Testing the chains: resistance to slavery in the British West Indies 9780801412523, 9780801475283

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TESTING THE CHAINS

ALSO BY MICHAEL CRATON A History of the Bahamas

A Jamaican Plantation: The History of Worthy Park, 1670—1970 (with James Walvin) Sinews of Empire: A Short History of British Slavery

Searching for the Invisible Man: Slaves and Plantation Life in Jamaica

TESTING THE CHAINS Resistance to Slavery in

the British West Indies

By MICHAEL CRATON

op Cornell University Press

Copyright © 1982 by Cornell University Press

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information address Cornell University Press, 124 Roberts Place, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1982 by Cornell University Press.

First printing, Cornell Paperbacks, 2009

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 82-71600 Printed in the United States of America Librarians: Library of Congress cataloging information appears on the last page of the book

| ISBN: 978-0-8014-7528-3 The paper in this book ts acid-free and meets . the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

To WALTER RODNEY (1942-1980),

who died for his belief in History

~ BLANK PAGE |

Contents —

Preface 11 Introduction 19 PART ONE The Plantation World and Slave Resistance Short of Rebellion

1. The Plantation at Work 32 2. Backra and Negar 36

3. Making a Life of Their Own A4

4. Quashie as Hero | 52 PART TWO Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775

5. Marronage: The General Context , 61

6. The Jamaican Maroons: Origins, 1600—1'700 67 7. Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 81

| PART THREE African Slaves

8. The African Phase 99 g. Barbados, 1645-1701 105 7

8 Contents 10. Antigua Echoes Barbados, 1687—1737 115

11. Jamaica, 1760: Tacky’s Revolt 125 12. New Colonies, Traditional Resistance, 1763-1802 140 PART FOUR Slave Resistance in the Age of Revolution, 1775-1815

13. An Inescapable Context? 161

Hanover, 1776 172

14. The First Afro-Caribbean Slave Plot in Jamaica:

15. The Storm Breaks: Grenada and St. Vincent, 1795 180

16. The Pacification of the Windward Islands, 1796—1'797 195

17. The Final Maroon War in Jamaica, 1795—1796 211 18. The Subjugation of Dominica and Trinidad, 1791-1814 224

| PART FIVE

Slave Rebellions and Emancipation, 1816—1832

19. Creolization and Resistance 241 - 20. Bussa’s Rebellion: Barbados, 1816 254 21. The Demerara Revolt, 1823 267 22. The Baptist War: The Jamaican Rebellion of 1831—1832 291

Epilogue B22 Glossary 341 Notes 347

Chronology of Resistance, 1638—1837 335,

Index 383

Credits and Sources for Photos 381

Maps and Illustrations

MAPS

1 The British West Indies [2

2 The Lesser Antilles: Five nations compete, 1605-1660 20

3 A typical slave plantation 34

45 Jamaica: Jamaica: Topography 72 The maroon phase, 1655-1775 73

6 Barbados in 1681, by Richard Ford 106-107 7 Antigua in 1739, by Herman Moll 116-117 8 Jamaica: Tacky’s revolt, St. Mary’s Parish, 1760 128

g Dominica, 1763-1814 142 |

10 St. Vincent, 1763-1797 148

11 Tobago, 1770-1801 154 12 Jamaica: The Hanover slave plot, 1776 173

1g Grenada: Fédon’s rebellion, 1795-1797 184

14 St. Lucia, 1796 196 15, Barbados: Bussa’s rebellion, 1816 255

16 East Coast, Demerara, 1823 268 17 Jamaica: The Baptist War, 1831—1832 292 ILLUSTRATIONS.

Sugar mill and slave quarters, Montpelier, Jamaica 32

Plantation overseer and slave driver, Antigua 4I 9

10 Maps and Illustrations

Country 68—69

Jamaican maroon refuges: Blue Mountains and Cockpit

Order of march against maroons, Guyana, 1775 86

Cudjoe’s Treaty, Jamaica, 1739 88 Ritual decapitation: Ashanti and Guyana 102-103

Subversive rebel message, Barbados, 1683 III Alleged plan for a slave takeover, Barbados, 1692 113

“A Rebel Negro,” by Bartolozzi, 1796 126

Dominican Maroons Negotiating Treaty, by Brunias, c. 1786 146

Free black ranger and black regular soldier 166—167 The Haitian revolution, as depicted by a German artist 182 , White troops out after maroons, by William Blake 203 Maroon ambush, Dromilly estate, Jamaica, 1795 216 Leonard Parkinson, last Jamaican maroon rebel, 1796 221

Ideal guerrilla country, Dominica 230

Kalinda, or stick dance, Dominica, by Brunias 234 Skirmish near Mahaica Fort, Demerara, 1823 271 White militia on parade, Georgetown, Guyana 282 Battle at Bachelor’s Adventure, Demerara, 1823 286

Rebel attack on Montpelier estate, Jamaica, 1831 298 ]

Montpelier, 1831 306

Black Regiment versus Colonel Grignon’s militia,

Rebel attack on Reading Wharf, Jamaica, December 1831 320

Free peasants at market, Falmouth, Jamaica, c. 1840 326

Preface

Horascivilization who believe history to be the story of man’s rise to tend to define civilization to include the acceptance by all classes of their place within the socioeconomic system. The history that results, even when it appears in a liberal guise, is essentially that of accommodation and acceptance. This is the “bourgeois” style that was fundamentally challenged by C. L. R. James in his Marxist interpretation of the Haitian slave revolution and by Herbert Aptheker in his pioneer study of American negro slave revolts. “The slaves worked on the land,” wrote James in 1938, “and like revolutionary peasants everywhere, they aimed at the extermination of their oppressors.” Likewise, Aptheker demolished the “magnolia and moonlight” myths of the southern United States and the idea that slave revolts were occasional aberrations, concluding in 1943 that “discontent and rebelliousness were not only exceedingly common, but, indeed, characteristic of American negro slaves.”! Subsequently, at a slavery conference in 1976, he went far beyond this position to assert that “resistance, not acquiescence, is the core of history.”? Aptheker’s clarion call in 1976 and James’s thrilling account of the

struggle led by Toussaint Ouverture were primary inspirations for this book, which seeks to achieve for the slaves of the British West Indies what James and Aptheker did for the slaves in Haiti and the

United States. Coming a generation later, the present volume is bound in some respects to go even further. Yet in others it stops far short of the pioneer populists’ pure Marxism. The fight against enslavement was clearly part of that perennial and universal class conflict consigned by traditional historiography to history’s “underside.” But having decided that slave resistance was structurally endemic and 11

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Preface 13 that white writers have more often than not distorted the account, one is still left with the need to analyze the degrees of resistance open to slaves and the variations in revolts from place to place and from time to time. Doing so involves delimiting the indistinct boundary between

resistance and accommodation, or between true political resistance | and apparent accommodation. One must decide not just why at a given time some slaves rebelled, while others did not, but—most diffi-

cult and contentious of all—why, at every stage, some actually collabo- , rated with the dominant class, while others risked all to rebel. Histo-

rians who seek to restore an independent ideology to the AfroAmerican slaves must acknowledge that such an ideology was surely more complex than the simple reactive ethos suggested by Aptheker and James. Above all, the ideology of resistance to slavery in the Americas was , not simply an extension of an external ideology, any more than AfroAmerican resistance was simply a phase in a progressive scenario dreamed up by certain Eurocentric historians. Yet the very idea that slave resistance was not an isolated phenomenon but part of a continuum is an aid to understanding. West Indian slaves inherited and melded traditions of resistance both from the Amerindians, whom they largely replaced, and from their own African forebears. They also bequeathed a tradition to their Afro-Caribbean descendants, who formed a downtrodden black majority even after formal slavery had

ended. The Amerindian and African backgrounds form the substance of my Introduction; what happened to the former slaves after slavery ended is the subject of the book’s brief Epilogue. In considering actual slave revolts, I started with a rather oversim-

ple formulation predicating a tripartite, sequential model of slave

revolts and a set of four “conducive situations.” I divided revolts into those of the maroon type, those led by unassimilated Africans, and the late slave rebellions led by creole (colony-born) members of the slave elite. My preliminary analysis borrowed from many different

theories of popular rebellion and suggested that resistance might flare into revolt under conditions of extreme oppression, where unassimilable elements were found in the subject population, where the forces of control were weakened, or where slave expectations became frustrated.° At the general level this analysis still has its merits, chief being its concentration on intrinsic forces and the playing down of abstract and extraneous influences, including all the ideologies of the Age of Revo-

lution (1775-1815) that loom so large in many accounts. Yet as I , wrote I found it necessary to refine and expand my initial analysis

14 Preface considerably. The three-phase model was overly neat and needed overhauling, at least in its simple sequentiality, and the allegedly causal elements required much greater articulation, if not outright - rejection where they were directly contradictory. The French and Haitian revolutions called for rather more emphasis than they had previously been given, although I was unable to go as far as Eugene Genovese’s argument that they marked a decisive watershed between simple rebellions and true revolution.4 On a narrower scale, besides, it was necessary to distinguish more clearly between mere plots and actual revolts, or rather, between different types of plot. All plots that came to nothing were clearly of a lesser level of political achievement than a prolonged revolt or a mass running away. But some plots were _ simply aborted revolts, at least potentially similar, while others were

barely embryonic, mere mutterings of discontent, even figments of the masters’ fears, rather than real threats to the regime. One of my basic assumptions is that the slave system was shaped largely by the slaves. But one must not understate the complexity of | the shaping. The first, and shortest, of this book’s five parts analyzes plantation slave society and reevaluates forms of resistance short of rebellion with the slaves’ influence on the system in mind. I attempt to go beyond the simple analysis of day-to-day resistance first proposed

by Raymond and Alice Bauer in 1942 and the rising scale of noncooperation proposed by Kenneth Stampp in 1956 to adopt many of the refinements made by George Frederickson and Christopher _ Lasch in a seminal article in 1967.° Not only can slave antagonism toward imposed labor and the master class (feelings like those of all subordinated people) be divided into simple noncooperation and true political resistance, but slave attitudes can be seen as resulting from choice and calculation. Different decisions could make the same slaves under different conditions appear cringingly docile, simply content, annoyingly troublesome, or implacably rebellious. By emphasizing the effects of change, my view dismisses the simple dichotomies between accommodation and resistance, accommodators and resisters,

and sheds light on the issue of whether slaves were more likely to rebel if driven on tight reins or on loose. But I stop short of the conclusion of Frederickson and Lasch that stability and a sense of belonging on the part of the slaves were the slaveowners’ chief allies and that change itself was most dangerous to them. Part One is an extended prolegomenon. The core of the book is, - naturally, a consideration of actual slave plots and revolts. Though I

confine myself to the British West Indies, which never comprised more than a third of the Caribbean region or included more than a

Preface 15 quarter of the total of Afro-American slaves, this work cannot hope to be definitive. Such an enterprise would require several volumes. The present book describes all major revolts and nearly all serious plots

and supplies a comprehensive list in a chronology at the end. Yet I have, inevitably, been selective. My choice was determined not by the admitted patchiness of source materials but by a conscious decision to give due prominence to the salient outbreaks while otherwise selecting examples that would most vividly illustrate themes and variations. Constraints of space also led me to concentrate on the true plantation colonies, excluding, for example, details of the many plots and small-

scale outbreaks that occurred in the nonplantation colonies of Bermuda and British Honduras and unrest short of armed rebellion in the “marginal” colonies of The Bahamas, Tortola, and Antigua that occurred at the same time as serious revolts elsewhere late in the slavery period.®

Following my original formulation, Parts Two, Three, and Five deal successively with maroons (especially the Jamaican), with African-led revolts, and with the revolts that rose to a: climax in the formative period between the ending of the British slave trade in 1808 and the freeing of the British slaves in 1838. Part Four provides

the rather more extended treatment I now think necessary of the transitional period that coincided with the American, French, and Haitian revolutions. These four core sections emphasize the interrelation, rather than the separation, of types and phases of revolt. ‘They illustrate how the maroons continued to provide an admired example

, for rebellious slaves even after most maroon groups had come to terms with the slaveholding class and show that the pull of Mother —_ Africa remained strong even after the umbilical cord had been cut in 1808. These sections also show that creole and elite slaves were prominent in slave unrest far earlier than has previously been thought: the two groups dominated the Jamaican slave plot of 1776 and were of critical importance in the Antiguan slave plot forty years earlier. In-

deed, in Barbados, the first of the British sugar colonies, Governor , Willoughby as early as 1668 said, in effect, We can control the Africans by mixing the tribes, but what will happen when all our slaves are creoles?’ The discoveries that I have made all contribute to the devaluation of outside influences upon slave attitudes and behavior. Slave revolts, particularly their leadership, were seldom as blind and insensate as the master class averred. At every stage there was far more planning and calculation than any whites recognized. Just as Caribs consciously played the English off against the French, and maroons cannily played off white smallholders and ranchers against

16 Preface the owners of the capital and labor-intensive large plantations,® so within the plantations slaves secretly preserved their private integrity, exploiting the planters’ fear of rebellion with constant threats, which cost the slaves less than actual revolt. Anansi, the spider-trickster of West African and Afro-Caribbean folklore, was as significant a hero to the slaves as were the real-life heroes Cudjoe, Nanny, and Tacky. Slave leaders were quite capable of utilizing the ideologies of the Age of Revolution when it suited them and were able to use the support of sympathetic liberals without subscribing to liberal ideas in more than a superficial way. The slaves even molded and used Christianity in ways beyond the imagination of earnest and self-deluded missionaries.

