Symbols of the Cross in the Writings of the Early Syriac Fathers 9781463210168

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS IN THE WRITINGS OF THE EARLY SYRIAC FATHERS

SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS IN THE WRITINGS OF THE EARLY SYRIAC FATHERS

CYRIL APHREM KARIM

GORGIAS PRESS 2004

First Gorgias Press Edition, 2004. Copyright © 2004 by Gorgias Press LLC. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States of America by Gorgias Press LLC, New Jersey. ISBN 1-59333-230-0

GORGIAS PRESS 46 Orris Ave., Piscataway, NJ 08854 USA www.gorgiaspress.com Printed and bound in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Karim, Cyril Aphrem. Symbols of the cross in the writings of the early Syriac Fathers / Cyril Aphrem Karim.— 1st Gorgias Press ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 1-59333-230-0 1. Crosses. 2. Syriac literature—History and criticism. 3. Christian art and symbolism—Middle East. 4. Middle East—Civilization. I. Title. BV160.K37 2004 246'.558'09—dc22 2004025569

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................1 1. Towards a Theology of Symbols .......................................................3 2. The Syriac Fathers..............................................................................14 3. Methodological Notes .......................................................................31 PART ONE: THE CROSS FROM EDEN TO GOLGOTHA............................35 Chapter One: The Cross and the Paradise of Eden...................................................37 Chapter Two: The Cross and the Patriarchs of the Old Testament.......................47 Chapter Three: The Cross and The Prophets................................................................67 Chapter Four: Symbols of the Cross in Nature...........................................................89 PART TWO: THE CROSS FROM GOLGOTHA TO PARADISE................ 105 Chapter Five: The Cross as an Historical Event ......................................................107 Chapter Six: The Cross as a Sacramental Event.....................................................125 Chapter Seven: The Cross as an Eschatological Event..............................................143 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................153 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...............................................................................157

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1. TOWARDS A THEOLOGY OF SYMBOLS A. THE REBIRTH OF THE THEOLOGY OF SYMBOLS The twentieth century has witnessed the resurrection of a kind of theology which is not very familiar to the western mind. It is a resurrection because it has long been adopted and practiced by the first church in general and the Eastern Churches in particular, throughout the centuries. This theology is known as the theology of symbols or, as some may call it, symbolic theology. This theology which depends primarily on symbols and images is an eastern way of understanding faith, but it developed most extensively in Syriac Christianity. The Syriac speaking world was particularly a suitable environment for this kind of theology to flourish and develop for two reasons: The first reason is to be found in the peculiarity of the Semitic mind which finds great comfort in images and symbols. This pattern of thinking is as old as humankind; it is easily recognizable in the Scriptures, both Old and New. It is a Judeo-Christian tradition which continued in the Syriac Churches as part of the rich heritage which they inherited from Judaism. Secondly, this kind of theology grew in an environment which disliked and distrusted everything related to the Greco-Roman world. Politically and culturally the people were under Greek and later Roman occupation. Ecclesiastically they resisted the attempt to force on them a foreign authority. The rivalry was great between the native Syriac language and the Greek and Latin which were identified with the occupiers, and later with the much detested Chalcedonian church.1 This attitude drove the Syriac church inward, away from western culture and philosophy. This, however, did not prevent Syriac scholars from playing a leading role in transmitting Greek philosophy to others, especially the Arabs, through the translation of Greek books into Syriac and then Arabic. It is not surprising to see that the majority of those 1 The great biblical scholar Saint James of Edessa, after abandoning his diocese of Edessa, went to the monastery of Eusebuna near Antioch. There he volunteered to teach the monks the Greek language and for that he was expelled from the monastery.

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translators were lay people, earning some money from their work. We should not, however, ignore the genius of some Syriac scholars who were champions in studying Greek philosophy and sciences such as mathematics and medicine. Theology was the only field that did not attract translators, except for the writings of some antiChalcedonian Fathers such as Severus of Antioch and Cyril of Alexandria, who wrote against Nestorius. On the other hand, the Chalcedonian Controversy presented a great challenge to this symbolic approach to theology. Symbols in themselves could not offer the type of precise theological terms which became a necessity to defend the true faith. The need became great to develop a theological terminology built on philosophical concepts in order to articulate profound theological truths. Men like Philoxenos of Mabbug felt that need and made themselves familiar with the Greek terminology, but did not totally abandon the symbolic approach to theology, as we will see. This approach, however, continued to find some favor with many church Fathers, especially those who adopted the poetic form of writing, and whose writings were incorporated into the Syriac liturgical books. This favor, as S. Brock remarks, lives on to the present day preserved in those books which are used by many Syriac Churches. The notable contributors to the renewal of this theology in the west are lead by J. Daniélou through his several works, especially Primitive Christian Symbols,2 The Theology of Jewish Christianity,3 and Sacramentum Futuri.4 But access to the literature of Syriac Christianity, which was made possible by the publishing of Syriac texts translated into modern European languages, encouraged a new wave of scholars in the second half of the twentieth century to look deeper into the elements of this theology

J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964). 3 J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, The Development of Christian Doctrine Before the Council of Nicaea, Vol. 1 (London: Darton, Longman, & Todd, 1964). 4 J. Daniélou, Sacramentum Futuri: études sur les origines de la typologie Biblique (Paris: Beauchesne, 1950). 2

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and to re-examine some aspects of the conventional western pattern of theology.5

B. THE NATURE OF THE THEOLOGY OF SYMBOLS The theology of symbols may not follow the same pattern as the Greco-Roman way of looking at the divine mysteries from a philosophical point of view, but it is not the survival of an outmoded and pre-logical mentality.6 It is an equally valid way of channeling authentic knowledge of God, because it is the meeting point between the visible and the invisible worlds. Just as logic conveys meaning, so too the symbol plays a proper role in communicating the meaning which could be an elemental meaning that functions as B. Lonergan says, “in the imagining or perceiving subject.”7 In his treatise on the theology of symbols, K. Rahner considers the symbol as the self-realization of that which it symbolizes.8 In other words, the symbol must share in the essence of what it symbolizes. The symbol, therefore, is a way of selfknowledge.9 According to Rahner, since Christ is the One who made God the Father known to us,10 Christ then, is the perfect expression or the primordial symbol of God in the world.11 What Rahner does not mention, however, is that Christ is also a perfect symbol of humanity. The incarnation made the Son of God consubstantial with us, therefore He became the perfect symbol of the perfect human nature which we had before the Fall. 5 J. Macquarrie goes as far as calling dogmatic theology a mode of symbolic theology because of the logic of the theological language. See: J. Macquarrie, Principles of Christian Theology (London: SCM Press, 1966), 178. 6e J. Daniélou, “The Problem of Symbolism,” Thought 25 (1950): 430. 7 B. Lonergan, Method in Theology (London: Darton Longmans & Todd, 1972), 66-67. 8 K. Rahner, “The Theology of the Symbol,” in Theological Investigations, Vol. 4 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1966), 232, 234. 9 K. Rahner, “The Theology of the Symbol,” 230. 10 John 1:18 11 J. H. P. Wong, Logos-Symbol in the Christology of Karl Rahner, Studi di teleogia dogmatica, 2 / Biblioteca di Scienze Religiose 61 (Rome: LAS, 1984), 82, 106, 119. See also: A. C. Bridge, Images of God: An Essay on the Life and Death of Symbols (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1960), 82.

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This theology of symbols stands very finely between two modes of symbolic thinking: one the one hand, the philosophical language of abstract symbols, adopted by the Greco-Roman world and, to some extent, by some modern symbolists (Cousins, Jung); and, on the other hand, the cosmic symbolism of natural religions. The word ‘water’ provides an example. The word ‘water’ expresses the existence of a colorless, odorless, and tasteless liquid that is a compound of hydrogen and oxygen. In another sense, however, ‘water’ could mean life or death in some natural religions. ‘Water’ might be the object of worship out of reverence or fear. In symbolic theology, ‘water’ may carry the same meaning of life and death, but under totally different circumstances. In order to stand as a symbol for life, water should undergo a process of sanctification, connecting it to a revealed truth. It is only in relation to baptism that water becomes life-giving. This function is acquired through the sacred passage of the liturgical time, which links the baptism of the Lord in the River Jordan with the water of the baptized Christian. The blessings of this operation will be fully achieved in Paradise, thanks to the eschatological element which is bestowed on the water of baptism from the infinite redemption of the cross. Theology is all about understanding faith, and the Syriac Fathers’ understanding of the faith, the Bible, and creation as a whole is made clear by symbols and types which are the key to their understanding.12 They employ symbols and types in a typological exegesis to provide a network of links between the Old and New Testaments, and between this world and the heavenly world. The types and symbols are, for them, not simply pointers; the symbols also contain within themselves the actual presence of that which they symbolise.13 This pattern of twofold typology: ‘horizontal’ between the Old and the New Testaments and ‘vertical’ between this world and the heavenly world, opens the way for the Fathers to consider the world as sacramental. In this sacramental world we have two kinds of time. There is historical time in which the events and writings of the Old Testament take place in anticipation of their fulfillment in the incarnation of the Son of God. The event of 12 S. P. Brock, The Harp of the Spirit: Twelve Poems of St. Ephrem, Studies Supplementary to Sobornost 4 (London: Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius, 1975), 11. 13 S. P. Brock, “The Poet as Theologian,” Sobornost 7:4 (1977): 245.

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the incarnation marks the beginning of the second kind of time, the sacred or liturgical time into which believers enter through the sacraments, especially Baptism and Eucharist, while waiting for the fulfillment of those sacraments in Paradise. It is this sacred time which makes the incarnation effective even for those who died before it took place in historical time. The incarnation, then, stands between historical time and sacred time. It is in this pattern of symbols and types that the Syriac Fathers practice their theology which can be described, as Brock rightfully puts it, as a “Symbolic theology.”14 There can be no doubt that the freedom of this kind of theology requires a very powerful and creative imagination, sometimes being cast in images and phrases which remain in the minds of the hearers—who in Ephrem’s case were the ordinary people of Nisibis and Edessa— more permanently than could be achieved by logical argument. For all of this, however, this kind of theology does not entirely lack a systematic method or coherence.15 In this symbolic theology language plays a substantial role, and names and numbers are especially important. Within themselves they carry a hidden meaning which needs a special eye—the eye of faith—to see and understand it. Words and letters are vehicles used to transmit Divine realities which are understood differently by different people, each according to his or her degree of faith.16 According to the Syriac Fathers, in order to qualify as a theological symbol, a symbol, be it a sign, a type, or an event, , should have the following qualities. A symbol points to something other than itself. The function of theological symbols is not merely to assert their existence as a reality, but to reflect the existence of what they symbolize. They should point out religious realities otherwise hidden from us. The Passover in Egypt historically remains a salvific event for the Hebrews, but if we look at it in light of our S. P. Brock, “The Poet as Theologian,” Sobornost 7:4 (1977): 243. R. Murray, “A Hymn of St Ephrem to Christ,” Sobornost 1:1 (1979): 50. 16 M. Lawler calls faith the necessary disposition to realize and celebrate the sacred as perfect and active in and through symbols. See: M. Lawler, Symbol and Sacrament: A Contemporary Sacramental Theology (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), 25. 14 15

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new Passover, Christ, it becomes a symbol which points to the cross which saves us all. God ordered the Hebrews to practice the Passover rituals to commemorate their salvation from the Egyptians in order to prepare them to accept the death of Christ on the cross. A symbol shares in what it symbolizes. The theological symbol is not just a reminder of what it symbolizes, it also makes what is symbolized real and present, here and now. Moses performed several miracles with his rod. By striking the Red Sea, he divided it for the Hebrews to pass, and by striking the rock he brought forth from it water for them to drink. Those miracles were possible not by the power of the rod itself, but by the power of the cross which was symbolized by the rod. The symbol may be of the same nature as what it symbolizes, like the rod of Moses and the cross of Christ, both of which were made of wood. Yet the primary concern here is that the symbol should share in the power and work of that which it symbolizes. When Moses was stretching out his hands in the war against Amalek, he was forming the sign of the cross, thus on the ground his people was making real gains and defeating its enemies by the power of the cross. They achieved victory because the symbol which was formed by Moses was actually transmitting to them the undefeatable power of the cross of Christ. A symbol undergoes a process of sanctification. For the symbol to be considered a theological one, it requires an element of sacred time to enable it to go beyond its own space and time. This process gives the symbol an element of infinity in addition to its historical nature. The characters and events of the Old Testament point to realities which take place in the New Testament, but it is only through this sacredness of time they are both related. The events of the New Testament also stand as symbols to be realized at the eschaton, yet the sacramentality of time enables us to share in them in the present. The Jewish Passover was a theological symbol of the real Passover on the cross, the blessings of which we will enjoy in full in the Kingdom of God. But we are now already living that salvation, because we are living in a liturgical time that links Egypt and Golgotha on the one hand, and Golgotha and Heaven on the other hand.

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C. SYMBOL AND SIGN The relationship between the ‘sign’ and the ‘symbol’ has been tackled by several modern theologians. The question they all attempted to answer is whether a sign is different from a symbol, and if it is, how are we to distinguish between them? F. W. Dillistone claims that no distinction between the sign and the symbol can be absolute.17 He builds his opinion on the ground that they are often confused with each other, but he goes on to assert the validity of this distinction when they are properly used. Others, however, see a real distinction. They even assign sign and symbol to different categories. J. Maritain divides signs into two categories, speculative and practical. The speculative are more concerned with the pure and simple truth, while practical signs are concerned with the truth as leading to right action.18 K. Rahner, on the other hand, distinguishes between two kinds of symbols.19 The primary, real symbols he calls ‘symbolic reality.’ These are symbols which make reality present. The secondary, derivative symbols, which he calls ‘symbolic representations,’ are merely signs and codes. These secondary symbols need a third person, a human observer, to notice and perceive the similarity that exists between the symbols and what they symbolize. Signs, according to Rahner, are symbols of the second class. K. Richter, on the other hand, sees in the concept of the symbol a deeper and more comprehensive sense than that of the sign. He therefore concludes that every symbol is a sign, but not every sign is a symbol.20 These theorists may appear to be on two extreme sides of the argument, but both of them emphasize the distinction between symbol and sign. This distinction can be observed as follows: 1. The relationship between the sign and what it stands for is easily recognizable. It can be present in the form of the material, or F. W. Dillistone, Traditional Symbols and the Contemporary World (London: Epworth Press, 1973), 163. 18 J. Maritain, “Sign and Symbol,” Journal of the Warburg Institute, I (1937): 2. 19 J. H. P. Wong, Logos-Symbol in the Christology of Karl Rahner, 75. 20 K. Richter, The Meaning of the Sacramental Symbols, Answers to Today’s Questions (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1990), 13-14. 17

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color, or any other similarity. In the case of symbols, this relationship may not be that obvious or visible.21 Some effort may actually be required to recognize it. It is only in relation to a historical or sacramental context that this relationship is conceived. 2. The function of signs is simply to announce the presence of what they signify.22 Symbols, on the other hand, make what they symbolize real and present. They share in the real power of that reality, and make it present here and now in a very dynamic way. In Syriac literature this distinction can not be traced. Despite, or because of, their great dependence on symbols in developing their theology, the Syriac Fathers make no real distinction between sign and symbol. For them, both sign and symbol are tools which express the presence of Divine realities in our world and the influence of those realities in our life. What makes the distinction even more difficult is the Syriac language, which does not help in this respect at all.23 There is, however, distinction in the degree of the participation of the sign and the symbol in what each of them signifies or symbolizes. The employment of names as signs by Ephrem, for example, does not have the same power of other symbols. He looks at the names as representing what they signify, but he considers the Passover, or the sacrifice of Isaac, as symbols which take a real power from the cross of Christ.

D. SYMBOL AND TYPE Being primarily a biblical theology, the symbolic theology of the Syriac Fathers depends heavily on typology, a type being a symbol that has a historical connection,24 mainly related to the Scriptures. 21 J. Baldock, The Elements of Christian Symbolism (Shaftesbury, Dorset: Elements, 1990), 9. 22 M. Lawler, Symbol and Sacrament, 14. 23 The words ‫ܐܬܐ‬, ‘otho,’ and
   , ‘rozo,’ both have the same meaning of sign and symbol. See: J. Payne Smith, ed., A Compendious Syriac Dictionary founded upon the Thesaurus Syriacus of R. Payne Smith (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1903).; and, L. Costaz, S.J., Syriac-English Dictionary (Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique, 1963). 24 J. H. P. Wong thinks that a type can not be a symbol in the full sense, because it does not contain the symbolized reality in itself. See: J. H. P. Wong, Logos-Symbol in the Christology of Karl Rahner, 41.

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In the words of J. Daniélou, it is “the symbolism of the Bible, the essential character of which is to be a historic symbolism.”25 The type is usually an event, a person, or even an idea in the Old Testament that prefigures its corresponding reality in the New Testament. That New Testament reality is called the ‘antitype.’26 The correspondence between the type and the antitype arises and maintains itself through the sacramentality of time which links the two of them together. The events and persons of the past, revealed in the Old Testament, are figures of the events which took place in the New Testament. They are related through historic time. But since types are essentially eschatological in their character, those events will find their fulfillment in the world to come. This is made possible though the sacredness of time of which the sacraments of the church are part. It is in this way that the Syriac Fathers employ types and antitypes. In fact, one can comfortably say that their theology is a theology of types.

E. SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS The cross has been chosen as the subject of this study because it occupies a central place in Syriac theology. Christ’s death on the cross gave the cross an eminent place at the heart of the Church’s life. In fact, the cross has become not only a symbol of Christ’s death, but also of the whole economy of salvation. Philoxenos of Mabbug writes in his Dissertations: The name of death proves two things: the reality of itself, and the reality of the incarnation. Dissertation VIII27

The cross confirms Christ’s death, but also His incarnation, for the One who dies on the cross must take a body first. Death can not touch anyone who was not born first. Therefore, Christ’s incarnation and the cross become witnesses to each other as Philoxenos writes:

J. Daniélou, “The Problem of Symbolism,” 434. For a discussion of the relationship between the type and the antitype, see: J. Baldock, Elements of Christian Symbolism, Chapter 4. 27 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39, M. Briére & F. Graffin, eds. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 668. 25 26

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS Whoever denies the incarnation of God, clearly denies His death too, because death can not be believed unless incarnation is first proved. Dissertation VIII28

J. Moltmann in his book, The Crucified God, makes precisely this point when he writes: The incarnation of the Logos is completed on the cross… so it is impossible to speak of an incarnation of God without keeping this conclusion in view. There can be no theology of the incarnation which does not become the theology of the cross.29

He even goes further to assert that Christian theology finds its identity in the cross of Christ.30 This is because the cross, as L. Morris says, reveals the divine Sonship of Christ.31 It is not surprising, then, to see the Church honoring the cross by considering it as the main event in its life. In the words of Cyril of Jerusalem: The Catholic Church glories in every action of Christ, but her glory of glories is the cross.32

The cross occupies such an important place in Patristic theology because in it all aspects of theology are present. In a special way the cross contains the mysteries of the resurrection. Ephrem comments on why Christ should die on the cross by saying: And He died the death of the cross, so that in it a mystery should be drawn. That is, through His death shall rise all who die, because even at His crucifixion He was standing up. Commentary on the Diatessaron XXI,I.1433 28 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39,, 666. 29 J. Moltmann, The Crucified God: The Cross of Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Christian Theology, 2nd ed. (London: SCM, 1973), 204. 30 J. Moltmann, The Crucified God, 24. 31 L. Morris, The Cross in the New Testament (England: Paternoster Press, 1965), 37. 32 L. McCauley & A. Stephenson, The Works of Saint Cyril of Jerusalem, 2 vols., The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 64 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1970), 2:4.

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This notion of the cross as being a carrier of the power of the resurrection is a prominent feature of Christian theology in general. The Orthodox French theologian, O. Clément refers to this when he writes that the cross is seen as fundamentally life-giving because it is inseparable from the descent into hell, the resurrection, and the ascension to the right hand of the Father.34 Philoxenos further clarifies this point when he shows the respective roles of the cross and the resurrection in our redemption. He writes: We believe that death was abolished not by the resurrection of our Lord, but by His death. The resurrection did not abolish death, it uncovered and made clear that death was abolished. Dissertation XI35

Since the cross is the most widely used of all Christian symbols,36 any comprehensive discussion of its use in symbolism, would require volumes. As regarding the origins of using the sign of the cross by the first Christians, J. Daniélou assumes that it has its origin in Christ’s name and glory, not in His passion.37 Daniélou goes on to demonstrate that because of the intelligibility of this symbolism in the Greek world, the emphasis was shifted from the Lord’s name to His glory. From then on two shapes of the cross were used, the + shape as a representation of the instrument of Christ’s death; and the x shape which is the first letter the Greek name of Christ, Χριστος, as a representation of His name.38 One can not deny the existence of these two different interpretations of the origin of the sign of the cross, because we still form the sign of the cross whenever we pronounce the names of the three persons of the Holy Trinity. In fact, our interpretation Saint Ephrem: Commentaire de l’évangile concordant, Text Syriaque ( MS Chester Beatty 709), Chester Beatty Monographs 8 (Dublin: Hodges Figgis, 1963), 68. 34 O. Clément, The Roots of Christian Mysticism (Dublin: New City, 1993), 47. 35 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39,, 600. A. C. Bridge argues that the crucifixion and the resurrection are the beginning and ending of one event. See: A. C. Bridge, Images of God, 94. 36 J. H. Miller, “Cross,” in, The New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 457. 37 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 145. 38 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 142. 33

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of the sign of the cross is primarily associated with the Holy Trinity, but we form the cross also whenever we mention the cross or say: “Who was crucified for us.” It is very probable that this double association came from the fact that the believer is being consecrated in the name of Christ, but this consecration takes place in baptism, when we are baptized in the name of the Holy Trinity.39 Since baptism is death and resurrection with Christ,40 the cross, then, is the sign which consecrates the baptized in the name of Christ, the second person of the Holy Trinity. The sign of the cross was in use as early as the second century as a private devotion or in connection with the reception of the Eucharist.41 In fact, Tertullian, in the first half of the third century, confirms that the use of the sign of the cross comes from apostolic tradition.42 He tells us that Christians were drawing the sign of the cross on their foreheads before doing anything. The sign of the cross, however, did not become an element of the liturgical ceremonies until the fourth century. J. H. Miller remarks that it was in Syria that a cross was placed on the altar during Mass in the fifth century, a practice that can not be proved in the west until much later.43

2. THE SYRIAC FATHERS A. SAINT EPHREM THE SYRIAN “Prophet of the Syrians and their Sun,” “Harp of the Holy Spirit,” “Lion of Syria,” “Pillar of the Church”44—these are some of the many titles given to Saint Ephrem by his fellow Syrians (Saint Jacob of Sarug), and some of his readers from the Greek and Latin Matthew 28:19 Romans 6:3-4 41 A. O’Rahilly, The Crucified (Dublin: The Kingdom, 1985), 222. 42 K. Richter, The Meaning of the Sacramental Symbols, 132. 43 J. H. Miller, “Cross,” 475. 44 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences et de la Littérature Syriaque (Holland: St. Ephrem der Syrer Kloster, 1987): 196.; and J. B. Segal, Edessa: The Blessed City (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 89. 39 40

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Fathers (Basil the Great, Gregorius of Nyssa, John Chrysostom, Jerome, and Sozomen).45 The appreciation of his writings exceeded his native Syriac-speaking world to include many of the Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian, Greek, and Latin speaking Christians thanks to the translations of his works into these languages which were carried out during his life.46 According to Saint Jerome in his book On Famous Men written some nineteen years after Ephrem’s death, Ephrem’s homilies were read in the Eastern Churches as part of the office since the fourth century.47 A man of such reputation has attracted many oriental scholars, but almost all of them concentrated on his life with little investigation or study into his theology. In the west the inaccessibility of his works made it difficult to find any interest in him. In 1943, Patriarch Aphrem Barsaum wrote that contemporary scholars were longing for better and more authentic editions of Saint Ephrem’s writings.48 That wish was carried out by Dom E. Beck, who published most of Ephrem’s writings with a German translation in the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. This section will deal briefly with three points: Saint Ephrem’s life, his ecclesiastical and political environment, and his methods and writings. 1. Saint Ephrem’s Life Accounts of Saint Ephrem’s life were written by two of his disciples: Zenobius, a deacon in Edessa, and Shemoun. Unfortunately, these did not survive.49 The oldest biography preserved in a Syriac text could have been written as late as the sixth century,50 but the author of this life depends heavily on the information provided by the early writers. There exists, however, a verse panegyric on Ephrem by Jacob of Sarug, who died in 521, and this account could be older than the Syriac life. I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani (Cairo: 1990), 18-22. I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 202. 47 J. Gwynn, tr., A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Vol. XIII, P. Schaff & H. Wace, eds. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1969), 147. 48 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 201. 49 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 203. 50 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990), 20-21. 45 46

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According to the most reliable sources and his own testimony in Hymns Against Heresies XXVI,51 Ephrem was born of Christian parents, despite the indication of the Syriac life that his parents were pagans.52 The date of his birth is not agreed upon, but the year 303 is set up for his birth by many scholars.53 His place of birth was almost certainly the city of Nisibis or its surroundings. As a young man Ephrem joined Saint Jacob the bishop of Nisibis,54 who lived an ascetic life before and during his episcopacy. From him Ephrem took his norm of life as an ascetic in the community.55 After accompanying Saint Jacob to the first ecumenical synod of Nicaea in 325, Ephrem was appointed a

Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen Contra Haereses, CSCO 169, Scr. Syri 76, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1957), 103-108. 52 I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 23. 53 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire Abrégée de L’Eglise (Homs, Syria: 1940), 523.; I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 23.; I. Jacob, History of the Syrian Church of Antioch (Losser, Holland: Bar Hebraeus Verlag, 1989), 241. 54 F. Gabrial and K. Boustany, Al-Adaab Al Syrianieh , vol. 1, p. 128. Need Publication Information. Please provide full reference: Author, Title, (Place: Publisher, Year), Page. 55 T. Stylianopoulos argues that the traditional image of Ephrem as a monk does not fit his actual intense activity as a Christian teacher, public defender of the faith, and inspired poet who led people in songs. See: T. Stylianopoulos, “Ephraem of Syria,” in, The Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 5, M. Eliade, ed. (New York: Macmillan; London: Collier Macmillan, 1987). Although the life of Ephrem in Nisibis can not be identified with the well organised monastic life of the second half of the fourth century, one can still say that Ephrem lived some kind of a monastic life, probably that of the Sons of the Covenant (‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ܒ‬, bnay qyomo). S. Brock calls Ephrem’s norm of monasticism ‘proto-monasticism’ See: S. P. Brock, The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of St. Ephrem (Rome: C.I.I.S., 1985.), Chapter 8. [Reprinted. Muvattupuzha-India] As to Ephrem’s activities in the community both in Nisibis and Edessa, it is not strange for a monk to leave his cell when he is needed. In fact, Saint Antonius, who is believed to be the pioneer of the Christian monastic life, left the desert for Alexandria to help Saint Athanasius in fighting against the Arians. Another example is Saint Barsaum, the Father of the Syrian monks, who left his monastery to support the Syrian Church during the Chalcedonian dispute. 51

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teacher in the newly established school of Nisibis.56 For more than thirty-eight years Ephrem was the main teacher in the school, during which he composed many of his hymns, especially the first twenty of the Carmina Nisibena.57 His commentaries on most of the books of the Bible became normative works in teaching in the school.58 At the same time he continued to serve with Saint Jacob’s successors: Babu(338-50), Vologese (350-61) and Abraham (361-?). During these years Nisibis was besieged on three separate occasions by the Persian army, but it survived them all, according to Ephrem, thanks to divine intervention through the prayers of its bishops. During his last campaign against the Persians in 363, the emperor Julian was killed after leading his troops deep into Persian territory. In order to extricate the Roman army, Nisibis was surrendered to the Sassanid shahanshah, Shapur II. That Shapur required the Christian population of the city to leave was reported by the historian Ammianus Marcellinus.59 Ephrem was one of many refugees, together with the teachers and students of the school. He went first to Amid (Dyar Baker), the birthplace of his mother, and from there he continued to Edessa.60 In Edessa, Ephrem spent the last decade of his life teaching in the famous school of Edessa,61 and sometimes retiring to a cave in its Holy Mountain. There he wrote many of his hymns and prose works to counter the heretical teachings of Mani, Marcion, Bardaisan, Arius, and others, which were widespread in Edessa. To this period of his life, his Syriac biography relates his two alleged 56 A. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis, CSCO 266, Subs. 26 (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1965), is the best source of information about this school. 57 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 196. 58 A. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis, 14. 59 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 11. 60 I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 39. 61 According to G. Florovsky, the school was founded by Ephrem himself. G. Florovsky, The Eastern Fathers of the Fourth Century, Collected Works of Georges Florovsky, Vol. 7 (Belmont, MA: Notable & Academic Books, 1987), 267. Others do not see direct evidence that Ephrem is the one who founded it. Yet according to J. B. Segal, it would be strange if Ephrem were not associated with it. See: J. B. Segal, Edessa: The Blessed City, 87.

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visits to Saint Bishoi in Egypt and to Saint Basil in Cappadocia. Historically, these visits can not be traced. According to the Edessene Chronicle, written in the sixth century, Ephrem’s death occurred on June 9, 373. While the year is agreed upon in different sources, the day is given by other sources as June 15, 18, or 19. The last year of his life, as the rest of it, was full of activities and works of charity. In 372-3 a famine hit the city of Edessa. Ephrem felt that it was his duty to look after the poor, and he therefore started collecting food and money from the rich and distributing it to the poor. As a result of the famine, epidemics spread in Edessa and Ephrem started taking care of the sick until he himself was affected by the epidemic and died. His saintly life and death were recognized by all the Eastern Churches. The Syrian Church celebrates his feast on the first Saturday of Lent.62 The west also came to recognize Ephrem’s importance; he was therefore, declared a Doctor of the Universal Church, by Pope Benedict XV in 1920,63 his feast being celebrated on June 18 every year. 2. His Political and Ecclesiastical Environment Society, no doubt, makes a great impact on everyone’s life. This is precisely true of authors and poets, who are usually very sensitive to their society. In their writings they express their relation to their environment. In order to understand and appreciate these authors and their works, one has to know something about their environment and its influence on their works. It is therefore necessary to have a look at Mesopotamia in the fourth century, in particular the cities of Nisibis and Edessa, where our author spent his life. This will lead us in two different directions, the one political and the other ecclesiastical.

