d) also fly in the face of what many others are saying about their origins (he points to the Mediterranean Diaspora, with synagogues functioning as collegia), development (modelled on the Roman basilica, changing in form over time), early presence in Rome (including a novel reconstruction of a fragmentary synagogue inscription to read "Herod"), and influence on the structure of Christian churches. 3. Why Does He Approach the Material the Way He Does? There are, of course, a great many contributing factors to Peter Richardson's interests and approach. His bachelor's degree in architecture in 1957 can naturally be linked to his present skills in deciphering Herodian architecture, and perhaps also the fascination with the topic itself, although several archaeological trips he took to the Middle East in the 1980s and especially the 1990s, including the people he met on those trips, probably are at least equally responsible for generating and sustaining that interest. The architectural

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interest, though, has remained vital to him throughout his career. The juxtaposition of religion and architecture that one finds in his more recent publications (e.g., 1985a; 1986e re: Herod; 1988 re: ethics), for instance, is also present in his earliest published article (1962), which explores how architectural expression unconsciously and consciously reflects theological convictions. His doctoral training at Cambridge in the early 1960s with C. F. D. Moule can readily be seen in the historical-critical approach, with its focus on the primary sources and a British delight in positing novel theories. His Canadian work experience led to publications concerned more (Loyola of Montreal, Theology, 1969-74), then less (University of Toronto, Religious Studies, 1974 to the present), overtly with theological issues. The University of Toronto context has given him a steady stream of doctoral students with whom to work. Not to be forgotten are the intellectual contributions of former students like Martin Shukster and Peter Gooch, with whom he worked closely through most of the 1980s and who now express their creativity outside the academy. His duties as Principal of University College helped to foster community spirit. One can add to this the influence of his colleagues, mainly in the academic societies to which he has long belonged—colleagues amply represented in this volume, whose intellectual energy and views on Paul, Luke, Judaism, Christianity and unearthing the past have made their way into Peter's own writings. A full intellectual biography would also consider, inter alia, the formative roles played by his family, friends and various synagogue and church constituencies. Most important, though, seems to have been Peter's religious grounding. He self-identifies openly as a Christian in his earlier works. Not surprisingly, "we in the Christian faith" expresses his stance in an article written in the final year of his Bachelor of Divinity (1962: 12). A piece written when he was Assistant Minister at Knox Presbyterian Church in Toronto (1965-69) declares a basic set of Christian beliefs with a decidedly Pauline ring: Do I really believe that he is the Son of God, Son of Man, Messiah, King of Israel, Suffering Servant—the Truth? Do I believe he died on my behalf, to redeem me from sin? Do I believe he really rose from the dead? For if not, the Christian message is nonsense! Do I believe that the Holy Spirit's power is available to me now, while Jesus is absent from this world? (1967: 8; also 1968b: 16)

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It8888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888 uncertainty by speakingfazzily,without conviction and without direction,,,, The desire to be inoffensive and mediating leads all too often to statements that have any, or no, meaning" (8). The Pauline heritage continues in, a later article; "It is only as the Church recovers this notion that it is in Christ that everything finds its meaning that the Church will become true to its heritage from Paul" {19?0a: 3?}» "Fruit Pickers" (19?3c) is a Christian sermon on joy, in honour of the tenth anniversary of CRUX, the journal in which he frequently published in his early years. He also speaks clearly as a belie\7er in Paul's Ethic of Freedom: "We who identify ourselves as Christians,,.. For those of us who take the Bible seriously. , , , [WJithout ever losing sight of the real goal of Christianity..,, We can change with the assurance that 'Christ has set us free for freedom"* (1979a: 9S» 166, 98,172), Peter's hermeneuticai approach also commonly entails an application to modern Christian experiences, His position is that Paul's way of approaching the Bible ("the world's greatest book," as he calls it in his Frye review, 19S3c; 407) and interacting with his communities, rather than the specifics of what he says on any particular issue, should guide Christians today. We see that position expressed in several early publications (e.g., 1968b: 17*18; 1971: 26; 19?3a: 218; 1976b: 8-9), and most clearly in Paul's Ethic of Freedom: A first step is to recognise that our use of Paul (and the rest of Scripture) should be analogous to Paul's use of Scripture, That is» just as Paul's view of freedom is a ^interpretation, of the Old Testament in the tight of Jesus and of the Holy Spirit, and just as jesus is an interpreter of the prophets, and just as the prophets are the interpreters of the law, so we are interpreters of the message of Paul, The applicational and interpretive need is similar. This is not to deny that the Scriptural canon is closed. . . . Scripture remains the norm and standard. But it is not always directly capable of being applied to circumstances that are radically different, , 10.96-9?) know how to spell both "Christus1* and "Christianl"