What, then, motivated slaves? And what was their ideology? In brief, slaves always resisted slavery and the plantation system, rebelling where they could or had to. Their aim was that of all unfree — people—that is, of the vast majority throughout history—freedom to make, or to re-create, a life of their own in the circumstances in which they found themselves. This desire, simple and informal though it was, amounted to a popular ideology even more important than that which justified and explained the slaves’ subjugation. The four situations conducive to slave rebellions that I originally identified possibly mislead as much as they inform. They do not address themselves as much to the causes as to the occasions or forms of slave revolts. Because they ignored the underlying ideology—or culture—of resistance they were bound to seem contradictory and thus to perpetuate in the analysis the ignorance and puzzlement of contemporary whites. Surely, some slaves—like all subject peoples— might rebel when they were treated too harshly; some slaves might rebel more readily than the others, and some might look especially for

opportunities offered by the temporary weakness of the masters,

: while others might rebel only when their slow, insensible gains were threatened. Yet none of these conditions was necessarily conducive to

__ uprising. In their arrogant assumption of cultural superiority and superior power, whites were lulled or confused by those slaves who worked well under severe conditions, by those slaves thought to be implacable who actually collaborated, by the numbers of slaves who volunteered for colonial defense or to fight against rebels, and above

all by the slaves who appeared content with the gains they had achieved, or had been granted, in the last and creolizing phase of formal slavery.

At the very least one should reformulate the four conducive situa-

tions, turning them around so as to see them not from the white masters’ viewpoint but from that of the Afro-Caribbean slaves. A

Preface 17 more satisfying summary might conclude that oppression on the part of the masters was particularly likely where unassimilable elements

were found but that violence nearly always provoked counterviolence | and that the forces of control had to be constantly on the alert, for even where the planters accommodated the creolizing tendencies of their slaves, the planters did not tame the slaves or deflect forever their will to freedom. When I look back over servile resistance in the British West Indies,

two overall interpretations seem possible. In’ one sense there was clearly a continuum of active slave resistance, which connected the Amerindians’ defense of their heritage and the Africans’ resistance in Africa to shipboard “mutinies” on the Middle Passage, resistance in the plantations short of rebellion, maroon activity, African-type rebellions, and the more sophisticated late Afro-Caribbean revolts. In

another sense, one might argue that all these forms of resistance worked inexorably toward a climax that resulted in slave emancipation when the time was ripe.

Of the two interpretations, the latter can be plausibly argued, but I | prefer the former, because whether or not the slaves were instrumen-

tal in the passage of the emancipation acts of 1834 and 1838, the notion that an unequivocal victory was achieved at this time is an exaggeration, if not a dangerous myth. Only if one were gifted with Marxist optimism could one conclude that history did, and does, go forward, that the former slaves formed a class of independent commodity producers in the essential intermediate phase, and that the Revolution is around the corner, if not quite here. Certainly Amerindian, maroon, and slave resistance has already entered the official mythology of independent countries throughout the Caribbean region, along with worthy campaigns to bring dignity and respect to Afro-Caribbean peasants and their culture. It is somewhat doubtful that the spirit represented by the splendid statue Le marron inconnu in front of Duvalier’s palace in Port-au-Prince is quite the same as that

expressed in the designation of Cuffy, Nanny the Maroon, Samuel Sharpe, and Julien Fédon as Heroes of Guyana, Jamaica, and Grenada or in the official attitude of the Cuban regime to Hatuey the Arawak and Esteban Montejo the runaway slave. But what the following chapters can do for such heroes, and for the masses they led and symbolize, is to disentangle myths from reality, whether the myths are those of former masters or those of former slaves. MICHAEL CRATON

Waterloo, Ontario

fy

Introduction

Mes of superiority, conquest, and cultivation have distorted the history of European involvement in America. The similarities and, mdeed, direct connections between Amerindian resistance to European colonialism and slave resistance have hitherto been slighted as part of that process. From the point of view of the colonized rather than the colonizer, the earliest relationship between the Amerindians and the Spaniards set a pattern that was to be replicated throughout the course of European colonialism—with other Europeans, with other Amerindians, and with African slaves and indentured Asians. Some “Indians” collaborated for hoped-for advantages, appeared to collaborate, or actually did so for a time; some fled from the Spaniards in the forlorn hope that they could preserve their way Of life in isolation; and some, through realistic calculation, pride, disappointment, or desperation, offered armed resistance. Amerindian behavior was, of course, far more complex than this simple description, varying within as well as between groups and changing over time. The forces that brought people together could subsequently tear them apart, and attitudes regarded as antithetical could sometimes prove complementary. Miscegenation was inevita-

ble, given the shortage of women among the newcomers and the Amerindians’ relaxed attitude toward sexuality, and some Christianization was bound to occur, given the missionary zeal of the Ca-

tholics and the curiosity of the natives. Yet the attractions of miscegenation were soon replaced by enmity in the disadvantaged males, by social dislocation, and by a mestizo class that the second generation of Spaniards and the Amerindian survivors alike despised. Catholic Christianity offered the parlous attractions of partial assimilation, and

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74 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 _ Not so the other maroons. The Varmahaly Negroes (also referred to as the “outlying” or “wild” negroes) continued to be a source of irritation to the English, who placed a price on their heads in a series of decrees. After the murder of five hunters and six small settlers in Clarendon parish in 1670, the government decreed that no settler

should travel more than two miles without being armed and that anyone caught trading or treating with the Varmahalies would be regarded as an accomplice. A reward of thirty pounds was offered for : the band’s commander, twenty pounds for the man styled “sergeantmajor” or for any other officer, and ten pounds each for “any com-

mon negroes of that gang.” In another decree any servant or slave who killed a maroon was promised freedom, any Varmahaly who surrendered and brought in a fellow was offered pardon, and it was said that “any persons finding out the pallenque of said negroes, shall have and enjoy to their uses all the women, children, and plunder for their reward.”!5 None of these rewards was ever claimed, nor were the Varmahaly or Porus settlements ever located with any certainty. Because they had

, few women and were constantly on the run, the survivors died out in the 1670s, fled to Cuba, or merged with the more pacific “wild negroes” of eastern Jamaica, who formed the nucleus of the group that became known as the Windward Maroons.!®© According to the best near-contemporary source, these maroons “thought of nothing

Else but securing themselves in the most remote of hidden places which the small Number of [white] inhabitants then only possessing the Maritime Places of the Island gave them an easy opportunity of doing.” Since the time of the Spaniards they had become acquainted with the most difficult and almost inaccessible places of the Blew Mountains where their love of Liberty induced them to Settle or rather hide themselves for I am well informed they there lived innocently for many years as they were not interrupted. They planted at several places and by the plenty of Wild Hogg & fish which the Mountains and rivers supplyed them with which they were well contented and as they had some women they Multiplyed fast

Even before they were augmented by the runaways from the plantations.

Only rarely were the Windward Maroons glimpsed, when they came down to the coast near Manchioneal for salt and turtles or when “the

Hunters of Wild Hogg from the plantations. . . fell in with theirs, who att this time being unarmed always fledd.”!” As the anonymous chronicler suggested, the situation gradually

The Jamaican Maroons: Origins, 1600-1700 75 changed with the tightening pressure on the maroons caused by the

building of coastal roads and forts and the spread of settlement, while | the eastern remnant of Spanish negroes (and possibly Arawaks) was

augmented by negro slaves running away from the burgeoning En- | glish plantations. At the same time new bands were formed in the western (or leeward) parts of Jamaica, made up exclusively of planta-

tion runaways. Together, these two very distinct types of maroon proved a mounting threat to the English colony. The first few runaways were not welcomed by the Spanish negroes and those who were allowed to stay were sometimes treated so harshly ©

that they fled back to their masters. Indeed, while plantations were | small and underdeveloped the slaves were said to have more encour-

agement to stay than to take permanent flight. At first the English planters could only settle their estates by small degrees. Because they lacked capital they “could only putt a verry Small number of Slaves on their Lands and these became Season’d to their way of Life & generally gott wifes, children & some small property in stock, all which were so many hostages for them not deserting & obliged them to bear with _ many hardshipps rather than leave them.”!® But after 1670 plantations increased rapidly in number and size as Jamaica emulated Bar-

bados in developing a sugar monoculture. Large gangs of new Africans, predominantly robust males, were rapidly introduced, and

they rebelled and ran away in bands far more readily than their predecessors, particularly since the proportion of whites on the plan- , tations, never high, declined rapidly at this stage. That a high proportion of the slaves imported into Jamaica were warlike Akan- and Ga-

planters. , ,

Adangme-speaking Coromantees increased the problem for the In 1673 a new Jamaican law defined a runaway as any slave found roaming without a ticket of leave, irrespective of the distance from the owner's estate or the time absent. Masters were penalized five pounds for failing to provide tickets, and any white free man was authorized to whip and detain any slave found roaming illicitly. The Jamaican Council explained that this stricture was “on consideration how much the safety of all planters consists in restraining communication of the

negroes one with another.” Militia regulations were continually strengthened, and parties frequently organized to scour the woods for runaways.!9 However, none of these precautions prevented five major uprisings, accompanied by mass flight, between 1673 and 1690, in all of which Coromantee slaves were principally involved.

In 1673, 200 Coromantee slaves rose up on Lobby’s plantation in

St. Ann’s parish, killed a dozen whites, seized arms, and fled into the

76 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 mountains between Clarendon and St. Elizabeth’s parishes, where they were harried and reduced but never entirely dislodged.?° Three years later there was such a serious defection in St. Mary’s parish that martial law was declared in the district and a permanent guard estab-

lished on two outlying estates.2! In 1678 nearly all the slaves who | rebelled on Captain Duck’s plantation near Spanish Town were killed

or recaptured, but many more of the 150 slaves on the estate of the

widow Grey and several other plantations in Guanaboa Vale who suddenly rose up on July 31, 1685, escaped. On that occasion the rebels laid siege to the house of Maj. Francis Price, which held out until thirty mounted troopers and a detachment of “choice” infantrymen arrived from Spanish Town, alerted by one of Mrs. Grey’s faithful domestics. Had Price’s house fallen, it was reckoned, a thousand slaves in the valley would have thrown in their lot with the rebels. Instead, the first rush was repulsed, with the loss of

“one of their conjurors, on whom they chiefly depended,” and the | rebels retreated to the limestone outcrop still known as Cudjoe Hill, “an advantageous hill full of craggy rocks and stumps of trees where the horse could not possible attack them.” The troopers dismounted and stormed the hill when reinforcements arrived. Half the rebels were killed or captured, but the remainder split into three parties and faded into the interior. Thirty of the stoutest rebels under a Coromantee called “Cophy” (alias Coffee or Cuffee) descended into St. Mary’s where, having killed an innkeeper and his family on the way, they terrorized the district for several months. Once again martial law was declared, and Captain Davis was sent “to pursue the rebels with his Indians ull completely destroyed.” A reward of ten pounds was offered for Cuffee, five pounds each for five other leaders, and two pounds for any rank-and-file rebels, dead or alive. When Cuffee was

reported killed in April 1686, the parties chasing the rebels were

1687.72 |

reduced to three, but these continued in operation until the middle of

The most significant early rebellion occurred, however, in 16go. On July 31, the fifth anniversary of the Guanaboa rising (and presumably during the traditional crop-over celebration), all 500 of the slaves rebelled on Sutton’s estate in nearby Clarendon, “in the moun-

tains in the middle of the island,” where the whites were outnumbered by about ninety to one. Having taken and burned the great house and having killed its caretaker, the rebels seized fifty muskets and a piece of artillery and tried in vain to persuade the slaves on neighboring estates to join them. Returning to Sutton’s, they loaded

