Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India 981193021X, 9789811930218

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Madhu Khanna   Editor

Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India

Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India

Madhu Khanna Editor

Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India

Editor Madhu Khanna National Museum New Delhi New Delhi, India

ISBN 978-981-19-3021-8 ISBN 978-981-19-3022-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

The collection of scholarly essays in the book grew out of a major workshop that we at the Tantra Foundation held in Kolkata on the contribution of Bengal Tantras to the many facets of Indian culture. The main purpose of this volume is to introduce ´ akta Tantra in Bengal and the readers to the most recent scholarship on the field of S¯ ´ Eastern India. The book explores the Tantric concept of S¯akti, or the cosmic feminine principle, and her pilgrimage sites. It offers a first-hand view of the multidimensional ´ ways in which Sakti asserted its supremacy over existing Vais.n.ava and orthodox Brahmanical traditions in post-medieval Bengal and Eastern India. The book offers an entry point into the complex multi-vocal nature of transmissions and negotiations between religious sects. The central argument of the book is that a cross-fertilization between Vais.n.ava and Tantric cults invariably tends to create a new paradigmatic shift of identities that eventually adapts even newer forms of religio-cultural formations. The volume is perhaps one of the few to position the question of the distinctive ´ akta tradition in Bengal and Eastern India. The essay’s internature of the Tantric S¯ disciplinary nature opens up spaces to understand intra-textual relationships between philosophical and conceptual ideas in literary texts and their oral transmissions. The book’s essays are thematically arranged into three sections. The first section focuses on the theme of cult inclusiveness. Its first essay traces the evolution of the characterization of R¯adh¯a, from being the consort of Kr.s.n.a to a full-fledged autonomous Tantric goddess. The next offers a textual survey of yogic and transgressive Tantric practices appropriated by Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a cults. In a similar vein, the third essay overviews tantra in the practice of the living oral culture of Bengal Sahajiy¯a traditions. The first ´ essay in the second section is on the sacred Sakti p¯ı.tha of K¯am¯akhy¯a Dev¯ı in Assam that explores the interplay between the paradox of spiritual power (´sa¯ kti) and desire (k¯ama) in the cult of K¯am¯akhy¯a and the subtle complementarities that fuse these two opposing categories. The second essay investigates the historical processes whereby a local temple goddess in Mithila acquired prestige and power through several Tantric ´ akta philosappropriations of the Buddhist goddess T¯ar¯a. The last two essays on S¯ ophy offer a critical re-evaluation of philosophical underpinnings and implications of ´ akta philosophy that elevate the feminine principle over male deities. All monistic S¯

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the essays navigate a contested area of scholarship from unique perspectives, offering a rich resource on the nature of negotiations between diverse religious streams. I would most earnestly like to thank all the scholars who have contributed to this volume. I am obliged to the publisher ZeitschriftfürIndologie und Südasienstudien 34:247–258. 2017 for their permission to include in this book Sthaneshwar ´akta Advaita: The Monistic Timalsina’s paper from an earlier version “Revisiting S¯ ´akta Philosophy in the Guhyopanis.ad”. S¯ The essay “The Making of Tantric R¯adh¯a: A Reading from the Kr.s.n.ay¯amala” is dedicated to Professor Alexis Sanderson, my teacher, and supervisor, who guided me ´ ¯ in the academic study of the Saiva Agamas of Kashmir throughout the years while I pursued my studies at Oxford University, UK. I owe deep gratitude to him which no words can adequately describe. New Delhi, India

Prof. Madhu Khanna

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Madhu Khanna Part I

´ akta and Vais.n.ava Synthesis Cult Inclusiveness: Tantric S¯

2 The Making of Tantric R¯adh¯a: A Reading from the Kr.s.n.ay¯amala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Madhu Khanna ´ 3 Prema and Sakti: Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a Appropriations ´ aktism in the Anandabhairava ¯ of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism and S¯ of Prema-D¯asa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Glen A. Hayes 4 Tantra in the Vernacular: Secrecy and Inclusivity in the Yogas of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kaustubh Das Part II

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´ akta P¯ıt.has: Great and Small, Ancient and Modern The S¯

5 Power and Desire in the Worship of the Goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a . . . . . . . 101 Brenda Dobia 6 The Metamorphosis of the “G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı” and the Making ´ of a Sakti-P¯ ıt.ha in Mithila . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Kamal K. Mishra ´ akta Theology Part III S¯ 7 Gynocentric Cosmogony in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Arghya Dipta Kar

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´ akta Advaita: The Monistic S¯ ´ akta Philosophy 8 Revisiting S¯ in the Guhyopanis.ad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Sthaneshwar Timalsina Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

Editor and Contributors

About the Editor Prof. Madhu Khanna (D.Phil.Oxon) is a former director of the Centre for the Study of Comparative Religion and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. Author or editor of eight books and academic papers, her most recent publications are Encyclopedia of Hinduism and Tribal Religion (Series Editor), published by Springer Publishing, USA (2022), and Tantra on the Edge—Inspirations and Experiments in Twentieth-Century Indian Art, Published by Delhi Art Gallery, New Delhi ¯ 2022. She is also a mentor and co-creator of the Centre for Indic and Agamic Studies in Asia (CIASA) and a founding member of the Tantra Foundation, New Delhi.

Contributors Das Kaustubh Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, India Dobia Brenda School of Education, Western Sydney University, Sydney, Australia Hayes Glen A. Bloomfield College, Bloomfield, NJ, USA; University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA; Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA, USA; Society for Tantric Studies (STS), Flagstaff, AZ, USA; Tantric Studies Group of the American Academy of Religions (AAR), San Antonio, TX, USA Kar Arghya Dipta Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India; Young Scholars Study Group, CIASA, New Delhi, India Khanna Madhu University of Oxford, Oxford, England; California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA;

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Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India; National Museum, New Delhi, New Delhi, India; ¯ CIASA (Centre for Indic and Agamic Studies in Asia), New Delhi, India Mishra Kamal K. Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India Timalsina Sthaneshwar Department of Religious Studies, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA, USA

Chapter 1

Introduction Madhu Khanna

The book is a collection of scholarly essays that brings together the voices of established scholars and the younger generation of emerging scholars. The volume grew out of a major workshop that the Tantra Foundation, New Delhi, had organized, held in Kolkata, on the contribution of Bengal Tantras to the many facets of Indic culture. The geo-scape of West Bengal in the post-independence era is understood by the boundaries defined by the nation-state, the seven essays in the book, however, cover a much larger area (Bihar, Bengal, Assam, and Nepal) traditionally described as Greater Bengal. Greater Bengal refers to the culturally potent historical region of the eastern part of the Indian subcontinent covering the delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra Valley. The vast landscape of the region forms a singular tantric cultural complex that extends across the states of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Orissa, and Bangladesh. Bengal and the bordering state of Assam is an unrivalled centre of tantric culture and the original home of a special variety of a hybrid and multicultural tradition of Tantra in Eastern India. The rule of the P¯ala Kings (780–1174 AD) in Bengal was responsible for the spread of Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhism to Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar, and the Malay Archipelago. Under the patronage of the P¯alas, Bengal became one of the most renowned centres of the cultivation of tantric culture. Vikramshila (8–9 AD), founded by the P¯ala King Dharmap¯ala, was a celebrated centre for Vajray¯ana with an array of tantric preceptors, such as Ati´sa Dip¯an˙ kara (980 AD), Kum¯aravajra (tenth century), and several others. The Buddhist Sahaja tradition, an offshoot of M. Khanna (B) University of Oxford, Oxford, England e-mail: [email protected] California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India National Museum, New Delhi, New Delhi, India ¯ CIASA (Centre for Indic and Agamic Studies in Asia), New Delhi, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_1

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popular Buddhism, held sway over Bengal with an undercurrent of esoteric yogic practice. Sahajay¯ana was essentially the religion of the wandering mendicants, the sixty-four Mah¯asiddhas and the N¯atha-panthis who challenged the formalism of Buddhist establishment. The Sahaja entered many existing schools of religion such ¯ B¯aul, Kart¯a-bhaj¯as, the several forms of Sant and yogic as the Vais.n.ava and the Aul, sects, and the Bengal Pir and Sufi traditions. The synthesis produced a spectacular regional variation in tantric practice. Apart from the Siddha-oriented Vajray¯ana Buddhism, the ancient Vais.n.ava faith has long been a pervasive presence in Bengal. From the fifteenth century onward, two major religious currents have dominated the religious life and culture of Bengal. The form of Vais.n.avism that took root in Bengal in the fifteenth century was founded by Caitanya (1485–1530) known as Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism. Parallel to the Gaud.¯ıya faith, one of the most compelling and ´ wide-based traditions linked to Sakti worship is centred on the prominent cult of the ´ akta religion is polymorphous as it is fierce goddess K¯al¯ı. Bengal’s goddess-centric S¯ multifocal. Among the Tantric Goddesses of various ranks and stature, there are tribal and folk goddesses, whose legends are found in oral tradition. Then, there is a wide range of indigenous goddesses (Sas.t.h¯ı, Manas¯a, etc.) whose narratives are found in Bengali literature (generally ma˙ngala k¯avyas). At the apex of the pyramid are tantric goddesses, some of who were Sanskritized and whose narratives and characterization are rewritten and found in the medieval Pur¯an.as and the Tantras. ´ The K¯al¯ı-kula generated a host of lineages of Sakti worship such as the hybrid group of Da´samah¯avidy¯as “The Ten Supreme Powers” and the cult of Tripura´ aktas included many different types of sundar¯ı in Bengal. The expanded form of S¯ ´ akta nationworship such as folk bhakti, passionate form of emotional bhakti, S¯ ´ alism, and Ved¯antic form of S¯aktism (McDaniel, 2004: 144). To this can be added the tantric form of transgressive practices, followed by the Kaula lineages and the V¯ama-panthis. It is naive to assume that a historical substratum of the Indian subcontinent and the ´ akta, polymorphous religious currents of Bengal, Buddhism, Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, S¯ ´ Tantric S¯akta, Buddhist Vajray¯ana, and popular local cults developed in isolation of each other. These religious streams coexisted together, yielded to cross-fertilization unique to their region. There were significant intrusions, adaptations, negotiations, and a complex web of reciprocal interactions between diverse religious groups. The Sena rule in Bengal has been recognized (1178–1206 AD) as a period when literary writing in Sanskrit reached its peak. However, along with Sanskrit the reli´ akta Tantra were codified in the Bengali gious beliefs, values, and sacred practices of S¯ vernacular. There was also a marked attempt to popularize the esoteric and hidden form of tantric practices that give greater importance to the experiential realization of unity over the intellectual pursuit of s´a¯ stric knowledge. The boundary between religious cults was never so rigid, but porus as the process of “desification” (popular or vernacular indigenous cults) and Sanskritization of cults went hand in hand together. The seven essays in this volume are in the form of case studies. They provide a theoretical orientation to the way cult inclusiveness through inter-religious relations

1 Introduction

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´ akta Tantra in Bengal. They illusand negotiations have shaped the construction of S¯ trate how these multiple religious streams are interwoven with each other, philosophically and in tantric form of ritual technologies. In the reciprocal system, the assimilations assume many forms: either through inter-textual mediations and transmissions; the subversion of Brahmanical values and tenets; or through creative osmosis between ´ akta Tantra. The essays demonstrate that the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava faith and non-Vedic S¯ tantric tradition in Bengal can and must be viewed in the light of the reciprocal system of such exchanges.

Part I Cult Inclusiveness The chapters in Part I are exemplary models of cultural interactions in that they reflect the dynamic synthesis of ideas that were absorbed by the sectarian cults. ´ Glen Hayes’ paper “Prema and Sakti, Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a Appropiations of G¯aud.¯ıya ´ aktism in the Anandabhairava ¯ Vais.n.avism and S¯ of Prema-D¯asa” demonstrates the ´ akta ideas and philosophical dynamic synthesis that took place between Tantric S¯ concepts of Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a faith. ¯ Glen Hayes’ essay explores an obscure mystical text, Anandabhairava (AB) of Prema D¯asa. The AB describes in coded terms, the doctrine of dehav¯ada and the yogic-kr¯ıy¯as followed by the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as. The opening passages of Glen Hayes’ essay is devoted to introducing to the readers the central doctrines of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as, that foreground the text of AB. Hayes’ comprehensive overview informs that Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as is not a single unified school but were influenced by various religious faiths that were in vogue, especially the Bengali or Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava religious movement introduced by Caitanya Mah¯aprabhu (1486–1534), ´ akta tantric traditions that had made a substantial literary and the widely spread S¯ contribution in Bengal. The tradition has its modern-day descendants in the B¯aulSahajiy¯as and a wide range of local cults such as the N¯athas, Kart¯a-bhaj¯as, and Siddhas. The Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as assimilated many conceptual doctrines, from the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava faith. The cosmic categories of the male and female principles represented by the divine pair, Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a, and reinterpreted their dual model of the divine pair in the body of the n¯ayaka and n¯ayik¯a, and appropriated this model with ideas and practices centred on rasa-´sa¯ stra, theology, philosophy and rituals. A large part of Sahajiy¯a literature evolved outside the culture of upper-caste people and characterized the general tendency to protest against hegemonic mainstream Brahmanical texts. This form of yogic s¯adhan¯a was called a¯ ropas¯adhan¯a, where Kr.s.n.a is the embodiment of all males and R¯adh¯a, of females. The practice invoked a number of transitions from the material realm to the real essence (svar¯upa). The male and female adepts perform the un-Vedic form of ult.a¯ -s¯adhan¯a or the reverse practice. This form of ritual of union between male and female consists of harnessing sexual fluids so that the male seed/semen and ova-energy of the female practitioner are united and raised from the central channel cutting through a number of sarovars’

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“symbolic tanks” to higher regions of super consciousness. The goal is to attain the highest state of spontaneous illumination, sahaja. The core of Hayes’ essay is a translation and close reading with contextual decodifications of the esoteric meanings of the text. The text, for instance, describes the imagery of interior cosmologies with an array of symbolic moons, the lotuses (padamas), the sarovars “tanks” with majestic descriptions of the landscape of the divine body lying on the path of the median channel of the subtle body. Metaphoric and cryptic, these descriptions do not fit into the model of the conventional scheme of the body cosmos traceable to notable works on deha-tattva from Bengal, such as the S.at.cakranirupan.a, of P¯urn¯ananda. We have to view the AB as a yogic “tool-box” meant for the secret lineage of the initiates. There is a marked attempt by the author of AB to unify eclectic concepts to formulate a highly metaphoric “secretive” doctrine ´ akta doctrine of the supremacy of the cosmology of subtle body together with the S¯ of the feminine principle. ´ akta The text quite unexpectedly also engages with the foundational principle of S¯ ¯ sakti, above and Tantra, that the cosmic feminine alone is the paradigmatic Adi-´ beyond the male principle, and is the origin of creation. The author does not consider the transition as constituting a conceptual break from the previous subject. The ´ akta myth of the creation of Adi-´ ¯ sakti is more like a ‘teaching description of the S¯ story’ to elevate the power of the feminine. The AB may be viewed as a typical example of a local sectarian version of a sacred text that is open-ended, elastic, and assimilated several doctrinal concepts from the Gaud.iya tradition but overlayered them with esoteric visual and textual metaphors. It may serve as a template for the ´ celebration of the power of Sakti, conceived as being both inward-directed yogic power and outer manifestation of Prakr.ti, the material world. The AB has to be appreciated as a hybrid text that is one of its kind. Kaustubh Das’s paper “Tantra in the Vernacular: Secrecy and Inclusivity in the Yogas of the B¯aul Sahajiy¯a Traditions” opens up for consideration of a critical genre that is largely ignored in modern interpretations of the orally transmitted B¯aulSahajiy¯a cult. Das takes on the conventional trends of modern scholarship that give a stereotypical interpretation of the modern-day B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a teachings. According to Das, several scholarly interpretations offered in studies are misread, misinformed, and mischaracterized on account of the materialistic paradigm that privileges the written and the visual over the experiential aspects of consciousness. This approach is limited in that it subordinates the meta elements to a form of reductive materialism. His paper attempts to make a qualitative methodological shift to explore trajectories that go beyond the lyrics and songs that have been borrowed from the mainstream to re-contextualize them in the context of lived experiences of the community. He makes a bold attempt to draw out parallels between the dominant non-dual monistic view of ´ the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a, with the highly abstract notion of Anuttara Siva, the foundational ´ principle of non-dual Kashmir Saiva philosophy. This parallel is drawn to show that the philosophical basis of oral cultures of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a, however fluid they may appear in their orientation, is on closer investigation firmly rooted in metaphysical principles.

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The dense metaphorical symbolism, intrinsic to the Sahajiy¯a practice, for instance, ´ resonates with the idealistic monism of Kashmir Saivism. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a did not attempt to create a parallel hierarchy of spiritual powerdom, over the upper-caste literary culture of Tantra, but they aimed at creating a form of cult inclusiveness that does not smack of any form of contestation between the written and the oral cultures of Bengal. Largely speculative the essay explores new possibilities of comprehending the experiential dimension of Baul culture and the complexity of comparative interpretations. In current discourses in religious studies, the vantage point taken up in the essay is a contested subject. Nevertheless, new methodologies are re-emerging to revise the framework that is closer to the ground realities of religious practitioners. Madhu Khanna’s seminal essay “The Making of Tantric R¯adh¯a, a Reading from ´ ık.rs.n.ay¯amala (SKY)”, ´ Sr¯ a late seventeenth-century text, purports a “Tantricized” ´ reading to the characterization of R¯adh¯a as exemplified in the SKY. R¯adh¯a is the foremost of gop¯ıs, is best known to be part of the Vais.n.ava Bhakti tradition, as the divine consort and lover of Kr.s.n.a, whose unconditional love for him, became a metaphor for souls longing with the highest state of spiritual union. The theological ´ precepts of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism conform to the Vedas. Khanna’s reading of the SKY informs us that the self-effacing, unconditional, submissive image of R¯adh¯a gets metamorphosed and refigured to accommodate her “Tantricized” personification. ´ The SKY subverts the hierarchy between them and figures R¯adh¯a as an autonomous ¯ sakti above and beyond Kr.s.n.a who is portrayed as and sovereign goddess, the Adi-´ a supine, forlorn lover. The transition from the “Vedic” R¯adh¯a of ancient times to ´ her un-Vedic persona in the SKY is mirrored imaginatively in a Pur¯an.ic style poetic narrative. The most prominent feature of the narrative is the blending together of the ´ akta interaction that takes place in the epical story through the intervention Vais.n.ava-S¯ of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı, a key figure in the narrative, who had acquired independent status in Bengal. R¯adh¯a is shown to have acquired her cosmocized status as ´ supreme Sakti through the influence of the erotico-divine-powers of Tripurasundar¯ı, ´ goddess par excellence of Tantric Saktism. The author offers a select reading from ´ the passages of SKY. This reading is supported by some crucial references on assimilation/adaptation of the un-Vedic, v¯am¯ac¯ara/kaul¯ac¯ara rites described in the R¯adh¯a Tantra, to prove the unpretentious un-Vedic adaptations to re-configure R¯adh¯a in a tantric mould. The essay also throws fresh light on the popular iconization of the image of Gop¯alasundar¯ı, an androgynous image of Kr.s.n.a and Tripurasundar¯ı that probably evolved as a consequence of this new attribution.

Part II ´ akta P¯ı.thas: Great and Small, Ancient and Modern The S¯ ´ K¯am¯akhy¯a in Assam is one of India’s four greatest Tantric Sakti p¯ı.tha. Most of the ¯ historic shrines, like K¯am¯akhy¯a, are considered to be one of the Adi-p¯ ı.tha and are

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´ part of the Tantric Sakti p¯ı.tha circuit of fifty-two major power centres of goddess worship. K¯am¯akhy¯a was the goddess of the Garo and Khasi tribes pre-dating Vedic culture. The rock shrine is perhaps older than the hills, as a natural cleft in a stone “resembling the human eye”, a yoni or the female vulva, located on a shallow bed of a rivulet. The shrine is accessed through a flight of stairs to the underground chamber, to a water spring, where the goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a in the centre is flanked by goddess Laks.m¯ı and Sarasvat¯ı. K¯am¯akhy¯a’s radical characterization is embodied ´ in the presiding deities of the sacred site. Siva’s Pur¯an.ic identity as a renunciate ascetic as K¯am¯antika, one who destroys the mainsprings of desire in his epithet of K¯am¯a-d¯ahika, transforms into an amorous figure as K¯ame´svara, the Lord of Desire, and his consort K¯ame´svar¯ı receives her identity from the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı as S.od.a´s¯ı. The transformations of the two are represented as K¯ame´svara and K¯ame´svar¯ı to provide an insight into the annual festivals dedicated to the menstruation of the earth, the goddess and women in two prominent locations; the Ambuv¯aci festival celebrated in K¯am¯akhy¯a, in Assam, and the Raja Parba, a village-oriented menstrual festival celebrated in coastal Orissa. What is unique about these festivals is that it transcends their regional boundaries. These are non-sectarian festivals that cut across “caste and community” the Ambuv¯ac¯ı festival in Assam, is not a local affair nor is it a great congregation, but loci for convergence of the earth and universe. Brenda Dobia’s essay offers a penetrating analysis of the syncretistic threads that interweave the worship of the amorous goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a. Dobia gives a broad overview on the historical and religious significance of the sacred site, the origin myth of the yoni-p¯ı.tha K¯am¯akhy¯a, the unique form of Ambuv¯ac¯ı rituals, and the number of menstrual rituals performed by women of the temple communities. She provides an ´ akta women who are both the practitioners, as well insight into the insider’s view, of S¯ as the subject of study, allowing us to understand their religious worlds as interpreters of a living tradition. In her essay, the author points to the pan-cultural universality of female subordination and the grave pitfalls, in understanding the subtle nuances of South Asian Western feminists, activists, and scholars. Many modern feminists have contested the age old view that the biological body “enclosed by skin” is separated from the wider rhythms of the cosmos. Drawing upon observable-on-the ground realities of women’s religious experience and their interpretations, the author challenges the universal devaluation and discursive colonization, drawing our attention to the seamless connections between the menstruation of the goddess, women, and the sacred geography of the site and earth. How this very special group of women live their faith and identify their microcosmic realities with the macrocosmic agency of K¯am¯akhy¯a that eventually becomes an instrument to transform and empower them. The major practice of ritual of male and female involves resacralization of dormant power of human desire, through purification of rituals of sexual union that centre on the interplay of blood as menstrual fluid (rajas) and male seed (´sukra), in the worship ´ of the amorous couple, K¯ame´svar¯ı (=K¯am¯akhy¯a) and her consort, K¯ame´svara (Siva). The celebration of the menstruation rites of the goddess is orthogonal to the orthodox Brahmanical values. The rituals that have survived in K¯am¯akhy¯a invert the age-old Brahmanical code that menstrual blood is a polluting substance. In contrast, the cloth stained with the symbolic menstrual blood of the goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a is

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looked upon as an auspicious gift of the goddess’s potent energy to create and sustain the world. The origins of this view go back to the local primal communities of the area: similarly, the celebrated practice of Kumar¯ı-p¯uj¯a, worship of pre-pubescent young girls, is based on the symbolism that looks upon every female as a reflection of the goddess: “The goddess is present in every household” (K¯al¯ıka-Pur¯ana 58–42). These rituals reject caste-based divisions, break down the stereotypical structures of hyper-masculinity, male-dominated hierarchies, and elevate the status of women. Dobia also questions and problematizes the complexities that lie within this practice. Dobia traces the autochthonous roots of this form of worship, unique to K¯am¯akhy¯a, and considers that some of the orthodox Brahmanical elements have cast a veil on the rites of the primal substrata of pre-existing tribal and folk communities. Kamal Mishra’s paper “The Metamorphosis of the ‘G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı’ and the ´ Making of the Sakti P¯ıt.ha in Mithila” traces the tangled historical trajectories of various strands through the little known goddess T¯ar¯a’s shrine located in Mahishi village of North Bihar’s Saharsa district. Mishra draws his evidence from Hindi literature, legends, and popular folk narratives. He traces the journey of how the marginal goddess appeared from beneath a trunk of a tree, “G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı”, assimilates into the higher canon of tantric worship as identical to the second Mah¯avidy¯a goddess, T¯ar¯a originally a Buddhist goddess who was eventually assimilated in the Hindu fold of the Mah¯avidy¯a pantheon. He explores the historical process of the Tantra-Buddhist connection of the site whereby the little-known folk deity Khadirv¯an¯ı T¯ar¯a connected with Aks.obhya makes her way from the margins to the centre. The Khadirv¯an¯ı T¯ar¯a, or “T¯ar¯a of the acacia forest”, is a Buddhist goddess, known to assist those who meet challenges on the path to enlightenment. The goddess of Buddhist origin, she appeared to Nagarjuna while he was meditating in the forest of Catechu trees. The benign goddess dwells amidst a landscape of rocks, clouds, mountains, lakes, and flowers, under the branched canopy of acacia, Himalayan shamanistic plants, and is often associated with trees. The essay examines the prominent role of the Vasis.t.ha legend and how the goddess reinvents herself as a full-fledged Tantric Kaula deity through a complex process that contributed to the development of the religious and cultural history of the Mithila region in Bihar. Today the village shrine is a ´ well-known Sakti p¯ıt.ha.

Part III ´ akta Theology S¯ ´ By the sixteenth century, literary inversion of concepts related to Sakti from mainstream literature had become an exclusive genre of expression. This was largely motivated by the challenging status of several lineage-based samprad¯ayas, following Tantric yogic kriy¯as and rituals that were described as Veda-b¯ahya or outside the pale of Vedas. These traditions either had to be swamped by the mainstream in the ongoing

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process of Sanskritization by the dominant Brahmanical orthodoxy or they attempted to elicit various hermeneutical devices to reinvent literary interpretations in their texts ´ akta deity. The two essays to alter and reaffirm the superior status of their respective S¯ in the third section by Arghya Dipta Kar and Sthaneshwar Timalsina investigate the interaction and convergence of Brahmanical, Ved¯antic monistic concepts that were over coded in the characterizations of the goddesses in Bengal and the nearby state of Newer in Nepal. Kar’s essay traces the triumph of the goddess in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata ´ akta Uppur¯an.a that has its native origins in Bengal sometime between Pur¯an.a—a S¯ the eleventh and twelfth centuries when there was a drive to assimilate local female goddesses who belonged to the popular substratum into the universal cult of the great goddess as Mah¯a-´sakti. The appropriation was achieved by rewriting and overcoding narratives of the goddess to displace the male-centric narratives and elevate her to the position of the ultimate reality of the cosmos. Kar retells the philosoph´ akta goddess Bhuvane´svar¯ı on the Vis.n.u-centric myth of ical over-coding of the S¯ ´ akta principle about creation. The compilers of the Pur¯an.a build on the foundational S¯ ´ the supremacy of the goddess as active Sakti over her inactive and powerless male consort. In one episode, for instance, Mah¯ak¯al¯ı instructs the holy trinity to carry out the work of creation, but they are powerless and ineffective. The goddess then reveals ´ aktic power to stir the her might and assumes her omniform as Vir¯at. to convey her S¯ powerless male in the process of creation. In a similar vein, the text challenges the pan-Indian patriarchal model where the female is never equal to the male. Kar’s interpretation offers gynocentric cosmology “dismantling the phallocentric cosmos” upheld by the Vedas, with Purus.a’s cosmic glory replaced by Prakr.ti. By the late medieval period, several strategies of textual hermeneutics were ´ akta samprad¯ayas in Bengal and eastern India adopted by the authors of individual S¯ to elevate their status from the margins or to appropriate Ved¯antic ideas from the mainstream Brahmanical orthodoxy. Several examples of it are found in the innumerable compilations of “ritual handbooks” devoted to the goddess. These ritual manuals followed a strictly laid out logical sequence after the conventional Pañc¯an˙ gas that include the dhy¯ana of the deity, yantra, mantra, p¯uj¯avidhi, stotra, kavaca, hr.daya, upanis.ad, and s.at.an¯ama/sahasran¯ama. It is interesting to note that the sectarian Upanis.ad forms an important limb of the list. Timalsina explores one of the key elements of the Guhyopanis.ad. Timalsina offers a Vend¯antic-nondualist reading of the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı. The goddess K¯al¯ı has numerous epithets throughout the Indian subcontinent, especially in eastern India. Guhyak¯al¯ı is a prominent goddess ´ aktism widespread in the Kathmandu Valley, along with Daks.in.a¯ in Newar esoteric S¯ K¯al¯ı and Siddhilaks.m¯ı, the latter being a form of K¯al¯ı herself. The goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı has well-defined literature known as Guhak¯al¯ı Tantras, together with the well-known text of the Mah¯ak¯alasamhit¯a (C. twelfth century AD). She was the patron goddess of the Malla kings (1200–1768) and was propitiated by Newar Kaula rituals. Timalsina traces the monistic concepts in the Guhyopanis.ad, section of the Mah¯ak¯alasamhit¯a. The Guhyopanis.ad like many goddess Upanis.ads is a sectarian proto-Upanis.ad that was possibly compiled to provide the philosophical foundation to the ritual defects, citing the lofty philosophical “advaitic” concepts, thereby legitimizing their ´ ancient links to the Sruti, albeit, Ved¯antized literature to gain popularity and prestige.

1 Introduction

9

Timalsina traces the monistic threads and Guhyak¯al¯ı’s integration within the dominant mainstream. Her entry into the Brahmanical orthodox stream is through Ved¯antic appropriations of monastic concepts and symbolic descriptions of the goddess’s Vir¯at. form, similar to the Bhagvadg¯ıt¯a and the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a. However, the prolific author skilfully appropriates the hierarchy of the divine through subversion of her male consort and states that the goddess is the true author of the Vedas. This ´ aktas, but may be seen as scriptural-hagiography! The attempt is not to displace the S¯ there is a fine blending of the two streams. The two worldviews, the Vedic and the Kaula-Tantras, do not clash in his view but create a fine synthesis without effacing the other.

Part IV Conclusion The book brings together several historical, cultural, and hermeneutical reflections on texts and practices. Although the essays address the diversity of subjects, their valuable contribution lies in the thread that binds diversity into a united whole. All the contributions reject the outworn-cult historical methodology grounded in unchanging ideologue and tradition. The Tantric traditions of Bengal extending beyond a thousand years have undergone immense changes, presenting inter-religious conversations between sects, assimilating and negotiating influences from tantric cultures, often challenging Brahmanical hegemonies. Change and continuity still characterize the development of tantric religious traditions in South Asia, and the core beliefs have added many new elements and have continued to adopt and adapt as living religious cultures do. They offer a prism of cultic democratization of religions at the regional and local levels. This was possible because they consciously moved away from the strict Brahmanical orthodoxy and extreme form of scholastic Islam. As a result, they were free from the bondage of institutional religion. In the regional context, sacred power is divided and distributed into several multiple models of faiths. All ´ akta samprad¯aya of goddess worshippers in K¯am¯akhy¯a the religious streams of S¯ or the innovators of the remote T¯ar¯a shrine in Bihar; the tantric followers of the newly invented concept of the Tantric R¯adh¯a, or the lineage-based cults of Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as in Bengal were, in fact, prime agents of the sacred. They freely adopted whatever suited them and rejected hegemonic Vedic dominance. Their esoteric traditions, however small, exercised their individualistic freedom to change and enhance their viewpoints, ideologies, and practices, and carve a path away from the main´ akta pluralism. The creativity stream. The essays in the book celebrate this form of S¯ that flows out of inter-religious cultic interactions inadvertently begins to define their individual identities and endorse their empowered status at the regional level.

Part I

´ akta Cult Inclusiveness: Tantric S¯ and Vais.n.ava Synthesis

Chapter 2

The Making of Tantric R¯adh¯a: A Reading from the Kr.s.n.ay¯amala Madhu Khanna

R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a are one of the most striking figures in Hindu mythology. While R¯adh¯a’s pristine origins are difficult to trace her “multiformity”1 has been accepted as one of her unique features. She makes her appearance in many guises from a humble folk heroine of rural India, in popular folklore and Pr¯akr.ta poetry as—a soft spoken, gopi of Vr.nd¯avana, Kr.s.n.a’s divine consort who embodies the subtleties of sri˙ng¯ara-rasa, a beau ideal of the philosophy and theology of bhakti-rasa; the subtle notion of m¯adhurya of Pus.t.im¯arga; the embodiment of sublime prema of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism; the subject of devotional poetry of the as..tach¯ap poets, a N¯ayik¯a of the This essay is respectfully dedicated to Professor Alexis Sanderson, Oxford University, my academic guide, and fellow pilgrim. He set the standard for an authentic study of Tantra based on primary Sanskrit sources, and whose academic writings have never ceased to inspire me. M. Khanna (B) University of Oxford, Oxford, England e-mail: [email protected] California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India National Museum, New Delhi, New Delhi, India ¯ CIASA (Centre for Indic and Agamic Studies in Asia), New Delhi, India 1 Multiformity assumes that R¯ adh¯a’s characterization cannot be circumscribed in a singular image. Chakrabarti Kunal. Religious Process The Pur¯an.as and the making of Regional Tradition, Delhi: 2001, Chapter-III, note 52, pp. 329–330, gives a reliable summary of the pre-history, complexity, and the multiformity of R¯adh¯a. It may be stated that there is no reference to R¯adh¯a in the early Vais.n.avite Mah¯apur¯an.as. In the later Bh¯agvata Pur¯an.a, Rasapañc¯adhy¯aya X.30.28. R¯adh¯a’s origin is erroneously traced to the favoured milkmaid adored by Kr.s.n.a (ar¯adhit¯a) or a certain arrogant gop¯ı (dr.pt¯a), but R¯adh¯a’s name is not mentioned. Neither the Mah¯abh¯arata nor the Harivam . s´a mention R¯adh¯a. There are a few stray references to R¯adh¯a in secular literature. The most prominent and possibly, the earliest G¯ath¯asattasai of H¯ala, ed. and tr. R. G. Basak, Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1971, 5.1.89. It appears that the substitution of R¯adh¯a in the place of other cowherdesses was made in secular literature prior to the Pur¯an.as.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_2

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courtly poetry of Ritik¯avya; and in the works of modern poets such as Narasim . ha Mehta and Rabindanath Tagore in the last century. Her sublime persona is expressed and celebrated in songs, dances, drama, and poetry and in literature both in Sanskrit and vernacular language.2

R¯adh¯a’s Pre-history R¯adh¯a was cited as a literary figure. Stray reference to the name R¯adh¯a is found in Gaud.avaho3 of V¯akapati dated at eighth century AD. In the Saduktikarn.a¯ mr.ta,4 ninth century AD, a Pur¯an.a reference to the dalliance of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a is described by the author Abhinanda. In poetical literature such as Ven.isam . h¯ara of Bhat.t.a Nar¯ayan.a, ¯ there is a reference to R¯adhik¯a. This reference is cited by Anandavardhana in his Dhavany¯aloka5 (eigh century A.D). While the presence of R¯adh¯a was traced on the authority of H¯ala’s citation in G¯ath¯asapt´sat¯ı, in the later Vais.n.ava traditions R¯adh¯a’s absence in history was at a loss to explain. Hence, R¯adh¯a in the early phase of her history has been considered by scholars to be more of a literary figure rather than a consort deity who was adored. The question of her gaining supremacy as an independent deity becoming centre stage in later religious literature of the Vais.n.avas is crucial to our discussion. ´ It has been observed that the notion of Sakti in Hinduism transforms and changes its colour and meaning with each successive generation of interpreters. So, it has been with R¯adh¯a, the divine heroine, of the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava faith which flourished in the post-medieval period. In an embryonic form, R¯adh¯a’s evolution as a central figure of worship has gathered inspiration from several sources. The most important thrust came from the poetry of love of the post-medieval period centred on the Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a legends. The centrality of R¯adh¯a as a supreme heroine is for the first time fully acknowledged in the dramatic-lyric G¯ıta Govinda (GG) written by Jayadeva, a poet in the court of the Lakshman Sena, the last Hindu king of Bengal (1241 A.D. Century) which was written sometimes around the close of the twelfth century. R¯adh¯a occupied a very prominent place in Jayadeva’s narrative, the GG that recounts the story of forbidden love and sensuous enjoyment. The poet described her poignant longing, her jealousy, her bitterness, her abandonment, and her passionate fulfilment. The heroine of the lyric is portrayed as a fully humanized figure and does not share the grandeur of a goddess. Many poets like Vidy¯apati, the great poet of Mithila and Chand.id¯asa, a Bengali poet, added new flavour to her character. In a different 2

For the evolution of R¯adh¯a: Majumdar (1955): for R¯adh¯a’s many guises across centuries; see: Dahejia (2014). 3 Gaudavaho A Historical Poem in Prakrit, by V¯ akpati, (ed.) S. P. Pandit, Bhandarkar Research . Institute, Pune: 1927, 1.v.22. 4 Saduktikarna ´ ıdharad¯asa (ed.) Suresh Chandra Banerjee, Calcutta: Firma K. L. . ¯ mr.ta by Sr¯ Mukhopadhyay, 1965. 5 Dhavany¯ aloka (ed. and tr.) K Krishnamoorthy, Delhi; Motilal Banarasidass, 1974 II.5.7 p. 48, note pp. 348.

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strain, Mir¯ab¯ai, Surad¯asa, and Kr.s.n.ad¯asa followed suit. These poets widened their scope of expression and depicted the entire gamut of human emotions in their works: meeting of lovers, their separation, description of the beauty of their limbs, subtle nuances of their love-making, love-lessons given to R¯adh¯a by her serving maids and friends (sakhis), arrogance, love-pangs, and stages of love-play. In all these, the divine couple are the exemplars of the soul’s longing symbolized by R¯adh¯a to the godhead, represented by Kr.s.n.a. R¯adh¯a’s centrality is partly due the fact that there is a role reversal of the gender category, in that, that the divine exemplar of her identification and ecstasy is not the male but the female divinity. The literary excellence of Jayadeva’s poem had spread rapidly all over India. It was in the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava faith that R¯adh¯a began to occupy a dominant position. Gaud.¯ıyas essentially follow a monistic doctrine with Kr.s.n.a as the supreme reality. They believe in the efficacy of Vr.nd¯avana, both the heavenly and earthly celestial paradise in which all the devotees find their true nature and identity in serving Kr.s.n.a. In their idealistic world, R¯adh¯a is given an exalted position as she embodies the highest form of love of a gop¯ı’s unconditional love for Kr.s.n.a. She is the force of Kr.s.n.a’s hl¯adin¯ı s´akti, his beloved, the queen of grace and beauty, from whose power Kr.s.n.a causes bliss to them. This s´akti inheres in itself as the energy of existence (sam . dhin¯ı s´akti) and energy of awareness (sam . vit s´akti). As June Mcdanial explains: R¯adh¯a is the eternal consort and greatest beloved of Kr.s.n.a, the highest god. R¯adh¯ar¯ani is the queen of beauty and goddess of Vr.nd¯avana; eternally perfect, she represents the highest form of love. Theologically, the play (l¯ıl¯a) of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a reflects the overflowing joy of the divine. R¯adh¯a is Kr.s.n.a’s power of bliss itself, becomes blissful and causes bliss in the ´ devotee. This is the most powerful Sakti, which incorporates both the energy of existence (sam dhin¯ ı s ´ akti) and the knowledge or consciousness of existence (sam . . vit s´akti) within it. The gop¯ı’s are R¯adh¯a’s emanations (k¯ay¯a-vy¯uha), who are manifest to help in the Vraja- l¯ıl¯a of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a. One of the most important gop¯ı’s is Candr¯aval¯ı, but R¯adh¯a is always superior to her and is the main focus of Kr.s.n.a’s love. R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a are both different and non-different, like flame and fire. However, together they form a whole, and Kr.s.n.a without R¯adh¯a is imperfect (ap¯urn.a).6

The gop¯ıs are seen as R¯adh¯a’s (ch¯ay¯a-vy¯uhas), who help in the love-sport of the divine couple. R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a form an undivided whole, Kr.s.n.a, without R¯adh¯a would be imperfect. R¯adh¯a gains eminence in Gaud.¯ıya school because she embodies the highest emotional state and ideal of human love and the supreme emotion (mah¯abh¯ava) or love as m¯adhurya-rasa, the intense emotional state of passionate love, which in their worldview can only attain its sweet perfection, because it is forbidden (parakiy¯a), and so transcends conventional norms of morality. The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a7 gives a short description of R¯adh¯a’s image and worship. In the Padma Pur¯an.a, greater autonomy is given to R¯adh¯a over other goddesses stating that Durg¯a and the others are emanations and a part of her. She is consistently paired with Kr.s.n.a who is referred to as N¯ar¯ayan.a and she as Mah¯alaks.m¯ı exhorting that the worship of R¯adh¯a is greater than any other. The Mah¯abh¯agavata 6

June Mcdanial, Personal communication, 27.11.2004. ´ Maddev¯ıbh¯agvatam, vol. 26, (tr.) Swami Vijnananda, Allahabad: Dev¯ıbh¯agavat Pur¯an.a, The Sri Sudhindra Nath Vasu, 1921–23 IX. 50, V.2.10–18, 20, 24, 27, 41–43.

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´ ´ akta work from Bengal, describes several episodes from the Pur¯an.a,8 a SaivaS¯ ´ ´ confers to P¯arvat¯ı that he desires to be born domestic life of Siva. In one episode, Siva as a woman and begs her to assume the form of a man. P¯arvat¯ı consents to become ´ ´ Kr.s.n.a, and Siva, R¯adh¯a. Then, Sambhu takes birth in the home of Vr.s.bh¯anu, R¯adh¯a’s father. These references show that the R¯adh¯a cult was gathering momentum in the Bengal Pur¯an.as. It was in the Brahma-vaivarta Pur¯an.a9 (sixteen century A.D.?) that ´ ı Kr.s.n.a-janma-khan.d.a and the Prakr.tithe R¯adh¯a cult comes a full circle in the Sr¯ khan.d.a (XLVIII). R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a are the primal pair, out of whom creation takes place. The Pur¯an.as also describes the origin narrative of R¯adh¯a and her significance and greatness. It appears that among the many personifications of R¯adh¯as that emerged in literature and folklore, over centuries her fully matured tantric identity of R¯adh¯a hinted at in the passing, has not been fully investigated and has been persistently ignored by scholars. Although R¯adh¯a’s concept and image proliferated in literature and in the visual and performing arts, it is in the Tantras that we discern a full-flowering of her characterization a full-fledged feminine power. There is ample proof to indicate that by the sixteenth century several aspects of tantric rites and forms of worship had been well absorbed, specifically in the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava tradition, in Bengal (See Glen Hayes paper in this volume). The influence of the Tantras on the sectarian tradition of Bengal was deep and extensive.10 R¯upa Goswam¯ı’s Sam . ks.epa-bh¯agavat¯amr.ta (SBA) cites seven Tantric works.11 The Haribhakt¯ıvil¯asa (HBV) by Gop¯ala Bhat.t.a dated to 1463 A.D. cuts across its Vais.n.ava boundaries and adopts several ritual elements from the Tantras.12 ´ ır¯adh¯a prakaran.a), R¯upa Goswam¯ı’s classic Ujjavalan¯ılaman.¯ı,13 (in the chapter Sr¯ describes R¯adh¯a thus: “the bliss giving power of Kr.s.n.a (hl¯adin¯ı) is the most excellent ´ of all Sakti’s (sarva´saktivar¯ıyas¯ı). That [R¯adh¯a], her essence, nature is established in the Tantra.” They were, however, less concerned about promoting her Tantric aspects ´ ık.r.s.nay¯amala (SKY) ´ as expounded in later texts, such as the Sr¯ and the R¯adh¯a Tantra (RT), or the works of the proponents of the Sahajiy¯a movement.14

8 Mah¯ ´ abh¯agavata Pur¯an.a (An Ancient Treatise on the Sakti Cult), (ed.) Pushpendra Kumar, Delhi: Eastern Book Linkers, 1983, 49.15–21 ff. 9 Brahma-vaivarta Pur¯ an.a,(Sankshipta 631) Gorakhpur: Gita Press, Prakr.tikhan.d.a XLVIII. 10 See for instance: Banerjee, Sures Chandra. Sanskrit Culture of Bengal, Delhi: Sharda Publishing ´ astra, Chap. 6, pp. 84–124. He cites Winternitz House, 2004, devotes a whole chapter on the Tantra S¯ who considered that “Bengal was the original home of Tantra”, p. 85. Cf Benerjee, S. C. Tantra in Bengal A Study in its Origin, Development and Influence, Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1992 rpt. 11 Sammohana Tantra, S¯ ´ ıy¯amala, Bh¯argava Tantra, Tantra, Svayambh¯uva Agama ¯ atvata Tantra, Sr¯ ¯ and Agama cited by De (1961). 12 bh¯ uta´suddhi, ny¯asa and t¯antric sam . dhy¯a rituals: HBV, 3, 45, and quotations from book Tantric texts such as Gautmiya Tantra. Op.cit. 13 hl¯ adin¯ı y¯a mah¯as´aktih. sarva´sktivar¯ıyas¯ı, tats¯arabh¯ava r¯upa-ayam iti tantre pratis..that¯a ´ ıs´r¯ıujjavalan¯ılaman.i of R¯upa Goswami, ed. Sy¯ ´ amad¯asa, Sr¯ ´ ıvr.nd¯avana: Vrajagaurava, Prak¯as´ana, Sr¯ ´ ır¯adh¯a-prakarn.am, 5b, 6a, p. 23. 1997 Sr¯ 14 Banerjee (1992). See Glen Hayes’ essay in this volume.

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What is significant in the context of this paper is that though R¯adh¯a was recognized as Kr.s.n.a’s hl¯adin¯ı s´akti, his favourite gop¯ı, and reflects the infinite moods and states of her quintessentially feminine-consciousness, she has still not attained the status of an autonomous and sovereign deity whose characterization is supported by theology, or an ontology and its expression in rituals as found in matured goddess cults of Tantric ´ aktism comparable to the goddesses such as Durg¯a or Tripurasundar¯ı. S¯ R¯adh¯a’s reconfiguration as an independent and autonomous goddess is mirrored ´ in the SKY and the RT where her characterization is transformed and re-interpreted ´ akta Tantras who conceive, the primal female principle as from the perspective of S¯ absolute power and energy of the cosmos.