Some years ago his feast was transferred into the following day which is the second Sunday of Lent. 63 R. Murray, “Ephrem Syrus, St.” in, A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, Vol. II (London: Nelson, 1967), 220-223.; and I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 60. 62

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In Ephrem’s time, Nisibis64 was a frontier city between the Roman and Persian empires. It suffered very often from the wars between these two empires, especially after the legalization of Christianity in the Roman Empire in 313, when the dispute became a religious, as well as a political one.65 Even before that, throughout the second and third centuries, Nisibis was a valuable prize in the struggle for control of Mesopotamia between the Parthians and the Romans, then among the Sassanid Persians, Palmyrenes, and Romans.66 The importance of Nisibis arose as a result of its strategic location as a point of commercial exchange in the ancient world. The political instability of Nisibis was a source of inspiration for Ephrem in writing some of his hymns, in which he describes the Persian attacks on the city which resists them by God’s help through the prayers of its bishops. Nisibis was a religious center for pagans and Jews, as well as an ecclesiastical center for Christians, who were a minority. Saint Jacob, Ephrem’s teacher, was the first bishop in the city.67 This fact challenged Ephrem who directed his writings against the savage practices of pagans, the unfaithfulness of Jews, and the false teachings of heretics. Despite Constantine’s conversion and his tolerance of Christians, paganism was still very strong in Mesopotamia. Temples were everywhere except those which were deserted and later destroyed. Even Constantine himself was not baptized until 337, shortly before his death, when he was still called the “high priest.” Pagans, then, were still a strong party in Nisibis, which Ephrem had to face in his defense of the Christian religion. In this respect, he wrote his Hymns Against Julian the apostate emperor who wanted to promote the public practice of pagan religions and to defend its

64 The Syriac form of the name is ‫ܒ‬ , Nsibin, which derives from the verb ‫ ܒ‬, nsab, “to plant.” It was known by this name because it has a huge number of gardens and farms. The Greeks called it Antioch of Macedonia, after the river Macedonis, which passes through it. Now it is under the Turkish occupation on the Syrian border called Nusaybin. See: I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 28. 65 J. B. Segal, Edessa: The Blessed City, 87. 66 K. E. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns, Classics of Western Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1989), 7. 67 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire Abrégée de L’Eglise, 457.

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intellectual integrity, together with his attempt to rebuild the Jewish temple of Jerusalem. Nisibis was almost the first place in the east to have a Jewish school,68 and therefore, there was a strong Jewish influence. This explains in large measure Ephrem’s bitter attacks on the Jews. In fact, Ephrem involved himself in the very old conflict between Christianity and Judaism, which goes back to Christ’s life. Under Ephrem’s leadership, the school of Nisibis contributed a great deal to the conflict, interpreting the Old Testament in a Christian context against the strong rabbinical traditions in Nisibis. As to Christian heretics in Nisibis, Ephrem’s writings— especially his Sermons on Faith and Against the Arians—which were completed in Nisibis, suggest that Arianism was the strongest. These writings increased in Edessa when he encountered different groups of heretics, much stronger than those in Nisibis. Ephrem arrived in Edessa69 in 363 to find a city that retained much of its unique cultural and religious heritage. Situated on the borders of two great civilizations, the Greek and the Persian, Edessa kept its own Semitic culture.70 Politically, Edessa was under Roman authority, but like Nisibis it had been the object of the Roman struggle with Parthia, Sassanid Persia, and Palmyra.71 Its importance comes from its reputation as the most famous city in Mesopotamia, and the center for trade between Arabia and Asia Minor. When Ephrem arrived in Edessa. however, it was a relatively stable city, far from the frontier which was drawn according to the new treaty between the Romans and the Persians in 363. It was, therefore, far from the Persian threat, but it was not removed from the influence of Persian culture which actually increased due to the great number of Persians who came to

68 R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 18. 69 Edessa was built by Selucus Nikanor (311-280 B.C.). In 132 B.C. it was declared a kingdom known by its Syriac name ‫ܐܘܪܗܝ‬, Orhoy. In 244 A.D. the Romans took over and incorporated it into their empire. Now it is a small town under the Turkish occupation known as Urfa. 70 F. C. Burkitt, Early Christianity Outside the Roman Empire (London: Cambrige University Press, 1899), 12. 71 K. E. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns, 24.

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study in the school of Edessa, to the point that the school came to be known as the school of the Persians.72 Ecclesiastically, Edessa was considered the Mother of the churches of Mesopotamia. It occupied the third Metropolitan See under the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See of Antioch, while its bishop used to preside over twelve bishoprics including those of Haran and Sarug.73 According to the Chronicle of Eusebius V:23, several bishops from Mesopotamia met in Edessa around the year 197 to discuss the date of Easter. When Ephrem arrived in Edessa, pagan practices and Jewish worship were still going on in the city which, according to the local tradition, was Christianized by the Apostle Addai in the first century.74 It was the birthplace of the Diatessaron, the Gospel of Thomas, the Odes of Solomon and other early Syriac works, and had an unbroken chain of bishops. Ephrem’s main concern this time was to counter the teachings of the different heretics such as Mani, Marcion, Bardaisan, and Arius, which reduced Orthodoxy in Edessa to the level of a sect known as Palutians after their bishop Palut, while heretics in general retained the name of Christians.75 In a situation like that, Ephrem’s writings against the heretics in Nisibis were of great value. He therefore used them again, but his activities this time concentrated on defending the true faith by teaching it to the faithful rather than merely fighting the heretics. He arranged a choir of the girls of Edessa, probably from the ‫̈ܒ‬, bnoth qyomo) and taught Daughters of the Covenant (‫ܐ‬ them to sing his poems in the church and at home. In addition, Ephrem practiced his career as a teacher in the famous school of Edessa, which was founded by Ephrem himself. According to some scholars, his teachings were acknowledged as the tradition of the school until the middle of the fifth century.76 I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 42. I. Jacob, History of the Syrian Church of Antioch, I:299. 74 In his Chronicle, Eusebius informs us that he read in the city’s archives Jesus’ correspondence with Abgar Okama, the king of Edessa. Needs citation. Please provide full reference: Author, Title, (Place: Publisher, Year), Page. 75 A. Vööbus, Literary, Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian, Papers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile 10 (Stockholm: ETSE, 1958), 55. 76 G. Florovsky, The Eastern Fathers of the Fourth Century, 267. 72 73

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There is no doubt whatever that Ephrem’s contribution in Edessa made it the most celebrated center for literature and philosophy in the Syriac world. 3. His Methods To judge the theological methods and the writings of a theologian one should be aware of the different factors which contribute to the methods and quality of these writings. Many scholars77 did not find in Ephrem’s works any dogmatic elements or doctrinal arguments worthy of mention. Some even suggest that Ephrem was not able to argue with heretics such as Apollinarius and therefore preferred to glue together the pages of his book rather than attempt to confute the writer. This does not do any justice to the man who spent his life defending the faith of the Church by teaching the true faith and actually arguing with the heretics; he himself states in his testimony that he was always quarrelling with the infidels. However, it must be said that direct dogmatic arguments are very rare in Ephrem’s writings, not because he lacks them, but rather because he writes to the ordinary people of Nisibis and Edessa. His main concern was to protect their faith against pagans, Jews, and heretics. It would have been different if he was sitting in a monastery writing theological arguments. The methods which he adopted in writing poetry more than prose demanded the use of colorful imagination, symbols, and types which appealed more easily to the mind of the faithful. One should remember however, as J. Labourt does,78 that most of Ephrem’s writings were available up to the 1950s only in translations from which the original rhythm—the special charm of the poetry—has disappeared. Scholarly studies of Ephrem’s theology, as Murray justly remarks,79 are still in their infancy. The other thing to be remembered is that Ephrem wrote in a Semitic pattern to a Semitic mind which is characterized by typological methods and colorful imagination which are foreign to Greek philosophy. This may seem to the western reader as prolix, O. Bardenhewer, Patrology: The Lives and Works of the Fathers of the Church (Freiburg: Herder, 1908), 390.; F. C. Burkitt, Early Christianity Outside the Roman Empire, 16, 54.; J. B. Segal, Edessa: The Blessed City, 89. 78 J. Labourt, “Ephraem,” in, The Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. V (New York: Appleton, 1909), 500. 79 R. Murray, “Ephrem Syrus, St.,” II:221. 77

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tiresome, colorless, and devoid of charm.80 Now that we have reliable editions of Ephrem’s works, and in the course of the contemporary rebirth of symbolic theology, Ephrem, the only theologian poet to rank beside Dante, will speak more clearly and influentially than ever before.81 To trace a certain tradition in Ephrem’s writings is a difficult task. He reflects the Judeo-Christian tradition which developed largely in isolation from the Greek-speaking world, while his exegetical tradition frequently echoes the targums and the midrashim.82 His love of typological parallelism between the two testaments is great. Even when he uses these traditions he never simply reiterates them as they are; he likes to creatively make them his own. He takes the traditional images and titles, developing his own imagery freely and widely according to what his own genius suggests to him. This is especially true of his implicit theology of symbols and names as pointers to Divine realities, which in some respects anticipates the symbolic theology of Iconodule Fathers and classical Byzantine iconographical theory.83 In dealing with biblical quotations, Ephrem rarely just simply quotes word for word. In fact, his biblical references undergo such a transformation that sometimes they are only with difficulty recognizable as biblical references.84 For all of this, however, the Antiochene tradition of interpretation is preserved, marked with Ephrem’s own style. He interprets the Old Testament events literally ( ‫ܐ‬ , su‛ronoith) to serve as types for the New Testament which gives it its spiritual ( ‫ܪܘ ܐ‬, ruhonoith) meaning. Then, he adds his own tradition by giving it its fulfillment in the eschaton. His theology, then, has two different strands, one ‘horizontal,’ relating the Old Testament to the New Testament, and one ‘vertical,’ relating this world to the one to come.

J. Labourt, “Ephraem,” 499. R. Murray, “Ephrem Syrus, St.,” II:222. 82 R. Murray, “Ephrem Syrus, St.,” II:222.e 83 R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 166. 84 N. El-Khoury, “The Use of Language by Ephraim the Syrian,” in, Studia Patristica, Vol. XV-XVI: Papers Presented to the Seventh International Conference on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford, 1975, E. A. Livingstone, ed. (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), 94. 80 81

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4. His Writings Saint Ephrem’s reputation as a writer, both in the Syriac and the Greco-Roman world, was so great that anonymous and spurious works were attached to his name, especially in the Greek and Latin writings transmitted under his name. What has survived from his writings85 comes in two forms, prose and poetry. Ephrem’s prose writings can be divided into three categories: exegetical works, sermons, and epistles. Ephrem wrote commentaries on most of the books of the Bible, but only those on Genesis, Exodus, and few parts from different books of the Old Testament have survived. The original Syriac text of his commentary on the Diatessaron was found in Al-Syrian Monastery in Egypt after long belief that only the Armenian translation had survived. It is now preserved in the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin.86 Some of his commentaries on the Old Testament and the Pauline corpus are also preserved in an Armenian translation. Ephrem also wrote numerous sermons; the most important one with Christological significance is Sermo de Domino Nostro. There are three surviving epistles written by Ephrem. One, against the heretics, was sent to Domnus. The second one, against the teachings of Mani, Marcion, and Bardaisan, was sent to Hibatius. The third one was to the monks who were living on the mountains.87 Most of the poetic works of Ephrem have survived because they were composed for and immediately used in the daily prayers. His poetry falls into two different categories: mimre and madroshe. Ephrem composed mimre (‫) ܐ ܐ‬, or verse homilies and sermons, written in couplets of 7+7 syllables, sometimes as long as a few thousand lines. Beck published these works under the title Sermones. Ephrem also composed madroshe (‫) ̈ܪ ܐ‬, or hymns in stanza form, where all the stanzas of a particular hymn are 85 For a detailed account of his works see: I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 197-201. 86 Carmel McCarthy has translated this work into English. See: C. McCarthy, St. Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron, An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709 with Introduction and Notes, Journal of the Semitic Studies Supplement Series 2 (Oxford: Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester, 1993). 87 I. Z. Iwas, Seerat Mar Aphram Al-Syriani, 65.

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constructed on a single syllabic pattern chosen out of the great many syllabic patterns available. The first one to compose madroshe of this kind was Bardaisan, and after him Ephrem composed his own.

B. APHRAHAT THE PERSIAN SAGE Aphrahat is the first Syriac Christian writer whose works come to us in full, and the earliest known Christian writer in Persia.88 He was born a pagan in Persia, as he himself admits,89 in the second half of the third century, but the exact date of his birth is not known. He was converted to Christianity and adopted some kind of monasticism, most probably that of the Sons of the Covenant ‫̈ܒ‬, bnay qyomo), living as an ascetic the rest of his life. He (‫ܐ‬ was also known by the name of Jacob. Some even suggested that he was a bishop of Saint Matthew’s monastery in north Iraq. There is no clear evidence about his episcopacy,90 and his relation with Saint Matthew’s monastery is most unlikely since the monastery was not yet established. His death occurred after 346. Despite the orthodoxy of his Demonstrations, Aphrahat was never recognized by the Church as a saint and never accepted on the same level as other Church Fathers. One reason for that may be his declaration that the world will last six thousand years.91 His Methods and Writings Aphrahat shows a deep knowledge of the Scriptures. This is reflected in the innumerable biblical quotations in his writings. Like Ephrem, his works bear no trace of Hellenistic influence. He seems to have had as his written sources the Diatessaron of Tatian and some rabbinical literature. In his biblical interpretations, he follows a Judeo-Christian tradition that is known to Ephrem also, but he lacks Ephrem’s mastery of language.

88 I. Ortiz de Urbina, “Aphraates,” in, The New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 1 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 653. 89 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905), 197-204. 90 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 195; Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 1. 91 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 20-21. See also: I. Jacob, History of the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch, I:233.

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Aphrahat’s writings come to us in the form of twenty-three sermons, each of which starts with a letter of the Syriac alphabet. They were written in response to a letter sent to him. The first ten sermons were composed in 337, the following twelve in 344, and the last one in 345. They were published with a Latin translation by J. Parisot in Patrologia Syriaca.92 Aphrahat’s Demonstrations are titled according to the subjects they address: 1. On Faith 2. On Charity 3. On Fasting e4. On Prayer 5. On Wars 6. On the Sons of the Covenant (monks) 7. On Peenitents 8. On the Resurrection of the Dead 9. On Humility 10. On Pastors 11. On Circumcision 12. On the Passover 13. On the Sabbath 14. On Exhortation 15. On Distinction of Foods 16. On the Gentiles Replacing the Jews 17. On Christ Being the Son of God 18. Against the Jews and on Virginity and Sanctity 19. Against the Jews Who Claim that They Will Regather 20. On Supporting the Poor 21. On Persecution 22. On Death and the End of the World 23. On the Bunch of Grapes

C. SAINT JACOB OF SARUG Jacob of Sarug is the second most celebrated Syriac writer after Saint Ephrem. The Syriac Church was quick to discover in him a

Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905). 92

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great poet-theologian who ranks “perhaps next to Ephrem.”93 He was, therefore, called “the Doctor, the Harp of the Orthodox Church, and the Crown of the Teachers.”94 His life comes to us in several versions, two of which are the most reliable. The first is a short one written in the twelfth century and preserved in a manuscript in the library of the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate in Damascus. The second is a long one in a manuscript in the library of Deirul Zafaran monastery in Mardin.95 Jacob was born at Cortam, a village on the river Euphrates near Sarug, in 451. His father was a priest. He studied at the famous school of Edessa, where he started composing his poems at the age of fifteen.96 He adopted the monastic life, and lived as an ascetic. He was ordained a priest for Haura97 and later appointed as a periodeuta (visitor) for the Euphrates area and inner Syria. Towards the end of his life, in 519, he was consecrated a bishop for the diocese of Batnan of Sarug, which was one of the episcopal dioceses of the metropolitan see of Edessa. He died on November 29, 521. His remains were removed to the Church of Our Lady in Dyar Baker. He was declared a saint by the Church which celebrates his feast on November 29. Whether Jacob was a Chalcedonian or anti-Chalcedonian was the subject of extensive research. He shows little interest in the theological debates which erupted from the teachings of Chalcedon. It is evident that he was a quiet man who deliberately kept himself away from the Christological arguments of the fifth century, and turned instead to writing his homilies. This, however, did not satisfy many of his contemporaries to the extent that he was called before the Patriarch of Antioch, Severus the Great (d. 538) who certified Jacob’s orthodoxy. His writings, nevertheless, S. P. Brock, “Jacob of Serugh on the Veil of Moses,” in Studies in Syriac Spirituality, The Syrian Churches Series 13, J. Vellian, ed. (Kottayam, India: Jyothi Book House, 1988), 73. 94 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 220. 95 G. Y. Ibrahim, “Mar Yacoub As-Sarouji’,” The Patriarchal Journal of the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate [Damascus] 131-132 (January-February 1994): 20. 96 G. Y. Ibrahim, “Mar Yacoub As-Sarouji’,” 23. 97 Some think that Haura was also his birth place. See: I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Sciences, 221.; and O. Clément, The Roots of Christian Mysticism, 347. 93

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show that he was among those who rejected the Christological formula of Chalcedon—“in two natures”—preferring instead the formula of e“one nature out of two.”98 His Methods and Writings It has been suggested that eJacob adopted the poetic style of writing—making use of symbols and types in expressing theological truths—rather than using philosophical terms in order not to get involved in the Christological debates of his time. Without ruling out this possibility, one should not ignore the explicit theological terms contained in his homilies and letters. In employing symbols in his theology, he was following in the tradition of Saint Ephrem, but in a different style. His characters are more vivid, participating in exciting dialogue. His words are exact, yet not without beauty. His long homilies do not bore the reader, because every stanza brings a new symbol or image which in itself is impregnated with several meanings and truths. Jacob was a prolific writer, and left several volumes. The majority of his writings are composed in the form of verse homilies, in a pattern that is known after him: the ‘Seroujian.’ Each stanza is made of four lines of poetry, while each line is composed of twelve syllables. The number of these homilies, which vary in length, is put at seven hundred and sixty.99 The first one of them is on the chariot of Ezekiel, and the last one which he did not complete was on Golgotha. The subjects of these homilies are biblical events and characters from both the New and the Old Testaments, and some of the Church’s saints, apostles, and martyrs. Over four hundred of the homilies survived in libraries all over the world, and 200 of them were published by Paul Bedjan in five volumes.100 Jacob’s prose writings survive in the form of letters he sent to different people, which contain answers to doctrinal questions put to him. In those letters we find some of his most profound theological views and arguments. Only forty-three of those letters

98 S. P. Brock, Studies in Syriac Spirituality, 73.; G. Y. Ibrahim, “Mor Yacoub As-Sarouji’,” 28. 99 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Science, 221. 100 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols, P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-10).

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have survived in three manuscripts, the oldest of which was written in 603. They have been published by G. Olinder.101 Eleven of Jacob’s sermons have also survived. They deal with Church festivals. Six of them were published by F. Rilliét.102 We have also two anaphoras and a baptismal rite written by Jacob of Sarug.

D. MAR PHILOXENOS OF MABBUG Philoxenos of Mabbug was born at Tahel, a town in modern Iraq, in the first half of the fifth century. His Syriac name is Axnoio, which means ‘foreigner.’ His family moved to Tur ‚Abdin,103 where he entered the monastery of Qartmin104 to learn Syriac and Greek. He later moved to Edessa and studied at its famous school. From Edessa he went to the great monastery of Tell ‚Ada.105 There he continued his studies. He took the vows of monasticism and was ordained a priest, then a chorepiscopos in 485 by Peter the Second, Patriarch of Antioch, who later consecrated him a bishop for Mabbug (Heirapolis),106 and took the name ‘Philoxenos’ which is the Greek version of the Syriac name. During the great persecution of the non-Chalcedonians by the Emperor Justin I, Philoxenos was exiled in 518 to Philippopolis in Thrace, then to Gangra. There he was put in house filled with 101 Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, CSCO 110, Scr. Syri 57, G. Olinder, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1952). 102 Jacques de Saroug, Six Homélies Festivales En Prose, Patrologia Orientalis t. 43, fasc. 4, no. 196, F. Rilliét, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986). 103 A stronghold of Syriac Christianity in southeast modern Turkey, Tur ‚Abdin was an important center for Syriac monasticism. At present a few thousand Syriac-speaking people live there with a bishop and a few monks in some ancient monasteries. 104 Qartmin was a monastery in Tur ‚Abdin, established in 397. Today it is known as Mor Gabriel monastery, where the Archbishop of Tur ‚Abdin resides. 105 Tell ‚Ada was founded by Amianus before 340 in the area of Antioch. It became an important learning institution in the Syriac Church. Among others, the great biblical scholar of the seventh century James of Edessa taught there and he was buried in it. In 1987 it was acquired back by the Syrian Orthodox Church. Great efforts are being made to reconstruct it and revive its monastic tradition. 106 Mabbug, or Hierapolis, is today a small town northeast of Aleppo in Syria.

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smoke until he was suffocated and died as a martyr on December 10, 523. On the same day his feast is celebrated in the Syrian Orthodox Church.107 His Methods and Writings Philoxenos is one of the Syriac Fathers who knew both Syriac and Greek, which helped him in reading the Greek Fathers and developing his own theological language which is heavily influenced by Greek thought and philosophical methods. He may seem distant from the Semitic pattern of Ephrem and Jacob, even criticizing Ephrem’s language and some of his theological expressions, but Philoxenos himself is not totally a foreigner to that style, especially in his biblical commentaries. Philoxenos’ writings covered a wide range of subjects. He wrote commentaries, theological treatises, moral, ascetic, and liturgical books, in addition to his letters and his writings against the heretics. His biographer mentions that Philoxenos wrote commentaries on the books of both the Old and New Testaments. Some parts of his commentary on the gospels of Matthew, Luke, and John survived in a manuscript written in Mabbug in 511 which is now in the collection of the British Library. Two of his theological books have survived. One is on the Trinity and the incarnation. The second deals with the incarnation and passion of One of the Trinity. Philoxenos also wrote four creeds. He wrote six books against the Nestorians, only two of which have survived. And he wrote thirteen articles against the Chalcedonians of which two survive. Philoxenos was a monk and an ascetic; he composed rules of life for monks, but his most distinguished work in that field is his book on Christian perfection. It contains his spiritual experiences and his teachings on how to follow the Lord, on faith, simplicity, poverty, worship, and other spiritual matters. It was published with an English translation by E. A. W. Budge in London in 1894,108 and later the Syriac Academy in Baghdad published it in 1975.109

I. A. Barsaum, Histoire des Science, 227. The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh, A.D. 485-519, E. A. W. Budge, tr. (London: Asher & Co., 1894). 109 Ṭarīq al-kamāl / Sharbê d‛al marteyonūto ddūborê / Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh (Baghdad: al-Majma’ al-‘Ilmī al-‘Irāqī, 1978). 107 108

INTRODUCTION

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In the field of liturgy, Philoxenos composed two anaphoras and a very short baptismal rite for fatally-ill children. Twenty-nine of his letters have survived, containing his theological, historical, and ascetic teachings. He also wrote five books of sermons for the feasts of the church, the majority of which are lost except for two. One is on the annunciation of our Lady, and the second on Christmas.

E. NARSAI A Nestorian theologian, also known as Narses, Narsai was born in the first half of the fifth century. He joined the school of Edessa as a student. Later he became a teacher at the same school. In 434 he was chosen as the president of that school. When it became known that he embraced Nestorian teachings he was expelled from Edessa in 457.110 He went to Nisibis where he founded the Nestorian school and served as its president until his death in 502 or 503. His Methods and Writings Narsai was a native Syriac writer, who mastered the Syriac language and had knowledge of Greek. In his writings he follows in the traditions of Ephrem and Jacob of Sarug in using biblical typology, but he lacks their originality. Sometimes he quotes Ephrem word for word. He is, however, closer to Jacob. The influence of Theodore and Theodoretos, the fathers of Nestorianism is also apparent in his works. Narsai’s writings are especially important, because they are the best witness to the rise of Nestorianism in the Syriac Church of the East. He wrote commentaries on several books of the Old Testament, but none have survived. His fame comes from the hymns and metrical homilies, many of which survived.

3. METHODOLOGICAL NOTES The way in which I have conducted this study may appear unconventional and strange to some, because I did not closely “Narsai,” in, Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 2nd ed., F. L. Cross, ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1963). 110

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS

follow the western way of critical study. I intentionally followed another pattern because the purpose of this study is to uncover the richness of patristic theology and the profound thoughts of the Fathers of the Churche in their own language and methods, as much as this language is understood today. In doing so, I have tried to give the Fathers a chance to address the people of today directly, and to see how much their terminology is still valid and useful. I believe that through the work of the Holy Spirit there is a continuity of thought and spirituality between the Fathers and today’s world. Therefore, I think the way I have taken in this study is equally valid. A great deal of the quotations have come from Saint Ephrem. I have relied heavily on him because he is a real representative of authentic Syriac thought and spirituality. He is the only Father whose writings have come to us in abundance, yet void of any Hellenic influence. This explains why I have written in detail about his life, methods, and writings in the Introduction. The rest of the Fathers I am quoting come from the fourth to the sixth centuries, a period considered to be the Golden Age of Syriac literature and spirituality. Some of the texts I have quoted in this study are the subject of dispute among scholars as to whether they were written by the Fathers that they are attributed to, or by their disciples. This is true especially of Ephrem. For me, this is an irrelevant point, since I am dealing with those Fathers as representing the early Syriac theology and spirituality. Each one of those Fathers in himself was a school of thought, and his disciples normally would reflect faithfully his ideas. The quotations from Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on the Diatessaron are taken directly from the Syriac text as it appears in Manuscript 709 in Chester Beatty Library in Dublin, except one or two quotations which occur in the missing part of the manuscript. I have taken the latter from the English translation made by Carmel McCarthy, which in turn are taken from the Latin translation by Louis Leloir, based on the Armenian version. The primary sources which I have used in this study are the editions, some of which have been published with translation into European languages. The translation of the quoted texts is my own unless otherwise indicated. In translating them I have tried to follow a word for word literal translation, without losing track of

INTRODUCTION

33

the idea, in order to be as faithful as I can to the original meaning of the Fathers’ thought.

PART ONE THE CROSS FROM EDEN TO GOLGOTHA

CHAPTER ONE: THE CROSS AND THE PARADISE OF EDEN 1.1. INTRODUCTION The cross has been present in the life of humanity since the very beginning of creation. In fact, according to the Syriac Fathers, creation and crucifixion are two sides of the same coin. For them, crucifixion is the renewal of human nature to its origin before the fall of Adam. This is to be found in the writings of several of the Fathers, but especially in Ephrem the Syrian. P. Yousif writes: Se basant sur les premiers chapitres de la Genèse, Ephrem etablit un parallèlism antithetique entre la Crucifixion et le Paradis Terrestre: Ici la chute, là le relévement; ici Adam, là le Christ; ici Eve, là Marie; ici l’arbre (et le serpent), là la Croix.1

When God created the Paradise of Eden as a dwelling place for Adam, He planted in the middle of it the Tree of Knowledge and the Tree of Life. Because the cross of Jesus was also made of wood, these two trees serve as perfect types of the cross.2 To attribute the typology only to the material of the cross, however, is not enough because there are other factors contributing to this resemblance. There is a typology of contrast between the two, the fact that death came to us by eating from the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, makes that tree a type of the cross by which we have conquered death and achieved eternal life which comes only from the Tree of Life. These two themes will be developed later in this chapter. It is worth mentioning here that this tree-cross relationship gives rise to yet another typology, one which brings together the believers, who are saved by the cross and the trees of Paradise. This typology is of biblical origin and is found in the first Psalm: 1 P. Yousif, “La Croix de Jésus et le Paradis d’Éden dans la typologie biblique de Saint Ephrem,” Parole de l’Orient VI-VII (1975-6): 37. 2 For a fuller discussion of the relationship between the Cross and the Wood, see Chapter 4.3., pp. 93ff.