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Christus. It is not sure whether Suetonius means that all Jews were expelled or only some, when it happened, or when some might have returned. The four other ancient sources do not clarify matters. It seems probable that when Philo in 41 CE writes of Augustus that "he never ejected them from Rome . . . nor prevented them from meeting" (Leg. 157), it was with an eye to Claudius's actual or contemplated measures against the Jews (Slingerland 1997: 90-96). Acts 18:2 says that "all the Jews" were expelled, yet in Acts 28:22 the Roman Jews know nothing of a Christian "sect" in Rome, much less that they were the cause of such tragedy for the Jews in Rome. In the third century Dio Cassius (Hist. 60.6.6-7) says explicitly that Claudius did not expel the Jews (there were too many) but only ordered them in 41 not to hold meetings. Finally Orosius (Hist. 7.6.15-16) in the fifth century gives a date (49 CE) more compatible with Acts and many moderns, but he appeals for this to the authority of Josephus, who (at least in our manuscripts) is completely silent about the whole event! Orosius also was the beginning of the modern understanding of Suetonius, in correcting the spelling to "Christus" and saying that the Jews were "agitating 7 against Christ," i.e., resisting the gospel. We should not follow his example. What then did Suetonius mean? After many years of dissatisfaction with my own speculations and those of others, I have finally found a convincing answer. After a very thorough philological analysis, H. Dixon Slingerland (1997: 167) concludes that the sentence must be understood as follows: "Chrestus being the cause, Claudius expelled from Rome the continuously rebelling Jews." He is able to put this action into the context of a persistent pattern of hostility of the Julio-Claudian emperors toward the Jews of Rome. The well-known (to the ancients, not to us!) Chrestus played a similar role for Claudius as Sejanus did for Tiberius. If we can escape the prejudice derived from Acts that Jews in fact tended to be troublemakers, we can see that the phrase "continuously rebelling" is an expression of Suetonius's own views. It is probable that Claudius took action at least twice to suppress Judaism in Rome, an important part of Roman Jewish history but not linked to the history of the early Roman church.

6 Leon (1960; 135-36) estimates the Jewish population in Rome at the time of Augustus to have been 40,000-50,000. 7 In terms of the history of interpretation, one could compare Ambrosiaster (Rom. prologue), who only a generation earlier maintained that the early Roman church originated in the preaching of Roman Jewish Christians. See also the Marcionite prologue to Romans.

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4. Inferences from the Letter Framework in Romans Modern commentaries often speak about the "double character" of the audience of Romans. On the one hand the letter framework apparently addresses the audience as Gentile believers, and on the other the body of the letter (1:16-15:13) seems to be a debate with Judaism, a defence of Paul's lawfree gospel over against Judaism. Since the latter is the point of contention, we shall look here only at the former. I understand that the letter framework is found in the exordium (1:1-15) and the peroration (15:14-16:16, 21-24) (Wuellner 1991; Dunn 1987).8 The explicit audience is very clear: "we have received grace, i.e., apostleship, for [bringing about] obedience to [God's] faithfulness for the sake of his name among all the Gentiles, among whom also are ye, called of Jesus Christ" (1:56); "in order that I might also have some fruit among you as among the other Gentiles" (1:13); "the grace given to me to be a [priestly] minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles, acting as priest for the gospel of God, in order that the sacrifice consisting of Gentiles might be acceptable [to God]" (15:15-16). How is this to be reconciled with what has been assumed to be a debate with Judaism in the body of the letter? One way is to note Paul's planned visit to Jerusalem (15:25) and his apprehension about how he might be received there by both Jews and Jewish Christians (15:31). Given that preoccupation, the letter is then to be read as a kind of dry run of what Paul plans to say in Jerusalem. Another is to note the planned visit to Spain, with Rome's help (15:24), and to think of the letter as an extensive self-recommendation to defend himself against earlier Jewish calumnies and thus to enlist Roman help for a Spanish mission. Another is to point out that five Jewish Christians are included among those greeted by Paul (16:3, 7,11). But of these two are apostles (Andronicus and Junia) and two are long-standing associates (Prisca and Aquila), hardly people who need to be lectured to by the contents of Romans. Based partly on an indication of up to five house churches in Rome (16:5, 10, 11,14, 15), but mostly on the references to the "strong" and the "weak" in 14:1-15:6, the most common assumption is that "ethnic issues" (Walters 1993) are a major concern of the letter. This needs to be tested by an analysis of the body of the letter. 8 While it is important not to separate chapter 16 from the rest of the letter, I have omitted two interpolations here.