´ ıkr.s.n.ay¯amala Sr¯ This essay investigates the making of Tantric R¯adh¯a based on a select15 reading from 16 ´ ´ The work has the form of a Pur¯an.ic the SKY (adhy¯ayas: 13, 14, 16–22 SKY). ´ narrative with lucid descriptions of love sports between R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a. The SKY 17 was possibly composed in Bengal. From the colophon, it is suggested that it is unmistakably a Tantra linked to the Caitanya samprad¯aya whose founding father ´ was the fifteenth century saint, Caitanya (b. 1485 A.D.). Appropriately, the SKY is 18 also called Caitanyakalpa. The text is dated between sixteenth to the seventeenth century by the editor. It is not known whether the text achieved a canonical status or if it enjoyed any mass popularity. The word Y¯amala means “the two” “pair” or “couple”. In philosophical discourse ´ ´ of Kaula´sa¯ stra, it means where there is identity of essence between Siva and Sakti 19 (´sakti s¯aktimata-samarasy¯atma), ; y¯amalar¯upa is thus defined and called sanghat..ta, or “union”, a state of consciousness beyond which nothing exists, or can ever exist. The Y¯amalas are also ancient texts.20 However, not all of them are understood as 15

This discussion centres around the adhy¯ayas: 13, 14, 16–22, the key chapters that outline the tantric portrayal of R¯adh¯a. 16 We have used the following edition: Sr¯ ´ ıkr.s.n.ay¯amala Mah¯atantram. (ed.) Shitala Prasad Upadhayaya, Varanasi: Pracya Prakashan, 1992. 17 The colophon reads: s´ acisuta, “the son of s´ aci” ‘or Caitanya. SKY, ´ pp. Introduction p. XII. 18 Banerji, S. C. Tantra in Bengal: A Study in its Origin, Development and Influence, second Revised and Enlarged edition, New Delhi: Manohar Publication, Chapter IV, p. 123. 19 The Tantr¯ aloka of Abhinavagupta with commentary of Jayaratha (K STS), Srinagar, 1988 reprint, (ed.) R. C. Dwivedi/Navjivan Rastogi, Vols. 1–8, Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, Chap. 1, Verse 1, commentary. 20 These texts, appear to be later compilations. They are to be distinguished from the early Saiva ´ Tantra, the 1200-verse Brahmay¯amala. See. Kiss, Csaba, The Brahmay¯amala Tantra or Picumata volume II, The Religious Observances and Sexual Rituals of the T¯antric Practitioner: Chapters 3, 21 and 45. A critical edition and Annotated Translation. Collection Indologic 130, early Tantra series 3. Institute Francis De Pondicherry, Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme-orient Asian-Africa-Institute, ´ ı Aurobindo Ashram Press, n.d. see note 22. University of Hamburg Pondicherry: Sr¯

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´ being a part of Kaula´sa¯ stra. The editor of SKY records as many as seventy y¯amala titles.21 The language and composition of the work are of high literary merit. The sections beginning from Chapters 13–22 of its twenty-eight chapters show a marked influ´ ıvidy¯a school of S¯ ´ akta Tantra. A major part of the narrative revolves ence of the Sr¯ around R¯adh¯a who is the main protagonist. The episodes unfold as a lyrical drama of love, slowly developing like a melody into a grand finale when R¯adh¯a dramatically discloses her true “tantricized” identity befitting her greatness. The narrative is in a poetic genre that imitates the corpus of entangled stories from the pur¯an.ic lore. The serially arranged episodes revolve around R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a, the two dramatis personas. Throughout the narrative, Kr.s.n.a’s nature remains ambiguous and mutable. He assumes many guise almost, like the postmodern persona, where he wears many hats, each different from the other to suit the context. At one moment, he is identical with goddess Kame´svar¯ı–Tripurasundar¯ı; at another there isa a dramatic change in his nature. He whines like a lone lover; or he may incarnate in the image of a fully matured supreme divinity. However, several episodes describe him as a ´ lovelorn lover, deeply absorbed in his soliloquy pining for his beloved. The SKY (Chapter 13 and afterwards), mirrors the scene of the two estranged lovers. Kr.s.n.a’s purpose is to woo and win over R¯adh¯a’s love though the application of tantric kriy¯as. The goddess Tripurasundar¯ı plays a crucial role as a mediator in her incarnation as K¯ame´svar¯ı, the Mistress of Erotic Passion, building the narrative, episode after episode, in the game of divine love between the estranged pair. The goddess Tripurasundar¯ı is one of the most prominent Tantric goddess of ´ ıkula stream, widely known in Bengal as S.od.a´s¯ı “a Maiden of Sixteen the Sr¯ Years”. She made her official debut as an important goddess in the standard group of the Da´samah¯avidy¯a pantheon that flourished in Bengal and east India in the sixteenth-century. Two of her manifestations as S.od.a´s¯ı and Tripurabhairav¯ı, (=B¯al¯atripurasundar¯ı) who is the personification of the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı, are integrated into the part of the group of ten Mah¯avidy¯a goddesses.22 References to her worship are abound in several ritual digests from Bengal.23 The imagery of her iconic figure, the pañcapret¯asana, the Tripurasundar¯ı is depicted as seated on a throne made ´ of five gods. Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u, Siva, Mahe´svara, and Sad¯as´iva were freely adopted in the Bengal Pur¯an.as and eventually Vais.n.avised. The Bengal version of the icon was re-valorised on an earlier typology.24 From the extant temples and literary references, it appears that the cult of S.od.a´s¯ı/Tripurasundar¯ı had an independent existence ´ SKY Introduction, pp. 10–19. The goddesses: K¯al¯ı, T¯ar¯a, S.od.a´s¯ı, Bhuvane´svar¯ı, Chinnamast¯a, M¯ata˙ng¯ı, Tripurabhairav¯ı, ´aktapramodah. of Dev Nandan Dh¯umavat¯ı, Bagl¯amukh¯ı and Kamal¯a for their characterizations see: S¯ Singh, edited with an Introduction in English by Madhu Khanna, New Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 2013, pp. 22–55. 23 Brhattantras¯ ¯ ara of Kr.s.n.a¯ nanda Agamv¯ agi´sa (2007) edited by Kalpildevnarayana, Varanasi; . Chukhamba Parkashana, vol. 1, pp. 448–464; 472–531; Pr¯an.ato´sin¯ı, by Shri Ramtoshan Bhattacharya, Varanasi: Chowkhamba Vidya Bhawan, 1992, pp. 724–726. 24 Khanna (2012). 21 22

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in Bengal.25 She continued to survive as a prominent deity who played an important role in the RT,26 a late text by an unknown author. The impact of the cult of Tripura´ sundar¯ı in Bengal and the significant place she occupies in the SKY raises the crucial question of the identity of R¯adh¯a. Did R¯adh¯a retain her pre-tantric Vais.n.ava identity discussed earlier? Did new forms of Tantric practices get attached to her cult?

The Enchantment of R¯adh¯a ´ In Chapter 13 of the SKY, a dialogue takes place between Kr.s.n.a and Balar¯ama, where Kr.s.n.a ponders over the methods (up¯aya) to attract R¯adh¯a. In the opening lines of this chapter, Kr.s.n.a confides to Balar¯ama that although he is infatuated and maddened by R¯adh¯a (atimugdhaman¯a) and desires her, she does not favour him. Though close to him she is far away from him. Though smitten by her beauty, ´ he cannot draw her, “she is out of my reach” (n¯aham pr¯apnoti hastatah., SKY 13, 8a). In the circumstances, he is considering ways to attract her and to bring her under his control.27 Although not explicitly stated, it is suggested from the tone and tenor of his musings that Kr.s.n.a is portrayed here as a disempowered passive hero challenged by his innate inability to attract R¯adh¯a, in direct contradiction to his portrayalin Vais.n.ava literature. One of the arresting features of Kr.s.n.a is his physical beauty. He is the source of all the incarnations of the love god, K¯ama (k¯am¯avat¯ara). His beautiful adolescent form is a fountainhead of m¯adhurya, sweetness, charm, and grace. His appearance and attributes are of astonishing divine beauty—his fragrance, his three carved (tribha˙nga) posture, his three carved dresses and adornments, and the melodious sound of his flute are all a feast to the eyes of the beholder. His bodily splendour is like a fully bloomed lotus. The milkmaids of Vr.nd¯avana spontaneously rush forward to imbibe the nectar of his divine beauty and to get a glimpse of his beatific vision (dar´sana). However, here the charming youthful god who seduces all is doubting his quintessential power of attraction, reflected in his very name: kars.ayate iti Kr.s.n.a (from the Sanskrit root kars.a, to attract). ´ A question that is posed by Kr.s.n.a in several places of the SKY is “katham va´sag¯a28 “how can I bring R¯adh¯a under my power?” The word va´sa is used several times in different contexts and runs as a refrain throughout the text: “Then the proud one (akharva-garv¯a) will be under my control”,29 “deluded she will come under my spell

25

Mainly known through her temples, Khanna (2012), pp. 146, 147 Op.cit., ibid. R¯adh¯atantram (with Tik¯a in Hindi), (ed.) S. N. Khandelwal, Chowkhambha Surabh¯arat¯ı Grantham¯ala, Varanasi: Chowkhamba Surbharati Prakashna, 2011. Pat.ala 1.10, 19–21; Pat.alas 2–3; Pat.ala 13; Pat.ala 10.16 Pat.ala 18, 17a; Pat.ala 19.14b; 27.4b,16b. 27 taccitt¯ ´ akars.an.op¯ayomans¯a cintato may¯a ||9|| SKY 13, 96. 28 katham madva´sag¯ ´ a, SKY 24, 8b, va´sa, means to will, command, to become subject to another’s will. William (1980). 29 SKY ´ 13.10b. 26

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instantly”, (mohit¯a dev¯ı va´sya abhavat ks.an.a¯ t 30 va´sy¯a bhavis.yati 31 and va´sikr.tya).32 The prime purpose of repeating the refrain (na man¯ag va´sag¯a mama 33 ; va´sop¯ayam karomi eka man¯a 34 ; va´sy¯artham)35 is to suggest Kr.s.n.a’s anxiety to enchant and subjugate R¯adh¯a. His inability to bring R¯adh¯a under his control (va´sag¯a) leads him to resort to the tantric up¯ayas of va´s¯ıkaran.a. It is precisely the point where the tantric elements ´ of the narrative begin to unfold. However, the author of SKY gives no reason for Kr.s.n.a’s despondency; was it Kr.s.n.a’s failing charm (m¯adhurya)? or his acceptance of his failure to attract his beloved? His loss of confidence? Or was it a reflection of Kr.s.n.a’s “humanized” deflated male ego? One has to assume that his previous efforts to attract his beloved have been unsuccessful. Questioned by Balar¯ama the forlorn Kr.s.n.a shares his insatiable desire and his inability to enchant R¯adh¯a. In a long winded conversation, he shares his anxiety with Balar¯ama, thus: “even though, I was close to her, yet she was far away”; “she who is my left half, creating a sound with her bangles abandoned me”; “although standing in front of me (sammukhasthit¯a), she ran away (moved out of my sight) and was unattainable; at a certain time she was behind me, with her tingling anklets, attracting me like m¯ay¯a; hiding her smiling face with both of her hands, her lotus like eyes piercing deep (g¯ad.ham) into me”. Maddened by her beauty [to attract her], I adorned myself with a garland, jewels, clothes and a flute, but she moved away quickly (tvaritam y¯ati)”. She was out of reach; attracted me, she goes away hastily and is out of my reach. This supreme goddess comes to attracts, slowly again and she comes and goes always but not for a fraction of a second have I been able to bring her under my control.36 Therefore, he contemplates the va´s¯ıkaran.a–prayogas whereby she can come under the spell of his enticement. In a state of mental confusion and flutter, the author portrays Kr.s.n.a musing over the prayogas that might help him to attain the desired end. It is in this context that he considers employing the tantric techniques of enticement (va´s¯ıkaran.a): Gems, mantras and medicinal herbs can accomplish what is difficult to attain. Then this proud one (akharva-garv¯a) will be in my power.37

From time immemorial, ancient cultures have attempted to formulate charms, love spells, and medicinal herbs that induce and attract love and stir irresistible passion between would-be lovers. The act of enchantment could be, induced, through the use of incantation or mantra power, possession of magical gems, or potions ´ SKY 13, 24a. ´ SKY 15, 16b. . 32 SKY ´ 21, 51b. 33 SKY ´ 13, 9a. cf. 15b. 34 SKY ´ 13, 17b. cf. 18b. 35 SKY ´ 13, 22b. 36 SKY ´ 13.3–9. 30 31

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man.imantraus.adhireva duh.s¯adhyamapi s¯adhyate tasm¯ades.a akharvagarv¯a va´sag¯a me ´ bhavis.yati||10|| SKY 13.10.

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made from medicinal herbs. Something similar is being invoked here38 . It is in this context that he considers employing the tantric techniques of va´s¯ıkaran.a-prayogas through the cint¯aman.i, the wondrous wish-granting gem that yields to the possessor the desired goal, the application of medicinal herbs (au´sadhi) and the celebrated mohana/sammohana-mantra, which indeed, is identical with him: Of the cint¯aman.i-gem and herbs, Kr.s.n.a says: Then I myself will assume the form of a gem ….. known as the wish fulfilling gem (cint¯aman.i). Contemplating upon it, it bestows all desires39 ||11|| He who wears the gem around neck will attain the desired fruits.40 ||12a ||Wearing the wish fulfilling necklace around my neck I will contemplate upon her, and instantly she will be under the spell of K¯ama.41 ||18|| In the forest of Vr.nd¯avana, I am the medicinal herbs, indestructible. With single minded contemplation I will be the means of bringing her under my control.42 ||17|| By the application of a (sacred) mark on my forehead made by medicinal herbs, I desire to attract her who causes the attraction of all (sarv¯akar´san.ak¯arin.¯ı).43 ||19||Then that R¯adhik¯a who is worshipped by siddhayogin¯ıs will disappear into my crown ornament (become invisible).44 ||20||

Of sam . mohana mantra, he says: I am that indestructible mantra, the supreme mantra, called mohana, a single syllable of this mantra alone can bring all gods under my control.45 ||12|| The vidy¯as that are devoid of this mantra, bear no fruit.46 ||16|| I contemplated upon the mantra, that enchants the world. The mere repetition of this supreme mantra brings about a surge of desire. Then desire will arise in her. Infatuated by that power (teneva) the goddess immediately should came ´ ´ under my spell… That sam and Sakti . mohana-mantra is identical with K¯amakal¯a (=Siva in union). It is in the form of supreme prakr.ti and purus.a. I am that mantra (mantroyam) which attracts all… This mantra has the potency to bring about the six magical acts: delusion (mohana); immobilization (stambhanam); attraction (¯akars.an.am), liquidation (m¯ar.an.a); and eradication (ucc¯a.tana). Of this there is no doubt, since I alone am that mantra47 || 26-28||

Another significant point to note is that while the story is framed as a dialogue between Kr.s.n.a and Balar¯ama, in several places, it is the memory of love-play which becomes prominent. In this act of reminiscing, the protagonist invariably appears to 38

A very early account of such magical formulas are found in the Atharvaveda which contains many charms to gain women’s love. The plant madhu or madhuga is employed by a young-man love charm that would bring his beloved in his power. Several instances of subjugation of women by magical means are found in the Atharvaveda Paratis.t.h¯a Atharvavedapars.n.is..ta¯ n¯ı, ed. G. M. Bolleng. J. von Negelein Leipziq. 1909, 35, 15;36; 26, 36; cf. Rigvidh¯ana, (ed.) R. Mayer, Berlin 1878 trans. J. Gonda, Utrecht, 1951, 9, p. 316 ff. 39 SKY ´ 13.11. 40 SKY ´ 13.12a. 41 SKY ´ 13.18. 42 SKY ´ 13.17. 43 SKY ´ 13.19. 44 SKY ´ 13.20. 45 SKY ´ 13.12. 46 SKY ´ 13.16. 47 SKY ´ 13.26–28.

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be recalling, remembering (smara, smaran.a, smr.ti) the beloved.48 Smara, memory, and K¯ama are epithets of the same god. In Sanskrit poetics, remembering is a mode of either resolving frustrations born of parted lovers or experiencing the exalted state of ´ love-in-union. The role of memory gets illuminated in SKY in some verses. The next episode (Chapter 14) presents Kr.s.n.a with his magical flute, an image immortalized in the Bh¯agvata Pur¯an.a. Continuing his conversation, he tells Balar¯ama, that if that supreme goddess does not yield to his techniques of control, by man.i, mantra, and au´sadhi he will play his intoxicating flute. As he spoke, the primal r¯agas and r¯agin¯ıs emerged from his flute and chanted invocations to R¯adh¯a. Thereafter, Bhuvane´svar¯ı appears and recites the praise hymn of varn.am¯al¯a (= letters A to Ks.a) and imparts the eight syllabled mantra to enchant R¯adh¯a.49

´ akta Synthesis The Vais.n.ava-S¯ ´ akta-synthesis takes place in the narrative through the appearance The Vais.n.ava-S¯ and intervention of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı. The goddess Tripurasundar¯ı has many theological and ontological identities but one of her perhaps earliest identification ´ ıvidy¯a tradition is that she personifies the fullness of erotic passion. Indeed the Sr¯ 50 is identified with Daksin.a¯ man¯aya and the presiding deity of this a¯ man¯aya is the goddess K¯ame´svar¯ı, “the Mistress of K¯ama”, who initially alone, unites with the god ´ of love, Siva Mah¯adeva, their united form as K¯ame´svara and K¯ame´svar¯ı is repre´ ıvidy¯a, sented as K¯amak¯ala. One of the earliest known authoritative texts of the Sr¯ the Nityas.od.a´s¯ık¯arn.va (NS.A), gives a vivid portrayal of her association with K¯ama. Her power to arouse erotic passion is one of her most important features. She is the K¯amar¯aja, mantra in the form of erotic passion,51 and each of the syllables of her K¯amar¯aja mantra causes the god of love, K¯ama, to incite the devotee to be inflicted by the pangs of love. And one infused with all the moods of erotic 48

For discussion see: Miller, Barbara stoler, “The Divine Duality of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a” Hawley et al. (1986). 49 Then, the goddess G¯ ayatr¯ı to please R¯adh¯a recites a praise hymn where each verse begins with ´ the letters of the Sanskrit alphabet. In the next chapter (SKY 14) by the spell of his flute the r¯aga imbued with t¯ala, g¯ayatri, Vedas, then the letter A to Ha appear, causing Gayatr¯ı and the gods ´ ı Bhuvne´svar¯ı appears chanting sing to R¯adh¯a. Then, the presiding deity of sam . mohana- mantra, Sr¯ the mohan-mantra, kr¯ım -k¯ a ra (14.62a) which bestows enjoyment and liberation. Kr.s.n.a questions . why she is here? She asks him to ask for a boon. Kr.s.n.a says I want to attract R¯adh¯a. Bhuvne´svar¯ı councils him that if he chants the praise hymn of varn.am¯al¯a (a to ks.a), she will herself come to him (14.73). She tells him about the eight-syllabed mantra (kl¯ıbam . r¯adhik¯ayai) through which he can accomplish his goal (14.80, 81a). 50 According to the Ciñcinim¯ at¯as¯arasamuccaya cited by Dyczkowski, Mark S. G. The Canon of ´ agama and the Kubjika Tantras of Western Kaula Tradition Albany: SUNY Press, 1988, 9. the Saiv¯ pp. 73–74. 51 Nityasoda´s¯ık¯ ´ ıv¯ananda and Artharatn¯av¯al¯ı by arn.ava with commentaries R.juvimar´sin¯ı by S¯ . . Vidy¯ananda, (ed.) V. V. Dviveda; yogatantragrantham¯al¯a 245, Varanasi: Chaowkhamba Surabharati Prakashan, 1994, Pat.ala 4.17a.

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love is coloured by passion surpassing even the god of love. Once again the same text elaborates that the mantra is specifically efficacious in attracting women. The sight of such a devotee causes all women, gods, even asuras, fierce maidens who are protecteresses of the earth, siddha-maidens, to become fevered with the heat of love (jvalan-man.d.ala), with their mind intoxicated by love, moist (klinna) restless limbs (pracalita˙nga), enflamed (madavihavtah.), deluded (vimud.ha), they all fall under her spell (va´sag¯a). Her special powers consist in bringing about delusion (sammohana), passion or desire (madana), subjugation (¯ave´sa), and attraction (citt¯ave´sakar¯ı).52 Her relationship to Ana˙nga, the epithet of K¯ama is highlighted: “Having contemplated upon the Bodiless One (ana˙nga) one assumes his form. Becoming equal to the god of love (madana) and his attendants, each holding the weapons of K¯ama, she agitates (ks.obhyet) all maidens whether they inhibit the heaven, earth or the netherworld”.53 It is quite obvious that the NS.A also prescribes prayogas to subjugate and excite and attract the women folk.54 We may recall the Saundaryalahar¯ı (SL) which states that the goddess inspires K¯ama, the god of love (k¯ama, manmatha), and is the source of ´ his power. She wins Siva with K¯ama’s aid.55 Her side glances “have the power to convert the worn out old man, distasteful to the sight, and worn sluggish in love’s art, to an irresistible youth, whom young women pursue in hundreds”56 She bestows upon her worshippers such power in love that the heavenly apsaras fall under her spell. Tripurasundar¯ı’s distinguishing feature, then, is her embodiment as erotic desire. In this respect, she is perhaps one of the most appropriate figures in the goddess ´ ımatripurasundar¯ı- prak¯as´apantheon to attract R¯adh¯a. In the adhy¯aya titled Sr¯ rahasya “The Secret Knowledge of the Blessed Tripurasundar¯ı”, Kr.s.n.a instantly morphs into the form of the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı while standing in his tribha˙nga posture.57 His vam . s´¯ı becomes the five arrows of K¯ame´svar¯ı and his flute assumes the form of the bow. The four armed Kr.s.n.a holds all the four weapons of Tripurasundar¯ı. His two upper hands hold the bow and arrows, the two lower ones a noose and an elephant goad. Thereafter, the goddess’s syllables, Aim . emanated from her/his forehead; the seed mantra Kl¯ım . from his/her heart [centre] and Sauh. from the centre of her yoni. These, indeed are the very weapons of K¯ama, the god of Love, the Indian cupid whose association with the cult of Tripurasundar¯ı is undeniable. The K¯amottpat..ti section of the K¯alik¯a Pur¯an.a58 states that K¯ama is a mind-born of the god Brahm¯a, 52

Dhy¯atv¯an˙ angange jayate ana˙ngavat, NS.A, Pat.ala 4.58b. NS.A Pat.ala 4.60. 54 The prayoga to subjugate plays on the word k¯ ama, k¯amena s¯adhyet k¯amam . …, NS.A Pat.ala 4.45.b, 46. 55 The Saundaryalahari or Flood of Beauty (ed. and tr.) W. Norman Brown, Cambridge Massachusettes; Harvard University Press, 1958, SL, Verses 5, 6, 59, 83. 56 SL, Verse 13. 57 The affinity between Krsna and Tripurasundar¯ı SKY ´ 16.6-10a. .. . 58 Sri Bi´swan¯ ´ astri, Jaikrishnadas-Krishna Das Pr¯acyavidya Granthamala 5, Varabasu: ar¯ayana S¯ Chaukhamba Sanskrit series office, 1972, Chap. 2, pp. 8–11. 53

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the creator and manifested himself as a yogi. His weapons were the five arrows made of five kind of flowers: lotus (kamala), water lily (kalh¯ara), blue-lotus (indiva), fresh blossoms of mango (sahak¯araja), red night lotus (rakta-kairava) and a bow made of sugarcane. The progenitor then tells him his great mission to enter the heart of all and strike their minds with love. Thus, he is called Manmatha (manomathnati) one who churns and agitates the mind of mortals with love.

The Intervention of Tripurasundar¯ı59 The several episodes that follow the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı’s role as a divine mediator come into play where she employs all her seductive powers of attraction to ´ win over R¯adh¯a (SKY Chaps. 18-23). This is accomplished not though her single composite figure, but entails splitting of herself into her multiple emanations that are her parts, and inhere in her as her par¯ıv¯ara-devat¯as. All the partial manifestations of Tripurasundar¯ı are called variously as a¯ varan.a-devat¯as, yogin¯ıs or d¯utis. They are called upon to aid in the amorous battle for winning over R¯adh¯a. Episode after episode, the goddesses appear from the limbs (a˙ngas) of Tripurasundar¯ı. The first group to appear are the sixty four crores of yogin¯ıs who are instructed by the goddess to attract R¯adh¯a. They wander into the deep forest of Vr.nd¯avana, in search of R¯adh¯a, but their efforts go in vain. Tripurasundar¯ı together with her attendant deities (pariv¯ara-devat¯as), who preside ´ ıcakra, have the power to inflict frenzied and intoxiover her aniconic symbol the Sr¯ ´ describe how cated passion between parted lovers.60 The next four chapters of SKY each of the eight group of goddesses who are Tripurasundar¯ı’s emanations, are sent one by one, to attract R¯adh¯a. These include the goddesses who preside over the nine ´ ıcakra from its outermost periphery to the centre.61 They are the circuits of the Sr¯ goddesses, (1) Guptatara Yogin¯ıs, Ana˙ngakusum¯a, and the rest; who preside over the eight petalled lotus; (2) the Gupta Yogin¯ıs, the sixteen goddesses K¯am¯akr´sin¯ı, and the rest; who preside over the sixteen petalled lotus; (3) the fourteen goddesses called Samprad¯aya Yogin¯ıs, Sarvasamks ˙ . obhin¯ı, and the rest who preside over the fourteen angled figure; (4) the group of ten goddesses Kulot¯ırn.a Yogin¯ıs, Sarvasiddhiprad¯a, and the rest; who rest in the outer decagon; (5) the ten Nigarbha Yogin¯ıs, Sarvajñ¯a, and the rest, who are worshipped in the inner decagon. But even these amorous deities are unsuccessful in their mission instead of attracting R¯adh¯a they end up becoming either her servants or handmaidens (sevik¯as or paric¯arik¯as). Finally, the eight Rahasya Yogin¯ıs, Va´sin¯ı, and the rest are sent to her. They, on their part sing, dance and chant hymns to gratify R¯adh¯a. But they, too, are unsuccessful in their mission. ´ SKY. 17–23. NS.A Pat.ala 2, 3a, 4a: k¯amakal¯a dhy¯ana to attract women, 2.16–38. 61 Note that the goddesses who preside over the bh¯ ´ ıcakra are upura, the square enclosure of the Sr¯ not called upon. 59 60

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In Chapter 17, Tripurasundar¯ı calls upon the eight goddesses Ana˙ng¯a and the ´ ıcakra. They are assigned rest,62 who preside over the eight petalled lotus of the Sr¯ ´ ıcakra. specific positions—the four quarters and the intermediate quarters of the Sr¯ They are instructed to take their respective positions, in each of the directions which they preside over63 and to look out for R¯adh¯a in the direction ruled by each of them. Ana˙ng¯akusum¯a “The Flower of Desire” is advised to go eastward and search for ´ R¯adh¯a and to propitiate her by diverse bh¯avas (SKY 17.15a) and to bring her back. Ana˙ngamekhal¯a “The Girdle of Desire” is advised to go southwards; Ana˙ngamadan¯a “The Intoxicator of Desire” is advised to go westwards, quickly (ac¯ıram), and Ana˙ngamadan¯atur¯a “Inflicted with Desire” is to go northwards for the same purpose ´ (k¯ary¯artham SKY 17, 18b) and to inflict her with desire for Kr.s.n.a. Ana˙ngarekh¯a “The Line of Desire” is instructed to go to in the eastern direction. Ana˙ngavegin¯ı “The Speed of Desire” goes in the southeastern direction. Ana˙ng¯anku´sa¯ “the Goad of Desire” sets forth to the northwest and is advised to attract R¯adh¯a with her weapon, ´ the Goad (SKY 17, 21b). The last to go is Ana˙ngam¯alin¯ı “The Garland of Desire” who presides over the northeastern (I´sa¯ na) direction. Each of the eight goddesses set forth to attract and bring R¯adh¯a under their power, employing each of their inherent powers of attraction to the fullest. They released a shower of the five arrows of desire, (pañcas.aravars.am).64 Instantly, the goddesses themselves turned into the five arrows of K¯ama that excite erotic desire. Ana˙ngakusum¯a, bloomed as flower and on trees in Vrind¯avana and filled the air with her fragrance, she thinks that this move will certainly cast the desired spell (va´sya-¯ava´sya) on R¯adh¯a.65 Then, Ana˙ngamekhal¯a thinks that ‘if I shall encircle the dress of R¯adh¯a, then she will be compelled to go to Kr.s.n.a’. Likewise, each of them employs their techniques of attraction to bring R¯adh¯a under the sway of their powers.66 But it is all in vain. Each of the goddesses is unsuccessfully devoid of their powers of attraction. They set out to meet Tripurasundar¯ı, speechless with their heads bent low hanging in shame. ´ Then, the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı calls upon her Nity¯a-Saktis, “The Eternal Ones” who are the mistresses of attraction and instructs them thus: K¯am¯akar´sin¯ı to enter each of R¯adh¯a’s senses and to excite her passion. Buddhiy¯akar´sin¯ı, to become the thoughts of Kr.s.n.a in R¯adh¯a’s mind; Aham . k¯ar¯akar´sin¯ı to be intent upon her ego so that she ´ submits; Sabd¯ akar´sin¯ı to enter R¯adh¯a’s ears; Spar´sa¯ kar´sin¯ı, to touch her to make her amorous; R¯up¯akar´sin¯ı, to enter R¯adh¯a’s eyes so that she is so bewitched by Kr.s.n.a’s beautiful appearance that she desires to behold none other; Ras¯ak¯ar´sin¯ı, to inspire the relish of Kr.s.n.a (Kr.s.n.arasameva a¯ s´rayet 18, 10b), alone; Gandh¯akar´sin¯ı, to enter the nostrils of R¯adh¯a so that she cannot live without smelling Kr.s.n.a’s body fragrance; Cit¯ak¯ar´san¯ı, one who inheres in everyone’s consciousness should subjugate R¯adh¯a.

´ ıcakra are The as..tsiddhis and the as..tam¯atr.k¯as who preside on the square enclosure of the Sr¯ excluded. 63 pratyekadi´si pratyek¯ ´ am 17.12b. . pres.ay¯am¯as yogin¯ım SKY 64 SKY ´ 17, 26–28. 65 SKY ´ 17, 30b, 31a, 32. 66 See SKY ´ 17, 34–46 for the varieties of skills of attraction used by the goddesses. 62

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´ All the Nity¯a-Saktis set out to Vr.nd¯avana to carry out the instructions of Tripurasundar¯ı, but their efforts to subjugate R¯adh¯a also fail. She who is in the form of dhiarya, weakens her steadfastness, so that she becomes subjugated to Kr.s.n.a; Smr.ty¯akar´sin¯ı, who is in the form of memory in all beings, causes her to remember Kr.s.n.a (smr.tikar¯ıbhava 18, 18a); N¯am¯akar´sin¯ı, by means of the seed syllable of K¯ama (=Kl¯ım . ), chants the syllable so that hearing it she will be attracted to Kr.s.n.a, she who is in the form of seed (b¯ıjar¯up¯akar´sin¯ı), in all beings, dissolves (sam . h¯ara) her j¯ıva; ¯ akar´sin¯ı, attracts her vital currents (pr¯an.a); Amr ¯ . t¯akar´sin¯ı, bring her, who is pure Atm¯ in honour; Vapur¯akar´sin¯ı who pervades everywhere, to do her bidding. Then, the goddess emanates another group of her attendants from her body. ´ ıcakra. Thus, These goddesses preside over the fourteen angled figure in the Sr¯ Sarvaks.obhin.¯ı emanated from her head; Sarvavidr¯avin.¯ı from the centre of her eyebrows; Sarv¯akar´sin.¯ı and Sarvahl¯adanak¯arin.¯ı from her ears; Sarvasammohin¯ı and Sarvastham . banakar¯ı came forth from her mouth; from her eyes, Sarvajr.mbhan.a´ Sakti; from her heart, Sarvatova´sak¯arin.¯ı; from her two arms, the s´aktis, Sarvarañjan¯ı, and Sarvonm¯adan¯ı, Sarv¯arthas¯adhin¯ı, and Sarvasampattip¯uran.¯ı from her two breasts, Sarvamantramay¯ı from the yoni, and Sarvadvandaks.kyakar¯ı from the soles of her red ´ ıcakra.67 feet. These are the goddesses who preside over the fourth circuit of the Sr¯ They depart to Vr.nd¯avana and employ several prayogas of va´sikarn.a such as the chanting of the sam . mohana-mantra, sam . ks.obhan.a-mantras, some recited the mantras of dissolution (dravan.a), and others recited liquidation and uprootment (ucc¯a.tana) mantras. But they too were ineffective to attract R¯adh¯a. They instead chanted a praise hymn to gratify her. R¯adh¯a then illuminates that everything in the universe is identical with her. Hearing her essential nature, they, on their part stood in service of R¯adh¯a. ´ ıcakra The next group of goddesses who preside over the inner decagon of the Sr¯ emanated from different parts of Tripurasundar¯ı’s body. Thus: Sarvasiddhiprad¯a and Sarvasampatprad¯a, emanated from her hands, Sarvapriya˙nkar¯ı from her heart; Sarvama˙ngalak¯arin¯ı from her radiant smile; Sarvak¯amaprad¯a from her mind; from her left eye the goddess Sarvadukh.avimocin¯ı, from her speech Sarvavighanavina´sin¯ı. From her wrist the goddess Sarvamr.tyupra´samin¯ı, from the middle of her yoni, Sarv¯an˙ gasundar¯ı, and from her navel, the goddess Sarvasaubh¯agyad¯ayin¯ı. The last group of goddesses to emerge are the V¯agdev¯ıs the goddesses who preside over speech and the phonemes that are said to have originated from the root of Tripurasundar¯ı’s throat (kant.ham¯ula). They are as the most intimate goddesses, Va´sin¯ı, and the rest. Commanded by Tripurasundar¯ı, they go to Vr.nd¯avana to gratify the R¯adh¯a with a praise hymn.68 Thereupon, a dramatic turn of events takes place. R¯adh¯a illuminates the essence of her true nature and identity. Appropriately this chapter is called: R¯adh¯a-nijatattva-prak¯as´anam. “The Illumination of R¯adh¯a’s Essence”. The final summation of the quest encapsulates her character as a tantric goddess which R¯adh¯a declared herself.

67 68

´ SKY, 19, 6–13. ´ SKY 21, 13–25.

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There is a perspectival twist that takes place in the lovely narrative. The episode takes a dramatic turn. The climax of the tale is reached when undeterred by praise hymns offered to R¯adh¯a, she eloquently proclaims the essence of her true nature and ´ akta-Tantric interpretation spells out her cosmogonic identity. The passage gives a S¯ of R¯adh¯a and is written in the first person (similar to the Dev¯ı-s¯ukta in the Rigveda). R¯adh¯a declares boldly: There is none beyond me, neither Purus.a nor Prakr.ti, I alone am the Supreme Brahman in ´ ama (Kr.s.n.a) A||2 the form of Sy¯ ´ I am the Supreme Sakti, the blessed Tripurasundar¯ı. I am that Supreme Brahman, subtle, resplendent and taintless. I am in the form of bliss and Kr.s.n.a is the relish (of my bliss).||28|| The goddess Tripurasundar¯ı is the embodiment of love. Devoid of erotic passion she cannot exist. ||29a|| There is no enjoyment without the relish of [erotic passion]. ||29b|| The bliss of love and its relish are identical in essence, of this there is no doubt. ||30a|| Therefore, even Kr.s.n.a cannot subjugate me with the aid of yantra, medicinal-potions or with a [wish granting] gem. What [to say] about others! [kimutapare] ||31a|| Bereft of feminine power there is neither enjoyment nor bliss ||31|| ´ I am the Supreme Sakti who dwells in the heart of Kr.s.n.a. O Sakhis, subordinate to none, I am eternally free (svatantra) ||32|| Even Kr.s.n.a’s power of attraction is unable to overpower me ||33a|| In the form of Pradh¯ana, I am eternally the supreme Brahman, indestructible. ||33b|| I dwell in Vr.nd¯avana in the form of his eternal bliss; even Kr.s.n.a devoid of my power is unable to stir. ||34a|| If Kr.s.n.a is more powerful than me, then why is he (through you) making an effort to bring me under his control ||35a|| ´ I am the Sakti, R¯adhik¯a who is greater than all. (sarvato-adhik¯a) ||35b|| ´ Even Kr.s.n.a bereft of his Sakti is not able to stir (=he is inert as a corpse). If Kr.s.n.a considers himself to be more powerful than me, then why did he make such an effort to subjugate me? ||36|| … O messenger of Kr.s.n.a! For what purpose have you come to me, return, once again, to the ´ supreme Prakr.iti. ||37,38a||. (SKY, Chaps. 21, 26–38a)

´ ´ The SKY illuminates the central concept of transcendental Saktihood. R¯adh¯a proclaims her true essence as an undisputed queen and the feminine principle that ´ akta coding of the verse is self-evident as it is the Dev¯ı, in her transcends all. The S¯ personification as R¯adh¯a alone, who creates the absolute principle and the holy trinity.

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The passage does not refer to the R¯adh¯a of Kr.s.n.ite devotional religion or the R¯adh¯a who is the cultural symbol of divine love, or the soul-seeking devotee searching for identity with Kr.s.n.a. What is revealed in the verse is the shifting balance of power between the male and female principles and the reversal of roles. The ontological supremacy of R¯adh¯a and her supreme position as the first principle endowed with dynamic power is well affirmed. It includes both the spiritual and material principles. While the frame of the story exploits the idea of bhakti, it conceives the universe ¯ ´ akta as animated and controlled by feminine power. This idea, central to Agamic S¯ ´ is united with tradition, is echoed in the first verse of Saundaryalahar¯ı69 : “If Siva ´ Sakti, he is able to exert his powers as Lord, if not, the God is not able to stir.” The passage echos the idea of an inactive Purus.a who is ever beholden to Prakr.iti ´ as Sakti. These ideas subvert the phallocentric view of the supremacy of a male god over a female deity. Herein lies the triumph of R¯adh¯a as a supreme goddess and the ´ unique fusion of two religious currents of Bhakti and Sakti.

The R¯adh¯a Tantra and the Legitimization of Kaul¯ac¯ara The R¯adh¯a Tantra (hereafter RT)70 is a late text, not earlier than the seventeenth century of unknown authorship. The text centres around R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a, but the ideas that it propagates do not belong to the mainstream Vais.n.ava schools. What is significant is that the RT gives an alternative viewpoint, even radical when seen from the perspective of Br¯ahmanical orthodoxy. The RT has indisputable tantric ´ a orientations. Similar to the Agamas ¯ ´ Sakt¯ the story is narrated by Siva to P¯arvat¯ı, the daughter of the Him¯alayas. The main protagonist in the text is V¯asudeva/Vis.n.u, ´ a god in quest of spiritual powers (siddhis). In the opening verses, Siva proclaims to P¯arvat¯ı, that “As the K¯al¯ı Tantra and the Tod.ala Tantra are pure, unblemished, and full of secret teachings, likewise this R¯adh¯a Tantra of V¯asudeva.”71 The import is that like the K¯al¯ı and Tod.ala Tantras the R¯adh¯a Tantra too is an authoritative text one that has the power to grant siddhis. V¯asudeva is portrayed here not as the great god Mah¯avis.n.u but one who is a seeker engaged in various forms of s¯adhan¯as and is seeking spiritual power. He performs all forms of fierce austerities like bowing his head on the ground and balancing his body on his head. ´ Siva tells V¯asudeva/Mah¯avis.n.u that he should propitiate the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı, in order to attain liberation as there is no other way but to follow the worship of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as,72 and that the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı is the foremost among them. She is the goddess who alone can bestow siddhis. V¯asudeva goes to K¯as´¯ı, where 69

Saundaryalahir¯ı, 1 Op.cit.; NS.A Pat.ala 4.6–7, Op.cit. R¯adh¯a Tantra (with translation in Hindi) (ed.) S. N. Khandelwal. Chaukhamba Surabharati Prak¯as´ana, 2011; The R¯adh¯a Tantra A Critical edition and translation. Mäns Broo. Oxford Routledge 2017. 71 R. T. Patala 1.2–3. . 72 da´savidy¯ a vin¯a deva nahi siddhih. praj¯ayate ||8|| R.T. 1.8b. 70

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Mah¯am¯ay¯a is worshipped in the symbol of the yoni (RT 1.14–17). But it was all in vain until goddess Tripurasundar¯ı herself appears and anoints him with a shower of nectar and casts her compassionate gaze and advised him that without following kaul¯ac¯ara, there is no siddhi of mantra. The erotico-mystical kaula rites prescribe the offerings of impure prohibited substances and the consumption of sexual fluids for the attainment of siddhis. The goddesss instructs Vasudeva: O dear child, why do you perform such ascetic practices. Arise, quickly and tell me what you desire. He then praises her. Pleased with V¯asudeva, Tripurasundar¯ı instructs him, thus: Son, without following [the path of] kaul¯ac¯ara, you will not attain mantra-siddhi, can you ever ´ attain siddhi without Sakti? Abandon the ascetic penance and adopt the path of kaul¯ac¯ara. Laks.m¯ı is a part of me, why do you forsake her and adopt this useless tapasya? Without ´ Sakti, japa, p¯uj¯a, bear no fruit. I instruct you to follow the path of union (sam . yoga) with your consort… If you do not do so you will never attain liberation as there is no spiritual perfection, without enjoyment.73

Instructing him thus, the goddess tells him the esoteric interpretation of the twenty- two syllable Harin¯ama mantra of Kr.s.n.a, which is identified with the powerful mantras of the goddesses, the mah¯avidy¯as.74 The secret (rahasya) interpretation of the Harin¯ama mantra is imparted by the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı according to the conventions of a¯ rth¯ı-nirukt¯ıs, where each syllable represents an ontological category, derived from the theological principles of Tantra.75 Therefore, V¯asudeva is further advised that he should take initiation only from a Kulaguru who is a brahamin, for one who takes initiation from s´u¯ dra, or a non-qualified preceptor will inevitably lead one to hell.76 Interestingly this verse speaks of the brahamanical assimilations of unorthodox, even subaltern secret practices which were considered outside the pale of the Vedas (veda b¯ahya) a trend that was already in circulation by the rewriting of three major goddess Pur¯an.as in Bengal, through the conscious adoption of worship of folk goddesses who were non-Vedic. Abhinavagupta in his Tantr¯aloka, takes an anti-brahmin stance by condemming the Ved¯antised Siddh¯anta mantras as being ineffective and powerless: The mantras given by the Siddh¯antas and the Vais.n.avas etc., are impure because they cannot bear so much splendour, they are lifeless, according to the non-dual tradition.77

In proclaiming kaul¯ac¯ara as the supreme path to salvation, the RT overturns and subverts orthodox values upheld by Brahmanical faith rooted in the Vedas. In fact, in claiming a higher position of kaul¯ac¯ara, the Vais.n.avas are relegated to the lowest position in the hierarchy of faiths, at the same time paradoxically striving for the 73

Kaul¯ac¯ara vin¯a putra nahi, siddhih. prajapate | s´aktih¯ınasya te siddhih. katham bhavati putraka ||1|| mam¯am . s´am . sambhav¯am . Laks.m¯ı tyaktv¯a kim . tapayase tapah. | vr.th¯a s´ramam . vr.th¯a p¯uj¯am . japañca viphalam . suta ||2|| Chap. 2 verses 1–2. 74 The Harin¯ ama mantra is referred to as mah¯avidy¯a, R.T. 2, 28b–3.3b; 3.5a. 75 R. T. Patala 2, 16–23. . 76 R. T. Patala 2, 29. . 77 Tantr¯ aloka 29.74 cd-75 ab, op cit.

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apex of a superior position through kaul¯ac¯ara by professing an antinomian, radical, and transgressive forms of worship.78 The legitimacy of kul¯ac¯ara-s¯adhan¯a is the dominant theme of the text and is reiterated in different contexts over and over again.79 K¯aty¯ayani instructs Kr.s.n.a to indulge in kaul¯ac¯ara worship along with R¯adh¯a and to fructify the essence of kun.d.agolaka and pus.pa. Kun.d.agolaka signifies the power substances through the mixing of male and female sexual fluids in yogic kaula rituals through which the seeker gains supernatural powers; pus.pa (literary meaning flower) represents menstrual sexual fluids. R¯adh¯a is addressed as ratipan.d.it¯a “one who is Mistress of Passion” and Kr.s.n.a, who is identified as K¯amadeva, as one who is raticatura “Skilled in Love Sport”, performed the kaul¯ac¯ara from of worship on a boat on the full-moon night of autumn, and thus attained the various siddhis.80 The principal deity of kaul¯ac¯ara is the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı81 who is the supreme mediator and whose favour alone would grant all kinds of powers.82 Even where the presence of Tripur¯a is not there, she acts through her messengers (R. T. 28.14). Having established the importance of kaul¯ac¯ara, the rest of the chapters of the R¯adh¯a Tantra83 go on to describe the dhy¯ana, kavaca, protective cuirass, and sahasran¯ama of R¯adha (part of Dev¯ı pañc¯an˙ gas), is a clear proof to exalt her status as a full-fledged independent divinity.

Tantric Representations of R¯adh¯a The iconography of goddesses in the subcontinent is a rich resource to illustrate the cross-fertilization that may take place between different religious streams. Simultaneous to the synthesis between Kr.s.n.a and Tripurasundar¯ı in literature there have been attempts to fuse the two deities in a single icon. In the sphere of visual arts, Kr.s.n.a legends occur from third–fourth century A.D. onwards.84 The earliest representation in Bengal Kr.s.n.a legend is found in Pahar-pur bas-reliefs.85 It has been recorded that the image of R¯adh¯a was not placed and worshipped along with the image of Kr.s.n.a in the early period. The image worship of R¯adh¯a became popular in Bengal in the second half of the sixteenth century. According to one view, it was initiated by Jahanava-dev¯ı, the junior wife of Nity¯ananda Prabhu, the companion of Caitanya.

78

Tantr¯aloka 29.74 cd-75 ab, op cit. R. T. Pat.ala 3, 8b; Pat.ala 14.45; Pat.ala 24.a and b. 80 R.T. Patala 24, 14–18. . 81 R.T. Patala 28.18–22; verse 22b refers to kundasiddhi, and yonisiddhi. . .. 82 See for instance, the expression tripurapadap¯ ujan¯at; by the favour of worshipping Tripur¯a is repeated several times. R. T. Pat.ala 24.4; Pat.ala 28.21b. 83 For dhy¯ ana see R. T. Pat.ala 30, 25–31; the kavaca is given R. T. Pat.ala 30–25–31; 35–6. 84 Banerjee (1956). 85 Dikxit (1938). 79

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On the authority of the two Vais.n.ava works, the Premavil¯asa and the Bhaktiratn¯akara, it can be stated that Jahanava-dev¯ı was sorry to notice the absence of R¯adh¯a’s image by the side of Kr.s.n.a. She ordered one Nayan Bhaskar to craft some images and send them to Vr.n.d¯avana. At the behest of J¯ıva Goswam¯ı, R¯adh¯a’s images were placed alongside Kr.s.n.a’s, and thereafter worshipped.86 With the rise of Tantra in Bengal, two major shifts in the iconographical representation are noticed. First, that following the prescription of tantric s¯adhan¯a, the icon of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a is reconfigured into the linear motif of the sacred yantra along with the respective b¯ıja-mantras.87 The icon in human form is not replaced but exists side by side, (sometimes hidden) the abstract illustration of the deity yantra. There seems to be a conscious attempt by a community of worshippers to create, a composite icon that powerfully embodies the merging of the cult of Tripurasundar¯ı with the Kr.s.n.aite tradition of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism. A spectacular example is the image of Gopalasundar¯ı described in the Mantramahodadhi.88 The eight-armed figure of Kr.s.n.a, holding the weapons of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı, is visualized at ´ ıcakra. It is prescribed that after the centre of the s´r¯ıpit.ha, identified with the Sr¯ ´ ıcakra should be the worship of Kr.s.n.a, the worship of the nine circuits of the Sr¯ 89 conducted. . Another spectacular image comes from the mass-produced chromolithic posters that have been found all over India, from the late nineteenth century. A stunning example of this trend is another form of the popular Gop¯alasundar¯ı icon (Fig. 2). The divine pair of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a as Gop¯ala (=Kr.s.n.a) and Sundar¯ı (=Tripurasundar¯ı) ´ is combined together to resemble the Saiva Ardhanar¯ıs´vara images. The male and female forms in one body are represented in contrasting colours. Here, Kr.s.n.a’s female half as Tripurasundar¯ı on the left side is of the colour of the rising sun, whereas the right side is blue resembling the hue of a dark cloud. Kr.s.n.a holds the weapons of Tripurasundar¯ı, and his forehead is adorned with a peacock feather. The primary ´ ıvidy¯a mantra.90 The foundational mantra through which it is worshipped is the Sr¯

86

Sen (1935). For the Gopala yantra and mantra see Kramadipik¯a by Kasmirika Keshava Bhatt; Edited and annotated by Sudhakara Malaviya, Krishnadas Sanskrit series, 1989, Pat.ala 5, 87–93 pp. For another version of the dh¯arn.a-yantra of Gop¯ala see: Gautam¯ıyatantram of Maharsi Gautama. Edited by Pandit Bhagiratha Jha. Krishnadas Prachyavidya Grantham¯al¯a 5, Varanasi: Chaukhamba Sanskrit series office, 2003 22, 12–16, pp. 110–111. A passing description of the R¯adh¯a’s yantra is given in ´ SKY 5, 24–26; A beautiful talismanic yantra of R¯adh¯a is in the Tantra Art collection at the National Museum, New Delhi, Acc. No. NM. 82.309, dated at c.18 century. 88 Mantramahodadhi, Tara˙ nga 12, 66–67, pp 400; c.f. Bhunemann, Gudrun, The Iconography of Hindu Tantric Deities, Vol. 1, The Pantheon of the Mantramahodadhi, Gonda Idological Studies, Vol. IX, Groningen Egbert Forsten, 2000, pp. 157–58. 89 Mantramahodadhi, Tara˙ nga 12.172–73, op.cit. 90 Note that the Sr¯ ´ ıHaribhakt¯ıvil¯asah. of Sr¯ ´ ıgop¯ala Bhat.t. with T¯ık¯a “Digdarsini of Sanatana ´ ıharid¯asa S¯ ´ astri. Vrindavana: Sr¯ıgadadharagaurahar¯ı Press, 1986 (Vol. 1– Goswami,” edited by Sr¯ 3), acknowledges the presence of R¯adh¯a during worship: r¯adhik¯a pratim¯am vipr¯ah. p¯ujayet k¯artike, Vil¯asa 16, 197a, but in Vil¯asa 18, on construction of various forms of Vis.n.u images, R¯adh¯a goes unmentioned. 87

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principle of this dar´sani over kath¯a91 image is that it must engage the devotee and inspire a beatific vision before being adored. ´ ı Bilvamangla Swamiyar the author of Sr¯ ´ ıKr.s.n.aThis icon attributed to Sr¯ 92 ´ Karan.a¯ mratam. (SKK), said to be the contemporary of Swami Desikan (1268– 1369 A.D.), who was a devotee of Kr.s.n.a from Kerala. The work on Gop¯alasundar¯ı whose mantra is a combination of thirty-three seed syllables; eighteen letters of which embody Kr.s.n.a and fifteen belong to the pañc¯ak´sar¯ı-vidy¯a of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı. ´ The contemplative verse (dhy¯ana-´sloka 3–1045 SKK) gives a vivid description of the composite icon of Gop¯alasundar¯ı. Legend holds that Caitanya heard the recitation of this work when he visited South India.93 The god/goddess Gop¯alasundar¯ı is a fusion of Kr.s.n.a and Tripurasundar¯ı. Caitanya is said to have offered his prayers to Gop¯alasundar¯ı. Both the icons represent two different forms of y¯amalam¯urtis or a composite image of union and primal wholeness. Its significance lies in the fact that it makes visible the reconciliation of two major religious streams and the influence of Tripur¯a cult on Vais.n.ava faith in Bengal.