The Jamaican Maroons: Origins, 1600-17700 77 the “great gun” with nails and laid an ambush in “a skirt of wood next to the house.” The first militia party of fifty horse and foot soldiers

was repulsed, but reinforcements arriving the following day were later able to claim that they had put the rebels to rout, capturing the “field gun” and many provisions and “killing or wounding some” of the rebels. In fact the slaves had simply decamped. A hunting party of

thirty “choice men” went in pursuit, killing a dozen fugitives and capturing more provisions. In addition, about 200 slaves, including sixty women and children, voluntarily surrendered during the follow-

ing month, reporting—probably disingenuously—that many of the wounded rebels had died on the trail and that the remainder had no food and very few guns. Governor Inchiquin stated on August 31 that

he regarded the rebellion as past but in the same dispatch admitted that parties still pursued the remaining rebels, who were so numerous “as to be a great danger to the mountain plantations.?° In fact, far more than 200 negroes had remained at large, including

for the first time a contingent of women and younger persons. Though its stronghold was not fixed for many years and this band may have coalesced with survivors from earlier outbreaks, its members were regarded by R. C. Dallas and most others who have written

about the maroons as the nucleus of the Leeward Maroons, particu- | larly since one of Sutton’s chief rebels was the father of Cudjoe, the greatest of all maroon chieftains, who was probably born in the moun-

tains about 1700.24 | |

In political, cultural, and military respects, the Leeward Maroons remained much more under African influences and were much more homogeneous than the maroons of eastern Jamaica. Aided perhaps

by the preponderance of Coromantees in the original band, by the forceful personalities of their Coromantee leaders, and by intrinsic merits in the Coromantee culture, “Cudjoe’s Negroes” established an autocratic polity cemented by kinship in the style of the Asante, rather than the Amerindian-style confederacy with a “shallow, weakly institutionalized” leadership developed by the Windward Maroons.?° Individual runaways from different African ethnicities who were prepared to undergo a rigorous probationary period were welcomed, but rival bands sometimes bitterly struggled for territory and supremacy. Such an armed conflict occurred in the 1720s with the “Madagascar” slaves from Down’s plantation, who established themselves in Dean’s Valley in the hills of Westmorland parish and were forcibly amalgamated by Cudjoe.?® By the 1730s Cudjoe was insisting on the use of English as the language of ordinary communication for his followers,

48 Maroon Resistance, 1600—1775 but as late as the 1750s “Coromantee” was said to be “ye Wild Negro Court Language,” used for all binding rituals. Since, as even Edward Long realized, Coromantees spoke several mutually unintelligible languages (“Akims, Fantins, Ashantees, Quangoos etc.”), this particular

tongue may have been a syncretic form, purposely developed and handed down by the captains and obeahmen who led the band.?7 Similarly, Accompong and Johnny, Cudjoe’s lieutenants in the 1730s, were described as his “brothers,” though the kinship may have been fictive rather than real. No record remains of Cudjoe’s mother, though she should have been important in a matrilineal tradition that designated the Queen Mother a trusted adviser. Cudjoe himself had several wives, and generally women played a lowly role among the Leeward Maroons, some of those seized from plantations being treated little better than slaves. As in Ashanti, the men were essentially a warrior caste. The women did most of the farming as well as cooking and keeping house, while the men spent much time roaming the hills, hunting and fishing and practicing martial skills, rapidly and silently tracking through difficult country, and polishing the arts of concealment and ambush, marksmanship, and subtle communication over long distances by means of drum, conch shell, and cow horn (abeng). Like the Asante the Leeward Maroons were adept in the use of firearms from the earliest days—preferring the long “Dane gun” found in West Africa from the early seventeenth century. In contrast, many of the Windward Maroons for a long time preferred “to arm themselves with launces and cutlashes rather than guns.”2° By 1730, though, many of the differences between Windward and Leeward Maroons had been eliminated by their adaptation to a common environment, by the exigencies of a mutual struggle for survival, and by recruitment from a common pool of disaffected slaves. The

Windward Maroons had long been forced into open resistance by competition for their habitat and by calculated moves on the part of the colonial government to dislodge, destroy, or reenslave them. As early as 1686 Lieutenant Governor Molesworth felt the need to put down the “outlying and rebellious negroes” in the windward parishes, especially St. George’s (now the western half of Portland parish), in order to encourage the continued expansion of white settlement. The group of maroons then most active was thought “to have been formed first by negroes saved from a shipwreck on the easternmost part of the Island sixteen or seventeen years ago” [that is, about 1669], which “had made themselves plantations in the mountains from which they descend into the plains in great numbers for provisions, often doing

The Jamaican Maroons: Origins, 1600—1'700 79 much mischief in obtaining the same.” They also inveigled slaves from the coastal plantations to run away and join them. The three parishes of St. Mary, St. George, and St. Thomas (which last then also

included the eastern end of what is now Portland) sent out parties constantly, but the time-consuming rigors of militia duty were regarded by small settlers as but another reason to desert the region.?9 Major Archbold, who as an assemblyman from St. George’s had a vested interest, led a volunteer expedition against the maroons but

came back empty-handed. One group he found established on an almost inaccessible hilltop, but instead of dividing the attacking column to cut off a maroon retreat, he made a frontal assault, and the adversary simply melted away. After destroying fifteen huts, a provi-

sion ground, and some hog traps, the column withdrew, its leader reporting to the governor that instead of living in a fixed location the

maroons had several, if not many, interchangeable townships and more provision grounds than were immediately needed.°° In contrast, the Leeward Maroons were much more inclined to concentration, being established by the time of Cudjoe’s ascendancy at places in due course to be called Accompong Town, in northern St. Elizabeth’s parish, and Trelawny Town, fourteen miles away in St. James’s par-

ish, at the highest point of the western Cockpits. By 1702 the Windward Maroons were much more numerous and considerably more aggressive than formerly. Almost certainly they had been augmented by slaves who had run away from the plantations captured and destroyed by the French in the invasion of 1696, and they were encouraged by the obvious weakness of the colonial regime, which that invasion had demonstrated. “They have mightily increased in their numbers,” reported Lieutenant Governor Beck-

ford, “and have been so bold to come down armed and attack our out :

settlements to windward and have destroyed one or two, which if not

prevented would prove of fatal consequence and endanger the Island; for if the settlements to the Windward should be so discouraged that the Inhabitants should be forced to quit them the enemy possessing themselves thereof might annoy, if not render themselves master of the remaining part.”>! Beckford had sent out four parties, one of which, consisting of only 20 men, had fought a six-hour engagement with the main body of the maroons, said to number goo. “They had posted themselves in the mountains between the North and South-

East Point of the Island,” wrote Beckford, and “had a Town and above 100 acres of land well planted with provisions,” which had been

“their rest” for some years past. In the engagement three of the

80 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 colonial party were wounded and several of the “rebels” killed or captured, but the remaining maroons decamped once their ammunition was exhausted. Once more the township was destroyed, a post was established in its place, and three search parties pursued the fugitives, but to little avail.5

CHAPTER 7

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775

B thenomiddle Jamaican maroons were said number longer1720s in the the hundreds but in the thousands. Thetoparish of St. George had become “desolated,” and travel along the north coast was extremely hazardous for whites. Because of the activities of Cudjoe’s band, much the same was true of St. James’s parish in the west and of the route over the island by way of the Great River valley.! The focal center of the most belligerent of the Windward Maroons was now the complex of three villages called Nanny Town, after the formidable priestess who inspired the maroon warriors and conducted their oz rituals, although she was neither an actual chief of any of the

settlements nor a leader in battle.? Nanny’s inspirational role and many of the legends attached to her attest to a much stronger African influence at this stage. In particular, the story that during attacks she was able to catch cannonballs between her buttocks and to fart them back with deadly effect has many African parallels during the long

period of resistance to the Europeans. Significantly too, the most potent of the Windward captains during the 1730s bore African names, at least three of which were Akan: Cuffee, Quao, and “Colonel Needham’s” Cudjoe.* Nanny’s role in stiffening and focusing resistance was very necessary, for compared with Cudjoe’s band the Windward Maroons suffered from a lack of cohesion, cultural and political as well as military. Each village and each warrior band was under a different leader, and there seems to have been an underlying dichotomy, one pole being represented by Nanny Town proper, with strong African and Coromantee influences, and the other by Guy’s Town, on a neighboring mountain spur, in which lived the last descendants of the first ma81

82 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 roons. Under colonial pressure the two villages cooperated, and Guy’s Town provided a refuge during the first attack on Nanny Town. But

the consequent closer contact and overcrowding exacerbated conflicts, which further weakened the cause. That the Windward leaders enjoyed the summary right of executing transgressors in their band by virtue of their office (rather than, as in Cudjoe’s case, through personal authority) testifies, if paradoxically, to political weakness. It

is significant, though, that according to one captured maroon, this summary right was exercised only in cases of adultery—seemingly proof of a conflict between African concepts of polygyny (as practiced

in Cudjoe’s band) and a countertradition of monogamy that characterized the earlier maroons. Another difference that may have weakened the Windward Maroons was their tendency to accept new recruits immediately during this period, insisting merely on a ritual oath rather than on a period of probation.? For Cudjoe at least, freedom was the first principle of resistance; revenge and destructiveness for their own sakes did not appeal to him. He sought freedom from embarrassing allies as well as from white domination. He was implacable in defense of his band’s territory but did not believe in unnecessary provocation and could be almost as fierce against rival bands who might bring down reprisals as he was against the whites once battle was joined. One commentator asserted, “It was always a rule with Him (Cudjoe], not to molest or injure the White People unless he was provok’d to it,” and described how he showed a Windward band that had penetrated his territory “severall Graves, where He said were buried some of His Men whom he had executed for Murdering of White People Contrary to His orders.”> In contrast, the Windward Maroons, with their looser organization and larger proportion of recent runaways, were less able to control attacks on white settlements by semiautonomous bands. Such differences help to explain both why the colonial authorities sought to eradicate the Windward Maroons first and why the whites held Cudjoe and his band in the most cautious respect. Hamstrung in its operations during the periods of war between the

Furopean nations such as 1689—1697 and 1702-1713, the plantocracy seized its chance during the long interval of Walpole’s peace during the 1730s, most notably during the incumbency of Governor Ayscough, who was himself a Jamaican planter. From the government’s point of view the Windward Maroons posed a more serious threat because of their numbers and seemed easier to defeat because of their manifest divisions. Broadly speaking, plantocratic policy was to drive a wedge across the island to separate Windward and Leeward

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 83 maroons and to deal with maroon bands piecemeal, beginning in the east. But the colonial forces proved unequal to their task in numbers and fighting skills and were even more divided than their opponents

by parochial concerns. The limited enthusiasm of militiamen disappeared at the boundary of the parish in which they had been raised, | but parish boundaries, of course, meant nothing to maroons. To anyone familiar with Jamaican topography it is not surprising that maroons could travel across the central ridges of the island with nearimpunity. More remarkable was the efficiency of their intelligence and communication networks. Recent runaways kept in touch with

family and shipmates on the plantations, and maroons apparently could also mingle in the crowds of slaves at Sunday markets, picking up valuable information as well as trading for vital necessities. ‘They even had clandestine means of obtaining guns, powder, and shot to supplement supplies stolen or captured in battle.® To reinforce the unreliable militia 800 regular troops were brought in from Gibraltar in 1731 and were posted at strategic points in the interior, such as the Cave River valley in upper Clarendon. But as in Africa, the mosquito was on the side of the defenders. Lacking immunity to West Indian diseases, the troops died off rapidly from malaria and yellow fever. Even in battle the regulars were at a disadvantage. As Governor Trelawny reported in 1738: The service here is not like that in Flanders or any part of Europe. Here the greatest difficulty is not to beat, but to see the enemy. The men are forced to march up the currents of rivers over steep mountains and precipices without a track, through such thick woods that

they are obliged to cut their way almost every step, the underwoods. . . being always exceedingly tough and bushy, twisted and entangled in a strange manner: add to this they frequently meet with torrents caused by heavy piercing rains that often fall in the woods and against which tents are no shelter. . . . In short, nothing can be done in strict conformity to the usual military preparations and according to a regular manner, bushfighting as they call it being a thing peculiar to itself.7