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5, Archaeology and the Origins of Roman Christianity Social history of the ancient church and synagogue, including extensive use of archaeology, has made great progress recently by emancipating itself from some theological presuppositions. Apart from the beginning assumption that he needs to explain how the earliest Roman Christians became independent of the synagogue (rather than whether they needed to do so), Peter Lampe's book on the social history of Christians in Rome in the first two centuries remains a monumental contribution (Lampe 1989), Graydon Snyder has taught us to enter into the life of ordinary pre-Constantinian Christians through his fine presentation of their art, architecture and inscriptions (Snyder 1985). Michael White has done extensive work on early Christian worship places (White 199697). There is of course much more work that cannot be listed here. The situation is similar with respect to the archaeology of ancient Jewish Rome, The approach of the classical study by Leon (1960) has now been much refined by Rutgers (1995). He is able to show that Roman Jews were neither isolated from nor assimilated to their neighbours, but were very much at home in their environment (see also Snyder 1998). Peter Richardson has done extensive work on ancient synagogues, including in Rome (1996; 1998a; 1998b). 6. Conclusion In spite of my appreciation for all this fine work, I cannot find that it casts any light on the origins of Roman Christianity. Even Paul does not think he is "build [ing] on someone else's foundation" when he writes to and plans to visit Rome (15:20). While the letter has much to say about the relation of the Roman Gentile believers to Jews and Judaism in general, there is no hint of the presence of Jewish believers in Rome, even in places where one might expect it (11:1). Tacitus knew of a large number of people called Christians in Rome in 64 CE and does not confuse them with Jews, even though he knows that the movement began with a certain Christ earlier in Judea (Ann. 15.44). What Wayne Meeks says in general about Pauline Christians and Judaism applies especially to Rome: there is remarkably little in the Pauline letters to suggest any continuing contact between the Christian groups and the organized Jewish communities in

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their cities. . . . Theologically it is correct to say that the scriptures and traditions of Judaism are a central and ineffaceable part of the Pauline Christian identity. Socially, however, the Pauline groups were never a sect of Judaism. They organized their lives independently from the Jewish associations of the cities where they were founded, and apparently, so far as the evidence reveals, they had little or no interaction with the Jews. . . . The scriptures and traditions from Judaism played a major part in the beliefs and practices of Pauline Christianity, yet the identity of the Pauline groups was not shaped by having once been within a Jewish context. (Meeks 1985:105, 106, 108)

This general impression seems to be correct. It may be that we can be more specific. We are back at our original starting point: if there is nothing outside Romans to indicate clearly who the first audience was, then we are completely dependent on the body of the letter itself. Rhetorical criticism has the potential to increase our understanding considerably. If we have difficulty in characterizing the letter's empirical audience, a rhetorical-critical perspective can indeed discover the implied audience embedded in the text itself. Two remarkable recent books are able to use this approach very successfully: Neil Elliott's The Rhetoric of Romans (1990) and Stanley Stowers's A Rereading of Romans (1994). As is to be expected, they do not agree on many of the details, but they both cast fresh light on how the letter functions. Most important for our discussion, both are very firm in insisting that the implied audience must definitely be Gentile. The letter has much to say about Jews, scripture, the law, and the election of Israel, but always in terms of how Gentile Christians should understand their relationship to them. Given this fixed starting point, it might now be possible to resolve the much debated question of the purpose of Romans (Donfried 1991; Wedderburn 1988; Jervis 1991). But that can wait for another day.

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References Dever, William G. 1992"Archaelo"Archaeology, Syro-Palestinian and Biblical." In David Nl Freedman (ed.-in-chief), The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 1.354-67. New York: Doubleday. Donfried, Karl P. 1991 The Romans Debate: Revised and Expanded Edition. Peabody: Hendrickson. Dunn, James D. G. 1987 "Paul's Epistle to the Romans: An Analysis of Structure and Development." In Wolfgang Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, 2.25.4.2842-89. Berlin: De Gruyter. Elliott, Neil 1990 The Rhetoric of Romans: Argumentative Constraint and Strategy and Paul's Dialogue with Judaism. Sheffield: JSOT Press. Frend, William H. C. 1996 The Archaeology of Early Christianity: A History. Minneapolis: Fortress. Gaston, Lloyd 1998 "Faith in Romans 12 in the Light of the Common Life of the Roman Church." In Julian V. Hills et al. (eds.), Common Life in the Early Church: Essays Honoring Graydon F. Snyder, 258-64. Harrisburg: Trinity Press International. Golb, Norman 1980 "The Problem of Origin and Identification of the Dead Sea Scrolls." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 124: 1-24. Jervis, L. Ann 1991 The Purpose of Romans: A Comparative Letter Structure-Investigation. Sheffield: JSOT Press. Kraabel, A. Thomas 1982 "The Roman Diaspora: Six Questionable Assumptions." Journal of Jewish Studies 33: 445-64. Lampe, Peter 1989 [1987] Die stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beidenjahrhunderten: Untersuchungen zur Sozialgeschichte. Second ed. Tubingen: Mohr. Leon, Harry J. 888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888 of America.