Conclusion We may conclude by making some brief remarks on the foregoing discussion. Firstly, ´ the literary transmission in the main body of the text of SKY takes place through the seamless assimilation of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı and her emanations. The goddess Tripurasundar¯ı is portrayed as a divine mediator between R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a. She is the ultimate refuge of Kr.s.n.a, who undergoes a major emotional crisis. It is Tripurasundar¯ı who knits and threads together the episode that lends the narrative a poetic flavour. The Paur¯an.ic style genre of expression allows for syncretism and cult inclusiveness where doctrinal differences can be woven together in the fabric of the storyline. It is obvious that R¯adh¯a was co-opted by the tantrics and her characterization associated with the idea of “power” energy and autonomy of the feminine. The narrative of the text has been consciously crafted by the author to fuse the two religious traditions. A comparison may be drawn between the evolution in the characterization of goddess K¯al¯ı and R¯adh¯a. In her seminal study on the fierce goddess K¯al¯ı and Um¯a, Mc Dermott traces the influence of the bhakti tradition in transforming perceptions of the fierce goddess Daks.in¯ak¯al¯ı in Bengal. According to Mcdermott, K¯al¯ı was co-opted by the Vais.n.avas and fully “transformed in the direction of increased benevolence, democratization and universalization”.94 91

For dar´san¯ı over katha images, see: Joshi, O. P. Gods of Heaven, Home of Gods, Jaipur; 1994, pp. 4–11, cited in Pinny (2004). 92 Sr¯ ´ ıkr.s.n.a-karan.a¯ mratam. English translation by Nishkinchana Maharaj, Published in 1970 Madrasi Sree Gaud.iya Nath, 1970 with an introductory note by Sambidananda Das. Text with Translation retrieved on Kuñje´svar¯ı icon on 18-4-2016. 93 Sr¯ ´ ıcaitanya-carit¯amrita, (Bengali), published by Sri Chaitanya Matha. Kolkata, 1992, 2.9. 94 Mc Dermott (2001, p. 292), op.cit.

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Taming the goddess through love versus through transmuting her into inner energy in meditation; emphasizing humility versus a quest for spiritual powers; and viewing the goal in dualistic as opposed to monistic terms.95

In the making of the tantric R¯adh¯a, the current is reversed. R¯adh¯a gets recognized ´ akta milieu, and the idea of feminine power and autonomy of the female fully in the S¯ ´ principle get associated with her characterization. In the SKY, R¯adh¯a dramatically departs from the image of the dependent and submissive beloved of Kr.s.n.a. In the tantric-oriented tradition, she is made to play an empowered role of a fully matured ´ primal Sakti identified with the absolute principle. In the process, there has been ´ akta and Vais.n.ava faith, a friendly wedding a conscious “cross-fertilization” of S¯ between two major religious currents that have been looked upon by many scholars of Bengal Vais.n.avism as mutually antagonistic. The encounter between Vais.n.ava ´ aktas brought about a resurgence of interest in “tantricization” of R¯adh¯a in and S¯ post-Caitanya period. The centrality of the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı and her continued popularity in Bengal is once again noticed in the R¯adh¯a Tantra. In this text, she assumes the role of a formidable female preceptor, a spiritual guide and the main source of transmission of knowledge on the transgressive form of kaul¯ac¯ara practices. And thus reclaims its superiority over the puritanical Vais.n.ava form of worship. Lastly, once again it is Tripurasundar¯ı’s figure which gets reconfigured in the composite icon of Gop¯alasundar¯ı. ´ In both the narratives (the SKY and RT), the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı’s intervention is astutely integrated not in the service of Vais.n.ava bhakti but to introduce to the ´ akta Tantra; readers the doctrine of feminine power, transcendent and immanent in S¯ to reclaim the efficacy and power of tantric mantra over Brahmanical ones; and lastly to proclaim the legitimization and superiority of antinomian kaula practices over puritanical form of bhakti advocated by the Vais.n.avas. The Brahmanical assimilation of the esoteric kaul¯ac¯ara rites is no longer questionable by the orthodox Brahmins nor is it looked upon as an embarrassment. It has been well established by modern scholars (Banerjee, 1992; Kunal, 2001; Mc Dermott, 2001) that there was a drive to contain the Tantras as a part of mainstream religion and integrate it within religious life of Bengal. The convergence of the Vais.n.ava and ´ akta in the sources cited remains as an exemplary model of Vais.n.ava- S¯ ´ akta T¯antric S¯ synthesis (Figs. 2.1 and 2.2).

95

Mc Dermott (2001, p. 287), op.cit.

34 Fig. 2.1 R¯adh¯a Yantra. Rajasthan, eighteenth century. Copper, cast 140 mm × 110 mm (6 × 4 in) National Museum, New Delhi, accession no. 82.309

M. Khanna

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Fig. 2.2 Androgynous figure of Gop¯alasundar¯ı holding the weapons of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı (Courtesy Web Source)

References Banerjee, J. N. (1956). The development of Hindu iconography (pp. 420–422). Calcutta University of Calcutta. Banerjee, S. C. (1992). Tantras in Bengal (p. 229 ff.). Manohar Publication. Dahejia, H. V. (2014). R¯adh¯a from Gopi to goddess. Niyogi Books. De, S. K. (1961). Early history of the Vais.n.ava faith and movement in Bengal (p. 253). Firmer K.L. Mukhopadhyay. Dikxit, K.N. (1938). Archeological survey of India. Excavations at Paharpur, Bengal, No. 55. Manager of Publications. Hawley, J. S., & Wolff, D. M. (1986). Divine consort R¯adh¯a and the goddesses of India (pp. 13–16). Beacon Press. Khanna, M. (2012). The representation of goddess Tripurasundar¯ı in Bengal in the context of the formation of Vais.n.ava and Bengal identity. Journal of Bengal Art, 17, 135–151. Kunal, C. (2001). Religions Process the Pur¯an.as and the making of Regional Tradition, Delhi, Oxford University Press: 2001, Chapter-III, note 52.

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Majumdar, A. K. (1955). A note on the development of R¯adh¯a cult. Annals of the Bhandarkar Research Institute, 36, Parts 3–4, 231–257. Mc Dermott, R. (2001). Mother of my heart, daughter of my dreams. Oxford University Press. Pinny, C. (2004). Photos of the gods, the printed images and political struggle in India (Chap. 5, no. 32, pp. 92–93). Oxford University Press. Sen, S. (1935). History of Brajbule literature (p. 481). University of Calcutta. William, M. (1980). Sanskrit English dictionary (p. 929). Motilal Banarasidass.

Chapter 3

´ Prema and Sakti: Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a Appropriations of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism ´ aktism in the Anandabhairava ¯ and S¯ of Prema-D¯asa Glen A. Hayes

General Introduction Some of the most distinctive and complicated tantric traditions of medieval Bengal are those known to scholars as the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as, a fascinating range of lineages and ritual systems that flourished from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries and continue in some forms even today. They not only express beliefs and practices ´ from Saiva tantric schools, but also incorporate an impressive range of influences ´ from the N¯aths, Siddhas, Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, and Saktism. Greater Bengal has been a dynamic centre of not only many forms of Buddhist and Hindu Tantra, but ´ akta traditions of the goddesses, and regional vernacular traditions also various S¯ such as those of Dharma-th¯akur. Bengal was also the centre of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, especially the dynamic flowering of the Caitanya movement, based on the renowned god-man Kr.s.n.a Caitanya (1486–1533 CE), and his many followers, including the Six This paper was presented at the conference of the Society for Tantric Studies (STS), held in Flagstaff, Arizona on 27–29 September 2019. An earlier version was presented in December 2018 at the International Conference on the Historical, Sociological, Philosophical and Spiritual Significance of Shaktatantra with Special Reference to Srividya Tradition, held at the Sanchi University of IndicBuddhist Studies in Barla, Madhya Pradesh. The author wishes to thank Dr. Tony K. Stewart of Vanderbilt University for his suggestions regarding the Bengali translation, Dr. Bruce Sullivan, emeritus from Northern Arizona University for his help with the Sanskrit verses, and Dr. Sthaneshwar Timalsina of San Diego State University for his many useful comments and suggestions. G. A. Hayes (B) Bloomfield College, Bloomfield, NJ, USA e-mail: [email protected] University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA, USA Society for Tantric Studies (STS), Flagstaff, AZ, USA Tantric Studies Group of the American Academy of Religions (AAR), San Antonio, TX, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_3

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Gosv¯amins theologians of Vr.nd¯avana (such as R¯upa Gosv¯amin), and hagiographers such as Kr.s.n.ad¯asa Kavir¯aja, whose Caitanya-carit¯amr.ta (ca. CE 1575)1 has been so influential. As Edward C. Dimock, Jr. has shown in The Place of the Hidden Moon (1989), the medieval Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as were a transgressive Tantric movement that appeared sometime after the time of Caitanya, probably after the composition of the Caitanyacarit¯amr.ta in the latter half of the sixteenth century.2 The details regarding the early formation of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as are difficult to know, especially their possible connections to the earlier Vajray¯ana Buddhist schools that also used the central term sahaja (literally: “together-born,” but by extension: “innate,” “spontaneous”, “natural”). These earlier schools of the so-called Buddhist Sahajiy¯as, however, have been well-studied, and we know about them thanks to a corpus of texts including the Cary¯apadas and Dohas.3 These Buddhist traditions, which developed during the Pala and Sena periods of the eighth–twelfth centuries, sought out their own Buddhist forms of cosmic liberation in sahaja. However, they had probably faded away in Bengal by the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries and certainly well before the time of Caitanya in the sixteenth century. Thus, it is highly unlikely that these earlier Vajray¯ana Buddhist schools influenced the later medieval Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as (although we will consider two possibilities at the end of this essay).

Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as and Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism It seems most likely that any gurus who started what scholars would now call “Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a” lineages probably began as followers of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism who regarded the figure of Caitanya through a tantric lens (see below) and then gradually developed their own tantricized versions as “Sahajiy¯a” Vais.n.avas. The rise of the Caitanya movement in the first decades of the sixteenth century (following his death in 1533 CE) and the activities of the Gosv¯amin theologians and the hagiographers provided distinctive new interpretations of him by the end of the sixteenth centuries (such as Kr.s.n.ad¯asa’s Caitanya-carit¯amr.ta).4 Although much of Vais.n.avism in India had long revolved around the various avat¯aras of Vis.n.u, the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas extolled the Kr.s.n.a avat¯ara as the highest form. Using foundational narratives from 1

See Dimock and Stewart (1999) for a superb translation and study of the Caitanya-carit¯amr.ta. For early studies of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as, see Basu (1932) (in Bengali), Dasgupta (1969), Bose (1986). The standard work remains Dimock (1989). I have also discussed many texts and aspects of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as in my own publications: see e.g. Hayes (1995, 2000, 2012a). I explore using cognitive science in the study of Tantra in Hayes (2012b) and 2014. Recent superb fieldwork by Sarbadhikary (2015) shows that there are a number of modern Sahajiy¯a communities in West Bengal, although they seem to have little connection with the medieval schools in terms of subtle-body systems. 3 For a discussion of the Buddhist and Vaisnava uses of the term sahaja, see Hayes (2015). .. 4 For a useful study of the Caitanya-carit¯ amr.ta, including its connections to the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as, see Stewart (2010). 2

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classical texts such as the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, the basic goal was the cultivation of bhakti, selfless love, and devotion to Kr.s.n.a, especially to his form as the enchanting cowherd, dallying with the lovely milkmaids in the forests of Vraja. Another central goal was the experience of prema—a pure, divine love based upon the model of affections between R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a. To recite the divine names of Kr.s.n.a, to recount his exploits with his favourite beloved R¯adh¯a, and to sing and dance devotional k¯ırtana songs to him was a means of achieving an eternal place with him the celestial realms of Vr.nd¯avana.5 At first, Caitanya may have just seemed to be an especially devout follower, but, as presented in hagiographies such as the CC, his persistent, lengthy, and often-public ecstatic experiences were seen by his followers as both Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a taking form in the body and mind of Caitanya himself. This profound view, of Caitanya as the “dual incarnation” (dv¯avat¯ara) of Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a in one body (so as to more intensely experience the prema for each other in a sort of cosmic feedback system), was carefully based upon the classical narratives and makes much “religious sense” for the developing Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava community. So within one human body (Caitanya’s) were the divine male and female cosmic powers. For orthodox Gaud.¯ıyas, this really only applied to one human: Caitanya. But the Sahajiy¯as would reinterpret this view, generalizing this capacity of Caitanya to all men and women. And prema was adapted from the divine love between R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a to the pure love to be felt by the male and female ritual couple. At some point late in the sixteenth century or early in the seventeenth century, gurus who would eventually regard themselves as the truest and best exemplars of this cosmic model expressed by Caitanya began to compose a range of texts (from short poems to longer manuals) in which they would “borrow” or appropriate this ´ dual-incarnation model and reinterpret it through a tantric lens, well known to Saiva ´ tantrics. Many Saiva tantrics had long believed that all humans had within themselves ´ ´ the indwelling cosmic male and female powers, as Siva and Sakti, and that the goal of s¯adhan¯a was to eventually reunite them in order to achieve moks.a or some other state of liberation. Thus, at this juncture during the sixteenth–seventeenth centuries, some pioneering Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as took a fundamental Gaud.¯ıya belief in the dual divinity of Caitanya—as the avat¯ara of both Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a in one body—as a sort of “jumping off” point in the development of their own tantric cosmology, ontology, epistemology, and soteriology. Much to the outrage of orthodox Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas since the sixteenth century (and to this day), Sahajiy¯as appropriated and modified this belief that Caitanya himself manifested a tantric ontology (as the indwelling of both ´ male and female principles). Using a basic cosmology based upon standard Saiva tantric motifs, they refashioned Caitanya into a “Tantricized” version. But they went even further and argued that every human being also contained the indwelling of both male and female cosmic powers. All that was required for these ritual partners to commence their transformations was to be granted initiation by a Sahajiy¯a guru, receive the powerful b¯ıja-mantras, and the instructions for s¯adhan¯a. 5 For the details of the Gaud¯ıya Vaisnava system of r¯ ag¯anug¯a bhakti s¯adhana, which involves the . .. devotee ritually creating, and then inhabiting, a character in the celestial drama, see Haberman (1988).

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Beyond this, the Sahajiy¯as argued that, rather than humans worshipping the divine Kr.s.n.a as the Supreme Godhead and R¯adh¯a as his cosmic bliss consort, the better method is for all humans to seek out their own inner divine status and cultivate the internal union through tantric s¯adhan¯as. Thus, the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as essentially blend Tantra with Bhakti and develop a type of monistic humanism out of a modified dualistic theological system. Needless to say, this very much angered the orthodox ´ Gaud.¯ıyas, but given the larger context of Bengal at the time, dominated by Saiva, ´ akta, and schools of various regional traditions, this was perhaps an inevitable—if S¯ controversial—development. Yet the Sahajiy¯as went even further in their appropriation of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, as they not only reinterpreted the cosmology, Caitanya, prema, and the paths of s¯adhan¯a. Some of them took the additional step of cleverly claiming the authority of canonical texts like the CC to support the Sahajiy¯a view. In other words, to use a modern term, they engaged in intertextual appropriation. Around the year 1650 CE— just a generation or two removed from the composition of the CC, a very learned ¯ Sahajiy¯a guru named Akiñcana-d¯ asa composed his voluminous Vivarta-vil¯asa (“The Play of Transformation”) which was basically a Sahajiy¯a commentary on the CC.6 In ¯ several thousand verses, Akiñcana-d¯ asa skilfully attempts to reinterpret Kr.s.n.ad¯asa Kavir¯aja’s lengthy masterpiece in order to show that Caitanya, some Gosv¯amins, and Kr.s.n.ad¯asa Kavir¯aja himself had all secretly been Sahajiy¯as. He argues that, due to social pressure from orthodox Gaud.¯ıyas, Kr.s.n.ad¯asa was not able to fully reveal the Sahajiy¯a teachings in the CC, but instead had to reveal them in a “crafty” (kau´sala) manner. Some of these strategies of appropriation have been ably discussed by Stewart (2010) in his superb The Final Word, but here we just need to note that Sahajiy¯a gurus were adept at appropriating and adapting aspects from a range of religious and other traditions. Not only had Sahajiy¯as privileged their own soteriology, cosmology, and ritual systems over those of the Gaud.¯ıyas, but they had taken the institutional and hierarchical step of claiming that virtually all of the notable Gaud.¯ıya figures had actually been Sahajiy¯as after all.7 Since the institution of guru parampar¯a is foundational to not only all of Tantra, but to Hinduism itself, this was quite a bold move by ¯ ¯ Akiñcana-d¯ asa. The author of the Anandabhairava, the text that we consider in this ¯ essay, Prema-d¯asa, probably lived two generations after Akiñcana-d¯ asa around 1725 CE. He would make even bolder claims to the deep lineage of the Sahajiy¯as, as in his ´ astra (ca. 200 text (SS:147)8 he claims that Bharata Muni, the great sage of N¯at.ya S¯ ¯ BCE–200 CE), was the Adi-guru of the Sahajiy¯as. This is of course improbable to say the least, but Prema-d¯asa (SS:153) then goes on to claim even mythological figures (such as Vy¯asa’s father Par¯as´ara, the wind god Pavana, and the Sun god Div¯akara) as 6

See Stewart (2010: 348–365) for a discussion of this intertextuality between the Caitanyacarit¯amr.ta of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism and the Vivarta-vil¯asa of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as. 7 This claim has been criticized by the late Joseph T. O’Connell. See his “Hybrid Vaisnava .. Sahajiy¯as,” 2019. 8 I have translated the entire text, and in this essay I have used the relevant page numbers of the Bengali text in Basu’s edited text to be found in the anthology Sahajiy¯a-s¯ahitya.

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having practiced the transgressive Sahajiy¯a sexual ritual of parak¯ıy¯a-s¯adhan¯a (“practices with one belonging to another”). Parak¯ıy¯a refers to socially-unsanctioned sexual relations between partners who are not married to each other and is based upon the Sahajiy¯a interpretation of the dalliances between Kr.s.n.a and the married gop¯ıs in the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a. Regarding the more recent past, he does make a more reasonable argument that the renowned poets Vidy¯apati, Can.d.¯ıd¯asa, and Jayadeva also practiced forms of sexual s¯adhan¯a.9 To summarize, then, the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as developed in the sixteenth–seven´ teenth centuries by adapting and appropriating various aspects of Saivism and Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism and becoming one of the most distinctive forms of Tantra in Bengal. Sahajiy¯a gurus probably based their religious systems on their own experiences and convictions, but they also likely appropriated aspects from other traditions ´ in order to attract new followers. They clearly did this with basic Saiva models and certainly with Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism. But they also turned to the traditions of Bengali ´ Saktism in order to express their cosmologies and to perhaps appeal to potential ´ akta communities. The Anandabhairava ¯ converts from the large S¯ is very much an ´ aktas, using strategies example of how some Sahajiy¯a gurus tried to appeal to those S¯ similar to those we have seen regarding the Gaud.¯ıyas. In short: take a core concept, figure, or being—acknowledge it—and then somehow fit it into your own cosmology. This is, of course, an enduring strategy in the history of religions worldwide. Although the specific details of interactions between Sahajiy¯as and Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas and ´ ´ aktas in seventeenth and eighteenth century Bengal between Sahajiy¯as, Saivas, and S¯ remain to be studied further, it seems that Sahajiy¯as adopted these strategies of appropriation for several reasons. First, there are deep cosmological and conceptual ´ aktas, such as the resonances between a tantric worldview and those of Gaud.¯ıyas and S¯ valorization of human embodiment as a useful stage in achieving liberation. Secondly, ´ akta systems, they made creative use of the incredible sophistication of Gaud.¯ıya and S¯ which had been developed over many years, and thus provided Sahajiy¯as with elegant ways of expressing their own yogic and devotional experiences. Finally, the great ´ popularity of both Saktism and Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism in Bengal was an immediate ¯ reason for Sahajiy¯a gurus such as Mukunda-deva, Akiñcana-d¯ asa, and Prema-d¯asa ´ to make attempts to attract followers of Saktism and Gaud.¯ıya communities and to initiate them into Sahaja dharma. In short, these two audiences had to be attractive to ¯ Sahajiy¯a gurus eager to expand their own samprad¯ayas, and in the Anandabhairava, we see some results of these efforts.

Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a S¯adhan¯a and Dehatattva As many readers may not be familiar with the basics of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a traditions, I would like to briefly outline how the Sahajiy¯as appropriated Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava beliefs and practices and developed their own s¯adhan¯as. This will help 9

See Dimock (1989: 55–67) on how the figure of Can.d.¯ıd¯asa is claimed by Sahajiy¯as.

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´ akta Tantra concepts as well. To begin to illuminate how Sahajiy¯as appropriated S¯ with, the Sahajiy¯as held a monistic view of the universe, quite different from the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava view of modified dualism. Gaud.¯ıyas held that Kr.s.n.a was the svayam . bhagav¯an, the supreme divine being, and that R¯adh¯a was his hl¯adin¯ı-´sakti, his blissful energy emanation, and that they were eternally distinct from humans and this realm. For the Gaud.¯ıyas, it would be unthinkable to claim that humans could ever be like Kr.s.n.a or R¯adh¯a; for Sahajiy¯as, the truth is that Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a are the innate cosmic potentialities of all humans. In this claim, we of course see a standard tantric motif: that humans, with the proper attitude and practice, may gradually attain a status of divine proportions. The key to understanding the Sahajiy¯a approach to this cosmic transformation is a technique called a¯ ropa-s¯adhan¯a, “attribution practice.”10 The cosmological framework is that there are two basic levels to reality. The lower, material cosmos is that of the natural world and of the fleshly human body and is the realm of the r¯upa, or “form.” Above and within this material level, of course, is the transcendent level of cosmic beings, celestial realms, and final liberation known as that of the svar¯upa, which may be glossed as “true form” or “innate form.” Sahajiy¯as hold that Kr.s.n.a was actually the true “inner form” (svar¯upa) of each human male’s r¯upa, while R¯adh¯a is the svar¯upa of each woman’s r¯upa. Again, this technique for realizing the inner cosmic essence behind any earthly form is a venerable type of tantric process. Another, related set of concepts in Sahajiy¯a texts involves the relationship between that level of reality which is pr¯akr.ta, “manifest,” and that which is apr¯akr.ta, “unmanifested.” Sahajiy¯as developed a number of complicated s¯adhan¯as to make this transition from the r¯upa to the svar¯upa, and from the pr¯akr.ta to the apr¯akr.ta. In the Amr.taratn¯aval¯ı of Mukunda-d¯asa, from around 1650–1700 CE,11 we clearly see how the Sahajiy¯as appropriated the initial stages of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava bhakti practices, known as rule-based or vaidhi bhakti. This involves singing and dancing and praising Kr.s.n.a much like the orthodox Gaud.¯ıyas would, except for the Sahajiy¯as this means a gradual process of learning about the esoteric inner or “yogic” body through what is known as dehatattva—the “principles of embodiment.” Mukunda-d¯asa calls this the pravarta or “beginner’s stage.” But there are two more advanced Sahajiy¯a stages: the s¯adhaka (“accomplished”) and the siddha (“perfected”), during which the male and female initiates are gradually taught the transgressive sexual rituals and are required to attain the inner cosmic realms through the use of ult.a¯ s¯adhan¯a, “reversal practice.” In this, the adepts envision themselves as Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a making love in a celestial realm, based on visualizations perfected in the first stage. It is here that truly transgressive behaviour begins. The ritual couple attempt to yogically manipulate their sexual fluids, so that the male semen (rasa, s´ukra) and uterine blood/vaginal fluid (rati, rajas) are joined and raised “upwards against the current” (sroter uj¯ana) along a yogic tube extending from the vagina and through the penis up through the inner body to a series of inner holding tanks (sarovara). I have written more about this

10 11

For details on a¯ ropa-s¯adhana, see Dimock (1989: 164) and infra. See Hayes (2000) for a translation and study of selected portions of the Amr.taratn¯aval¯ı.

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process elsewhere,12 but this yogic tube is called the b¯an˙ k¯anad¯ı or “crooked river” and takes the consciousness of the adepts up through an ascending series of cosmic regions—some quite Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava in description, while others seem to be more ´ ¯ from Saiva and N¯ath character. We will see in the Anandabhairava how Prema-d¯asa ´ describes these regions, but connects their revelation to Sakti and/or K¯al¯ı. Again, all of this yogic hydraulic activity and cosmic ascending is intended to help the practitioners to realize the svar¯upa within the physical form (r¯upa). And although Gaud.¯ıyas envisioned a eternal real (nitya-dh¯ama) based upon the classical description from the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a where Kr.s.n.a, R¯adh¯a, and the various characters of the Vraja-l¯ıl¯a forever experience bliss (¯ananda) and pure love (prema), Sahajiy¯as argued that all dualities, including that of male and female, human and divine, are merged— “together-born” (saha-ja)—into the transcendent realms of the inner holding tanks (sarovara) and planes (bh¯umi). The goal for Sahajiy¯as is not an eternal interaction with the divine Kr.s.n.a; rather, it is to attain the highest state of Sahajapur, “the Together-born Place,” Guptacandrapur, the “Place of the Hidden Moon” where one joins with the Sahaja-m¯anus.a, the innate cosmic being. Sahajiy¯as thus substituted the Sahaja-m¯anus.a for the eternal pair of Kr.s.n.a and R¯adh¯a as the ultimate level of being. It is remarkable how Sahajiy¯a gurus supported these claims by appropriating the dual incarnation (dv¯avat¯ara) of Caitanya as well as the elaborate aesthetic and religious categories and dimensions of rasa-´sa¯ stra as developed by the Bengal Gosv¯amins. There is no single model of the Sahajiy¯a subtle body, just as there is not one model in Tantra or Yoga (despite the modern preference for the six-plus-one cakra system).13 Mukunda-d¯asa favours a model with four holding tanks: the k¯ama-sarovara (“tank of lust”), the m¯ana-sarovara (“tank of pique”), the prema-sarovara (“tank of pure love”), and the aks.aya-sarovara (“tank of indestructibility”). These four tanks hold the reversed sexual fluids, which once reversed are called vastu (“cosmic stuff”), and these sarovaras are the functional parallels to the cakra system of other traditions. The b¯an˙ k¯anad¯ı is thus the parallel to the central channel or sus.umn.a¯ -n¯ad.¯ı of other ´ traditions. This system clearly reflects the blend between Gaud.¯ıya, Saiva, and even ¯ N¯ath imagery. But other texts, such as the Anandabhairava, have a different—and typically obscure—model based upon cakras and padmas and other tropes from Tantric dehatattva. For more specific details concerning Sahajiy¯a dehatattva, readers are directed to my other essays on this.14 But hopefully we have at least introduced the basics of Sahajiy¯a s¯adhana, and how they appropriated various aspects from Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism into their own systems. Beginning as early as the late sixteenth century, the Sahajiy¯as blended monistic Tantra with dualistic bhakti and created fascinating— if opaque—esoteric systems combining tantric s¯adhan¯a and dehatattva with intricate analyses of emotions and perceptions. We will now consider some of these blended ´ akta Tantra was appropriated by Prema-d¯asa in the notions as we explore how S¯ 12

See especially Hayes (1995, 2000, 2012a) for more details on this type of dehatattva. On the related hat.ha yogic practice of vajrol¯ı-mudr¯a, see Mallinson (2018). 13 On the issues involving different models of the subtle or yogic body, see, for example White (2003b). 14 See Hayes (1995, 2000, 2012a).

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¯ ´ aktism is not typical for a Sahajiy¯a text, so Anandabhairava. This appropriation of S¯ it is interesting to consider this process.

´ ¯ The Anandabhairava: The Appropriation of Saktism ¯ The Anandabhairava (“The Bliss of Bhairava”) of Prema-d¯asa is a Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a text of approximately 300 couplets (mostly in middle Bengali, with one Sanskrit s´loka), and the printed edition was edited by Manindramohan Basu in his anthology Sahajiy¯a-s¯ahitya, published by the University of Calcutta in 1932.15 This printed version is based on ms. #3926 in the CU archives, dated BS 1239 (CE 1832). Edward C. Dimock, Jr., my teacher at the University of Chicago and the renowned scholar of Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a and Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava traditions, dated it to around CE 1725. Echoing a standard Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava opening devotional verse, the text opens up (SS:126) with a standard (but important) invocation of sr¯ısr¯ır¯adh¯akr.s.n.a. This may seem to be praising the divine Kr.s.n.a and his beloved R¯adh¯a, but as a Sahajiy¯a text it is really honouring the innate svar¯upas of men and women. But the next seven ´ akta tilt of the text: words suggest the decidedly S¯ ks.hema˙nkari khor g¯andh¯arik¯a paras icch¯a b¯am¯a moun¯adhik¯a.

These words are apparently being used as mantras by Prema-d¯asa. ks.hema˙nkari seems to be an honorific, “Auspicious One,” typically addressed to goddess Durg¯a, while khor is more obscure, possibly a colloquial Bengali term for “Lame One” or “Addicted One.” G¯andh¯arik¯a might be “Fragrant Woman” and suggests the cultivated female consort of Sahajiy¯a rituals, while paras, “Gentle Touch,” may refer to the touch of the goddess or the ritual partner. Icch¯a, “Intention” or “Desired One,” seems to express the mental focus required in s¯adhan¯a. Also somewhat obscure are b¯am¯a, “Beautiful Woman” and Moun¯adhik¯a, “Silent One.” This illustrates a major obstacle to the academic study of medieval Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a texts: the apparent lack of written commentaries which explain the obscure (to us) technical terms. Dimock, as well as the noted historian of Bengali Vais.n.avism, Ramakanta Chakravarty,16 felt that Sahajiy¯a commentaries were primarily oral traditions, passed down from guru to chela, and that many, if not all, of these lineages faded away in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thus, we seem to lack written commentaries that 15

To the best of my knowledge, this is the only Vais.n.ava tantric text associated with the name of Bhairava; however, in this text Bhairava is said to be a court minister, not the fearful manifestation ´ of Siva. Dr. Sthaneshwar Timalsina from San Diego State University, in a personal communication ¯ (9/7/20), notes that there are several dozen manuscripts with the name Anandabhairava in archives ´ in Nepal. Most of these texts are associated with the Kaula Saiva traditions. He also observes that ¯ there are also a few Anandabhairava temples, from around the fourteenth century as well as a Licchivian inscription regarding Vajra Bhairava that dates back to the sixth century. I suspect that ´ this Sahajiy¯a use of the term Bhairava is an example of their attempts to appeal to Saiva devotees in an effort to attract new followers. 16 See Chakravarti (1985).

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explain key terms and concepts, as is so common in most other tantric traditions. In her recent superb fieldwork in Bengal with modern-day Sahajiy¯as in Nadia,17 Sukanya Sarbadhikary found modern-day descendants of the Sahajiy¯as who were ¯ vaguely aware of the medieval lineages of Mukunda-deva and Akiñcana-d¯ asa. But they demonstrated little familiarity with the details of the earlier medieval schools and certainly not with the elaborate subtle-body systems developed by the Mukunda samprad¯aya. Following these seven terms, there is a corrupted Sanskrit s´loka18 —the only one in the text—which does contain a few words that may pertain to the s¯adhan¯as that will be outlined in the subsequent Bengali text. Such corrupted Sanskrit is typical of ¯ many Sahajiy¯a texts, although others, like the Vivarta-vil¯asa of Akiñcana-d¯ asa (ca. 1650 CE) often cite (more or less accurately) a range of Sanskrit texts such as the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a and various Tantras. Reflecting a quite standard South Asian trope, the narrative portion of the text begins with two characters discussing the meaning of this Sanskrit s´loka: Padm¯avat¯ı and K¯anta19 : Padm¯avat¯ı says: I ask out of humble devotion. I would like to hear the meaning of this s´loka. K¯anta says: You must listen carefully for the meaning of the s´loka. It is not [to be understood] externally (b¯ahya), as it is an interior mental process (manera karan.a). Because of your earnest request, I will speak about this [´sloka]. As you have requested just a little bit of knowledge (jñ¯ana). Yet how shall I tell you a simple story about your own self-knowledge (¯apn¯ara jñ¯ana)? If you worship under the spell of m¯ay¯a, you will not be able to understand this. Padm¯avat¯ı says: You state that a person may be enchanted by m¯ay¯a. Yet such a person, who has the best of intentions, still has to make decisions and take actions. You might consider yourself to be spiritual (vair¯ag¯ı), yet the bhakta as just worldly (sams¯ ˙ ar¯ı). Please understand that any person who makes decisions is still enchanted by m¯ay¯a.

In this early portion of the text, the male figure, K¯anta, serves as the apparent authority—a gender dynamic that will shift in later sections. K¯anta states that bhakti provides an easier path than that of jñ¯ana, a standard critique made by Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas and others. The Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as were also critical of the efficacy 17

See Sarbadhikary (2015). Nijath¯ajatheñjetrininig¯apanuchay¯asujem¯asvarik¯anta. I have shown this s´loka to many Sanskritists, including Han van Buitenen back in grad school, and all agree it is mostly jibberish. 19 SS 126–127. 18

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of jñ¯ana and especially of the high-caste pan.d.its and others whose authority they generally rejected. K¯anta then proceeds to instruct Padm¯avat¯ı about the meanings of the s´loka20 : I bow down to this teaching from a great distance.21 Thus I will reveal the meanings of the s´loka; listen with a single mind. ´ R¯upa (form), Rasa (taste), Sabda (sound), Spar´sa (touch), L¯ıl¯a (play) and Rasagun.a (tastequalities), Together with the Hero (n¯ayaka) and Heroine (n¯ayik¯a), these constitute the eight beings (as..tajana). She whose name is Ks.hema˙nkari (“Auspicious One”) is what I call the R¯upa. She who is called Khor (“Addicted/Lame”) is the True Inner Form (svar¯upa) of the N¯ayik¯a. She who is called G¯andh¯arik¯a (“Fragrant Woman”), she becomes fragrance (gandha). The one with the name Rasa, this is Touch (paras), and is difficult to understand. She who is the Desired One (icch¯a), she becomes sound (´sabda). In the sound of the word B¯am¯a (“Beautiful Woman”), are what are called “other Tastes” (anya rasa). The activator of L¯ıl¯a (l¯ıl¯akart¯a) is she who is called the Silent One (moun¯adhik¯a). Thus have I told you the meaning of the twenty-four syllables [of the s´loka].22 There are also external (b¯ahya) names for eighteen of the syllables. ´ ıKr.s.n.a. Along with the N¯ayaka, the entire assembly worships Sr¯

This passage shows us how complex and obscure the Sahajiy¯a system is. K¯anta is laying out—using a semantic coding system that remains unclear to us now—the multi-sensory s¯adhan¯a, based upon the mastery of the senses by the ritual couple (n¯ayaka and n¯ayik¯a). K¯anta connects these senses to interior states associated with various feminine beings. But without an oral or written commentary, the exact mean´ ıKr.s.n.a ings here are unclear. Still, it is important that the assembly is told to worship Sr¯ (to be understood as primarily the inner svar¯upas as mentioned earlier). Reciting specific mantras leads to realization of certain inner states, which of course is typical of many tantric s¯adhanas. Having established, as it were, the basic cosmology being engaged with, and the presence of the ritual Sahajiy¯a couple of the n¯ayik¯a and n¯ayaka, the text then shifts ´ akta creation story regarding Ady¯ ¯ as´akti23 : into a very distinctive S¯ 20

SS 128–129. The point is that bhakti is easy, while jñ¯ana is difficult. 22 This makes sense only if one omits the single syllable “khor.”. 23 SS 129–132. 21

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´ Sakti was born from the sweat (gh¯ama) of the Infinite (an¯adi) Brahm¯a. His mind was attracted to her divine image (divya m¯urti). One desire became two desires, and they joined together (sa˙ngama). And thus Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u, and Mahe´svara were born. ´ Brahm¯a from the mouth, Vis.n.u from the chest, and Siva from the forehead. As time went on, the three blood brothers became very powerful. Because of his compassion for the three, [Infinite Brahma] provided them with mantras. He then ordered the three to go and perform austerities (tapasy¯a). Following his commands, they travelled to the banks of the Crooked River (b¯an˙ k¯anad¯ı).24 Using the seed-syllables of the mantra, the three performed austerities. Understanding their minds, the Infinite Brahm¯a went away. He used the powers obtained from his knowledge of yoga. Disguising himself as a dead corpse, he floated down the river. Shouting “away, away,” Brahm¯a made only a token offering of water. Enraged, Infinite Brahm¯a cursed him. This great violation means there will be no p¯uj¯a [to you] in the world. In that same disguise, he floated along to Vis.n.u. In great haste, [Vis.n.u] offered up three scoops of water. Now smiling, Infinite Brahm¯a granted him a boon. Without you, no actions can take place in the world (sams¯ ˙ ara). ´ In that very same disguise he drew close to Mah¯arudra (Siva). ´ Breaking his meditation, [Siva] stared at the ghastly image. ´ Yet once again, Siva closed his eyes. He was astonished, but resumed his meditation. Due to his yogic powers, Yoge´svara realized who the corpse really was. Drawing it up onto his lap, he began to dance about. 24

This is the central channel of the subtle-body system in the dehatattva of the Mukunda schools.

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G. A. Hayes Because he was now propitiated, [Infinite Brahm¯a] was compassionate and merciful towards ´ Siva. Because of you, my desires are completely fulfilled. My mind is melted by the sight of your devotion. ¯ as´akti to you. Accept this gift. I give Ady¯

This is a rather remarkable passage for many reasons. To begin with, there are parallels to a roughly similar creation story in the Dharma-ma˙ngala, popular versions 25 ¯ of which were circulating in Bengal at about the same time as the Anandabhairava. The best known version, composed by the poet Ghanar¯am Chakrabartt¯ı, extols worship of the vernacular Bengali folk deity Dharma-th¯akur. Frank Korom, a folklorist at Boston University, summarizes this other version thusly26 : The Creator takes the form of a rotten corpse and floats down the Balluka river, along which are sitting Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva. All three have just been created by Prakr.ti, who created them after the Creator created her. The three are blind from the birthing process, so go to the river to wash their eyes. The Creator, in his form as a rotting corpse, first floats by Brahma, who covers his nose with his right hand and pushes the corpse toward Vishnu with his left, Vishnu does the same. Finally, it floats by Shiva, who recognizes it as the Creator. He pulls the corpse out of the water and dances madly with it. The Creator then reveals himself in his cosmic form to his three sons.

´ The Sahajiy¯a version is quite interesting and transgressive. It is Sakti who is “born” from the bodily fluid (sweat, gh¯ama) of An¯adi-Brahm¯a, which is very scatological and curious, since the classical notion of devas is that they do not sweat. And the text implies that An¯adi-Brahm¯a commits primal incest (sa˙ngama can mean “sexual ´ union”) with Sakti, who then creates the triad. Another notable point is that the triad is sent by An¯adi-Brahm¯a to perform yogic austerities (tapasy¯a) using b¯ıja-mantras along the b¯an˙ k¯anad¯ı, which is the inner yogic channel of Sahajiy¯a dehatattva. Both versions agree on the Creator disguising himself as a corpse to test the triad, although the sequence is a bit different. In the Sahajiy¯a version, Brahm¯a makes only a token offering to the corpse and is cursed, while Vis.n.u at least offered three scoops of ´ water. Only Siva, in both versions, has developed his yogic powers sufficiently to see past the disguise and embrace the corpse. But in the Sahajiy¯a version, An¯adi´ ¯ as´akti herself. This story almost certainly Brahm¯a gives to Siva the boon of Ady¯ ´ reflects deeper views about Siva and his cosmic powers, and also (as will be seen in ´ akta views about the primacy of Sakti. ´ subsequent verses) existing S¯ ´ The following verses are intriguing, as An¯adi-Brahm¯a reveals to Siva that he ¯ as´akti and learn the mantras and s¯adhan¯as from her. Sakti ´ must worship Ady¯ reveals ´ her cosmic form to Siva, overwhelming him and establishing her as the true guru. Following the events of the cosmogonic story, this is significant as it elevates the ´ ´ status of Sakti to above that of either Siva or, for the Sahajiy¯as, even Kr.s.na. 25

On the Dharma-ma˙ngala creation story, see Frank Korom, “The World According to Ghanar¯am: A Partial Translation of his Gitarambha.” In Festschrift in Honour of Rahul Peter Das on his 65th Birthday. Edited by H. Harder and C. Brandt. Berlin: CrossAsia, in press. 26 Personal communication by email from Frank Korom, 9 September 2018.

´ 3 Prema and Sakti: Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a Appropriations of Gaud.¯ıya … ´ Siva says: “I fear I may transgress your command, Master!”. You’ve given me such a profound command. I fear I might make mistakes. Yet Infinite Brahm¯a says: “But who am I?”. ¯ as´akti?” “Who are you?”. “Who is Ady¯ Mahe´sa, understanding the implications, agreed. ´ Approaching the feet of Sakti, he paid his respects. Smiling, Mah¯am¯ay¯a says sweetly. You must keep my command for all time. Whatever desires you may have, they will become mine as well. If you understand, it is near; otherwise, it is far away. Because of that, you must worship me. If you know me, you will gain dar´san. Understanding, as the mind evolves, behold what proper worship is. Hara says: “I have taken refuge within the k¯amab¯ıja [mantra]. ´ [Sakti says:] “I am the True Inner Form (svar¯upa) of the b¯ıja. Behold my qualities (gun.a).” Hara says: “Please give me dar´san of your entire body.” ´ Sakti caused her body to glow with all of the qualities. Acceding to Hara’s request, she removed all of her garments. [missing verse line?] ´ One by one, Siva gained dar´san of all of her body. ´ Sakti made all of the gun.as flourish in her body. Drawing inward, Hara lost consciousness. Overwhelmed, the yogi sprawls upon the ground (bh¯umi). Raising him up, Mah¯am¯ay¯a seats him on her knee. Somehow, Hara managed to regain consciousness. Stabilizing himself, Hara says: “What happened to me in there?”

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G. A. Hayes Yet even while saying this, he became agitated once again. The rasika is one who is able to know this, and to compose themselves. ´ Sakti says: “Please calm yourself down, and listen.” I will describe, one by one, your own qualities. Please listen.

Here, we see how Prema-d¯asa has moved beyond the more-typical Sahajiy¯a use of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava concepts like bhakti and prema and is now appropriating aspects ´ of Saktism in quite novel and very important ways. The passage clearly presents ´Sakti as a supreme being whom Siva ´ is to worship, and perhaps in this we can ´ ´ aktas and convince discern Prema-d¯asa’s strategy to appeal to both Saivas and S¯ ´ them to become Sahajiy¯as. But this valorization of Sakti is then placed into a larger ´ cosmological context as Prema-d¯asa has Sakti reveal a very complex subtle-body system (dehatattva), which seems quite distinct to this this text. In contrast to the better-known system of cakras, n¯ad.¯ıs, and kun.d.alin¯ı that we see in many other tantric systems of dehatattva, this Sahajiy¯a model is quite obscure and difficult to understand. Of note are the four moon-centres, the immortal nectar, celestial bees, hills with sandalwood trees, and an overheated snake27 : There are the finger-moon (nakhacandra), the face-moon (mukhacandra), the skull-moon (kap¯ala-candra) and a mounded place (gan.d.asthala) of two moons, the essence of crescent-moons (ardhacandra). As the moon arises, it exudes immortal nectar (sudh¯amr.ta). Unable to drink it, the cakora bird dies of thirst.28 There are the foot lotus (p¯adapadma), the navel lotus (n¯abhipadma), the thigh lotus (¯ur¯upadma) and the face lotus (mukhapadma), the eye lotus (¯an˙ khipadma) and four more lotuses. As the lotuses bloom, the sweet scent of honey (madhu) wafts. Bumblebees (ali) flutter about as they come near. If the bees are unable to drink the nectar, they become distressed. And there are so many more aspects to consider. Listen now and I will tell you. In the area of the chest there are two hills (giri). And on top of these are sandalwood trees (candanera g¯ach).

27 28

SS 132–133. The moon nectar is a N¯ath image, while the cakora bird is standard Vais.n.ava imagery.

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Seeking to be cooled, the snake (bhuja˙nga) moves towards them. Without their cooling touch (para´s),29 its body burns in the heat. There are so many things (dravya) like this in the external body (b¯ahya a˙nga). I am afraid to speak about these things, as it may cause you to lose consciousness (cetana).

To begin with, such use of lunar symbolism as applied to the interior cosmology and subtle-body system is widespread in the N¯ath traditions of Bengal, as discussed by Lubomir Ondracka in a recent article.30 For example, in the Goraks, avijaya, which dates to the seventeenth century, we find passages regarding a set of four inner moons (candra), the revivification of which are deemed necessary for successful yogic liberation. James Mallinson and David Gordon White have also discussed similar lunar symbolism in N¯ath and Siddha traditions.31 It is also worth noting that lunar symbolism is also evident in the later B¯aul traditions of Bengal, as studied by the late Carol Salomon and also by Jeanne Openshaw.32 Also notable is the old poetic trope of the bumblebees of love (ali), which flit from flower to flower in search for the sweet nectar, much as a lover seeks out a series of liaisons. The hills and trees may be referring to the breasts and nipples of the N¯ayik¯a, while the snake may be a phallic symbol. Unfortunately, without the clarification from an oral or written commentary (we which lack), we can at best only speculate on what these obscure passages may ´ mean. At minimum, this all demonstrates that, although the text may extoll Sakti, she is still revealing foundational Sahajiy¯a dehatattva—a strategy which is repeated throughout the text (and which we have insufficient time to cover in greater detail in this short essay). ´ The following lines also have Sakti revealing the dehatattva of the Sahajiy¯as, in this case describing the inner “holding tanks” (sarovara) that are also found in the texts associated with Mukunda-deva and Mukunda-d¯asa.33 The lines (SS:133–134) read: ´ Siva says: “You have told me about the external aspects.” Please tell me about the inner aspects as my mind is stable and ready. ´ Sakti says: “Please close your eyes and listen carefully.” In brief, there are numerous inner dimensions. There is a thousand-petalled lotus (sahasradal) within the skull. In that realm there is a Holding Tank (sarovara) named Indestructible (aks.aya). 29

This may be connected to the use of para´s in the opening lines of the text. Ondracka (2011). My thanks to James Mallinson for directing me to this essay. 31 See Mallinson (2007), White (1996). 32 See Salomon (1995), Openshaw (2002). Sakti N¯ ath Jha has also discussed the “four moons” in vernacular Bengali religious traditions in Jha (1995). 33 See Hayes (2000) for more details. 30

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G. A. Hayes Within the belly (udara) there is the M¯ana-sarovara (“Tank of Pique”). Flowers from that place reach upwards towards the 1000 petals. Upturned (¯urdhvamukhe) and downturned (adhomukhe), they are connected to the nose (n¯as¯a). Within them is the Substance (vastu) of the root (m¯ula) of all time (sarvak¯ala). The lips (adhara) taste (ras¯ala) the waters (jala) of the Aks.aya-sarovara (“Tank of Indestructibility”). They flow from there to the M¯ana-sarovara. The stems of the lotus grow upwards from there. Everything merges once again with existence (satt¯a) in those waters. Above the M¯ana-sarovara is a Tank of Mythical Milk (ks.¯ıroda). From it may be generated a lotus of hundred petals. In those lotuses resides the True Form (svar¯upa) of the Primal Substance (m¯ula-vastu). The name of that Tank is Greatest One (pr.thu). From that place may be generated a lotus of eight petals. The name of that Tank is difficult to know. In the eight petals of that lotus is the Supreme (par¯atpara) Substance (vastu). Dreadful and blinding is the Thigh-lotus (¯uru-padma) generated in the Tank. I am simply unable to tell you all about these matters. It may seem impossible to listen, but behold this in yourself. ´ While saying this, Sakti produced the Immortal Nectar (amr.ta). Overwhelmed by its radiance, Hara placed some on his forehead.

Again, although this is yet another obscure passage, it is significant that Prema´ d¯asa has Sakti herself revealing these profound secrets (which are still ultimately about a Sahajiy¯a cosmos). But the text goes on to describe another curious event, ´ ´ in which Sakti, having produced the amr.ta which overwhelms Siva, then undergoes ´ one hundred eight rounds of birth and death. Each time, Siva removes one of her bones and thus fashions a bone m¯al¯a of astonishing cosmic power. According to the text (SS:134–135): She then underwent one hundred eight cycles of birth and death. And from each one of these cycles he took from her a total of one hundred eight bones. He then strung the bone m¯al¯a around his neck. While uttering mantras with the m¯al¯a, Hara became maddened (bhol¯a).

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´ Brahm¯a and Vis.n.u both came upon Siva. ´ Both repeatedly asked Siva: “What has happened?” What is the meaning of this bone m¯al¯a you are wearing? ´ [Siva says:] “Wearing the m¯al¯a means I have become indifferent to the world (vair¯ag¯ı).” Brahm¯a asks: “Whose practices are you following? Whose dharma?” Hara replies: “Behold, and understand that all births come from that.” “As soon as I utter its name, its aspects appear within me.” Brahm¯a says: “Please reveal this profound dharma.” Hara says: “Listen, Brahm¯a, for I speak truthfully.” ¯ as´akti none of this could never happen.” “Without Ady¯ Hara revealed its external forms (b¯ahya-¯ak¯ara). And Brahm¯a and Vis.n.u’s minds were astonished. Remaining for many days, they came to understand some of its dimensions. Brahm¯a creates, and Vis.n.u preserves. ´ Sad¯a-Siva questions the appearance of all forms. ´astras state that Siva ´ Because of this, the S¯ destroys. Who can count her numberless creations? I will share the inner stories, so behold and listen.