When the maroons were fighting they were never absolutely tied to their townships, but these settkements were bound to be the focus of

colonial operations. Accordingly the maroons tended to use their townships as bait, setting up traps and ambushes by the most obvious approaches while hiding the escape routes with great subtlety. In the precipitous east, for example, Quao’s township “was so situated .. . that no body of men, or scarce an individual could approach it, that

they would not have five or six hours notice, by their . . . out cen-

84 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 tinels. .. . The only accessible way to it, was up a very narrow path in which holes were cut, from place to place, about four foot deep, all

the way up, and down, with crutch sticks set before them, for the entrenched Negroes to rest their guns upon.”’® Similarly, Cudjoe’s inner fastness of Petty River Bottom was approached first by a winding, waterless, half-obscured uphill trail through jungle and then by a half-mile gorge. If they had not already repulsed the colonial forces by ambushes in the woods, it was said, Cudjoe’s men could bottle up attackers by rolling down large boulders at each end of the gorge, “and even without using their guns they could destroy such a force with rocks alone.”? In addition the maroons constantly used psychological techniques to intimidate their enemy. “When they engaged,” wrote one white, “they Constantly kept blowing Horns, Conch Shells, and other Instruments, which made a hideous and terrible noise among the Mountains in hopes of terrifying the Parties, by making them imagine their Number and Strength much greater than it really was.” From their

hiding places, or during the night, the maroons called out taunts, telling the white militiamen to come up and fight like men, or encour-

aged the blacks and Indians in the white men’s parties to desert, bragging how well they lived in the bush.!° By paying such attention to the whites’ auxiliaries, the maroons tacitly acknowledged their effectiveness. Though they took some years to adapt to Jamaican conditions, the Moskito Indian auxiliaries rivaled the maroons in tracking skills, especially when accompanied by their fearsome dogs, while the negro “black shot” rangers, trained in the woods, could almost rival the maroons in marksmanship. Yet even then it was not military defeat that turned the tide as much as a calculated decision by the maroon chieftains that the time had come to seek advantage in accommodation. This decision acknowledged _ that the ability of the whites to recruit and deploy Amerindian aboriginals and at least some of the plantation slaves had upset the balance and had made it necessary once more to revise, or to redefine, the shifting boundaries between slave and free. Nanny Town was first captured in 1732, but the dispersion of the maroons was only temporary—the first campaign in an eight-year war. Early in 1733 maroons led by Kissey retook Nanny Town and then brilliantly repulsed a two-pronged counterattack by 100 regulars, 100 militia, and 200 sailors. Taking the offensive, the Windward Maroons occupied Hobby’s and two other plantations and cut off Port

| Antonio from the landward side. Even more alarming to the planters were an epidemic of desertion from eastern plantations and a slave

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 85 rebellion that suddenly erupted in Hanover parish, at the far end of the northside of the island. “We are in terrible circumstances in respect to the rebellious Negroes,” wrote one panicky planter. “They get the better of all our partys, our men are quite dispirited and dare not look them in the face in the Open Ground or in Equal Numbers.”?!!

In 1734 and 1735, the colonial forces made gains against the Wind-

ward Maroons, but at great cost in men and money. Governor Ayscough organized several expeditions under Colonel Brooks and Captains Stoddart and Swarton. In April 1734, Nanny Town was captured with the aid of light artillery, after a five-day battle in which eighty of the attackers and an unknown number of maroons were killed. This time Nanny Town and its outlying settlements were all put to the torch, the provision grounds destroyed, and the inhabitants permanently dispersed. The site, at the junction of the Macungo and Stony rivers, under the highest ridge of the Blue Mountains, became a place of ghosts. !? According to the more romantic accounts, all the survivors of Nan-

ny Town made a fighting long march to join Cudjoe in the west.!3 The reality was more complex and less heroic. The maroons of the Nanny Town—Guy’s Town nexus split up into several bands. One large group, including Nanny herself, trekked east, not west, and

founded New Nanny Town—rechristened Moore Town in the 1760s—eight miles away, on the slopes of the John Crow Mountains above the Rio Grande.!* Other maroons did fight their way westward, where different accounts have them assimilated into Cudjoe’s band, tolerated by him for a time as allies, or rejected outright as a threat to

his authority and fighting methods. “As he had absolute command over His people,” wrote James Knight, “He was unwilling to receive another Body, who were independent to Him, and Subject only to

their own Chiefs, who would not submit to Him.”!° In fact a first group of 140 refugees from Nanny Town proper seems to have migrated to St. Elizabeth’s parish late in 1734, “hoping to join John Cuffee.” These, being predominantly African fighting men, were accepted by Cudjoe and settled in Accompong Town. Yet when another large party under Gummor arrived in western Jamaica a short time later, its welcome was far more equivocal. This group was allowed to stay in Cudjoe’s territory for eighteen months and to fight alongside his men but was not permitted to settle. Its members were eventually persuaded, about 1737, to filter back into St. Mary’s parish, where they founded what became known as Crawford Town. Gummor’s

band may have come from Guy’s Town rather than from Nanny

, are:

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ae ~~ Dp gg 20 12 IZ ig 1S 26 17 18 oe References to the above March.

1 . Two Negroes with Bill hooks to open a Path reenter eee onee ct erreee es rg

One Comporal & two Privates, to cover the Van H 3.2.One Subaltern , Six Privates, & one Corporal . 20.0000 00000. po B,

\A

/ . The Captamn or conrmanding OMcer . 0... cv a ce ence cette

2 . The Surgeon . 3. Dwo Privates,to cover the Lowder . =

|. 4 Negro with aPrivates Box of Ball Cartridges. 8. p J. Two . , Sl 6. A Negro with a Bar of Ball Cartridges . a 7. Eight Privates . 9 @. One Corporal . “qo I. Twelve Privates . : 2. Two [nvates . % 4.. Two Frivates . D 5. Three Negroes with Salt Beet; Salt Pork &e. = O. Two Privates . = 8. One Private : . 8 10. One Private ° 11. One Negro, with the Captains Provestone | rd 12. One Private . ” 44. One Private. bg | 17. 26.One Sie Privates. Sergeant. oa LO One Sergeant .. 000000660 ccc nen ee eet eee e nett cee tered

1 A Subaltern OVFICE? oo ccc tee eee Le ee ceo. -

3. Three Negroes, with Medicues ,Mettles , Aves, Spades, Xe . B

7. Three Negroes, with Black Bread or Rusk Biscuat. Qu

2. Two Negroes, with Hill-devil, or New Ruaa . A Lc 13. One Negro. with Provisions for the two Subaltern Officers. a

15.Three Negroes to carry the Sick & Wounded . &

18. One Corporal & two Privates, to cover the fear .............2...0. serene ®

A + B+ c = D+E#F#

Marks to be cut onthe Trecs on a March.

Fourgeouds 14 Column, Sub A . 2% Ditto, Sub.B. 3% Dito, Sub. C.

: DP Qnder Sedp£

Socety s Lf* Column, Sub.) . 2% Dato, Sub.E. 3* Dato, Sub. F.

Order of march against maroons, Guyana, 1775. This diagram, from John Gabriel Stedman’s classic account of antimaroon operations, published in 1796, graphically illustrates the dependence of white troops on their black auxiliaries.

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 87 Town proper and probably differed too much from the Leeward Maroons, and was too numerous, to settle comfortably under Cudjoe’s suzerainty.!©

Certainly the maroons remaining in the windward parts of Jamaica became relatively quiescent after the destruction of old Nanny Town, while fighting shifted to leeward and entered a more savage phase.

Altogether, Edward Long calculated that both stages of the 1730s maroon war cost the colonial regime a quarter million pounds and several hundreds killed. Yet despite the cost it was becoming obvious

that the result was a stalemate. For the plantocracy the war was a constant drain of money and men without prospect of victory in the field. Constant fighting was also a serious impediment to sugar production from established plantations, quite apart from destroying the hope of extending cultivation. But even for the maroons the war was counterproductive, causing a steady drain of manpower and an increasing shortage of supplies, even provisions.!” Furthermore, under the pressures of war Cudjoe found himself forced to accept unreliable recruits from among the runaways and captives from plantations. Disenchanted by the rigors of guerrilla war under a spartan chief, at least five of Cudjoe’s recent adherents deserted and acted as guides to the whites, being later rewarded with manumission.!® As early as 1734 the Board of Trade advised Governor Hunter to negotiate a peace. A delegate named Bevil Granville was sent into the woods but first had great difficulty finding maroons with whom to parley and then was politely told by a maroon captain that they well knew what he was about but would never trust a white man.!9 Acting Governor Gregory in 1736 offered more specific terms that were no more successful: liberty and lands to cultivate for all who had been at large five years or more, provided they would help to clear the woods of those refusing amnesty and would harbor no more runaways.?° It

was not until the newly arrived Gov. Edward Trelawny in 1738 found | a local planter and militia officer, Col. John Guthrie, who was respected by the maroons for his honesty and woodsmanship, that Cud-

joe agreed to come to terms. The tale of the signing of Cudjoe’s Treaty has often been told and

often misrepresented. Plantocratic propaganda described it as an ob- | ject submission on the part of the maroons, with Cudjoe groveling at Guthrie’s feet, kissing his hand, and begging pardon. This interpretation is not undermined by the illustration used by R. C. Dallas in the

classic history of the maroons, which portrays Cudjoe as an ugly, dwarfish figure cringing before an idealized Guthrie, who extends an arm symbolically.?!

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bein djoe withdrew, ,:iteness, “ or| : convent hen Cu | ambush, Guthrie,

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 89 of Trelawny Town and a retreat to a more defensible position some distance away. The following morning, after a desultory exchange of shots, a second meeting arranged between the officers on both sides, at which negotiations began in earnest. Guthrie was far from presenting Cudjoe with an ultimatum. Indeed, negotiations were spread over ten days in order to allow the colonial commander to discuss the most thorny issues with governor and Council in distant Spanish Town. As Sadler reported to Gover-

nor Trelawny, Cudjoe’s Maroons _ seem’d very well disposed to Acknowledge Your Excellency with all

the Deference due to your Character, to hold a perfect Harmony with the Country and to render themselves as useful to it as possible

by taking up our Runaways and returning them and of their own accord Offer’d to be Assisting on the first Command against the Spaniards or any other Forreign Enemy On Condition that they | might have free Possession of this place and be free from Slavery, might not be disturbed by Partys and might have a Commerce with us.23

A far more difficult issue was whether any of all of the runaways who

: had joined Cudjoe should be included in the amnesty provisions of the treaty. Governor Trelawny, fresh from England and unduly encouraged by the polite tone of Cudjoe’s addresses, was first inclined to

give liberty only to those born in the woods. But the Council, worn down by the war and unwilling to take back runaways who had enjoyed too long the taste of freedom, more realistically suggested that only those runaways who had lived in the woods for less than two years should be given up and that even this point should not act as an impediment to Guthrie and Sadler in signing a treaty of peace.*4# Given this mandate, the two colonial officers went ahead with their negotiations and eventually signed a fifteen-article treaty of peace. with Cudjoe on March 1, 1739.79 On the crucial issue of the runaways, those who had been taken by or who had fled to Cudjoe’s band within the previous two years were excluded from the “perfect state of freedom and liberty” guaranteed to Cudjoe and his adherents. But they were to be returned to their former masters only if they were willing to go and were promised, moreover, an absolute pardon. If

they were unwilling to return, they were to “remain in subjection to | Captain Cudjoe,” bound like him to amity with the colonial regime. Only those “negroes taken since the raising of the party” [that is, during 1739] were to be returned unconditionally. For the rest, Cudjoe’s treaty contained no specific acknowledg-

go Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 ment of white suzerainty, though the vague and subtle wording permitted the colonial regime later to claim it. Peace was promised for-

ever, and the maroons pledged service under the command of the governor in the event of invasion by foreigners. They also agreed to serve against any rebels remaining under arms and to return any future runaways, being promised reimbursement “for their trouble as the legislature shall appoint.”