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS They are like trees planted by the streams of water, which yield their fruit in its season, and their leaves do not wither.3

Here, the tree which believers resemble is the cross itself. Elsewhere, in his letter to some monks, Jacob of Sarug describes the holy people as fruits hung on the branches of the cross. He writes: You and the holy people like yourselves are the products of the cross. You are the fruits which blossomed, ripened and gathered sweetness from the branches of the cross. Letter 134

We find this same idea much earlier than Jacob. Ignatius of Antioch writes at the beginning of the second century in his letter to the Trallians: Avoid, therefore, the evil sprouts … they are not the plant of the Father. If they were they would appear as branches of the cross and their fruit would be immortal. It is by the cross, by His passion that He invites you who are His members. The Head can not be born without the members.5

It is evident here that Ignatius is influenced by Saint Paul’s idea of the mystical body of Christ. We are all members of the one body whose head is Christ.6 Our membership should manifest itself through our attachment to the cross as branches are attached to a tree. Jacob, on the other hand, is more concerned with the fruit of the tree. In the selection from his writings cited above, the prevailing image is that of the Tree of Life. According to him we are the sweet fruits which come from the branches of the cross which is the Tree of Life. He puts it as follows:

Psalm 1:1-3. Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, CSCO 110, Scr. Syri 57, G. Olinder, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1952), 57. 5 F. X. Glimm, J. M.-F. Marique, G. G. Walsh, The Apostolic Fathers. The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1969), 105. 6 I Corinthians 12:27; Ephesians 4:15-16. 3 4

THE CROSS AND THE PARADISE OF EDEN

39

You are the sweet fruits which fell from the branches of the cross. Letter 217

1.2. THE CROSS AND THE TREE OF KNOWLEDGE The story of creation and the fall of humankind due to their transgression provided the inspiration for the Syriac Fathers’ approach to the cross and to the salvation of the world in general. The events of the cross took place to restore human nature to its glory before the fall. Having this in mind, Ephrem8 gives full freedom to his imagination in stressing the role of the Tree of Knowledge in bringing about death to humankind. Since this tree is of wood, wood is therefore implicated in death, and thus overcoming death also should be accomplished by wood. This is how Ephrem puts it: To the first wood which became a murderer to it, grace brought forth a son. O cross offspring of the wood, that didst fight against his sire! The wood became the fount of death; the cross became the fount of life. Nisibene Hymns XIV,89

The cross in this text is the fruit of ‘the wood’ which is the Tree of Knowledge itself that caused the death of all. The cross, therefore, is the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge which has been brought by grace to fight against its sire. The war is between the

Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, 136. Ephrem’s commentaries on Genesis and parts of Exodus have been published in: Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955). His Hymns on Paradise have been translated into English by: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990). 9 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, CSCO 218, Scr. Syri 92, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), 38. The translation is taken from: J. Gwynn, tr., A Select Library of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Vol. XIII, P. Schaff & H. Wace, eds. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1969), 182. 7 8

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Tree of Knowledge and its offspring, the cross, which becomes a source of life for those who believe in it.10 Ephrem continues this typological contrast between the tree and the cross by showing what each of them offers to their father, ‘the wood.’ He goes on to say: The son that was born to death, all the mouths were opened to curse him. He devoured bodies and souls, and multiplied the disgrace of his father. The cross caused to pass away the rebuke of its father, that first wood. The two sons were ever as were the two mothers that bore them. The calf which the fire brought forth, set fire in the midst of the people. The cross, offspring of grace divided good gifts to all creatures. Nisibene Hymns XIV,9-1011

In these two stanzas, Ephrem is dealing with the outcome of these two sons of ‘the wood’ towards their father. The first son, the Tree of Knowledge, was cursed by all mouths; by this curse, Ephrem clearly refers to what is stated in Deuteronomy 21:23, “For anyone hung on a tree is under God’s curse.” This cursed tree brought disgrace to its father, ‘the wood,’ which became the cause of the death of bodies and souls. The cross, on the other hand, which is the second son of ‘the wood’ removed the rebuke of his father, ‘the wood,’ which—no longer disgraced or cursed— became, rather, a cause of pride according to Saint Paul.12 The cross being of ‘the wood’ is of great importance for Ephrem. In order to demonstrate the role of the source of the cross he gives an example from Exodus 32 showing that the calf which was formed in the fire by casting it from the golden ear rings 10 The “Legend of the True Cross” which brings together some events and characters from the Old Testament in a very exciting story is recounted in: J. Baldock, The Elements of Christian Symbolism (Shaftesbury, Dorset: Elements, 1990). Despite some similarities between this legend and the Syriac Fathers’ approach to the cross, it is unlikely that this legend has influenced in any way the Syriac treatment of the cross. 11 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, 38. 12 Galatians 6:14.

THE CROSS AND THE PARADISE OF EDEN

41

of the people set a fire in the midst of the people. This second fire is a reference to God’s wrath, “That may burn hot against them.”13 Later, this was reduced to the killing of three thousand Israelites. The cross also being the son of grace distributes good gifts to all creation. In describing the relationship between the calf and the fire on the one hand, and the cross and grace on the other, Ephrem uses the term mother (‫ܐ ܐ‬, emo) rather than father (‫ܐܒܐ‬, abo) which was used in the first two stanzas. That is because fire (‫ ܪܐ‬, nouro) and grace (‫ ܒ ܬܐ‬, taiboutho) are feminine in Syriac, while the wood (‫ܐ‬ , qaiso) which is the father of the Tree of the Knowledge and the cross, is masculine. Jacob also sees the same parallelism between the Tree of Knowledge, which in the beginning killed Adam, and the wood of the cross, the Tree of Life, which killed sin on Golgotha. In one of his homilies he writes: At the beginning sin killed Adam by the wood, so too the Son of God killed sin by the wood. The Tree of Life abolished the Tree of Knowledge. Homily 5314

Or, as Ephrem puts it, it is the wood of the cross that paid the debts which Adam had acquired by the wood of the tree. In his Commentary on the Diatessaron, he writes: It was through the wood that humanity had contracted debts; consequently when our Lord came, it was through the wood that he acquitted them. Commentary on the Diatessaron XX,3215

Wood is not only the source of death, as we have seen above; it becomes itself the fruit by which death continues to kill. Ephrem adds: Exodus 23:10. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols, P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-10), II:573. 15 Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron: An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709 with Introduction and Notes, Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement 2, C. McCarthy, tr. (Oxford: Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester, 1993), 310-311. 13 14

42

SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS With victory I was reigning over all, how can your cross vanquish me? Behold, by the wood I succeeded and vanquished all in the past. Nisibene Hymns XXXVI,916

Wood then, was an instrument for death to reign over all.17 Therefore, the cross did not only remove wood as the instrument of death, but it also overcame death itself which reigned over humankind through their eating from the fruit of the wood (Hymns on Abraham Kidunaya II,24).18

1.3. THE CROSS AND THE TREE OF LIFE For the Syriac Fathers, the Tree of Life which was planted in Paradise and guarded by a Cherub19 after the fall of Adam is a reality as is the rest of the story of creation.20 This tree serves as a type of both Christ and the cross. The answer to the question why the Tree of Life was planted, and why Adam was denied from it, is found in Ephrem’s Commentary on Genesis: God’s intention then was that this life-giving gift, which they would have received from the Tree of Life, might not be turned to misery and actually harm them even more than what they had acquired through the Tree of Knowledge. For from the Tree of Knowledge they had acquired temporal pains, 16 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II. CSCO 240, Scr. Syri 102, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963), 11. 17 L. McCauley & A. Stephenson, The Works of Cyril of Jerusalem, Vol. 2, The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 64 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1970), 5. Cyril of Jerusalem hints at the same idea, but in less dramatic language when he writes: “If Adam and Eve were cast out of Paradise because of the tree from which they ate, should not believers more easily enter into Paradise because of the Tree of Jesus?” 18 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba. CSCO 322, Scr. Syri 140, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972), 6. 19 Genesis 2:9; 3:42. 20 For a detailed and comprehensive treatment of the Syriac Fathers’ understanding of the Paradise of Eden, see: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 49-74.

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43

whereas the Tree of Life would have made those pains eternal. From the Tree of Knowledge they had acquired death which would release them from the bonds of their pains, whereas the Tree of Life would have made them entombed all their lives, leaving them forever tortured by their pains. Commentary on Genesis II,3521

Adam, then, was not allowed to eat from the fruit of the Tree of Life after falling in order not to live a sinful life forever. Did he then have access to it before eating from the Tree of Knowledge? Ephrem suggests that God created the Tree of Life and hid it from Adam and Eve, for “even though God had given them everything else out of Grace, He wished to confer on them, out of Justice, the immortal life which is granted through eating of the Tree of Life” (Commentary on Genesis II,17).22 They were required to pass and resist the temptation by refusing the serpent’s offer. As a result, they would have been rewarded with the fruit of the Tree of Life as Ephrem says: For had the serpent been rejected, along with sin, they would have earned of the Tree of Life, and the Tree of Knowledge would not have been withheld from them any longer. From the one they would have acquired infallible knowledge, and from the other they would have received immortal life. They would have acquired divinity in humanity; and had they thus acquired infallible knowledge and immortal life they would have done so in this body. Commentary on Genesis II,2323

Since the events went differently, however, God prevented them from partaking of the Tree of Life “for it was not appropriate, either that a life of delight should be provided in the

21 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 45-46. The translation is from: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 223. 22 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 34-35. The translation is from: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 209. 23 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 39. The translation is from: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 214.

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land of curses, or that eternal life should be found in the transient world” (Commentary on Genesis II,35).24 The solution to problem of the sin and death of the first parents, then, was that God sent His only Begotten Son to confer eternal life on those whom He saved by His cross. Christ, then, is the Tree of Life, and this concept of Christ being the Tree of Life played a considerable role in Syriac Christianity, as Michael Guinan rightly observes in his dissertation on the eschatology of Jacob of Sarug.25 Ephrem writes: The Tree of Life is the symbol of the Son of the Living One. Hymns on the Church XLIX,1626

Keeping in mind the special usage of the term symbol in Ephrem’s writings (as is the case with many Fathers of the Church who employ it in a strong sense to express the actual participation in some sense with the spiritual reality it symbolizes),27 one can discover that the Tree of Life, for him, is Christ Himself. In fact, Jacob of Sarug argues even more strongly that Christ is the Tree of Life, which sprang out on Golgotha to distribute His fruits of life. He writes in his homilies: The bitter Tree of Knowledge was abolished by the Tree of Life which He wanted to spring from Golgotha. In crucifixion He stretched out His arms like branches, and his fruits withered in the land of the dead, and it conceived life. Homily 5328

This theme of Christ being the Tree of Life can also be found in the writings of many of the Fathers, including Justin (Dialogue Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 45-46. The translation is from: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 223-224. 25 M. Guinan, “The Eschatology of James of Sarug,” (Ph.D. dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 1972), 121. See also: R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 126. 26 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ecclesia, CSCO 198, Scr. Syri 84, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1960), 127. 27 S. P. Brock, Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 60-61. 28 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:573. 24

THE CROSS AND THE PARADISE OF EDEN

45

with Trypho LXXXVI,1), Clement of Alexandria (Stromata III,17,103,4; V,11,72,2), Origen (Commentary on the Gospel of John XX,36), and Methodius (The Symposium of the Ten Virgins, IX,3).29 In his Hymns on Paradise, Ephrem makes a comparison between the first Church of Adam and Eve in Paradise and the second Church of the Nations, which came into being as a fruit of the cross: God planted the fair Garden, He built the pure Church; upon the Tree of Knowledge He established the injunction. He gave joy, but they took no delight, He gave admonition, but they were unafraid. In the Church He implanted the Word. which causes rejoicing with its promises, which causes fear with its warnings, he who despises the Word, perishes, he who takes warnings, lives. The assembly of saints bears resemblance to Paradise, in it each day is plucked the fruit of Him who gives life to all, in it, my brethren is trodden the cluster of grapes to be the Medicine of Life. The serpent is crippled and bound by the curse, while Eve’s mouth is sealed, with a silence that is beneficial, —but it also serves once again as a harp to sing the praises of her Creator. Hymns on Paradise VI,7-830

In these two stanzas, Christ the Word is in the center of Paradise giving His Body as the fruit of life, and His Blood as the Medicine of life. Since the fruit of life was promised from the Tree of Life, Christ, then, is the Tree of Life. This assimilation of Christ to the Tree of Life opened the way to the likening of Christians to the trees of Paradise, where they receive eternal life from the fruit of the Tree of Life. This assimilation is found also in the Odes of Solomon XIV,31 some of the 29 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), 32. 30 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum. CSCO 174, Scr. Syri 78, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957), 21. The translation is from: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 111. 31 R. Harris & A. Mingana, eds. The Odes and Psalms of Solomon (New York: Longmans, Green & Company, 1916-1920), II:278-279.

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Qumran documents (Manual of Discipline XI,8), and in the Hodayoth VII,9.32 Having learned that the Tree of Life, according to the Syriac Fathers, is Christ, let us see now how it is considered to be a type of the cross. God created the Tree of Life, but it was hidden from Adam and it was only with the crucifixion that it was finally made manifest.33 Ephrem says: Greatly saddened was the Tree of Life when it beheld Adam stolen away from it; it sank down into the virgin ground and was hidden to burst forth and reappear on Golgotha, humankind like birds that are chased took refuge in it. So that it might return them to their proper home. The chaser was chased away; while the dove, that had been chased, now hops with joy in Paradise. Hymns on Virginity XVI,1034

The cross, then, truly is the Tree of Life35 whose fruit is offered to all. This typology appears on two parallel lines: the first one is that both are ways of acquiring life, and the second is that both served to effect results opposite those for which they were meant. The tree was planted to give eternal life, but instead it brought death on Adam when he was denied it, and the cross which was meant as a punishment and cause of death, has become a source of life.36 There is no doubt here, that the Tree of Life is the cross which was set up on Golgotha and brought humankind back to their proper place in Paradise. Moreover, as we will see later, the cross may be considered especially as the key which opens the door of Paradise.37 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 28ff. S. P. Brock, Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 60. 34 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, CSCO 223, Scr. Syri 94, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962), 5758. 35 O. Clément, The Roots of Christian Mysticism (Dublin: New City, 1993), 48. 36 P. Yousif, “La Croix de Jésus et le Paradis d’ Eden,” 39. 37 See Chapter 7.2.2., pp. 146ff. 32 33

CHAPTER TWO: THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 2.1. INTRODUCTION The Old Testament is a great inspiration for the Syriac Fathers, as they go deep into it, searching the lines and finding out the ideas and especially the types which serve them in dealing with their subject. Almost every idea they write about, they support from the Old Testament, which is for them a solid background for the New Testament. The New Testament is the fulfillment of the Old Testament. The Word of God is one and the same in all the Scriptures. The Old Testament, therefore, is inseparable from the New Testament especially for someone like Ephrem who wrote commentaries on all the books of the Bible. Ephrem’s mode of theological discussion is, in Sebastian Brock’s words, “essentially biblical and Semitic.”1 The biblical ̈ , tufse) writings of the Old Covenant, by the use of types (‫ܐ‬ and symbols (‫̈ܪܐܙܐ‬, roze) reveal the hiddenness of God which is to be revealed by the incarnation of Christ. Thus: the reality of the incarnation itself is hidden as far as the writers of the Old Testament are concerned. The glimpse they have of this reality expressed as ‘roze’ or symbols have been made possible for them only because God has revealed some aspects of himself. Likewise in the sacrament God has revealed something of hidden objective reality which will only be fully revealed outside time and space in Paradise.2

Types and symbols, therefore, are an easy instrument for the Syriac Fathers to reveal aspects of reality which are otherwise 1 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990), 40. 2 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 43.

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS

hidden. The cross is one of these aspects of the revelation which has been unveiled by characters and events in the Old Testament. In dealing with this theme, and after we have seen the connection between the cross and the Tree, it is important to find out the connection the Syriac Fathers make between the cross and some characters of the Old Testament, mainly the three patriarchs: Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

2.2. THE CROSS AND ABRAHAM For the Syriac Fathers, Abraham is not only the father of faith and believers, he is also the starting point by which God starts revealing the hidden realities of his salvific economy (‫ ܒ ܬܐ‬, mdabronutho). In his Commentary on the Diatessaron, Ephrem writes: From Abraham the symbols of the Wood and the Lamb began to be formed. Commentary on the Diatessaron XXI.I,93

We can trace two different occasions in Abraham’s life where he is associated with the cross: 2.2.1. Walking Through the Promised Land After the separation of Abraham and his nephew Lot, the Lord appeared to Abraham and told him to look northward, southward, eastward and westward. Promising to give all that land to Abraham and his offspring, the Lord ordered him to rise up and walk through the length and breadth of the land.4 Commenting on this incident, Jacob writes in his homilies against the Jews: Abraham was told by God, to walk through the length and the breadth of the land. He showed him how to form a cross on the earth, to seal the land as a place of crucifixion. Homily IV5

Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et l’arménien, Sources Chrétiennes 121, L. Leloir, ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), 378. 4 Genesis 13:14-18. 5 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies contre les Juifs, Patrologia Orientalis t. 38, fasc. 1, no. 174, M. Albert, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 185-188. 3

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 49 While Jacob’s interpretation of the incident is a general one— that the earth was dedicated as a place where the crucifixion of Christ will take place—we see Narsai interprets it in more specific manner. He considers the promise made by God to Abraham and his offspring that they will inherit the land, to be accomplished by the sign of the cross. He writes: In His revelation He took Abraham out to see the land, and ordered him to walk through it like a lord. He taught him how to walk its length and breadth, in order to reveal the sign by which he inherits it. By his walk to inherit it, he formed the cross to let him know that by this sign he inherits the land. Homily 306

This definition of the cross as a sign by which Abraham is going to inherit the land, is not Narsai’s own. In fact he uses the exact words of Ephrem without going further than what we have seen. Ephrem, on the other hand, relates this incident to the crucifixion by comparing the results of the two. The first one opens the door to the Nation to inherit the Promised Land, and the second causes them to lose it to the Nations who believe in the Lord’s crucifixion. He writes in his Commentary on Genesis: After Lot had separated from Abraham the Lord appeared to him and told him: rise up and walk the length and breadth of the land, for to you I will give it. Clearly the cross was formed here. The Land then, was given to the first fathers by the sign of the cross. And because of the cross they lost it (the land) to the later fathers. Commentary on Genesis X,27

2.2.2. Seeing the Day of the Lord In John 8:56 we find Christ telling the Jews that their father Abraham desired to see Christ’s day, he saw it and was glad. The evangelist is using this occasion to come to the conclusion that Jesus existed before Abraham, and He is eternally with the Father.8 6 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:122. 7 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 68. 8 John 1:1.

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Yet there is no attempt to satisfy the crowd’s curiosity about Abraham seeing the day of Christ. For the Syriac Fathers, this text is very clear. The Lord is pointing to His sacrificial death on the cross, which was prefigured by the sacrifice of Isaac. Narsai writes: The Silent One, who saved Isaac, opened the way to His death, by saying that Abraham saw me and rejoiced in the day of my death. Abraham did not really see the day of His death; he only saw it by means of revelation. Homily 19

We find the same general interpretation in John Chrysostom,10 but Ephrem does not stop at this point—he tries to work out the exact points of similarity which Abraham saw and made him rejoice at the day of the sacrifice of Isaac. In his Commentary on the Diatessaron we read: ‘Abraham saw my day and rejoiced,’ through the ram on the tree which loosened Isaac who was chained. Just as our Lord loosened the bonds of the Nations by the cross. Commentary on the Diatessaron XVIII,I.111

Abraham’s joy was for the salvation of the Nations through the death of the Only Son of God, to which the sacrifice of his only son was a type. Jacob even goes further by suggesting that the sacrifice of Isaac made Abraham glad. This was not only because it made him aware of the plans of God to send His Only Son to save the world. He was also glad because the sacrifice revealed to him the possibility of the incarnation through the Virgin Birth of Christ to Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, I:22. J. Daniélou, Sacramentum Futuri, Études sur les Origines de la Typologie Biblique, Études de théologie historique (Paris: Beauchesne, 1950), 110: “Ainsi Jean Chrysostome, après avoir raconté le sacrifice d’ Isaac, continue: ‘Toutes ces choses furent des figures de la Croix. C’est pourquoi le Christ avait dit; Abraham a exulté parce qu’ il a desiré voir mon jour; il l’a vu et il s’est rejoui. Comment l’a-t-il vu, alores qu’il lui est antérieur de tant d’années? Par la figure…’” 11 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron, 315. 9

10

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 51 which the ram born from the tree was a type, as well as His death on the cross. Jacob writes: Abraham rejoiced in the day of the Son, which he saw in his son; and understood the whole affair of the crucifixion. By the tree and the ram hung on its branches, the conception, birth, murder, and death were all revealed to him. Homily 10912

2.3. THE CROSS AND ISAAC The sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham,13 is a type which reveals the reality of the sacrifice of Christ by the will of his Father. This typology is to be found in several elements related to Isaac’s life. 2.3.1. The Ram Which Saved Isaac from Death In his second sermon on the passion of our Lord Ephrem writes: I am he who saved Isaac from the knife of Abraham and became for him the ram for today’s Passover. Behold the tree and the ram which was hung on the tree, prophesied about me that I am the Lamb which will be hung on the cross. Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum II:445-45214

In this text ‘I am’ stands for Christ who is calling Himself the ram who saved Isaac from death. The element of sacrifice here is very clear. In a remarkable way Ephrem brings together two types of sacrifice which point to the real sacrifice which finds its fulfillment in Christ himself. As the ram saved Isaac from death, and the Passover lamb saved the Israelites from death in Egypt, Christ, too, saved the whole creation from eternal death. Christ therefore is the ram and the Passover lamb,15 but he is also the lamb which will be hung on the cross. There is no doubt that Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-10), IV:101. 13 Genesis 22. 14 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum, CSCO 412, Scr. Syri 181, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1979), 16. 15 See Chapter 3.2.3., pp. 76ff. 12

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Ephrem, in using the term ‘lamb’ to describe Christ, is hinting at the sacrificial death of Christ since the lamb was an essential element of the Old Covenant sacrifices. One should not however rule out the clear reference to the utilization of this term in John’s Gospel.16 In fact Narsai makes this concept very clear when he says: The lamb which he was shown was hung on the tree. Instead of the nails, the branches of the wood penetrated its body. It (the ram) rode the cross which is the type of reality for the Real One. He was tightened completely as though ready for death. John also called the Saviour of our race a lamb; because He was going to save our lives by the sacrifice of His death… Homily 117

We find the same idea in the Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Genesis: The mountain produced the tree and the tree produced the ram, so that by the ram that was hung on the tree, to be slain instead of the son of Abraham, the day of that who was to be hung on the wood as a ram and to taste death for the world, now his day was portrayed. Commentary on Genesis XX,318

The idea, again, is that Christ is the lamb who by his death on the cross will save the whole world just like the ram which by his death saved Isaac from death. It is interesting to notice here the way in which Ephrem moves from the salvation of one person to the salvation of a group and so to the salvation of the whole world. The totality of the world is an important theme in Ephrem’s writings. He always moves from individualism to collectivism, the salvation of the individual to the salvation of the whole creation.

John 1:29. Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, I:22. 18 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 84. 16 17

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 53 2.3.2. The Tree Which Carried the Ram As we are going to see later,19 the wood in general is for the Syriac Fathers a type of the cross, particularly when this wood is in the shape of a tree which carries fruit, because in that case it is closer to the cross which carries Christ. In Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum II:44-5 we have seen that the ram who saved Isaac is Christ who saved the world and the tree which carried the ram is the cross which carried Christ. Also, in the text from Ephrem’s Commentary on Genesis XX:3 cited above, we see that the ram which the tree produced is Christ who was born from a virgin and hung on the wood, and the tree which was produced by the mountain is the cross which was hidden in the virgin earth and later appeared on Golgotha (Hymns on Virginity XVI,10).20 But the last text in the previous section, from Narsai, is much more straightforward in making this point. 2.3.3. Isaac Carrying the Wood This third element of the relationship between Isaac and the cross is again dependent on the fact that the cross of Christ was made of wood. Ephrem writes: Your image was happy with Shem, Your gladness was in Abraham, Isaac carried your cross. The former and the latter are clothed with your images. Hymns on Virginity VIII,1621

Ephrem is addressing Christ in this text. The reference to Shem is somewhat striking because Ephrem here is supposed to talk about the images of Christ which are related to people from the Old Testament. The problem is with the word ‘happy’ which does not make any sense here. I suspect that the Syriac origin has been misinterpreted. The original form of dosath consisting of Daleth, tzodeh, tau (‫ )ܕܨܬ‬which means “(she) was happy” could be sorath (tsodeh, rish, tau, ‫ )ܨܪܬ‬which means “(you) portrayed,” which is more acceptable here. The meaning therefore will be that Christ See Chapter 4.3., pp. 93ff. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, CSCO 223, Scr. Syri 94, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962), 5758. 21 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 30. 19 20

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has portrayed his image in Shem which could be a reference to the blessing of Shem by his father Noah.22 The gladness of Abraham is a reference to what Christ said about him—that he rejoiced that he would see Christ’s day and that he had seen it and was glad.23 In the third phrase Ephrem is referring to Isaac carrying on his back the wood by which he is to be burnt as a sacrifice24 which is a clear type of Christ carrying the wood of his cross on his way to Golgotha to offer himself a sacrifice for the life of the world. When we turn to Jacob we see that he makes the same point. Isaac carried the wood for his sacrifice just as Christ carried the cross for His death. He writes: Going towards the mountain, Isaac carried wood for his sacrifice; like the Son who carried His cross on His way. Homily 8025

To be sure, in the same homily Jacob asks a very legitimate question of this typology. If it was not for the symbol hidden in this sacrifice, why would Isaac carry the wood up to the mountain while the two young servants of his father were resting? 2.3.4. The Journey to Moriah We read in Genesis 22:4 that Abraham and Isaac arrived at Moriah where the sacrifice was going to be performed on the third day of their journey. For Jacob, those three days are the three days in which the crucifixion and resurrection were accomplished. He writes: Isaac was attended by his father for three days, to draw an image of the death of the Son. On the third day he conquered death and escaped, like the Son who on the third day rose from the dead. Homily 8026

Genesis 9:26. John 8:56. 24 Genesis 22:6. 25 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:312. 26 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:312. 22 23

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 55 2.3.5. Moriah and Golgotha It is a well known tradition in Syriac Christianity that Golgotha, where Christ sacrificed Himself on the cross, is the same land known as Moriah, where Abraham offered his son Isaac a sacrifice to God. This is how Jacob puts it in one of his homilies: Golgotha, as they say, was the mountain of Isaac. In that place of crucifixion, his father bound him. The tree which carried the symbol, sprung in the same place where Zion planted the Wood to crucify the Son. Mysteriously, He indicated to him to sacrifice Isaac on Golgotha; in order for the symbol to take place on the mountain of crucifixion. Homily 8027

We find this same tradition in Narsai, who makes a distinction between what Abraham saw through his bodily eyes, and what was revealed to his mind. He writes: Through the eyes of the body, He showed him the place to sacrifice his son; and in his mind, He revealed to him the future, that in this place Christ was going to be sacrificed. Homily 528

2.4. THE CROSS AND JACOB Jacob’s life for the Syriac Fathers is an instrument by which the cross is revealed in the Old Testament. This revelation may not be known to Jacob himself. The Holy Spirit, however, uses the ordinary events in life as types and symbols to be fulfilled in the New Testament. The types of the cross can be found in many incidences in Jacob’s life. Ephrem states: Jacob the just, drew the cross, by the ladder he saw while he was sleeping at night. And he showed the cross by changing his arms and by the rods he put in the water. And the faithful Church adores the cross of the Son by whom she was saved. Hymni Dispersi XXI,1629

27 28

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:311. Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, I:20.

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Here again Ephrem employs his favorite theme of drawing or painting. The Old Testament is a portrait of the New Testament which has been painted by the prophets and other characters. Jacob for his part is painting the cross by the events of his life. The ladder which he dreamed in Bethel30 is nothing but the cross which is set up between heaven and earth by which people can return to their lost home in Paradise. What strengthens this tradition of considering the ladder as a symbol of the cross is that Jacob thinks of that place as being the gate of Paradise which is for Ephrem the cross itself. The changing of arms in the third line of the previous citation is a reference to Jacob blessing the sons of Joseph31 when he crossed his hands and put his right hand on Ephraim the younger, and his left hand on Manasseh the firstborn. That is exactly what the cross did by replacing the Nation, the firstborn, with the Nations, the younger in faith. The third similarity of the cross in Jacob’s life is the rods which he put in the water and caused his flocks to produce young that were striped, speckled, and spotted, which was his wage.32 The cross in the same way increases the numbers of souls coming to the Church by the water of baptism. In this section I am going to trace some of these types of the cross in Jacob’s life. 2.4.1. The Nation and the Nations For the Syriac Fathers, ‘the Nation’ is always the people of the covenant or the firstborn who kept their relationship with God until the incarnation of Christ. ‘The Nations’ are the peoples from different parts of the world who accepted the Gospel of Christ and became believers.33 The cross is the indicator of this replacement: when the chosen Nation crucified Christ, refusing to believe in

29 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:766. 30 Genesis 28:10-22. 31 Genesis 48:8-21. 32 Genesis 30:37-40. 33 See Chapter 1 in: R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975).