Of note here is not only the creation of the m¯al¯a as a stand-in for the divine ´ presence of Sakti, but also the standard number of one hundred eight for a string of japa beads. This method of using the body parts of a divinity to create something recalls the purus.a-s¯ukta in R.g Veda 10:90, but may also convey even older shamanic practices in northeastern India. But Siva’s use of the m¯al¯a impresses even Brahm¯a and ´ Vis.n.u, and again, we see how this appropriation of Sakti is used to both valorize her, but also to set her in the larger cosmic context of Sahajiy¯a teachings and dehatattva. ¯ One more example of the distinctiveness of the Anandabhairava is worth sharing, ´ and that involves an intriguing name given to Sakti that, to the best of my knowledge, is not found in any other Bengali texts: N¯ılacandrarekh¯a, “One Adorned by the Blue Moon.” This also appears after another section on dehatattva34 : 34

SS 136–137. Should any readers have more information on this name of the goddess, I ask them to contact me.

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G. A. Hayes ¯ as´akti says: “You have forgotten everything!” Ady¯ Unreliable meditation and yoga cannot lead to deepest realization (anubhava). You were born from my body. [But] you forgot everything, not understanding my essence. Situated in the highest realm is the Village of Guptacandra (“Hidden Moon.”) There is no motion there. It is the Nitya-dh¯ama (“Eternal Realm”). It cannot be seen externally, and not even well known within. It spreads out from a six-petalled lotus. Amidst the lotus are a n¯ayaka and a n¯ayik¯a. There are six beings in the six petals, and I am Candrarekh¯a. 137 Upon hearing this discourse, both of them “died to life” (j¯ıvane marila).35 Going to that highest realm, they beheld everything. There are fourteen cosmic realms, and there are no hard divisions between them. I have been made to hear what is true and what is false by the Queen of M¯ay¯a. Behold how everything is her external body. She is located within, being very subtle. In her name there is another located in the middle. There are a total of eight beings in the six petals of the lotus. N¯ılacandrarekh¯a says: “Everything comes from me.” My body (a˙nga), my existence (sthiti), my deepest realization (anubhava).

´ After this revelation of the transcendent Sahajiy¯a realms, Sakti has now revealed herself to be the goddess N¯ılacandrarekh¯a. One page further (SS 138) she then connects herself to all of the sensory functions and states (138): I, N¯ılacandrarekh¯a, am even more conscious (cetana) than this. From me, all people have received their consciousness (sacetana).

35

This is, of course, a standard trope and venerable concept in classical, ascetic, and yogic literature.

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What can we make of these passages? Certainly Prema-d¯asa must be using an existing goddess tradition from the late seventeenth to early eighteenth centuries, but this remains unclear. However, there is a very remote chance that this term may apply to the major Vajray¯ana Buddhist goddess T¯ar¯a (in her blue (n¯ıla) form). While beyond the scope of this current essay, it should be noted that scholars like Shahshibhusan Dasgupta argued, unconvincingly, that the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as must have emerged from an earlier “Sahajay¯ana” form of Buddhism.36 This, however, was but a scholarly construct, as the Cary¯apadas and Dohas were in fact texts of the larger Vajray¯ana Buddhist tradition. Still, it is also worth noting that Prema-d¯asa, at the end of the text (SS:148), when claiming notable figures from the past who also practiced Sahajiy¯a s¯adhan¯a, mentions how the s¯adhan¯a was given to “1200 shaven men (ned.a¯ ) and 1300 shaven women (ned.¯ı).” Might these men and women have been converted monks and nuns from the dwindling Buddhist communities of eastern and northern Bengal? Of course, this will remain, as with so much in Sahajiy¯a texts, a matter most uncertain. There is much, much more to this text, and subsequent sections also combine ´ akta and Saiva ´ Sahajiy¯a cosmology and s¯adhan¯a with S¯ elements. And throughout the text there is a continual effort to appropriate Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava elements, as we have seen. But the underlying Sahajiy¯a argument is that the highest state is that of sahaja, the cosmic state wherein all dualities are merged, “together-born” (saha-ja) into the pure bliss (¯ananda) of transcendent Sahajiy¯a realms. This is the final liberation, realizing the highest soteriological state of the Sahaja-m¯anus.a, the “together-born,” androgynous immortal being. Although we have no time to explore this in any detail, it should be noted that the title of the text itself refers to a parable of a court minister named Bhairava,37 who while performing K¯al¯ı-p¯uja one day is visited by K¯al¯ı and told to travel with a group consisting of one Br¯ahmin pan.d.it, two Vais.n.avas, one unlearned man, and a fool to a distant Sahaja-realm where he will learn from a group of women known as the eight n¯ayik¯as. Various mantras (such as the K¯amag¯ayatr¯ı and the K¯al¯ı-´sa˙nkar¯ı mantras) and their meanings are discussed, and Bhairava eventually receives the bliss (¯ananda) of the realization of Sahaja. Again, beneath the many traditions referred to, and appropriated, there is always the primacy of sahaja. In the final folia, Prema-d¯asa further attempts to legitimate Sahajiy¯a ritual practices by claiming that a range of notable figures from the past had all performed the Sahajiy¯a transgressive ritual sexual intercourse of parak¯ıy¯a-s¯adhana: intercourse between with a spouse married to another, based upon the tantric interpretation of Kr.s.na’s dalliance with the gop¯ıs described in the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a. Among those mentioned (147–148) are: Bharata-muni, Vidy¯apati, Can.d.¯ıd¯asa, Jayadeva, Caitanya, the six Gosv¯amins, Nity¯ananda and V¯ırabhadra38 as well as classical figures such as Brahm¯a, Par¯as´ara-muni (the father of Vy¯asa), and Pavana the wind god. As a master of appropriation, Prema-d¯asa has truly searched the Hindu cosmos for an impressive list of names. 36

See Dasgupta (1969). SS 139–147. 38 The late Joseph O’Connell has contested these claims by the Sahajiy¯ as. See O’Connell (2019). 37

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The bhan.it¯a of the text is as follows (SS:153): I place my hope in the heart and before the auspicious feet of the blessed guru. ¯ Prema-d¯asa recites this Anandabhairava. It is not intended for ascetic (vair¯ag¯ı) Vais.n.avas, but for Rasikas. ´ Through understanding this, Sakti and Prema will be obtained. ¯ Thus is completed the Anandabhairava.

Conclusion ¯ The Anandabhairava is an intriguing example of a Bengali tantric text that shows the influences from a wide range of South Asian religious traditions, ranging ´ ´ from Saivism, Saktism, N¯ath and Siddha traditions, Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, and even regional vernacular traditions (such as those of Dharma-th¯akur). When composed in the early eighteenth century, Prema-d¯asa would have also been seeking to expand his own Sahajiy¯a community and thus would have drawn upon popular aspects of ´ ´ Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, Saivism, and Saktism as he tried to gain converts to his lineage and practices. We have no idea if he was successful or not, but as an historian of religions I find his text to be a fascinating window into the dynamics and complexity of Bengali Tantra during a pivotal historical time period. We have seen how the processes of appropriation and intertextuality can occur, and I look forward to studying more Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a texts in the future.

References Basu (Bose) (1932). Manindramohan. Sahajiy¯a s¯ahitya. University of Calcutta. Bose, M. (1986). The Post-Caitanya Sahajia [sic] cult of Bengal. Gian Publishing House. Chakravarti, R. (1985). Vais.n.avism in Bengal: 1486–1900. Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar. Dasgupta, S. (1969). Obscure religious cults (3rd ed.). Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay. Dimock, E. C. (1989). The place of the hidden moon: Erotic mysticism in the Vaishnava-Sahajiy¯a cult of Bengal, reprint ed. Phoenix Books. Dimock, E. C., & Stewart, T. K. (1999). Caitanya Carit¯amr.ta of Kr.s.n.ad¯asa Kavir¯aja: A translation and commentary. In M. Witzel (Ed.). Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University. Haberman, D. L. (1988). Acting as a way of salvation: A study of R¯ag¯anug¯a Bhakti S¯adhana. Oxford University Press. Hayes, G. A. (1995). The Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a traditions of medieval Bengal. In D. S. Lopez (Ed.), Religions of India in practice (pp. 333–351). Princeton University Press. Hayes, G. A. (2000). The necklace of immortality: A 17th-century Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a Text. In D. G. White (Ed.), Tantra in practice (pp. 308–325). Princeton University Press.

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¯ Hayes, G. A. (2012a). Eroticism and cosmic transformation as yoga: The Atmatattva of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as of Bengal. In D. G. White (Ed.), Yoga in practice (pp. 223–241). Princeton University Press. Hayes, G. A. (2012b). Conceptual blending theory, ‘reverse amnesia’, and the study of Tantra. Oxford J. Hindu Stud., 5(2012), 193–209. Hayes, G. A. (2015). Exploring the uses of the term Sahaja in Hindu Tantra: Studying selected texts of the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as of Bengal. In A. Loseries (Ed.), Sahaja: The role of Doha and Caryagiti in the Indo-Tibetan interface (pp. 125–137). Buddhist World Press. Jha, S. N. (1995). Cari-Candra Bhed: Use of the four moons. In R. K. Ray (Ed.), Mind body and society: Life and mentality in colonial Bengal (pp. 65–108). Oxford University Press. ¯ atha. A critical edition and annotated translation of Mallinson, J. (2007). The Khecar¯ıvidy¯a of Adin¯ an early text of hat.hayoga. Routledge. Mallinson, J. (2018). Yoga and sex: What is the purpose of Vajrol¯ı-mudr¯a. In K. Baier, P. A. Maas & K. Preisendanz (Eds.), Yoga in transformation: Historical and contemporary perspectives (pp. 181–222). Vienna University Press. O’Connell, J. T. (2019). Hybrid Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as. In Caitanya Vais.n.avism in Bengal (pp. 127– 154). Routledge. Openshaw, J. (2002). Seeking B¯auls of Bengal. Cambridge University Press. Ondracka, L. (2011). What should Minan¯ath do to save his life. In D. N. Lorenzen & A. Munoz (Eds.), Yogi heroes and poets: Histories and legends of the N¯aths. SUNY Press. Salomon, C. (1995). The B¯auls. In D. S. Lopez (Ed.), Religions of India in practice (pp. 187–208). Princeton University Press. Sarbadhikary, S. (2015). The place of devotion: Siting and experiencing divinity in BengalVaishnavism (South Asia Across the Disciplines). University of California Press. Stewart, T. K. (2010). The final word: The Caitanya-carit¯amr.ta and the grammar of religious tradition. Oxford University Press. White, D. G. (1996). The alchemical body: Siddha traditions in medieval India. University of Chicago Press. White, D. G. (2003a) Kiss of the Yogin¯ı: “Tantric Sex” in its South Asian contexts. University of Chicago Press. White, D. G. (2003b). Yoga in early Hindu Tantra. In I. Whicher & D. Carpenter (Eds.), Yoga: The Indian tradition (pp. 143–161). Routledge.

Chapter 4

Tantra in the Vernacular: Secrecy and Inclusivity in the Yogas of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a Traditions Kaustubh Das

Abstract This paper presents an alternative route to model the relationship between written Sanskritic Tantric traditions and the vernacular oral Tantric traditions. It does so by problematizing the materialist methodological metaphysics of existing scholarship on the B¯aul Sahajiy¯a traditions. By relocating the methodological framework to one of non-dual panpsychic/panentheist metaphysics, the paper attempts to reinvigorate orality and secrecy as analytical categories that might allow us to render the oral vernacular Tantric traditions less opaque.

Introduction ´ The Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava tradition is one of the few traditions like non-dual Saivism and Vajray¯ana Buddhism that includes full-fledged tantric antinomian practices such as the sexual ritual and consumption of bodily secretions as sacrament.1 Despite common agreement over the presence of these extreme practices in the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions, there seems to be a scholarly lack of clarity concerning the sources and

1

Padoux (2002).

K. Das (B) Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_4

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nature of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a s¯adhan¯a.2 ,3 The confusion emerges primarily from two points: (1) the paucity of written philosophical exegetical accounts and (2) the enigmatic nature of B¯aul and Sahajiy¯a songs that seem to hide the true meaning of practice from non-initiates. The dominant scholarly view of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a considers it a collection of “unsystematic tantric traditions.”4 This is primarily because by and large the Sahajiy¯a tradition did not have written scriptures of its own and of whatever manuscripts we do find seem to lack a significant commentarial tradition whereby the hidden meanings of the text can be made explicit. Scholars such as Hayes and Dimock acknowledge that transmission in the Sahajiy¯a tradition takes place through songs and not through texts, however their scholarly methodology remains textual.5 Other scholars instead of focusing on written texts take the anthropological route (Urban 2001, Lorea 2018). However, as they themselves point out that ethnographic accounts of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions are problematic because initiates are bound by secrecy. In this double bind problem, either a researcher may remain outside the tradition and not acquire initiatory meaning; or a researcher may acquire initiation and by writing about it break the trust of their resource persons.6 Rather than the content of the secret, Urban and Lorea are interested in the social dimensions of secrecy. They demonstrate how public use of secrecy is a tool whereby potential initiates from the audience may be attracted, or aspects of the doctrine may be debated openly by initiates and masters, while making sure that the doctrine is not comprehended by anyone not initiated into their particular system. Lorea would argue that the social 2 The term B¯ aul-Sahajiy¯a that I am using needs some explanation. When I use the term B¯aulSahajiy¯a, the reader should know that I am referring to the Bastubadi B¯auls (bartaman-panthis) and Vai´snav Sahajiy¯as. I am clubbing them together here because they both subscribe to the same nondual metaphysical framework and they both self-identify as “m¯anu´s dharma”, “premer dharma”, and “rasika dharma”. The only significant difference between the two that matters for our current purpose is that there is no aaropa-s¯adhan¯a in the Bastubadi B¯aul tradition, that is they prefer to apprehend and modify the spanda principal directly without the use of any imaginative constructs. The Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a tradition on the other hand may employ imaginative constructs, such as deity visualizations or at the very least use them as important metaphors for the nature and activity of consciousness. The Sahajiy¯as thus may subject mythological themes to a bartaman-panthi exegesis. What the Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava calls the non-dual union of R¯adh¯a-Krishna is what the Bastubadi B¯auls are calling m¯anu´s tattva. The aim for both is the state of joyante-mor¯a or jivan-mukti, which is the state of transcending any opposition between the state of the limited agent in the phenomenal world ( j¯ıva in sams¯ ˙ ra.) and the state of liberation transcending all limitations. Finally, when we look at figures like L¯alon, it is difficult to classify him into a single neat category like B¯aul or Sahajiy¯a, or Vais.n.ava or Fakir. This is because his entire spiritual career was spent busting the limits of these categories. Thus, to analyse the tradition, we must often conjoin terms such as B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a or B¯aul-Fakir. 3 I would thank Sri Kul¯ avadhuta Satpurananda and Sri Anathbandu Ghosh for sharing their insights into s¯adhan¯a that have led to the creation of this paper. If there is anything in this paper that does not correspond to the tradition then that is the fault of my own limited understanding. If there is anything in the paper that is correct, it is because of the guidance offered to me by these two luminaries. 4 Hayes (2003). 5 Dimock (1989). 6 Urban (2001).

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deployment of secrecy allows for building of social hierarchies parallel to that of Brahmanical hierarchy. For her, rather than allowing the subaltern to speak the truth to power, these compositional strategies allowed the subaltern to hide the truth from the orthodoxy.7 In considering the B¯auls secretive, and this secrecy determining the limit of the political efficacy of the B¯aul tradition, Lorea and Urban seem to be in some sense echoing Partha Chatterjee’s views regarding the same. Chatterjee does acknowledge that the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition does concern itself with reclaiming the body that has been appropriated and marked by Brahmanical ideology; however, for him the secrecy inherent in the tradition marks a limit to the political efficacy of the Sahajiy¯a project. He says, “the very secretiveness of those cult practices, the fact that they can be engaged in only, as it were, outside the boundaries of the social structure, sets the practical limit to the practical effectiveness of the claim of possession.”8 One of the most obvious problems of such an analysis is that it implicitly and exclusively identifies B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a practice as deha-tattva. While deha-tattva or practices concerning body are an important component of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a s¯adhan¯a, it is by no means the entirety of the tradition. Just like there is much more than the body, that makes up a human. To identify the Sahajiy¯a tradition solely as deha-tattva to the exclusion of the discourses on the nature of mind and consciousness is to actually completely dismiss the foundations of the Sahajiy¯a understanding of the body. Such a move largely ignores how the B¯aul notion of the body is grounded in its expanded understanding of consciousness, which includes the body but is not limited to it. Rather it reframes the discourse in a more familiar and comfortable discourse of modernist materialism. The general view seems to be that ritual coitus involving retention of semen and its upward movement produces liberation in the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition. It is argued that it is the centrality of the body that is the cause of B¯aulSahajiy¯a syncretism and it is the body that is the focus of its s¯adhan¯as. This grounding in the physical has also caused parallels with enlightenment humanism. Explicitly or implicitly, underlying all these discussions is the physicalist presumption that it is the physical retention of semen and its upwards movement along with the ingestion faeces, etc., at particular lunar dates, etc., constitutes the core of Sahajiy¯a s¯adhan¯a and is sufficient to grant full liberation.9 In other words, there seems to be an assumption that since the s¯adhan¯a is happening at a physical level, liberation is being caused by some particular action (karma). If indeed it is the position of these scholars that liberation in the Sahajiy¯a scheme is the result of some karma or even some particular jñ¯ana then that would put them in conflict with traditional Sahajiy¯a philosophers ´ ı Caitanya and R¯upa Goswam¯ı who would consider the height of bhakti to such as Sr¯ be unencumbered by jñ¯ana or karma.10

7

Carola Erika Lorea (2018). Chatterjee (2007). 9 McDaniel (1992). 10 Gupta (2007). 8

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Contested Frameworks Guy L. Beck in his book Sonic Theology has argued that the methodological reliance in western knowledge making on the notion of empirical evidence leads to an exclusion of what is unseen. This has led to an imbalance in western knowledge about East-Asian religion wherein there is an over reliance on visual and written manifestations at the expense of the oral, sonic, or the experienced.11 The scholarship on B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions is particularly vulnerable to this critique by Beck. It appears that the existing scholarship has a methodological bias towards material evidence, caused by the physicalist presumptions of western epistemology.12 There is a necessary presumption not just in Indology and Tantric Studies in particular, but also in most Social Science and Humanities disciplines in general that the reductive materialist view of reality propagated by physics departments in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, represents a natural and final view of reality.13 Belief in reductive materialism is what demarcates the modern from the non-modern; the rational subject from the superstitious native.14 These metaphysical presumptions serve to sever interconnected aspects of practice and theory. It severs traditional disciplinary holism and divides these practices into separate watertight compartments of materialistic science, text, and belief-oriented non-physical religions and (supposedly irrational) superstition and magic.15 This segregation not only determines what can be considered worthy of study but also how it is to be studied. This can result in modern scholarship (particularly Indology) ignoring certain non-physical registers of practice and evidence that constitute the internal logical consistency of system under study. While nineteenth century Indology only recognized Sanskritic Brahmanical traditions as authoritative and dismissed non-Vedic tantric traditions as magic, superstition, etc.; in the late twentieth century, a more concerted effort has been made to include tantrism as an object of academic study. However, it can be argued that this inclusionary shift in strategy is not fully adequate to build a complete and functional understanding of tantric traditions within modern knowledge systems. As such, the late twentieth century scholarship on Tantra has focused mainly on Sanskrit texts and the rituals prescribed therein. Other more ephemeral aspects of the practice that do not fit into the materialist rubric of text, ritual or iconography, remain largely ignored. Apart from just including Sanskrit tantric texts as worthy of study, perhaps what we also need are interpretative stratagems that go beyond the metaphysical limitations of reductive materialism. Beck, as we have already stated, points to the fact that “Hindu” traditions are primarily oral and not written. Fredrick Smith has pointed out how because of the modern understanding of the self as an isolated unit, 11

Beck (2008). Physicalism is an ontological monoism that derives from Catresian dualism and is closely related to reductive materialism. According to it, all problems can eventually be reduced to the laws governing the behaviour of matter. 13 Josephson-Storm (2017). 14 Latour (1993). 15 Styers (2004). 12

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the notion of possession, which is central to folk and high-tantric traditions, has been under-represented.16 Similarly, Miranda Shaw has argued that to recover the histories of women and their contribution to tantrism, and we need to read the texts through non-patriarchal interpretative strategies.17 The work of these scholars and others shows that despite the philological success of Indology, our understanding of Indic religious phenomena is still fragmented and over-determined by the limitations of modern physicalist episteme. While the modern rational sensibility in the twentieth century seeks to reduce consciousness to the laws of physics and chemistry, this view is far from based on solid evidence. There remain fundamental problems with this materialist/physicalist understanding of consciousness as has been pointed out by Nagel, Chalmers, and others.18 ,19 Given the uncertainty of the reductive materialist paradigm, perhaps it would be prudent on part of Indological scholars to not limit their methodological metaphysics to reductive materialism. This shift away from a materialist methodological metaphysics would be particularly relevant in cases of non-Brahmanical Indic traditions because their understanding of phenomenal reality clearly emerges from a Panpsychic/Panentheist framework rather than a materialist or idealist framework.20 The moment we use reductive materialist categories and tools to analyse these Panentheist traditions, we end up chopping off bits of these traditions that do not fit the modern reductive materialist understanding of phenomenal reality.

B¯auls Beyond Materialism As a result of this methodological bias towards material evidence, a major lacuna in scholarship has been the failure to model the relationship between the realms of low-caste, folk, and popular religiosity and that of upper-caste institutionalized religiosity. While upper-caste tantrism is much more accessible to the Indologist because it leaves behind a rich trail of material culture like texts, epigraphs, or archaeological sites, this is not the case with the realms of low-caste, folk, or popular tantrism. Tantrism in the popular realm leaves behind an extremely ephemeral material trail, thus making any historical comments about the relationship between tantra in the upper-caste and lower-caste realms extremely fraught. We can see that textual scholarship naturally pays more attention to written aspects of Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a traditions compared to the songs themselves. In the anthropological approach, Lorea and Urban approach the songs as text. The song is just a carrier of the secret, and the secret itself 16

Smith (2006). Shaw (1994). 18 Nagel (2012). 19 Chalmers (1996). 20 For a detailed treatment of this subject matter see Lorillai Biernacki,”Panentheism and Hindu Tantra: Abhinavagupta’s Grammatical Cosmology” in God’s Body: Panentheism Across the World’s Religious Traditions, New York: Oxford University Press, 2013, 161–176. 17

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is some particular piece of knowledge (jñ¯ana) or kind of action (karma). Which is to say that for them meaning is primarily dependent on the reading of the songs but not necessarily the hearing. Following Beck, I would argue that there is insufficient attention that is paid to the song as a carrier of feeling, as an emotive-sonic intervention carried out by the singer upon the consciousness of the listener. In other words, the singing is seen as transmitting ideas of s¯adhan¯as but not really as a part of s¯adhan¯a in itself. Even when Indology and Tantric Studies turn its gaze to oral traditions, its understanding of what counts as orality is framed by its reductive materialist presumptions. What is needed for a fuller apprehension of the tantric systems is to study its orality not at just physical levels (uttered speech) but to expand our notions of orality to include all the four levels of speech recognized by tantrism (vaikhari, madhym¯a, pa´syanti, and par¯a).21 To phrase it more clearly, orality for tantra includes not just audible articulations, but also articulations into pr¯an.a that may be felt but not necessarily heard in the same way as spoken speech. To sum up, the popular view as espoused in parts by Urban, Chatterjee, McDaniel, Lorea, and others, identifies the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions as consisting exclusively of sexual jugal-s¯adhan¯a (conjugal practice). This for them makes the system unsystematic because it is not following a written paddhati. Further, it places a limit on the revolutionary potential of the tradition (because it can only operate in secret and open its meanings out only to initiates). In this paper, I propose that: (1) the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions are systematic, that there is an overall metaphysical structure that governs the variations of s¯adhan¯as we see in the field. Further, this metaphysical structure is largely congruous with the non-dual tantric doctrine of anuttara yoga traditions ´ of Spanda and Pratyabhijñ¯a traditions of tantric Saivism as well as the Mah¯amudr¯aDzogchen traditions of tantric Buddhism. (2) Given that the anuttara yoga traditions consist of both initiatory ritual yogas as well as non-ritualistic yogic practices that can be performed and perfected without initiation, it would follow that the same typology of up¯ayas is also applicable to the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions. This implies that the B¯aulSahajiy¯a tradition consists of practices that go beyond that of the initiatory sexual ritual. This I will confirm through an exegesis of B¯aul songs using a non-dual tantric metaphysical framework. (3) I will also briefly discuss how the music is not just the ground for the performance of the song that contains encoded meanings, but also how the music itself in traditional performative contexts may help elaborate upon the hidden meanings of the song. Finally, (4) if we include the non-initiatory yogas in light of the outlined metaphysical super-structure then that changes significantly our estimation of inclusivity and the politics of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition. The songs are not indecipherable by the non-initiate and exclusionary in their politics but rather it would seem the songs aim to include the non-initiate by revealing the highest truth, through revealing various kinds of non-initiatory yogic practices. While the initiatory meanings of deha-tattva would still remain secret, it is possible to gain liberation in the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a system through non-initiatory cognitive yogas as well. This is not to dismiss the bodily s¯adhan¯as or an attempt to sanitize the erotico-yogic aspects of the tradition. Rather, I am arguing that it is through the non-initiatory practices 21

André Padoux, V¯ac, Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications,1992, 163–172.

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that the interested practitioner or researcher may begin to gain a foothold into the highly esoteric realm of B¯aul song and practice. Once this foothold has been made firm, then the meanings of the songs may emerge in a flash of insight (pratibh¯a), at the very least it might make one’s candidature for initiation more acceptable to Sahajiy¯a gurus. Some might object that this foray into the subjective experience of music and mysticism is unscholarly. However, the tantric traditions in general and the Sahajiy¯a tradition in particular are concerned with the expansion of individuated consciousness into undifferentiated consciousness. Given that this is a discipline of consciousness and also given that only consciousness can know consciousness and it cannot be known or measured through any other category in the universe, then, a study of a discipline of consciousness would have to include subjective experience. In other words, extending the cognitive scientist David Chalmers’ argument I would argue that consciousness and its disciplines constitute a ‘special case’.22 The very nature of consciousness renders physical explanations and physical evidence inadequate. Thus, it is not possible to study the oral cultures of tantras purely objectively. We may translate them and outline their philosophy, treating them carefully as cultural artefacts and remaining within the bounds of objective materialist scholarship. However, we can never experiment with and understand its applications without involving subjective experience. The moment we as scholars exclude subjective experience and try to arrive at the truth of the tantras; we have already imperceptibly but definitively altered the object of our study. Rather than excluding subjective experience we must turn towards the internal criteria of verifiability of the tantric and contemplative traditions. It is these internal criteria that will teach us to work with subjective experiences rather than erase them. We must ask ourselves, is an experience where there is no individuated experiencing subjectivity, truly a “subjective” experience? If it is not, then what the B¯auls are describing are not imaginative cultural products but a “natural philosophy” of consciousness.

Roots of Sahajiy¯a Vai´snavism The Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava and the Bastubadi B¯aul traditions should be understood as a composite tradition, one that emerges as a result of multiple influences. This synthesis occurs through establishing metaphysical linkages and not simply through an unintellectual collection of practices. The notion of sahaja plays a key role in the assimilatory logic of the Sahajiy¯a-B¯aul traditions. The word sahaja can be broken down into sah—means “together with” and ja deriving from jan meaning to be born. The term sahaja in yogic parlance refers to pure consciousness that is innate, natural, unobstructed, without limitations or differentiations. Philosophically it refers to two interconnected and uniquely non-dual ideas. First that the final liberation is not a state that is produced through some activity, it is something that one is already born with. The second is that sam . s¯ara and nirv¯ana are not opposed to each other but 22

Chalmers (2003).

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that they arise together. In so far as sahaja refers to an unobstructed omnipresent concept of reality that remains unchanged at all levels of creation, we can say that ´ sahaja tattva is synonymous with the notion of anuttara tattva in the Saivite and Buddhist non-dual tantric traditions. ´ The word sahaja can be found employed by both the Saivite and the Buddhist anuttara traditions, in both cases it refers to the highest (unsurpassable) reality. According to Abhinavagupta in Par¯atr¯ıs´ik¯avivarn.a, the term anuttara refers to a reality that is beyond vikaplas (discursive thought), and yet all subjects, objects, and means of perception arise from it. Anuttara remains unchanged across all levels of creation, hence it is beyond the spiritual hierarchy of up¯ayas and the ontological hierarchy of tattvas. Abhinavagupta argues that these hierarchies contain elements of dualistic thought which have no place in the anuttara state/doctrine which includes all states, all tattvas, but yet transcends them all. Since the concept of anuttara flattens all metaphysical hierarchies, Abhinavagupta says that the social hierarchies of the caste system have no place in anuttara since these too are based on a deluded dualist thinking.23 Indeed, the social hierarchy of the caste system is not conceivable without the S¯am . khyan dualism between purus.a and prakr.ti, which gets extrapolated eventually into the notion of m¯ay¯a as power of illusion external to Brahman, or s´akti as a category inferior to, or separate from, the transcendental inactive Brahman. These doctrines lead to dualism and hence to deluded activity such as himsa (violence). Indeed it is the very same nature of sahaja that transcends the totality of all limited categories and yet contains them, that is the key to B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a critique of caste. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition is clearly not an advaita, dvaita, or dvait¯advaita tradition, and this will be evident later when we discuss J¯ıva Goswam¯ı’s philosophical formulation of the Sahajiy¯a tradition. Thus, it is an advaya or a non-dualist tradition ´ like Trika Saivism and Vajray¯ana Buddhism. In so far as the Bengali Sahajiy¯a traditions contain transgressive practices involving sexual intercourse and the consumption of sexual fluids, etc., they correspond to Kaula aspects of the Trika traditions. The term sahaja is used by Vajray¯ana and Trika authors as well, particularly in the context of a non-ritualistic means to liberation. Specifically, we might find it in the writings of the Spanda-Pratyabhijñ¯a schools of Trika or the Mah¯amudr¯a-Dzogchen schools of Vajray¯ana. While in Trika and Vajray¯ana, sahaja is used to describe nonritualistic contemplative means to liberation, there is a slight shift in emphasis in case of the B¯aul and Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a traditions. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions greatly popularized the sexual ritual, and through them, the sexual ritual also came to be described under the larger term sahaja. In the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a context, the sexual ritual is described as sahaja in the sense that it avoided the unnatural practices of asceticism and idol worship. My assertion is that modern scholarship into the B¯aul and Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a traditions has focused so much on sahaja as sexual ritual, that the B¯aulSahajiy¯a usage of sahaja to refer to non-initiatory, non-ritualistic, contemplative practices has gotten occluded. It is these non-initiatory contemplative practices that I would like to speculate upon by looking at several B¯aul songs through a non-dual tantric point of view. In order to do that first, I would like to establish the linkages 23

Baumer (2011).

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´ between the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition with Trika Saivism and with Vajray¯ana and then use the frameworks offered by these well-researched traditions to interpret the songs and to talk about the role of music to create the spiritual absorption. First I would like to look at the pre-Caitanyite Buddhist influences and after that I would like to examine the non-dualism of the Caitanyite formulation of acintya-bhed¯abheda and ´ its parallels with non-dual Trika Saivism.

Pre-Caitanya Buddhist Sources The earliest evidence we have of sahaja yogas in the eastern Indian vernaculars goes back to the Pala and Sena empires, between the eighth and the twelfth century A.D. The Pala rulers were fairly cosmopolitan in matters of religious patronage, and their rule saw the rise of the Mah¯asiddh¯as. A considerable majority of the mah¯asiddh¯as were active in the eastern Indian Assam–Bengal–Orissa and Bihar ´ region. The Mah¯asiddh¯as were neither exclusively Buddhist nor exclusive Sakta´Saiva, and we can say this because several names repeat between the Hindu and the Buddhist lists of the 84 Mah¯asiddh¯as. They played a key role in the develop´ ´ ment of non-dual practices within the Buddhist as well as the SaktaSaiva context. Their contribution was not limited to just the elite Sanskrit speaking cultures of court Brahmins or the scholarly traditions of the Buddhist academic vih¯aras. But rather, given that a significant number of Mah¯asiddh¯as were from the lower-caste groups, they also gave much thought as to how the Anuttara doctrine could be transmitted within vernacular contexts to unlettered social groups. The practices too had to be simplified and shorted, for unlike upper-caste tantra, elaborate ritual was an expense most castes could not afford. However, this is where the idea of sahaja was particularly potent. Within lineage bound, upper-caste ritualistic Kula traditions, sahaja marked the end of the post-initiatory obligatory practices. It was the transcending of discursive thought with its dualistic limitations and recognizing the pre-existing sahaja state which was the natural state of undifferentiated consciousness. For the unlettered, vernacular oral traditions, elaborate ritual was not possible, and neither was it possible for them to memorize lengthy m¯antric liturgies, for them sahaja was a notion that was easily understood, practiced, and transmitted. ´ ´ So within the SaktaSaiva traditions, the notion of sahaja is important for the various N¯atha-Kaula writers. We can find Matsyendran¯ath and Goraks.an¯ath dealing with it in their various writings.24 It is an important concept for the Pratyabhijñ¯a and Spanda schools.25 Within the non-dual Buddhist tantric traditions too, sahaja retains

24

See Kaulajnananirnaya by Matsyendranatha and Siddhasiddhantapaddhati by Gorakshnatha (particularly the last section which deals with description of the Avadhuta). 25 Jeff Lidke, “Sahaja Sam¯ adhi- The Innate Mystical Experience. A Discussion of Sadhana in the Trika-Kaulism of Abhinavagupta” in Epoch¯e: University of California Journal for the Study of Religions Volume XIX, Santa Barbara: Department of Religious Studies, 1994, 1–34.

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this sense of natural perfection that is realized without effort.26 These ideas were central to the development of the Mah¯amudr¯a and Dzogchen teachings in Pala-Sena Bengal before they were transmitted to the Nepal and Tibet. Even though Tibetan exegetes have written volumes commenting on the Mah¯amudr¯a teachings, in their initial form, the instructions were extremely simple. Tilopa, for example, sums up the sahaja practice in one couplet: “do not imagine, do not think, do not analyze, do not meditate, do not reflect; keep the mind in its natural state.”27 A similar prescription can be found in Chap. 8 of Netra Tantra where it is presented as the highest up¯aya possible.28 There the practitioner is asked to neither meditate inside nor outside, nor above nor below and so on. This teaching is radical not just because it is unconvoluted but also because it sets up the more difficult ascetic and ritualistic practices as unnecessary distractions from the pre-existing natural state of liberation. The majority of tantric kula practices are of the form of vikalpa-´suddhi or the purification of discursive thought through particular imaginative visualizations or mantras, which usually require initiatory empowerments. However, the practices related with sahaja or anuttara tattva are fundamentally different. Anuttara is akula hence beyond the totality of all possible discursive thought. Sahaja or anuttara practice in the context of ´ Buddhist Mah¯amudr¯a-Dzogchen as well as Saivite Spanda-Pratyabhijñ¯a traditions is a form of vr.tt¯ı-ks.aya. In vr.tt¯ı-ks.aya practices, the aim is not to replace ordinary discursive thought with the sacred discursive thought of deities, etc., rather the aim is to abandon all kinds of discursive mental activity altogether.29 By abandoning discursive mental activity, we begin to recognize pure consciousness as the space of awareness within which all discursive thoughts arise and fall away. These vr.tt¯ı-ks.aya practices can be found transmitted through the early Bengali poetry of the Buddhist tantric Charja-geeti (songs of practice) and Vajra-geeti (songs of realization) along with other cognitive yogas and yogas of sexual union.30 After the fall of the Sena Empire and the Islamic invasions of India in late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the institutional frameworks of Buddhism were destroyed in eastern India. The removal of the top-most moneyed class of Buddhist institutions and practitioners in eastern India has prompted many colonial-era scholars to ´ astri’s work demonstrates the declare Buddhism dead in India. However, Haraprasd S¯ Buddhist roots of contemporary lower-caste worship of Dharma Thakur in Bengal.31 26

At least in the sense that they are beyond any kind of kriy¯a or activity. Evans-Wentz (1978). 28 See s´ lokas 8.41–8,44 in Baumer (2019). 29 The vikalpa-ksaya practices of non-dual tantric traditions should not be confused with the “citta. nirodha” practice of the Patanjali tradition. For Patanjali, there should be a forceful restraint of mental processes, whereas in the non-dual tantric traditions, there is simply a relaxed abandonment of attachment or aversion to discursive thought. 30 Recognizing supreme reality by abandoning activity and discursive thought is classified as ´ Sambhavop¯ aya. Other practices where the awareness rests upon the mindstream are classifiable ´ as cognitive yoga or Saktop¯ aya. Finally, practices that involve the awareness to engage with the physical body and utilize the energies of action (including the sexual ritual) can be classified as individual means or An.vop¯aya. 31 Sastri ´ (1897). 27

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Given his work, we may say that Buddhism survives to date in India invisibly. It has remained invisible because of the lower caste and economic status of these communities, because of which a minimal footprint of material evidence was produced. The ideas of Buddhist Sahajiy¯a practice too survive till date, largely because they Vais.n.avaised themselves in the fifteenth century and hid in plain sight. This is not to say that Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism is derivative. Rather, as we will see later, these continuities allowed Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as to adapt these ideas and practices to their own context and develop new approaches to s¯adhan¯a. The Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯as themselves acknowledge several important predecessors to their movement such as Sri Jayadeva, Candid¯as, and Vidy¯apati. In this context, it might be worth our while to consider how Sahajiy¯as and B¯auls have come to understand the emergence of their own system. In this regard, let us consider one song by Duddu Shah, disciple of the great nineteenth century B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a guru Fakir L¯alon Shah. How does mah¯anirvan happen? He who was called lord Buddha The one who arose in Licchavi Five attendant students he had Sitting on the roots of the Bodhi tree There Buddha taught nirvan that is called the state of s´u¯ nya What do you understand by the word s´u¯ nya? It’s like how the son abides in the father’s body s´unya state is also like that The s¯adhakas of Bastu will know That s´u¯ nya substance is now Known by the name of rasik-dharma Cand¯ıd¯as has made the union By adding the emotions of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a These are Buddha’s teaching on Tantra He was the foremost t¯antric master Duddu says we have been taught this Through the graces of Lalon Shah Darvesh.32 32

Moh¯anirban kemon kore hoi. Bhogb¯an Buddho jar naam,

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The import of this song is fairly straightforward. It takes the traditional Vajray¯ana position of ascribing the tantric revelation as one of the teachings revealed by the Buddha. The five disciples of the Buddha that the first verse refers to are the five senses that have subsumed themselves to the enlightened Buddha consciousness. The bodhi tree here is the central nervous system that branches out from the spinal cord. The second verse says all of manifest reality is contained in undifferentiated consciousness like the father’s seed contains the son; i.e. it is a satkaryavadin doctrine. The next verse identifies how B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions emerge from the larger Buddhist tantric milieu. This is done by Cand¯ıdas who mixes the bh¯ava of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a (the doctrine of love) with the Buddhist tantric doctrine (Kaula ritual) to make the rasika-dharma. Here, rasika-dharma is not necessarily referring to the ritual worship of R¯adh¯a-Kr.s.n.a. Rather it may be understood as the achievement of full liberation through the cultivation of the emotion of love into its purest and most powerful form. Thus, the Kaula practice which focused more on glory (ai´svarya) has now been transformed into a practice that focuses more on love and devotion (m¯adhurya). This is an important point of divergence from what was practiced in the Kaula forms of Trika where the emphasis was more on power and majesty. It is through this foregrounding of love that we can say that the vernacular Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a tradition is not just derivative of classical Sanskrit Kaula traditions. It in fact does add its own interpretations and innovations to the classical doctrine, often making important intercessions. In the final verse, Duddu Shah declares that this doctrine of Buddhist tantra in the form of rasika-dharma was taught to him and others by Lalon Shah Dervesh. What is implied in the penultimate verse is that there is a mixing of Buddhist tantric theory ´unyat¯a along with the aesthetic theory of rasa. Abhinavagupta, as we know, of S¯ was the most important commentator of the rasa-´sastra, particularly regarding the esoteric connection between the relish of rasa and enlightenment. Some might point out that the B¯aul notion of rasa refers to physical fluids whereas Abhinavagupta’s Licchavite taharo udoi. Ponchasongi s´i´sya t¯ah¯ar, bodhidrum muler u¯ por, koren Buddho nirb¯an proch¯ar, s´unyo de´s boliya tai. ´ Sunyo bolte kicchu bojha j¯ai, jemon pit¯ar dehe putro roi, s´unyo de´s temni hoi, bostu s¯adhak jangye up¯ay. sei s´unyo tattva ekhon, rosik dharma n¯ame bornon. Chand¯ıdas korechen milon, R¯adha-Krishner bh¯ab mi´sa¯ ye. Tantromote Buddher b¯ani, t¯ın¯ı tontrer s´iromoni, Duddu bole a¯ mara j¯ani, L¯alon Shah Dorbe´ser doy¯ai.

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notion of rasa is mental or emotive. However, I would argue that if we account for Abhinavagupta’s work on the Kaula ritual as well as his aesthetic writing then perhaps we can see his understanding of rasa included both the physical as well as the emotive. In any case the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a tradition brings together both these understandings of rasa as physical/sexual as well as emotive/aesthetic, because it utilizes both music as well as the sexual ritual to attain the enlightened state. Through the figure of R¯adh¯a-Kr.s.n.a, we can see that the Vais.n.avas Sahajiy¯as only access the sexual ritual within the emotive context of Sri˙ng¯ara-rasa. There is thus an overlapping of aesthetic theory that deals with the artistic, the emotive, and the non-dual state of camatk¯ara33 along with the Kaula understanding of pr¯an.a and physiological alchemical processes. Within the non-dual Sahajiy¯a-Bastubadi understanding, the mind and body are not two separate entities but rather two facets of the same reality. Next we shall briefly look the philosophical outline of the twin non-dual traditions of Gaud.¯ıya and Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism in Bengal and that will enable us to see their difference with the Advaita and Dvaita, etc., schools of Ved¯anta and their similarity ´ to non-dual Saiva traditions such as Trika.

The Twin Traditions of Gaud.¯ıya and Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism As stated earlier, one major obstacle to coherent scholastic engagement with the Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava songs is the absence of an elaborate scriptural or commentarial ´ ı Caitanya established the tradition through multiple debates, tradition. However, Sr¯ which were later codified into a system by the Goswam¯ıs. Let us turn towards the philosophical outlines of the Gaud.¯ıya and Sahajiy¯a schools, and this will create the proper metaphysical context for us to attempt to decipher the songs. The philosophical and metaphysical outlook of the Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avas and the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas is largely the same. The main difference between these two traditions is that the Sahajiy¯as give more esoteric interpretations of Gaud.¯ıya methods of liberation. The relationship between the Sahajiy¯as and the Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava groups I would argue is akin to the relationship between lower Trika that incorporates a lesser degree of impurity and antinomian behaviour and higher Trika that incorporates extremely impure substances in worship.34 There is, however, a limit to this analogy, while lower Trika employs consumption of alcohol, meat, and sexual ritual as well, these aspects are very much absent from Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava groups. However, both Gaud.¯ıya and Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava groups incorporate “Vais.n.ava-pada-dhuli” (the dust of a Vais.n.ava’s feet) as a sacrament; however, the concept is interpreted differently by the Gaud.¯ıya and the Sahajiy¯as. In the Gaud.¯ıya context, the idea of pada-dhuli is literal. It refers to the practice of sankirtan where the upper-caste and lower-caste devotees, the realized devotees, and aspiring devotees mix and by virtue of physical contact and ecstatic abandon destroy their own caste. In the Sahajiy¯a context, we find all 33 34

Where the subject and object of the aesthetic experience cannot be distinguished. Sanderson (2006).

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the markers of high antinomian non-dual tantrism. This includes the sexual ritual, consumption of bodily fluids, and acceptance of meat eating (particularly fish), as well as in some cases the consumption of alcohol. Pada-dhuli in the Sahajiy¯a context can indicate the polluting substances that are excreted from the lower body and their ritual consumption as sacraments. Like the case of exoteric and esoteric Trika, we can consider Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism the exoteric public face of Sahajiy¯a practice and Sahajiy¯a Vai´snavism as the hidden esoteric face of Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.ava tradition. Both Sahajiy¯as and Gaud.¯ıyas acknowledge Caitanya and Nity¯ananda as their founders and the six Gosvam¯ıs: R¯upa, San¯atana, Bhatta Raghun¯atha, J¯ıva, Gop¯ala Bhat.t.a, and D¯asa Raghun¯atha as the main commentators and system builders. The difference being that the Gaud.¯ıyas acknowledge Sri Caitanya as the main guiding light of their movement, whereas the Sahajiy¯as recognize Nity¯ananda Avadh¯uta as their root guru. Generally, both ´ ı Gaud.¯ıyas and Sahajiy¯as invoke them together as Gour-Nitai or Nitai-Nimai. Sr¯ Caitanya being an ascetic, his followers tend to rely on “purer” (Brahmanically acceptable) methods.35 Whereas Nity¯ananda had strong tantric inclinations, thus his followers tend to follow methods that are more antinomian. Nity¯ananda is commonly depicted as wearing blue robes, a practice that is exclusive to the avadh¯utas of the N¯atha-Kaula tradition.36 If this be the case, then in Nity¯ananda’s person, we can safely ´ ´ assume a SaktaSaiva influence on the Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava tradition. Indeed most Baul lineages also trace their origin to him. Under Nity¯ananda, the word sahaja acquires a dual meaning. There is the primary meaning that is the spontaneous self-arising perfection within consciousness that remains unchanged across all levels of creation. There is also the secondary meaning where sahaja is linked with utilizing the natural functioning of the senses and human sexuality and not forcing them into unnatural disciplines of asceticism, celibacy, or the pollution-purity of ritual. The Sahajiy¯as believe that the sexual act within the highest consciousness as the union of R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a produces the manifestation of the universe and that human sexual behaviour is a limited form of that same creative act of supreme consciousness. By reversing the flow of awareness within the sexual act (thereby reversing the flow of bodily fluids), one may reverse the process whereby consciousness manifests the universe. This would allow the individuated consciousness to realize its oneness with supreme consciousness. Furthermore because this realization is brought about through sensory or sensual engagement, one does not transcend the world of change and duality and realize a changeless empty consciousness; rather one realizes transcendence within imminence. For the Sahajiy¯as, the highest realization is jayante-mora (living dead) or the state of jivan-mukti where one experiences nirv¯ana within sams¯ ˙ ara. This is one important difference between the Sahajiy¯as and the Gaud.¯ıyas. The Gaud.¯ıya highest ideal is sakhi- bh¯ava where one can witness the play of R¯adh¯a-Kr.s.n.a as a third person. Whereas the Sahajiy¯a ideal is R¯adh¯a-bh¯ava where one merges into Kr.s.n.a by becoming one with R¯adh¯a. For the Gaud.¯ıyas, some residual duality is 35

Practices such as vegetarianism and celibacy would conform with Brahminism, but Gaudiy¯a practice of sankirtan would be unacceptable in a Brahmanical framework. 36 Private communication with Sri Kulavadhuta Satpurananda.

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necessary to create a loving relationship between the deity and the devotee. Whereas for the Sahajiy¯as there is no need to try and maintain this residual duality since both the phenomenal and the transcendental are manifested through the grace of R¯adh¯a. Thus, unification with R¯adh¯a allows them to experience the duality of sams¯ ˙ ara a as well as the unity of nirv¯ana. This difference in the final goal of practice may be ascribed to the more esoteric interpretations of the Sahajiy¯as rather than to some metaphysical disagreement between the two schools. Metaphysically Sahajiy¯as and Gaud.¯ıyas both subscribe to the formulation of acintya-bhed¯abheda which though formulated by Caitanya-Nity¯ananda was written and systematized by J¯ıva Goswam¯ı and others.

Acintya-Bhed¯abheda The key innovation of the Gaud.¯ıya school was a synthesis of Advaita Ved¯anta and the theistic Vais.n.ava Ved¯antin schools. Most theistic schools that came after ´ nkar¯ac¯arya engaged with the Ved¯antin tradition usually through a commentary Sa˙ on the Brahma-s¯utras. The varying interpretations of the Brahma-s¯utras among the Ved¯antin schools led to differences in opinion regarding the nature of ultimate reality, the nature of liberation, and the nature of the relationship between supreme ´ nkara emphasizes the continureality, phenomenal world, and individual souls. Sa˙ ities between the Brahman and j¯ıva so much that the phenomenal and individuated souls are both considered illusory, and liberation consisted simply in the realization of this identity. Theistic teachers such as R¯am¯anuja and M¯adhava take issue with this formulation since it makes a loving relationship between supreme reality and individual souls impossible. They considered Brahman to be a person with unlimited attractive qualities and all living souls as his natural servants.37 Most theistic ´ nkara’s emphasis traditions considered themselves bhakti oriented in contrast to Sa˙ on jñ¯ana. The Caitanya tradition tries to hold both tendencies of jñ¯ana and bhakti in balance. The Gaud.¯ıya school synthesizes the metaphysical speculations of the various Ved¯antic schools to provide intellectual justifications for bhakti. For the Gaud.¯ıya ´ nkara argued. school, the Brahman was not inactive, powerless, attributeless as Sa˙ They agreed with other theistic school in considering it endowed with inconceivable powers and divine personality. What differentiates the Gaud.¯ıyas from other theistic schools was the distinction they made between the majesty (ai´svarya) and sweetness (m¯adhurya) of the supreme lord and their emphasis on sweetness.38 Thus while most theistic schools worship Brahman’s majesty as Vi´snu, the Gaud.¯ıya school emphasizes Brahman’s sweetness and worships him as Kr.s.n.a. Kr.s.n.a is the supreme lord and

37 38

Ravi Gupta, The Caitanya Vais.n.ava, 2. Chakravarti (2004).