Cudjoe’s band was granted the freehold of 1,500 acres of land without specific boundaries “between Trelawny Town and the Cockpits.” There they had the right to grow coffee, cocoa, ginger, tobacco,

and cotton—that is, smallholders’ crops, which notably excluded sugar. In addition they could raise any stock they wished and could sell any produce in the island markets, provided they first obtained license from a parish magistrate. Though all the band was to live only

in the two towns already established, they were at liberty to hunt where they willed, “except within three miles of any settlement, crawl

or pen.” Cudjoe and his successors could exercise magisterial powers for crimes committed by the maroons among themselves but were no longer allowed to exact the death penalty. Capital cases were to be

tried by the colonial judiciary, with maroons tried by “proceedings .. . equal to those of other free negroes.” The maroons were theoretically protected against injuries by the whites, since they could “apply to any commanding officer or magistrate in the neighbbourhood for justice,” but maroons found guilty of offenses against whites were to be remanded to the colonial judiciary for trial. Having brought Cudjoe’s Maroons at least partially under the colonial military, economic, and judicial systems, the treaty in its last few clauses subtly aimed to bind the maroons more closely in the future. To give the whites easier access to the maroons from the three adja-

cent parishes (rather than to aid the maroons), Cudjoe’s followers were persuaded to “cut, clear, and keep open, large and convenient roads from Trelawny Town to Westmoreland and St. James’s, and if possible to St. Elizabeth’s.” Though they were not required to pay homage, Cudjoe and his successors were to “wait on his Excellency, or the commander in chief for the time being, every year, if thereunto

required.” Moreover, two white men chosen by the governor and salaried by the colonial treasury were to live permanently in each of the two maroon towns “in order to maintain a friendly correspondence with the inhabitants of this island.” Finally, though Cudjoe was acknowledged as “chief commander” of the Leeward Maroons during his lifetime and was to be succeeded, in turn, by his “brothers” Ac-

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 Ql compong and Johnny, and by captains Cuffee and Quao, it was to be the colonial governor, not the maroons, who chose the maroon lead-

ers in subsequent generations. |

The signing of Cudjoe’s Treaty was a momentous event in Jamai-

can history. Its significance was immediately recognized by the whites, who awarded £1,500 to Colonel Guthrie and £600 to Lieutenant (now Captain) Sadler—nearly three times the rewards given for the capture of Nanny Town. It was also acknowledged by the island slaves, who were disgruntled and made desperate by the apparent favor shown to

Cudjoe. The slaves of the chief whites were said to be the most perturbed, “expecting as they were usefull Servants to their Masters that they would find some protection on that Accot.” Plotting was wide-

spread, scotched only by the execution or transportation of ringleaders. “Even at Spa: town the Capitall of the Island,” claimed one writer, “they openly and very Insolently mett Severall nights & be-

gann to form companys and name commanders amongst themselves.”2©

For their part the Windward Maroons continued the fight, but not for long. Quao won a notable victory on the Spanish River over several hundred soldiers and sailors led by Concannon and Thicknesse, and the formidable Guthrie sent into St. Mary’s to repeat his success, died on the trail—according to rumor, poisoned by a slave.?’ At first the Windward Maroons discounted the story of a treaty signed in the west. But on July 23, 1739, Guthrie’s successors, Colonel Bennett and

Captain Adair, persuaded Quao to sign a second treaty. This document, ratified by the Jamaican Assembly early in 1740, echoed Cudjoe’s Treaty but included a few minor but significant changes. Instead

of merely standing ready to aid against all rebels and runaways, the , Windward Maroons were to form parties and to fight rebels or cap-

ture runaways whenever required by the governor. In disputes with , white hunters over captured game, the maroons were to relinquish the game rather than to share it, as in Cudjoe’s case. Before they could bring goods to market the Windward Maroons had to obtain not only a license to sell from a magistrate but also a ticket of leave from one of the white residents of their town. Most serious of all, the sixth article stated that instead of merely appearing before the governor a maximum of once a year, “the said captain Quao, and all his people, shall be in subjection to his excellency the governor for the time being; and the said captain Quao shall, once a year, or oftener, ‘appear before the governor, if thereunto required.”?® Furthermore, the ratifying act added below Quao’s signature (and

presumably without his agreement) listed four “Additional Provi- :

Q2 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 sions.” All maroon recruits from the previous three years were to be

returned to their masters, though they were to be pardoned and treated well. Any maroon who attempted to entice a slave to run away

would be considered guilty of a capital crime. The Windward Maroons were to form permanent companies, each under the command of a white man (they would be paid whenever they were on active service). And finally, “they shall be obliged to cut such roads as the governor shall order; and that they immediately cut a road, so as to be rideable, the nearest way possible to a plantation.”

While Cudjoe and the other maroon war leaders lived, and while memories of the fighting remained fresh and painful, the treaties worked well enough on both sides. As long as the areas of settled and unsettled land in Jamaica remained roughly equal, there was a prag-

matic balance between the colonial settlers and the maroons. Only after the end of the Seven Years’ War in 1763, as the plantocratic regime reached the height of its power and arrogance and the still growing maroon polities became weak and divided, were the treaties of 1739 and 1740 reinterpreted. Always happier to hunt and roam than to play the role of settled small farmers, the maroons fell comfortably into their new function as policemen and wartime auxiliaries. The women grew little more food

than was needed for subsistence, while the men ran stock and kept their guerrilla skills sharp by tracking and killing with lances the elusive wild hogs and by snaring and shooting the myriad wildfowl on their annual migrations between North and South America. Maroons became familiar picaresque figures in the Jamaican lowlands, standing out in the crowds as they brought their cattle, game, and “jerked” pork down to market or strutting casually through the plantations on

hunting parties.29 The slaves came to treat them with a mixture of envy, fear, and enmity, while the planters found their presence reassuring as well as picturesque. Cudjoe himself, the greatest of all maroons, earned universal respect, especially after he and his men were instrumental in putting down the serious Coromantee slave rebellion of 1742—for which Cudjoe was promoted from “Captain” to “Colonel”—-and in suppressing the 1760 rebels in Westmoreland and St.

James’s.3° |

! In June 1750 the newcomer Thomas Thistlewood had a memorable meeting in the woods on his way from The Vineyard in St. Elizabeth’s to the Great River in upper Westmoreland. “Between 8 and 9 Miles from Deans Valley,” he recorded in his distinctive style, “mett Colonell Cudjeu, one of his Wives, One of his Sons—a Lieutenant and

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 93 other Attendants—he Shook me by ye hand and Begg’d a Dram of us, , which we gave him—he had on a feather’d hatt, Sword at his Side— gun upon his Shoulder &c Bare foot and Bare legg’d, Somewhat a_

Majestick look—he brought to my Memory ye picture of Robinson |

Crusoe.”$! Six months later Thistlewood encountered the even more

exotic figure of Cudjoe’s brother Accompong. “Capt. Compoon here,” he reported at The Vineyard on January 8, 1751 (having seen only one white person during the previous three weeks), “about my Size, in a Ruffled Shirt, Blue Broad Cloth Coat, Scarlett Cuffs to his

Slave, gold Buttons ..., white Cap and Black hatt, White linnen Breeches puff'd ay ye Knees, No Stockins or Shoes on—Many of his Wives, and his Son there.3? As late as 1764 Cudjoe’s men appeared before Governor Lyttleton at Spanish Town and gave a fantastic display of their martial arts. As Edward Long (who had met and interviewed Cudjoe) described it, With amazing agility they ran, or rather rolled, through their various firings and evolutions. This part of their exercise indeed more justly deserves to be stiled evolution than any that is practised by regular troops, for they fire stooping to the very ground, and no sooner are

their muskets discharged than they throw themselves into a thou- "

sand antic gestures, and tumble over and over, so as to be continually shifting their place; the intention of which is to elude the shot as well

as to deceive the aim of their adversaries which their nimble and almost instantaneous change of position renders extremely uncertain.33

For some whites the maroons’ performance was already no more than an archaic spectacle; for others it was a reminder of the maroons’ dangerous potential. But not just plantocratic calculation—expressed through an Assembly niggardly in its disbursements—increasingly consigned the maroons to a pacific role. Only a minority were ever

required at one time for hunting runaways, and the general mobilizations ordered under threat of foreign invasion were scarcely frequent enough either to keep all maroons militarily primed, or to provide

them with sufficient pay for permanent subsistence. Furthermore, once they had been settled and had become more creolized, the maroons began to multiply naturally. At the time of the treaties their numbers, to the surprise of their adversaries, were found to be considerably under a thousand, but they more than doubled by. the end of the century. For this reason alone they needed to become more like free peasant farmers than the “wild negroes” of the previous era had been; the alternative was starvation. The transition and increase in

04 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 numbers were especially rapid in the case of the Windward Maroons,

who were both more subject to colonial influences and, from the beginning, less employed as auxiliaries than Cudjoe’s men. Significantly, the original land grant of 500 acres at New Nanny Town in 1741 was issued to the redoubtable Nanny herself, as if she and her followers had been ordinary settlers.># Much of the land originally granted to the maroons was of poor agricultural quality. Where it was formally patented—that 1s, in all cases but Cudjoe’s—its precisely defined boundaries often abutted on lands similarly patented by small white settlers. In earlier days the maroons had practiced shifting cultivation on poorer soils as well as roaming almost at will in the uncultivated backwoods. Now, as the whites took up their patents the maroons were increasingly hemmed

in, running the risk of trespass when they went hunting in their traditional woods and forced to plead for new grants of land to avoid

squatting on or grazing land granted to others. The situation was complicated in the case of the Windward Maroons by their traditional lack of cohesive organization, so that land hunger and restlessness led to dispersion as well as to relocation, further increasing the points of

friction with the ever-expanding plantations. ,

The maroons of New Nanny Town (alias Moore Town) were on particularly poor soils and were riven by leadership squabbles. Gradu-

ally they spread farther up the Rio Grande valley to establish the settlement of Cornwall Barracks, and in the 1750s Clash, one of the 1740 leaders, led his followers across the mountains to settle on fertile

land near Bath on the Plantain Garden River. The Crawford Town Maroons were even more restless. In 1749 a splinter broke away and obtained land to establish the long-lived settlement of Scott’s Hall, and in 1756 most of those who remained in the original township migrated several miles down the Buff Bay River to establish New Crawford Town, alias Charles Town.°°> Now closer than any other maroon group to the coast, they soon came into conflict with sugar planters. They had been given grants of crown land, but in 1776 they pleaded with the House of Assembly for more. By their humble petition the maroons claimed that when they had first arrived in 1756 they had had no neighbors and had been able to graze livestock freely

on adjacent lands. Then several sugar works and other plantations had sprung up nearby, “‘by which means, they cannot raise stock of any kind, without encroaching on the neighbouring plantations, as the land allocated them is steep and hilly; this has occasioned many disputes between them and the white settlers, by their flock trespassing on the cane-pieces, and the cattle of the white settlers ruining their provision grounds.”°°

Cudjoe’s War and Its Aftermath, 1700-1775 95 With their far more cohesive polity, and with the tangled Cockpits at their back, the Leeward Maroons suffered disruption more slowly

than their eastern fellows and never became so dependent on the parlous bounty of a plantocratic Assembly. Yet Accompong Town slowly drew away from Trelawny Town while at the same time beginning to experience conflicts with the small white settlers of upper St. Elizabeth’s similar to those of the Crawford Town Maroons with the

planters of Portland. Even in Trelawny Town the death of Cudjoe around 1770 was followed by the creation of a splinter township by maroon called Furry—though this offshoot may have resulted from maroons’ dissatisfaction with the successor to Cudjoe rather than being a symptom of the disruption and increased dependency found among the Windward Maroons. For by subtly undermining leadership, even more than by hemming in the maroons with formal settlements and making them conse-

quently dependent on the colonial legal system, the plantocracy sought to change the balance of power in the Jamaican backwoods. The agents of the planters’ will—often unconsciously—were the white residents in the maroon townships. These were able gradually to extend the scope of their decision making while ensuring that the role of

the governor-appointed maroon captains became increasingly ritualized and meaningless. Sad to say, this process was too often facilitated by the maroons themselves; the ordinary folk became almost as litigious as creole whites, and the captains fell victim to the allurements of noblesse oblige: title, not custom; honors, not honor; re-

spectability, not reputation. , | R. C. Dallas illustrated the critical decay of leadership in his description of Old Montague, the last captain of Trelawny Town. Under him the office had entirely sunk into the show of a few exterior ceremonies. ... He wore a gaudy, laced, red coat, and a gold hat with a plume of feathers. None but their captains and officers sat in his presence, except upon the ground. He was the first helped at meals; no women ate with him, and he was waited on by the young men. He presided in the council, and exercised an authoritative tone of voice to enforce order, which, however, he seldom effected; for he was, in fact, considered in no better light than as an old woman, but to whom the shadow of respect was to be paid, as he bore the title of Chief.3”