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 57 him, the cross scattered them everywhere and brought new peoples from everywhere who believed in Christ. Ephrem treats this matter with a special concern for the two incidents in Jacob’s life which pertain to the right of the firstborn in his father’s blessings. The first instance relates to Jacob himself when he was still in the womb with his brother Esau.34 The second relates to the sons of Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh.35 Oh my tongue hold thy peace and be silent of the histories of the cross that press to be told for my mind of a sudden has conceived, and lo! pangs of travail smite it it has conceived these among the last and they strive to become the firstborn. The babes struggled in the womb; the elder made haste to come forth the younger desiring the birthright laid his hand upon his heel; that which he obtained not by birth, he obtained by the mess of pottage. After the like sort these later histories lo ! they make light of the former ones, that themselves may come forth and take the birthright. Let us bring forth the history of our fathers, for lo ! the histories of the cross are the firstborn of all the creation. Nisibene Hymns XIV,11-1336

In these three stanzas, Ephrem draws the comparison between what happened when Jacob was born and what happened on the cross. The histories or the stories of the cross are events which took place during or after the crucifixion of Christ. In this context they are the stories of the people who struggled to gain the birthright which entitles them to the blessing and graces which were available to the Nation, the first in the faith. Esau, who lost Genesis 25:22-26. Genesis 48:8-21. 36 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, CSCO 218, Scr. Syri 92, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), 38. The translation is from: J., Gwynn, tr. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Vol. XIII, P. Schaff & H. Wace, eds. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1969), 182. 34 35

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the birthright for the red stew which Jacob had cooked,37 is the type of the Nation, the Israelites who had the birthright by being the first to believe. Jacob became the type of the Nations who struggled to gain the birthright by being faithful to God. But the Israelites claimed God only for themselves. Later, the Nations obtained that right by the red blood of Christ which was poured out on the cross. The cross, therefore, took the birthright from the Nation and gave it to the Nations who desired it. Ephrem makes this theme clearer in his teaching concerning the behavior of Jacob while blessing his two grandsons, Ephraim and Manasseh. In the Commentary on Genesis, Ephrem writes: And said (Jacob) bring them (Ephraim and Manasseh) to me that I may bless them, and Israel changed his hands because of Manasseh, the firstborn. And put his right hand on the head of Ephraim, the younger. Clearly the cross was pointed here, to portray the mystery in which the Israelites, the firstborn have gone out like Manasseh, the firstborn, and the Nations have become greater like Ephraim, the younger. Commentary on Genesis XLI,438

Here, the cross is not only present in the transferal of the birthright from the firstborn to the younger, but it is even more clearly figured by the crossing of Jacob’s hands.39 According to the narrative, Joseph brought Manasseh the firstborn under Jacob’s right hand to confer on him the special blessings of the firstborn which include the coming of the Messiah from his offspring. Jacob crossed his hands, putting the right on Ephraim who was standing on his left side, and the left on Manasseh who was standing on his right side. By doing so, Jacob formed the sign of the cross. The replacement of the Nation by the Nations, therefore, is by both the sign of the cross and by the birthright which was transferred by the cross. This same idea is also found in the letter of Barnabas, but very briefly, and in such a way that it can not be claimed that Ephrem is influenced by it. Barnabas’ letter does not mention the cross at all,

Genesis 25:29-34. Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 110. 39 Genesis 48:14. 37 38

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 59 even though it mentions the consequences of the crossing of Jacob’s hands, that is, the new people inheriting the covenant.40 Like Ephrem, and in an equally detailed way, Narsai writes about this ritual of blessing performed by Jacob, and its results: According to what we learn from revelation, Jacob blessed the sons of Joseph, and through them he showed the mystery of the crucifixion. Joseph brought his two sons into the presence of his father; Manasseh on his right side, and Ephraim on his left. He changed his arms in a cross manner: with his right hand our father Jacob exalted Ephraim, and with his left hand he lessened Ephraim’s brother who is the firstborn. This mystery was explained by the Crucified Man,41 who exalted the scorned Nations who were baptized in his name. While the Nation, which became the firstborn because of their glories, was lessened by the cross and became scorned by their impudence. By the cross the aged Jacob gave his blessings, to warn everybody that without the cross the blessing can not be done. Homily 3042

In one of his Hymns on Virginity (XX,7-9),43 Ephrem explores the theme more by drawing a connection between the cross and the land of Ephraim which includes Jericho44 where Jesus passed on His way to Jerusalem.45 Ephrem says that in Egypt Ephraim, who is the symbol of the Nations, was given the right of the firstborn by the cross. When our Savior toured the region of Ephraim on His way to the cross, He was welcomed in Jerusalem by the Nations who shouted to Him, “Hosanna!” Glimm, F. X., J. M.-F. Marique, G. G. Walsh, The Apostolic Fathers, The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1969), 213. 41 It is important to note Narsai’s use of the term ‘Crucified Man’ for Christ. This term implies a separation in the person of the Lord, therefore, it can not be found in the writings of the Orthodox Syriac Fathers. Narsai uses it because he embraced the Nestorian teachings, which contains the belief in two sepetrate natures in Our Lord. 42 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:123. 43 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 69-70. 44 Joshua 16. 45 Matthew 20:29. 40

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It is important to mention here another similarity between Ephraim and the cross which Ephrem hints at in his Hymns on Virginity when he plays the game of numbers and says: If you calculate the name of Ephraim, it will be three hundred and thirty one. The cross is portrayed by this calculation, and the Crucifix is painted from these numbers. The cross was put on him by hands, and his name is related to the cross and the crucifix. How much I admire you, oh child. The crosses are shining on me from the whole of you. Hymns on Virginity XXI,846

The numerical value of the letters comprising the name of Ephraim in Syriac is 331 and the numerical value of the letters of the cross (‫ܨ ܒܐ‬, slibo) and the Crucified (‫ܙ ܐ‬, zqifo) together is again 331. Therefore, Ephraim, who by the sign of the cross received the birthright from Jacob, is a type of the Nations who by the cross of Christ received the birthright from God. 2.4.2. Jacob in Bethel Bethel, ‘ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬,’ in Syriac and Hebrew means ‘house of God’. Since the ‘house of God’ in Syriac Christianity is another name for the Church, the Syriac Fathers looked at Bethel as a type of the Church. The anointing of the pillar by Jacob is an act of consecrating a church building by anointing it with the holy , myron). ‘chrism’ (‫ܘܢ‬ As the Church can not be considered so without the cross standing up in its center, the Syriac Fathers immediately started looking for the cross in Bethel. This task was made easy by the ladder which Jacob saw in his dream. Jacob writes: And the mountain became the house of God for Jacob, and the cross came and stood up in it like a ladder. The ladder which stood up between heaven and earth, is the cross which became an elevator for Adam’s household. Homily 13547

46 47

Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 73. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:797.

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 61 For Aphrahat, the ladder which Jacob saw in his dream plays a double role, standing as a symbol for both Christ and His cross. The ladder which Jacob saw is also a symbol of Our Savior, by which the just humans ascend from below to above. It is also a symbol of the cross of Our Savior which was lifted like a ladder. Demonstration IV: De Oratione48

By considering the ladder as a symbol of Christ, Aphrahat risks being accused of Arianism because the biblical text says that the Lord was standing on top of the ladder. This may be the reason why other Syriac Fathers did not contemplate this line of interpretation concerning the ladder. Aphrahat, however, finds rescue in Saint Paul’s words about Christ being the head of every man, and God the head of Christ.49 Aphrahat summarizes his commentary on the ladder by giving a holistic picture, in which the whole incident is a symbol of the Church and its mission. He writes: Look, my dear friend, how many mysteries are hidden in the vision that Jacob had. He saw the gate of heaven which is Christ; he also saw a ladder which is a symbol of the cross, and he anointed the rock as a type of the Nations. Demonstration IV: De Oratione50

Narsai also finds in the ladder a symbol for both Christ and the cross, but he cleverly combines them together. The vision for him is a mystery (‫̈ܪܐܙܐ‬, rozo) of the Crucified Man whose cross elevates people to the high heaven. He says: The aged Jacob in the vision saw a ladder fixed in earth with its head above in heaven. This vision is the mystery of the Crucified Man:51 by the cross people ascend into the high heaven. Homily 3052

Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905), 37. 49 I Corinthians 11:3. 50 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 37-38. 51 See footnote 41, p. 59. 52 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:123. 48

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In his interpretation of the ladder, Jacob sticks to the traditional interpretation. He sees in the ladder a symbol of the cross of Christ, but he does not stop there like others. He goes on to justify the typology he is employing, by showing the similarity of the function of the ladder to the blessings of the cross. The ladder which Jacob saw was used for descending and ascending and the cross is an instrument by which some people are lifted up to heaven, and others are brought down to hell. He says: The ladder which the just Jacob saw in Bethel, has painted an image of the cross between the inhabitants of heaven and earth. Jacob saw some ascending and others descending on it; the fallen were descending and the risen were ascending towards the Father’s place. The cross is stretched out and whoever holds to it with simplicity will live, rise, ascend and reign in the high place; and whoever has doubts and is moved by the spirit of division, comes down falling because he deviates from his duty. Homily 16653

The ladder, then, is a type of the cross because it allows people to ascend and descend just as the cross lifts up believers towards the heavenly kingdom to reign with the Lord. The same cross becomes a stumbling-block to those who refuse to believe in it.54 2.4.3. Jacob in Haran The life of Jacob in Haran is another type of the cross. The importance of this typology can be seen in its use in two main themes. Concerning the first theme, Ephrem points to the similarity which could be found between the way Jacob entered and left Haran, and Jesus entering and leaving Sheol. Ephrem says: He (Jesus) entered it in the same way Jacob entered Haran, and like him also He came out of it. Blessed be He who explained the mysteries, of Jacob who descended and ascended.

53 54

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:474. I Corinthians 1:23.

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 63 Jacob entered Haran with nothing but his staff on his way out, he robbed it, coming out with a large number of children. Alone, Jesus entered Sheol, the real Haran, bearing the sign of the cross the staff which administers the creation. When He rose and came out of it the soil of the dead moved with it, and the sleepers who were buried from the beginning woke up. Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum VI,1333-134855

Jacob entering Haran56 with his staff in his hand57 is a type of Christ entering Sheol with the sign of the cross in His hand.58 Haran is for Ephrem the real Sheol. One can understand the bitterness of Ephrem towards Haran because of the large number of the practicing pagans which were to be found there in his days. Though he entered into Haran alone, Jacob left with a large number of wives and children. Likewise, Christ ascended from Sheol with the souls of the dead who were waiting for the salvation of God, in addition to the bodies of the saints who rose in the moment when Christ died on the cross.59 The staff of Jacob assumes another powerful element of comparison with the cross of Christ, when it is looked at in relation to the vision of Jacob in Bethel. Jacob writes: Look, wise people, at the quiet sleep of that just man; and the crucifixion of the Son of God, you see one image. There, the staff; and here, the cross and the two are one. Jacob slept on his staff on the mountain and painted an image of the Son of God who died on the cross on Golgotha. Homily 13560

Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum, 65. Genesis 29. 57 The staff actually is not mentioned in the book of Genesis; it could be part of a Syriac tradition. The staff was a great help to travelers in those days, as it was an essential companion of the shepherds. 58 This Syriac tradition can be found in some Syriac icons portraying Christ descending into Sheol with the sign of the cross in His hand. 59 Matthew 27:52. 60 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:797. 55 56

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS

Jacob held his staff and went into a deep sleep during which he had the vision of the ladder. Christ also, nailed on the cross, went into the sleep of death. Before doing that, Christ had accomplished another act which Jacob did only after the vision. Christ, by His cross has betrothed to Himself His Bride, the Church of the Nations. Jacob betrothed to himself his bride, the daughter of Laban, with his staff. Writing again in the same homily on the vision of Jacob, Jacob of Sarug says: Who betrothed a woman with only a staff other than Jacob? He did not take with him anything else when he left… The Son of God showed only a cross to the world, and from it He poured all treasures on creatures; and by it, the abandoned Church of Nations was betrothed. Homily 13561

The similarity does not end there. Ephrem compares Jacob’s flight to Canaan without the attention of the sons of Laban, with the resurrection of Christ without the notice of the guards who were supposed to guard His body (Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum VI,1349-1352).62 They did not know about His resurrection until the angel had come and rolled back the stone from the empty tomb.63 Yet there is another similarity between Jacob fleeing Haran and Jesus ascending from Sheol. In Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum VI,1353-135664 Ephrem draws the comparison between Rachel, who depending on Jacob’s power stole her father’s gods, and the resurrection, which depending on Jesus’ power stole the dead from Sheol. The second theme which builds this relationship between the cross and Jacob’s life in Haran is what Jacob was doing in putting the fresh rods of poplar and almonds and plane after peeling white streaks in them. According to Genesis, Jacob exposed the white of the rods in front of the flocks in the troughs so that the flocks would produce young that were striped, speckled, and spotted which was Jacob’s wage.65 In the same way the cross is gaining

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:797. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum, 65. 63 Matthew 28:2-4. 64 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum, 66. 65 Genesis 30: 37-40. 61 62

THE CROSS AND THE PATRIARCHS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 65 people to the kingdom of heaven. In the Hymns on the Epiphany Ephrem writes: The sheep of Jacob moved and stood round the well, in the water they put on the similitude of the wood which was covered by the mysteries and types of the cross by which the parables are interpreted. There are shown in the rods similitudes and in the sheep parables. The cross is figured in the rods and the souls in the sheep. His wood became a mystery of our wood, likewise his sheep a mystery of our flock. The sheep of Christ rejoiced and stood around the baptism. In the water they put on the likeness and the living and goodly cross at which the whole creation looked and by which it was all sealed. Hymns on the Epiphany VII,1-366

Here again Ephrem employs the material of the cross. The rods reveal mysteries and types which will be fulfilled in the cross of Jesus. The rods, then, are the cross and the sheep which multiply by looking at the rods in the water are the flock of believers who multiply by looking at the cross which is in baptism. John 10 was undoubtedly in Ephrem’s mind when he wrote this hymn. It is worth mentioning here the practice of the Syrian Church in putting a cross inside the font of baptism when baptizing someone. This is bringing into practice what Saint Paul wrote in Romans 6:1-4 about being baptized into Christ’s death and buried with him by baptism. The flock of Christ is therefore baptized and sealed by the cross. This is a reference to the sacrament of the chrism which is called in Syriac liturgy “the seal of the true faith.”

66 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), CSCO 186, Scr. Syri 82, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1959), 163-164. The translation (with some alterations) is from: J. Gwynn, A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2:XIII, 274.

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Jacob points out the same idea when he speaks about the Church being nourished by the cross after she assumed the color of the cross by looking at the water of Baptism. He says: The flock stood at the source which was opened by the lance. They grew fat and full and became pleased and full of the source’s drink. They saw the cross of light in the waters and they loved it. They were influenced by it and desired it even to drink it. From the water they put on His colors to resemble it. They looked at it with love and put His image on their members. The disciples who are shepherds, showed the flock the stream of blood; which contains the cross. They smelled the fragrance and tasted the life. Homily 13567

In another of his homilies, Jacob elaborates on this theme. He considers the young speckled and striped lambs, produced by looking at the rods put in water a type of the believers from different nations and colors looking at the cross in the water of Baptism, and gaining salvation (Hom. 80).68 He puts it very clearly when he says: By the distinguished colors, Jacob portrayed the mixed Nations, which Baptism bore for the Son of God. Homily XXXVIII69

In another of his Hymns on Virginity (XV,6),70 Ephrem gives an example of the rods of Jacob being a type of the cross. Exalting Simon Cephas, Ephrem speaks of the multiplication of his flocks because he sets up a cross on the water and the sheep produced virgins and holy ones. The cross, then, accompanies Jacob from his birth to his life in Haran to the last days of his life in Egypt when he blessed his two grandsons, Ephraim and Manasseh. All these aspects of revelation wait for the coming of Christ and his cross to receive their fulfillment.

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:789. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:311. 69 Jacques de Seroug, Homélies contre les Juifs, I:207-208. 70 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 53. 67 68

CHAPTER THREE: THE CROSS AND THE PROPHETS 3.1. INTRODUCTION For the Syriac Fathers, when it comes to symbols and types, the importance of the prophets is not less than that of the patriarchs of the Old Testament. The prophets are instruments in God’s hand, and through them He reveals the truth of Himself and of the New Testament events. In interpreting the Old Testament, the Syriac Fathers reflect a Judeo-Christian tradition which developed largely in isolation from the Greek-speaking world. While their exegetical tradition frequently echoes the targums and the midrashim, they find a special interest in drawing a typological parallelism between the two testaments. The Antiochene tradition of interpretation is widely preserved, marked with their own style. They interpret the Old Testament , su‛ronoith), which serve as types for the events literally ( ‫ܐ‬ New Testament in which these events find their meaning spiritually ( ‫ܪܘ ܐ‬, ruhonoith). Then they enter into the sacred time sacramentally ( ‫ܪܐܙ ܐ‬, rozonoith) to be fulfilled in the Eschaton. In this chapter I will examine the presence of the cross in the lives of the prophets, especially Moses.

3.2. THE CROSS AND MOSES In Syriac Christianity, Moses plays a special role in the Old Testament. He is the chief of the prophets, the leader of the old disciples, and the source of prophecy. The cross is associated with Moses not only through some events in his life, as is the case with other prophets and characters of the Old Testament, but the whole of his life is a type of the cross and devoted to the cross. Ephrem writes:

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS the humble prophet the son of Amram, had drawn the cross in all his acts. Hymni Dispersi XXI,171

The cross is a dominant figure in Moses’ world, revealed in each and every act of his life. This is also what Jacob says, considering the cross as Moses’ life companion, accompanying him wherever he goes like a wall surrounding his people. Jacob writes: He put the cross in every place he dwelt in, for the people to settle underneath its shadows without danger. He was never protected with anything other than the cross, which became for him a wall to camp inside it. Homily 42

Aphrahat, however, treats specific instances where the cross appears in Moses’ life, playing an important role in his mission. He writes: When Moses slew the lamb, the firstborn of the Egyptians were killed; and when Jesus the true lamb was crucified, the people who killed him were killed by His murder… Moses sweetened the bitter water with his wood, and Jesus sweetened our bitterness with the wood of His cross. Moses conquered Amalek by stretching out his hands, and Jesus conquered Satan by the sign of His cross. Demonstration XXI: De Persecutione3

In Ephrem’s account of the cross in Moses’ life, he notes that by the staff which is the type of the cross, the waters of the Red Sea were divided to deliver the Israelites and drown the Egyptians.4 By the sign of the cross, the Israelites also defeated the Amalekites. It is not only the acts of Moses that point to the cross—it is his whole career as a savior and leader, his life and books, that reveal the cross. This conclusion can be found in Ephrem’s hymns: 1 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificius, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:766. 2 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-1910), I:50. 3 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca, Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 &1905), 241. 4 Exodus 14:15-29.

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The scribes knew that the Scriptures of Moses would be exposed in the world when they crucified you, Your wood had explained the book. Hymns on Virginity VIII, 235

The purpose of the books of Moses, then, was to reveal the mission of the cross. The cross fulfils the books of Moses, because the teachings of Moses were about the sacrifices of the Old Covenant, the shadow of the sacrifice of the cross which is the fulfillment of the books. Yet we can talk of special moments when the cross was present in Moses’ life in a particular way. 3.2.1. The Cross and the Rod of Moses The rod of Moses plays a significant role in the strong relationship between the cross and the prophet. The Syriac Fathers attribute the power of Moses to his rod which was a type of the cross. This power, which is originally of the cross, enabled Moses to perform all his miracles. In fact, Jacob considers the life-long presence of the rod with Moses as a lasting relationship between Christ and the prophet. Addressing Christ, Jacob says: By the rod, he took You from Your Father on Mount Sinai, he followed You and became like a shadow of a great body. Entering Egypt he showed them the cross of Your disgrace. They feared it and subjected themselves to its might. Homily 46

Narsai, too, considers all the powerful miracles which followed the Hebrews were performed by the power of God through the rod of Moses which carried in it the mysteries of the cross. He says: Come to the rod of Moses, the prophet of the Hebrews, and see how the mystery of the Crucified Man is painted in it. The Creator did great miracles through the rod of the righteous, which was carrying the mystery of the wood of crucifixion. Homily 307

5 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, CSCO 223, Scr. Syri 94, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962), 31. 6 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, I:49. 7 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:123.

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This body-shadow relationship gives the rod a great value and makes it a treasure of mysteries which contains all the powers of the crucifixion, and by which all great things are done. Jacob writes: Moses was carrying the rod of his mysteries all along his way, and in the shadow of the crucifixion he did glorious things. He made sea a dry land by the cross which was formed on it, and by that he opened a great road for the forces. The wood which he threw in the water of Marah, was it not a figure of the cross which sweetened the bitterness of the whole world? Homily 808

There is no doubt that the rod was considered a type of the cross because it was of wood. As we will see later, for the Syriac Fathers, every piece of wood is a type of the cross. This is the reason why the wood of Marah9 is considered a type of the cross despite being different from Moses’ rod. In his Commentary on Exodus Ephrem writes: After crossing the sea God wanted to test them by the lack of water and they complained in Marah. God showed Moses a piece of wood which he threw in the water and the water became sweet. The wood was a mystery of the cross by which the bitterness of the Nations was going to be sweetened. Commentary on Exodus XVI,110

The wood which was used here was not the rod of Moses. Yet it was a symbol of the cross because of its effectiveness in changing the water. Likewise the cross changes the pagans to believers.11 This same typology is used by Narsai in one of his homilies when he says: Moses sweetened the water in Marah with a bitter wood, and the Nation drank and satisfied their thirst. Likewise the cross of Jesus sweetened the bitter Nations, and gave them the sweet taste of the name of the Creator. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:306-307. Exodus 14: 22-25. 10 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 76. 11 This typology is found in both Didymus and Ambrosius. See: J. Daniélou, Sacramentum Futuri, Études sur les Origines de la Typologie Biblique, Études de théologie historique (Paris: Beauchesne, 1950), 148. 8 9

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71 Homily 3012

The rod of Moses is therefore a type of the cross not only because it is wood but also because it changed the nature of the water from bitter to sweet, just as the cross changes the bitterness of the Nations to the sweetness of the Creator, as it is also a means by which Moses is performing miracles and gaining victories over his enemies. In Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum I,33813 Ephrem considers the staff of Moses to be a type of the cross because the staff protected the Nation, and likewise, the cross also spreads its wings in the churches protecting those who believe in it. The similarity then comes from the office of Moses as a shepherd, as we read in Ephrem’s hymns: Your sheep are marked in Abel, your church is painted in Noah, your flock in Jacob, and in the rod of Moses, the rod of your sheep is painted. Hymns on Virginity VIII,1414

The Church is the flock of Christ which was symbolized in the ark of Noah15 and the flock of Jacob which needs the rod of Moses to be protected by her good shepherd, Christ himself.16 The rod of Moses is a type of the cross also because of the miracles which were performed by it. In his Commentary on Exodus VII,4,17 Ephrem writes about the rod which Aaron threw on the ground and swallowed the snakes of the Egyptian magicians.18 This is a type of the cross which was going to destroy all the idols. In Commentary on Exodus XIV,3 Ephrem also says that God ordered Moses to divide the sea by the staff (Ex. 14: 16), which is a sign of the cross. He repeats the same thing in his Commentary on the Diatessaron: Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:124-125. Des Heilegen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum, CSCO 412, Scr. Syri 181, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1979), 7. 14 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 30. 15 Genesis 6-8. 16 John 10:11. 17 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 136. 18 Exodus 7:8-13. 12 13

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS Moses divided the sea by the mystery of the cross. Commentary on the Diatessaron IV.II,1219

Jacob also considers the rod by which Moses struck the rock which gave water20 as a type of the cross which causes the soul to produce spiritual fruits (Hom. 16).21 Concerning the rod of Moses, G. Widengren22 mentions that, according to a Christian tradition, the rod of Moses was a branch from one of the two forbidden trees in Paradise. This tradition, which is similar to the ‘Legend of the True Cross,’ is found also in The Book of the Bee.23 Whether this tradition was known to Ephrem or not, remains to be seen. Although Ephrem hints sometimes at the narrative of the fall of Adam when he speaks about the rod of

19 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et l’arménien, Sources Chrétiennes 121, L. Leloir, ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), 100. 20 Exodus 17:6. 21 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, I:364. 22 G. Widengren, The King and Tree of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV), Uppsala Universitets Årsskrift 1951:4 (Uppsala: Lundequistska bokhandeln, 1951), 38. 23 E. A. W. Budge, The Book of the Bee, Anecdota Oxoniensa Semitic Series vol. 1, part II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), 56: “When Adam and Eve went forth from Paradise, Adam, as if knowing that he was never to return to his place, cut off a branch from the tree of good and evil—which is the fig tree and took it with him and went forth, and it served him as a staff all the days of his life. After the death of Adam his son Seth took it, for there were no weapons as yet at that time. This rod was passed on from hand to hand unto Noah, and from Noah to Shem, and it was handed down from Shem to Abraham as a blessing thing from the Paradise of God… At that time there were wars everywhere and an angel took the rod and laid it in the cave of Treasures in the mount of Moab, until Midian was built. There was in Midian a man, upright and righteous before God, whose name Yathro. When he was feeding his flock on the mountain, he found the cave and took the rod by divine agency, and with it he fed his sheep until his old age. When he gave his daughter to Moses, he said to him ‘Go in, my son, take the rod and go to thy flock.’ When Moses had set his foot upon the threshold of the door, an angel moved the rod and it came out of its own free will towards Moses. He took the rod and it was with him until God spoke to him on Mount Sinai.”

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Moses (for example, in Hymns on the Nativity I,27,24 when he compares the rod of Moses to the cross), he says nothing about the Tree of Knowledge being related to the rod of Moses. Therefore, it is most likely that Ephrem knew nothing about this tradition. 3.2.2. The Cross and the Bronze Serpent That the serpent of bronze which was set up by Moses in the desert to cure those who were bitten by the poisonous serpents25 is a type of the cross and of Christ is made absolutely clear by Christ Himself in John 3:18. It reappeared in the testimonia of the cross in Barnabas.26 It is found also both in Justin (Dialogue XCIV,3; CXXXI,4) and Tertullian (Adversus Marcionem III,18). The Syriac Fathers take the same line in interpreting the story of the bronze serpent. For them, the serpent was a type of both the Crucified Christ and of His cross. Jacob writes: He (Moses) drew His (Christ) body by making the bronze serpent, and by it he was healing all who were bitten by the snakes. That serpent had no venom, neither was sin found in our Lord’s body who became like us. Homily 8027

Ephrem looks at the bronze serpent in the same way. For him, the serpent, as a type of the cross, cured the bodies of those who were bodily looking at it. Those who spiritually (ruhonoith, ‫ )ܪܘ ܐ‬look at Christ’s body on the cross, will be cured spiritually. Further, this serpent is a proof of the suffering of Christ against those who deny it. Ephrem writes: It has been proved by the bronze serpent which by nature does not suffer, that on the cross He will suffer, the One who by His nature is immortal. Commentary on the Diatessaron XVI,II.1528 24 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), CSCO 186, Scr. Syri 82, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1959), 4. 25 Numbers 21:4-9. 26 J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, The Development of Christian Doctrine Before the Council of Nicaea, Vol. 1 (London: Darton, Longman, & Todd, 1964), 271. 27 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:306.

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Aphrahat also looks at the bronze serpent which saved the people from the bites of the snakes, as a type of Christ who lifted up Himself to save us from evil. He writes: For them, Moses lifted up a bronze serpent, so that whoever sees it will be saved from the snakebites. And for us, Jesus lifted up Himself, so that when we look towards Him we shall be saved from the bites of the snake which is Satan. Demonstration XII: De Paschate29

Here Aphrahat takes us back to Paradise, where Satan takes the shape of a snake and tempts Eve. The first serpent (dragon) brought about death, but the bronze serpent saved people from death, as does the cross which saves us from eternal death. If we take into account the rod of Aaron which turned into a serpent, we have, according to the Syriac Fathers, three serpents which are related to the cross.30 As for Narsai, there is no doubt that the serpent is a type of the body of Christ. Under Nestorian influence he looks at the serpent as a type of the body of a man. For him, the serpent cured the people by the mystery of the Crucified Man. He writes:

28

290.

Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron,

Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 132. P. Yousif, “La Croix de Jésus et le Paradis d’Éden dans la typologie biblique de Saint Ephrem,” Parole de l’Orient VI-VII (1975-6): 2948: “En réallté nous avons, dans là Bble, trois serpents qui, se référant diffféremment à la Croix, se complétent dans la pensée typologique d’Ephrem: le serpent du Paradis terrestre (ou le Dragon) (Gen3), le serpent d’airain de Moise (Nb 21,9) et le serpent-baton d’Aaron (Ex7,12). Le premier c’est l’antitype de la Croix: le serpent cause de la chute, la Croix cause de salut. Les deux autres serpents préfigurent les fruits de la Croix: guérison de l’homme (ainsi le serpent d’airain que le Seigneur a revendiqué comme le figurant lui-meme crucifié Jn 3,14), l’néantissement Ephrem dit ) du péché et du dragon par la Croix (le baton d’Aaron devenu serpent dévorant les serpente des Egyptiens).” 29 30

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What should we say about the serpent which Moses lifted up in the desert? It shows the mystery of the revelation of the Crucified Man. Homily 3031

Yet the serpent is a type of the cross, as it is also a type of Christ, because on the cross Christ struck the head of the snake which struck the heels of the humanity.32 Therefore Ephrem writes: The serpent of bronze, which distributed aid to the camp of Moses, was formed in Your cross. The articulate one was painted by the silent one. Everything was completed in Your cross which is full of curses, and the source of life, the stumbling block to Jews and the foolishness to Gentiles. Hymni Dispersi XXI,633

The cross in this text, unlike the silent serpent of bronze, is a living being, an articulate one, which was revealed by the silent one. The cross is full of curses for those who are punished by it,34 and a source of grace for those who believe in it. It is, in Saint Paul’s words,35 a stumbling block to the Jews who saw it as a shameful thing in which to believe and foolishness to the Gentiles who thought that by their wisdom they would be saved. In a further development, Ephrem compares the effectiveness of the bronze serpent and of the cross by saying: Moses set up a serpent in the desert, and whoever was looking at it was cured. Saba set up a cross on the mountain, and by it the soul is weaned from straying. Hymns on Julian Saba XX,1836

Describing a cross set up by the monk Julian Saba, which could be a reference to the ascetic life of Saba and his energy in encouraging the monastic life and building new monasteries on the Narsai Homeliae et Carmina, II:123. Genesis 3:15. 33 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV:762. 34 Deuteronomy 21: 23. 35 I Corinthians 1: 23. 36 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, CSCO 322, Scr. Syri 140, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972), 76. 31 32

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mount of Edessa, Ephrem declares that the function of both the serpent and the cross is the same. The first was restoring life to bodies which were poisoned, and the second is restoring life to souls which are far from God. 3.2.3. The Cross and the Passover The Passover is another type of the cross. By the blood of the lamb which was put on the door-posts and the lintel of their houses the firstborn of the Israelites were saved in Egypt.37 By the blood of the true lamb on the cross the world was saved. Ephrem writes: I was afraid of the blood which Moses had poured on the doors; it was dead and yet protecting the living. I was never afraid of any blood except of that which was poured on the doors, and this which is poured on the wood. Nisibene Hymns XXXIX,1938

In this text, in which death speaks about its experience with the blood, it is clear that the function of the blood of the lamb in protecting the Israelites is a type of the blood on the cross which protects believers. Yet one can easily find the interest of Ephrem in the material of the cross when he places special emphasis on the wood of the doors. It is not only the wooden doors nor the blood of the lamb that are types of the cross, it is the whole story of the Passover and each element of it as we can see clearly in Ephrem’s hymns: The Lamb was teaching Moses That it shouldn’t be cooked in water The skewer was the sign of His wood, And the roasting was the type of His bread. Hymns on the Crucifixion II,439

In this text concerned with the practice of the Passover we have three types. The first one is the lamb as a whole which is a Exodus 12. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, CSCO 240, Scr. Syri 102, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963), 28. 39 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De Crucifixione, De Resurrectione), CSCO 246, Scr. Syri 108, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964), 48. 37 38

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type of Christ. Ephrem is using the term lamb for both the Passover lamb and for Christ, the true Lamb, who teaches Moses how to cook the lamb. The second one is the skewer on which the lamb was hung while it was being roasted, and which is a type of the cross on which Christ was hung. The third is the act of roasting the lamb which is a type of baking the bread which Christ called His body.40 Jacob, however, identifies two further elements of resemblance between the Passover in Egypt and the cross on Golgotha. He writes: Moses slew the lamb of Passover in Egypt, and mysteriously he drew the Son for those who looked at it. For this night of sadness and distress, Moses mixed the bitter herbs with the lamb in Egypt. Homily 5341

The bitter herbs used with the lamb in Egypt are, for Jacob, a type of the suffering of Christ, and more precisely of the distress and sadness of the disciples. The other element which Jacob thinks is related to the cross in the Passover lamb is the sign with which the blood of the lamb was poured on the doors of the Hebrews in Egypt. He clearly sees the cross drawn by pouring the blood on the door-posts and the lintel of the houses. He writes: Had he (the Jew) looked at the blood poured on their doors, he would have realized and loved the cross which was formed. He would have asked, “Whose image is this, which is drawn on the doors by the blood of the lamb to counter death?” Homily VII42

3.2.4. The Cross and the War Against Amalek The type of the cross is not found only in Moses’ rod by whose power he was performing the miracles, but it is also by Moses’ body when his people were fighting the Amalekites.43 In his Commentary on Exodus Ephrem writes:

Matthew 26:26. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:468. 42 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies contre les Juifs, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905), 223-226. 43 Exodus 17:8-13. 40 41

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS The Amalekites came to fight with them, and Joshua went out to counter them while Moses went up to the mountain with the staff of God in his hand. Moses wasn’t holding that staff except at the time of the miracles, so that you might know that it was the mystery of the cross which by it and its power he was performing all the miracles. Aaron and Hur who was Moses’ sister’s husband, as they say, went up with Moses. By Moses’ holding up of his hands Israel was prevailing and striking on the bold of the Nations who had threaten and come to fight the Nation. And at the lowering of his hands the Nations were prevailing to strike on those who were always complaining against the Lord and Moses. By holding up his hand and the staff which was on his chest Moses shows clearly the sign of the cross in himself. Commentary on Exodus XVII,244

Ephrem is not the first to consider this event a type of the cross. It occurs in Barnabas (XII,2), Ireneaus (Demonstration 46), Tertullian (Adversus Marcion III,18), Justin (Dialogue XC,5; XCI,1), and many others.45 But it is unlikely that Ephrem knew any of these writings. Aphrahat, writing around the same time as Ephrem, mentions this tradition without much detail. He writes in his Demonstrations: It is written in the Holy Law that God said to Moses: ‘Ask Jesus Bar Nun to choose men and fight against Amalek’. Jesus armed himself and made war against Amalek. Amalek was defeated with the sign of the cross by the stretching out of the hands of Moses. Demonstration III: De Ieunio46

Ephrem goes further to demonstrate the lesson which the Nation failed to learn from the war against Amalek, but the Nations comprehend. The Nation stretched out the hands of the Son of God, and by doing so, they faced the fate of their enemies, Amalek. The Nations, on the other hand, believed in the hands of the Son which were stretched out and gained victory over their spiritual enemies. (Commentary on the Diatessaron XXI,I.14)47

Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, 147. J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, 272. 46 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 31. 47 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron, 381-382. 44 45

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Narsai comments on the same incident and relates it to the cross, but he shifts the emphasis from Moses’ arms to the rod which was supposed to be with Moses. The biblical text says nothing about the rod in this particular incident, but Narsai is not the first one to mention it. Ephrem too, mentions it as we have seen above. The victory over Amalek, according to Ephrem, was achieved by stretching out the hands of Moses who was holding his miraculous staff. Narsai on the other hand, attributes the victory to the staff itself, as we read in the following text: When the great war with Amalek took place, Moses lifted the staff which was in his hands against Amalek. When the staff was coming down Amalek was gaining strength, and when it was lifted up the Nation’s victory was prevailing… Moses as a servant, carried the mystery of crucifixion, and the cross carried Jesus who is the Lord of mysteries. Homily 3048

Depending on this old tradition, Jacob develops further this line of interpretation. In Homily 158, seventeen pages dedicated to the war between the Hebrews and Amalek,49 Jacob gives full freedom to his imagination in describing the battle in its smallest details. He starts with an introduction in which he sets the biblical scene, then he details the sorts of arms used in the battle and the different military tactics employed as if he was an eye witness. I find it helpful to translate some parts of this homily which illustrate the several similarities between this war and the cross:

48 49

Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:124. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:290-306.

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Homily on the Stretching Out of Moses’ Hands in the War Against Amalek 1. Introduction Until now these were said in a symbolic way, but here, Moses has openly painted the crucifixion. He called Joshua encouraging him to go to the battle, and he went up to form the mystery on the high mountain… 2. Three persons: Three Crosses The meek one ascended to the high mountain to mark the mystery taking up with him Aaron and Hur, to resemble the three Crucifixes on Golgotha. He put on his breast a cross of power and extended his hands, so that by his appearance he will literally paint the Son… 3. Moses directs the Battle The miserable Amalek did not know where to fight, The cross is against them and they are hoping for victory. The whole war was determined by Moses’ hands, he was the one who was giving both victory and failure… When Moses would lower his hands the Nation would lose, when he would raise them up, the Nations would be defeated by Israel. The war was between the armies, but victory was from Moses… 4. The truth revealed even to the deaf and blind Why should I call what is clearly a truth a mystery? It is revealed like the sun even to the simple. Had the blind touched Moses while he was standing, he would have learned that it was really the crucifixion. Had the deaf seen him, he would have understood it by sight and without shouting he would have been certain of its reality. This is revealed without doubt to the blind and the deaf… 5. The sign of the King When he painted the image of crucifixion, Amalek was defeated… When he showed the sign of the King, the persecutors fell… When he extended the symbol on the mountain Israel was strengthened… When he carried the image of the Shepherd, the flock rejoiced. When he put down the image, the wolves came back to his flock…

THE CROSS AND THE PROPHETS 6. The weakness of Moses: the long suffering of Christ. He could not celebrate the mystery the whole day, and accordingly the war was strengthening and weakening. He could not last long up in the crucifixion, he kept that goal for Jesus his Lord, because it was His own. Christ alone is the Man of Sorrows and acquainted with passions50 so the weak Moses could not fulfill the whole type. I think that he was lifted at six o’clock, and stayed in the crucifixion until nine o’clock, because he could not bear any longer… 7. Aaron and Hur: the two thieves The glorious Aaron and the noble Hur came closer to him, to serve the old man’s hands which were trembling. They too, extended their hands in the form of crucifixion, in order that the Trinity on Golgotha be not annulled. In their desire to serve the hands of Moses, they lifted up their hands, to left and right. Whoever looks at the hill of Moses and the Golgotha of the Son, and exchanges their crosses, he will find three in Moses’ case, and three in the Son’s case. There it is the shadow, and here is the body which reveals reality… The power of Moses went downwards because he was from below, and the sign of the Son went up because He was from above… 8. The limited power of Moses: the Unlimited power of Christ The mystery of the servant worked only in one valley, while the truth of the Lord established its reality in the four sides. Only two troops of two peoples were aware of Moses, all peoples everywhere are aware of Christ the Son. By extending his hands Moses forced Amalek to kneel down, and the Son during His passion stopped the stars from running their course…

50

Isaiah 53:3.

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9. Moses needs help: Christ helps the thief The pain did not overcome and force Him to rest His hands like the son of Amram. He reached to death with victory in His arms. He was not supported from each side like Moses. He was helping those who sought Him during His suffering… Moses was openly crucified on top of the hill, but by a hidden mystery he was being strengthened in the combat. 10. The Church on the mountain and on Golgotha Moses saw that the subject of the Church is far away from his story, and he feared going down without mentioning it in his hymn. They brought him a rock … and he sat on it, and by that the Church was set up with the cross on it. Blessed be His Salvation.

3.3. THE CROSS AND OTHER PROPHETS The cross continues to appear in several events related to different characters of the Old Testament, but with less frequency than it does with the patriarchs or with Moses. In this respect we find the Syriac Fathers especially interested in the following prophets. 3.3.1. Jesus Bar Nun In Syriac Christianity, Jesus bar Nun occupies an important place among the Old Testament characters, because he shares his name with that of our Lord. The cross, therefore, appears on several occasions in his life: 3.3.1.1. The Grapes Brought from Canaan The cluster of grapes which was brought from Canaan by the spies who were sent by Moses51 is a type of the cross. Ephrem writes: Caleb the spy came bearing the cluster on the pole. He was waiting to see the cluster whose wine should comfort the world. Him did Jesus the son of Nun await that he might conceive the force of his own surname …

51

Numbers 13:23.

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This Jesus who gathered, carried and brought with him of the fruit, was waiting for the Tree of Life to taste the fruit that quickens all. Hymns on the Nativity I,30-3252

Here again we have more than one type. The cluster of the grapes whose wine will console everybody is the type of Jesus whose blood will save everybody.53 At the same time the cluster is the type of the fruit of the Tree of Life which gives life to everyone who eats from it. The staff which bore the cluster is the type of the cross which bore Christ and of the Tree of Life which is itself a type of Christ, as we have seen in the previous chapter. The involvement of Jesus Bar Nun in the carrying the grapes seems to be Ephrem’s own reflection, since the biblical text makes no such direct link. The importance of his name, and the prominent role he played in assuring the crowds and persuading them to go into the land, might be the inspiration behind Ephrem’s comment. It should be said here that Ephrem, according to Murray,54 is the first father who unmistakably makes the grapes brought back from Canaan a type of Christ and the cross. 3.3.1.2. Crossing the Jordan In one of his Demonstrations Aphrahat mentions the crossing of the river Jordan under the leadership of Jesus Bar Nun.55 According to him the crossing was made possible by Jesus’ staff which stopped the flow of the river. The biblical text, however, makes no reference to Jesus’ staff. Aphrahat then, must have borrowed it from a Jewish tradition, or added it depending on the similar story of Moses dividing the Red Sea by his staff. He writes about Jesus Bar Nun: The spirit of the prophets who were going to appear in his land was inflamed in him. He crossed the Jordan only with his staff. He held in his hand an admirable mystery, that is the sign of the cross of the Great Prophet. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epihania), 4-5. On Christ the Grape see Chapter III of: R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 113-129. 54 R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 119. 55 Joshua 3-4. 52 53

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS Demonstration IV: De Oratione56

3.3.1.3. The Sun Stands Still Another incident which brings Jesus Bar Nun closer to the cross is the time when he stopped the sun in the sky in the middle of the day to continue his fight and win the battle against the five Amorite kings.57 Aphrahat relates this to the crucifixion of Christ when the sun disappeared in the middle of the day to scandalize the Nation which crucified Him. He says: Jesus Bar Nun stopped the sun still in the sky and took revenge from the Nations which chased him. Our Savior Jesus caused the sun to set down in the middle of the day to put to shame the persecutor Nation which crucified Him. Demonstration XXI: De Persecutione58

3.3.2. Elijah Elijah is associated with the cross only once. This occurs in Jacob’s homilies. When Elijah revived the son of the widow of Zarephath, he stretched himself upon the child three times and prayed to Lord. By doing that Elijah formed the sign of cross and the child was revived by that sign. Elijah repeated that three times and the Lord kept Himself in the land of death three days and revived the race of Adam. Jacob writes: Look at Elijah, when they asked him to raise a dead person, had he not formed the cross of the Son, the dead would not have lived. Homily 8059

3.3.3. Elisha The Syriac Fathers see the cross appearing in Elisha’s life on several occasions. 3.3.3.1. Raising the Son of the Shunemmite Returning the favor of the Shunemmite woman who hosted Elisha and his servant whenever they passed through Shunem, Elisha promised her that she would have a son. Later when her son died Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 38. Joshua 10. 58 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 241. 59 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:315. 56 57

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she went to Elisha and urged him to go with her. Elisha stretched himself upon the child and revived him.60 Like Elijah who raised the child of the widow of Zarephath, Elisha too formed the cross on the child to raise him. In a homily dedicated to Elisha and the Shunemmite woman, Jacob says: He stretched out his hands and put them on the hands of the dead child, Death saw the cross and ran away from Elisha. He formed the cross on the body, and when he walked to and fro, in the upper room, he formed the sign of the Son. Homily 11861

Here we have two types of the cross, the first one is the stretching of Elisha’s body in the form of a cross, and the second is the walk of Elisha in the room, which is supposed to have happened in the form of the cross. Narsai mentions the same type when he draws comparison between Elisha stretching his body upon the child and Christ lifting up his body on the cross. He writes: Look at the prophet of the spirit Elisha, and see what he accomplished when he raised the only son of the Shunemmite woman. It is said that the prophet fell on the child he extended his legs and stretched his hands in the shape of the cross. Elisha got up off the dead (child) when his body was warm, and started forming the cross of Christ by his walk. Homily 3062

3.3.3.2. Floating the Axe Head The story of Elisha throwing a stick in the water to lift up the axe head which fell from one of the prophets while building their new meeting63 serves as another type of the cross. Ephrem makes this connection very clear when he sees in the stick of wood which caused the iron to float a symbol of the cross which is a sign of humility, yet becomes a means of glory and salvation to believers. In a very creative way, addressing Christ he writes: II Kings 4: 32-37. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:316. 62 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:125. 63 II Kings 6:1-7. 60 61

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Your mystery is explained by the rod which sank and lifted up, Its explanation is found in Your Wood, by which the infidels sank, and the oppressed sprang up. Hymns on Virginity VIII,764

Ephrem is not the only Father of the Church who refers to what Elisha did as a symbol of the cross. Didymus is one of the Fathers who very clearly states this similarity when he writes: The iron lost in the dark depths signifies man’s nature, fallen from light…The wood taken and thrown in where the wanted object lies, symbolizes the glorious cross. On the Trinity, 139,69765

Daniélou finds the same idea in the writings of other Fathers like Justin (Dial. LXXXVI,6) and Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. V,17:4).66 Bearing in mind the emphasis of Ephrem on the material of the cross of Christ—the wood—one can easily feel the presence of both Scripture and Nature as two witnesses to the reality of the cross in Elisha’s performance. The Scripture bears witness to the miraculous power of God in the cross, through which the peoples, the gentiles, are saved from sin by the drowning of the people, Jews who refused to believe in it. Nature also bears witness to the cross because the wood which is lighter than the iron, therefore will surface on the water, raising up the heavy iron.67 This wood is a type of the cross in which the Gentiles who were deeply involved in sin were saved and lifted up from the darkness of sin to the light of the glory of God.68 Narsai also comments on this by saying: When the iron fell from the sons of the prophets into the deep water, it is written that the prophet cut a piece of wood and threw it there. The wood sunk and the iron floated on the water… Like the iron, our nature sunk in the abyss of death, and the cross came down and lifted up our race above death. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 29. J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), 92. 66 J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, 275. 67 This is a natural law upon which all ship-building depends. 68 Isaiah 9:2; Matthew. 4:16. 64 65

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The Son of God descended into the sea of Sheol on His cross, and the dead ascended from the whirlpool of mortality. Homily 3069

69

Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:125-126.

CHAPTER FOUR: SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS IN NATURE 4.1. INTRODUCTION God has revealed Himself not only in the Scriptures, but also in Nature. If we are looking for God, we have to look both in the Scriptures and in Nature, which are His two requisite witnesses. In them He reveals some aspects of Himself to be fully revealed in the incarnation of the Son. According to the Syriac Fathers, to the eye of faith, everything in Scripture and in Creation is a pointer to the Creator.1 In one of the Hymns on Virginity, Ephrem writes: Wherever you turn your eyes, there is God’s symbol whatever you read, you will find there His types. Hymns on Virginity XX,122

Ephrem explains this statement in detail, showing how human beings can take the advantage of both Scripture and Nature to be led by them in their faith. He writes: In his book Moses described the creation of the natural world, so that both nature and scripture might bear witness to the Creator: Nature, through man’s use of it, Scripture, through his reading it; they are the witnesses which reach everywhere, they are to be found at all times, present at every hour, confuting the unbeliever who defames the Creator. Hymns on Paradise V,23

1 S. P. Brock, The Harp of the Spirit: Twelve Poems of St. Ephrem, Studies Supplementary to Sobornost 4 (London: Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius, 1975), 10. 2 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, CSCO 223, Scr. Syri 94, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962), 70. 3 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum, CSCO 174, Scr. Syri 78, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957), 16. The translation is by: S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the

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Man, according to Ephrem, has no excuse in not believing in God the Creator, because, in agreement with the Law,4 God has two witnesses instead of one. These two testify to Him by means of the symbols5 and types which act as pointers to spiritual reality or truth (‫ܐ‬ , shroro). God has revealed His reality in these two witnesses to give the opportunity of knowing Him to both the Nation and the Nations. The Nation, the people of the Covenant, can know him through the Scriptures. For the Nations, the Gentiles who do not have the Scriptures, God has provided another way. Ephrem writes: Look and see how Nature and Scripture are yoked together for the husbandman: Nature abhors adulterers, practicers of magic and murderers, Scripture abhors them too. Once Nature and Scripture had cleaned the land, they sowed in it new commandments in the land of the heart, so that it might bear fruit: Praise for the Lord of Nature, glory for the Lord of Scripture. Hymns Against Heresies XXVIII,116

Not far from Saint Paul’s concept in Romans 2:12-15, Ephrem considers the Law of Moses to be God’s revelation for the Jews; and the Natural Law as His revelation to the Gentiles. Scripture and Nature, therefore, reveal the mysteries of God to prepare both Jews and Gentiles to accept the truth of the incarnation and to be in harmony together in the new Law of Perfection. The cross, like any other aspect of Christianity, finds its symbols and types in nature and the natural law, as they are found in the Scriptures.

Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990), 102-103. 4 John 8:17. 5 The term ‘symbol’ in Syriac means: mystery, secret, type, sacrament. See: L. Costaz, S.J., Syriac-English Dictionary, (Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique, 1963). 6 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen Contra Haereses, CSCO 169, Scr. Syri 76, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1957), 114. The translation is by: S. P. Brock, The Harp of the Spirit, 10.

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Having seen the place of Nature in the Syriac Father’s theology, the next pages will deal with three main themes: the cross as the center of the world; the cross and the Wood; and symbols of the cross in Nature.

4.2. THE CROSS AS THE CENTER OF THE WORLD Considering the whole earth as a symbol of the cross is not far from the Syriac Fathers’ thought, especially that the earth has four directions connected with each other to meet at one central point. The cross is the point where the four ends of the earth meet. The cross, then, is the center of the earth. This is clearly stated by Narsai. For him, the fact that the cross is formed with four ends is very significant. Accordingly, everything with four elements is a type of the cross, especially the world with its four directions, and the year with its four seasons. He writes: The world as a whole, which is made of four directions shows the sign of the cross. The year is sustained by four seasons like the cross, and if it is delayed in one of them it will not be complete. Homily 307

What contributes to this idea is the early Christian tradition which considers Golgotha the center of the earth, where Christ stretched out His hands on the cross that He might embrace the ends of the world.8 In this respect, Ephrem clearly states that the Lord was compelled by His own Grace to extend His hands on the cross on Golgotha, so that He can embrace all sides and carry souls from all directions.9 In similar language, Jacob writes about the Lord lifted up on the cross and says:

7 Narsai Homeliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:121. 8 Cyril of Jerusalem XII,28, in J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, The Development of Christian Doctrine Before the Council of Nicaea, Vol. 1 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1964), 289. 9 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, Sources Chrétiennes 121, L. Leloir, ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), 381ff.

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS They stretched Him like a pillar between the heights and the depths, and He stood to bear the weight of the world powerfully. They extended His hands to embrace the ends of the earth, and He gathered in His arms the whole of creation to present it to His Father. Homily 5310

This image of the cross as the center of the world is to be found also in the relation of the cross to the Cosmic Tree which was considered as the center of the world.11 This tree of the world was an ancient universal myth,12 but it is unlikely that Ephrem knew about this particular dimension of the Cross-Tree relation. He sees the cross as the center of the world from the fact that in the cross the four corners of the world meet. In Hymns on Faith XLIX,4,13 he imagines the ark of Noah tracing a cross by sailing from east to west and from north to south. Then he adds: By its course it portrayed the sign of its protector, the cross of its Mariner, the wood of the sailor, who was coming to build for us the church amid the waters. Hymns on Faith 49,414

The same idea appears again in Ephrem’s commentary on Genesis 13:14 where Abraham was commanded by the Lord to raise his eyes and look northward and southward, eastward and westward. By doing this, Abraham traces the cross. God, then, is giving Abraham the land by the sign of the cross, which was taken from his children later and given to the Nations by the cross of Christ. He writes: After Lot had separated from Abraham, the Lord appeared to him and told him: Rise up and walk the length and breadth of 10 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-1910), II:468. 11 M. Eliade, Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism (Mission, KS: Sheed, Andrews & McMeel, 1961), 163. 12 H. de Lubac, Aspects du Bouddhisme, La sphere et la croix (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1951), 75. 13 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide, CSCO 154, Scr. Syri 73, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 155. 14 R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 253.

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the land, for to you I will give it. Clearly the cross was portrayed here. The land, then, was given to the first fathers by the sign of the cross. And because of the cross they lost it to the later fathers. Commentary on Genesis X,215

4.3. THE CROSS AND THE WOOD The fact that the cross of Jesus was made of wood was of great importance to the Fathers. The wood of the trees held a double significance as the cause of humanity’s death and the source of their life. The Fathers also perceived a connection between the tree and the fruit. For the Syriac Fathers, the term ‘wood’ is to be taken sometimes as a reference to the cross and sometimes as a reference to the tree. It can be very difficult to know whether by the wood they mean the tree or the cross. The cross and the wood are interchangeable and very often synonymous. In describing the salvation of Christ which was accomplished by the wood, Ephrem writes: The blessed Tree came near us by His love, the Wood abolished the wood, the fruit was caused to cease by the fruit the murderer by the living. Hymns on Virginity VIII,116

The above can be interpreted in the following way: the first ‘wood,’ in the second line, symbolizes the cross, while the second refers to the Tree of Knowledge. In the third line, the first ‘fruit’ is either the Tree of Knowledge as the fruit of the wood or death as the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge—both readings are possible. The second fruit can be substituted either for Christ, who is the fruit of the blessed Tree of Life, or for life, which is the fruit of Christ’s death. The line would then read, “death was caused to cease by life.” Reading the fourth line of this stanza is not easier. It is true that we have only two words in it, but they can be interpreted in more than one way. ‘The murderer’ can refer to the wood or to the Tree of Knowledge as its fruit, while ‘the living,’ 15 Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, CSCO 152, Scr. Syri 71, R. M. Tonneau, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1955), 68. 16 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 28.

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who destroyed the murderer, can be the Tree of Life or its fruit, the cross. It can also refer to Christ Himself, because the term, ‘the living,’ in Ephrem and in Syriac literature in general, can be used for both the living cross and the living Christ. Ephrem goes further than that by talking about the cross without mentioning it at all. The wood in general is the cross, as we read: He (Christ) flowed from on high as a river, and from Mary as a root. He descended from the Wood as a fruit, ascended to Heaven as a firstborn, blessed be His will. Hymns on the Resurrection I, 617

In this masterpiece of Ephrem’s description of Christ’s life, he speaks of the coming of Christ from Heaven without losing His existence with the Father and the Holy Spirit as a river flowing in continuity without losing its relation with the source of its existence. His appearing from Mary is like a root coming from the earth in the shape of a tree without losing its power as a living seed. In the same way, Christ was born of Mary in a body which sooner or later dies, but without losing His living Godhead which supplies the dead body with life like the living seed which comes out of the dead tree to continue its life. The text of Revelation 22:16 which reads, “I am the root and the descendant of David,” can be considered as a background for Ephrem’s description of Christ’s birth, with a special reference to Mary as the daughter of David which is a favored title for Mary in Ephrem’s writings.18 Dealing with the cross, Ephrem finds it sufficient to mention the wood as standing for the cross since the cross was made of wood. The cross, then, is the wood and the crucified Christ is the fruit which is hung on the wood. What helps Ephrem in constructing this image of Christ as the fruit hung on the cross is Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), CSCO 248, Scr. Syri 108, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964), 79. 18 It is important to notice that the book of Revelation was not a part of the Syriac Scriptures in the days of Saint Ephrem. This, however, should not imply that he did not know it. 17

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twofold: in the first place, the nature of the cross, being made of wood, is derived from a tree which bears fruit. In the second place, there is the exclamation of Elizabeth to Mary, “Blessed is the fruit of your womb.”19 In building up this strong relationship between the tree and the cross, Ephrem is helped by the Christ’s career as a carpenter who from the wood prepares His cross. Ephrem states: This is the Son of the Carpenter, who skillfully made His cross a bridge over Sheol that swallows up all, and transported humankind into the dwelling of life. Homily on Our Lord IV20

For Ephrem, then, Christ is the fruit, the wood, and the tree. Nevertheless, one can trace two distinct lines in Ephrem’s dealing with the cross and the tree. The first one is the typological contrast between the Tree of Knowledge, whose fruit brought death to Adam, and the cross, whose fruit restores life to humanity.21 The second one is that the cross points to the Tree of Life which was denied from Adam.22 It is, however, clear from the Odes of Solomon that this tradition was already well established in Ephrem’s days, if not earlier. In Odes XLII and XXVII we find a clear reference to the wood and the sign of the cross, despite the different translations and interpretations of these two odes.23 The difficulty in interpreting these two odes arises from the ambiguity of the Syriac text which is probably a translation from a Greek original. We should remark here that all the texts for this section have been taken from Ephrem. The later Fathers are almost silent about Luke 1:42. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro, CSCO 270, Scr. Syri 116, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1966), 4. 21 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise, 61. 22 See Chapter 1.3., pp. 42ff. 23 R. Harris & A. Mingana, eds., The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, 2 vols. (New York: Longmans Green & Company, 1916-1920), II:356: “In view of the unwarranted assertions of some scholars it is useful to , qaiso) refers frequently in Syriac remark (a)that the word ‘wood’ (‫ܐ‬ literature to the cross, and (b)that this wood-cross is commonly compared to the wood tree of Paradise, the one as being the source of death, and the other of life.” 19 20

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it. The reason for that may lay in the misunderstanding by some of this relationship which the Church has recognized between the cross and the wood. Narsai highlights this matter when he speaks about some people accusing the Church of worshipping the wood. He responds to their accusations by stating that our worship is directed to the One who was crucified on the wood not to the material of the wood. This is how he puts it: Those led astray thought that the Holy Church worships the wood, and that She honors it as a God instead of God. The Church does not bow down to a visible material, but to the sign of the Crucified King who conquered on the cross. If the Church worships the wood as they think, why then does it make the cross from other materials? Homily 3024

4.4. SOME SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS IN NATURE In the 18th of Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith25 one can find the richest symbols of the cross in Nature.26 It is probably the only place where the relation of the cross to Nature is found apart from the Cross-Wood relation. Since this hymn will be the main source of this section, it is necessary to cite the whole hymn as it appears in P. Yousif’s translation.

Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:126. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide, 69-71. 26 For a full study of this hymn see: P. Yousif, “St. Ephrem on Symbols in Nature: Faith, the Trinity, and the Cross (Hymns on Faith, No. 18),” Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978): 52-60. 24 25

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Hymns on Faith, 18 1.

A chick not yet fully formed in its weakness can not break its shell; so Faith, held in silence, is likewise weak. O perfect it you who perfects all things! Refrain. Make me worthy to honor your birth in silence.

2.

A bird grows up in three stages, from womb to egg, then to the nest where it sings; and once it is fully grown it flies in the air, opening its wings in the shape of the cross.

3.

Faith too grows up in three stages: once the Apostles believed in Father, Son and Spirit, then the Gospel message flew to the four quarters of the globe by the power of the cross.

4.

The three Names are sown in three ways, in the spirit, the soul and the body, mysteriously. When this Trinity within us is perfected by the Three it dominates even the sword!

5. If the spirit suffers, it is entirely imprinted by the Father; if the soul suffers, it is wholly mingled with the Son, and if the body is burnt in martyrdom, then its communion with the Holy Spirit is complete. 6.

If a bird contracts its wings and denies the outspread symbol of the cross, then the air too denies it, and does not carry it unless its wings proclaim the cross.

7. And if a ship stretches out its oars in the shape of the cross and with twin yard-arms forms a womb for the wind, as long as it has the cross spread out then the way of its course stretches out. 8.

And should the ship belong to a Jew he condemns himself by what he does, even though he does not want to; for it is he who, in his own ship, with his own hands, extends and stretches out the symbol of the cross.

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS 9. The sea is subject to those who deny the cross by means of the cross itself; for, unless the ‘crucifier’ lifts up the wooden yard in the shape of the cross and hangs on it the sail like a body, his course is paralyzed! 10. O sail, pure womb symbol of the body of our redeemer! although filled with the wind, it by no means confines it; through the ‘wind’ dwelling in the ‘sail’ live the bodies wherein dwells the soul. 11. And the ground too is not subject to the ‘crucifier’ without the fair symbol of the cross of light: it is the sign of the cross that he constructs to break up the ground for him to scatter his seeds in it. 12. Even his tunic does not fit him without this symbol: to put it on he must extend his arm in the shape of the cross; his garment mirrors the cross for on it is marked the sign which he has denied. 13. Or if the ‘crucifier’ buys a lamb and slaughters it, he hangs it up on wood, thus depicting your death, O Lord. Again, if he buries grains of wheat in the ground, the seed, which comes to life, announces your resurrection! 14. Your symbol is in his flock as well, for it is guarded by your staff; in his vineyard is the cluster of the grapes, filled with the symbol of your Blood, and on his tree hangs fruit, the symbol of your Wood and of the fruit of your Body. 15. At the house of the denier your herald crows and with a manifest symbol it flaps its wings, proclaiming the resurrection from the dead of the Living One who was buried, whose death was but sleep. 16. And if the mother bird in her nest has chastely conceived in her womb from the warmth of the brooding of her wings and given birth to a chick without intercourse, then he has in his house a mirror of Mary!