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transcends time and space, yet his primary concern is taking delight in developing loving relationships with all individual souls.39 The Gaud.¯ıya exegetes such as J¯ıva Goswam¯ı pushed the limits of Ved¯anta and crossed the disciplinary boundaries between the various streams of Ved¯anta ´ nkara, M¯adhava, R¯am¯anuja, and Nimb¯arka. by bringing together the views of Sa˙ They combined these doctrines with the vernacular ecstatic bhakti movements, the Bh¯agvata commentarial tradition, and the aesthetic theory of Sanskrit poetics (rasa theory). This synthesis was achieved by the unique exegetical task of interpreting the Brahma- s¯utras via the Bh¯agvata Pur¯an.a. The Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a for Caitanya and his followers was a natural commentary on the Brahma- s¯utras because they were both composed by B¯adar¯ayana Vy¯asa. The Bh¯agavata by elaborating on Ved¯antic themes and by describing Kr.s.n.a’s rasa filled l¯ıla holds the themes of bhakti and jñ¯ana in balance. Thus, it was an ideal guiding text for the Gaud¯ıyas. Finally, this synthesis allowed the Gaud.¯ıyas to project their concept love or prema as the highest ideal which went beyond the four Brahmanical aims of dharma, artha, k¯ama, and even moks.a. The study of Ved¯anta was required not to produce intellectual discernment but to cultivate love, allowing them to subsume within their ambit the realm of the Brahmanical householder as well as the Ved¯antin ascetic.40 Let us now briefly look at the arguments of the Gaud.¯ıyas in more detail to get a clearer picture of their metaphysical system. The Gaud.¯ıyas considered the theory of ´ nkara and the theories of a personal Brahman held by impersonal Brahman held by Sa˙ ´ nkara that the highest spiritual Vais.n.avas, both to be inadequate. They agreed with Sa˙ plane cannot be reached without transcending the limitations of space–time, bodymind, etc. But the Gaud.¯ıyas consider this only as a partial view. For if all individuality is lost, then there cannot be an experience of the supreme state by the aspirant. An experience of the true nature of supreme reality requires the transcending of lower planes of existence but also a capacity for retaining spiritual individuality in the highest plane of spiritual experience.41 The highest plane of spiritual experience is ´ nkara supposes. The spiritual not simply an unchanging homogeneous mass as Sa˙ experiences of masters indicate that after being absorbed in the homogenous unity of consciousness, the nature of supreme reality does display vi´se´sas (particularities). Supreme reality is possessed of a personality that both includes and transcends the absolutely difference-less and powerless unity of consciousness commonly known as Brahman.42 ´ nkara follows the Upanis.adic view that Brahman is the only reality, so to explain Sa˙ the appearance of the world composed of finite souls and objects. He then resorts to an inexplicable power of Brahman called m¯ay¯a, an unreal and illusory category which appears as real to those who are under its spell. But those who reach 39

Ravi Gupta, The Caitanya Vais.n.ava, 5. Ibid., 3. 41 Chakravarty, Bengal Vai´snavism, p. 43. Initiated readers will also note the parallels with the ´ ´ non-dual Saiva idea of Jivanmukti where the fully liberated being appears as one with Siva and an individual in the phenomenal world at the same time. 42 Chakravarty, Bengal Vai´snavism, 43. 40

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the highest spiritual plane, for them m¯ay¯a falls away and only the unchanging reality of Brahman shines. The Gaud.¯ıya-Sahajiy¯a schools follow other schools of Vais.n.avism in combating this view and arguing for the reality of m¯ay¯a and its products. Earlier schools of Vais.n.avism considered Brahman as the eternal possessor of m¯ay¯a-´sakti endlessly expressing himself as the world of finite minds and material objects and enjoying the infinite glory and beauty of his infinite nature under self-imposed limitations. Gaud.¯ıya school considers this to be a the doctrine of Brahman’s outer manifestation. To this, they add an account of the inner personality of Brahman.43 The notion of Brahman as the possessor of m¯ay¯a is common to all schools of Vais.n.avism, but they disagree as to the relationship between Brahman and s´akti. The Gaud.¯ıyas argue that the world is inconceivable except as dependent upon m¯ay¯a and m¯ay¯a cannot be understood except as being dependent upon Brahman. Their identity cannot be denied. However, this identity is not exclusive of difference. The manifestations of m¯ay¯a are many and perceptible, whereas m¯ay¯a herself is singular and unchanged. While m¯ay¯a is transformed, Brahman transcends m¯ay¯a and remains unchanged. There are thus two equally real aspects of the relationship which are identity and difference, neither of which should be given preference.44 ´ nkara emphasizes the identity of Brahman, m¯ay¯a, and the world only to assert Sa˙ that Brahman is real and everything else is illusion. R¯am¯anuja and M¯adhava have stressed the difference of the world from m¯ay¯a and also the difference of m¯ay¯a from Brahman and regard m¯ay¯a and its products as real. The Gaud.¯ıya school does not emphasize any one of the two aspects of identity and difference. They conceive of the relationship between Brahman, m¯ay¯a, and the world as that of identity in difference and difference in identity. This position echoes the position of Nimb¯arka. For Nimb¯arka, Brahman is both different and non-different from the world of finite minds and material objects.45 The reduction of the finite selves and material world to s´aktis of Brahman is, however, a noticeable feature of the Gaud.¯ıyas and marks an improvement upon the Nimb¯arka position.46 ´ nkara’s position is Vivartav¯ada, the idea that the world is an unreal appearSa˙ ance that cannot touch Brahman. Theistic Vais.n.ava schools follow some version of the doctrine of Parin.a¯ mav¯ada, as they consider the world and individual souls to be substantial modifications of Brahman. The Gaud.¯ıya school is called avikr.taparin.a¯ mav¯ada. In this doctrine, the integrity of Brahman is unimpaired because it is the s´aktis that transform and produce the entirely real world and limited souls. Since s´akti is different from Brahman, thus, Brahman remains unchanged. Since s´akti is non-different from Brahman, the j¯ıvas and insentient objects are non-different from Brahman as well. Since neither aspect can be ignored and because it cannot be logically reconciled either, thus the Gaud.¯ıya school considers the relationship between 43

Ibid., 44. Ibid., p. 45. 45 See Footnote 45. 46 Ibid., p. 46. 44

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that of s´akti and Brahman to be one of inconceivable differences in non-difference or acintya-bhed¯abheda.47 The Gaud.¯ıya School, taking inspiration from Vis.n.u Pur¯an.a, identifies three primary s´aktis of Brahman. The first is bahir¯an˙ ga-´sakti or the external s´akti, also known as avidy¯a-´sakti or m¯ay¯a-´sakti, and it is the power relating to the creation of the insentient objects of the world and all transient phenomena. Next is the tat.asthas´akti or marginal s´akti, which is also known as j¯ıva-´sakti. It is responsible for the manifestation of all limited souls within the phenomenal world. However, this s´akti has a dual nature being different and non-different from Brahman. Since Brahman manifests as individual souls through j¯ıva-´sakti, thus this s´akti has a dual inclination for material as well as divine life. Finally, we have antara˙nga-´sakti or the inner s´akti, also known as par¯a, sv¯atantrya- s´akti, or svar¯upa-´sakti. This power manifests the internal nature of the lord. The antara˙nga-´sakti has the same nature as the lord and manifests everything related to him.48 The relationship between Kr.s.n.a and these three s´aktis has been explained by J¯ıva Goswam¯ı through an analogy of the sun and its splendour. The solar orb is likened to Kr.s.n.a, and the fiery radiance within the orb is likened to his antara˙nga-´sakti. The rays of the sun can be likened to the j¯ıva-´sakti, given that the j¯ıva has the same nature as Kr.s.n.a but less intense.49 Finally, the sun’s reflections are like the objects of the world which are produced through the activity of bahir¯an˙ ga-´sakti.50 ,51 The inner nature of Brahman, is svar¯upa-´sakti, this s´akti gives rise to the power to manifest limited souls (j¯ıva-´sakti), which in turn form the ontological ground of the power to manifest insentient objects (bahir¯an˙ ga-´sakti) and it is the ground for j¯ıva-´sakti which manifests limited subjects. J¯ıva-´sakti and bahir¯an˙ ga-´sakti are not illusory because they are modifications of svar¯upa-´sakti cannot be considered unreal or illusory. The scriptural description of Brahman as sat-chit-¯ananda is understood by the Gaud.iy¯as to be the experience of the svar¯upa-´sakti as distinguished from the other powers of Brahman. The svar¯upa or antara˙nga-´sakti is accordingly further subdivided into three parts corresponding to these functional attributes. The first part is called sandhin¯ı-´sakti, and through this aspect of his svar¯upa-´sakti, the lord holds up all existence, including his own. Next is the sam . vit-´sakti which consists in enabling him to know and to make others know. According to the Gaud.iy¯as, the Advaitan notion of Brahman focuses only on the sam . vit aspect of the svar¯upa-´sakti whereas their own doctrine recognizes finer distinctions within it. The highest point of svar¯upa-´sakti is called hl¯adin¯ı-´sakti, which is the also it’s most dominant aspect. It is Kr.s.n.a’s innermost nature as pure and supreme delight, as well as his ability to make the devotee relish this delight. As the highest aspect of Kr.s.n.a’s s´akti, svar¯upa 47

See Footnote 47. Ibid., p. 47. 49 Again here we can see parallels with Pratyabhijna theory, according to which the Jiva performs ´ the same five functions as Siva, except in a limited or less intense manner. 50 This is another important point of commonality between the Abhasavada of Abhinavagupta and the Sahajiya Vais.n.avas. Both consider the object of the world to be real but reflections. 51 Ravi Gupta, Jiva Goswami, (pp. 42–43). 48

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s´akti forms the ground for the samvit ˙ and sandhin¯ı s´aktis along with the lower j¯ıva and m¯ay¯a-´saktis. The hl¯adin¯ı-´sakti is of the nature of pure bliss or a¯ nanda; she is infinite and dynamic, and it is this highest power that forms the ontological ground of the Brahman itself.52 The highest ideal of pure love is hl¯adin¯ı-´sakti. She is the innermost and most dominant aspect of Kr.s.n.a’s svar¯upa s´akti. She is identified as Smt. R¯adh¯a R¯an¯ı by the Gaud.iy¯as and Sri Jayadeva before them. R¯adh¯a and Kr.s.n.a are not seen as separate from each other but rather as an inseparable whole. The scriptural description of Brahman as rasa or a¯ nanda has been taken to mean the unity in duality of the ultimate reality as s´akti and s´aktim¯an. Rasa and a¯ nanda have no meaning except as enjoyment, implying a duality of subject and object. Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avas consider the true nature of reality to be consisting of perfect self-enjoyment in the eternal communion of R¯adh¯a as mah¯abh¯ava and Kr.s.n.a as rasar¯aja. Kr.s.n.a’s own enjoyment of his own blissful nature is called svar¯up¯ananda. However, even more relishable than that is his bliss of enjoyment of hl¯adin¯ı-´sakti reflected in the hearts of his devotees. This is called s´a¯ kty¯ananda. This notion of s´a¯ kty¯ananda is the foundation for Gaud.¯ıya advocacy of divine love (prema-bhakti) as the ultimate means of liberation. R¯upa Goswam¯ı defines bhakti as: “the highest devotion is constant and devoted service to Kr.s.n.a, performed in a favorable way. It is free of all other desires and unobscured by knowledge (jñ¯ana) or fructive activity (karma).”53 The Gaud.¯ıya notion of bhakti transcends the division between meditative insight (jñ¯ana) and ritual action (karma/kriy¯a), which was a major point of difference between Advaitan monists and theistic dualists. The highest ideal of Gaud.¯ıya bhakti is called r¯ag¯atmika or r¯ag¯anur¯aga, and this is a spontaneous and passionate outburst of love, leading to surrender of one’s individual will to Krs.n.a’s divine will. Those for whom such immense and deep form of love does not come naturally, the tradition prescribes vaidh¯ı-bhakti, which is the sequential cultivation of emotion using the rasa-´sastra and the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, etc.54 Five kinds of activity are considered most important for developing devotion: (1) associating with devotees, (2) chanting Kr.s.n.a’s names (3) studying the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a (4) living in Vrind¯avana (5) worshipping the deity in the temple. While the Gaud.¯ıyas would interpret these five activities in a literal or exoteric manner, the Sahajiy¯as would take a more esoteric approach.55 The Sahajiy¯as attempt to interpret various events of Kr.s.n.a’s l¯ıl¯a from the Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a in an embodied manner. Every aspect of the mythical narrative comes to represent some aspect of the physical or subtle body in it’s movement from the state of limitation to complete liberation. An example of such an interpretation based on my fieldwork, conversations and participation in congregations would be as follows: Association with devotees would indicate that instead of senses causing bondage in sams¯ ˙ ara, sensory activity 52

Chakravarty, Bengal Vai´snavism, p. 41. Ravi Gupta, Jiva Goswami, p. 20. 54 Ibid., p. 6. 55 Here, I am interpreting on the basis of my own fieldwork, conversations, and participation in congregations. 53

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becomes a route to liberation. The sense organs are said to become like devotees when they cease to focus on external objects turn inwards towards the perceiving consciousness. Then each and every limited cognition is experienced as arising in and dissolving into undifferentiated consciousness. The chanting of names is not just verbal but rather it is chanting within the central channel through which pr¯an.a ascends and descends. This movement of pr¯an.a is the movement of consciousness between the contracted state of the individual and the expansive state of undifferentiated consciousness. The study of Bh¯agvata is the withdrawal of all limited cognitive functions into pure consciousness. Leading us to the next stage, that is living in Vrind¯avana. This is the entry into the pure realm of consciousness where subject and object have not yet become distinct and separate. The final stage of worshipping the deity in the temple is to fully bring down the transcendental state into the embodied state such that there is complete and constant absorption into pure consciousness. The establishment of the deity in the temple of the heart indicates that the j¯ıv¯atman and param¯atman have become indistinguishably one. This is the stage of complete realization or tur¯ıy¯at¯ıta from which there can be no downfall back into mundane consciousness.

´ Parallels with Non-dual Trika Saivism In this section I would like to examine some similarities between the philosophy and exegetical strategies of the Bengali Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava tradition and the Kashmiri ´ tantric Saiva tradition of Trika. These two traditions are quite distant historically and ´ akta oriented non-dual geographically but they are united in their commitment to a S¯ philosophy. Abhinavagupta’s Trika exegesis proceeded by taking the M¯alin¯ıvijayottara´ Tantra, a text that was accepted by all general (s¯am¯anya) Siddh¯anta Saiva schools and interpreting it via a highly esoteric (vi´ses.a) framework of the Krama-´sa¯ stra. Through this exercise Abhinavagupta reformulates both the general exoteric doctrine as well as the specialized esoteric doctrine, by creating a lower Trika that incorporated lesser degrees of impurity and a higher Trika that incorporated even greater degrees of impurity.56 In a somewhat similar maneuver, Caitanya-Nity¯ananda and the Goswam¯ıs formulated the Gaud.¯ıya-Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.ava systems by subjecting an abstruse text such as the Brahma-s¯utras to an exegesis based on a generally accepted text such as the Bh¯agvata Pur¯an.a. Through this exegesis, the exoteric s¯am¯anya doctrine is reworked as seen in the emergence of Gaud.¯ıy¯a Vais.n.avism, wherein a lesser degree of impurity is incorporated (through sa˙nk¯ırtana). A newer version of the esoteric vi´ses.a doctrine also emerges in the form of Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism wherein a higher degree of impurity is incorporated through the ritual consumption of polluting bodily substances.

56

Alexis Sanderson, Meaning in, pp. 50–54.

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The parallels between Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism and Trika are not limited to just similarities in terms of reworking the s¯am¯anya and vi´se´sa aspects of the tradition. Rather it is the shared non-dual understanding of the notion of s´akti that gives rise to a distinct set of shared attributes. Some such attributes would be: rejection of the Brahmanical notion of pollution and purity, rejection of ascetic notion of forcible sensory denial, the possibility of liberation while still alive, the incorporation of all kinds of sensory activity including sexual activity for the purpose of liberation through a divinization of the senses, a unification of the opposed paths of jñ¯ana and kriy¯a, an emphasis on the importance of the descent of grace for liberation and finally the notion of the absolute as being transcendental and imminent and possessing innumerable qualities as opposed to the S¯amkhya/Advaita ˙ notion of a transcendental purus.a/Brahman without any qualities or activity. A non-dual metaphysical framework opens out certain possibilities at the levels of yogic practice and realization which would otherwise not have been possible in a dualistic or monistic framework. It is only natural for us to see these ‘family resemblences’ between two traditions that subscribe to a ´ a non-dualism. strong Sakt¯ Unlike the Advaitans who consider m¯ay¯a to be unreal and illusory and the dualists ´ in the tattvakrama, the non-dualists who consider s´akti to be a category inferior to Siva ´ such as Trika Saivism and Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism do not consider s´akti to be inferior. ´ For the non-dualist schools, s´akti shares the transcendental essence of Siva, and yet it is different because it also has the ability to manifest variegated phenomena.57 This manifestation of phenomena by supreme consciousness though its energy is ´ seen as an act of self-limitation for the purpose of divine creative play (l¯ıl¯a). Sakti is ´ the same as supreme consciousness (Siva or Para-Brahman) thus from the anuttara non-dual point of view the evolutes of s´akti are also not inferior or impure.58 This means that the purity and impurity are not inherent properties of objects, but ascribed to them through ignorance and social convention of the limited subjects. Thus, from the non-dual point of view, the offering of “impure” substances in worship incurs no sin.59 Indeed in Sanskrit, the same word mala refers to spiritual ignorance, and it also refers to physical faeces. The offering of faeces to the deity as bhoga symbolically represents a request to the deity to consume the spiritual ignorance of the limited subject. Furthermore, as the j¯ıva or individuated subject is an evolute of s´akti, therefore the ´ essence of the individual soul is thus the same as Siva. For the non-dualist doctrine of sahaja and Pratyabhijñ¯a, there is no fixed ontological separation between supreme consciousness and individuated subject. The sense of limitation arises from an ignorance of one’s true nature and that is something that can be corrected through the recognition of one’s true natural essence.60 Simply put, the limitation of individuality ´ is not a permanent condition. It is removed when the j¯ıva realizes its inherent Siva´ nature. It is precisely because the j¯ıva is non-different from Siva that the individual’s 57

Ibid., 20. Ibid., 17. 59 Ibid., 79–82. 60 Ibid., 17. 58

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senses, which in the state of ignorance, cause the fall into duality, can for the yogin serve as rapid means for transcending the limitations of m¯ay¯a and achieving liberation.61 The yogin can thus through the non-dual method, by a fusion of jñ¯ana and kriy¯a, utilize all sensory activity to achieve the state of being fully liberated while being alive.62 For the non-dualist schools, liberation does not consist of transcending the immanent but rather full liberation is a state where transcendence and immanence are integrated into each other and recognized as aspects of the same reality. The non-dual systems deploy a wider metaphysical framework that subsumes most aspects of the Advaitan and the dualist frameworks. As a result, the non-dualist means of liberation are not subject to the same kind of limitations as the monist or dualist schools. In a tantric non-dual framework neither ritual nor gnosis are considered exclusive means of attaining liberation. Ritual and yoga are both employed as means of liberation by non-dualists such as Trika and the Sahajiy¯as. In a nondual exegesis, eventually ritual is internalized and interpreted as the activity within consciousness. So we can say that yoga subsumes ritual in the non-dual tantric traditions. A common feature of both Trika and the Sahajiy¯as is the non-exclusivity of ritual as a means of liberation, and the reliance on yogic yuktis. A yukti was a form of transmitting spiritual practices where an entire meditational practice (up¯aya) would be condensed down into a single s´loka. This condensed form of teaching, benefits the unlettered vernacular audiences, because it is easier to remember as compared to complicated Sanskrit ritual liturgies. The Vijñabhairava-tantra teaches over a hundred such yuktis, and such yuktis can also be found in the vernacular songs of the Mahasiddh¯as and other regional bhakti poets across medieval India. These yogic yuktis transform natural processes of the mind–body, and mundane everyday experiences into liberatory methods.63 Even though the details of the rituals of the Trika and Sahajiy¯a traditions are vastly different, they are guided by a shared non-dual metaphysical framework. As a result, the yogic aspects of the two traditions are strikingly similar. These similarities converge particularly strongly at the categories of anuttara and sahaja, as has been pointed out previously. Both Trika and Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avism have a strong doctrine of grace. However, it is in the Bengali Sahajiy¯a tradition that the doctrine of love ´ and devotion reaches its maturity. It is not as if non-dual Saivism did not have a devotional doctrine. We find a strong doctrine of devotion in the works of Utpaladeva, and it is an important notion for Abhinavagupta as well. However, in general, Trika emphasizes ritual and yoga. On the other hand for the Sahajiy¯as, it is the doctrine of love and devotion that is at the forefront. If liberation can be achieved simply through love, then ritual and yoga become unnecessary distractions. It is only when one’s love needs to be purified that the Sahajiy¯as would resort to ritual or yoga. The Sahajiy¯as also placed great emphasis on the practice of utilizing aesthetic experiences for achieving and transmitting expanded states of consciousness. Even though it was 61

Ibid., 87. Ibid., 48–49. 63 Particularly given that lower-caste aspirants often cannot afford the leisure time required for elaborate daily ritual. 62

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Abhinavagupta who first theorizes the idea of liberation through aesthetic experience, the practice seems fairly marginal in the vast array of liberatory methods prescribed by Trika. However, song and music as means of liberation and transmission is a primary concern for the Sahajiy¯a Vais.n.avas.

Orality, Music, and S¯adhana in B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a Songs In this section, I want to briefly talk about how the listening to the songs in B¯aulSahajiy¯a context is essential to understanding their hidden meanings. As noted earlier, Guy Beck argues that scholarship of Hinduism and associated phenomena has overemphasized the visual dimension of Hinduism while ignoring what is heard or felt.64 His own position is to highlight a prominent sonic component in Hinduism. According to his analysis, Hindu theology has a necessarily sonic realm built into its structure. Sacred sound for him constitutes the central mystery of Hinduism.65 Key to his analysis of the sonic component of Hinduism is the evolution of the Vedic ´ notion of s´abda-Brahman into the tantric notion of n¯ada-Brahman. Sabda-Brahman is the Upani´sadic concept of the absolute word, this idea is developed further in the yogic and tantric contexts into the notion of n¯ada-Brahman. It is the sacred sound as containing both the concept of s´abda-Brahman as well as non-linguistic, non-verbal sound as in music. Particularly in yogic and tantric contexts, n¯ada was associated with the creative activity of s´akti. N¯ada is spanda, the resonance within consciousness 66 ´ which is the result of the union of Siva. For the commentators on the N¯a.tya´sa¯ stra such as M¯atanga, n¯ada-Brahman was a cosmic category that responsible not just for manifesting all song, dance, music, etc. but also for manifesting the entire universe. Beck points out that these comments re-appear in texts like Sa˙ngita Ratn¯akara and Sa˙ng¯ıta D¯amodara, as well as in eighteenth century Gaud.iya texts like Bhakti Ratn¯akara.67 N¯ada emerges from s´akti and is that which expresses the universe.68 Thus, it is responsible for all signification, and it is the source of external music and meaning in language. It is also responsible for the manifestation of the j¯ıva as an individuated unit (an.u, bi˙ndu) and the pr¯an.ic variegations that make life possible.69 Regarding the soteriological efficacy of Hindustani classical music, it is generally believed that when the singer or the instrumentalist has produced the various notes (svaras) to perfection, then that outward audible vibration is capable of producing a corresponding inner sympathetic vibration.70 In the same way that visualization and 64

Guy L. Beck, Sonic Theology, 1. Ibid., 3. 66 Ibid., 102. 67 Ibid., 109. 68 Padoux, V¯ ac, p. 98. 69 Guy Beck, Sonic Theology, 110. 70 Ibid., 111. 65

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mantra in a ritual serve to modify the structure of the subtle body, music too serves to transform the subtle body. N¯ada-Brahman plays a key role in producing experiences that transcend the limited state of the j¯ıva, in the context of ritual performance as well as in the context of artistic performance. In the Vijñ¯anabhairava-tantra we find several yogic practices that teach absorption into n¯ada. However, there are some dh¯aran¯as that particularly teach absorption into inner n¯ada through musical sound; Verse 41, for example, asks the practitioner to listen with undivided attention to musical instruments, and at the end of the performance, the listener will be absorbed into the ether of consciousness.71 Again verse 73 says that when a yogi experiences aesthetic delight on listening to song, then in that yogi there is an expansion of his mind, and he becomes one with the rapture.72

Sank¯ ˙ ırtana and s¯adhu-sanga: ˙ From the External to the Internal Sound In the context of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a practice, communal music-making, accompanied by singing of mystical songs or chanting of Hari-n¯am, plays a key role in individual s¯adhan¯a as well as in facilitating the transfer of spiritual potency from the guru to the individual disciple or the community of devotees at large. It is not simply enough to label B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition as an “oral” tradition and then proceed to “read” the orality in the same way one would read a written text. What is need is for us to expand our notion of orality in order to better understand what might be observed in the field. While western linguistic theory might only recognize orality at the level of uttered speech, the orality of Indian yogic and tantric traditions extends across four levels from par¯a v¯ac (divine speech that contains all differentiations but is itself undifferentiated) to vaikhar¯ı (mundane, audible speech). When we are discussing the nature of orality of Sahajiy¯a songs, we are not just talking about modulations of uttered sound that make up articulate speech. We are also talking about modulations in the basic pr¯an.ic foundations of the mind and body. The singer, listener, and the song exist within an interconnected network of pr¯an.a. It is this network that the guru modifies and alters through song or mantra alike. Within the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a context, in order for a probationer to become an initiate, a basic meditational competence must be displayed. The primary practices for a non-initiated probationer consist of sa˙nk¯ırtana and s¯adhu-sa˙nga. Sa˙nk¯ırtana is not just the singing of Hari-n¯am but also listening to it. S¯adhu-sa˙nga refers to associating with gurus and perfected masters who have already undergone the process of self-transformation and perfected their bhakti. Both these practices form the foundations for the processes of initiation. Though pre-initiatory, these exercises are enough to lead an aspirant to enlightenment, in themselves even without initiation. However, liberation through these pre-initiatory exercises is only possible in cases 71 72

Singh (1979). Singh, Vijñ¯anabhairava, 69.

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of exceptional and complete devotion to guru/Hari.73 That is to say only for those exceptional individuals, regardless of caste or gender for whom r¯ag¯atmika bhakti is possible. Since most people have particular karmic complications, and are afflicted by particular vices, thus particular initiatory methods are prescribed for them. Both these activities, namely s¯adhu-sa˙nga and sa˙nk¯ırtana, require the probationer to listen carefully. However, we can distinguish between two kinds of listening: one is affective and the other informative. Let us first address affect. Say, for example, a r¯aga performance or the audible chanting of a mantra or a stotra or scripture in metre. Then, the listener opens oneself out to the text as sound. By focusing his awareness on the sounds, the listener begins to align his pr¯an.ic pitch and rhythm to that of the performance (and performer). The informative component is the contemplation of content, or the pondering of meaning. The listener must think about what was said and be able to interpret it in the context of their own realizations. Even the constant contemplation of the meanings hidden inside scripture or in the songs of perfected masters is a s¯adhan¯a in itself because it purifies incorrect conceptions. Given these two registers of listening, one of listening to words and the other of listening to pr¯an.a, let us look at s¯adhu-sa˙nga and sa˙nk¯ırtana. S¯adhu-sa˙nga or association with saints and devotees is not just physical closeness to siddhas for receiving teachings or commentary but rather a deep exchange of bh¯ava.74 The aspirant through closeness observes the siddha or the guru and by serving them partakes in their emotional state. The emotional state of the siddhas or the gurus is not that of the individuated soul, but rather despite being embodied they are of the nature of pure consciousness, and their subtle bodies resonate at a higher, universal pitch. If an aspirant approaches them with love, the love they reciprocate is not the ´ love of the j¯ıva but with the love of Siva. Just as the presence of one ripe fruit makes other unripe fruits ripen, or how an un-tuned instrument can be tuned using another tuned instrument; similarly, association with a B¯aul guru or siddhas of all kinds can purify the bh¯ava in the aspirant. Once the bh¯ava is stabilized in the aspirant, then bhakti has dawned. Once bhakti has dawned, then some explicit communication begins between the limited self and the supreme self and various signs of attainment manifest. At the very least, the dual nature of pr¯an.a to reveal phenomena as well as the transcendental self is understood. Let us now turn to communal singing and chanting consisting of cryptic songs of attainment as well as the chanting of the Hari-n¯am mah¯amantra. 75 The aspirant who approaches the Vais.n.ava guru with bh¯ava realizes, that within the body of the guru, the n¯am is happening in an akha˙nda (uninterrupted) manner. When the B¯aul guru sings, he shares his bh¯ava with those listening. When it is done externally the participants experience an expansion of their limited identities briefly at the climax of the song and 73

The tradition does not recognize any distinction between the embodied Guru and the transcendental deity. 74 Bh¯ ava literally means form, emotion or mood, and here, it means the mood of surrender. 75 The mahamantra is Hare Krishna Hare Krishna Krishna Krishna Hare Hare, Hare R¯ am Hare R¯am R¯am R¯am Hare Hare. This mantra is mistakenly attributed to Krishna; however, actually it is Radha’s mantra. It registers the eight modes of radha’s love for Krishna.

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dance. But a deeper sa˙nk¯ırtana happens when together the aspirant and the master utter the mantra into the expansion and contraction of pr¯an.a. Through association, and n¯am, the aspirant partakes even more deeply into the psychic reality of the guru or the siddha. By continued service they cease to be two distinct individuals. In B¯aulVais.n.ava formulation, the formal ritual relationship between the guru and the disciple is replaced by a more open-ended and spontaneous model which is founded on bh¯ava or the exchange of emotion, affection, and love. S¯adhu-sa˙nga can help establish the aspirant in the pr¯an.a of the central channel. This establishment eventually leads to the absorption into n¯ada. The insights generated by the chanting of the n¯am can offer further insight into what the esoteric yogic indications of the Sahajiy¯a or Bastubadi songs. From the point of view of the Brahmanical orthodoxy, a practice such as sa˙nk¯ırtana seems rather problematic. It involves breaking the rules of pollution and purity, through inter-caste contact. It replaces ritual puja with the musical performance, and finally, it requires one to abandon dispassionate intellectualism and revel in extremely passionate and sometimes even sensual desire for Kr.s.n.a. Interestingly, ´ we can use certain ideas and practices of non-dual Saivism to provide yogic explanations for the Vais.n.ava practice of sa˙nk¯ırtana. Verse 22nd of the Spandak¯arik¯a says that spanda becomes stable in states of intense emotion.76 One who discerns this spanda attains the true state of being even while in the waking state (i.e. attains jivan-mukti). Thus, intense emotions which generally are seen as a sign of bondage can for the yogi who uses them to apprehend the spanda become a means for attaining living liberation. Similarly, verse 121 of Vijñ¯anabhairava says that through an intensity of devotion the yogi attains a spiritual intuition that is s´akti herself. By contem´ plating on this s´akti, the yogi becomes Siva himself.77 Thus, we can see that there is a yogic logic behind the emotive excess and the musicality of the sa˙nk¯ırtana. Even if the participant is uninitiated, the structure of the sa˙nk¯ırtana is such that just through aesthetic absorption it can allow the aspirant to transcend the limitations of individuality.

Music and Inclusivity in the Sahajiy¯a-B¯aul Traditions Modern scholars have focused on the informative function of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a songs, and from there, they have concluded that the primary function of these songs is secretive. The songs are meant to hide initiatory meaning from the non-initiates. They increase the social capital of the initiates by constructing a power hierarchy that is parallel to Brahmanical hierarchy.78 However, if we see the informative aspect

´ Mark Dyczkowski trans., The Aphorisms of Siva, New York: State University of New York Press, 1992, 183. 77 Singh, Vijñ¯ anabhairava, 108. 78 Lorea, “I Am Afraid…”, 11–15. 76

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of these songs in light of the affective dimension, then the primary function of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition becomes revelatory not secretive. Apart from the exclusion of the affective dimension of Sahajiy¯a songs and singular focus on the informative dimension, the modern scholarly consensus regarding B¯aulSahajiy¯a songs as being secretive is founded on two other presumptions: (1) they are working with a narrow, lower interpretation of Sahajiy¯a, where Sahajiy¯a is referring to yet another initiatory tradition, consisting of the initiatory tradition of the sexual ritual. (2) Anyone who is not included in this small initiatory circuit of Sahajiy¯a sexual-yogas is automatically excluded from metaphorical language of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a songs. So, all non-initiates who are able to grasp are sexual innuendos, which tempts them but they are never able to comprehend any of the practices themselves because of the secretive nature of sandhy¯a-bh¯as.ya. The first point is obviously problematic. As we have discussed in the previous sections, the word sahaja refers to both, the initiatory yogas involving conjugal practice as well as the non-initiatory yogas concerned with recognizing the innate perfection within the mindstream of each and every j¯ıva. The j¯ıva is innately liberated by virtue of it being a real product of s´akti that is different and yet non-different from the transcendental absolute. In a sense, B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a is not just yet another initiatory tradition, rather it goes beyond the limited distinctions of initiatory traditions as well. Even though it contains initiatory practices, at the highest stage of practice, it requires the movement from kula to akula. That is the movement from pa´syant¯ı (the state of unity where differentiation is manifest) to par¯a (the state of unity where differentiation is in potentia). Akula, anuttara, or acintya being that state of the highest realization. Akula is beyond the totality of all creation and yet containing within it all created categories. Acintya is that which is beyond all cognition or discursive thought. To access this highest realization, one has to let go of the obligatory rituals and differentiated realizations of particular kulas. The second point regarding the exclusivity of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a secret language is also explicitly countered within the tradition itself. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition refers to itself as manu´s dharma (the dharma of humans), premer dharma (the dharma of love) and rasika dharma (the dharma of the aesthete). In the oral contexts, it is repeatedly said that the meanings of the songs are easily apprehended by one who is a sahrudaya rasika. Which means that anyone with an open heart and mind, who approaches the songs (and music) with an aesthetic attitude rather than an instrumental attitude, can reach the elevated states of consciousness that the songs are referring to. Furthermore, the claim to secrecy only works if the tradition is working with a metaphorical lexicon that is completely divorced from the metaphorical lexicon of Brahmanical thought or mainstream initiatory tantric traditions. This again is a problematic assumption. A comparison of Sahajiy¯a metaphors with those employed within upper-caste tantric traditions will show that the metaphorical language of the vernacular B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition develops in conversation with the metaphorical language of the high Sanskritic traditions. At least some of the metaphorical lexicon used by the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯as is shared with the classical traditions. The various metaphors for consciousness and its activity constitute a shared language of power across the classical and the vernacular traditions. I would make the case that the aim

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of secretive metaphors is not to hide the content of the B¯aul songs from the Brahmin and the tantric ritualist, rather it is to reveal those meanings to those who have been initiated into other upper-caste traditions. It is only when B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a songs reveal their meaning that they can effectively criticize the limitations of Sanskritic initiatory traditions and their obsession with caste, pollution-purity, and the inferiority of women. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a gurus reveal to the upper-caste ritualist that their obsession with pollution-purity effectively prevents them from reaching full enlightenment. It is not by condemning and excluding the upper-caste practitioners that B¯aul-Sahajiy¯as claim victory over them. Rather their victory claimed because they reveal an easier, faster and thoroughly delightful means of attaining full liberation. This victory is claimed because the sahaja-anuttara-akula tattva transcends the categories of the kula (totality of existence) and does not resort to kritim (artificial) s´uddha vikalpas such as deity visualizations. However, to get this realization, the upper-caste practitioner must abandon notions of superiority and consider all human beings as human. To enter into sahaja, all discursive hierarchies have to be abandoned. It is not the casteist person who is punished through exclusion, and it is the very institution of caste that is attacked and excluded through the songs. The purpose of the songs is to include the outsider and not to exclude them. A small example will perhaps clarify this point. Let us take the final couple of lines of an invocation to Caitanya, Nity¯ananda, and the Six Goswam¯ıs written by Narottama D¯asa which is sung in Gaud.iya and Sahajiy¯a circles alike: Sri guru Boi´snob pada p¯odde kori a¯ s; n¯am sa˙nkirtan kohe Narottama D¯asa

This may be translated simply as “hoping /aiming for the lotus feet of the Vai´snava guru, this n¯am-sa˙nk¯ırtan has been composed by Narottama D¯asa”. Now for the uninitiated the meaning of the lotus feet of the guru is revealed only by a loving relationship with the guru. However, those who are initiated into any kind of Sanskritic tantric ritualistic system will immediately recognize that the “lotus feet of the guru” is a technical term referring to the top of the two brain hemispheres. What Narottama D¯asa is saying is that this invocation is to be sung with the awareness firmly established in the upper part of the two hemispheres in the dome of the skull. It is by balancing awareness between these two lobes of the brain, that the central channel opens out to the passage to supreme consciousness in the space above the crown of the head. The B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition is not a tradition developed in isolation; rather it is an oral vernacular tradition that is well aware of the history of Indian philosophy and is engaged in a deep conversation with it. Such a conversation would not be possible in the absence of a shared language and metaphorical lexicon.

Interpreting B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a Songs Thus far we have seen that the Sahajiy¯a position rather than being an eclectic collection of practices is a consistently non-dual position which emerges through a synthesis

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of Ved¯antic and Tantric positions. I have argued that like other non-dual tantric ´ systems such as Trika Saivism and Vajray¯ana, the Sahajiy¯a tradition has both initiatory as well as non-initiatory forms of yoga. The initiatory aspect consists of the sexual ritual. Apart from which, there are non-initiatory, vr.tti ks.aya practices that do not rely on discursive constructs such as visualizations; rather they attempt to apprehend the omnipresent and unchanging nature of sahaja or anuttara tattva. In this section, I will attempt to analyse some B¯aul songs in an attempt to outline these non-initiatory yogic practices. The B¯aul tradition consists of two primary s¯adhan¯as. The first is the s¯adhan¯a of the bindu that is done through initiation into the sexual ritual. This aspect has been thoroughly explored by researchers such as Shaktinath Jha. The other primary s¯adhan¯a is the s¯adhan¯a of b¯ayu the breath. This is implicit in the name B¯aul itself which is seen as a vernacularization of the term V¯atul or V¯ayu-tul (drawing up the breath). In my interpretations I will read the songs from the point of view of the breath practice and not from the viewpoint of the initiatory practice of the bindu. These interpretations are speculative and partly an exegetical experiment. Someone practicing deha-tattva s¯adhan¯a will interpret them differently. An oral revelation, like written scriptures, can be interpreted through multiple exegetical frameworks, contingent upon the level of realisation of the practitioner. While multiple levels of meaning are possible, it does not mean that they can be interpreted to mean anything whatsoever. Successful readings need to be thematically, logically and yogically consistent. This is by no means an attempt at a ‘final’ or ‘original’ meaning, but rather an attempt to perform a compatible and logically consistent exegesis. I attempt to analyse the content of the songs in light of my ethnographic experiences and scriptural study. In the songs of B¯auls, we can often find s¯adhan¯as that connect the inhalation and exhalation of the breath with the cognitive processes of the mind and the expansion and contraction of consciousness. Let us look at one such song by L¯alon Fakir: The unknown bird, in its cage Wherefrom does it fly in and out If I could hold on to it I would put the chains of my mind On the bird’s feet Eight rooms, nine doors incised And in between are cut windows On top of all of that is the (main) highest room. The palace of mirrors is there. It could only be because of what was in my fate (also forehead or skull) such behavior of the bird

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K. Das breaking this cage of mine, the bird where does it escape to o mind you stayed in hopes of the cage but the cage was made of unripe bamboo some day the cage will collapse into itself L¯alon weeps and says too.79

´ Viewed through a non-dual Saivite framework, this song seems to be talking about the two points of the visarga, the upper one of the supreme consciousness (above the head) and the lower one of the individuated consciousness (in the heart). The gap between these two points is bridged by the expansion and contraction of s´akti experienced as the upward and downward movement of pr¯an.a. The bird refers not just to inhalation and exhalation of physical air but rather to the movement of pr¯an.a which makes possible the physical breath. It is through the agency of this pr¯an.ic movement that the mind and the senses of knowledge and action perform their functions. This song states a problem, and the solution is contained in the refrain. Wherefrom does the unknown bird fly in and out of the cage that is the body? Put another way, how does pure consciousness come to inhabit the physical body? Even though consciousness does inhabit the body, can it be fully confined in the body? Even though the cage is there, the bird flies in and out of it. If he could do it, then L¯alon would put the fetters of the mind on the bird. Thus, the implication is that, consciousness moves between two poles of supreme consciousness and the limited soul, and this can be experienced by following the central pr¯an.ic current through mental awareness as it circulates between the absolute and relative states. The word kh¯ancha or cage has a double meaning, referring to embodied existence as well as the rib-cage within which the lower point of the visarga resides at the heart. 79

kh¯anch¯ar bhitor ochin p¯akhi komne a¯ se j¯ai t¯are dhorte p¯arle mon be¸r¯ı dit¯am p¯akh¯ır p¯aye; a¯ th kuthuri noi doroz¯a a¯ nt¯a, m¯ajhe modhe jhorokha kata, t¯ar upore sodor koth¯a, a¯ iena mohol t¯ai; kop¯aler pher no¯ıle k¯ı a¯ r, p¯akh¯ıt¯ır emon byeboh¯ar, kh¯ancha bh¯en.ge p¯akhi a¯ m¯ar, kaun kh¯ane p¯alaye; mon t¯ui roil¯ı kh¯anch¯ar a¯ s´e, kh¯anch¯a se to, k¯ancha b¯anser, koun din kh¯ancha porbe dhonse, L¯alon kende koi.

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This lower point is the realm of the embodied self, where the body appears to be containing consciousness. However, L¯alon says that the cage is ineffectual because in every breath the consciousness bird escapes in and out. In the first verse, we can see the non-dual map of the universe, starting with the physical body. The cage has eight rooms and nine doors, and in between them, there are windows. This describes the embodied individual consisting of the physical and the subtle body. The eight rooms refers to pury¯as´taka or the subtle body. The nine doors refer to the nine openings in the physical body, and the windows in between refer to the chakras that tie together the physical and the subtle bodies. But above all this is the main room, and the palace of reflections is there. This main room is the state of pure consciousness that is above the physical body and not within it. This pure consciousness transcends all the variegations of the phenomenal world; however, it contains within it all possible categories and objects of experience. The notion of the palace of reflections being in ¯ asav¯ada.80 the highest house is again evocative of Trika’s Abh¯ Thus, reading the refrain along with the first verse we see that L¯alon is talking about the rising and falling of the breath as being deeply connected with the cyclical expansion and contraction of consciousness between its embodied and absolute states. It is this expansion and contraction that causes the senses to project outward the objects of experience as well sustain the life processes that animate every living being. The second verse again stresses this journey to the upper point of the visarga, the dv¯ada´sa¯ nta. Lalon says that the bird’s behaviour is a result of the play of the kop¯al. Kop¯al in Bengali would mean the fates as well as the skull. Thus, the bird breaks the cage of the body and escapes through the skull. In the third verse, L¯alon urges us to not be fixated with the cage (physical body) but rather to recognize the bird (of consciousness). For, even when the physical body falls apart, pure consciousness with the subtle body latent within it endures. Through recognizing the unknown bird, we become aware of our true nature as limitless consciousness. Clearly, there is a connection here with the Pratyabhijñ¯a teachings. The bird is unknown, but recognizing it leads to liberation. Recognition is the central operative teaching of the Pratyabhijñ¯a school as well. The yogic process that L¯alon is outlining in this song is clearly the practice called a¯ dyanta-kot.i-nibh¯alana that Kshemar¯aja mentions in sutra 18 of Pratyabhijñ¯ahrdaym.81 According to Kshemar¯aja, the practice consists on focusing on the beginning point (heart) and the ending point (above the crown of the head) at the moment of the arising and dissolving of the pr¯an.ic cycles. A similar practice is described in verse 24 of the Vijñ¯anabhairava, significantly the first practice taught in the text. Even though this song of L¯alon is often celebrated as an example of body centricity in the B¯auls, it is important to note that the song actually emphasizes the pr¯an.ic flow between the heart and the point above and beyond the body. It is because of the connection with pure consciousness at this point beyond the body that we can have any sense of having a body at all. If we take this song

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Trika’s Abhasav¯ada sees all phenomenal existence including all limited subjects and objects as reflections within consciousness. 81 Jaideva Singh, Pratyabhijñ¯ ahr.dayam, Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 2011, 94.

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to be dealing with the practice of a¯ dy¯anta-koti-nibh¯alana, then B¯aul practice is not limited just to the body but goes beyond the body as well. Next, I would like to turn to more L¯alon songs which verify this idea of going beyond the body to achieve recognition of the interpenetration of transcendental consciousness with the material body: Blessed is the lover on this earth With the force of love drags the moon from the sky Into the depths of the earth Moves elephants through the eye of the needle Lights lamps without oil This great perplexing nature That moves hither and thither Does no japa, does no ritual This pure hearted mad lover That’s why the lord of the world. Always helps him Nam¯az is the lover’s beloved Which makes the lord fulfilled L¯alon does the work of a jackal Given the assurance of the lion.82

This song states that through the outpouring of r¯ag¯atmika bhakti certain yogic processes become spontaneous. In the refrain L¯alon declares that such a pure hearted 82

dhonno re a¯ s´ek¯ı jona ei din duniyai, a¯ s´ek jore a¯ kashe chand p¯at¯ale n¯am¯ai; su¯ıer chidre ch¯alai h¯ath¯ı, bin¯a tele j¯al¯ai b¯att¯ı, ei boro a¯ jab kudrat¯ı th¯ai –oth¯ai roi; n¯am jope na k¯am kore n¯a, s´uddha dil a¯ s´eq deewana, t¯a¯ıte a¯ m¯ar s¯ai rabb¯an¯a modod sodoi ei d¯ın d¯un¯ıyai; a¯ s´eker m¯as´ok¯ı n¯amaz, ja te sai hoi ben¯ıy¯az, L¯alon kore s´r¯ıg¯aler k¯aj, diye singher d¯ai.