Yet, if the majority of Jamaican maroons had been more or less | tamed by 1775—creole peasants scarcely more independent than the

other “free blacks” in the limbo between slave and fully free—the embers of resistance still glowed, at least in the western Cockpits. That

g6 Maroon Resistance, 1600-1775 the maroons were not entirely subverted shines through the blind condescension of Edward Long or the bitter condemnation by Bryan Edwards.*8 Even in Dallas’s pessimistic assessment there are signs that the maroons could still draw on traditional resources of which the white man had limited comprehension. The ritual surrounding Old Montague may have become a charade; but it had African—indeed, Akan—undertones. As I will show in Part Four, when the imperial authority made its final bid in the 1790s to neutralize the Jamaican maroons it gravely miscalculated the ability of some maroons to revive traditional guerrilla skills under the implacable leadership of such traditional warrior chiefs as Johnson and Parkinson. After all, even in Ashanti, though the ruler—the Asantehene—was accorded extravagant ritual deference, he could be instantly deposed and executed if he opposed the will of the council bent on war, even when it was a war of desperation.*9

Part Three AFRICAN SLAVES

BLANK PAGE > |

CHAPTER 8 : , The African Phase

(es the obduracy of many Africans—especially those known as Coromantees—and the fact that plantations or plantation colonies in an early stage of development were bound to have a majority

of slaves born in Africa, it is not surprising that the earliest slave revolts were essentially African in character. The rebels were mostly

Africans led by Africans, the uprisings plotted, planned, and prepared in African style, with aims and fighting methods that owed at least as much to Africa as to the special conditions of Caribbean colonies and Amerindian precedents. Though the size and topography of different colonies proved to be critical in determining the frequency and intensity of slave uprisings (Jamaica having almost as many as all the other British colonies put together), common African influences also meant that there was a marked similarity between early revolts from place to place, despite the slaves’ difficulty in communicating with other colonies and in spite of the colonies’ establishment at dif-

ferent times and development at different rates. | As Part Two showed, plantation revolts were associated with maroon activity wherever the topography allowed, the maroon settlements being, or becoming, essentially African in character wherever the Amerindian elements were negligible or became submerged. However, where running away to form an Africanized polity in the wilds was impractical, the early rebels, almost inevitably, dedicated themselves to the total eradiction of their white oppressors and to the founding of an Akan-style autocracy in place of the toppled plantocracy. Though interinsular cooperation was virtually impossible for slaves, the communication within each colony essential for an effective uprising was a different matter. The facility of rebels in passing

99 |

100 African Slaves unseen from place to place, in obtaining secrets before they were generally known even by whites, and in disseminating information almost instantaneously over long distances by drums and horns in African style mystified and haunted the master class. Even more ter-

rifying were the savagery and hardihood of the African slaves in

combat and their almost superhuman disregard of pain when wounded or under torture. “Intrepid to the last degree,” wrote Christopher Codrington of the Coromantees in 1701, “not a man of them but will stand to be cut to pieces, without a sigh or groan.”!

The plantocratic response to the threat and actuality of African _ slave revolts also fell into a general pattern, with the later colonies only slowly and imperfectly learning from the experiences of the earlier and equally slowly changing. Planters were repeatedly overop-

timistic about the effectiveness of the means of control, whether it consisted in persuading at least some of the Coromantees to police the rest of the slaves, in defocusing African rebelliousness by jumbling ethnicities, or in favoring creole over African slaves. Almost invariably the whites were deluded by the quiescence, or apparent acquiescence, of their slaves, so that when rebellions occurred, the shock at the suddenness gave way to horrified amazement at subsequent revelations of widespread secret plotting and careful planning. The planters’ complacency changed to panic and outrage, which in turn gave way to a calculated savagery more than matching that of the rebels.

, Many slaves were slaughtered out of hand in the initial phase. Others were subsequently tortured into making confessions or implicating their fellows, while ringleaders were publicly executed in barbaric fashion: by progressive mutilation, slow burnings, breaking on the wheel, or starvation in cages. The bodies of killed or executed rebels,

denied formal burial, were dismembered and left to rot in public places. Decapitation was almost a rule; the severed heads were displayed on poles on the rebels’ home plantations. This terror tactic played on the belief common among Africans that such dismemberment deprived them of the longed-for chance of a return in the spirit world to the African heartland, but it also—probably unbeknownst to the planters—duplicated the practice of Akan and other African warriors, who made much of the display of the heads of defeated enemies.* Rebel slaves whose lives were spared received punishments intended to be scarcely preferable to execution. Some were mutilated, and most were permanently disfigured by the whip. At the very least, suspected or potential rebels were deported, either dropped in some

desert area to fend as best they could or sold off to unsuspecting

The African Phase 101 foreigners—whose form of slavery the British condescendingly, and usually erroneously, regarded as even more severe than their own. Finally, in the last phase of plantocratic response to slave rebellion, the punishment and policing laws became ever more draconian and unrealistic.

The whites shaped the laws as best they could to serve their own needs, and they controlled the lines of communication between the colonies. Thus, in theory, they could benefit from the cumulative effect of earlier experiences, emulating laws and practices found to be effective and circulating news and detailed reports of slave rebellions elsewhere. White planters could also call upon the aid of their neighbors or the resources of the imperial system for naval and military reinforcement. But these advantages did not save them from a repetition of the pattern of African challenge as colony succeeded colony; Bermuda and Providence were followed by Barbados, Barbados by the Leewards, the Leewards by Jamaica, and Jamaica by the islands ceded in 1763. African weakness, or division, more than plantocratic strength enabled the whites to unravel so many African plots and to defeat all revolts. Moreover, the passing of the African phase itself was due to a largely fortuitous steady change, the process of creolization. Though the planters decided to purchase fewer Coromantees, to prevent ethnic concentrations wherever possible, and to set creole slaves against Africans, the sheer increase in the proportion of creole slaves determined that all African influences in successive colonies

became attenuated and that not only Akan but all ethnic groups grew | smaller and intermingled. Successively, then, it became less likely that

slave revolts would be purely Akan, Akan-led, predominantly African, or African even in their leadership. If we can afford the plantocracy unstinted credit for any tactics of self-preservation it is for their unfailing encouragement of slave informers. As the following narrative shows, all uncovered plots, and most plots that reached the rebellion stage, consistently produced informants. It was often claimed that informers were motivated by a love of their masters, but personal advantage and disgruntlement with the rebels were far more likely motives in every case. Captured rebels sometimes informed to save their lives, to be whipped or deported rather than executed. But informers who helped scotch or actually defeat a rebellion often achieved manumission, the highest aim of the majority of slaves. Informers frequently included female domestics, who might or might not be the bedmates or wet nurses of the whites they saved. An increasing proportion of informers were

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500—\eo an / It certainly frightened the whites and also brought out the ever-ready distrust of Jews felt by Edward Long and other good Christian planters. In one of his most revealing, if apocryphal, anecdotes, Long told of a conversation between an Akan rebel captive and his Jewish militiaman guard at Savanna-la-Mar. You Jews, said he, and our nation (meaning the Coromantins), ought to consider ourselves as one people. You differ from the rest of the Whites, and they hate you. Surely then it is best for us to join in One common interest, drive them out of the country, and hold

possession of it to ourselves. We will have (continued he) a fair division of the estates, and we will make sugar and rum, and bring them to market. As for the sailors, you see they do not oppose us,

Jamaica, 1760: Tacky’s Revolt 133 they care not who is in possession of the country, Black or White, it is the same to them; so that after we are become masters of it, you need not fear but they will come cap in hand to us (as they now do to the Whites) to trade with us. They'll bring us things from tother side the

sea and be glad to take our goods in payment.!6

Thus, in Long’s account, the Coromantee was proposing a decolonized Jamaica and a situation very similar to that in his native West Africa; the Africans would be firmly in political control, the

white Europeans would come as commercial supplients, and the Jews , (like the Portuguese tangomdos) would act as middlemen. Despite the whites’ fears, no plots turned into actual revolt within thirty miles of Kingston or Spanish Town. But outbreaks did occur in Clarendon, Accompong’s parish of St. Elizabeth, Cudjoe’s parish of

St. James and, worst of all, in Westmorland, where the rebels were aided by the unreadiness, indiscretion, and actual cowardice of the whites. The Westmorland rebellion began on Whitsunday, May 25, 1760, with the murder of several unwary whites at Captain Forrest’s estate, where several of the slaves were “French negroes” taken in the British campaign against Guadeloupe who had “been in arms. . . and seen something of military operations.” The alarm was raised in the

neighborhood, and the whites secured several estates. But on one estate the owner armed twenty of his trusty slaves (Coromantees all), only to have them thank him politely, salute him with their hats, and _ march off to join the rebels. The combined rebels, having fired Forrest’s works and canes and having killed several slaves who would not join them, “withdrew into the woods, where they formed a strong breast-work across a road, flanked by a rocky hill; within this work they erected their huts, and

sat down in a sort of encampment.” The ill-prepared militia moving ; against the rebels fell into an ambush and, “struck with terror at the dismal yells and multitude of their assailants,” were utterly routed. Encouraged by the militia’s defeat, many slaves flocked to the rebels, until they numbered “upwards of a thousand, including their women, who were necessary for carrying their baggage, and dressing their victuals.” !7

Thomas Thistlewood’s journal for 1760, probably the only firsthand account of the rebellion that has survived, wonderfully conveys the atmosphere of rumor, panic, and confusion in Westmorland.!® Strangely enough, Thistlewood does not seem to have heard previously about the insurrection in St. Mary’s at Easter and only in retrospect recalled details indicating that similar trouble might be brewing in Westmorland, 120 miles by road to the west.!9 In October

134 African Slaves 1760 he noted that a shaved head signaled an intention to rebel and remembered that “our Jackie, Job, Achilles, Quasheba, Rosanna, é&c., had their heads remarkably shaved” and that Quasheba, whose broth-

er was a rebel killed in the uprising, “had feasted away some time before.” Egypt plantation, of which Thistlewood was overseer, lay between Savanna-la-Mar and Captain Forrest’s estate. Three days before the outbreak two of Forrest’s slaves had visited the slave quarters at Egypt to see Jackie on unexplained business, while on the day of the outbreak at least three Egypt slaves, Lurie, Dover, and Lincoln, were away at Forrest’s without permission.?°

On Whitsunday, Thistlewood dined with a neighbor and heard a rumor of an impending uprising, which he discounted as idle table talk. He returned to Egypt to sleep and was not even unduly alarmed when at 9:00 P.M. (about an hour before the outbreak at Forrest’s) he heard the sound of a horn down in the Egypt slave quarters. But just after midnight, four white neighbors galloped up and pounded on his door with the bloody news from Forrest’s estate. Seeing that the men were barely clothed and were riding bareback, Thistlewood fled instantly with them, turning back briefly when he remembered that he had not secured his keys and papers. Arriving in town at 2:00 A.M., he

was placed on guard with the other whites until daybreak, when he was released to go back to Egypt under the doubtful protection of a group of militia and sailors from waiting sugar ships. Thistlewood stayed at his post, but the following week was a night-

mare for him. All around was the sound of skirmishing and the smoke from burning houses and canes. He saw little of the militia and could not rely on the sailors who, whenever they came by, demanded food and grog, became horribly drunk, and stole his spoons. His sole white companion, the bookkeeper John Graves, was worse than jittery, shooting at strange negroes on sight, wounding a harmless domestic slave, and taking off for Savanna-la-Mar without permission when the situation grew most alarming. Like most white men left on estates, Thomas Thistlewood did not fully trust his slaves but was forced to rely on them. As far as possible he maintained the normal working routine but tried to ensure that all slaves remained close by and under surveillance. At night, four of the trustiest slaves were armed and were put to guard the works, while he and John Graves took turns sleeping. But as the rebels pressed closer, the Egypt slaves were clearly on the verge of mutiny. “When ye report was of ye Old Hope Negroes being rose,” wrote Thistlewood on May 28, “(IJ perceiv’d a strange Alteration in ours. They are certainly very ready if they don’t, and am pretty certain they were in the Plot, by