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4.4.1. The Bird There is no doubt that the purpose of this hymn is faith, and signs which God gives everybody to believe so that no one will have an excuse not to believe, whether s/he is Jew or Gentile. But the main idea which dominates the hymn is the cross in which the whole faith is contained. The symbols and types of the cross in nature are of special interest to Ephrem, because, instead of the Scriptures which guide the Jew in his or her faith, it is through them that the Gentiles are led to believe. One of these types is the bird, as we read in stanzas 1-2. The bird can not fly unless it spreads its wings, and by doing that it portrays the image of the cross, which spreads its wings to embrace all the Nations. This bird is not a symbol of the cross only: it also stands for faith in general. The three stages through which the bird grows are symbols of the three Persons of the Holy Trinity in which the faith should be completed. The importance of the wings in the bird’s flying demonstrates the importance of the cross in faith. The bird can fly only when its wings are opened; likewise faith cannot be accomplished without the power of the cross. Only through the cross has God shown his love27 and saved humankind. Whoever believes, then, should believe in the weakness and humiliation of the cross to gain the power and glory of the kingdom.28 Is it possible, then, to believe without accepting the cross? The answer comes in stanza 7. If the bird denies the signs of the cross and tries to fly without spreading its wings, the air will not carry it. In the same manner no one can claim to be a believer without carrying his cross and following Christ.29 It is only through Christ and His redemptive work on the cross that anyone can approach the Father.30 Narsai finds the same relation between the cross and the bird. He also thinks that the bird can fly only by extending its wings, and that believers only by accepting the cross and forming it on their foreheads can ascend into heaven. He writes:

John 3:16. I Corinthians 1:18. 29 Matthew 10:38. 30 John 12:45. 27 28

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS Look at the bird flying in the air, how by its body, it portrays the cross, and shows it to the multitudes. It stretches out its head, extends its legs and spreads its wings, then the pure air carries it on its back. This is a mystery that whoever believes in Jesus’ sign will fly in the day of resurrection and ascend into heaven. And whoever is not baptized and does not form the cross on himself remains on earth and the door of mercies will be closed to him. Homily 3031

This similarity between the bird and the cross then, comes from the shape of the bird, which in itself becomes the source of its power to fly. We read in Ephrem’s hymns: The cross is the type and the shape of the creation, In his mystery everything is shaped in length and width. The cross is the one who carries with two wings all the birds By his power everything stands. Hymns on Faith XXIV,832

4.4.2. The Boat The boat is another symbol of the cross explored by Ephrem in the 18th of Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith cited above. The similarity again comes from the shape of the boat. It is interesting to notice here the distinction Ephrem makes between the different boats: the small boat symbolizes the cross by stretching its oars in the shape of the cross in stanza 7, while the large ship symbolizes the cross by lifting up its wooden yard-arm with the sail cloth hung on it as a type of Christ’s body hung on the cross.33 The mention of Christ on the cross is a rare theme in Ephrem’s writings, because the sign of the cross, for him, includes not only Christ’s crucifixion but all His life. The boat as a type of the cross is used prior to Ephrem, as we clearly find in Justin’s First Apology.34 Daniélou even goes further, Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:121-122. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide, 84. 33 Living in cities built on riversides like Nisibis and Edessa, Ephrem would have known and in fact experienced the different types of the water vehicles. 34 T. Falls, ed., Saint Justin Martyr: The First Apology; The Second Apology; Dialogue With Trypho; Exhortation to the Greeks; Discourse to the Greeks; The Monarchy, or The Rule of God, The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 6 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1977), 94: 31 32

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suggesting that this symbol is in no way exclusively Christian.35 As in all cases it is very difficult to think that Ephrem knew any of these traditions. The identification of his precise sources, as Pierre Yousif concludes, is a matter of great difficulty,36 not only because he did not know Greek or Latin, but also because we do not have much Syriac literature preceding Ephrem’s. As always, Ephrem makes use of the typological contrasts he favors. It is the cross which they deny that reminds the Jews of the faith whenever they sail and witnesses to their disbelief (stanza 8-9). This is especially ‫ܙ‬, zqaf, clear in stanza 9 when Ephrem uses the Syriac verb which means both ‘to lift up’ and ‘to crucify.’ The second line of stanza 9 literally reads, “for unless the crucifiers lift up the wood of the cross.” 4.4.3. The Plough In stanza 11 Ephrem hints at the plough as being a type of the cross. According to Ephrem, the function of the plough in preparing land to accept seeds bears a similarity to the cross which prepares the hearts of the people to accept the faith. It is also a type of the cross because it brings forth the fruits of the earth, just as the cross brings forth spiritual fruits from the human heart (Commentary on the Diatessaron XXI,I.9).37 The plough, no doubt, was an essential tool for the farmer; it was his daily friend. There was, therefore, no excuse for the unbeliever since he has a daily reminder of the cross of Christ. The plough can also be considered as a symbol of the cross for two other reasons: first, the plough was made of wood as was the cross of Christ, and second, the plough was made in the shape of the cross as is made clear by Justin in his First Apology,38 as well as Hippolytus who writes about “For ponder on all the things in this universe [and judge] whether they could be regulated or be interrelated without this figure [of the cross]. The sea, for instance, can not be plowed unless the ‘token of victory’ which is called a sail be securely attached to the ship; the earth, too, is not plowed without it, diggers and artisans do all their work with tools of this shape.” (First Apology 55) 35 J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, 275. 36 P. Yousif, “St. Ephrem on Symbols in Nature,” 58. 37 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, 378ff. 38 See footnote 34, p. 100.

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Christ carrying the cross like a plough on His shoulder.39 Depending on Palestinian discoveries, Daniélou suggests that the plough’s cruciform symbolism was known to Judaic-Christianity, and that it was from such sources that Justin derived his ideas.40 4.4.4. The Garment Before talking about the relationship of the garment, or shirt, to the cross, it is worth mentioning here that, according to Ephrem, the human body itself is created in the shape of the cross. The body is, therefore, a constant reminder of the cross. Treating the cross in the life of Ephraim, the son of Joseph, Ephrem writes: The cross is also portrayed in the man, his creation is full of mysteries.

Hymns on Virginity XXI,1041

It is the mystery of the cross which sustains human life and the body reflects the form of the cross, especially when the arms are extended to put on a garment. The garment itself becomes a type of the cross, thanks to its two sleeves which symbolize the two arms of the cross (stanza 12). According to Ephrem, when ‘the crucifier’ puts on a garment, he is reminded of the cross, and when believers put on a garment they should remember the cross which they have put on in baptism. This last idea can be understood from stanzas 4-5 where the human being—spirit, soul, and body—is united to the Trinity through baptism and suffering. Although the cross is not mentioned in these two stanzas, it is clearly presupposed in the suffering.42 4.4.5. Hanging the Lamb The last of the series of symbols of the cross in nature discussed in the 18th of Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith is to be found in stanza 13. It is the hanging of the slaughtered lamb on wood while skinning it, which symbolizes the cross in two things: first, the wood itself of which the cross of Christ was made, and second, the lamb which is a symbol of Christ, who is the Lamb of God who takes away the 39 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), 95-96. 40 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 98. 41 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 73-74. 42 P. Yousif, “St. Ephrem on Symbols in Nature,” 55.

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sin of the world.43 He is the true Lamb who gave Himself up in Sion in order to fulfill the mission of the Passover lamb of Egypt. In his Hymns on Unleavened Bread Ephrem writes: In Egypt the Passover lamb was slain, in Sion the True Lamb was slaughtered. Hymns on Unleavened Bread III,144

The cross, then, is present in every aspect of every human life, guiding each person to accept the faith and gain salvation. If, however, an individual fails to believe in the Son of God, the cross becomes his or her accuser and means of condemnation. 4.4.6. The Cross and the Staff of the Shepherd The shepherd’s staff, wherever it is mentioned, is a type of the cross which protects the flock and leads it to the prosperous meadows. This image of the cross undoubtedly comes from the image of Christ as the Good Shepherd in John 10. Ephrem addresses Christ: Your sheep saw the wolves, they are terrified and loudly crying come, and let Your cross be a staff, which chastises the swallowers.

Nisibene Hymns IV,645

This is also what Jacob says when he describes the Nations as sheep who believed in the Lord. Although, like Ephrem, he considers the cross to be as the staff of the shepherd, he also considers the cross itself to be the shepherd who protects his sheep. He writes: All the sheep from all Nations were mixed together, and one shepherd is leading them, and that shepherd is the cross. Homily II46

John 1:29. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), 6. 45 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, CSCO 218, Scr. Syri 92, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), 14. 46 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies contre les Juifs, Patrologia Orientalis t. 38, fasc. 1, no. 174, M. Albert, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 163-164. The 43 44

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Every shepherd, therefore, should protect his flock from the enemies by the power of the cross, as Ephrem advises Abraham, the bishop of Nisibis in Nisibene Hymns XIX,4.47 Here, Ephrem asks the bishop to protect the healthy sheep, to visit the sick, to lead them all to the meadows of the Scriptures, to water them from the spring of the teachings, and to let the truth be a wall for them and the cross a staff.

same expression appears in Homily 176 in: Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:642. 47 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, 51.

PART TWO THE CROSS FROM GOLGOTHA TO PARADISE

CHAPTER FIVE: THE CROSS AS AN HISTORICAL EVENT 5.1. INTRODUCTION The anthropological approach of the Syriac Fathers to the cross dominates their writings. The cross, according to them, manifests itself in everything in life. It is always related to the lives of those whom Ephrem is writing about, whether spiritually or materially. The Syriac sacramental view of the world makes it possible for them to emphasize the importance of the cross in life. It is in historical time that the believer is saved by the cross, but this salvation takes him or her to the sacramental or liturgical time in which we live the cross in our daily lives, expecting it to be fulfilled in Paradise where the cross is our eternal refuge and under the shadow of its wings we will rest forever. In order to understand the cross, we have to look for it in relation to human beings. It is always “for us,” which makes the cross of great value, according to Ephrem. Without human beings who need to be saved, there is no cross. The cross becomes a kind of moral obligation for God towards humanity. Ephrem writes: What He had performed in types for benefits, He remade it for the real benefit. He sent His beloved One Who was born, humiliated and died on the cross; so that His justice would not accuse Him of being able to cure by birth and not doing so. And His grace would not judge Him of being able to give life by the cross and not doing so. Hymns Against Heresies XXX,111

This chapter will treat the historical aspect of the cross—that is, the cross on Golgotha—and its relationship to the salvation of humanity and human life. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen Contra Haereses, CSCO 169, Scr. Syri 76, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1957), 123. 1

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5.2. THE CROSS IS THE SIGN OF CHRIST’S HUMANITY The life of Christ in the world, His incarnation, death and resurrection, is something which can not be divided. One event in His life leads to another and each is a witness to the others. Christ was born in order to suffer death and to rise and save humankind. Philoxenos of Mabbog comments on this fact in very clear terms when he says: Because His death became for us a proof of His incarnation, and His incarnation became a witness to His death. It is suitable also that each of these two bear witness to the other: the last to the first, and the first to the last. Dissertation VIII2

The same idea also occurs in Ephrem, who finds a strong relationship between the incarnation and the cross. For him, whoever dies must also have been born. He writes: His death on the cross bears witness to His birth from a woman, because whoever dies should be born also… His conception in the womb then, is connected with His death on the cross… So that whoever denies His birth will be condemned by His crucifixion. Homily on Our Lord II3

Ephrem goes on to explain the other side of this relationship. Christ the Son of God who is immortal in His divinity can not die. He therefore took a body from the Virgin so that death could swallow Him. This is how Ephrem puts it: Since death was not able to eat Him without a body, and Sheol could not swallow Him without flesh, He came to the Virgin to arrange from there a vehicle for Himself to go to Sheol. Homily on Our Lord II4

The body is the Son’s vehicle to go to Sheol as the cross is His vehicle to save all. This typology between the incarnation and the

Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39, M. Briére & F. Graffin, eds. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 720, 721. 3 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro, CSCO 270, Scr. Syri 116, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1966), 2. 4 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro, 2. 2

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cross continues in a way that one of them becomes the cause and the proof of the other. In one of his letters, Jacob writes: Therefore, Our Lord the Son of God, Who is the Word who became flesh … was not scared to die because He was not scared to be incarnate. He came to take a body in order to go forth and die on the cross. Letter XXI5

This emphasis on the incarnation in relation to the cross should be understood in light of the early heresies concerning Christ’s body such as that of Julian of Harlicarnassus6 and Bardaisan,7 who denied the human body of Christ.8 Many of Ephrem’s poems, in fact, were written to counter Bardaisan’s teachings which were widespread in his native city of Edessa. If we go back to the first part of this relationship and bear in mind that the cross is witness to the incarnation, we find the cross becomes a sign of Christ’s humanity. Ephrem writes: O Jesus, the Good One, forgive me the words of my pride which I have said to you. For, seeing your cross, who would doubt that you are a man? And seeing your power, who would doubt that you are God too? By both I have learned to confess that you are God and man. Nisibene Hymns XXXVI,169 Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, CSCO 110, Scr. Syri 57, G. Olinder, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1952), 136. See Letter XII, p. 46 and Letter XXXVI,8 p. 263. 6 Julian, who was the Bishop of Harlicarnassus in Caria, died after 527. He taught that Christ’s body was incorruptible because it was merely a phantom or apparent body. His followers were also known as the ‘Phantasiatæ.’ See R. J. Schork, “Julian of Harlicarnassus,” in The New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 8 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 48. 7 Born in Edessa in 154 and converted to Christianity in 179, Bardaisan held that Christ’s body was a phantom, and that there would be no future resurrection. With the help of his son, Harmonius, he wrote a large collection of Syriac hymns and psalms, through which, he diffused his doctrines. See “Bardesanes” in, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (London: Oxford University Press, 1958), 130-131. 8 I. A. Barsaum, Histoire Abrégée de L’Eglise (Homs, Syria: 1940), 249. 9 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, CSCO 240, Scr. Syri 102, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963), 13-14. 5

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In this text, death is addressing Christ and showing that by the cross the humanity of Christ was made manifest, while the power and miracles which accompanied His death on the cross made manifest His divinity. In his Hymns on Unleavened Bread XV,15,10 Ephrem wonders how the cross could carry the One whom Mount Sinai could not carry. Then he answers his wondering by stating that it was Christ’s power which strengthened the Wood so that it would not burn when it carried the Fire (Hymns on Unleavened Bread XVI,33).11 The cross then, gained its power from Christ who was crucified on it and became in itself a living being as we will see later. It is appropriate here, however, to move a step further and see how the Fathers consider the cross not only as a sign of Christ’s humanity, but also as a sign of His weakness as a real human sharing with us the fullness of our humanity except sin. In his Commentary on John’s Prologue, Philoxenos writes: The cross is the sign of God’s weakness, as the creation and management of everything is a sign of His power. The fruits of both make it clear that what the weakness has accomplished is greater than what the power has done.12

As a new creation, the cross becomes greater than the first creation which was followed by sin and the fall. In another text (Dissertation VIII),13 Philoxenos explains this statement by looking at the cross as the curse of the Law which is changed into a blessing and renews the whole creation, and thus becomes greater than the first creation. Ephrem, however, goes into more details when he compares the weakness of Christ’s body to His power on the cross. He looks at the cross as a sign of Christ’s incarnation and weakness, which assumes a great power because of He Who is crucified on it. By drawing attention to the oneness of Christ’s person and the unity 10 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), CSCO 246, Scr. Syri 106, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964), 26. 11 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), 31. 12 Philoxène de Mabbog, Commentaire du Prologue johannique (Ms. Br. Mus. Ad. 14,534), CSCO 380-381, Scr. Syri 165-166, A. de Halleux, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1977), 180. 13 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39, 720, 721.

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of His divinity and humanity, he is anticipating the Christological controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries. In his Hymns on the Nativity Ephrem writes: On the Wood, His power was not as weak as His body. While He was on the Wood He gave life to the dead, Was it His body which gave life, or His will? Look, He was as a whole hung on the Wood, and His power frightened the creation. While crucified He gave life to the dead, likewise when He was a fetus He was forming the fetuses. Hymns on the Nativity IV,163-7014

5.3. THE CROSS IS THE VEHICLE OF THE SON ‘Vehicle’ (‫ܪ ܒܐ‬, rkhoobo) and ‘chariot’ (‫ܒ ܐ‬ , markabtho) are 15 regular figures for the cross in the Syriac writings. Looking back at the chariot described in Ezekiel 1, which carries the Lord with all His glory, Ephrem compares it to the cross which carried Christ on Golgotha. It is the paradox between the glory of the chariot and the humility of the cross that inspires him to compare them with each other. He writes: And I reflected: If Paradise is so glorious, how glorious is Adam who is the image of its planter and how fair is the cross, the vehicle of the Son of its Lord! Hymns on Paradise VI,516

The humiliation of the cross becomes glory when it carries Christ, just as the chariot of the Cherubim is filled with glory because the Lord is in it. This paradoxical interpretation is found also in Philoxenos when he writes in his Commentary on John’s Prologue: He carried the cross which is connected with disgrace, so that we achieve a victory that is full of honor.17 14 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), CSCO 186, Scr. Syri 82, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1959), 40-41. 15 R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 128. 16 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum, CSCO 174, Scr. Syri 78, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957), 20.

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Jacob also uses this term in his homilies on the Apostle Thomas. In the second homily we read that the Lord tells Thomas to take up the cross and go to India, without feeling ashamed of it because it is the vehicle by which the Lord went to the land of the dead and destroyed both sin and death. Jacob writes: By this vehicle I killed the human killer, evil, and by it I weakened death who had weakened the course of the earth. This cross has become a vehicle for me towards the dead, and by it I brought back all the captivity away from the thief. Homily II18

This similarity between the cross and the chariot suggests another theme which is the presence of Christ with the Father all the time, including the moment of His death on the cross. The Father is present in the chariot and Christ is carried on the cross. If the cross is a type of the chariot, then Christ, while He is on the cross is also in the chariot with the Father. This is made clear in Ephrem’s Hymns on Unleavened Bread: He mounted the cross, but secretly He was riding in the chariot of the Cherubim. Hymns on Unleavened Bread, XIII,819

The cross then, becomes the Shekina of God and of His glory, especially as this is revealed on the cross. He is declared a king of the universe when He stretched out His arms to embrace the four ends of the earth. The cross then, is a vehicle and a chariot because it is the Shekina of the Lord, and also because it leads humankind through suffering to the glory of God which fills the chariot of the Cherubim. Ephrem writes: He left the chariot of the four living creatures and came down, and made the cross a vehicle for Himself to the four directions. He left the Seraphim and the Cherubim, and came down to suffer the mocking of the crucifiers. Hymns on Faith XVII,820

Philoxène de Mabbog, Commentaire du Prologue johannique (Ms. Br. Mus. Ad. 14,534), 127. 18 Jakob von Sarug, Drei Gedichte über Den Apostel Thomas in Indien, W. Strothmann, ed. (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1976), 364-368. 19 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), 20. 17

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It is only through suffering and carrying the cross that one can meet God.21 The cross is the vehicle and means which Christ used to accomplish His saving work. It, therefore, becomes the way and means to benefit from this salvation. To emphasize this point Jacob writes about Paul the Apostle who saw in the curse of the cross a glory which gives a sense of pride to everyone.22 Paul, therefore, used the cross as a vehicle to glory. Thus Jacob says about Paul that: He was glorified by the crucifixion which is the sign of disgrace. This sign honors the needy as much as it is dishonored. He took for himself the lame cross which is full of pains, and left the splendor of the kings and their crowns. By the crucifixion he received the adoration of the kings. Homily 6123

5.4. SAVED BY THE CROSS The object of Christ’s crucifixion and death was to return humankind to their former home, Paradise, by destroying the cause of their fall, which is sin, and its fruit, death.24 Bearing this in mind, we find an overwhelming number of Syriac texts relating the cross to salvation. All the Syriac Fathers were eager to show just how much the cross contributes to our salvation, and how, without the cross, salvation is impossible. In this section an attempt is made to evaluate the significance of the cross in the salvation of humankind. 5.4.1. Victory over Sin and Death In our search to know the nature of Christ’s salvation we will soon come to the conclusion that salvation means to overcome sin which was the reason behind the fall. Now, if we turn our attention to the cross, we find that that is exactly what the cross has accomplished. On the cross the Lord nailed sin and deprived it of its power. Jacob writes: Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide, 68. Matthew 7:14. 22 Galatians 6:14. 23 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 Vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-1910), II:517. 24 Romans 5:12; 6:23. 20 21

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS Bearing the debts of the whole universe, Our Lord was crucified; and sin was fixed with nails so it could not reign again. He crucified sin with Himself while they were crucifying Him on Golgotha. So that from then on it could not kill later generations. Homily 6325

Destroying sin should also mean destroying the fruit and wages of sin, that is, death.26 It was, therefore, important that our Lord demonstrated His victory over death as well as sin. Philoxenos relates the destruction of both sin and death to the cross when he says: By the cross … He took away the authority of the demons, and killed sin which is the sting of death. He put to death the death which even the Law was using. Dissertation VIII27

The first step in accomplishing this salvation, then, is to overcome death itself. Death realizes that he is losing his power and cries out complaining. Ephrem, in one of the many Syriac hymns and homilies on this subject, recounts the dialogue which takes place between the cross and death. Ephrem writes: With victory I was reigning over all; how can Your cross vanquish me? See, by the wood I succeeded and triumphed in the past. Nisibene Hymns XXXVI,928

Death is complaining to Christ in this text because he started losing his treasures when he was overcome by Christ’s cross. This victory of Christ over death bears its first fruits while Christ is still on the cross and death becomes aware of it when many dead rise from their graves and enter the city. Therefore death continues to complain, but when he gets no help because sin is already dead, he gives up and submits to Christ’s authority. Ephrem continues to say:

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:573. Romans 6:23. 27 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39, 712, 713. 28 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, 11. 25 26

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Everybody runs to console the one who is bereaved, but I have nobody to console me for the many dead who returned to life… It is better for me to fall bowing in front of Jesus, Who vanquished me by His cross. Nisibene Hymns XXXVIII,529

The Syriac Fathers do not treat the victory over death separately from overcoming sin. In fact, their emphasis falls mainly, not on the destruction of natural death, but on the destruction of the spiritual death, sin, which is the source of material death. This notion of the two deaths is in full agreement with the two resurrections in the fifth chapter of John’s Gospel. Philoxenos makes this distinction between the two deaths. For him, there is a spiritual death which results from sin, and he calls it the death of sin. The other death is natural death, which he calls the death of punishment, because it was imposed on us as a punishment for embracing sin.30 He writes: Our Lord suffered the death of punishment, but He did not suffer or was tempted by the death of sin, because the Holy Book (Bible) teaches us of two kinds of death that was inflicted on the human race. One of them is the death of sin, and the other one is the death of nature. And both of them were abolished by Our Lord: one of them by completing the commandments, and complying with the Law, and the other by stretching the body on the cross. Dissertation VIII31

The eternal world, or as the Syriac Fathers call it, the second world, is far more important than the earthly one because in this second world everything finds its fulfillment. Therefore the resurrection from sin is brought about by Christ’s victory, and meant by Christ Himself when He said: “Very truly, I tell you, the hour is coming, and is now here, when the dead will hear the voice of the Son of God, and those who hear will live.”32 In the thought of the Syriac Fathers, Christ is to be understood as distinguishing Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, 20. Genesis 2. 31 Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo, Patrologia Orientalis t. 39, 722, 723. 32 John 5:25. 29 30

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the resurrection from sin from the resurrection of the body, which will occur to those who are in their graves.33 This resurrection from sin is what we have achieved from the cross. In one of his sermons Ephrem writes: Blessed is He Who, for the sakes of the sinners, gave Himself to death and contempt. He bore the wood of disgrace, so that the sinners will live. Blessed is He Who created us by His mercy, and came and saved us by His cross. He will come also and raise us up, in the great day of His coming. Sermons I.V,612-61934

The sin which Christ overcame by His cross is actually Adam’s sin itself which was the cause of our death, as we understand from Sermons I.VIII,129-130.35 This eternal death had to be destroyed first in order to achieve the resurrection from sin, and only when the second death (the death of sin) is destroyed, the resurrection from sin will be possible. In praising Abraham the bishop of Nisibis, Ephrem describes how in order to live the eternal life Abraham had to kill the second death by the power of the cross before his first death, that of his body (Hymns on Abraham Kidunaya XIII,17).36 To prove this notion of two deaths and two resurrections Ephrem gives us two examples about two individuals who were saved by Christ’s cross. The first one is Adam who was among the dead, and the second one is the thief who was among the living. Concerning Adam’s salvation Ephrem writes in Hymni Dispersi XX,137 that Christ was crucified in the same place where Adam was buried so that he would be saved. The salvation of Adam and of John 5:28. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I, CSCO 305, Scr. Syri 130, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1969), 80. 35 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I, 108. 36 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianos Saba, CSCO 322, Scr. Syri 140, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972), 31. 37 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:755. 33 34

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the others who died in faith before the crucifixion is possible for Ephrem because of his view of the sacramental aspect of time. These patriarchs were expecting Christ’s salvation, which would be achieved by His cross, when he would descend into Sheol to bring their souls up. In the same way we are expecting and in fact experiencing Paradise which will be our home after death. Concerning Adam’s salvation he writes: The One Who gave him (Adam) life at the end of the sixth thousand, He Himself had created him at the beginning, on the sixth day.

Hymns on Faith VI,738

It should be noticed here that the Syriac translations of the Bible use the term giving life (‫ ܐ ܐ‬, maḥa) instead of saving (‫ ܩ‬, prq) on many occasions such as in Matthew 6:22; Mark 10:52, 13:13; and Luke 7:50. Adam then, who was created in the beginning by Christ, was also saved by Christ. The other example of the salvation brought by the cross is that of the thief who was crucified on the right side of Christ. This second witness to Christ’s salvation is an example to the living people who have to confess the true faith in Christ in order to benefit from His salvation. Ephrem writes: By the cross which catches all thieves, He caught unto life the thief. Hymns on the Nativity IV,3739

Instead of being a means of punishment and death to the thieves, the cross becomes their way to life and salvation. With Adam and the thief, then, the whole creation is saved by Christ’s cross, because in Christ the past, present, and future become a sacred time participating in God’s mysteries. 5.4.2. Payment of the Debt This salvation, which was accomplished by destroying sin and death, is for Ephrem a payment of an old debt to death. In Hymns on Virginity XXV,3,40 Ephrem praises the Virgin Mary and says that Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide, 27. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), 28. 40 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, 89. 38 39

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her debt was paid by the cross which pays the debts of all. In fact, the paying of the debt is a Pauline theme41 and Ephrem uses it in the same way as Saint Paul, except that Ephrem relates the record of the debt precisely to death in accordance with Genesis 2:17. This is the reason why our Lord, despite being capable of everything, did not pay the debt by His incarnation or baptism, but only by His death on the cross. Only death on the cross could pay death’s debt. The cross then, is the means by which the debt is paid. Ephrem says: Blessed is He Who by His cross removed the debt of the greedy death, and gave triumph to humankind. Hymni Dispersi XXII,842

5.4.3. Liberation In completing the work of salvation, the cross liberates human beings from the bondage of sin to which they chained themselves when they first obeyed Satan. The Syriac Fathers, therefore, look at the work of Christ on the cross as an act of liberation. In commenting on Christ’s reply to Peter who rebuked Christ on foretelling the disciples about His death,43 Ephrem writes: Who other than Satan does not want me to ascend upon the cross and set free creation? Commentary on the Diatessaron XIV,I.444

Narsai, however, looks at the cross as a liberator from a different angle. He draws attention to the cross as a curse imposed on those who contradict the Law. On Golgotha, however, it became a liberator which sets people free from the curses. He writes: The cross which became as a sentence imposed on them, acquired change and liberated humans from the curses. Homily 3045

Colosians 2:14. Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV:771. 43 Mark 8:31-33. 44 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, Sources Chrétiennes 121, L. Leloir, ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), 243. 41 42

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Since Adam was the first human to be subjected to the slavery of sin, he is also the first one to benefit from the liberating work of the cross. Jacob describes Adam entering Paradise by saying: Adam the first father enters carrying with him, the deed of freedom, which the Son of the Virgin gave him by His crucifixion. Homily 16346

In his homilies on Thomas the Apostle going to India, Jacob mentions a tradition according to which Thomas was sold as a slave to a merchant in order to allow him into his ship for free. Thomas complains to the Lord about being a slave after he had acquired his freedom by the cross. He petitions Christ: By Your living blood we were liberated from slavery. Therefore do not make us slaves because You have set us free by your crucifixion. Homily I47

5.4.4. Renewal Now that we have been set free from the bondage of sin and Satan, the cross calls us to renew our lives, because the accomplishment of salvation requires a renewal. The cross is actually that which changes our lives and renews them to suit the Christian life to which we are called. Ephrem writes: O cross which renewed the Nation, which was perishing, and enlightened the Nations, which were darkened by ignorance, turn my mind to your light.

Hymni Dispersi XXI,1548

This renewal of life is not only by replacing the people of the Old Covenant with the Nations, it is also a renewal from the life of sin to the life of holiness, to the first life which was given to our

45 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:120. 46 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:607. 47 Jakob von Sarug, Drei Gedichte über Den Apostel Thomas, 596-597. 48 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV:765.

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father Adam. In his Commentary on the Diatessaron XX,III.18,49 Ephrem calls this renewal the liberation of the creatures by the cross. Narsai reflects on the cross as the place where God the Creator has created a new creation through a Crucified Man. He says: The Creator has created a new creation on top of Golgotha, and showed the extent of His skill through a Crucified Man. Homily 2050

Jacob, however, speaks of the cross renewing the old creation. But he does not talk only of the renewal of human nature or life, he also includes the renewal of the whole world. Thus he writes: The cross has renewed the creation by its passions, and set up an incorruptible world by its wounds.