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lover is truly blessed because s/he brings down supreme reality down into the world of limited manifestation. The first verse says that this lover makes elephants pass through a needle’s eye and lights up lamps without any oil. The elephant is traditionally symbolic of the uncontrolled mind roaming in the forest of m¯ay¯a. Making elephant pass through the eye of the needle indicates that the s¯adhaka during the exhalation unites all his sensory and mental faculties and makes all his pr¯an.a rise up and pass through the crown of the head. This causes the manifestation of bindu in the sky of consciousness (oil-less lamp) to be perceived by the s¯adhaka. He becomes aware of the wondrous nature of supreme reality as it constantly cycles between the ultimate and embodied states. In the second verse, he says that this ultimate method of the lover, resolves every breath and every cognition into pure consciousness and thus he does not need any mantra or rituals. Pleased by these spontaneous methods the supreme consciousness is always watchful over such a lover. In the final verse, L¯alon says that the lover’s beloved is his nam¯az, and through it, the supreme lord is entirely fulfilled. Following the lion of desire, L¯alon does the work of a jackal. The lion refers to the effulgence of pure consciousness that destroys all limited products of m¯ay¯a. The jackal refers to the senses divinized with reflective awareness of consciousness. The jackal following the lion means that even though the divinized senses are sensing the objects of the dualistic universe, they experience them arising from pure consciousness and dissolving back into it. L¯alon says he is the jackal who is completely safe from the dangers of the forest of m¯ay¯a because he follows the lion of pure consciousness. Essentially L¯alon is saying that through his loving devotion he has been absorbed completely into the pr¯an.ic flow of the central channel. He is safe in this world because his devotion has de-identified his senses from the objects of experience. Instead now for him all objects of experience exist within the continuum of consciousness. Let us look at yet another L¯alon song dealing with similar themes: Near my home is the city of mirrors there lives a neighbor not one day did I ever get to see him the unending waters rise around the village not a shore nor a boat to get across I have a deep desire to see him But how do I get across How do I tell you about the neighbor hands, feet, shoulders or head, he hasn’t any one moment he stays above the void and another moment he floats in the waters

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K. Das If only the neighbor would touch me All the pains of death would vanish he and Lalon live in the same place yet they are millions of miles apart.83

Here again, we see L¯alon resorting to the metaphor of recognition. He says that near his house is the city of mirrors where lives an enigmatic neighbour whom he is unable to see. L¯alon is again narrating from the point of view of the bounded soul. He wishes to see the neighbour which is supreme consciousness, we know this because the neighbour lives in the city of mirrors or the city of reflections. The reflective city refers to the various s´aktis which make manifestation and experience possible. In the first verse the village that is being flooded is L¯alon’s own body and the rising waters refer to the sufferings of life and the inevitability of death. The desire to see the neighbour is the desire to be beyond duality. He wonders how he is going to get across the waters to see this neighbour when there are no shores or boats around. That is to say there is no refuge from duality except within non-duality. Next he describes the nature of supreme consciousness. He says the neighbour does not have any hands or feet, shoulders or legs. This can mean two things, one that the supreme consciousness does not have any parts,84 and secondly the supreme consciousness is not in any one limited part of our body. Then, as to the location of this pure consciousness, L¯alon says that is in the void in one moment and within the waters in another. In one moment, it is in its supreme state which seen from the point of view of the individual is the void twelve finger breadths above the head.85 83

B¯ar¯ır k¯ache a¯ ro´s¯ı nogor, sethai ek poro´s¯ı bosot kore, a¯ m¯ı ek dino n¯a dekh¯ıl¯am tare; gr¯am bere og¯adh p¯an¯ı, n¯ai kin¯ar¯a n¯ai toroni pare, b¯anch¯a kore dekhbo tare, a¯ mi kemne seth¯a j¯ai re; k¯ı bolo poro´s¯ır koth¯a, hosto podo skondo m¯ath¯a na¯ı re, khonik th¯ake s´unyer upor, khonik bh¯as´e n¯ıre;

Poro´s¯ı Jodi a¯ m¯ai chhuto, jom j¯atona dure jeto, sei aur L¯alon ek kh¯ane roi, lokkho jojon ph¯anke. 84 In par¯ a-v¯ac, differences are in potentia, and they have not manifested yet. 85 In yet another song, L¯ alon says “h¯ater k¯ache hoi na khobor, ki dekhte j¯ao D¯ıll¯ı L¯ahore” or when you are not even aware of what is at an arm’s length then what is the point of wandering in pilgrimage. The term h¯ath is means hand, and it is also a common unit of measurement referring to the length of the forearm, which is one cubit or approximately 12 finger breadths. The distance of 12 finger breadths from the crown of the head is supreme consciousness appears to reside from the point of view of the bound soul. Thus L¯alon is urging us to be aware of that spot.

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Then, in another moment, it is in the embodied state, filling the body with pr¯an.a and making possible the motion of the various fluids that make life possible. In the final verse, L¯alon says that if he were to receive the grace of this supreme consciousness then he would be beyond suffering and death. This supreme consciousness and the limited consciousness are the same thing, and yet they appear to be ´ they are millions of miles apart. Even though the j¯ıva seems to be separate from Siva ´ indeed the same thing, the j¯ıva has no existence separate from Siva. Thus L¯alon just has to recognize that he and his neighbour are the same person. The next song which is by Dvija Nare´s Chandra forcefully highlights the confluence of non-dual spiritual practice and the anti-patriarchal, humanist egalitarianism of the B¯auls.86 A non-dual view of reality implies that matter is not unreal. Rather it means that for the siddha, the material and the transcendental realms are two interconnected aspects of the one supreme reality. A realization of this supreme reality allows one to transcend conventional values of pure and impure, high and low. Therefore, the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions seek to ground their engagement with questions of social justice in the realizations produced by the apprehension of ultimate reality. Consequently, for the B¯aul, the sacred is not sacred because it excludes the mundane, profane, and political. Rather the sacred is sacred precisely because it includes the profane and the political as well as the transcendental. These two concerns, of the yogic and the political, come together beautifully in the next song: The arising of my happiness, will dawn the day I know when the (group of) mothers will co-arise The entire world will lose its power (will be lifeless) Will be formless (indistinguishable) like water in water Saraswati will unfavorably judge the Vedas Lakshmi will consume inedible (impure) foods That which has no beginning will end The pitying woman’s heart will turn to stone The day the movement of the wind will be arrested snakes will rise and bite eagles that day the day that moths will destroy elephants the jackal will be feared like the lion the moon will turn sickly and pale Brahma will be destroyed in the fire Varun.a will drown in water The lord of Dharma will be loaded with sin 86

B¯aul Humanism is panpsychic in nature and should not be confused with modern humanism which is physicalistic.

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K. Das Earthquakes will strike the pilgrimage city of K¯as´i Saints will be displeased by the names of R¯adh¯a and Krishna If I become king, it will be on that day The twice born Nare´s Candra says the day the sun will rise from the west.87

Running throughout the song are themes of non-dual enlightenment overlaid with themes of the revolt of woman-kind against the established patriarchal social order. In the refrain, he says that his happiness will arise the day that the mothers will organize or co-arise.88 He appears to be referring to the m¯atrik¯a-chakra, in which case he is saying that he will be happy when the collectivity of his cognitive energies, instead of scattering to apprehend the limited objects of experience, will instead combine to reveal supreme consciousness. Alternatively, if mothers are read as women, then Dvija Nare´s Chandra is saying that he will be happy when women organize to overthrow patriarchy. In the first verse, he continues the theme of women’s revolt against Brahminical patriarchy. He says the goddess of learning will reject the Vedas and the goddess of wealth will consume the polluted offerings instead of the pure. The beginningless will lose its life, and the kind-hearted woman’s heart will turn to stone. Thus, the goddesses reject the basis of Vedic learning, and the foundations of Vedic ritual. The endless cycles of oppression will end as the women harden their hearts. Esoterically, 87

Mom¯o sukh¯odoi je dine udoi, Hobe go jononi j¯an¯ı samudoi, E bhobo s´ongsar sakal¯ı o´sar, Hobe nir¯ak¯ar jole jolomoi; Sarasvat¯ıer hobe Vede ob¯ıch¯ar, Komolar hobe kubhokkho a¯ h¯ar, on¯ad¯ır hobe j¯ıbon s´ongh¯ar, doy¯amoyir hobe kothino hridoi, poboner je din got¯ırodh hobe, bhujange te sei d¯ın gorudo dong´s¯ıbe, potongete je d¯ın m¯atongo n¯as´¯ıbe, singh¯ak¯ar hobe s´r¯ıg¯aler bhoi; Chondrer hobe as¯ıt boron, Brohm¯ar hobe analete moron, Boruner j¯abe jolete j¯ıbon, Dhoromrajer hobe p¯apero sonchoi;

Bhumikompo hobe K¯as´¯ı t¯ırtho-dh¯ame, s¯adhu ru´sto hobe R¯adh¯a-Krishno name, a¯ mi jod¯ı r¯aj¯a hoi, hobo sei dine, Dvijo Nare´s Candra koi je d¯ın posch¯ıme hobe bh¯anuro udoi. 88 The Bangla word samudoi means group or collective, but if we break it down into sam + udoi, then it means co-arising.

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Saraswati’s rejection of the Vedas means we are now discussing a non-Vedic, i.e. tantric path. Lakshmi eating the inedible indicates the B¯aul practice of ch¯ari ch¯andra where urine, faeces, menstrual blood, and sexual fluids are consumed as sacrament. This would lead to the conquest of vices (the hardening of the heart of the kind hearted woman) which would then result in transcending the cycle of life and death (the beginningless will die). In the second verse, he presents apparently impossible conditions that would mark the arising of his happiness. The verse is marked by the imagery of the small and the helpless rising to defeat the powerful. He says the day the movements of the wind will be arrested that day snakes will fly and bite eagles; moths will destroy elephants, and the jackal will be feared like the lion. When the two points of the visarga are filled with awareness, they expand and become one. Then, there is no inhalation and exhalation, and the vital winds are suspended. This causes the kundalini coiled at the bottom of the body to rise into the sky of consciousness (snakes biting eagles). The limited cognitions (moths) will lead to the downfall of the dualistic mind (elephant). The limited senses divinized by reflective awareness (jackal) will be as one with pure consciousness (lion). The third verse says that the moon will become a dark hue, and Brahma will die in the fire instead of being fed by it. The god of water Varun.a will die in fluid, and the god of dharma will have a vast store of sin. The moon becoming dark indicates the individuated soul will get unbounded.89 The death of the Vedic Brahma in sacrificial fire means that the creative principle (Brahma) will dissolve in the fire of the vimar´sas´akti (self-reflexive power) of pure consciousness. Varun.a is not merely the god of fluids, but his name literally means “he who covers or binds”.90 Varun.a drowning in fluids indicates that through the help of the fluids that generate limited desire and keep the j¯ıva trapped within m¯ay¯a, we shall undo the bonds of m¯ay¯a. Finally, Dharmaraja’s store of sin indicates that all the beneficial karma of ritual, at this stage of liberation, will be as heavy and binding as sinful karma. Thus, we are now beyond good and evil, pure and impure or dualistic binaries of any kind. At the sociopolitical level, this verse is prophesying the day of reckoning of patriarchy’s sins in the name of religion. In the final verse, Dvija Nare´s Chandra calls for the ultimate shattering of Brahmanical patriarchy as he says that the holy city of K¯as´¯ı will be struck by earthquakes and shattered, s¯adhus will hate the ritual repetition of mantras. Nare´s Chandra will be king, when the sun rises from the west. The earthquake striking K¯as´¯ı is the opening out of the crown of the head to the state of pure consciousness twelve finger breadths above it. At that point, we have entered sahaja/anuttara and so, we are beyond name and form, we are beyond discursive thought; we are beyond the point where s´akti appears as variegated. Thus, at this state no mantra, no name is required. Nare´s 89

The word asit in Sanskrit means dark, but it also carries the meaning of unbounded. Whereas the moon is often used to refer to the individuated soul since it reflects the light of the supreme consciousness. 90 Wikipedia contributors, “Varuna,” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/ w/index.php?title=Varuna&oldid=973777157 (accessed August 23, 2020).

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Chandra wants the sun to rise from the west meaning that he wants the reversal of the cognitive cycles and also equally the inversion of the flow of social power. This social power that marks out Brahmins as pure and the lower castes and women as impure is recognized as an incorrect conception of reality (a´suddha vikalpa) that deepens the entrenchment of the individuated soul into its self-defined limitations. ´ Thus, the song imagines the shattering of city K¯as´i, which is not just the seat of Siva but also is the heart of north-Indian Brahmanical power. The first verse sets the non-dual tantric view against the Vedic-Brahmanical view. The second verse concerns itself with the establishment within the central pr¯an.ic channel and the subsequent reversal of life processes. The third verse is describing transcending m¯ay¯a and the kañcukas. The final verse is concerned with the establishment in the supreme state of sahaja and going beyond name, form, and conventional metaphysical and social hierarchies. The song sets out the entire sequential structure of liberation and couches it in the metaphor of the destruction of Brahmanical patriarchy. This indicates to us that from the non-dualist view the two projects of individual liberation and social emancipation are deeply interlinked.

Conclusion In this paper, I have outlined several problems within popular academic accounts of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions and have suggested ways whereby the existing limitations of scholarship could be surpassed. I tried to argue that the characterization of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition as “unsystematic” and limited only to physical practices of “deha-tattva” is not entirely accurate. This distorted image of this tradition emerges as a result of scholarly reliance on exclusively material aspects of textuality and orality as admissible evidence. I have argued following Chalmers that consciousness constitutes a “special case” for which physical evidence and physical explanations are inadequate. Given that the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions ultimately aim to modify the consciousness of the practitioners, we as scholars cannot rely exclusively on material evidence and ignore the affective, subjective, the heard, and the felt. An exclusive reliance on material evidence ends up not only mischaracterizing what the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition is, and it also mischaracterizes the political nature of its engagement with Bengali society and Brahmanical patriarchy. Through an examination of the philosophical interventions of Ssri Caitanya and Ssri Nity¯ananda, I have argued that the Sahajiy¯a tradition is a non-dual tantric tradition. While it has a deep non-dual philosophical core, the actual practice itself varies from lineage to lineage. However even these varying lineages attempt to stay faithful to the philosophical core of the tradition. Drawing philosophical parallels with other non-dual tantric ´ traditions such as Trika Saivism, I have attempted to show that the two traditions share a fundamental metaphysical outlook and hence a similar typology of up¯ayas and similar exegetical strategies. This allows us to see that there are initiatory as well as non-initiatory aspects to the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a tradition. Looking beyond the initiatory material aspects of the tradition, we can appreciate the role played the

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affective aspect of B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a musical traditions and comment on how the music can create spiritual experiences even outside the limited spaces of initiatory access. A comparative analysis of the non-dual framework of the Trika and Sahajiy¯a traditions ´ enables us to use exegetical strategies of Trika Saivism to interpret B¯aul songs and make explicit some of the non-initiatory yogas therein. Such an exegesis of the songs allows us to see that secrecy operates in multiple registers within the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions. At the level of initiatory practice, secrecy works to demarcate a space of exclusivity, by repeatedly hinting at the presence of a secret it creates a cultural capital; much as Urban and Lorea have outlined it. However, if we also account for the register of non-initiatory yogic practice, then the secret is an open secret. What is required here is not necessarily initiatory access but rather recognition of the true nature of consciousness. The breath-related practices that we have discussed can be discerned through careful attention and engaged listening to the songs. If we go via this route, then initiation is not mandatory, and the tradition reveals itself to those who are sincerely engaged. Finally, the insights that are generated from initiatory and non-initiatory practice lead to a vision of reality that is beyond the socially conditioned hierarchies. The emergence of this non-hierarchical vision is the foundation of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a political vision, that sees all people as human, regardless of caste, class, or gender. Access to this insight is not limited by initiation; however, it is contingent on a deep emotive engagement with the tradition and spiritual practice. It is not simply the case that secrecy protects the tradition from uninitiated outsiders. If that was exclusively the case, then the politics of the B¯aul tradition would have been not very different from that of upper-caste dualistic tantric traditions. The non-initiatory aspects of the tradition seek to include everyone. Rather than simply obfuscating the speech of the subaltern from the Brahmanical patriarchy, the cryptic songs of the B¯aul-Sahajiy¯a traditions also serve to speak truth to power, in the language of power.

References Baumer, B. (2011). Abhinavagupta’s Hermenutics of the Absolute: Anuttaraprakriya (pp. 69–72). D.K. Printworld. Baumer, B. S. (2019). The yoga of Netra Tantra. D.K. Printworld. Beck, G. L. (2008). Sonic theology: Hinduism and sacred sound (pp. 1–3). University of South Carolina Press. Chalmers, D. (1996). The conscious mind. Oxford University Press. Chalmers, D. (2003). Consciousness and its place in nature. In S. Stitch & T. Warfield (Eds.), Blackwell guide to the philosophy of mind (pp. 103–104). Blackwell Publishing Co. Chatterjee, P. (2007). The nation and its fragments. In The Partha Chatterjee omnibus (p. 195). Oxford University Press. Chakravarti, S. C. (2004). Philosophical foundation of Bengal Vais.n.avism (p. 40). Munshiram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. Dimock, E. C. (1989). The place of the hidden moon: Erotic mysticism in the Vais.n.ava-Sahajiy¯a cult of Bengal. University of Chicago Press. Evans-Wentz, W. Y. (1978). Tibetan yoga and secret doctrines (p. 119). Oxford University Press.

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Gupta, R. M. (2007). The Caitanya Vai´snava Ved¯anta of J¯ıva Goswami (p. 20). Routledge. Hayes, G. A. (2003). Metaphoric worlds and yoga in the Vais.n.ava Sahajiy¯a tantric traditions of medieval Bengal. In I. Whicher & D. Carpenter (Eds.), Yoga: The Indian traditions (p. 167). RoutledgeCurzon. ¯ (2017). The myth of disenchantment: Magic, modernity, and the birth of the Josephson-Storm, J. A. human sciences (p. 5). Chicago University Press. Latour, B. (1993). We have never been modern, trans. Catherine Porter (pp. 10, 12, 34), Harvard University Press. Lorea, C. E. (2018). I Am Afraid of Telling You This, Lest You’d Be Scared Shitless!: The Myth of Secracy and the Study of the Esoteric Traditions of Bengal. Religions, 9, 172. McDaniel, J. (1992). The embodiment of god among the B¯auls of Bengal. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 8(2), 30. Nagel, T. (2012). Mind and cosmos: Why the materialist neo-darwinian conception of nature is almost certainly false. Oxford University Press. Padoux, A. (2002). What do we mean by Tantrism. In K. A. Harper & R. L. Brown (Eds.), The roots of Tantra (p. 22). State University of New York. Smith, F. M. (2006). The self possessed: Deity and spirit possession in South Asian literature and civilization. Columbia University Press. Singh, J. (1979). Vijñ¯anabhairava or Divine consciousness (p. 39). Motilal Banarasidass. Sanderson, A. (2006). Meaning in tantric ritual (pp. 79–82). Tantra Foundation. ´ Sastri, H. (1897). Discovery of living Buddhism in Bengal (p. 30). Hare Press. Shaw, M. (1994). Passionate enlightenment women in tantric Buddhism (pp. 10–14). Princeton University Press. Styers, R. (2004). Making magic: Religion, magic and science in the modern world (p. 6). Oxford University Press. Urban, H. B. (2001). Economics of ecstasy: Tantra, secrecy and power in colonial Bengal (p. 15). Oxford University Press.

Part II

´ akta P¯ıt.has: Great and Small, The S¯ Ancient and Modern

Chapter 5

Power and Desire in the Worship of the Goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a Brenda Dobia

´ ´ obtain the power to create. Without Her the Supreme Only when united with Sakti does Siva cannot stir. (Saundaryalahar¯ı1, tr. Ranganathan, 1978) K¯ama [desire] is the root of the world’s existence. All that is born originates from k¯ama. … ´ as´a 499–500, Nothing from birth to death occurs without the activation of k¯ama. (SilpaPrak¯ tr. Rabe, 2000, p. 442)

Power (´sakti) and desire (k¯ama) are central preoccupations of tantric philosophy and ritual practice. As highlighted poetically in the Saundaryalahar¯ı, s´akti (power) is an all-pervasive, creative force, understood to be inherently female. From the tantric perspective, k¯ama, desire, is the impetus that sets s´akti in motion. In the symbolism, stories and ritual practices surrounding the goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a the concatenation of power and desire are thoroughly and intricately inscribed. This chapter traces the manifestations and meanings of s´akti associated with K¯am¯akhy¯a and her temple through exploring the power of place, of blood, and the ways these coalesce in the rich goddess mythology and symbolism at this most cele´aktap¯ı.tha.1 The place of k¯ama in tantric traditions at the temple is explored brated S¯ to show how the concept of desire establishes and accentuates the goddess’s powers, permeating all aspects of her cosmology, her symbolism, and her worship. Taking account of both public and private worship, the chapter identifies unique aspects of the traditions that have emerged here through the process of accommodating orthodox and heterodox paths. Finally, it addresses the ways that women are implicated in practices associated with power and desire and asks whether perspectives drawn

´akta-p¯ı.thas are sites where, according to the Daks.a-yajña myth, the dismembered parts of The S¯ the body of the goddess Sati are said to have fallen, thus sacralizing the place. 1

B. Dobia (B) School of Education, Western Sydney University, Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_5

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´ akta Tantra2 could help to challenge gender inequities and inscribe a culture from S¯ of respect for women’s agency and inviolability.

The Power of the Yonip¯ıt.ha The temple of K¯am¯akhy¯a holds celebrated status as a p¯ı.thasth¯ana, a place “where the s´akti of the goddess is manifest, not just latent” (Madhu Khanna in Dobia, 2008, p. 131). Located in Assam on a blue hill (N¯ıl¯acala) just outside the state capital, Guwahati, it overlooks the red Brahmaputra River (Barua, 1991).3 As the only one ´aktap¯ı.thas to remain in active service for regular worship, it is of four ancient S¯ regarded as the foremost tantric goddess temple in India (Sircar, 1948). Featuring the beehive dome style typical in Assam, the temple is built over a natural cave. Its inner sanctum encloses the goddess’s “very lovely pudendum [yoni] in the form of stone… reddish in colour like vermilion” (K¯alik¯aPur¯an.a 62.88–89, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 918). The association of power and sacrality centring on the female generative organ is at its most fervent during the June monsoon when thousands of pilgrims gather to celebrate the goddess’s menstruation at the annual Ambuv¯ac¯ı festival. Celebration of the yoni and menstruation runs counter to prevalent traditions that uphold conservative orthodoxies and thereby firmly signal the temple’s tantric affiliation. In keeping with the principle of j¯ıvanmukti (liberation in this life), Tantric precepts advocate spiritual realization in the phenomenal world and therefore resist constraints surrounding purity and impurity that prevail in orthodox Hinduism (Bhattacharyya, 1982). At K¯am¯akhy¯a, as in other parts of the northeast, unique customs associated with worship derive from local autochthonous roots (Bhattacharyya, 1995; Shin, 2018). The origins of worship at K¯am¯akhy¯a can be disclosed through reference in the epics to its legendary founder, Naraka, between the first and third centuries C.E. (Kakati, 1948; Choudhury, 1966; Shastri, 1991). It is clear there was ancient worship associated with the aniconic features of the several shrines that are spread around the hill site and that a tribal presence remains in various aspects of the iconography and customs at the temple, as well as in the mythological narrative (Bhattacharyya, 1999; Dobia, 2008; Rosati, 2017). Evidence suggests that a temple existed at the K¯am¯akhy¯a site at least from the fourth century C. E. (Sarma, 1981–1982; Dobia, 2008; Rosati, 2016). Tracing the historical record from multiple sources, Shin (2010) provides a detailed account of the recursive process of Sanskritic interpolation into local traditions that occurred through to the early medieval period, in parallel with the fluctuating affiliations and fortunes of its ruling dynasties. Emerging from the region 2 S¯ ´ akta Tantra refers to the goddess-oriented texts and practices that form a major strand within the array of tantric traditions. 3 The Brahmaputra River appears red, particularly in the monsoon season, due to the effects of the river’s fast and often flooding flow through the red alluvial soil of the region.

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(and probably from the temple compound itself) between the late ninth and eleventh century C.E. (Shastri, 1991, 1994), the K¯alik¯aPur¯an.a (hereafter KP) consolidated and formalized the traditions and legends associated with the goddess known as K¯am¯akhy¯a. It remains the most authoritative text on the temple and is a significant ´ akta customs and legends. source for a variety of S¯ Using cumulative mythic accounts, the KP aims to glorify the goddess and establish her supremacy not merely as a local deity, but as the great goddess Mah¯am¯ay¯aK¯am¯akhy¯a who is considered the primordial source of all life, or m¯ulaprakr.ti (Shastri, 1991, p. 42).While freely acknowledging K¯am¯akhy¯a’s tribal affiliations, the KP seeks to align K¯am¯akhy¯a with the great goddess tradition that came to the fore in the Dev¯ı-m¯ah¯atmya (circa sixth C.). By enfolding local goddesses as variant manifesta´ aktism Hinduized4 worship and developed a tions of one great goddess in this way S¯ pan-Indian coherence (Bhattacharyya, 1995; Coburn, 1984; Pintchman, 1994). The mythological enabler of this synthesis is the legend of Daks.a’s sacrifice, which culminates in the goddess Sat¯ı’s self-immolation. The disaster escalates as a result ´ of Siva’s grief-stricken rage and is resolved only when the goddess is dismembered to stop him from carrying her dead body in a mad dance. At each point where a part of her body falls a sacred p¯ı.tha forms. As stated: The gods after entering into that dead body cut it into pieces and caused the parts [to] fall at particular places on the earth. … the female pudenda fell on the mountain, named K¯amagiri in K¯amar¯upa. (KP 18.40–41 tr. Shastri, 1991, pp. 193–194)

When the goddess’ yoni falls to earth at K¯amar¯upa, not only does it turn the moun´ tain blue, but its weight and power push the blue hill, N¯ıl¯acala, which represents Siva, along with the surrounding mountains of Brahm¯a and Var¯aha, down to the “nether world” (KP, 62.56–65). The descent of the yoni thus activates the power of the goddess and anchors the gods in support of her. When the goddess re-emerges from her new abode she is transformed from a mere spouse to the great goddess symbolized by the Yoni. This prominence is heightened by repeated acknowledgement of the greatness of the goddess of K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯amar¯upa in a variety of Pur¯an.ic and Tantric sources including the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, the Mah¯abh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, the Kulac¯ud.a¯ man.i Tantra, the Yoni Tantra and the Kaulajñ¯ananirn.aya (Sircar, 1948; Rosati, 2016). In 1565, after it had evidently been damaged by an earthquake (Shastri, 1979), the temple was rebuilt by the Koch king Naran¯ar¯ayan.a who brought in an array of br¯ahman priests to officiate. Subsequently the Ahom rulers also imported br¯ahmans to preside over the worship (Dobia, 2008; Sarma, 1993; Shin, 2010). The Yogin¯ı and K¯am¯akhy¯a Tantras (hereafter KT), composed there in the following medieval period, provide significant detail of ritual practices associated with the worship of K¯am¯akhy¯a in her various forms. 4

In choosing the term “Hinduization,” I intend to flag a process of mutual adaptation in which local practices have simultaneously shaped adaptations of Hindu precepts to take on board pre-existing customs.

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The use of precise mantras, yantras, and rituals in the tantras denotes a highly codified form of religious practice, with the considerable influence of br¯ahmanical rituals. Yet the Yogin¯ı Tantra (hereafter YT) explicitly attributes the powerful dharma of the yonip¯ı.tha to the mother goddess (m¯at¯a) of the local kir¯ata people of the north¯ as¯ı, Pur¯an.ic, and Tantric influences east (Yogin¯ıtantra 2.9.13). It is evident that Adiv¯ have all contributed to the evolution of K¯am¯akhy¯a and her worship, providing a rich layering of geographic, mythological, and ritual features that have combined in ´aktap¯ı.tha (Dobia, 2008). making the site the pre-eminent S¯

The Power of Blood Described as “the vehicle—both literal and metaphorical—of the Goddess’ power” (Urban, 2010, p. 52), blood is a dominant if contentious theme in the temple rites at K¯am¯akhy¯a. The practice of balid¯ana (animal sacrifice) is commonly attributed to ´ akta temples. At a “primitive” tribal heritage, but nevertheless remains endemic in S¯ K¯am¯akhy¯a, goats, pigeons, ducks, and buffaloes are regularly sacrificed, following scriptural advice. “It is through offering sacrifices that [a] devotee obtains liberation (from the bondage of the world), the heaven, and a prince gets victory by conquering his enemies” (KP 67.5–6, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 1002). The merits of sacrifice are said to be guaranteed if the correct procedure is undertaken. The performance of sacrifice at K¯am¯akhy¯a is tied up with the history and traditions of the temple (Dobia, 2008; Goswami, 1998; Kakati, 1948; Rosati, 2017). In promoting the practice of blood sacrifice, the KP accentuates the Goddess’s need for blood offerings and provides detailed instructions as to the kinds of animals to sacrifice, the way it is to be done, and the benefits associated with each. Notoriously, the temple also has a history of human sacrifice, enjoined in the KP (67.18), and enacted profusely when the rebuilt temple was consecrated in the sixteenth century (Gohain, 1977). Though human sacrifice is no longer practised (Karmakar, 2002), the continuation of animal sacrifice has provoked ongoing controversy (Acharyya, 2018). During field research into the temple and its status in the surrounding community a resident of Guwahati explained her view that while the K¯am¯akhy¯a site is revered as ´aktap¯ı.tha, “very clear conceptions [were needed] about what is s´akti, how to get a S¯ s´akti– but not through these traditions of sacrifice” (Dobia, 2008, p. 157). Urban (2010, 2015) views the power associated with blood as stemming from Tantra’s ritual transgression of rules relating to purity and impurity. However, as Dold (2009) has argued, assumptions widely held by Western scholars that characterize tantra as fundamentally transgressive require further scrutiny in light of the breadth of practices undertaken at the temple and described in key texts.

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Our investigations5 pointed to a more fundamental conceptualization of the link between blood and sacrifice, one which relates directly to the role of the temple site as the yonipit.ha and to the centrality of the Ambuv¯ac¯ı-mel¯a. As a senior temple priest explained, the yoni is a symbol of creation, of sr.s..ti. He said there cannot be any sr.s..ti without the yoni. Creation occurs through the union of raja (menstrual blood) and s´ukra (semen). Just like in human birth, rajas and s´ukra have to come together. Menstrual fluid is important and semen is important, otherwise there can be no human birth. Similarly at the cosmic scale ´ ´ you have Siva and Sakti... Just as a seed is sown into the soil and the soil is supposed to represent the womb, the yoni, and seed is the s´ukra, which is fertilised by the heat of the sun, and rain … so sr.s..ti comes into being. Growth and generation or vegetation take place through this symbiosis, through Mother Earth....The whole Earth is a yoni and she bears the seed which is like the s´ukra, the male seed, and then growth is facilitated by the other elements of the atmosphere... We are not talking just of the human yoni or yoni in abstraction, but we are talking about Earth as manifestation of the goddess. (translation and commentary by Madhu Khanna, in Dobia, 2008, p. 165)

Whereas recent scholars of Tantra have analysed the sexo-ritual aspects associated with this understanding (e.g. Urban, 2010; White, 2003), the foundational concept of sr.s..ti and its connotations for cosmic fertility have received little attention. Yet, the KP clarifies that sacrifice is fundamentally intended to support the pivotal role of sr.s..ti in maintaining the life cycle. The gods are pleased by the performance of sacrifices, the sacrifice saves the people, the earth is upheld by sacrifice, and everything is rooted in the sacrifice. The creatures live on food, the food-crop grows by the rains, from sacrifice the rain comes into being, hence all entities are the embodiment of sacrifice. (KP, 31.7–8, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 410)

Blood is significant for its role in human and cosmic fertility, with the yoni goddess providing a powerful symbol linking these two domains. Menstrual blood is both a sign of fertility and of sacrifice. It demonstrates the potential for female bodies to give life, and at the same time, this potential for creation is regularly sacrificed via the monthly menstrual cycle. The shedding of blood brings one cycle to a close and initiates the next. Ambuv¯ac¯ı-mel¯a, which commemorates not only the annual menstruation of the goddess but that of the earth itself (Apffel-Marglin & Jean, 2003), recapitulates the theme of blood, sacrifice, and regeneration. Immediately preceding Ambuv¯ac¯ı, Bh¯umid¯aha is observed. During this seven day period, all ploughing and planting is halted, with the aim being to allow the earth time to be replenished (Sharma, 1994). The annual ritual cycle venerates the goddess’s creative powers, her sr.s..ti, and assures her pre-eminence. Thou art the Primordial Force, the Goddess, thou art the earth and water, thou art the matter of the world, thou art the embodiment of the world. (KP, 72.74, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 1096) 5

The research referred to in this chapter was undertaken collaboratively with esteemed colleagues Madhu Khanna, Rita Ray, Minati Kar, Kathleen Erndl, and Elinor Gadon. See Dobia (2008) for full details.

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At the great yoniman.d.ala of K¯am¯akhy¯a, the primordial force of the goddess is channelled into and through the body of the earth. This energetic convergence provides a conduit for the goddess’s perpetual propagation of the world through the cycle of birth, death, and regeneration, which is symbolized and energized through the annual festival of menstruation. Ambuv¯ac¯ı-mel¯a thus affirms the power of the ´ aktism. yonip¯ı.tha as the most sacred seat (p¯ı.tha) of the goddess and of S¯

The Place of k¯ama Tantra does not juxtapose enjoyment (bhoga) with salvation (mukti) of the soul. On the contrary, the tantric view is that both enjoyment and liberation are interfused. (Shastri, 1982, p. xx).

As intimated in the above quote, tantra embraces k¯ama, desire, and affords it with liberatory potential in the pursuit of j¯ıvanmukti. Under the influence of tantric philosophy and practice, K¯am¯akhy¯a evolved to become not only the great goddess of the yoni, but also the goddess of desire. The term k¯ama holds various meanings in Sanskrit, including (i) wish, desire; (ii) object of desire; (iii) affection, love; (iv) love or desire of sensual enjoyments, considered as one of the ends of life (purus.a¯ rtha); (v) desire of carnal gratification, lust; or (vi) the god of love (Apte, 1988, p. 348). This multivalence is richly embraced throughout the temple iconography, mythology, texts, and traditions, as well as in the many epithets by which the goddess is propitiated. Although the Dharma-´sa¯ stras consider k¯ama as one of the four purus.a¯ rthas, k¯ama is more commonly characterized as a flaw to be overcome. The Bhagavad Git¯a states: “Desire [k¯ama], wrath [krodha] and greed [lobha]—this is the triple gateway to Naraka,6 ruinous to the self. Therefore one should abandon these three” ¯ (16.21, tr. Sv¯am¯ıAdidev¯ ananda, n.d., p. 519). Against this stance, Tantra’s embracing of k¯ama is often misinterpreted as giving licence to decadence. Such erroneous misrepresentations have given rise to a sense of mystique and danger regarding the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple, but they convey a misleading account of the religious culture of the site.7 The mythic reinstatement of k¯ama frames the opening narrative of the KP. As ´ god of love, K¯ama plays a pivotal part in securing the marriage of Siva and Sat¯ı and subsequently bringing them back together when she is reborn. The unfortunate ´ consequence of K¯ama’s intervention is that he is burnt up in Siva’s fiery glance after disturbing his yoga. However, he is later resurrected at the yonip¯ı.tha. Indeed the whole region is known as K¯amar¯upa, not only because of the goddess but because it is the place where K¯ama was returned to his own form (r¯upa). 6

Naraka in this quote from the Git¯a refers to hell. Interestingly, Naraka is also the name of the legendary asura king who is credited with founding the worship of K¯am¯akhy¯a. 7 For more complete accounts of everyday temple life at K¯ am¯akhy¯a see Goswami (1998), Mishra (2004), Dold (2012), Majo Garigliano (2015).

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´ ´ As K¯ama after he was burnt by the fiery glance of the eyes of Sambhu [Siva] regained his ´ (former) shape by the grace of Sambhu himself there, hence, that region became known (by the name) K¯amar¯upa. (KP 51.78, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 725)

Thus, in the legendary account, K¯ama is credited with establishing the worship at N¯ıl¯acala, having created the mountain out of his ashes in order to house the yoni stone (KP, 62.88–89). As an originary event, this would supposedly have occurred long before Naraka made K¯amar¯upa the centre of his kingdom.

K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯ame´svar¯ı Although the Sanskrit etymology of the name K¯am¯akhy¯a is not entirely clear, suggested meanings include “She whose eyes are filled with desire” (Kinsley, 1997, p. 283), or “the Place Called Love” (White, 2003, p. 102). The origin of the name is somewhat occluded in history. Kakati (1948), Bhattacharyya (1999) and others contend that it comes from the Khasi Ka-mei-kha, meaning Mother of the tribe, with K¯am¯akhy¯a emerging as a Sanskritized version of the original tribal name. The KT (1.10) proclaims K¯am¯akhy¯a as “love personified or the Goddess of Love”. Her role in love and creation is further elaborated in the KP, which also offers the following derivation of her name: ´ The Lord (Siva) said: As the Goddess has come to the great mountain N¯ılak¯ut.a to have the sexual enjoyment with me, she is called the (Goddess) K¯am¯akhy¯a, who resides there in secret. Since she gives love, is a loving female, is embodiment of love, the beloved, she restores the limbs of K¯ama and also destroys the limbs of K¯ama, she is called K¯am¯akhy¯a. (KP 62.1–2, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 905)

´ Sakti is identified as initiating the primordial act of creation. At the K¯am¯akhy¯a ´ himself is the blue hill, N¯ılak¯ut.a. Embedded within this account, we see the site, Siva role of the earth, embodied in the li˙nga-yoni motif, as grounding material creation, the role of k¯ama in initiating it, and that of the goddess in presiding over cosmic creation (sr.s..ti). Although the yoni goddess is present in her nis.kal¯a (formless) aspect within the temple’s inner sanctum, deep inside a cave, she is represented in sakal¯a (with form) aspect in the temple’s central chamber. Here, she appears as K¯ame´svar¯ı, her form represented in the metal bhogam¯urti, an “icon of enjoyment,” in embrace with her male counterpart, K¯ame´svara. The epithet K¯ame´svar¯ı indicates her role as ruler of k¯ama. She is invoked as goddess of k¯ama, possessor of k¯ama and beloved of K¯ama ´ (KP 64.74). In this instance, the name K¯ama appears to refer to Siva in his role as K¯ame´svara. Their relationship is further relayed in remarkable symbolism that demonstrates without question the supremacy of the goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯ame´svar¯ı. When it is time for love-making she abandons her sword and willingly adorns herself with a garland, when she is no more in amorous mood (k¯ama) she holds a sword.

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´ When it is time for love-making she stands on a red lotus placed on (the bosom of) Siva, who is in the form of a corpse, and when free from the sex desire she stands on a white ghost. (KP, 58.57–58, tr. Shastri, p. 842)

Temple artists’ interpretations add to this imagery, visually highlighting the association between power and desire. Not only is desire reinstated in this symbolism but, from a gender perspective, we may also note the reversal of the assumption of male dominance and the model of absolute female sexual autonomy it portrays. As I have discussed elsewhere, the legendary account further bears out the sovereignty of the goddess who triumphs in numerous encounters with gods, kings, and priests who were seeking to take advantage of her (Dobia, 2008, 2013). The role of K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯ame´svar¯ı as supreme goddess of desire is thus affirmed through multiple representations. She not only gives k¯ama (love) but she controls k¯ama (desire). Through worship of K¯am¯akhy¯a, the devotee seeks to invoke these qualities.

K¯amarupin ¯ . ¯ı K¯am¯akhy¯a’s creative powers include the capacity to change form according to her own desire, as conveyed in the descriptor K¯amar¯upin.¯ı. Omnipresent at K¯amar¯upa, she manifests in five different forms to surround the yoni stone and the entire site. In ´ the KP, Siva enumerates these five manifestations as he explains the importance of worshipping the goddess to his two monkey-faced sons.8 O best of men Vet¯ala and Bhairava! Listen to the five forms of the Goddess, which are forever ´ a, S¯ ´ arad¯a and Mah¯alok¯a, even secret to gods. These are: K¯am¯akhy¯a, Tripur¯a, K¯ame´svar¯ı-Siv¯ who are endowed with the quality of assuming shape at will. (KP, 62.80–82, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 916)

All the gods, “Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u, Hara, the guardians of the directions … and also the other gods”, pay homage to the five-fold goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯amar¯upin.¯ı (KP, 62.85b–86, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 917). Ritually this five-fold manifestation is invoked ´ arad¯a, known as the autumnal goddess Durg¯a, the holder of “super-normal power” as S¯ (KP, 65). The KT (1.12–13) further clarifies that all the gods worship K¯am¯akhy¯a in the form of K¯amar¯upin.¯ı, who assumes any form she desires, and through her creative powers manifests the whole world. Meditation on the six-headed K¯ame´svar¯ı, whose image is reproduced prolifically in temple art, is said to enable the worshipper to attain all desires (KP, 64.1). One interpretation of this figure, with the sixth face of the goddess tilted upwards, attributes ´ this additional aspect to the legend of the churning of the milk ocean, when Siva,

8

Mishra (2004) notes that the reference to monkey-faced sons may signal an attempt on the part of the creators of the K¯alik¯a Pur¯an.a to Hinduize the worship for local people of Indo-Mongoloid origins.

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after swallowing the poison that was emitted, was saved by K¯al¯ı.9 The KP simply identifies the six faces of K¯ame´svar¯ı according to their position and colouring: Her six heads are in different directions, viz. in the north-east, in the east, in the south, in the west, in the north, and in the middle, these heads are respectively white, red, yellow, green, black, and of variegated colour. M¯ahe´svar¯ı has the white face, K¯am¯akhy¯a has the red face, Tripur¯a is with the face having ´ arad¯a’s face is green, K¯ame´svar¯ı is with the black face, while Can.d.ik¯a’s face yellow lustre, S¯ is of variegated colour. (KP, 64.23–24, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 962)

In this image, the six-faced goddess is seated on a lotus which grows from the ´ navel of a recumbent Siva, lying supine on the back of a lion. This unusual pedestal in fact represents the three male gods who defer to her all-encompassing power. The Goddess is one and everything together, the Primordial cause of the Universe and is ´ also the embodiment of the world, she is always upheld by Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u and Siva. ´ Mah¯adeva [Siva] is the white ghost, Brahm¯a is the red lotus, and Hari himself is hari (the lion) – they are the mounts of the Goddess of the great powers. (KP, 58.65–66, tr. Shastri, 1991, p. 843)

Multiple meanings are encoded in this distinctive representation. Her primordial power as both the cause and embodiment of the world, jagatam-prakr.ti, is shown as superordinate to the gods, clearly highlighting the significance of this p¯ı.tha (seat) and of K¯am¯akhy¯a as Mah¯aprakr.ti. Her six heads and twelve arms extend her reach simultaneously in all directions and demonstrate that she is “p¯urn.a [complete] in every respect” (Madhu Khanna in Dobia, 2008, p. 204). The multiform representation of the goddess also signifies the tributary lineages, or a¯ mn¯aya, of the Kaula Tantra tradition, enumerated in the Kul¯arn.ava Tantra as five, but in the Kathmandu Valley and surrounding areas counted as six-fold (Dyczkowski, 2000). The presence of the Ten Mah¯avidy¯as in a series of dedicated shrines at the N¯ılac¯ala site demonstrates the syncretic tradition established at K¯amar¯upa and provides further evidence of the multiform nature of K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯amar¯upin.¯ı. Of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as: K¯al¯ı, T¯ar¯a, Bhuvane´svar¯ı, Bhairav¯ı, Chinnamast¯a, Dh¯um¯avat¯ı, and Bagal¯amukh¯ı are worshipped in their respective shrines, each established at a small cave which holds a yoni stone. S.od.a¯ s´¯ı (who represents K¯am¯akhy¯a), M¯atan.g¯ı, and Kamal¯a are worshipped in the main temple. Historically it appears that the introduction of the Mah¯avidy¯as served to supplant the older yogin¯ı cult and shaped the temple’s religious outlook towards greater integration of br¯ahmanic customs (Shin, 2010, 2018). Integrating motifs from several ´ aktism, the collective story of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as is narrated in different strands of S¯ the Mah¯abhagav¯ata Pur¯an.a, which explains how these ten goddesses erupted from ´ Sat¯ı’s anger to convince Siva to let her go to Daks.a’s yajña (Dold, 2004). Appearing later than the KP’s version of the Daks.a-yajña tale, this story is nonetheless readily integrated with local mythology and temple art and at the same time strengthens links with goddess traditions across the subcontinent. 9

As described in 1996 by a senior pandit at the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple.

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“The ability to fuse and merge and to create goddesses” (Madhu Khanna in ´ akta Tantra, Dobia, 2008, p. 213) is an outstanding feature in the development of S¯ which brings to the fore K¯amar¯upin.¯ı’s powers of creation and transformation. Tantric worship of the multiple forms of K¯am¯akhy¯a and the Mah¯avidy¯as employs intricate and highly specific geometric diagrams (yantras) and mantras, involving ritual invocation of female guardians, yogin¯ıs and deities as channels for an array of cosmic forces. In this way, her worship multiplies and magnifies the range of s´aktis brought into play, providing a diversity of moods and forms for ritual practice according to the will of the goddess and the desire of the practitioners.

Worship at K¯am¯akhy¯a As we have seen, the power of creation, sr.s..ti-´sakti, symbolized by the yoni, is central in the tantric traditions of K¯am¯akhy¯a. This power, conceived as female, is set in ´ motion by k¯ama, the active principle of desire. Sakti and k¯ama are thus thoroughly intertwined; the yoni goddess as m¯ulaprakr.ti is the cosmic power of creation ruling over desire. The interplay of power and desire features in a multiplicity of ways in worship, including in the array of goddess forms to invoke and the kinds of practices to employ, as stated: The Goddess K¯ame´svar¯ı, K¯am¯akhy¯a may be worshipped at will, following either orthodox [daks.in.a¯ c¯ara] or heterodox[v¯am¯ac¯ara] method. (KP, 74.139).

Daks.in.a¯ c¯ara, “right-handed” worship, is designated as upholding br¯ahmanic values and is therefore commonly translated as orthodox, while the “left-handed” worship known as v¯am¯ac¯ara is held to transgress the br¯ahmanic code, thereby earning the label of heterodox. This contrast between orthodoxy and heterodoxy suggests that tantric practices developed in response to, and in conflict with, a prior dominant system of brahmanic orthodoxy.10 However, as has been previously noted, the historical record at K¯am¯akhy¯a appears more complex, with any concept of Hindu orthodoxy a later interpolation into pre-existing local traditions (Bhattacharyya, 1982, 1995; Mishra, 2004; Shin, 2010, 2018). Further examination of the practices at the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple suggests that the distinction between orthodoxy and heterodoxy is in effect rather blurred. Although the daily worship and annual public rites are undertaken in the daks.in.a¯ c¯ara mode (see Mishra, 2004), the notion of orthodoxy can be seen to be disrupted or stretched in many aspects of the worship. This is particularly evident in the major festivals of Ambuv¯ac¯ı-mel¯a and Manas¯a-p¯uj¯a, which attract regional worshippers and pilgrims from far and wide. In Ambuv¯ac¯ı, despite the ritual seclusion of the goddess and menstrual rituals undertaken at this time by the women of the temple community, the celebration of 10

For example, Urban (2010, pp. 102–103) states: “Indeed, the K¯alik¯a Pur¯an.a appears to reflect a need on the part of Assamese Hindus to negotiate between the older br¯ahmanic traditions and the newer, more radical, and explicitly transgressive practices of left-hand Tantra.”.

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the menses of the goddess clearly runs counter to br¯ahmanic beliefs that associate menstruation with pollution. The inversion of such orthodox beliefs is underlined when the menstrual cloth of the goddess, regarded as a highly auspicious gift, is distributed to pilgrims at the conclusion of the festival. Though some clues as to the significance of menstruation can be discerned in mythology recounted in the KP, the origins of Ambuv¯ac¯ı are clearly local and non-Hindu (Dobia, 2008). Local influences are still more pronounced in the annual worship of the snake goddess, manas¯a-p¯uj¯a. Though the p¯uj¯a is performed by a temple priest, it is held in one of the outer chambers of the main temple, an indication of the relative ranking of this distinctly tribal local goddess in relation to the Hinduized great goddess.11 Manas¯a-p¯uj¯a is accompanied by Deodh¯aninac, the “Annual Shamanistic Dance at Kamakhya” (Sarma, 1993, p. 35) that features twenty-one male deodh¯as12 whose ritual possession by different deities inspires them to spontaneous wild dancing. Even in Durg¯a-p¯uj¯a, which is clearly identified with the predominant Hindu tradition, heterodox elements are entwined in the KP’s recommendation to celebrate the tenth day of the festival with bawdy singing and dancing. The ritual of kum¯ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a is the most ubiquitous practice at K¯am¯akhy¯a. Prescribed in the YT, the origins of kum¯ar¯ı worship are attributed to an episode in which K¯al¯ı took the form of a young girl to defeat the demon Kol¯asura who was oppressing all the gods. K¯al¯ı asked the demon to give her some food as she was very hungry, but she could not be satiated. She proceeded to devour his whole kingdom and ultimately the demon himself. Impressed with the prowess of this virgin (kum¯ar¯ı) goddess, the gods worshipped her and encouraged the people to similarly undertake her worship. Kum¯ar¯ı worship instantiates the active embodied presence of the goddess throughout the temple compound. “The Goddess is rare elsewhere; in K¯amar¯upa she is present in every household” (KP, 58.42). The benefits of conducting the p¯uj¯a are said to extend to the whole region. Being blessed by the virgins of K¯am¯akhy¯a confers auspiciousness and so is highly prized by both members of the temple community and pilgrims. The pervasiveness of kum¯ar¯ı worship is striking. Young girls are worshipped at any opportunity.13 In everyday encounters worshippers touch their feet in pran¯am and propitiate them with sweets and gifts (Dobia, 2008). Formal kum¯ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a is integral to the major festivals at K¯am¯akhy¯a and is also frequently performed on behalf of temple visitors at their

¯ A number of Assamese Adivasi peoples are associated with snake worship, including the Nagas, Khasis, and Rabhas (Barua & Murthy, 2005). 12 The deodh¯ as, who are all non-Br¯ahmans from various regions in Assam, are initiated into this practice through receiving a dream apparition of their deity and undergo an intense month-long period of preparation and purification in anticipation of the ritual (Mishra, 2004). 13 The key attribute of kum¯ ar¯ıs is that they are pre-menstrual. The fact that a kum¯ar¯ı has not yet menstruated makes her s´akti especially powerful. For more detail, see Boruah (2008). 11

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request (Mishra, 2004).14 To assure its benefits, the ritual is conducted according to the procedures outlined in the KP.15 The YT (1.17.31) states that any girls can be worshipped, irrespective of caste or community. It also recommends worshipping the virgin daughters of prostitutes (1.17.35).16 Thus, although the ritual is daks.in.a¯ c¯ara,17 the worship (Sarma, 1993, p. 29) is non-orthodox in its approach. Insofar as it rejects caste-based privilege and demonstrates a reversal of the reverence accorded to older males in the orthodox br¯ahmanic system, it can be seen as transgressive. Observing a similar reversal in ´ akta other practices, Biernacki (2007; 2013) argues that the primary transgression in S¯ Tantra is the inversion of the male-dominant gender hierarchy. Insofar as the distinction between daks.in.a¯ c¯ara and v¯am¯ac¯ara can be applied to ritual practices at K¯am¯akhy¯a the idea that this reflects a binary split between orthodox and heterodox methods is inaccurate. Indeed, what we observe in the public festivals and p¯uj¯as is a fluid intermingling of traditions with an emphasis on inclusion of worshippers from diverse backgrounds and accommodation of their deities and traditions. By contrast with temples where br¯ahmans officiate and worshippers are spectators to the p¯uj¯as, there seems to be an attempt at K¯am¯akhy¯a to facilitate direct involvement of worshippers, for example, through conducting the kum¯ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a (or indeed involving girls themselves as kum¯ar¯ıs) as well as through making offerings, undertaking pradaks.in.a¯ , or being involved in celebrations. This is continuous with the value placed on embodiment in tantric practice.