Jamaica, 1760: Tacky’s Revolt 135 what John told me on Sunday evening, what they had said in ye Field

on Saturday in ye Papah Tree piece... and from many other Circumstances. . . . Coffee and Job also very outrageous.” The crisis came on Thursday, May 2g. About 2:00 P.M. three slaves ran up with news that rebels had assaulted and were tearing down the great house of Jacobsfield, the very next estate. Thistlewood scribbled an SOS and gave it to Job (whose insolence he had so recently recorded) to carry on horseback to the commanding officer at Savannala-Mar. A troop of fourteen horsemen was immediately sent in relief. One of the troopers told the overseer “for God’s Sake to take Care,” while the commander, Colonel Barclay, recounted the somber news

of the militia’s rout at the hands of the rebels entrenched in the woods, “of which [I] perceive,” wrote Thistlewood, “our Negroes

have good Intelligence, being greatly Elevated & ready to rise, Now , we are in ye Most Imminent Danger.” Taking his biggest gamble, Thistlewood armed most of his male slaves, placed them on guard, and during a night of “dreadful Apprehension” watched several neighboring houses being burned.?! The crisis passed, very few Egypt slaves went off to the rebels, and four days later Thistlewood was able to report far better news: p.M. Mr Solomon Cash Call’d. Wounded in ye left Shoulder, With a ball in ye Engagement today: which was very Smart, Several of ye Rebellious Negroes kill’d, their provisions and town took, also most of their Powder and a great deal of Plunder as ruffled Shirts, laced hatts, Shoes, Stockings, Cravatts &c &c and fine Mahoggany Chest full of Cloaths &c &c. They had fortyfied themselves with Palisadoes,

and a dry wall, but we took it. Col. Cudjoes Negroes behaved with great bravery. The Black Shot from Hanover &c [though] had not much resolution.?2

This action, clearly the second major skirmish described by Edward Long, drove the rebels very much back on the defensive, though it far from ended the rebellion. The colonial forces were much better organized than formerly, consisting of a detachment of the Forty-ninth Regiment, a fresh company of militia, and a strong party of Cudjoe’s men. “The regulars led the van,” wrote Long, the militia brought up the rear, whilst the Marvons lined the wood to the right and left, to prevent ambuscades. The rebels collected behind their fortification, made shew of a resolution to defend their post, and fired incessantly at their opponents, though with no more injury than wounding one soldier. The officer, captain Forsyth, who commanded the detachment, advanced with the utmost intrepidity,

ordering his men to reserve their fire, till they had reached the

136 African Slaves breast-work; at which time they poured in such a volley, that several

, . of the rebels immediately fell, and the rest ran as fast as they could up the hill. A Mulatto man behaved with great bravery in the action,

he leaped on the breast-work, and assaulted the rebels sword in hand. Having gained a lodgement, the troops declined a pursuit, |

and carelessly entered the huts, where they sat down to refresh

themselves with some provisions, of which they found a large store; the rebels perceiving this, discharged several random shot from the hill above them, which passed through the huts, and had very near been fatal to some of the officers: the Marons, upon this, penetrated the wood at the foot of the hill, and ascending it on the opposite side, and spreading themselves, suddently assaulted the rebels in flank,

who were instantly routed, and a great number killed, or taken prisoner.25

The defeated Westmorland rebels dispersed in small groups, some of which joined up with the rebels in upper St. James’s, where they gave Cudjoe’s men and the Forty-ninth Regiment trouble for months. Others reconcentrated as a large group making its base in the Car- penter’s Mountains of eastern St. Elizabeth’s, while one band under a slave called Damon roamed as far afield as Mile Gully in the highlands

of what was then western Clarendon (now northern Manchester).*+ Meanwhile, though, resistance had been temporarily crushed in St. Mary’s with the death of Tacky. Admiral Holmes sent one naval vessel to Annotto Bay and a frigate to Port Maria to act as a floating prison, and the naval ratings acted with much more resolution than the mer-

. chant mariners had shown in Westmorland. A combined force of sailors, militia, and maroons caught one band of rebels in a rocky glade, killing several with hand grenades. But the chief victory belonged to the Scott’s Hall Maroons, who fought and defeated Tacky’s main band in a major skirmish. Tacky, somehow separated from his

warriors, was chased by the maroon Lieutenant Davy and was shot dead while both men were running full pelt—a feat of marksmanship that became famous. Tacky, who was described by Long as “a young man of good stature, and well made; his countenance handsome, but rather of an effeminate than manly cast,” was decapitated. His head was carried in triumph to Spanish Town, where it was displayed on a pole beside the main highway. It did not stay there long, though, being “stolen, as was supposed, by some of his countrymen, who were

unwilling to let it remain exposed in so ignominious a manner.”2° As Bryan Edwards wrote, it was then “thought necessary to make a

few terrible examples of some of the most guilty of the captives,” though such exercises in frightfulness proved of doubtful value. One rebel, condemned to be burned alive, “was made to sit on the ground,

Jamaica, 1760: Tacky’s Revolt 137 and his body being chained to an iron stake, the fire was applied to his feet. He uttered not a groan, and saw his legs reduced to ashes with the utmost firmness and composure, after which, one of his arms by some means getting loose, he snatched a brand from the fire that was consuming him, and flung it in the face of the executioner.”*° Two

other ringleaders, Fortune and Kingston, who were condemned to the gibbet were, at their own request, given a hearty meal before being hung up on the central Parade in Kingston. As hunger took hold they made no complaint except of the cold at night “but diverted themselves all day long in discourse with their countrymen, who were

permitted, very improperly, to surround the gibbet.” Fortune survived seven days and Kingston, incredibly, nine.?7 It was the loss of Tacky’s leadership rather than the planters’ tactics that ended the revolt in St. Mary’s. Few, if any, rebels surrendered unconditionally. Many committed suicide in the woods, while a remnant successfully negotiated through Gordon, a planter, for deportation rather than a trial and inevitable execution. An unknown num-

ber were also thought to have returned to their estates and to have persuaded their gullible masters that they were innocent of rebellion, having fled simply to avoid recruitment by the rebels.2®

In western Jamaica the rebellion continued many more months. In , September 1760, Lieutenant Governor Moore was forced the convene the Assembly to explain the continuation of martial law, to persuade the members to tighten the militia and deficiency laws, and to authorize the payment of further bounties to the Leeward Maroons. Seven companies of thirty militiamen and fifteen “baggage negroes” each, were drafted to form a network of posts, while a poor white millwright called William Hynes, “who had been used to the woods, and very serviceable against the rebels in St. Mary’s,” was commissioned to raise a volunteer company of a hundred black shot rangers from among the “free Mulattos and Negroes.”29 Captain Hynes and his rangers were forced to be four months “on the scout” before they brought the rebels to battle, but there were many other skirmishes between the Leeward Maroons and smaller rebel bands. Apparently only a minority of the rebels were killed or captured in this last phase of the fighting, a very large number prefer-

ring suicide to certain defeat. “For the parties of militia,” wrote Edward Long, “frequently came to places in the woods, where seven or

eight were found tied up with whites to the boughs of trees; and previous to these self-murders, they had generally massacred their women and children.”°9 It was not until October 1761 that Lieutenant Governor Moore was

138 African Slaves able to announce “the total suppression of the rebellion” and the planters were able to count the total cost. In all, some sixty white persons, and at least as many free coloreds and free blacks, had been killed. Between 300 and 400 rebels were estimated to have been killed or to have committed suicide, with another hundred executed—either summarily or after trial and torture. No fewer than 500 rebels or suspects were transported, mostly to the Bay of Honduras, which had

“long been the common receptacle of Negroe cirminals, banished from the island; the consequence of which [wrote Long prophetically], may some time or other prove very troublesome to the logwood cutters.” Without calculating the damage to the export trade in 1760 and 1761, it was reckoned that “the whole loss sustained by the country, in ruined buildings, cane-pieces, cattle, slaves and disbursements, was at least 100,000 £ [pounds].”—many millions in modern money.*! In its shock to the imperial system, the 1760 rebellion was not to be

equaled until the Jamaican rebellions of 1831 and 1865 or the Indian Mutiny of 1857. It occasioned some antiplantocratic feeling in the metropolis—including Dr. Johnson’s famous toast to the next slave rebellion in the West Indies?*—but for the most part led to a stiffening of imperial resolve. In Jamaica an act was passed to control even more tightly slaves’ movements and meetings, to prevent slaves altogether from having guns or ammunition, and to punish with death the practice of obeah. All free coloreds, blacks, or Indians were forced to register in their parish of residence and to carry a certificate and badge signifying that their freedom was limited. Owners were discouraged from absenteeism by differential taxation; overseers and bookkeepers were forbidden to leave their estates on Sundays and

certain holidays. On the other hand, slaves who had killed or had brought in rebels were voted rewards equal to the bounties granted to the maroons by treaty, while about twenty “faithful” slaves were manumitted (their owners, of course, being reimbursed) and were given an annuity for life and “a circular badge, or medal of silver, on which was engraved the date of the year, with the words ‘Freedom for being Honest,’ on one side, and on the reverse, ‘By the Country.’ "3%

The king was petitioned to keep the regiments permanently stationed in Jamaica and not to disperse them (as the Seventy-fourth and Forty-ninth regiments had been) to such far-flung outposts as Africa and the Mosquito Coast. At the same time, as much money was voted as Edward Long estimated the rebellion had cost to erect barracks in

each parish, strengthen the forts, and build a powder magazine in Spanish Town.

Jamaica, 1760: Tacky’s Revolt 139 Despite all these precautions, the Coromantee slaves were still not entirely pacified. In November 1765 a slave called Blackwall, acquit-

ted of conspiracy in 1760, led a Coromantee uprising at Whitehall estate in St. Mary’s; and in the following year thirty-three Coromantees (mostly newly arrived) rose up on an estate in Westmorland and

“in the space of an hour, murthered, and wounded, no less than nineteen white persons.”°4 Both of these outbreaks, however, were desperate, localized, and quickly suppressed. A committee of the legislature recommended the banning of further imports of Gold Coast slaves, but to Edward Long’s disgust, the Assembly failed to enact the resolution. For once, the assembled planters were probably more real-

istic than the chief of their chroniclers when they argued that the outbreaks of 1765 and 1766 were the last convulsions of a dying cause. In fact, few Jamaican planters willingly bought Gold Coast slaves thereafter, but they were unconsciously aided by the increase in the variety of slaves offered for sale and the changes that yearly made it less necessary for individual planters to bring in large numbers of Africans at all. By 1780 creole Jamaican slaves outnumbered Africans

and the African phase of Jamaican slave resistance had passed— though the Jamaican planters, like those elsewhere (as will be shown in Parts Four and Five), greatly exaggerated the seduction of their non-Coromantee African and creole slaves.

CHAPTER 12

New Colonies, Traditional Resistance, 1763-1802

A s Edward Long predicted, the Coromantees deported from Jfa-

maica after Tacky’s revolt were among the slaves who rebelled in the sparsely settled timber colony of British Honduras in the later 1760s.' Yet the Honduras slave disturbances were but an eddy compared with those that occurred in the four islands in the Windwards ceded to Britain at the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the signing of which preceded a major new wave of capitalist investment in plantations. Under the false assumption that Grenada, Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago were all virgin territories, to be allocated to British subjects and to be given a British system of colonial government, a whole new generation of English and Scottish adventures descended on the islands, emulating the style and hoping to repeat the success of planters in Barbados, the Leewards, and Jamaica a century earlier. With the aid of a compliant Commission for the Sale of Lands in the Ceded Islands, nearly all unoccupied lands were allocated within a few years, forest was cleared, mills sprang up, and thousands of new Africans were imported.” In each new territory, though, the Africans resisted their enslavement and exploitation, often aided by the squabbling, inefficiency, and inexperience of the would-be plantocrats. Moreover, in Grenada and Dominica the establishment of a British plantocracy met resistance from the earlier French settlers and their francophone (and nominally Catholic) slaves, and in St. Vincent it was also neces-

sary to defeat the fearsome Black Caribs, who quite properly regarded the island as their own. Only in Tobago, almost deserted in 1763, was there a simple wave of new development—which led to a pattern of slave plots and revolts between 1770 and 1802 curiously 140

New Colonies, Traditional Resistance 141

between 1700 and 1737. | similar to those in Barbados between 1675 and 1701 or in Antigua

Grenada, captured in March 1762, was already a flourishing colony. Under the French it already had 1,300 whites, 200 free coloreds and blacks, and 12,000 slaves. The excellent soils permitted an economy as diversified as any in the West Indies; the crops included coffee, cocoa, and cotton as well as sugar, and the island was almost selfsufficient in stock and ground provisions. Nevertheless, the new planters attempted to impose a sugar monoculture, trebling the number of slaves and quadrupling the exports of sugar within a dozen years. At the same time the traditional British colonial constitution was introduced, creating a self-legislating Assembly and a franchise that in |

due course virtually excluded the Catholic minority.° 7 The immediate results were described, with pardonable national bias, by the French philosophe the Abbé Raynal. “England has not made a fortunate beginning,” he wrote in 1767. In the first enthusiasm raised by an acquisition, of which the highest

opinion had been previously formed, everyone was eager to purchase estates there. They sold for much more than their real value. ... This imprudence has been followed by another. The new proprietors, misled, no doubt, by national pride, have substituted new methods to those of their predecessors. They have attempted to alter the mode of living among their slaves. The negroes, who from their very ignorance are more attached to their customs than other men, have revolted. It hath been found necessary to send out troops, and to shed blood. The whole colony was filled with suspicions. The masters who had laid themselves under the necessity of using violent

methods, were afraid of being burnt or massacred in their own plantations. The labours have declined or been totally interrupted.