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MacMullen, Ramsay 1993 "The Unromanized in Rome." In Shaye J. D. Cohen and Ernest S. Frerichs (eds.), Diasporas in Antiquity, 47-64. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Maier, Harry O. 1991 The Social Setting of the Ministry as Reflected in the Writings of Hennas, Clement and Ignatius. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. Meeks, Wayne A. 1983 The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul New Haven: Yale University Press. 1985888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888888 Separation from the Jewish Communities." In Jacob Neusner and Ernest S. Frerichs (eds.), "To See Ourselves as Others See Us": Christians, Jews, "Others" in Late Antiquity, 93-115. Chico: Scholars Press. Osiek, Carolyn 1983 Rich and Poor in the Shepherd of Hernias: An Exegetical-Social Investigation. Washington: Catholic Biblical Association of America. Packer, J. E. 1967 vv"Housing and Population in Imperial Ostia and Rome." journal of Roman Studies 57: 280-95. Richardson, Peter 1996 "Early Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestine." In John S. Kloppenborg and Stephen G. Wilson (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, 90-109. London/New York: Routledge. 1998a "Augustan-Era Synagogues in Rome." In Karl P. Donfried and Peter Richardson (eds.), Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome, 1729. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1998b "Architectural Transitions from Synagogues and House Churches to Purpose-Built Churches." In Hills et al, Common Life in the Early Church, 373-89. Rutgers, Leonard Victor 1998 The jews in Late Ancient Rome: Evidence of Cultural Interaction in the Roman Diaspora. Leiden: Brill. Slingerland, H. Dixon 1997 Claudian Policymaldng and the Early Imperial Repression of Judaism at Rome. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Snyder, Graydon F. 1985 Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine. Macon: Mercer University Press.

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"The Interaction of Jews with Non-Jews in Rome." In Donfried and Richardson, Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome, 69-90. Stowers, Stanley K. 1994 A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles. New Haven: Yale University Press. Theissen, Gerd 1982 The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. Walters, James C. 1993 Ethnic Issues in Paul's Letter to the Romans. Valley Forge: Trinity Press International. Wedderburn, A. J. M. 1988 The Reasons for Romans. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. White, L. Michael 1996-97 The Social Origins of Christian Architecture. 2 vols. Valley Forge: Trinity Press International. 1998 "Synagogue and Society in Imperial Ostia: Archaeological and Epigraphic Evidence." In Donfried and Richardson, Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome, 30-68. Wuellner, Wilhelm 1991 "Paul's Rhetoric of Argumentation in Romans: An Alternative to the Donfried-Karris Debate Over Romans." In Donfried, The Romans Debate, 128-46.

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PETER IN THE MIDDLE: GALATIANS 2:11-21 L. ANNjERVIS

As Paul tells the story, at Antioch Cephas was caught in the middle between two conflicting views. One view accepted Jewish believers in Christ eating with Gentile believers, another did not. Until the arrival from Jerusalem of the "men from James," Peter and the rest of the Jewish believers had eaten with Gentiles (Gal 2:12). After the Jerusalem delegation came, Peter and the others stopped this practice. Barring acceptance of Paul's explanation of the reason for Cephas's equivocation—that he was a hypocrite who acted out of fear (2:1213)—the question before us is: what power did each position have for Peter so that he would be torn between them? That is, what was it about the opinions of Paul and the men from James which meant that Peter was caught in the middle of the Antiochean controversy? Several years ago Peter Richardson turned his attention to sorting out the issues in the Antiochean controversy (1980). He concluded that Peter and Paul shared a similar understanding of the need for accommodation, but differed over their interpretation of how to apply this principle in the circumstances at Antioch. I have chosen to continue work on this passage in order to pay tribute to the excellence of Professor Richardson's scholarship and his generous capacity for encouraging his admirers to chart their own course. I suggest here that at one point Peter and Paul agreed over a type of law observance for Jewish believers but at Antioch came to disagree over whether this allowed for sympathy with Pharisaism.

1 Despite the ancient tradition and modern discussion suggesting that Cephas is a different person from the apostle Peter, I will understand Cephas to be the Aramaic name for Jesus' disciple, Peter. 2 In contrast to Richardson (1980: 354), who considers that the "other Jews" are nonChristian Jews.

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1. The Persuasiveness of the Position of the Men from James 1.1 The Concerns and Identity of the Men from James Paul describes the men from James as TOU