14

Invited to participate in our own kum¯ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a during a temple visit in 1996, each member of our group was actively involved in making the offerings and reciting the mantras. The ritual acknowledged that as women we too were manifestations of the goddess. Accordingly, we were guided to first place the red hibiscus flowers on our own heads before reciting the mantras and then offering these flowers to the kum¯ar¯ıs (Dobia, 2008). 15 “a seat, water for washing the feet, arghya [an offering that combines rice grains, durv¯ a grass and sanctified water], water for sipping, madhuparka (yoghurt mixed with milk, ghee, sugar and honey), ornaments, flowers, incense, a lamp, collyrium, eatables, water for cleansing the mouth, circumambulation, and adoration; these sixteen are considered as the prescribed items at the p¯ıt.ha” (KP, 63.17–19). 16 This reference to daughters of prostitutes is perhaps the reason for the association of kum¯ ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a with the “smell of debauchery” which Barthakuria (2009) indicates has been wrongly ascribed to the practice. It is likely to have once been associated with the devad¯as¯ı tradition at K¯am¯akhy¯a, which is no longer practised. In several temples in South India the treatment of devad¯as¯ıs has been highly problematic (see Torri, 2009). However, there is no indication that girls have been forcibly recruited into temple prostitution at K¯am¯akhy¯a. 17 In the sense that it does not involve the five substances of the pañcatattva (see below for further elaboration.).

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Tantra and S¯adhan¯a ´ astra” (Woodroffe, 1986, p. 1). Tantric Tantra, has been described as “S¯adhan¯a S¯ texts convey a vast compendium of ritual practices designed to enable the practitioner to awaken the s´akti within so as to experience embodied union with the divine. To this end detailed instructions for the conduct of specific rituals of worship and accounts of the merits accrued from their diligent performance are provided. A complex philosophy underpins the rites and practices, and there are distinctions and variations between different affiliations and schools (Kaviraj, 1984). The kaula tradition, regarded as the best and also the most difficult path (Bhattacharyya, 1982), is associated with v¯am¯ac¯ara practices including those described in the YT and KT. The defining feature of v¯am¯ac¯ara involves ritually partaking of impure ingredients. In the orthodox br¯ahmanic code, called as pañcamak¯aras, the five Ms, the tattvas (elements), are madya (wine), m¯am . sa (meat), matsya (fish), mudr¯a (parched grain),18 and maithuna (sexual intercourse). The KT is unequivocal in stating the importance and benefits of pañcatattva: The S¯adhaka should always worship Dev¯ı with Pañcatattva. The P¯uj¯a without Pañcatattva turns into incantations. (KT, 3.22, tr. Datta, 2017, p. 18).

Here, the author emphasizes the central importance of embodied practice over words and theory, echoing a theme that recurs in many tantras. A focus on the body as the vehicle of liberation requires full-bodied engagement in the practice. Rather than being an intellectual process, s¯adhan¯a involves a commitment to being transformed through the ritual. Alongside the pañcatattva, many texts (including those compiled at K¯am¯akhy¯a) recommend occult practices that appear ethically dubious. The YT devotes its fourth chapter to the s.at.karmas, the six actions for dealing with adversaries.19 Together with the pañcamak¯ara, these practices have given rise to stereotyped views of tantrikas as drunk, debauched, and malevolent, echoing pejorative colonialist accounts (McDaniel, 2012). Notwithstanding that extreme practices do occur at the margins, June McDaniel argues for a nuanced understanding of tantra as a living tradition with multiple complexities. Tantric s¯adhan¯a intends to transfer the powers associated with the deity to the worshiper. Only those who have undertaken rigorous preparatory disciplines and been accepted for initiation by a guru are authorized to undertake the esoteric practices. Similarly, individualized initiation rites are essential requirements for temple officiants at K¯am¯akhy¯a (Majo Garigliano, 2015). Practices of embodiment involving 18

The fourth element of this scheme, mudr¯a, has several meanings and may also refer to ritual designs and gestures or to women. 19 These are s´ a ¯ nti (appeasement), va´s¯ıkaran.a (subjugation), stambhana (immobilisation), vidves.ana (causing enmity), ucc¯a.tana (driving away), and m¯aran.a (causing death). Referring to the five latter actions, Shin (2010, p. 23) observes that “such delusive contrivances had been important methods for conquest of one’s enemy and establishment of dominion by a king.” This connection is consistent with the Yogin¯ı-tantra’s presentation of the s.atkarmas immediately following a chapter that discusses how to prevent war.

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yoga and intricate rituals are central; the goal is not simply to worship the deity, but to directly experience the divine power (Gupta, Hoens & Goudriaan, 1979). Three types of s¯adhakas are distinguished: the divya (god-like), v¯ıra (heroic), and pa´su (animal-like or fettered) dispositions. Only the v¯ıra and divya-s¯adhakas are eligible for initiation in the pañcatattva and associated rituals. While the divya is a knower of truth, upright, meditative, and wise (KT 5.44–46), the v¯ıra is fearless, enthusiastic, intelligent, courageous, courteous, and addicted to the pañcatattva (KT 5.47–49). Accordingly, he “easily attains what is impossible for others” (KT 5.76). It is generally held that the v¯ıra-s¯adhaka may initially pursue material practices but is expected to gradually relinquish their use in favour of more refined methods on the way to becoming a divya (Barthakuria, 2009; Bharati, 1993; Bhattacharyya, 1982). This reveals the value of tantric practices as methods for achieving j¯ıvanmukti rather than as ends in themselves. Though the substances may be used as the means to an end, they are not ultimate sources of power. The goal of s¯adhan¯a is rather to build one’s capacity as a vessel for the divine energy. In questioning the applicability of the concept of transgression, Biernacki (2007) observed that the inclusion of meat, fish and wine in the pañcatattva ritual may not be especially transgressive to local Assamese since dietary restrictions were not a strong feature in the northeastern region. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya claimed the distinction between orthodox right-handed and heterodox left-handed paths was of secondary significance: “Of the existing modes of tantric worship the V¯am¯ac¯ara is so important that the term has become a synonym of tantra itself. The concept of Daks.in.a¯ c¯ara as opposed to V¯am¯ac¯ara seems to be a later development” (1982, p. 108).20 Mishra (2004) suggested that, prior to the introduction of Vais.navism, a system of v¯am¯ac¯ara governed the temple worship and was co-led by male priests and female officiants. These women ritualists would likely have been K¯am¯akhy¯a’s devad¯as¯ıs.

The Body of Desire The most contentious aspect of tantric s¯adhan¯a is its advocacy of sexual practices. Though it is hardly surprising that this would have scandalized nineteenth century colonial scholars,21 the controversy continues in recent historical research which positions the origins of tantra in rituals that focus on procuring and orally consuming

20

This appears consistent with White’s argument for an original “hard core” of Tantra. However, the emphasis is different in that White emphasises the substances and transgression, whereas Bhattacharyya emphasizes the primacy of the underlying non-Hindu origins and a female-centred focus. 21 For example, the celebrated French scholar of Hindu religion, Auguste Barth, pronounced that ´ akta of the left-hand is almost always a hypocrite and a superstitious debauchee” (Barth, 1882, “a S¯ p. 205).

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sexual fluids (White, 2003).22 David Gordon White argues that one of the main attributes conferring the ritual potency of the sexual fluids, particularly menstrual blood, is their classification within Indian traditions as fundamentally dangerous and polluting. Although this view may apply in certain orthodox contexts, the KT puts forward an alternative perspective: ´ ı Siva ´ Sr¯ says, Oh Goddess! Listen to me. I am telling you about great knowledge and the secret doctrine. I am semen. You are blood. The entire universe is in these. The body which is made from semen and blood is sacred. Oh P¯arvat¯ı! How can those things that are made from the bodies of animate beings, become impure? Only those persons who are wicked blame these. So all this universe is pure. What more can be said about the purity and impurity of own body? (KT 7.15-17, tr. Datta, 2017, p. 76)

Here again we see encoded the emphasis on sr.s..ti and its association with human ´ fertility through the active constituents of semen and blood. Sakti is already inherent in the female fluids, but reaches the greatest creative power when combined with the male fluid.23 If these fluids are dangerous, it is because of their auspicious potency,24 qualities which tantric initiates aim to harness and ingest—whether literally or metaphorically. Although descriptions of the sexual ritual appear in a number of tantras, initiation remains a closely guarded secret practice known only to the guru or gurv¯ı and the initiated clan members. Within the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple community only those who are willing and deemed ready for initiation will be instructed in the esoteric practices. Strict levels of initiation apply, and the decision to advance to a higher level is not taken lightly, nor assumed (Majo Garigliano, 2015). An initiate with whom we spoke in 1996 upheld the code of secrecy regarding the details of sexual practices and conveyed significant reservations against “academic voyeurism.” He did, however, offer a pragmatic view: “What’s the big deal about sex? … As I see it, here sex is

22

The contemporary controversy centres particularly on White’s (2003) thesis that the original “hard core” kaula tradition of tantra was not about subtle transformations of consciousness but about oral consumption of sexual fluids as a means to gain powers, and that the subsequent introduction of “soft core” spiritualised practices was a calculated dilution that aimed to mask the “truly distinctive” core of Tantra. White’s use of the terms hard and soft core Tantra serves to reinforce the stereotype of transgression and debauchery. Jayant Bapat (2004) takes issue with this perspective, stating that “If White wishes to say that due solely to its folk nature, tantra was nothing but the practice of free sex, then he is seriously demeaning (to use Levi-Strauss’ term) the ‘savage mind’. Metaphysical and rational modes of thought are not the monopoly of the high tradition, be it Hindu scholars or the Catholic Church” (p. 382). 23 Gupta, Hoens and Goudriaan, ( 1979, p. 95) explain the symbolism which is sought to be enacted ´ ´ in the ritual: “the twofold Bindu, SaktiSiva, is characterized … by the colours white and red, suggestive of semen and what is sometimes called menstrual flux, the two factors of reproduction ´ ´ in Hindu (including Tantric) embryology. The triad SivaSakti-N¯ ada obtained the name K¯amakal¯a ‘Divine particle (manifesting itself as) Desire’”. 24 Apffel-Marglin (1985) discusses the concept of auspiciousness and its relationship to purity/impurity. Also see Apffel-Marglin (1994) for an elaboration of this concept in relation to the Raja Parba festival in Orissa.

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understood as pleasurable and a valid means for the sam¯adhi experience” (Dobia, 2008, p. 198).25 Asked about the yoni-s¯adhan¯a, our pan.d.it acknowledged its relevance, but emphasized that it is the most difficult practice and is restricted to only a few who meet stringent essential qualifications. He explained that the aspirant must first have conquered k¯ama (desire), krodha (anger), m¯ada (inebriation), and lobha (greed), stating that an ´ akta is to be able to be in the company of women and not have bad essential test for a S¯ desires. Paradoxically, the most important qualification for undertaking this advanced s¯adhan¯a of the goddess of desire is to have already overcome one’s own desire. Thus, in contrast with the stereotype of licentiousness, it seems that control and discipline are critical requirements to be eligible for the yoni-s¯adhan¯a. The prescribed yogic discipline involves stringent ritual procedures of bodily purification, breathing practices (pr¯an.a¯ y¯ama), ritualized infusion of mantras in specified parts of the worshipper’s own body (ny¯asa), mantra, yantra, visualization and meditation (cf. Gupta et al., 1979). Transformation of consciousness is effected by invoking various aspects of the deity into the body of the worshipper. Based on this foundation, the ´ akta Tantra are intended to provide the means to attune with the elaborate rituals of S¯ subtle and powerful forces that perpetually create and re-create the world through ´ ´ the play of Siva and Sakti.

(Out From) Under the Male Gaze ´ ´ Despite being framed as conversations between Sakti and Siva, who alternate as 26 preceptors in different texts, it is clear that some of the tantras are written from a male gaze and that the male s¯adhaka is the intended audience. These texts offer few indicators of the role that may be taken by the tantric s¯adhik¯a (female aspirant/initiate) or the benefits that she may garner from the yoni practices. By contrast, there are a number of conflicting descriptions of the qualities of the female s´akti who participates in the rituals undertaken by men. With high praise for the yoni-p¯uj¯a, the KT advises the s¯adhaka to worship the yoni of “the best wife” or the wife of another. It goes on to state that the yoni of the ve´sy¯a (prostitute) is the best. Further, he should practise the ritual, while the s´akti is menstruating (KT, 3.59–60). The YT indicates that any woman who is between twelve and sixty years of age could be the s´akti for the maithuna ritual, provided she is not a virgin and not the s¯adhaka’s mother. It adds that women in this age group 25

Though this initiate was a follower of kaula-tantra, he was not a member of the temple community. Interestingly, in Irene MajoGarigliano’s research, conducted between 2008 and 2013, members of the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple community denied that sexual rites formed part of any initiation ceremonies. The interpretation given of maithuna was in terms of an exchange of ideas, rather than any kind of sexual exchange. 26 Those tantras in which Siva ´ ´ ¯ teaches Sakti are referred to as Agamas, and where the roles are ´ reversed—i.e. where the goddess teaches Siva—the texts are known as Nigamas.

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are considered eligible because they freely express their own desire for sexual union. Implicit also in this is the qualification that the s´akti should be of menstruation age. According to the pan.d.it, both male and female initiates must undertake yogic practices and exercise control and discipline to overcome base desires, but women have greater latitude and authority in the pañcatattva. This authority and recognition extends to those who are themselves s¯adhik¯as or bhairav¯ıs in the v¯ıra practice.27 Female gurv¯ıs are also held in the highest regard.28 But what of the women of lower social order? The initiate we spoke to dismissed stereotypes and judgments about prostitutes, stating that they are human beings too.29 His view echoed that of the Tantr¯aloka (29.100), which locates the key qualification of the s´akti in her capacity to identify with the s¯adhaka. Among the criticisms of these practices is that they instrumentalize and objectify women participants in the rituals.30 Women’s agency is of critical concern to sexual and gender ethics. However, drawing conclusions about actual practices from texts that date to a much earlier era (and often a very different cultural milieu) is necessarily fraught and speculative. This is especially so when the practices referred to are esoteric and highly specialized, and when there is wide diversity in the ways that different texts “speak” about women (Biernacki, 2007).31 Scholarship on transgressive practices in tantra spotlights the “impure substances” used in the sexual rituals (e.g. White, 2003) but obscures the relationships and negotiations of power that prefigure their use. A narrowed focus on the yoni-tattva as a power substance dislocates power from its female source, disregarding what power is in the first place, and displacing the point of the ritual onto the hero’s quest to attain the prized substance rather than the spiritual transformation that is the intended goal.32 27 Woodroffe (1987) quotes the Guhyak¯ alikh¯an.d.a of the Mah¯ak¯ala-Samhit¯ ˙ a: “As is the competency of the S¯adhaka so must be that of the S¯adhik¯a. In this way only is success attained and not otherwise even in ten million years” (p. 395). Similarly, Abhinavagupta’sTantr¯aloka praises the woman, whose “median way fully expands. And so to her alone should the guru impart the whole of the secret doctrine (kul¯artha); and through her, by the practice of union … it is imparted to men” (Silburn, 1988, pp. 191–192). 28 Citing the S¯ ´akt¯anandaTara˙ngin¯ı Khanna (2000) states that “Initiation given by a woman is considered to be more efficacious than initiation given by a man” (p. 120). 29 This libertarian viewpoint, while affording subjectivity to the woman, effectively sidesteps considerations relating to social status and life circumstances. The prevalence and conditions of sex slavery, including amongst devad¯as¯ıs and jogin¯ıs associated with temples in southern India, are a serious issue that undermines gender equity. See Torri (2009), Tejpal (2018), Gupta (2018). 30 For example, Bharati (1993) observed that as women do not have equal access or an equal part in tantric sexual rites they are in effect objects rather than subjects in the worship. 31 Biernacki (2007) discusses selected texts that emphasise what she refers to as K¯ al¯ı-s¯adhan¯a, in which women’s spiritual competence is emphasized. She places emphasis on the involvement of marital partners in tantric sexual practices as a particular example of according respect to women. Based on this classification, Biernacki’s analysis does not include either the Yogin¯ı or K¯am¯akhy¯aTantra. 32 On this issue, Bapat (2004) comments that “to [David Gordon] White (2003), the original tantra was nothing but sex and the consumption of bodily fluids. … White’s assertion that there was ‘an original Kaula tradition’ prevalent only in the folk tradition within India is without proof” (p. 381). Further, “What White fails to see, however, is the fact that sex and metaphysics … do not have to be

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Rather than denoting transgression, Bhattacharyya (1982) proposed that “the first word of the expression v¯am¯ac¯ara is not v¯ama or left, but v¯am¯a or woman” (p. 108). This emphasis would appear to be particularly relevant in northeast India where there has been greater influence of female-centred practices deriving from autochthonous roots amid local female-aligned cultures and symbolism.33 Clearly, it is important to seek to understand the aims of the practices in their own contexts and from the perspectives of their participants—to the extent that this is possible.34 Focusing on the practices of women n¯amat¯ıs at K¯am¯akhy¯a rather than the pañcatattva, Dold’s (2012) research identified both the significance of women’s traditions of religious singing and the power and authority it affords them.35 If we accept that the overall purpose of tantric practice is spiritual enlightenment, then we may consider that (i) the primary aim of the yoni-s¯adhana for both parties is cultivating the relationship with the deity rather than with each other36 ; (ii) this requires overcoming k¯ama, albeit through engaging in one form of it; (iii) the instruction on sexual practices is female-centred in that the worship involves erotic stimulation of the woman rather than the male s¯adhaka37 ; (iv) women are assumed to have innate access to s´akti by virtue of being embodied as females.38 Is the woman objectified in this process? I would suggest that this depends on the way her involvement is negotiated, including how she understands the practice and its purpose, whether she is a willing and engaged partner in it, and how it is conducted. Bearing in mind that there are many other practices available, the yoni-s¯adhana should not be considered essential to tantric worship. diametrically opposed. Drinking of sexual fluids has a ritualistic but also a metaphysical and even philosophical element associated with it” (p. 383). 33 Despite north-eastern women’s advantage on a number of indicators (e.g. education and age of marriage) McDuie-Ra (2012) recently identified that rates of violence against women in northeastern India are high. These high rates of violence against women are largely attributable to the impacts of hypermasculine militarism; however, McDuie-Ra argues that this influence is also having negative effects on the treatment of women within families. 34 Given both the secrecy surrounding the left-handed practices and the much greater risk of social stigmatising of women participants, firsthand accounts are not likely to be readily shared with researchers. 35 Dold (2012) has shown that women’s singing of N¯ am is central to a number of the rites and festivals of the temple, and that they have their own texts and oral traditions, independent of the ritual texts used by the male p¯uj¯aris. Mishra (2004) suggests that historically there was more equal involvement of women in the rites and traditions of K¯am¯akhy¯a with women co-leading the worship. 36 Hence while including one’s wife in the list of eligible s´ aktis for the yoni s¯ adhana, the Yogin¯ı and K¯am¯akhy¯a Tantras also suggest others’ wives and prostitutes as suitable ritual partners. In its descriptions of the rituals, the K¯am¯akhy¯a Tantra refers frequently to the kula-´sakti, suggesting that the ritual “wife” may be an initiate selected from within the Kaula clan. 37 The K¯ am¯akhy¯a Tantra provides numerous descriptions of practices that focus on ensuring that the s´akti is sexually satisfied through the ritual. For example, see K¯am¯akhy¯a Tantra 3.52–58, 4.22–32. As I have observed elsewhere (Dobia, 2008) in order to procure the yoni-tattva, it is essential that the s´akti be actively and willingly engaged in the ritual. 38 This is evidently a key reason why the ritual is conceived as something the male s¯ adhaka needs to undertake while the woman receives the worship. On this basis one of our group commented that the bhairav¯ı gets all the power without doing anything.

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Revisiting Power and Desire Thus far we have seen how power and desire are related through the cosmic principle of creation and instantiated in the female symbolism that saturates the mythology, ´ iconography, and traditions of worship at the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple. Critically, the Sakti of the goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a derives from the signal importance of sr.s..ti, cosmic creation, as an underpinning philosophical principle and ritual motif. Sr.s..ti provides a basis for understanding the role of k¯ama as a dynamic force, crucial for setting creation in motion. Sr.s..ti can also be seen as an underlying construct that balances and integrates the fierce aspects of the goddess, such as those expressed in multiple forms in the Mah¯avidy¯as.39 ´ akta Tantra, in particular, places the goddess and women at the centre of worship. S¯ Females are sacralized rather than subordinated. The inherent s´akti of young girls is emphasized in kum¯ar¯ı-p¯uj¯a. Menstruation is celebrated. Women can develop and wield spiritual power through undertaking their own s¯adhan¯a and perhaps become n¯amat¯ıs or gurv¯ıs. Violence against women is condemned, and women are offered respect on the basis that “All women, irrespective of their caste, creed, age, status, ´ or personal accomplishment, are regarded as the physical incarnation of Sakti, the divine cosmic energy, the Great Goddess” (Khanna, 2000, p. 114). Highlighting what ´ akt¯ac¯ara, this view draws on Madhu Khanna calls the goddess-woman equation in S¯ ´ various S¯akta scriptures, including the most renowned Dev¯ı-m¯ah¯atmya: All the various knowledges, O Goddess, are portions of you, as is each and every woman in the various worlds. (Dev¯ı-m¯ah¯atmya, 11.5)

´ akta ideals no doubt incur benefits. Unfortunately Where practised, these S¯ however, few such benefits currently reach the lived reality of the many Indian women who remain subject to gender discrimination and the intersecting effects of oppressive caste and class-based hierarchies. The disjuncture between goddess worship and treatment of actual women is a long-running point of contention (Rajan, 2000). One feminist scholar we met in Guwahati expressed the view that men “wrote ´ on Sakti but used to beat their wives” (Dobia, 2008, p. 182), thus raising the broader question of “whether [men’s] appropriation of the feminine at the devotional level makes them devoted husbands” (Sugirtharajah, 2002, p. 103). In the face of continuing widespread gender discrimination in India and across the globe (Kimuna et al., 2012; Verma et al., 2017), it is consequently of vital importance to consider whether female-focused ritual practices confer any tangible benefits for women’s lives. At K¯am¯akhy¯a, we asked the pan.d.it how the emphasis on yoni worship influenced ´ akti s¯adhan¯a towards women. His response firmly the attitudes of those involved in S¯ held that all women were revered as aspects of the mother. In this respect, the pan.d.it’s 39

The symbolism and philosophical underpinnings of the Mah¯avidy¯as, particularly of K¯al¯ı as the primary Mah¯avidy¯a, show the importance of sr.s..ti in conceptualizing time as a cycle of creation and destruction. Shastri (1990) quotes the KP: “The eternal time is without beginning and end, and indivisible, the cause of creation and destruction. k¯alon¯amsvayamdevah ˙ . , sr.s.ti-sthityanta-k¯arakah.. … Mah¯ak¯al¯ı is the personified embodiment of the Primordial/Force, the Creative Energy and the Destructive Force” (pp. 10–11).

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´ akta perspective. When further asked views were clearly informed by an overarching S¯ why these values were not upheld in society, he identified the impact of sexualised violence in films as shaping wrong ideas about women.40 ´ akta Tantra are pro-woman, its social context, Thus, while the espoused ethics of S¯ however religiously radical, remains embedded within a broader, socially conservative patriarchal system. In light of contemporary concerns regarding gender justice, it is important to examine religious and cultural traditions, not only to expose ways they may restrict women’s rights and freedoms, but also to identify their potential for upholding the cause of human rights and gender equity. To this end, I conclude this ´ akta Tantra chapter with some reflections on what the principles and practices of S¯ might lend to the essential task of reconstituting gender relations around power and desire. I suggest three dimensions for such a project: (i) exploring ways for women to identify and express their authority through “the Goddess-woman equation”; (ii) ´ akt¯ac¯ara; (iii) interrogating practices to ensure they uphold the ethics espoused in S¯ seeking to reorient male erotics away from a hyper-masculinised heterosexuality of dominance in favour of a devotional attitude to women and sexuality.41 In this chapter, we have only touched on some of the myths and forms of K¯am¯akhy¯a that provide models of female strength and authority. K¯am¯akhy¯a-K¯amar¯upin.¯ı transforms at will through her power to manifest as she desires. K¯ame´svar¯ı governs her own sexuality on her own terms, commanding the respect of gods and men. K¯al¯ı alternately shows her fierce and maternal sides according to the need of the situation; she also introduces the Mah¯avidy¯as through whom further subtle dimensions of female power can be explored. More detailed analysis of the mythology that gives rise to these themes is provided in Dobia (2008). Dold (2012) discusses how the n¯amat¯ıs of K¯am¯akhy¯a conceptualize the many aspects of the goddess through their ´ N¯am. More recently, the popular success of the animated comic Priya’s Sakti and its associated campaign for reducing violence against women illustrates the potential for harnessing goddess mythology towards a social change agenda that advocates women’s rights and safety (Shrivastava, 2018). The need to hold tantric practitioners ethically accountable is flagged in the KT (5.33–38), which denounces the “contemptible deeds” of the pa´suguru who “destroys the wealth of the disciple” and whose initiation is the worst of all. It advocates leaving the “incapable and meritless guru” (5.32) in favour of the sadguru who is mild, temperate, noble, and pure-minded (5.27). As previously noted, pure-mindedness is considered an essential requirement for both v¯ıra and divya-s¯adhan¯a. Recent 40

The pan.d.it spoke at length about this concern, possibly because he could see it impacting on the behaviour of some temple community members, as we later heard about (see Dobia 2008, 2013). Recent evidence suggests a combination of factors, including cultural norms, gender role conditioning, and the effects of economic globalisation are all significant contributors to growing rates of violence against women in India (Assam HDR, 2014; Kimuna et al., 2012; Verma et al., 2017), with militarisation also a key driver of violence against women in the north-east (McDuie-Ra, 2012). 41 See Dobia (2013). While I believe the attitudes and practices conveyed in this tantric model can offer an alternative to misogynistic sexual aggression, I do not intend by this to advocate heterosexuality as a singular norm.

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instances where sexual abuse has been masqueraded as spirituality (Pankhania, 2017), or simply accepted as customary (Torri, 2009), are consequently disturbing not only for the harm they cause to the victims but also because they undermine the traditions themselves. Esotericism should not be a cover for degraded practices. As Pankhania’s (2017) analysis highlights, ethical standards are central principles of yoga and tantra. ´ akt¯ac¯ara can promote gender Ensuring that existing practices uphold the ethics of S¯ ´ akta justice while at the same time strengthening the reputation and traditions of S¯ Tantra. In the broader society, adverse gender norms as well as social and economic inequities continue to effect alarmingly high rates of sexual assault against women and girls (Verma et al., 2017). This pattern is fuelled by stereotypes of hypermasculinity that confuse power with dominance and aggression and pervert desire to a profane sense of lust and conquest. Commenting on the duplicity of male politicians viewing pornography on their phones while publicly demanding women’s purity, Doron and Broom (2013) observed that “it is Indian women who often bear the brunt of a rapid change in India, expected to uphold “tradition,” while their male counterparts enjoy in the spoils of consumer capitalism and electronic modernity” (p. 168). Rampant greed and exploitation evoke Mahis.a¯ sura, demon of lust, a notorious serial abuser of women. In this context, feminists’ disillusionment with the hypocrisy of religious traditions is hardly surprising (Kandasamy, 2015). However, ´ aktism. abuses of power and desire are antithetical to the principles and values of S¯ According to the mythic account, only a female deity can overcome Mahis.a¯ sura’s arrogant rapaciousness. His defeat at the hands of the goddess proves her ultimate power. It also shows that aggressive domination of women is not the means to attain s´akti, and sexual assault is no way to satisfy k¯ama. Rather, the tantric traditions emphasized at K¯am¯akhy¯a promote k¯ama as an energy to be harnessed and transformed so as to experience the cosmic power of creation, sr.s.ti-´sakti. The s¯adhan¯a ´ akta to achieve this transformation is built on female-centred worship. In this, the S¯ Tantric conception of power and desire offers a distinct alternative to the prevalent hyper-masculinized sexuality of aggression and dominance.

Conclusion Drawing on the interwoven myths, symbols and practices associated with K¯am¯akhy¯a, her temple, and the traditions through which they are represented, this chapter has ´ akta Tantra. Although the motif of explored the interplay of power and desire in S¯ power as martial prowess (as typified in the Dev¯ı-M¯ah¯atmya) appears in the KP, the s´akti of the yoni goddess derives from a more fundamental source. Observed repeatedly in myth and ritual, it is sr.s..ti-´sakti, the power of creation, that confers K¯am¯akhy¯a’s status as the supreme goddess of desire. With its caves and natural springs, the setting of the temple on the N¯ıl¯acala hill provides a tangible representation of the life-giving powers of the yoni. The emphasis on the earth, on cycles of fertility in which life is created and sacrificed, and on blood

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and menstruation underscores the autochthonous origins of the worship. Sr.s..ti-´sakti manifests in the multiform goddess who is present throughout the site, in the women of the temple community, and as earth itself from which life arises, and on which it depends. ´ Sakti and k¯ama coalesce at K¯am¯akhy¯a in the enduring symbol of the yoni, signifying reverence for the life-giving power of the womb and earth. Tantric philosophy views k¯ama as the impulse of attraction that seeds creation. Accordingly, the vital role of k¯ama in activating sr.s..ti is elaborated throughout the legendary accounts and rituals associated with the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple. As the god of love, K¯ama triggers the ´ and Sakti ´ essential attraction between Siva and initiates worship of the yoni goddess; in ritual practice, the k¯ama of the worshipper is offered to the goddess to effect the sought for spiritual transformation. Through performing rituals, the practitioners seek to directly experience the interplay of the subtle but powerful forces involved in cosmic creation. ´ akta Tantra and the prominence of Despite the pro-woman ideals espoused in S¯ female affirming symbolism, women’s subordinated position within the dominant patriarchal social hierarchy serves to normalize widespread gendered violence and abuse. However, a close analysis of the nature of s´akti and the place of k¯ama in the worship of K¯am¯akhy¯a suggests the possibility of a radical reshaping of the ways in which power and desire are commonly understood and enacted. The fundamentals of tantric philosophy uphold respect and reverence for women’s role in instantiating the power of creation, and its practices seek to sanctify the role of sexual desire in creation. Although the popular association of tantra with magic and esotericism tends to occlude an emphasis on social responsibility and ethics, tantric ritual at K¯am¯akhy¯a is understood by its practitioners to be for the world. At this time the world is in trouble. The wicked problems we now face on many fronts have at their core abuses of power and desire which are evident, for instance, in alarming rates of violence against women, over-consumption of resources, environmental wastage, and dangerous levels of pollution. It may be that our planetary survival depends on undertaking a collective s¯adhan¯a to scrutinize the ways we engage with power and desire, and so recast our relationships with one another and with the earth. Accordingly, this chapter has sketched out several ways in which tantric perspectives could be deployed to uphold women’s authority, counteract gendered abuse, and contribute to a re-sacralization of desire (Figs. 5.1 and 5.2).

5 Power and Desire in the Worship of the Goddess K¯am¯akhy¯a

Fig. 5.1 Exterior rear view of the main K¯am¯akhy¯a temple in 1996 Fig. 5.2 K¯am¯akhy¯a-dev¯ı devotional lithographic image, K¯am¯akhy¯a temple, 1996

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Shastri, B. N. (1979). The destruction of the K¯am¯akhy¯a temple as referred to in the Yogin¯ıtantra. Journal of the Assam Research Society, 25, 1–8. Shastri, B. N. (1994). K¯alik¯apur¯an.eM¯urtivinirde´sah.. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. ´akta Shin, J. E. (2018). Change, continuity and complexity. The Mah¯avidy¯as in East Indian S¯ traditions. Routledge. Shin, J. E. (2010). Yoni, yogin¯ıs and mah¯avidy¯as: Feminine divinities from early medieval K¯amar¯upa to medieval Koch Behar. Studies in History, 26(1), 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1177/025764301002 600101 Shrivastava, N. (2018). The representation of gender and sexuality in Priya’s Shakti 2012. South Asian Review, 39(1–2), 212–226. https://doi.org/10.1080/02759527.2018.1509553 Silburn, L. (1988). Kun.d.alin¯ı: The energy of the depths. State University of New York Press. ´ aktaP¯ıt.has. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Letters, XIV. Sircar, D. C. (1948). The S¯ Sugirtharajah, S. (2002). Hinduism and feminism: Some concerns. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 18(2), 97–104. Sunder Rajan, R. (2000). Real and imagined goddesses: A debate. In A. Hiltebeitel & K. M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the goddess a feminist? The politics of South Asian goddesses. Sheffield Academic Press, New York University Press Tejpal, M. (2018). Sexual slavery: A case study of Joginis in South India. ANTYAJAA: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change, 3(2), 181–193. Torri, M. C. (2009). Abuse of lower castes in South India: The institution of devadasi. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 11(2), 31–48. Urban, H. B. (2010). The power of Tantra: Religion, sexuality, and the politics of South Asian studies. I. B. Tauris & Co. Urban, H. B. (2015). Desire, blood, and power: Georges Bataille and the study of Hindu Tantra in North Eastern India. In J. Biles & K. Brintnall (Eds.), Negative ecstasies: Georges Bataille and the study of religion. Fordham University Press. Verma, A., Qureshi, H., & Kim, J. Y. (2017). Exploring the trend of violence against women in India. International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice, 41(1–2), 3–18. White, D. G. (2003). Kiss of the Yogin¯ı: Tantric sex in its South Asian contexts. University of Chicago Press. Woodroffe, J., Pandit, M. P., & Vidyaratna, T. (1984). Kul¯arn.ava Tantra. Motilal Banarsidass Woodroffe, J. (1986). Principles of Tantra, parts I & II (2nd ed.). Ganesh & Co. ´ ´ akta (9th ed.). Madras: Ganesh & Co. Woodroffe, Sir John (1987) Sakti and S¯

Chapter 6

The Metamorphosis of the “G¯achh Tar ´ V¯al¯ı” and the Making of a Sakti-P¯ ıt.ha in Mithila Kamal K. Mishra

…Bodha said,“That is a very pathetic story Dharm¯avat¯ara! Aks.obhya Bhairava is a s´otr¯ıya Br¯ahman.a of Mithila. In that N¯aland¯a vih¯ara near Od¯antpur¯ı, there, having arrived from ´ astras. I have got to know that different countries, scholars and s¯adhus used to discuss the S¯ there were hundred-eight vih¯aras. Very renowned scholars and practitioners of the Buddhist ´ akta a¯ gamas used to live there. When the Turk general Bakhtiy¯ar captured that and the S¯ place, destructed the temples and the vih¯aras, and burnt the huge book-temple, then, the scholars and the s¯adhus were either killed or were forced to flee through whatever path they could think of. Within no time the temple of learning at N¯aland¯a got emptied of people. For days the library kept on burning, for days due to the shocks of hammers the idols kept on breaking. Only two s¯adhus remained there- the head teacher R¯ahul Bhadra and the unique server of T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha Aks.obhya Bhairava.”1

C¯aru candralekh (1963) is a famous historical novel (aitih¯asik upany¯as) by the noted Hindi critic Hazari Prasad Dwivedi. Drawing upon certain historical documents, such as the travel accounts of Tibetan Buddhist monk Dharmasw¯amin (1232), the work is set in the twelfth–thirteenth century north India.2 Though novel’s characters and plot are both imagined and fictitious, yet they inhabit a real historical world in a manner that the characters mostly appear to be real-life people from the past. Moreover, as the above quote also suggests, the work establishes a clear historical link between the worship of the tantric deity T¯ar¯a and her ardent devotees from the geo-cultural region named Mithila. As part of a group of powerful tantric female deities known as the Da´samah¯avidy¯as, the figure of T¯ar¯a bears a close resemblance with K¯al¯ı, for she, too, expresses the dominance of the divine feminine principle over the masculine through ´ transgressive symbolisms.3 Iconographically T¯ar¯a portrays the dominance of Sakti ´ ´ over Siva as she is often depicted standing upon the corpse of Siva or mothering him as an infant. Sometimes, like K¯al¯ı, T¯ar¯a is also identified with the transformative power of the cremation ground fire. Yet, as one of the popular most epithet “T¯arin.¯ı” clearly K. K. Mishra (B) Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi 110025, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_6

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suggests, the goddess is also characterized as a saviour to those who are truly devoted to her and thus she is popularly regarded as the “one who brings to the other shore.” In short, T¯ar¯a on the one hand is associated with the principles of death and destruction. But, on the other she also expresses maternal, nurturing, and creative qualities. It is a well-known fact that, like K¯al¯ı, T¯ar¯a is popular in Bengal with her most famous temple being at T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha. Interestingly, however, a very famous temple dedicated to the goddess T¯ar¯a is also located in the eastern part of the Mahishi village in north–Bihar’s Saharsa district. There are three images in the garbha-gr.ha of the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple at Mahishi. The central figure is believed to be that of Ugrat¯ar¯a, and the two other accompanying figures are said to be that of Ekajat.a¯ and N¯ılaSarasvat¯ı. Within the temple precincts, there are a large number of smaller images which are also worshiped. The deity was endowed with the gift of a village by the Mah¯ar¯aj¯adhir¯ajas of Darbhanga House, and some of the Mah¯ar¯ajas were great devotees of the Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi. Accordingly, this sacred site of the tantric ´ deity Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi became one of the most favoured Sakti-p¯ ı.thas4 during the reigns of the last two Mah¯ar¯aj¯as of the Darbhanga house, namely Rameshwar Singh (1898–1929) and his successor Kameshwar Singh (1929–1947) in Mithila. Despite the fact that the famous sacred site of Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi does not find a mention in ´ the conventional listings of the Sakti-p¯ ı.thas, it has nonetheless remained a popular pilgrimage site of Mithila throughout the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries.5 At present, as a renowned Siddha-p¯ı.tha (seat of perfection), the sacred site is daily visited by a large number of lay pilgrims and tantric practitioners alike. As per the district gazetteer of Saharsa, Mahishi village is ancient and according to the legend commonly known throughout Bihar was the place where Man.d.na Mi´sra, the great M¯ım¯am . s¯a philosopher of the eighth century, lived. It is here that ´ nkar¯ac¯arya came from the south and had a philosophical discussion first with Sa˙ Man.d.na Mi´sra and then with his wife Bh¯arat¯ı Dev¯ı.6 The legend, as documented ´ nkar¯ac¯arya first met a maid servant filling by P. C. Roy Choudhury, informs that Sa˙ up her pitcher from a tank and asked her where Man.d.na Mi´sra lived. The maid servant replied in Sanskrit that he should go a little farther and when he could find a village on the same path where even the birds talked Sanskrit, he should know ´ nkar¯ac¯arya was amazed and followed the direction that Man.d.na Mi´sra lived there. Sa˙ and came to Mahishi. He had a philosophical discussion and Man.d.na Mi´sra was ´ nkar¯ac¯arya that he had to defeat defeated. Man.d.na Mi´sra’s wife Bh¯arat¯ı Dev¯ı told Sa˙ ´ her too, as the other half of Man.d.na Mi´sra. Sa˙nkar¯ac¯arya agreed and Bh¯arat¯ı Dev¯ı put ´ nkar¯ac¯arya could not reply as he did not know some questions based on sexology. Sa˙ anything of sexology and went back to equip himself. He left his body, and his soul went into someone else to get an inkling of sexology. Bh¯arat¯ı Dev¯ı was subsequently ´ nkar¯ac¯arya in the discussion.7 Yet, despite their defeat in philosophic defeated by Sa˙ ´ nkara, both, Bh¯arat¯ı and Man.d.na, have an iconic presence in Mithila debate with Sa˙ 8 today. Not only they are adored, celebrated, eulogized, and mythologized, but it is from them that upper-caste populace of Mithila also draw their sense of “ethnic” pride, a most crucial ingredient of modern nationalist identity.9 Hence, the residents of Mahishi village in Saharasa have also constructed lately a small size memorial to commemorate the site at which people believe the philosophic discussion between

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´ nkar¯ac¯arya took place. Nevertheless, to a student of religions, Man.d.na Mi´sra and Sa˙ one frequently made assertion that Man.d.na Mi´sra was a great devotee of the goddess T¯ar¯a, whose temple is situated in the vicinity of the present Mandana dh¯ama, appears as one of the most interesting but odd propositions. Apart from a widely held belief that Man.d.na Mi´sra’s Gosaun¯ı (family deity) was Ugrat¯ar¯a and that he owed his vast learning to the goddess,10 Mithila region is particularly well known for its dedication and devotion to various manifestations of the Goddess. Here, goddesses like K¯al¯ı and T¯ar¯a are worshiped daily as family ´akta sect and of tantric importance, deities. The sacred centres belonging to the S¯ which are also considered as Siddha-p¯ı.thas by the people, are found in large numbers ´ akta sect, in Mithila.11 “The names and location of these sacred centres of the S¯ give us an idea that these are spread all over Mithila in a large number and the ´ people of Mithila have deep faith, and believe in the Sakti cult”, notes Jha.12 If ´ some of these sacred centres belonging to the Sakti sect also find a mention in religious texts, on the other hand, most are simply associated with innumerable types of mythological stories. Also, some of these sacred centres have been recognized as seats of obtaining Siddhi (perfection) where goddess is claimed to have given dar´sana to a few fortunate Maithils. Strikingly, however, despite this widely popular cult of the goddess T¯ar¯a in Mithila, the sacred site of Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi in particular remains largely understudied. Noticeably, however, Ganga Nath Jha’s recent article titled “Bih¯ar K¯a Mandan¯ Ugrat¯ar¯a T¯ırtha Sth¯an: Ek M¯anav´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhayan (Bihar’s Mandan-Ugrat¯ar¯a Pilgrimage Center: An Anthropological Study)” approaches the said “sacred complex” from an anthropological perspective to highlight the presence thereof a greater tradition.13 In this piece, the scholar, by way of introducing the reader briefly to the cultural and historical specificities of the pilgrimage centre at Mahishi, then, moves on to present the famous pilgrimage site as an example of “Recessive Syncretism”. In fact, following L. P. Vidyarthi, the scholar sets out to locate the sacred centre in its wider sacred geography. However, besides exploring the Mandana-Ugrat¯ar¯a pilgrimage centre in terms of a case pointing cultural syncretism, Jha’s study also aims to inform the readers about the participation of pilgrims and the sacred specialists in various sacred performances. Next, considering the shifting concerns of the pilgrims, the scholar through his well-documented piece, finally, goes on to make certain suggestions for the development of the sacred centre in particular and the area in general. Critically speaking, Jha’s comprehensive intervention is marked by certain major shortcomings. To highlight just one big gap, Jha does not take any note of the widely circulated Va´sis.t.ha legend. As we should be able to see, such legends are quite crucial when it comes to the proper understanding of a cult like that of the goddess T¯ar¯a which cuts across linguistic boundaries (like Maithili, Bengali, and Assamese to name just few) and integrates wider regions. Also, as per method, one may point out that Jha’s preoccupation with Vidyarthi’s model does not allow him to critically evaluate certain important historical developments. Thus, Jha’s scholarly piece falls short in shedding some significant light on those specific historical processes or forces which have shaped the formation of a cult of the goddess T¯ar¯a in Mithila as we know it today.

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Mythologically speaking, the death of Sat¯ı not only links but becomes the cause behind the origin of such sacred sites of goddesses that are popularly known as ´ ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana”, a locally produced S´ a¯ kta-p¯ı.thas or Sakti-p¯ ı.thas. “Sr¯ work that arguably belongs to the genre of m¯ah¯atmya (glorification) texts, vari´ ously describes the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple complex as a “Sakti-p¯ ı.tha”, “Siddha-p¯ı.tha”, and “Tantra-p¯ı.tha”.14 According to the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya, after the destruc´ tion of the Daks.a’s sacrifice, as Siva was roaming around with the body of the deceased Sat¯ı, her “left eye” (v¯ama netra) fell here and transformed the place into ´ an important Sakti-p¯ ı.tha.15 Here one must remember that, though an early text like the Mah¯abh¯arata mentions numerous sacred sites of the goddess and other deities16 ; ´ yet, the Sakti-p¯ ı.thas became a cohesive idea only after the myth of Sat¯ı’s death and the subsequent dismemberment of her body was fully developed. The culmination of the p¯ı.tha tradition as we know is represented by a list of fifty-one sites in a text called the P¯ı.thaanirn.aya or Mahap¯ı.th¯anir¯upan.a, which enlists the locations of the ´ sites, the goddess, and the form of Bhairava (a fierce aspect of Siva) that resides with the goddess at each place.17 Noticeably, however, the famous sacred site of Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi does not find a mention in this list. Not only that, but, Mahishi’s ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana Ugrat¯ar¯a, whose Bhairava according to the text of Sr¯ 18 is Batuka, to the best of my knowledge, does not find a mention in any of the ´ conventional listings of the Sakti-p¯ ı.thas. How can one explain this anomaly? Although, the belief in the sacredness of the land that is India is certainly very ancient; yet, from a historical point of view, scholars have suggested that the unification of the sites associated with goddesses is relatively recent (late medieval period) ´ ı.thas is concerned, the very in India’s long tradition.19 As far as the issue of the Sakti-p¯ establishment of such centres of worship on the earth where parts of Sat¯ı’s body fell undoubtedly repeats the theme of making the divine accessible vis-a-vis Sat¯ı herself. Through this myth of Sat¯ı, the earth primarily understood as the Indian subcontinent is sacralised. Thus, the earth itself is seen as the body of the goddess Sat¯ı. She becomes the earth and as such is made accessible to her devotees or to those who seek ´ or her powers.20 As a matter of fact, some images of a goddess associated with Siva 21 ´ a Saiva symbol, too, appear on coins form the ancient period. Nevertheless, it is in the Pur¯an.as22 (A.D. 350 through the thirteen century) that we find a detailed mention of the Sat¯ı myth. Historian N. N. Bhattacharyya asserts that the myth of Sat¯ı’s death ´akta Dev¯ı.23 While the Dev¯ı was used to connect diverse local goddesses to the S¯ M¯ah¯atmya that was compiled between the fifth and the sixth centuries A.D.24 is ´akta considered the earliest theological work to glorify the supreme goddess or the S¯ ´ Dev¯ı. As per the listing of the S¯akta-p¯ı.thas, Bhattacharyya also claims that some writers leave out important sites or seem unfamiliar with the places they are writing about.25 Following Bhattacharyya, scholars have pointed out that the variation in ´ the names and location of the Sakti-p¯ ı.thas may also reflect orthodox opposition to the abodes of originally local goddesses. And, if the central belief concerning the ´ nature of goddesses as personifications of divine power or energy (Sakti) is remem´ bered, then it is not paradoxical to have any number of Sakti-p¯ı.thas.26 Thus, despite not being mentioned in any textual sources, many local centres of goddess worship including the one at Mahishi do claim ownership of a part of Sat¯ı’s body.