In Dominica the difficulties for the new master class were even

greater. Not only did the island belong to the Caribs, strictly speaking, | but its climate and topography made it almost untamable. It was extremely mountainous land with a very high rainfall, said even now to have a river for every day of the year. Its virgin jungle, as dense as that of the Cameroons, its mountains and defiles, provided refuges for Caribs and runaway Africans alike and offered little land suitable

for sugar plantations. The British settlers made few efforts to subdue the Caribs, whose numbers in any case had greatly declined through natural causes. A large tract on the Atlantic side of Dominica was acknowledged as a Carib reserve in return for a loose agreement with the Caribs that

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New Colonies, Traditional Resistance 143 they would not harbor runaway slaves.° This second provision, in _ fact, was almost redundant. So numerous did the fugitives become, and so large were the areas to which they could flee to become independent maroons, that cooperation was no longer attractive to the Caribs or necessary for the African runaways. Thus the Dominican Caribs barely kept their ethnic and political integrity, while the form of resistance against British colonialism in Dominica much more resembled that of the Jamaican maroons than that of the Black Caribs of St. Vincent and was at least as effective. Thomas Atwood, writing in 1791, nearly a quarter century before the Dominican maroons were finally subdued, gave two causes for their rise, attributing much of the blame to the first British settlers. . _ Many of the would-be planters brought unsuitable slaves: domestics unused to hard manual labor, troublesome individuals transported from other islands and bought cheap, or large groups of newcomers straight from Africa. Set to work at clearing the forest, they died, either from overwork or from lack of “seasoning,” or they simply ran away. Furthermore, many of the newly acquired lands and slaves in southeastern Dominica had formerly been owned by the Jesuits who, as in Martinique, had combined missionary activity with the vigorous operation of sugar plantations but had decided that it would be politic to sell out after the British conquest of 1759. “Many of the negros so purchased from the Jesuits,” wrote Atwood, either from their attachment to them, or dislike to their new masters, soon after betook themselves to the woods with their wives and chil-

dren, where they were joined, from time to time, by others from different estates. There they secreted themselves for a number of years, formed companies under different chiefs, built good houses, and planted gardens in the woods, where they raised poultry, hogs, and other small stock, which, with what the sea, rivers, and woods afforded, and what they got from the negros they had intercourse with on the plantations, they lived very comfortably, and were seldom disturbed in their haunts.®

Given at least a generation in which to develop their communities, the Dominican maroons became, in the words of one governor, “an im-

perium in imperio.” Another governor described the discovery of large hidden villages and provision grounds 300 acres in extent, including, ironically, sugar canes as fine as any found on the settlers’ plantations.’ By Atwood’s account the Dominican maroons, like those in Jamaica, were at first peaceable. But the French encouraged the maroons,

144 African Slaves arming them during the reconquest of the island in 1778, so that after the peace treaty of 1782 (which restored Dominica to the British), the maroons resolutely resisted British attempts to reestablish and extend

the plantations. One modern Dominican writer has identified no fewer than a dozen maroon leaders living with their different bands

in the tangled center of the island at this time. “In the southern camps,” he wrote, “there were Congo Ray, Balla, Zombie, Jupiter, Juba, Cicero and Hall. Above Grand Fond was the camp of Mabouya and in the higher reaches of the Layou Valley there was Jacko, Coree Greg and Sandy; above Colihaut was Pharcell.”® In 1785, after the maroons had rejected several offers of amnesty and had intensified their depredations on outlying estates, the conflict turned into outand-out war. Governor Orde persuaded the Assembly to pass an act for extraordinary taxation and created a “colony legion” of 500 men, made up of regular soldiers of the Thirtieth Regiment volunteering

for extra pay, white and free colored militiamen, and “able negro men belonging to the different plantations” as rangers and baggagemen.9 These legionnaires were divided among three fortified posts inter-

connected by a line of patrols and placed as close as possible to the presumed chief maroon encampments. In response the maroons immediately pierced the pickets and attacked Rosalie estate, owned by the lieutenant governor, with 100 heavily armed men. There they killed four whites and the black slave driver, cremating their bodies in the flames of the sugar works. The rebels then spent two days “riotting and revelling, blowing conk shells and huzzaing, as for a great victory, having taken the precaution to stop up the roads to the estate by felling large trees, and placing centinels to give them notice, in case

of the approach of the legions.” To the dismay of the settlers, this bold attack was followed by assaults by smaller bands of maroons on at least five other estates.!°

In 1786 troops were sent to Dominica from St. Vincent and Grenada, along with 1,000 extra muskets for the militia. But, as in Jamai-

ca, the settlers countered the maroons’ guerrilla operations best by irregular warfare. Atwood graphically described a small expedition led by John Richardson, who though a mere carpenter was familiar with the woods and the maroons’ chief hideouts. Richardson persuaded a handful of legionnaires, and some “trusty negro men” of Rosalie estate who were bent on revenge for the death of the driver, to accompany him in an attack on the encampment of the maroons, who were led by the chief Balla. Traveling rapidly by night through mountainous jungle and swiftly flowing streams, they stealthily ap-

New Colonies, Traditional Resistance 145 proached Balla’s camp by a path so steep that “the party were obliged

to go up, one after the other, and to have their muskets handed to them, the one on the upper, by him on the step below, till they were all ascended.” Achieving complete surprise, Richardson’s party routed Balla’s group with musketry as they were preparing dinner, capturing the women and children and a great deal of booty taken from plantations. The maroons were confused and dissuaded from a counterattack by one of their own tactics: Richardson and his lieutenants called out orders to imaginary forces on the surrounding ridges. Balla himself was pursued and was killed by one of the legionnaires.!! Some time earlier Cicero had been betrayed, taken, and gibbeted at Woodbridge Bay, and soon after Balla’s death Coree Greg and Sandy surrendered with their bands. These victories encouraged Governor Orde to announce to the Assembly that the emergency was over. But the removal of the four maroon captains seems simply to have eased

the way for the emergence of something like a paramount leader, Pharcell (alias Farcel), who had already been described as knowing “better how to avail himself of [the country] than any of the other chiefs” and as having a working rapport with the French in Martinique and Guadaloupe, to north and south.!? Writing soon after Orde’s proclamation, Thomas Atwood was also inclined to conclude

his account on an overoptimistic note. “The runaway negros have since then been seldom heard of in Dominica,” he wrote, “for those who were under ... Farcel, it is imagined, have quitted the island, and have retired among the French settlements, or among the Carribbees at Saint Vincent’s.” In fact, Pharcell and his followers were simply lying low in Dominica once more, reorganizing. Atwood was forced to add in a footnote that since his book had gone to press he had heard from Dominica that “the runaways, under the command of this chief, having been joined by a number of other negro slaves, from

different plantations of the French inhabitants, have again commenced depredations of a most serious nature.”!° As I will show in Part Four, 1791 was only the beginning of the Dominican maroons’ most active period, which continued throughout the French Revolu-

tionary and Napoleonic wars. For much of this time Pharcell remained the predominant chieftain, though the symbolic high point was that occasion in 1813 when the maroon leader Quashie placed a reward on the head of the governor, dead or alive.!4 Although the British colonials always stressed connivance with the | French, the Dominican maroons were encouraged in at least equal measure by the resistance to British colonialism of the Black Caribs of

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Burchell, Gardner, and Knibb were arraigned at the Cornwall Assizes and gathered together literally hundreds of defense witnesses. Burchell was released when a colored witness called Stennett confessed to perjury, and the judge entered a nolle prosequi in the other two cases on March 15. All the Baptist missionaries in western Jamaica

fled to Kingston, but even there they did not feel safe. “Should I escape,” wrote Knibb to his mother, “I shall return to England, as I am not safe from assassination in this part of the world.” It was probably with relief that Burchell and Knibb found themselves deputed to go to England by the other Baptist missionaries, to “present the case

of their brethren.”°> Thomas Burchell took the first ship he could get, by way of the United States at the beginning of April; William Knibb and his family sailed direct to England on April 26. During the crucial few months between the enactment of the Great Reform Bill and the passing of the first Emancipation Act in July

1833 there were about a dozen refugee missionaries in England. _ Freed from physical restraint and fear for their lives, and finding a public now fervent for reform, they became uninhibited and absolute emancipationists, forgetting their years of compromise and dissimula-

tion. They also conveniently forgot who had fought and suffered most in the recent rebellion. Because of his rough oratory, tireless energy, and firsthand experiences, William Knibb was the undoubted

star and one of the most important single influences shaping the public debate. During the summer of 1832 he was, with the Method-

ists Duncan and Barry and the Anglican Austin, one of the most important missionary witnesses before the Select Committee of the House of Commons. He gave evidence that spread over four days and covered forty-six pages in the 550-page report. During the rest of 1832 and for the first half of 1833 he preached, spoke, and debated before huge crowds throughout England and Scotland. William Knibb was not insincere and was rarely disingenuous, but in his wildest flights of rhetoric he was never impolitic. In accordance

The Baptist War: Jamaica, 1831—1832 319 with the need to convince the public that Christianity was a force for civilization, not disorder, he played down the activities of the slaves in the 1831~—1832 rebellion, especially those of the members of his own congregation. He hotly denied that he admired or had praised Samuel Sharpe.°® Instead, he stressed the evils of slavery in general, the cruelty of the planters, and the persecution of the nonconformists by the Anglican whites. He exhibited slave collars and whips which, in those ingenuous times, were greeted with hisses and boos. Even more effective was another stage prop, the neckerchief of Henry Bleby, still coated with tar and remnants. of feathers. And most effective of all were Knibb’s heartfelt accounts of his own persecution, how he was carried in bonds by canoe from Falmouth to Montego Bay, was sworn at by foul-mouthed militiamen, and was prodded in the chest with a bayonet. To many of his pious auditors he seemed, more than a mere witness for Jesus Christ, almost a Christ figure himself.>7 In 1832 as in 1823 the missionaries stole the martyr’s crown. For the British public they were the chief heroes and victims of the re-

bellion, even more potent than the Demerara Martyr because they came at a readier time and came in person to capitalize on their ordeal. We, however, can have no doubts as to who the true heroes and martyrs were. Knibb himself, much as he relished his popular

glory, tacitly came to acknowledge the role of the slaves and their

leaders when, in the 1840s, he had Samuel Sharpe’s body translated from its unmarked grave to a place of honor in the rebuilt chapel in Montego Bay—handing out pieces of the original coffin almost as sacred relics.°8 Henry Bleby, too, made the rebel slaves the heroes of his Death Struggles of Slavery, though this was not published until 1853.

In particular, Bleby described the intrepid heroism with which many of the rebels met their deaths. He wrote of Patrick Ellis who, when -

surprised and surrounded, refused to surrender but, bearing his breast to the advancing troops, cried out: “I am ready. Give me your volley. Fire, for I will never again be a slave.” Bleby described how leaders twice tricked by promises of reprieve, like Gardner and Dove,

or Robin Hood ruffians, like Dehany, could go steadfastly to the gallows. “I have seen many led out to die,” he wrote, “who were as calm and undismayed in walking to the scaffold as if they had been proceeding to their daily toil.”°9 Yet fittingly Samuel Sharpe’s end remained most indelibly in the | minds of those who witnessed it. Bleby visited the condemned Sharpe several times in his cell and once more was struck by his eloquence, calm, and determination. “I found him certainly the most intelligent and remarkable slave I had ever met with,” he wrote.

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