Homily V51

5.4.5. The Birth of Baptism On the cross a significant event has taken place. The salvation which has been achieved by the cross finds a way to relate to the believers. This way is baptism which, according to Jacob, was born on the cross from the pierced side of Christ (Hom. 71).52 In elaborating on this theme, Ephrem sees baptism as the place where, and the time when, Christ and believers meet. In it we clothe ourselves with Christ,53 but also, according to Ephrem, we put on the cross of Christ—His death—in baptism, because to be baptized is to die with Christ and rise with Him.54 The sheep of Christ rejoiced and stood round the baptism, in the water they put on the likeness of the glorious and living cross, at which all creation looked, and was sealed by it. Hymns on the Epiphany VII,355 49 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron, 356-357. 50 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, I:328. 51 Jacques de Saroug, Six Homélies Festivales en Prose, Patrologia Orientalis t. 43, fasc. 4, no. 196, F. Rilliét, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), 35. 52 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:121. 53 Galatians 3:27. 54 Romans 6:3. 55 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), 164.

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This image of the sheep putting on the likeness of the cross from the water of baptism is inspired by the sheep of Jacob looking at the peeled rods.56 Likewise the sheep of Christ, the Good Shepherd,57 put on the cross from the water of Baptism in order to achieve salvation. Baptism therefore, becomes a gate to the Christian life. Putting on Christ, or being clothed with Him in baptism, is a theme which occurs also in Jacob. Looking at Christ on the cross as blood and water flow from His side, he writes: O Son of God, You are red and white, because blood and water are flowing from You like springs. The Church which was baptized in Your crucifixion is clothed with You, and her beauty is brilliant because of these glorious and magnificent colors. Homily 13358

This imagery of clothing continues, but it incorporates new elements. This time, the baptized put on the light which the cross sends into the water of baptism. In his beautiful dialogue-homily on the Cherub who guards Paradise and the Thief who tries to enter it, Jacob writes that baptism was set up on the cross when the Lord’s side was pierced, became a source of life, and the thief clothed himself with the robe of light and swam in the water of baptism on his way to Paradise (Hom. 177).59 Ephrem, too, in one of his hymns, describes the cross as the sun which sends its light into the water that those living in the darkness of sin might clothe themselves with it and be enlightened. The cross which is the shining sun, put the light into the water, and called upon the darkened Nations, who went down and clothed themselves with it, and became adorned by the shining of its light. Hymns on the Epiphany XIII,960

Although this baptismal theme of the cross finds its origins in Judaic-Christianity,61 it is fully developed in Syriac Christianity

Genesis 30:37. John 10:11. 58 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:761. 59 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:670. 60 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania), 190. 56 57

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where the cross plays an essential role in the baptismal service. A cross is usually laid inside the font of baptism during the service, and by the sign of the cross the water is consecrated and the baptized is sealed and anointed with oil. All these old practices are still preserved in the Syriac Church. Jacob witnesses to that when he writes in his homily on baptism: The cross is laid in baptism like a ladder, which elevates people from inside the water to the high heaven. Homily 962

This relationship between the cross and baptism has been part of the belief of the Church since the Apostolic times. The use of the cross in baptism must have been practiced much earlier than Jacob. In fact, according to Daniélou, it is precisely with baptism that the sign of the cross first appeared in the Syrian Church.63 Philoxenos, however, makes a remarkable reference to the use of the sign of the cross in baptism when he writes: God, the Maker of all, Who put in our first creation the knowledge of His Godhead, also put the knowledge of the Holy Trinity in our second renewal. And as the body openly receives the seal of the cross by the three names which are of one being, in the same way, the mind is secretly sealed by the influence of the cross and the invocation of the three names, to be renewed, enlightened and to gain wisdom.64

In the above text we can find several practices which must have been practiced by the Church as an established tradition in Philoxenos’ days. The first of these points is that the Church uses the sign of the cross to seal the baptized. Philoxenos does not mention oil in this text because, as is the practice today, the baptized are first sealed with the sign of the cross without any oil, then with oil in the second instance. There are, however, several remarks on sealing the baptized with oil in the form of the cross in Ephrem’s writings.

J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), 33. 62 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, I:197. 63 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 136. 64 Philoxène de Mabbog, Commentaire du Prologue johannique (Ms. Br. Mus. Ad. 14,534), 218. 61

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The second practice to be observed in Philoxenos’ text is the link he makes between the sign of the cross and the invocations of the three names of the Holy Trinity. Whenever the sign of the cross is formed, the three names are invoked, and whoever says, “In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit,” seals himself with the sign of the cross. This is still practiced in many places, especially in the Orthodox Churches. The third observation to be made from Philoxenos’ text is that baptism which was established on the cross stands in contrast with the creation of the first human beings. At the beginning God created us and made us aware of His Divine Nature, and on the cross He saved us and renewed our nature and led us to know Him in His three persons. This last point is the focus of Jacob’s treatment of baptism. On the cross baptism was born from the pierced side of Christ, and baptism itself became the mother of all the living. In contrast with the creation of Eve, we see Adam asleep and his side open as a type of Christ dead on the cross and His side pierced. Eve is created from the open side of Adam to give birth to children. Through the blood and water flowing from Christ’s side baptism is established to give birth to spiritual children for the Father. To make the point stronger, Jacob speaks in terms of the seed of Adam and the egg of Eve. In marriage, Adam’s seed, which is of water, is mixed with Eve’s egg, which is of blood, and the result is the creation of a human being. On the cross blood and water flowed from Christ’s side to establish baptism which gives birth to spiritual children. Adam then, stands against Christ, the new Adam, and Eve against baptism, the spiritual mother of all. Eve was born from Adam’s side to give birth to human beings, and baptism is born from Christ’s side to give birth to spiritual beings. Let us see how Jacob explains it: Our Lord caused silence to fall upon Adam and bound him in sleep so the mysteries of crucifixion might be painted in him. The mighty one slept and his side was opened to create; and there an image of the lance of the Only Son was drawn. In that sleep, the death on the cross was painted, and in the blood and water, the beauty of baptism was shown… Adam asleep with his side open is like saying that Our Lord is dead on the cross and His side open.

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS The mystery of the blood and water which flowed from Him, is that of the birth of baptism who is the mother of the living. The human race survives by blood and water, by the seed which is put in nature by the Creator. Adam’s seed is water because he was created of water, and Eve’s flux is blood because she was created of blood. When blood and water are mingled in marriage, a fetus is formed by the order of the One Who created Adam. The whole race then, survives by blood and water, because the Maker Himself allowed nature to increase this way. Therefore, when Our Savior suffered on the cross, and blood and water flowed from Him, it was a type that by His crucifixion He will give birth to a spiritual world. The pains of giving birth were striking at Him on Golgotha, and water and blood were mingled so that by them He might form new children for the Father by the passion of His Son. Homily 7165

65

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, III:121.

CHAPTER SIX: THE CROSS AS A SACRAMENTAL EVENT 6.1. INTRODUCTION The saving work of the cross does not end on Golgotha, because Golgotha is only the historical aspect of the cross. If its work ended on Golgotha, few people, if any, would benefit from it. To make the work of the cross accessible to other generations, both before and after Golgotha, the Syriac Fathers emphasize the sacredness of time. This concept allows them to relate the cross to all generations. According to them, the cross continues to work in and with us to the end. We clothe ourselves with it and it becomes our everlasting companion; it is felt in all aspects of our daily life. In fact, it becomes everything in our life, so that nothing can be seen in us but the cross. This importance comes not only because of the continuity of our salvation—past, present, and future—but also because, for the Fathers, the cross is a spiritual, mysterious reality which accompanies the risen Christ, being identified with Christ’s saving power. Furthermore, the cross is identified with Christ Himself, as in the apocryphal Acts of John, and the Gospel of Peter.1 Describing Abraham, the bishop of Nisibis, Ephrem writes: His cross was in his heart, and whoever could reflect, would have seen the cross in him. He was walking while crucified. Hymns on Abraham Kidunaya XIII,112

In the Odes of Solomon we find a similar image which depicts human beings as carriers of the cross. Extending their hands, they form the shape of the cross with their bodies. We read in the Odes: J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, The Development of Christian Doctrine Before the Council of Nicaea, Vol. 1 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1964), 270. 2 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, CSCO 322, Scr. Syri 140, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972), 30. 1

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS I have stretched out my hands and praised the Lord, because the extension of my hands is a sign of the stretching out of the upright wood. Hallelujah.3

Ode XXVII4

Ephrem also uses this image of humanity being created in the form of the cross to accuse the Jews of failing to believe in the cross despite its constant presence in their life. The great importance which the cross occupied in the lives of believers led them to associate themselves with it daily. Jean Daniélou remarks that not only did Christians make the sign of the cross on their foreheads, but there is also evidence for the practice of actual tattooing.5 In fact, this tattooing of the cross is still practiced in some parts of the Middle East. Almost all Egyptian Christians have a cross tattooed on the inner side of their left wrists, as do some women who are members of the Syrian Orthodox Church. My own mother has a cross tattooed under her lower lip and another on her right hand. The presence of the cross in our lives is not always a positive one. It can also be a reference to the many problems and persecutions we face. In relation to our present life, then, the cross is perceived in two different ways: a positive one, which recounts

3 Syriac scholars do not agree on the translation of this text because of the ambiguity of the Syriac, which is due most probably to corruption of the text at the hands of scribes. This corruption is related to the third verse which starts with ‘‫ܘ‬,’ ‘and’ instead of ‘‫ܕ‬,’ ‘of’. The Syriac text, then, should read:

‫ܐ̈ ܝ‬

‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ̈ ܝ ܐܬܗ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܬܪ‬ ‫ܬܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗ‬

R. Harris & A. Mingana, eds., The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, 2 vols. (New York: Longmans, Green & Company, 1916-1920), I:69. See also: Oliviér Clément, The Roots of Christian Mysticism (Dublin: New City, 1993), 197. 5 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, Compass Books (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), 138. 4

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all the blessings we get from the cross, and a negative one which includes all the sacrifices we make for our faith.

6.2. THE BLESSINGS OF THE CROSS In baptism, believers clothe themselves with the cross, and thereafter an everlasting relationship is built with it. The cross becomes the vehicle by which we receive the blessings promised by God. Even those blessings promised to the patriarchs of the Old Testament become real and are acquired by the power of the cross. Aphrahat says: The spiritual blessings which were promised to Abraham, were distributed to the Nations from the death of Christ on the cross. Demonstration VIII: On the Dead Coming to Life6

The blessings of the cross cover all aspects of our life, but in a special way the spiritual side of it. Narsai attempts to give an account of these blessings in the role that the cross plays in the church. He sees the cross as the means by which the Nations are sanctified and consecrated as a nation for the Great King. By the cross all people are signed in baptism, and by it also priesthood is marked for the completion of the sacraments. Sanctuaries are filled with the Spirit because they are signed by the cross. The cross consecrates the church sacraments to sanctify and consecrate human beings. Narsai concludes by calling the cross the seal of our faith and he writes: The cross of Jesus is the seal of our faith, by which, His divine Economy was accomplished for our salvation. Homily 307

It is possible, however, to distinguish some particular blessings of the cross which play a prominent role in our life. 6.2.1. The Cross as a Protector The image of the cross as a protector which protects us from sin and from our enemies both spiritual and material, dominates all the 6 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905), 117. 7 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:116.

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writings of the Syriac Fathers on the cross. This protection is first of all concerned with individual believers. In one of his sermons, Ephrem paradoxically draws a comparison between the staff of Moses, which was protecting the Jews, and the cross, which spreads its wings in the churches hovering over the worshippers and protecting them (Sermons I.I,338).8 The cross, then, becomes an aid by which we achieve heavenly help in cleansing our souls from hated vice and transgression. Ephrem writes: The cross which saved our race, became a source of help. Towards it we run and clean the spots of our souls. Hymni Dispersi XXII,49

This source of help and purification is not only a remedy for our souls; it is also a refuge to protect us from committing sin. We flee to it if we want to be protected against the temptation of committing sin which cannot reach the cross that overcame it. Describing himself as a bird fleeing to the nest of the cross where sin cannot reach him, Ephrem writes: I flee to the nest of Your cross, because the serpent cannot approach it. Lord, I am flying from my transgression, like a dove from the net, to settle on top of Your cross, where the dragon cannot reach. Sermons I.VII,556-56110

The soul, then, flees the earthly life where it can be tempted every minute, and settles on the cross because there sin has no power. In this way, the soul is like a dove which evades a hunter’s net where the possibility being ensnared is very high, and flies to a secure place where no one can catch it. When the soul takes refuge in the cross it is not only protected against sin, but sin actually fears that soul because it contains the power of the cross in itself (Hymns Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I, CSCO 305, Scr. Syri 130, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1969), 7. 9 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:769. 10 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I, 106. 8

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on Abraham Kidunaya XIII,16).11 This means that the soul is united with the Lord, because the cross is the chariot of the members of our body in which God’s glory is manifested (Hymns on the Church XXIX,14).12 The concept of the cross as a protector from evil eventuated in a practice which is still observed in the church: the cross is used in exorcism to drive away evil spirits.13 It was especially used during the exorcism in the baptismal rites, which are still in practice in the Syriac baptismal rite. With every invocation the priest draws the sign of the cross on the one to be baptized. The protection of the cross does not stop at baptism, but continues with believers to the end. Furthermore, the cross becomes a weapon by which we fight our enemies. Jacob writes about Saint George the martyr: He held in his hand the living sign of the cross of light, and went to overcome the herd of demons and their illusion. He traced on his forehead the glorious seal of the three mysteries,14 and faithfully he began fighting to acquire the crown. Homily 18115

Jacob writes the same thing about the Apostle Thomas. Our Lord appears to Thomas and advises him to take up the cross because it is a great weapon which will help him in his mission. Jacob writes: Our Lord drew near and held Thomas gently, and put the cross on his shoulders and told him: ‘Go in peace fight with this, and it will subject to you the height and depth. Take this, fight and conquer, because it is a great arm,

Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, 31. 12 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ecclesia, CSCO 198, Scr. Syri 84, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1960), 72. 13 J. Daniélou, Primitive Christian Symbols, 138. See also: P. Harkins, tr., Saint John Chrysostom, Discourses Against Judaizing Christians, The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 68 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1979), 237. 14 The Holy Trinity. 15 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-1910), V:755. 11

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS by which the King triumphed and He gives triumph to whoever clothes himself with it. Homily I16

The protection of the cross does not cover only the individuals, but works in communities as well. Especially in churches and monasteries, the erected cross overshadows believers and protects them from sin and evil. Ephrem compares the church with the cross in it to the community of the Israelites in the desert when the bones of Joseph were in the midst of it. The comparison is made particularly between the bones of Joseph and the cross.17 According to the Law of Moses whoever touches a dead person will be unclean,18 yet the bones of Joseph were among the Israelites for forty years during their journey to the Promised Land. Likewise the cross, which was a sign of disgrace, is in the church to protect her sons and daughters on their journey to Paradise (Nisibene Hymns XLVIII,6).19 The work of the cross in our lives does not appear in us only as individuals, or just inside the church. It is also felt in communities of peoples such as cities because the life of believers is one everywhere and always. Ephrem petitions the cross to change the bitterness of the pagans of Haran into the sweetness of faith (Nisibene Hymns XXXIV,2),20 because in the past the cross sweetened the water of Marah for the Israelites to drink from it.21 This protection of the cross and its work in the cities is not only a spiritual one. According to Ephrem, the cross is the protector of the faithful cities against their military enemies. This is the case with Nisibis, which was attacked several times when Ephrem was still living in it. He even took part in defending it by standing on its wall and praying for God’s help. Attributing the resistance of Nisibis to the power of the cross, Ephrem writes: 16 Jakob von Sarug, Drei Gedichte über Den. Apostel Thomas in Indien, W. Strothmann, ed. (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1976), 235-237, 371-372. 17 Even though the name of Joseph is not mentioned in the text, the comparison is unmistakably clear. 18 Leviticus 21. 19 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, CSCO 240, Scr. Syri 102, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963), 62. 20 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, CSCO 218, Scr. Syri 92, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), 80. 21 Exodus 15:25.

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For thirty years, Persia was fighting by all means, but it could not invade the borders of that town. Even when it was weak and opened, the cross came and saved it. Hymns Against Julian III,322

The victory of Nisibis over its enemies, which was acquired by the cross, gives hope to Ephrem that the cross is able also to heal the division caused by heresy among the citizens of Nisibis. He therefore recalls that victory and asks the Lord to heal those divisions by the power of His cross which, in the past, reconciled the two groups of Jews and Gentiles.23 In another hymn he writes: Lord, let Your cross, which stood up to my uncovered schism; secure the hidden one also. For instead of the outsiders: the insiders split me. My persecutors on my walls, heard my prayers. The sun with its worshippers were disgraced, because by Your cross I triumphed. Nisibene Hymns XI,14,1624

6.2.2. The Cross as the Builder of the Church The function of the cross in the church is more than that of protecting it; it is actually to build up this community of believers. By the power of the cross the number of believers increases. Ephrem writes: By the rods he painted and clothed his new lambs with types. By the cross you adorned the monasteries, By the cross of light you increased the number of your disciples. Hymns on Julian Saba XIV,5-625

In reference to Jacob’s behavior in Haran,26 Ephrem is describing Julian Saba, the monk of the mountain of Edessa. Julian 22 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum, CSCO 174, Scr. Syri 78, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957), 82. 23 Ephesians 2:16. 24 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I, 32. 25 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, 61. 26 Genesis 30:37.

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multiplied his disciples by the power of the cross both by establishing new monasteries, and, therefore, erecting new crosses in them, and also by living the cross in his own life, which was a reason for many disciples to follow in his steps, as we understand from another hymn on Julian Saba (Hymns on Julian Saba VII,14).27 In this hymn, Julian is described as the one who put the cross in his body, and his will became a cross to him so that the cross was shining from his body and deeds. Ephrem takes the role of the cross in the church further to the degree that the cross becomes an indication of the existence of the church. In one of his sermons on the monks he writes: Wherever one of them arrived he put his cross and that place became a church. Sermons IV.II,229-3028

This establishment of the church by the cross is possible only when we follow the example of the Lord. The Lord Himself built His church by the cross, which served as a pillar carrying the weight of heaven and earth, as Jacob says: He put His cross in the church as a pillar carrying the creation, and lifted up the stones of light for the great house. He constructed its building by the wood-cross of righteousness, and with the wings of the cross, He fixed its roof. Homily 1929

This statement concerning the foundation of a church wherever the cross is, however, should not be understood in separation from the whole mystical foundation of the church in Syriac theology. The cross works in the church through its sacramental life only. This link between the church and the cross is Baptism and Eucharist. The cross works in the church through Baptism and Eucharist, but it is equally true that without the cross there is neither Baptism nor Eucharist, and therefore, without the cross, there is no Eucharistic community, the church. The cross then, is our way to the Eucharist, and the Eucharist makes the 27 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, 52. 28 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV, CSCO 334, Scr. Syri 148, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1973), 21. 29 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, I:479.

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cross present in our lives.30 Instructing the one who wishes to approach the Eucharistic table, Ephrem writes in his Commentary on the Diatessaron: Extend your arms to the cross so that the Crucified Lord may extend His arms to you. For the one who does not extend his hands towards His cross, cannot approach His table. Commentary on the Diatessaron XX,III.2331

The image which dominates the writings of the Syriac Fathers concerning the relationship between the cross and the church, especially in Jacob’s writings, is that of betrothal. It is the cross which betroths the church to be the bride of Christ. Although this bride was known from the very beginning, it was hidden from the world until the cross came and unveiled her to everyone. Jacob writes: The prophets of the Father hid the bride from the spectators, until the cross came, betrothed her and unveiled her face. Homily 13532

Jacob, in the above text, compares the work of the cross in introducing the church to Christ to a wedding where the bride, despite being known for a long time, is hidden from the bridegroom until the very day of his wedding. Jacob draws this image from the practice of his society. In fact, until recently the bridegroom was not able to see his bride between their engagement and wedding day. The church was hidden because it was to the old bride, the chosen people, that the bridegroom should come first. Only when rejected by her did He turn His face towards the new bride. Thus Jacob writes: He came to betroth the bride of light by His crucifixion, but He went first to where the old bride was. Homily 16733 30 For the Eucharist in St. Ephrem see: P. Yousif, L’Eucharistie chez Ephrem de Nisibe, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 224 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Orientale, 1984). 31 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, Sources Chrétiennes 121, L. Leloir, ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), 360. 32 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, IV:797. 33 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:483.

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The cross plays a leading role in the wedding of the church to Christ, but its role is not confined to introducing the church to Christ; it also assumes another role in this wedding. The cross becomes the ornaments of gold which adorn the bride. The church puts on the red color of the blood of Christ instead of the purple clothes which get their color from the blood of the sea creatures. She is also adorned by sealing her forehead with the cross instead of the crown of gold and pearls (Hom. 9).34 Jacob goes a step further in building up this relationship between the cross and the church. The One who is crucified on the cross becomes the bridegroom to whom members of the church are betrothed. In Homily 191,35 he writes about the female virgins who are dressed in black because they are betrothed to the cross, which caused the sun to disappear and heaven to darken on the day our Lord was crucified.36 It is not only the virgins of the monasteries and convents, or ̈ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ ̈ܒ‬, bnay wa the sons and daughters of the covenant (‫ܐ‬ bnoth qyomo), that are betrothed to the cross. Whoever believes in the Lord betroths him- or herself to the cross. Therefore Jacob advises such people to be faithful to the cross, just as they are faithful to their spouse: You, that betrothed yourself to the cross, be faithful, because by its wounds, the Crucified has exposed and destroyed the falsehood. Homily 5337

6.2.3. The Cross as a Sign of Peace The cross was the means by which Christ made peace between the Father and humanity, between heaven and earth.38 The cross is the key which opened the door between the two sides, that door which was locked since Adam’s fall. Jacob has this Pauline theme in his mind when he writes:

Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, I:207. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:827. 36 John 20. 37 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:509. 38 Ephesians 2:16. 34 35

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By this cross peace was made between heaven and earth, and it made peace too, between the inhabitants of the earth and the dwellers of heaven. Homily II39

Because of its role in making peace between heaven and earth, the cross has become for us, as Narsai says, a sign of peace: By its appearance, the cross has become a sign of peace for our nature. It elevates this nature and puts it in the port of the immortal life. Homily 3040

This cross, which made our peace with others, should be used by all of us to make peace with our enemies and among all nations. Therefore, Christ, in Jacob’s homilies, advises the Apostle Thomas to take the cross with him to India to calm the uproarious people he is going to meet. Jacob writes: Let the cross of the Son, which you loved, be with you, and by it, the people who is troubled more than the sea, may know peace.

Homily II41

In order to use the cross in bringing peace to others, we ourselves should experience this peace, and take refuge in it whenever we are disturbed. When Jacob was accused of embracing heresy and faced with anger from someone, he wrote to him: I, immediately clothed myself with the peace of the cross, and faced your anger with a divine love. Letter 1642

6.2.4. The Cross as a Teacher Those who discover the sweetness of the cross, consider it to be their guide in life. Their possessions and belongings mean nothing to them anymore, because they know that the Rich One has become poor for them. Likewise they consider their belongings and qualifications to be of no value in the presence of the cross, Jakob von Sarug, Drei Gedichte über Den Apostel Thomas, 363-365. Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, II:116. 41 Jakob von Sarug, Drei Gedichte über Den Apostel Thomas, 279-280. 42 Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, CSCO 110, Scr. Syri 57, G. Olinder, ed. (Louvain: Durbecq, 1952), 64. 39 40

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which puts to shame all those who think they are wise. Jacob comments on Paul’s rejection of his earthly wisdom in preaching the good news43 by saying: He saw that the cross was the yeast filled with life, he put it alone in the dough of the discipleship. The cross became to Paul a teacher, from which, he learnt to forget the book and to be simple in his preaching. Homily 6244

It is interesting to remark here that in the above text, Jacob plays with the words by making use of the Syriac root , sfr. He , sofro, teacher, by which he uses this word first in the form ‫ܐ‬ , means the cross. On the second occasion he uses the form ‫ܐ‬ sefro, book, and by it he means the books which constituted Paul’s education and earthly wisdom. This call to reject the earthly wisdom of books and to learn from the cross, no doubt, comes from the Lord’s call to us to learn from Him because His yoke is easy and He is gentle and humble in heart.45 The yoke of Christ, which is His cross teaches us to be humble and gentle, as Jacob writes in his letter to a certain anchorite called Daniel: Your humility has subjected you to walk on the road of the cross; your teacher, therefore, is the cross, which by his love bowed to carry the weight of the humans. Letter 3946

6.3. THE CURSE OF THE CROSS The effect of the cross in our lives is not always a positive one. Despite, or because of the many blessings we get from the cross, there is always a price, and sometimes a very high one, to pay. This negative element of the cross should not, however, be looked at in separation from the whole work of the cross in our lives. Only when we recognize the glory of the cross will we happily endure its hardships. The Syriac Fathers lay a great deal of importance on this last point without failing to recognize that this difficult road is the way to perfection. Not everyone, however, will go through it with I Corinthians 1,2. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, II:752. 45 Matthew 11:29. 46 Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, 287. 43 44

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equal carriage and happiness. Jacob writes in one of his prose homilies about the difficulty of this road of the cross which leads to perfection. In Jacob’s homily Christ says: I will fulfill the justice (of the Law) first, then, will I show the perfection. I will complete the work of the Law, and then I will start the great way of the cross. Homily II47

This great way of the cross was opened by Christ not for Himself, Who is without sin, but for us to go through. It is a sign of pain, but this pain is not a punishment. It is, rather, a way of purifying the soul and protecting it from sin. It is the narrow gate and the hard road that leads to life.48 Everyone, therefore, should be confronted with this road of the cross. This negative dimension of the cross may appear in our lives in two different ways: first, in the narrow path upon which we should go, and second, in the destruction which the cross brings on those who deny it. 6.3.1. The Narrow Path To be a real Christian is to follow the Lord in the path of the cross, no matter what this may bring on us, whether persecutions, or internal divisions. In fact, the cross becomes for us a sign of all troubles. In Luke 2:34, Simeon speaks of Jesus as being a sign to be opposed, and Jacob interprets this sign to be none other than the sign of the cross which many people will reject as a sign of weakness and shame. Jacob then writes: The cross is a sign which is surrounded by all disputes, and divisions from both insiders and outsiders.

Homily 16649

The divisions mentioned by Jacob in the above text are clearly those arising inside the Christian community. He does not say much about the persecutions and troubles caused by the nonChristians. This is true of all the texts we are dealing with except some incidents mentioned by Ephrem related to Julian the 47 Jacques de Saroug, Six Homélies Festivales en Prose, Patrologia Orientalis t. 43, fasc. 4, no. 196, F. Rilliét, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), 18. 48 Matthew. 7:14. 49 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:474.

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Apostate, who fought hard to revive paganism and suppress Christianity. The reason is because our texts come from a relatively peaceful period of Christian history, a period which followed immediately the Edict of Milan in A.D. 313, and preceded the Islamic conquests in the seventh century. In that period, the church started looking inward, giving opportunity for monasticism to grow and, therefore, giving a new meaning to the narrow path of the cross. This path became primarily related to the spiritual war which the soul fights against the passions of the body and sin. Part of this path also was those divisions which erupted inside the church because of the strange teachings of some heretics. In this spiritual war, Christians competed to achieve the perfection of the cross which is the desire of every true believer. In doing so they practiced several kinds of spiritual disciplines, each one according to his or her spiritual status. This was especially true of those who left behind the world and sought perfection through monasticism. To some of those monks Jacob writes: You have felt that God was crucified for you, and fear fell upon you. Therefore, you hated the world, left your homeland and race, brothers and fathers, the transitory things, and temporary rest. You have carried His cross to follow Him and enter with Him His glorious chambers. Letter 750

All those practices such as prayers, vigils, and fasting, which Arthur Vööbus calls the ‘the monastic practices,’ are marks of the spiritual path of the cross, but they are not in any way confined to the monasteries and convents. In the parable of the rich man and Lazarus,51 Ephrem thinks that by the rich man, the Lord meant the priests of the Jews, and by Lazarus, He meant the disciples of the cross (Commentary on the Diatessaron XV,II.12).52 Ephrem then, advises the disciples of the cross that:

Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt, 34. Luke 16: 19-31. 52 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, 271ff. 50 51

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Wherever your treasure is, there should be your heart also, and instead of the milk and honey of the infants, you should have the nails and cross of the perfect ones. Commentary on the Diatessaron XV,I.353

In one of his hymns, Ephrem concludes from the crucifixion of the Lord that every one should crucify himself on the altar of love. He writes: At that time, they crucified You on the Wood, O Lord; today let everybody crucify himself on love. the fasts will replace the nails, and the commandments instead of the thorns. Hymns on the Church XXIX,1354

In this respect, the cross marks the daily life of every Christian especially those who devote themselves to the Lord in such a way that their lives become identified with the cross. Ephrem praises Julian Saba who was spiritually crucified for fifty years, day and night (Hymns on Julian Saba IX,4).55 And in another hymn he explains how Julian was crucified for fifty years. He writes: It is amazing how he was perfectly sufficient for all, for the long vigil, the long fast, the prayer of the whole day; and for the lament of all life. He bore the crucifixion all the time and triumphed. Hymns on Julian Saba II,256

These practices then, are nothing but the cross which Christ Himself endured. It was set by Christ as a condition for whoever wants to follow Him, especially for those who are living a monastic life as Ephrem makes clear in Sermons IV.I,13,17,21,57 where he explains that the cross, which Christ asks those who want to follow Him to carry, is their well-prepared will to face all the difficulties and problems which may occur as a consequence of adopting the 53 Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien, 265ff. 54 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers de Ecclesia, 100. 55 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, 54. 56 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julian Saba, 39. 57 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV, 1.

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way of the crucifixion and the apostolic life. This is no doubt a development of Saint Paul’s thought in Galatians 6:14. Spiritually, the cross is not always identified with these practices which sustain the monastic life and lead the soul to the Lord. It can also be the disturbing thoughts and doubts that bring division to the soul and lead it astray. In such case the dispute can be a hidden cross, while the questioning replaces the nails, and the renunciation of faith becomes Sheol. 6.3.2. The Fall of the Enemies of the Cross Another aspect of this negative effect which the cross has on humanity is the destruction which comes on those who deny the cross. In his Commentary on the Diatessaron Ephrem writes: Here is the cross which crucifies those who crucified our Lord. Commentary on the Diatessaron XX,III.3258

This destruction of the enemies of the cross comes, according to the Syriac Fathers, in two different ways: the first one is through the destruction of their possessions and cities, and the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 to the Romans in particular is a clear example of this. Describing the fall of Jerusalem, and later the attempt to rebuild it by the emperor Julian the Apostate, Ephrem writes: They ruined it (Jerusalem) by the Wood of the living Architect; and upheld it by the broken reed of paganism. Hymns Against Julian IV,2259

The second way in which the enemies of the cross are affected is by attacking their teachings and beliefs. It is the cross, according to Aphrahat that caused the light to depart from the Jewish Nation and to shine among the Nations (Demonstrations I).60 In a very interesting paradoxical pattern, Ephrem draws a comparison between the life of Saint Paul before and after his conversion. When Saint Paul was full of the bitterness of ‘the crucifiers’ he used to trouble the churches, but when he was filled 58

366.

Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron,

59 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum, 89-90. 60 Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, 28.

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with the sweetness of the cross, he started causing bitterness to the assemblies of ‘the crucifiers’ (Homily on Our Lord XXV).61 In his homilies against the Jews, Jacob speaks openly about the cross being the reason for stripping the Jews of their special gifts, mainly prophecy and priesthood, which made them a special Nation and a chosen people. He writes: The cross, O Jews, is the reason for your defeat, and if you do injustice again, you will be again defeated in the whole world. Which nation on earth was like you, up to the time of the cross? And thereafter which nation is destroyed like you? The cross has taken away from you the spirit of prophecy, and since then, you do not find a prophet in your people. The cross has taken both prophecy and priesthood, and since then, there is no one to prophesy or minister. Homily V62

To conclude this section the following quotation from A. Vööbus on Ephrem, which is also true of other Fathers of the church, is a good summary: “Ephrem can say that the purpose of the monastic life is to seek (for) the glory of the cross, to seek (for) the shame of the cross, to love the richness of the cross, and to carry the pain of the cross.”63

Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro, CSCO 270, Scr. Syri 116, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1966), 2223. 62 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies Contre les Juifs, Patrologia Orientalis t. 38, fasc. 1, no. 174, M. Albert, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 105-8, 131-2, 259-60. 63 A. Vööbus, Literary, Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian, Papers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile 10 (Stockholm: ETSE, 1958), 105. It should be added here that some scholars, including E. Beck, dispute the authenticity of a number of texts dealing with monasticism. They think that those works were written after Ephrem. 61

CHAPTER SEVEN: THE CROSS AS AN ESCHATOLOGICAL EVENT 7.1. INTRODUCTION Only when Christ returns to the Father, presenting Him with the salvific work of the cross, is that work completed.1 A main feature in Syriac theology, the eschatological aspect of the cross is clearly reflected in the Church’s spirituality and liturgical life. Everything comes to its fulfillment in the second world, the world of the spirit. The symbols and types of the Old Testament are revealed in the incarnation and salvific ministry of Christ, but they are fulfilled only when God becomes all in all, in the return of Christ to the Father by means of His cross.2 In the writings of the Syriac Fathers, the eschatological aspect of the cross is treated no less than the historical (past) or sacred (present) aspects. According to them, the cross will not be fully known and experienced except in Paradise, where humanity will gather under the shadow of its wings to enjoy the presence of the Lord in an everlasting life. The Fathers speak about the ‘Crucified Christ’ rather than speaking of the One who was once crucified. Instead of focusing on the crucifixion as an historical event, they focus on the One Whose crucifixion becomes part of His character even after His resurrection. This can be traced back to Paul, who writes to the Corinthians that he decided to know nothing among them except Jesus Christ, and Him crucified.3 As a consequence, we see the Syriac Fathers writing about the cross more than they write about

I Corinthians 15:24. On the cross as the way to the Father, see: J. T. Forestell, The Word of the Cross: Salvation as Revelation in the Fourth Gospel, Analecta Biblica 57 (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1974), 64, 81, 101. 3 I Corinthians 2:2. On this, see: L. Morris, The Cross in the New Testament (England: Paternoster Press, 1965), 218. 1 2

143

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SYMBOLS OF THE CROSS

the resurrection. The resurrection for them was only to reveal the victory that had already been accomplished by the cross.4

7.2. THE CROSS OPENS THE WAY TO THE FATHER The whole purpose of Christ’s salvific mission is to return humanity to the Father. On the cross this divine purpose was accomplished. The cross is the hour of glorification for Jesus. He was glorified in order to give eternal life to all. This eternal life consists in knowing that the Father is the only true God, with Jesus Christ Whom He has sent.5 It is our duty, then, to recognize that only by the cross will we be glorified with the Lord. In the font of baptism we recover the robe of glory which Adam and Eve lost in Paradise at the fall.6 The cross facilitates our return to the Father in the following ways. 7.2.1. The Cross Guards Our Way to the New Life The cross is the vehicle by which believers will be transferred to new life, but in order to achieve that new life the dead should fight death and overcome it. Ephrem therefore advises us to mark our dead by the sign of the cross so that they will overcome the second death and be admitted to the new life. He writes: One of the angels was ordered, and he marked the sign of salvation on the foreheads of the righteous. The circumcision was ashamed when it saw the hidden seal which prevailed. Mark your dead with the cross, so that they will overcome the second death. Nisibene Hymns LXXIII,87

The reference here is to the Book of Revelation 7:2-3 where the angel marks the servants of God with a seal on their foreheads in order to escape the damaging of the earth and the sea. 4 J. Moltmann compares the resurrection an eschatological event to the crucifixion as an historical event. See: J. Moltmann, The Crucified God: The Cross of Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Christian Theology, 2nd ed. (London: SCM, 1973), 163, 204. 5 John 17. 6 S. P. Brock, Studies in Syriac Christianity: History, Literature and Theology (Hampshire, U.K.: Variorum, 1992), 13. 7 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, CSCO 240, Scr. Syri 102, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963), 124.

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According to many Fathers this is the seal of the Holy Spirit8 which is given in the sacrament of Confirmation, but Ephrem suggests here another kind of anointing. He suggests that the dead should be sealed. This can be interpreted to mean the dead in sin, that is, sinners who should be baptized and confirmed in order to escape the second death. The practice of the Syrian Church, however, in anointing the forehead of the dead during the funeral liturgy makes the literal interpretation of this text more acceptable. However, it is not unthinkable to suggest that the Church’s practice comes from the reading of the above text and others which were publicly read in the churches even during Ephrem’s life. In another development the cross becomes for Ephrem the vehicle by which believers cross over death and avoid it in their journey to the new life. It spreads its wings carrying the Nations to Eden (Nisibene Hymns LVIII,19).9 Exploiting the earthly career of Christ as being the Son of Joseph the carpenter, Ephrem describes the cross as a bridge set up by Christ in order to take humankind over Sheol and the second death to the dwelling place of life. It contrasts with the Wood which was the cause of death and the fall into Sheol. He writes: This is the Son of the skillful carpenter Who set up His cross over Sheol which swallows all. And let humankind pass to the dwelling place of life … Glory to You He Who set up His cross as a bridge over death, so that souls will pass on it from the place of death to the place of life. Homily on Our Lord IV10

The cross then, shakes the dust from our bodies in the resurrection, and carries our souls up into Heaven (Hymni Dispersi XXI,20).11

I John. 2:27. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II, 89. 10 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro, CSCO 270, Scr. Syri 116, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1966), 4. 11 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:767. 8 9

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7.2.2. The Cross Opens Paradise The role of the cross in our life after death does not stop with taking us into the new life; it enables us to live that life in Paradise. This is made possible by opening the gate of Paradise which was closed after Adam was dismissed from it. It is the cross which opens that gate (Hymns on Paradise VI,1),12 by being both the key and the new lance. Ephrem writes: For the King is carrying the cross, which is the key of the gate of Paradise. He will open to you His great gate, by the key of the sign of the cross. Sermons I.VII,65,50813

The same idea occurs in Hymns on the Resurrection II,1,14 in which Ephrem speaks about the Law of Christ as a vehicle which reveals knowledge about Paradise, and His cross as a key which opens Paradise. In order to demonstrate this fact as something which could be experienced, Ephrem gives the example of the thief who was given the cross as a key to enter Paradise. He therefore writes: The thief carried the cross showing it to the angel, who opened the gate for him. Hymni Dispersi XXII,215

Jacob also mentions the role of the cross in opening Paradise for the thief, but his concern here, is about the sixth day, Friday. According to an early Syriac Tradition, Adam lost Paradise on the sixth day, and our Lord was crucified on the sixth day. This tradition links Adam’s creation on the sixth day16 and his departure from Paradise which also happened on the sixth day, with Christ’s 12 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum, CSCO 174, Scr. Syri 78, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957), 19. 13 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I, CSCO 305, Scr. Syri 130, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1969), 97, 105. 14 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), CSCO 248, Scr. Syri 108, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964), 82. 15 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV:769. 16 Genesis 1:26-31.

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death on the cross and Adam’s return to Paradise on the sixth day.17 Jacob writes: On the sixth day they drove Adam out of Paradise, and on that same day the cross allowed the [thief] on the right to enter Paradise. Homily 6318

Narsai, however, speaks about opening Paradise in terms of the Bridegroom and His bridal chamber. Christ has opened His bridal chambers by the cross and He invites us to enter it and enjoy ourselves. He writes: The Heavenly Bridegroom has opened the heavenly bridal chamber by His cross, and lifted up the earth dwellers to enjoy themselves in it. Homily 3019

The second way in which the cross contributes to the opening of the gate of Paradise is by being a new lance. This new lance stands in contrast to the old one, that of the cherub, which guarded the gate of Paradise after the fall. Ephrem writes: Blessed are you too, O living Wood, because you became a hidden lance to death. By the lance which wounded Him, the Son destroyed death. The lance was caused to cease by His lance. His forgiveness wiped our record clean; Paradise is happy because the outsiders and those who are converted, have returned to their home. Hymns on the Crucifixion IX,220

In this text three lances are mentioned. The first one is that which wounded Christ on the cross.21 The second one is the cross itself which became a hidden lance to destroy death. The third lance, which can be read in-between the words, is the lance which John 19:31. Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. (Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-1910), II:592. 19 Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. (Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905), II:121. 20 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De crucifixione, De Resurrectione), 77-78. 21 John. 19:34. 17 18

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was guarding Paradise. This is especially understood from the last two lines in which Paradise welcomes its former residents. He actually states it in another hymn.22 In this respect the cross is also identified with Baptism which is regularly understood by the Syriac Fathers as a re-entry into Paradise, especially if we relate it to the water and blood which came out of Christ’s side on the cross. That moment on the cross is, for Ephrem, the birth of the Church, because the water and blood point to the sacraments of Baptism and Eucharist, which are the marks of the Church.

7.3. THE CROSS IS THE SIGN OF THE KINGDOM The crucifixion is such a central event in Christ’s life that He becomes associated with the cross for ever. The Book of Revelation makes an explicit reference to the death of Christ on the cross in His second coming.23 This association inspires the Fathers of the Church to refer to the cross as a sign of Christ. The writer of the Odes of Solomon makes this clear by pointing out the relationship between Christ’s Sign and His rod of power, which as we know, is a reference to the wood of the cross: For I have believed in the Lord’s Messiah, and it appeared to me that He is the Lord. And He showed me His Sign; and led me by His light and He gave me the rod of His power.

Ode XXIX,6-824

The sign of the cross is eschatologically associated with Christ in two main events. 7.3.1. The Cross is the Sign of the Second Coming The cross continues the journey of the soul even after it enters Paradise because Paradise, according to Eastern theology, is not the end of the journey. Instead, it is a waiting place for the just souls 22 S. P. Brock, St. Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns on Paradise (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990), 31. 23 Revelation 1:7,18; 5:12. 24 R. Harris & A. Mingana, The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, 2 vols. (New York: Longmans, Green & Company, 1916-1920), II:363.

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until the general resurrection when the souls reunite with their bodies in order to stand for trial in front of the Lord’s throne. In this Parousia the cross will play a significant role: it will appear before Christ when He comes on the clouds. Ephrem writes: And from the East He will appear coming, as He indicated in the Gospel. And the cross will appear before Him as a sign before the king. Sermons III.II,309-31225

In the thought of the Syriac Fathers, the appearance of the cross accompanying Christ’s second coming was indicated by Christ Himself, when He talked about the signs of the Son of Man appearing in the sky in Matthew 24:30. In his letter to Constantius,26 Cyril of Jerusalem connects the appearance of a luminous cross over Golgotha in his time with Matthew 24:30. By doing so he is giving an historical interpretation for that text, rather than an eschatological one relating it to Christ’s second coming. Somewhere else, however, he writes that the cross will appear again with Jesus in His second coming from heaven.27 In most of the Apocryphal books such as the Gospel of Peter, the Acts of John, and the Epistle of the Apostles, the sign of the cross preceding Christ at the Parousia is different from that of Golgotha and even sometimes identified with Christ Himself.28 For the Syriac Fathers, however, this cross of light is the same as the one on which Christ was crucified on Golgotha.29 This is made clear in Ephrem’s Sermons III.II,341-34630 where he says that everybody will see the cross of the Son; the Nations will be glad to see the cross in

25 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, CSCO 320, Scr. Syri 138, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972), 18. 26 L. McCauley & A. Stephenson, The Works of Cyril of Jerusalem, Vol. 2, The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 64 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1970), 225. 27 L. McCauley & A. Stephenson, The Works of Cyril of Jerusalem, 31. 28 J. Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, The Development of Christian Doctrine Before the Council of Nicaea, Vol. 1 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1964), 267-269. 29 P. Yousif, “St. Ephrem on Symbols in Nature: Faith, the Trinity, and the Cross (Hymns on Faith, No. 18),” Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978): 59. 30 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, 19.

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which they took refuge, and the Jews will be disgraced by it because they are ‘the crucifiers’ of Christ.31 Jacob also makes it clear that the cross of light is the same one which was set up on Golgotha. He calls it the cross of light because it dispersed the darkness which engulfed the world when Christ was crucified. He writes: The cross of light showed itself on Golgotha, and scattered the darkness from the four corners by its shining. Homily V32

Having this in mind, Jacob sees all the saints as rays of light shining from the cross of light, or as Saint Paul would say, they shine like stars in the world. Jacob praises Saint George the Martyr and says to him: You are fixed in the cross of light like a ray, and your glory shines in the four corners of the universe. Homily 18133

7.3.2. The Cross is the Sign of the Kingdom As we have seen, the cross accompanies believers in their journey towards their final destination. It leads them towards the Father, opens Paradise for them, appears before the second coming of Christ, and finally leads them to the Kingdom of heaven. The cross then, becomes a sign of that kingdom because it is a sign of the Great King. 7.3.2.1. The Cross is the Sign of the King Although the kingship of Christ was prophesied a long time before the incarnation,34 it is the cross which fulfils this prophecy and announces the Lord’s kingship. On the cross Christ is glorified and declared a king. Aphrahat, therefore, writes: 31 In an extreme reaction to the spread of the several versions of the legend of finding the cross, John Chrysostom declares that Christ took His cross with Him into heaven to precede Him in His second coming. For details, see: H. Chirat, “Cross, Finding the Holy,” in The New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 481. 32 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies Contre les Juifs, Patrologia Orientalis t. 38, fasc. 1, no. 174, M. Albert, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 279-80. 33 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:769. 34 Isaiah 9:6; Zechariah 9:9.

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From David we have learned to call Christ the Son of God, and from Isaiah we have learned to call Him God. Because He took His cross and went out of Jerusalem, Isaiah says that ‘His authority rests upon his shoulder’. Demonstration XVII: De Christo Dei Filio35

Clearly Aphrahat sees in Christ carrying His cross the fulfillment of Isaiah 9:6, and the cross as a sign of the authority of the King. This same reference is made by Hans Urs von Balthasar, who interprets Isaiah 9:6 as figuratively signifying the cross.36 Jacob also looks at Christ on the cross as the King who ascends His throne to assemble His people. He says: When the King ascended onto the cross, His salvation appeared, and He started crying to awake the captives who were in a deep sleep. Homily 17637

It is interesting to observe how this notion of the cross as a sign of Christ’s kingship was developed in relation to the Roman and Byzantine emperors. When Jovian took over from Julian the Apostate, he refused to use the same crown used by Julian. He asked that the crown should be placed on top of the cross which is the crown of Christ the King, to be sanctified and blessed.38 A further development is mentioned in Ps-Methodius, which connects the cross with the crown of the emperor. At the end of time, according to this tradition, the emperor, or the king of the Greeks, will place his crown on top of the cross as a way of handing over the kingdom to God the Father.39

Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II, J. Parisot, ed. (Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905), 804. 36 Hans Urs von Balthasar, The Scandal of the Incarnation, Irenaeus Against the Heresies (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1990), 15. 37 Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, V:645. 38 G. J. Reinink, “Ps-Methodius: A Concept of History in Response to the Rise of Islam,” in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1, A. Cameron & L. Conrad, eds. (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1992), 172. 39 G. J. Reinink, “Ps-Methodius: A Concept of History in Response to the Rise of Islam,” 173. 35

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7.3.2.2. The Cross and the Last Judgment When Christ comes at the end with the sign of the cross preceding Him, He will gather everybody in judgment to distinguish the righteous from the evil, the sheep from the goats.40 In that last judgment the cross will have a role also to play, according to Ephrem. This role will be to defend those who believe in it. It will be an advocate acting on our behalf. He writes: The cross will defend and protect us. The cross will be our advocate in the tribunal. Hymni Dispersi XXI,1941

After passing the judgment by the help of the cross, it will continue to be present with the righteous people. It becomes a crown which adorns the head of the Church. Jacob writes: O daughter of the Arameans42, how beautiful you are! The Holy Cross is put on your head as a glorious crown. Homily VI43

Furthermore, the cross becomes a personal crown for every believer as a reward for his or her faithfulness. Ephrem says: Your cross is the crown of our victory. Hymns on the Church XXVI,344

This idea of considering the cross as the crown which will be given to believers is, no doubt, built on Saint Paul’s thought in II Timothy 4:8, which is to be found also in the Letter of James 1:13. Ephrem goes another step forward to suggest that the cross will be an eternal refuge for believers, in which they will find their everlasting life (Sermons III.IV,109-112, 717-720).45

Matthew 25. Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV:767. 42 This is a name for the Church which comes from the fact that the Syrian Gentiles who became Christians were mostly of Aramean origin, speaking the Syriac-Aramaic language. 43 Jacques de Saroug, Homélies Contre les Juifs, 335, 339. 44 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ecclesia, CSCO 198, Scr. Syri 84, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1960), 59. 45 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, 37, 50. 40 41

CONCLUSION Symbols are an integral part of Syriac theology. They form in fact the main elements of this theology which first flourished in the Syriac world which was remote from any Greek influence. Nevertheless, it found its way to the Christian world at large. The feel for symbolism and the theology of symbols was lost in the west, mainly for two reasons. The first reason is that symbolism soared so high in its mystical fervor that its collapse was inevitable. The second reason is that the rise of the Protestantism and Humanism displaced any interest at all in symbolism. The spiritual vacuum in western societies drove many people in this century towards oriental religions which are very rich in mythology and symbolism. This in turn encouraged some western theologians to look afresh at Christian symbolism, in order to rediscover the roots of Christian mysticism. They came to the conclusion that symbolism is an important element of theology. As Karl Rahner puts it: “Theology is incomprehensible if it is not essentially a theology of symbols.”1 The theology of symbols, therefore, is proving to be influential even today. It is a valid method of expressing profound revealed truths in a way that is very attractive to the human mind and senses. It is even more so today, when materialism and individualism have left small room, if any, for spirituality. There is, however, a real danger of turning symbolism into mythology, and falling into the hands of those who treat Christianity as one of the many natural religions. Therefore, there is a need today to reexamine our liturgical symbols. In undergoing that process they should be treated carefully, because today’s man and woman still use the language of symbols, but they want symbols which speak to them in today’s language. In Syriac Christianity, however, the theology of symbols continued to play a leading role in the Church’s life at whose center stands the cross. In the cross all elements of theology are present. K. Rahner, “The Theology of the Symbol,” in Theological Investigations, Vol. 4 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1966), 235. 1

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One can justly say that Syriac theology is truly a theology of the cross. The cross is present in God’s mind from the very beginning. It is planted in the Paradise of Eden: the Tree of Knowledge which caused death to humankind2 is a symbol standing in typological contrast to the cross which gives life. On the other hand, the Tree of Life, which was planted in Paradise to give life to those who approach it,3 is a symbol of the cross which gives life to those who believe in it. We first encounter the cross in Paradise, but that is only the beginning, for the cross continues to play a role throughout the history of the people of God. It is present in the life and work of several Old Testament figures. From among the patriarchs we have Abraham, the father of the Nations, whose life is related to the cross in two events. First, he prefigures the cross when he walks through the length and breadth of the Promised Land. By doing so, he teaches us that only through the cross will we inherit the Promised Land, the heavenly Paradise. Second, in the sacrifice of his only son, Isaac, Abraham knew about the sacrifice of the Only Son of the Father on the cross, and he rejoiced in it. The sacrifice of Isaac,4 on the other hand, makes him a perfect symbol of Christ in many respects. Isaac carrying the wood of his sacrifice is a symbol of Christ carrying the wood of the cross. Mount Moriah, according to tradition, is the same place where the cross of Christ was set up, Golgotha. The ram which redeemed Isaac is a symbol of the Christ the Redeemer of the world. The tree which carried the ram is a symbol of the cross which carried the Lord. Jacob the patriarch is also related to the cross in several events. He acquired the blessings of his father, Isaac, which were reserved for his brother Esau, who was the firstborn. Again he did the same thing in regard to the sons of Joseph. He gave his blessings to the youngest son, Ephraim, by crossing his hands to put the right one on Ephraim and the left one on Manasseh, thus forming the cross by his hands. As a result, Jacob denied the firstborn of their rightful blessings, and gave those blessings to others. The cross, too, took the birthright blessings from the Genesis 2:17. Genesis 3:22. 4 Genesis 22. 2 3

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Nation and gave them to the Nations, the young in faith, who deserved it by accepting the cross. The prophets of the Old Testament were also acquainted with the cross. They, too, were aware of the power of the cross, and made use of that power several times. Moses is the first among those prophets. His rod was a real symbol of the cross. By using it he divided the Red Sea,5 and brought forth water from the rock.6 The bronze serpent which Moses set up in the desert was another symbol of the cross, which heals whoever looks at it with faith.7 In his war against Amalek, Moses made of himself a sign of the cross which defeated his enemies.8 The Passover9 remains the mystery of mysteries, an antitype which finds its fulfillment in the sacrifice of Christ on the cross. But is it only in scripture that the cross is revealed to us? For the Syriac Fathers nature is a second scripture that is opened to us to see God’s wonders. Ephrem says in his Hymns on Virginity: Wherever you turn your eyes, there is God’s symbol, whatever you read there you will find His types. Hymns on Virginity XX,1210

The cross, therefore, is present in nature as in the Scriptures. It is right at the heart of the world. In it, the four sides of the world meet, thus making it the center of the world. In fact, many creatures and tools (bird, boat, plough…) would not be able to live or function unless they were related to the cross in one way or another. Wood in general serves as symbol of the cross, because Christ’s cross was made of wood. All these symbols and types mean very little if they are not related to our life. The cross is an historical event, which took place to prove Christ’s incarnation, and serve as His vehicle in accomplishing the salvation of the world. It is through the victory of the cross over sin and death that we are saved. The cross has paid our debt, liberated us, renewed our nature and given us Exodus 14:16. Exodus 17:6. 7 Numbers 21:4-9. 8 Exodus 17:8-13. 9 Exodus 12. 10 Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate, CSCO 223, Scr. Syri 94, E. Beck, ed. (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962), 70. 5 6

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Baptism as the means by which we acquire the redemption of the cross. The cross is also a living reality to be reflected in our daily life. This is possible because we live in a liturgical time which makes the fruits of the cross present here and now. This presence, however, can be felt in two different ways. There is a positive one, through which we benefit from the blessings of the cross, as a protector, a builder of the Church, a teacher, and a sign of peace. There is also a negative way in which we experience the narrow path which leads us to the cross which causes the fall of its enemies. It is the eschatological dimension that makes the cross all the more important. We will fully know and experience the cross in Paradise, where all symbols will find their fulfillment. The cross will open to us the way to the Father by opening the doors of Paradise, and will guard us in our journey towards eternal life. It will lead us to the kingdom of heaven, because it is the sign of that kingdom, and of the King who is going to come for the second time. Only then, will the cross have fulfilled its mission by bringing us to the fullness of our salvation which we have achieved and lived in our earthly life. The cross thus becomes, as Ephrem says, everything in our life: The cross is our weapon and wall, it is our life and light. The cross reconciles and renews everybody, it consecrates and sanctifies everyone. The cross has become a breakthrough, by which the two sides which were angry, are reconciled. Hymni Dispersi XX,211

11 Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. (Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 18821902), IV:755.

BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES Ephrem Prose works A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. Second Series, Vol. XIII. P. Schaff & H. Wace, eds. J. Gwynn, tr. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1969. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino Nostro. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 270, Scriptores Syri 116. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1966. Éphrem de Nisibe, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant ou Diatessaron: traduit du syriaque et de l’arménien. Sources Chrétiennes 121. L. Leloir, ed. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966. Saint Éphrem, Commentaire de L’Évangile Concordant. Texte Syriaque (Manuscrit Chester Beatty 709). L. Leloir, ed. Dublin: Hodges Figgis & Co. Ltd., 1963. Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron. An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709 with Introduction and Notes. Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement 2. Carmel McCarthy, tr. Oxford: Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester, 1993. Sancti Ephraem Syri In Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 152, Scriptores Syri 71. R. M. Tonneau, ed. Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1955. Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones. 4 vols. T. J. Lamy, ed. Mechliniæ: H. Dessain, Summi Pontificis, S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide et Archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis Typographus, 1882-1902.

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Poems Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns. Classics of Western Spirituality. K. E. McVey, ed. New York: Paulist Press, 1989. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrer Hymnen de Fide. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 154, Scriptores Syri 73. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1955. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen Contra Haereses. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 169, Scriptores Syri 76. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1957. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 174, Scriptores Syri 78. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1957. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania). Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 186, Scriptores Syri 82. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1959. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ecclesia. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 198, Scriptores Syri 84. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1960. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones de Fide. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 212, Scriptores Syri 88. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena I. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 218, Scriptores Syri 92. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1961. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 223, Scriptores Syri 94. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1962. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena II. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 240, Scriptores Syri 102. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ieiunio. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 246, Scriptores Syri 106. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964.

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Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (De Azymis, De Crucifixione, De Resurrectione). Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 248, Scriptores Syri 108. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1964. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 305, Scriptores Syri 130. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1969. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones II. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 311, Scriptores Syri 134. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1970. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 320, Scriptores Syri 138. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianos Saba. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 322, Scriptores Syri 140. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1972. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 334, Scriptores Syri 148. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1973. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 412, Scriptores Syri 181. E. Beck, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1979. Aphrahat Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes. Patrologia Syriaca Vols. I & II. J. Parisot, ed. Paris: Instituti Francici, 1894 & 1905. Jacob of Sarug Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis. 5 vols. P. Bedjan, ed. Paris, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1905-10. Iacobi Sarugensis Epistulae Quotquot Supersunt. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 110, Scriptores Syri 57. G. Olinder, ed. Louvain: Durbecq, 1952. Jakob von Sarug Drei Gedichte über Den Apostel Thomas in Indien. W. Strothmann, ed. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1976.

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Jacques de Saroug, Homélies contre les Juifs. Patrologia Orientalis t. 38, fasc. 1, no. 174. M. Albert, ed. Turnhout: Brepols, 1976. Jacques de Saroug, Six Homélies Festivales En Prose. Patrologia Orientalis t. 43, fasc. 4, no. 196. F. Rilliét, ed. Turnhout: Brepols, 1986. Jacques de Saroug, Quatre Homélies Métriques, sur la Création. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 508 & 509, Scriptores Syri 214-215. K. Alwan, ed. Louvain: Peeters, 1989. Philoxenos of Mabbug The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh, A.D. 485-519. E. A. W. Budge, tr. London: Asher & Co., 1894. Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis, Dissertationes Decem De Uno e Sancta Trinitate Incorporato et Passo. Patrologia Orientalis tom. 15, fasc. 4, no. 75 (1920); tom. 38, fasc. 3, no. 176 (1977); tom. 39, fasc. 4, no. 181 (1979); tom. 40, fasc. 2, no. 183 (1980). M. Briére & F. Graffin, eds. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1920-1982. [Vols. 2-5 have imprint Turnhout: Brepols] Philoxène de Mabbog, Lettre aux Moines de Senoun. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 231-232, Scriptores Syri 98-99. A. de Halleux, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1963. Philoxène de Mabbog, Commentaire du Prologue johannique (Ms. Br. Mus. Ad. 14,534). Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 380-381, Scriptores Syri 165-166. A. de Halleux, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1977. Philoxenus of Mabbug, Fragments of the Commentary on Matthew and Luke. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 392-393, Scriptores Syri 171-172. J. W. Watt, ed. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1978. Narsai Narsai Homiliae et Carmina. 2 vols. A. Mingana, ed. Mosul, Iraq: Typis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1905. The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai. R. H. Connolly, tr. Cambridge: University Press, 1909. Homélies de Narsai sur la Création. Patrologia Orientalis tom. 34, fasc. 3-4. P. Gignoux, ed. Turnhout: Brepols, 1968.

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