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´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana asserts that wherever Accordingly, the “text” of Sr¯ ´ a part of Sat¯ı’s body has fallen that site is called a Sakti-p¯ ı.tha. Also, in glorifying the ´ Sakti-p¯ ı.thas, the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya goes on to reiterate the “truth inscribed in the ´ ıt.has in Pur¯an.as”.27 The “text”, which claims that there are in total fifty-one Sakti-p¯ the Indian subcontinent (including those in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and the greater China or Mah¯ac¯ına!), also names some of the goddesses that preside over or are worshiped in the important p¯ı.thas.28 Furthermore, according to the “text”, the left eye of the goddess has fallen at Mahishi where the presiding deity is Ugrat¯ar¯a. Similarly, “the right eye has fallen in Bengal’s T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha, the heart has fallen in Jharkhand’s Chitbhumi, and Sat¯ı’s m¯ulaprakr.ti (vulva) has fallen at K¯am¯akhy¯a’s yoni man.d.ala”, notes the M¯ah¯atmya.29 Noticeably, here, the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya, on the one hand, clearly tries to link the sacred site at Mahishi with the Sat¯ı myth and thereby to affiliate it to the pur¯an.ic canon. At the same time, it also points to the fact that the actual form in which the deity is worshiped at Mahishi is that of Ugrat¯ar¯a. Though, a closer reading might suggest some gap here. Interestingly, however, the politics of the “text” becomes quite evident in its attempt to negotiate and bridge that very gap by way of forwarding in yet another remarkable narrative explanation. Thus, the M¯ah¯atmya further suggests that the legendary sage Va´sis.t.ha, who was a great devotee of Mah¯avidy¯a T¯ar¯a, brought her here and thus contributed in the making of an awakened and fruit-bestowing seat of power (Siddha-p¯ı.tha).30 During a field visit to Mahishi’s temple complex, in July 2014, I also found that Va´sis.t.ha’s association with the sacred site is being highlighted in several ways. Not only the writing on the main entrance to the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple shrine—in bold red ´ letters—declares the sacred complex as the Sakti-p¯ ı.tha of the Va´sis.t.ha-worshiped goddess Ugrat¯ar¯a (va´sis..tha a¯ r¯adhit¯a s´r¯ı ugrat¯ar¯a s´aktip¯ı.tham); but, an idol of the legendary sage is also installed in the very temple complex. The above said idol is enclosed, and the writing on one of the pillars goes on to term the enclosure as “Va´sis..tha a¯ s´rama” meaning the hermitage of Va´sis.t.ha. Interestingly enough the earlier mentioned scholarly piece by Jha does not refer to the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple site as ´ a Sakti-p¯ ı.tha.31 Not only does the scholar not find it a worthwhile exercise to engage with a popular local claim which attempts to link the sacred complex with the Sat¯ı myth; but, presenting a strong case of scholarly insensitivity, Jha’s anthropological study also completely shies away from taking any note of the most significant Va´sis.t.ha legend. Howsoever, for the modern Maithila worshipers of the goddess, the legend ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a appears to be quite crucial. Hence, a considerable portion of the “text” of Sr¯ M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana is also devoted to a retelling of the same Va´sis.t.ha legend. According to the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya, the mind-born son (m¯anasa putra) of the creator god Brahm¯a, the sage Va´sis.t.ha, who holds an important most position among the immortals (amaragan.a) and is the best among all the seven sages (saptar.s.i), becomes a great adept and worshiper of the great revelation (Mah¯avidy¯a) T¯ar¯a. In recounting the episode how the sage becomes interested in worshiping the goddess, the M¯ah¯atmya goes on to narrate the following story: after acquiring the initiation into the Gayatri mantra from Brahm¯a, Va´sis.t.ha becomes aware of Brahman, the absolute. Yet, once, while meditating upon his guru, the sage notices that Brahm¯a himself is engrossed in meditating upon and chanting the names of some non-worldly

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(alaukika) power for the past several ages. Noticing that, Va´sis.t.ha gets curious and ´ decides to approach his father and guru Brahm¯a to ask about this power (Sakti) who ´ is being constantly meditated upon by Brahm¯a-Vis.n.u- Siva, the three great divinities (trideva). Brahm¯a tells Va´sis.t.ha about the power, which is beyond the beginning and the end (¯adi anta rahita), the cause behind the origin of the tridevas, and the second among the ten great revelations (Da´samah¯avidy¯as) called T¯ar¯a. He also informs Va´sis.t.ha that Ugrat¯ar¯a, N¯ılasarasvat¯ı, and Ekajat.a¯ are the three manifestations of the same goddess. After receiving the seed mantra “tr¯ım” from the creator god, Va´sis.t.ha reaches N¯ıl¯acala, in K¯am¯akhy¯a’s yoni complex, to propitiate T¯ar¯a by reciting her mantra there. However, his austerities bring no success even after many years. Disappointed he summons Brahm¯a, who once again convinces him about the greatness of T¯ar¯a and suggests to propitiate the goddess with a calm mind and by reciting her mantra constantly (jap¯at siddhi na sam . s´ayah.). Next, despite trying hard for many more years Va´sis.t.ha fails to succeed, disappointed he then curses the T¯ar¯a mantra. The curse of the sage creates a havoc in the entire cosmos. After this, realizing the flaw in Va´sis.t.ha’s approach Brahm¯a advises him to take initiation into the spiritual practice of the left-hand path (v¯amam¯arga) from king Videha Janaka of Mithila. As Va´sis.t.ha removes his curse by prefixing the “s” sound into the earlier mantra to make the new seed mantra “str¯ım” effective once again, through a voice from the space (¯ak¯as´av¯an.¯ı) T¯ar¯a’s own power informs him that he cannot reach his goal by following a path that is basically flawed; for she cannot be pleased or attained by the practices of yoga or the right-hand path. Subsequently, the sage reaches the city of king Janaka. Here, king Janaka enlightens the sage on the importance of the “paˇncamak¯ara” (i.e. wine, meat, fish, sexual union, and parched grain) in the lefthanded “Kaula” rites. After teaching certain secret aspects (rahasya d¯ıks.a¯ ), the king then directs the sage to visit the Atharva Veda following country (Atharvaved¯anug¯am¯ı de´sa) Mah¯ac¯ına (Tibet) so that he can be initiated into “c¯ın¯ac¯ara” (or the practices prevalent in China) by the Buddha-Vis.n.u in the form of a fierce Aghora (Aghora rudra r¯upa buddha-vis.n.u) there. Next, a curious at heart (anantar jijnˇna¯ su) Va´sis.t.ha reaches Mah¯ac¯ına, where he ´ meets Buddha-Vis.n.u in the form of an Aghora Saiva at the very back of the Himalayas (him¯alaya ke p¯ar´sva mein h¯ı). Howsoever, as the fully-consecrated (purn.a¯ bhis.ek¯ı) Va´sis.t.ha gets a first glimpse of the Buddha in the said form a strong doubt creeps in his mind, for not only does the Buddha appear quite intoxicated himself but is surrounded by thousands of beautiful young women and naked adepts that are busy drinking wine together. At this point, for a second time, through a voice from the space, the goddess warns the sage and asks him not to remain attached to the eight nooses (i.e. fear, shame, hatred, repulsion, etc.) if he wants to please her. Also, the voice tells the sage that, as per the left-hand method of T¯ar¯a worship, the c¯ın¯ac¯ara is the secret of the goddess’s power, and for this most secret rite, one should first of all discard the eight nooses (v¯amam¯arga ke s´aktip¯uj¯a mein c¯ın¯ac¯ara h¯ı mere s´aktiyon k¯a rahasya hai. yah atyanta gopan¯ıya kriy¯a hai. as..tap¯as´a se mukta hokar h¯ı c¯ın¯ac¯ara k¯ı kriy¯a ho sakt¯ı hai.). Moreover, Va´sis.t.ha is informed that only the Buddha knows the pure c¯ın¯ac¯ara and the Aghora mantra of T¯ar¯a on this earth, and if the sage does

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not want to waste his life roaming around, then he must learn the secrets of T¯ar¯a and the appropriate basis of her worship from the one and only master. Following the voice from the space, as Va´sis.t.ha is busy pondering over the conflicting situation in his heart, the Buddha intervenes and tells the sage that without ´ ´ first acquiring the “Sivatva” (Siva-ness) the vision of T¯ar¯a is next to impossible. Now, the Buddha-Vis.n.u in the form of an Aghora explains to Va´sis.t.ha the basic doctrines of the Atharva Veda as to the eight nooses that are in the mind, the speech, the ´ action, and all ten sensory organs. And, c¯ın¯ac¯ara is nothing but being one with Sakti by giving away all the restrains (Atharvaveda mein m¯ula r¯upa se yah¯ı bat¯ay¯a gay¯a hai ki das indriyon-mana, vacana, karma mein as..tap¯as´a hai atah. sabh¯ı nigraha ko ty¯agkar s´akti mein sam¯a j¯an¯a h¯ı c¯ın¯ac¯ara hai). Also, c¯ın¯ac¯ara is basically performing Aghora rites while remaining free from the eight nooses (¯a.thon bandhanon se mukta ho kar aghora kriy¯a karn¯a yah¯ı maulika r¯upa se c¯ın¯ac¯ara hai). The Buddha then tells the sage that the very act is “allowed” (pra´sasta) in the spiritual practice of goddess T¯ar¯a and the other goddesses cannot be pleased by contrary practices to v¯amac¯ara. Should the sage be able to perform the worship and attain perfection, then he should follow through the ritual practices of the c¯ın¯ac¯ara. After listening to the Buddha, a humble Va´sis.t.ha acknowledges that he has never seen such fierce Aghora form earlier and is thus confused. Despite being one such practitioner of yoga that knows the Brahman (brahmayog¯ı) he still cannot comprehend the act which involves drinking wine, eating meat and the intercourse with women, etc., and that is why his mind is revolting. The sage also requests the Buddha to help him resolve this conflict. The Buddha, who is really impressed by Va´sis.t.ha’s devotion towards the goddess T¯ar¯a, once again tells the sage that c¯ın¯ac¯ara is the basic philosophy of the ´ akta sect, and the Aghora Tantra (kaula m¯arga, Kaula path, the left-hand path, the S¯ v¯amam¯arga, s´a¯ kta samprad¯aya aur aghora tantra k¯a maulika dar´sana c¯ın¯ac¯ara hai). And, by performing the rites in this manner the spiritual seeker wins freedom from the shackles of worldly existence (is a¯ c¯ara se anus..th¯ana karke s¯adhaka bhavabandhana se mukta ho j¯at¯a hai). After resolving the doubts, the Buddha initiates Va´sis.t.ha in the “sapt¯aks.ar¯ı” (seven lettered) T¯ar¯a mantra, and the sage is made to perform the tantric spiritual practices related to the cremation ground, funeral-pyre, and meditation on the human corpse or “sma´sa¯ na s¯adhan¯a”, “cit¯a s¯adhan¯a”, and “´sava s¯adhan¯a” in the course of his initiation. Now, staying on the banks of the river N¯ılasarasvat¯ı—“Y¯an˙ gsit¯ı ky¯ang”—and partaking the paˇncamak¯aras, the sage tries to propitiate the goddess. It is here that one fine dark night—“at ten o clock” (?)—as Va´sis.t.ha was busy performing a “cakra-arcana” of T¯ar¯a in the manner of the left hand and c¯ın¯ac¯ara, the goddess finally appears. She grants him his wish that from then onwards taking the form of a beautiful woman she will always remain with him and help him as an associate in his regular tantric worship. However, in granting the wish T¯ar¯a also puts a condition before the sage. According to the condition, leaving her human form behind the goddess will instantly transform into a stone, whenever the sage is negligent of his tantric vows. Subsequently, Va´sis.t.ha along with T¯ar¯a reaches the sacred site of Mahishi, where the left eye of the goddess Sat¯ı has fallen. Settling down at this sacred place in the foothills (tarai) of the Himalyas, the sage fully involves himself in the worship of

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T¯ar¯a, who being physically present now accepts all the offerings as his consort, bhairav¯ı. However, the other ascetics (r.s.is), who inhabit this place and follow the conventional (¯ars.a) way of life and spiritual practices, become suspicious of Va´sis.t.ha’s unconventional lifestyle and spiritual practices. Finally, while worshiping the goddess through the paˇncmak¯aras and the c¯ın¯ac¯ara methods, the sage gets to overhear some of the ascetics who after being assembled near his place talk negatively of him. Being unaware of the reality, these r.s.is start blaming Va´sis.t.ha of being a drunkard, of being a womanizer, of consuming the forbidden food, and being a person of low morals (kim ˙ va´sis..thah.? sur¯asevito va´sis..thah., sundar¯ı sevito va´sis..thah., bhaks.y¯abhaks.ya bhaks.ito va´sis..thah., patitah. va´sis..thah.). After hearing such derogatory words, Va´sis.t.ha, who at that point, holding a cup full of wine in hands, is all prepared to offer it to the goddess, remains stunned. Due to such harsh remarks, for a brief moment, a negative feeling overtakes his mind (muni ke man mein alpa samaya ke liye jugups¯a j¯ag gay¯ı). But even before he realizes the devastating consequence of this ill-feeling, the goddess present in the form of the bhairav¯ı transforms into a stone idol (bhagvat¯ı t¯ar¯a va´sis..tha ko madmoh mein phaste h¯ı s´il¯amay¯ı ho gay¯ı th¯ı). Turning into her new stone form the goddess now refuses to accept the offerings from the hands of Va´sis.t.ha. At this point, a voice from the space reminds the sage that ´ since he has lost his “Sivatva” he cannot enjoy the grace of T¯ar¯a anymore. He should ´ better regain his lost Siva-hood first, if he wishes to have a vision of the deity again. Also, the voice tells the sage that he can now be the first one to worship the goddess in her new Jagat p¯ujita form in the stone which is for the worship by the world at large. Realizing the overall truth, the ascetics present at the doorsteps not only start regretting their misfortune, but they also ask Va´sis.t.ha to initiate them into the tantric method of T¯ar¯a worship. The disappointed sage, before moving to Assam’s K¯amagiri mountain, declares that an adept who will not worship T¯ar¯a according to the left-hand rites or not have a dar´sana at this sacred p¯ı.tha will never be able to achieve any perfection (va´sis..tha bole ki jo s¯adhaka is p¯ı.tha ka dar´san nah¯ın kareg¯a aur v¯ama m¯arga se t¯ar¯a ko nah¯ın p¯ujeg¯a unhen kis¯ı prak¯ar k¯ı siddhi nah¯ın mileg¯ı).32 The same legend of Va´sis.t.ha’s initiation by the Buddha into the left-hand practices of T¯ar¯a worship is also narrated with slight modifications in two important tantric texts, namely the Rudray¯amala and the Brahmy¯amala.33 Moreover, besides Mahishi, the T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha temple in Birbhum district of Bengal and the Ugra T¯ar¯a temple in Guwahati, Assam, also claim a similar sort of association with the legendary sage Va´sis.t.ha.34 Also, the legend of Va´sis.t.ha’s visit to China on the advice of T¯ar¯a, his initiation into c¯ın¯ac¯ara by the Buddha himself, his return and preaching of those doctrines, the influence of Chinese Taoism on Indian Tantra and allied topics were taken up for study and comments by scholars including Joseph Needham (in 1956) and S. K. Chatterji (in 1959).35 Yet, a retelling of this particular myth at the sacred site of Mahishi or for that matter through the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya is nonetheless crucial. In the process of this retelling, not only the legendary sage’s initiation into c¯ın¯ac¯ara by the Buddha is recognized, but most importantly through the act of narration Va´sis.t.ha is now represented as the disciple of Mithila’s legendary king Videha Janaka, too. Strikingly, it is the king Janaka, who according to the Maithils directs Va´sis.t.ha, following his first initiation into v¯amam¯arga or the left-hand path, to

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visit the Atharva Veda following country Mah¯ac¯ına (Tibet) so that he can be initiated into c¯ın¯ac¯ara by the Buddha-Vis.n.u in the form of a fierce Aghora. At this point it is necessary to highlight that this very localization of the Va´sis.t.ha legend through a creative retelling by the Maithil worshipers of the goddess T¯ar¯a serves certain important purposes. To elaborate, the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya, apart from calling ´ the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple site a “Sakti-p¯ ı.tha” and a “Siddha-p¯ı.tha”, also terms the said complex as a famous “Tantra-p¯ı.tha”, causes the temple to draw such pilgrims who are interested in performing the rituals according to the tantric mode: “As per Tantric method the tradition of the left-hand path and the c¯ın¯ac¯ara is prevalent here (t¯antrik paddhati mein v¯amam¯arga aur c¯ın¯ac¯ara k¯ı parampar¯a pracalit hai).”36 Though, worship in the ordinary way is also done by the non-tantric pilgrims at the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple shrine. However, I will argue that the inclusion of the Va´sis.t.ha story in the M¯ah¯atmya, and, thus, in the context of Mithila, clearly serves some covert purposes. As a closer reading of the “text” also suggests, the Va´sis.t.ha myth actually points to ´ akta a definite “Tantric” core which can arguably be termed as the essence of the S¯ tradition of Mithila in general and the cult of goddess T¯ar¯a in particular. Obviously, from the perspective of mythology, what is believed to have happened has a far greater hold on human minds than that which actually has happened. Howsoever, as Herman Tull aptly points: ‘within the last century, the interpretation of “history” and “myth” in India has taken on a special significance as the so-called Hindutva movements have looked to “mythical” narratives of the ancient king R¯ama as a hard evidence of the nature of past Indian regimes. Here, the idea of empirical verification—of “true history”—succumbs to the larger role of myth as the repository of a culture’s most deeply held values and ideologies.’37 As the craft of writing history of South Asian religions in general and Hinduism in particular has become increasingly drawn into the fire of identity politics, retrieving the multiple Hinduisms of the past and of the medieval period in particular as that time out of which most modern-day practices of Hinduism emerged seems even more pertinent. It is important to recognize that the same task at hand also demands a number of interpretive strategies including an increased emphasis on non-scriptural sources and a sustained focus on regional traditions. On the other hand, during the recent decades, with an upsurge in identity politics vernaculars have provided a vehicle to the new kind of regional or local histories. Dr. ¯ an (Mahishi’s T¯ar¯a: the history Taranand Viyogi’s Mah¯ıs.¯ı k¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯asa Aur Akhy¯ and the legend) qualifies as a work of “Regional History” in the same sense.38 Viyogi, who terms Mahishi a Siddha-p¯ı.tha, goes on to assert that, like Kashi, Mahishi, too, has been a popular pilgrimage centre from the ancient times. His work that is divided into three broad sections entitled Adhy¯ayas (chapters) tries to cover a span of more than 2500 years. Unlike Jha, Viyogi’s consistent focus remains on the historical developments. Viyogi sets out to enlighten the readers about the continuous worship of the goddess T¯ar¯a at this famous historical site from the ancient to the present times. However, in short, his study lacks the kind of anthropological details which Jha’s scholarly piece otherwise provides. Moreover, the narrative of Viyogi’s Mah¯ıs.¯ı K¯ı T¯ar¯a suffers at many instances due to the lack of substantial material. Also, despite being speculative in nature, Viyogi’s work shies away from raising certain

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important questions. Howsoever, for us, both, Jha and Viyogi’s interventions are quite crucial. As while trying to combine the historical method with a solid focus on the anthropological details, I am particularly benefited by several of their assertions, arguments, observations, and the significant lack thereof. While exploring the history of a living religious tradition such as the popular cult of goddess T¯ar¯a in Mithila, the sacred site at Mahishi naturally provides the obvious contextual focus. However, one must bear in mind an important fact that the tantric ´ akta worship was in vogue in eastern India from time immemorial. An form of S¯ additional point that we should not lose sight of is regarding Mithila’s own specific geo-cultural location. Not only the region is adjacent to Nepal, and Tibet, but it is also very close to Bengal, which has been one of the most important centres of tantric learning and practices throughout. There is no denying of the fact that Mithila has itself produced an extraordinary number of tantric practitioners and scholars.39 And, the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya accordingly goes on to highlight the association of a number of tantric practitioners with the region starting with the mythical figures like king Videha Janaka, sage Y¯ajñayavalkya, and sage Va´sis.t.ha to more recent and well¯ known tantric adepts like K¯al¯ık¯ananda T.h¯akur (Anand B¯ab¯a), Goswam¯ı Laks.m¯ın¯ath B¯ab¯a, and a v¯ıra s¯adhaka of the T¯ar¯a-Tantra named Madan Up¯adhy¯aya, who had come to Mahishi in the eighteenth century.40 Yet, a modern observer may justifiably raise certain doubts regarding the narrative explanation provided through the “text” of the ´ amay¯ı) form at the one and only sacred M¯ah¯atmya for the presence of the stony (Sil¯ site devoted to the goddess Ugrat¯ar¯a in Mithila. In fact, while describing the idol of the goddess, the “text” goes on to note that the two small-sized (each approximately 12 inches long) idols of Nilasaraswati and Ekajat.a¯ are situated, respectively, on the right and the left-hand sides of a centrally located (approximately thirty six inches long) Ugrat¯ar¯a idol, whose head is adorned by the r.s.i¯ı Akshobhya in a meditative posture.41 With regard to the two above-mentioned smaller idols, the sole explanation that is offered through the “text”, as the creator god Brahm¯a is reported to having told Va´sis.t.ha: like Ugrat¯ar¯a, both, N¯ılasaraswat¯ı and Ekajat.a¯ are different forms of the goddess. Although, the “text”, in passing, also informs the readers that the r.s.i ´ ´ ´ Aks.obhya is basically a form of Siva, of the presiding Sakti Ugrat¯ar¯a, at this Saktip¯ı.tha. One may still ask whether such assertions sufficiently explain the presence of the so-called Aks.obhya, N¯ılasaraswat¯ı and Ekajat.a¯ ’s idols alongside with Ugrat¯ar¯a’s s´il¯amay¯ı form at this fruit-bestowing site. Or, must we simply take their co-presence as yet another sign of the eclectic nature of the Hindu pantheon? Strikingly, the idol worshiped as Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi is “really not the image of Ugrat¯ar¯a.” Actually, in the early 1960s, the noted historian P. C. Roy Choudhury has already identified the image as that of “Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a, or the saviouress of the Kh¯adira (catechu) forest.”42 Despite referring to an obvious Buddhist connection, Roy Choudhury, while pointing towards a notable case of “transposition”, does not say much about the origin or the history of the image at Mahishi.43 However, taking a cue from the same scholarly lacunae, and while arguing for a case of “Resessive Syncretism” at length, Ganga Nath Jha in his anthropological study of the sacred site at Mahishi goes on to comment that the T¯ar¯a idol here actually belongs to the Buddhists: “t¯ar¯a ki m¯urti bauddha dharm¯avalambion k¯ı m¯urti hai.”44 Moreover,

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both, Jha (2005) and Viyogi (2010), rightly link the idol of T¯ar¯a at Mahishi to its Buddhist P¯ala history.45 In fact, the goddess T¯ar¯a, who originally belonged to some aboriginal people of Eastern India, was subsequently adopted in both the Buddhist and the Brahm¯anical pantheons.46 Though, T¯ar¯a was enrolled among the northern Buddhist deities in the sixth century; however, her popularity equalled that of any deity in the Mah¯ay¯ana pantheon between the eighth and the twelfth centuries.47 Incidentally, the same period coincides with the rule of the imperial P¯alas over, both, Bengal and Bihar. As we know, the P¯ala dynasty, firmly based in Bengal, but with imperial ambitions over north India, had effectively ruled over Mithila.48 Under the P¯alas, Mithila was referred to as T¯ırabhukti. And, the widely scattered remains in Mithila of sculptures and votive stupa made of the greyish or black stone clearly confirm the active production of religiously inspired art works during the P¯ala era.49 Although, it is not known when exactly the P¯alas extended their domination over Mithila. Howsoever, by the time of king Dharmap¯ala (775–814 CE), the area around Mahishi had certainly become a stronghold of Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhism.50 Thus, it is not surprising that a number of artefacts, including the two Buddhist images installed at the Hindu shrines of the Sun temple in Kandaha and the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple in Mahishi, belong to the same historical era.51 Historians are of the view that the P¯alas were devout Buddhists, as in their own records they never allude to Brahm¯anical institutions like caste.52 Moreover, explaining the great devotion of the P¯ala kings to T¯ar¯a, a scholar like D. C. Sircar also suggests that, “the Palas began their career as the rulers of Vangala otherwise called Candradv¯ıpa. Thus, probably, the great devotion of the Pala kings to Tara, the celebrated goddess of Candradv¯ıpa, whose representation they adopted as the emblem of their standard or banner, is easily explained.”53 In fact, the Ras.t.rak¯ut.a sources explicitly mention that the king Govinda (794–814 CE) had snatched away Bhagavat¯ı T¯ar¯a from the king of Vangala, following the defeat of Dharmap¯ala.54 This certainly was a reference to the dynastic emblem on the P¯ala ruler’s banner or standard which bore the representation of Bhagavat¯ı T¯ar¯a. In Mah¯ay¯ana and Vajray¯ana Buddhism, T¯ar¯a is the goddess of compassion, offspring of Avalokite´svara, the Bodhisattva of mercy. However, of the many varieties of the image of the Buddhist goddess, which are also considered emanations of the various Dhyani-Buddhas, Kh¯adiravan¯ı T¯ar¯a (i.e. the T¯ar¯a worshiped at or in Khadira forest), an emanation of Amoghasiddhi is the most common. Kh¯adirvan¯ı ´ am¯a T¯ar¯a due to her green (dark) colour, is represented T¯ar¯a, who is also called Sy¯ as seated or standing, as holding a blue-lotus (n¯ılotpala) in her left hand and as usually accompanied by A´sokak¯anta Marici and Ekajat.a¯ . Noticeably, a manuscript of the As..tasahasrik¯a Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a, copied in Eastern India in the year 1015 C.E., describes a deity of the same class as Candradv¯ıpe Bhagavat¯ı T¯ar¯a meaning the goddess T¯ar¯a worshiped in Candradv¯ıpa. On the basis of such and other details, historian D. C. Sircar goes on to conclude that: “Tara, installed in a temple of Candradv¯ıpa was thus one of the most celebrated Buddhist deities in Bengal during the age of the Palas.”55 Nevertheless, it is “difficult to say whether Khadiravana, from which Khadiravan¯ı-Tara received her name, was a locality situated in the ancient Candradv¯ıpa.”56 ´ am¯a T¯ar¯a were also Historically speaking, the images of the same Kh¯adirvan¯ı or Sy¯

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being worshiped in other areas of the P¯ala empire including Bihar.57 Although, belonging to the same P¯ala era, “a large number of specimens of Tara have been found in Kurkihar and other places.”58 Interestingly, however, besides Mahishi, as one is informed, another “standing stone image of Kh¯adirvan¯ı-Tara is under worship within the sanctum of the temple of S¯urya at Badgaon near Nalanda.”59 In this regard, it is important to note that the author of the “text” of the M¯ah¯atmya is not only well aware of T¯ar¯a’s Buddhist connection, but the same specifically informs ´ the readers that, “T¯ar¯a, basically the second Sakti of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as, is also ´ worshiped as a form of the Sakti in the Buddhist religion.”60 Though, interestingly, the author of the “text”, in order to prove most probably an “eternal” or, at least, a pre-Buddhist association of the deity to this sacred p¯ı.tha, next, goes on to assert that even the “truth seeker” Gautama the Buddha came here to have a glimpse of the 61 ´ Further, the “text” also maintains that, possibly due to the proximity T¯ar¯a Sakti. of the Ugrat¯ar¯a p¯ıt.ha—Va´sis.t.ha’s tapobh¯umi—with Kapilvastu or the birth place of the Buddha, as both were located in the foothills region of the Himalayas, Buddhism was highly influenced by the presence of the former. Being in proximity to this p¯ı.tha, first of all, people originally belonging to that Atharva Veda—following— Tath¯agata’s country came to settle down here, and under the influence of the Buddha used to worship his favoured deity T¯ar¯a (isliye tath¯agata atharvaved¯anug¯am¯ı de´sa ke sam¯ıpasth is p¯ı.tha ke hone ke k¯aran.a pahle pahal us m¯ula ke log yah¯an aye the aur buddha prabh¯ava mein a¯ r¯adhya dev¯ı t¯ar¯a k¯ı up¯asana karte the).62 Thus, the “text” in a manipulative stance clearly suggests that the later Mah¯ay¯ana Tantric Buddhists of the P¯ala period, who worshiped T¯ar¯a in her actual Kh¯adirvan¯ı form, were not only the followers of the Atharva Veda; but, in worshiping the Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a, those tantric Buddhists of the early medieval era were merely following their preceptor, who had also come to this sacred site to actually worship Ugrat¯ar¯a or the ´ Sakti which was brought here by the legendary sage Va´sis.t.ha. While the historical accounts also confirm that the Buddha actually visited Apan nigam, which was a part of the Anguttarap administrative unit of the then Magadhan empire.63 But, the text of the Majjhimnik¯aya, to which an explicit reference is made through the M¯ah¯atmya,64 no where suggests that the Buddha had come to have a dar´sana of the Va´sis.t.ha worshiped Ugrat¯ar¯a here. In contrast, the details of Buddha’s visit to the Apan nigam (or the area around Mahishi), as presented to us through the texts like Mah¯avaggo, Majjhimnik¯aya, and Suttnipat, point to a large-scale conversion of the Vedic Brahmins including certain Keniya and Sel to the new Saddharma.65 In fact, T¯ar¯a, as the second Mah¯avidy¯a, also finds mention in a number of Hindu Tantras. The legend according to which Va´sis.t.ha went to Mah¯ac¯ına to learn the mode of worshiping T¯ar¯a from the Buddha himself as it was not known to anybody else and was different from the Brahmanical method of worshiping gods and goddesses is ´ akta T¯ar¯a was originally a Buddhist deity. Also, Gudrun a sufficient proof that the S¯ Buhnemann provides convincing evidence on the literary transmission that took ´akta place from the Buddhist text Sarvatavajra’s Mah¯ac¯ınakrama-s¯adhana to the S¯ 66 Phetak¯aran.i Tantra. It is further established by the scholar that the description of T¯ar¯a given in the Phetak¯aran.i Tantra is echoed in several authoritative sources such as Tantras¯ara, Br.hann¯ıla Tantra, T¯ar¯abhaktisudh¯arn.ava, and Brahm¯ananda’s

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T¯ar¯arahasya. These sources thus show how the iconography of Ugrat¯ar¯a was actually a result of the assimilation of some Buddhist features which were carried over into the Hindu Tantras. Significantly, in the Hindu tantric sources one finds a constant affiliation of Ugrat¯ar¯a to the c¯ın¯ac¯ara or the Chinese method of worship. Hence, there is sufficient reason to believe that her cult originally belongs to Mainland China and travelled to India via Tibet. Though, such practices might as well have their origins in the trans-Himalayan regions, perhaps in north-eastern India or on its borders.67 Howsoever, as noted Tantric scholar Madhu Khanna aptly suggests, the c¯ın¯ac¯ara was introduced into the Hindu tantric fold in India by Buddhist siddhas ´ ´ akta practitioners of who were, it seems, in close interaction with Hindu SaivaS¯ the kulam¯arga. This ancient tradition of c¯ın¯ac¯ara was gradually adopted and then adapted to the indigenous erotocentric tantric worship centred on the cult of T¯ar¯a in Bengal.68 It is understood that up to the seventeenth century the cult of T¯ar¯a had an independent existence. But, by the late medieval period the cult of T¯ar¯a merged with the prevalent cult of goddess K¯al¯ı in East Bengal, who had become a principal deity of the Mah¯avidy¯a group of goddesses.69 Some inhabitants of Mithila also identify their goddess Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi as Mahis.a¯ suramardin¯ı; and, during the last field visit, I observed, that in the vicinity of the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple shrine, two such commercial holdings of a cement manufacturing company which, respectively, carried the Durg¯a mantra and her prayer (stuti) alongside the photos of the goddess T¯ar¯a of Mahishi. Indra Narayan Jha, in Mithila Digdar´san, also points out that the ancient village Mahishmati (i.e. Mahishi) was so named after the goddess Mahis.mardin¯ı. Jha further notes that the idol established at the famous Ugrat¯ar¯a shrine at Mahishi is basically an ancient idol of the goddess ´ akta Durg¯a.70 In contrast, the M¯ah¯atmya, despite a discernibly visible unifying S¯ perspective, nonetheless, goes on to separate the popular nine Durg¯a forms from ´ those of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as. Apart from describing the nine Durg¯a forms of Sakti as oriented towards liberation and that of the ten Mah¯avidy¯as towards granting worldly pleasures, the “text” also terms the ten Mah¯avidy¯as as the initial-half (p¯urv¯ardh) of ´ the primeval Sakti principle, the great goddess.71 Though all goddesses are theoretically subsumed within Dev¯ı, the individual entities are worshiped in their own right as well. Accordingly, some of the most important sacred performances at the wish fulfilling Ugrat¯ar¯a temple also include, besides the Navar¯atri p¯uj¯a, the Vair¯agan p¯uj¯a, the Nav¯ann p¯uj¯a, the Bais pavain, the Caurcan, and the Makar sankr¯anti p¯uj¯a.72 In short, the Vair¯agan p¯uj¯a is basically a weekly sacred performance carried out on every Tuesday. The lay worshipers who assemble at the sacred site in large numbers actually believe that it is auspicious to approach the tantric deity on Tuesdays. Apart from performing the rites of worship according to the traditional methods, the pilgrims also offer animal sacrifices. The goddess who is usually draped in a red-coloured garment by the priests is offered red flowers on this day. On the other hand, the Nav¯ann p¯uj¯a is related to the agricultural cycle. This yearly puja commences in the months of November–December once the agriculturists are actually through with their paddy crop cultivation. The common reason behind such performance is sought in the widely held belief that the fresh crop when offered to the goddess first will ensure a better yield in the subsequent years. The

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goddess is also approached by her devotees on special occasions like K¯al¯ı p¯uj¯a, R¯amanavam¯ı and Kr.s.n.a Janm¯as.t.am¯ı when, like Vijay¯a Da´sam¯ı, she is fully adorned in her gold and silver ornaments by the priests at the temple.73 The M¯ah¯atmya, which also tries to situate Ugrat¯ar¯a p¯ıt.ha of Mahishi on top of a complex network of seven tantric centres, goes on to point that, like every other seat of tantric importance in the network—including the two p¯ı.thas associated with the legendary sage Va´sis.t.ha, at K¯am¯akhy¯a (in Assam) and T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha (in Bengal)—here, too, the tradition of offering “bali” (animal sacrifice) and “d¯udhbali” (possibly wine) is maintained.74 At the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple in Mahishi, a very special tantric p¯uj¯a is also performed by the temple priests on the eighth (as..tam¯ı) night of the Ashwin Navar¯atri every year. In this most secret yearly night worship (ni´sa¯ p¯uj¯a), which is carried out in the presence of select tantric adepts only, bhoga is offered to the goddess which thoroughly consists of edibles made of meat and wine.75 On Vijay¯a Da´sam¯ı, from the evening till about midnight, the temple doors of the Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi remain closed for everyone except for female devotees of the tantric goddess. However, during the rest of the year, it is open to all, including the people belonging to different caste groupings.76 Yet, female pilgrims surely outnumber the male visitors here.77 The female devotees also take a leading role in the worship of the goddess, even when they are accompanied by the male members of the family. As we know, in Maithil households it is the female members who are generally responsible for the task of daily worship of the family deity or the Gosaun¯ı. Strict secrecy is maintained in the worship of the Gosaun¯ı. The mothers generally dont teach the worship to unmarried daughters. Moreover, as it is most commonly believed, the practice of Gosaun¯ı worship is not just confined to the upper-caste households in Mithila.78 Nonetheless, Ugrat¯ar¯a’s female devotees also dedicate praise hymns and emotive songs to the goddess at Mahishi. ´ akta literary works from Mithila confirms an ever growing In fact, the corpus of S¯ ´ popularity of the Sakti cult in this region throughout the medieval and the late medieval times.79 Not only it is important to highlight that with respect to Tantrism, ´ aktism, Mithila and north and eastern Bengal constituted one religious especially S¯ unit in the Middle Ages.80 But, as Buchanan’s account also confirms, till the early nineteenth century, adhy¯apkas or the teachers of the tantric discipline in Mithila mostly referred to the works of Bengali predecessors and masters like Kr.s.n.a¯ nanda ¯ Agamv¯ ag¯ıs´a, P¯urn.a¯ nanda Giri, and Brahm¯ananda Giri.81 Thus, survival of tantric practices in north Bihar may well be attributed along with the peculiar conservative attitude of the Maithil pandits to its proximity to Nepal and north Bengal. As ´ aktism not only constituted a majority among the Maithil the followers of Tantric S¯ Brahm¯ans during the early nineteenth century82 ; but significantly, a critical reader of the M¯ah¯atmya can also not lose sight of the crucial fact that the idea of an eternal ´akta dharma still holds some solid ground here. S¯ Noticeably, however, until a temple was constructed to house the deity there in the eighteenth century, a P¯ala period image of the Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a, which also bears on its crown the Dhy¯an¯ı Buddha Amoghasiddhi and is accompanied by two goddesses A´sokak¯ant¯a Marichi and Ekajat.a¯ , was lying beneath a pipal tree at the village Mahishi.83 To this very image the village folks at Mahishi still refer to as the “G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı” or the one from beneath the trunk.84 Though, one can be sure that,

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´ akta tantric deity Ugrat¯ar¯a, the saumya r¯upa Buddhist Kh¯adirvan¯ı unlike the fierce S¯ T¯ar¯a was not offered animal sacrifices. However, one cannot be entirely sure of the ways in which the G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı was propitiated by the worshipers prior to her recognition as a Tantric Mah¯avidy¯a goddess in the eighteenth century. Also, we can only speculate about the factors due to which a highly esteemed deity of the Tantric Vajray¯ana pantheon was in the meantime pushed over to the margins. It is clearly from the said location that her new found identity, viz. the G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı, was derived. Moreover, we do not know exactly who all were the worshipers of the goddess beneath the trunk before the re-institution of her worship as Bhagavat¯ı Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi. Although, the author of the M¯ah¯atmya in presenting quite an interesting narrative of the re-appearance of goddess’s image from a pipal tree attempts to place queen Padm¯avat¯ı to the fourteenth–fifteenth century.85 However, historical accounts clearly suggest that a Mahishi born wife of the Khandavala R¯aj¯a Narendra Singh (reg. 1743– 1760), Padm¯avat¯ı, who survived for a number of years, had received royal grants of property for personal use and charity by the Mughal Emperors after the death of her husband.86 Moreover, the proceedings of the Patna Council of Revenue from 1770s also confirm that the queen who possessed several villages in Paragana Bachhaur and Narsingpur Corah used to administer these areas even after the British East India Company was granted the dewany of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa and new adjustments followed in the relationship of the Darbhanga Raj with the Company’s government.87 Noticeably, though, in almost all the accounts, the actual credit for construction of the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple at Mahishi is given to queen Padm¯avat¯ı, the wife of Narendra Singh.88 Viyogi in his work also seems to be suggesting that Padm¯avat¯ı must have built the present temple sometime between 1750 and 1770.89 It is not unlikely that even after the death of R¯aj¯a Narendra Singh (in 1960) his widow Padm¯avat¯ı must have directly ruled over at least parts of Mithila from her capital Bhauara in Madhubani, and it was through her royal donation that the present temple of the tantric deity Ugrat¯ar¯a got constructed. Also, following Padm¯avat¯ı’s lead the Madhubani house had regularly provided for the maintenance of the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple shrine for a number of years after the Indian independence. Even though a Mahishi born R¯an¯ı Padm¯avat¯ı was supposedly available to provide, both, the cash needed for the construction of a building and the necessary land grant required for the daily performance of rituals at the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple site in the eighteenth century. Yet, the crucial aspect of a general acceptance by the larger social groups still demands some explanation here. Could it be possible that the deity currently being worshiped at the temple of Mahishi had already become a folk cult before the re-institution of her worship as Ugrat¯ar¯a by the Maithil pandits? Considering some circumstantial evidence it appears that the “G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı” was already in the process of becoming a folk cult before her final recognition as the Tantric Mah¯avidy¯a goddess in the latter half of the eighteenth century. If temple construction marks a decisive stage of Sanskritization of a local cult,90 being performed at the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple in Mahishi, a rite like the annual Nav¯ann-p¯uj¯a, also belies the sheer Brahminical association to the deity. As we have an occasion to note before the Nav¯ann-p¯uj¯a, which basically involves agriculturists from the

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adjoining areas, is conducted due largely to a shared belief that if the fresh crop is offered first to the goddess, then her grace will ensure a better yield in the following year. Hence, the priests at the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple in Mahishi perform this very special annual worship of the goddess for the common good of the cultivators. Keeping in view a strikingly simple fact that, in 1769, like the adjoining Bengal, Mithila, too, had to face one of the most terrible famines due to the large scale failure of crops; in hindsight, it does not seem quite improbable that around the same distressful moment the image of the “G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı” or the goddess lying beneath the trunk might have ´ akta-Tantric context of found a large number of local votaries in the predominantly S¯ Mithila.91 A development which had also brought subsequently the royal patronage to her site. Although, following a re-institution of the worship of the G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı in the latter half of the eighteenth century, a stark contrast still persists between the saumya-r¯upa and the ugra-r¯upa of the tantric goddess. Nonetheless, in order to further substantiate the point, here, we must also consider another consequential explanation. Noticeably, the author of the M¯ah¯atmya not only maintains that “there are innumerable forms of Bhagavat¯ı T¯ar¯a (bhagvat¯ı t¯ar¯a ke asankhya r¯upa hain).”92 ´ Again on the other, explicitly asserts that, as the Sakti of the fierce S¯urya, Ugrat¯ar¯a, remains quiet when propitiated with the annahuti (or an oblation of the cereals). Otherwise, T¯ar¯a not only becomes ugra (fierce) but goes on to destroy the world.93 Suggestively, such assertions appear no less revealing as and when read together with the probable timing of construction of the Ugrat¯ar¯a temple at Mahishi. To sum up, an apparently plausible contention of the metamorphosis of the one from beneath the trunk, i.e. the G¯achh tar v¯al¯ı, not only helps us explain the dreamcommand given over to R¯an¯ı Padm¯avat¯ı by the goddess for the construction of her only p¯ı.tha in Mithila; but, it also helps us understand at the same time that specific historical context in which the benign formed image of the Vajray¯ana Kh¯adirvan¯ı ´ akta Tantric Mah¯avidy¯a goddess Ugrat¯ar¯a T¯ar¯a got actually recognized as the fierce S¯ primarily by the learned pandits of Mithila. Although, it is quite likely that, in the context of Mithila, T¯ar¯a, as a Mah¯avidy¯a goddess, was well known prior to the institution of her worship in the form of Ugrat¯ar¯a at Mahishi. However, the construction of a temple leading to the establishment of the most important and only p¯ı.tha of the tantric deity in Mithila eventually marks a significant development in the religiocultural history of the region. The institution of the Ugrat¯ar¯a worship at this sacred site during the late eighteenth century became possible only after housing a P¯ala period image of the Vajray¯ana deity Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a. Moreover, through the appropriation of an image of the Buddhist deity during the eighteenth century, the cult of T¯ar¯a in Mithila could acquire its present shape also because the stature of the same image had most certainly been raised to that of a folk deity in the meantime. ´ akta-Tantric cult of goddess T¯ar¯a in Mithila, was the result of a Thus, the popular S¯ complex historical processes where through a regional adoption the Va´sis.t.ha legend is undoubtedly made to perform a most crucial role (Plates 1 and 2).

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Plate 6.1 T¯ar¯a temple in Mithila

Plate 6.2 The image of the goddess T¯ar¯a

Notes 1. 2.

Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, C¯aru candralekh (Delhi: Rajkamal Prakashan, 2013) (1963), pp. 300–301. Interestingly, the ‘Upasamh¯ ˙ ar’ (conclusion) of the novel also reads: ‘In the story such ideas that are product of the modern age can be found, but everywhere they are covered beneath the language which is of an earlier age (p. 351).’ For a summary appraisal of the novel, see, Chugh (1978).

144

3.

4. 5.

6. 7. 8.

9. 10. 11.

12. 13. 14.

15.

K. K. Mishra

Although some of the goddesses were the focus of devotional cults in their own right prior to the early medieval period, the Mah¯avidy¯as or the Da´samah¯avidy¯as meaning the ‘Ten Great Revelations’ have been identified as a group since the tenth century CE. As a whole this group of ten goddesses is generally understood within textual and iconographic sources to be aspects or forms of the transcendent feminine absolute, Mah¯adev¯ı. See, for further details, Kinsley (1998). ´ Sacred shrines of Sakti believed to have been formed out of the severed body of the goddess Sat¯ı. See Sircar (1973). Noticeably, in the popular pilgrimage literature, which circulates around such sacred sites like T¯ar¯ap¯ıt.ha of Bengal, Mithila’s T¯ar¯a temple is nonetheless ´ ´ ı Sr¯ ´ ı recognized as a Saktip¯ ıt.h. See, for example, Shankar Chakraborty, Sr¯ T¯ar¯ap¯ı.tha k¯ı T¯ar¯a M¯a Va B¯am¯akhep¯a K¯ı Kah¯an¯ı, Kishor Sachdev (Tra.), (Kolkata: Raju Sachdev Publications, no date), p. 13. See, Choudhury (Ed.) (1965). See, for the legend, P. C. Roy Choudhury, Temples and Legends of Bihar (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1988) (1965), p.137. A simple search through various websites dedicated to Mithila highlights how important their figures are to a native of the region. See, for example, a group named “Mandan Mishra ke Dharati (the land of Mandan Mishra)” on Linkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/groups/Mandan-Mishra-Ke-Dharati-432 1861 last viewed on 4th March 2015. See, Jha (1982, 1984). Jha, Mithil¯a Digdar´san, p. 184; Jha (1985). ´ See, for Sakti centres in Mithila, Jha, Civilizational Regions of Mithila & Mahakoshal, pp. 82–84; Binod Kumar Chaudhary and Saroj Chaudhary, ‘Some Sakti Centres of Mithila: A Study in Myths and History of the Regional Places of Pilgrimage’ in Makhan Jha (ed.) Dimensions of Pilgrimage: An Anthropological Appraisal, p. 149. Jha, Civilizational Regions of Mithila & Mahakoshal, op.cit., p. 83. See, Jha (2005). Though published in the form of a booklet chiefly for the pilgrims the ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana” is crucial due to the absence of text of “Sr¯ an comprable Sanskrit text. Interestingly, in the opening line of a precise ‘Prast¯avn¯a’ (introduction), the writer-publisher Tirthanand Jha ‘Pujari’ alias ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana” is written on Baccha ji clearly states that: ‘“Sr¯ the basis of ancient religious scriptures, the Dev¯ı Pur¯an.a, Itih¯asa, the Buddhist text Apan Nikay (?), traditional folk lores and available evidence.’ While the ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana is list of all that goes into the making of Sr¯ undoubtedly impressive, here one should also take some note of that very peculiar contemporary concern which demands the inclusion into the M¯ah¯atmya ´ ı of ‘Vartam¯an S¯akshya’ meaning available evidence. See, Tirthanand Jha, Sr¯ Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana (Saharsa; no date). See, the ‘Prastavna’ (introduction) in Jha, Ibid.

6 The Metamorphosis of the “G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı” …

16.

17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

28.

29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

145

See for instance Mah¯abh¯arata, tr. Pt. Ramnarayandatta Shastri Pandey, Gorakhpur: Gitapress, 2032 Samvat (3rd edn.), vir¯a.taparva, adhy¯aya VI, verses 1–26, pp. 1855–1857. For details see D. C. Sircar, op.cit. ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, See, the ‘Prastavna’ (introduction) in Jha, Sr¯ op.cit. See, Lynn Foulston and Stuart Abbott, Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2012) (2009), p. 186. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1987) (1986) p. 40. See, Srivastava (1979). Cited from Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, op.cit., p.37. ´ Pur¯an.a ‘Rudra Samhit¯ See for instance Siva ˙ a’, Part I, Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology, vol. 1, tr. A Board of Scholar, (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1970), section II, (Sat¯ıkhan.d.a), pp. 319–417. N. N. Bhattacharyya, The Indian Mother Goddess (New Delhi: Manohar, 1977) (1970), p. 247. T. B. Coburn, Dev¯ı M¯ah¯atmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition, (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1984 [repr.]), p. 1. Bhattacharyya, The Indian Mother Goddess, op.cit., p. 247ff. Foulston and Abbott, Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices, op.cit., p. 187. ´ “It is a paur¯an.ic truth that in these Saktip¯ ı.thas Siva’s own footprints and the five elements from the body of the great goddess Sati are present. The Vishnu ´ ı Vis.n.u in an element is present in the form of the discus Sudar´sana of Sr¯ invisible form, these seats of perfection are constantly watched over by the father of the cosmos Brahm¯a. Great mystery, Mah¯am¯ay¯a’s vidy¯a, spiritual ´ knowledge with the Siva element, associated with the life-force of dharma, ´ ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a all the Saktip¯ı.thas are all-perfection-granting pilgrimages.” Jha, Sr¯ M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., pp. 25–26. ´ For example, according to the text of the M¯ah¯atmya, Hingla Saktip¯ ı.tha that is situated in Balochistan is presided by Bhairav¯ı. Shreeparvat in Laddakh ´ ı Sundar¯ı. Suchi Saktipith ´ is presided by Sr¯ at Kanyakumari is presided over ´ by N¯ar¯ayan.¯ı. Similarly, Lanka’s Saktipith is presided by Indr¯aks.¯ı, Nepal’s ´ Saktip¯ ı.tha is presided over by Mah¯am¯ay¯a, and Mah¯ac¯ına’s presiding goddesses are called Vajrav¯ar¯ah¯ı and N¯ılasaraswat¯ı. See, Ibid., p. 24. Ibid., p. 25. Ibid., p. 20. See, Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Man.d.an-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’, op.cit. ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., pp. 26–44; See, for original, Jha, Sr¯ 14–19. The editor of the T¯ar¯atantra provides the relevant sections from both the y¯amala texts that narrate the story of Va´sis.t.ha’s initiation into C¯ın¯ac¯ara by Buddha. See, T¯ar¯a-Tantram, ed. with an Introduction by A. K. Maitra (Delhi: Bani Prakashan, rep. 1983).

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34.

See, Jaideep Mazumdar and Parthasarathi Mahanta, K¯am¯akhy¯a (Guwahati: Pi ´ ı Sr¯ ´ ı T¯ar¯ap¯ı.th K¯ı T¯ar¯a M¯a va B¯am¯akhepa Publications, 2013) p. 70. Also see, Sr¯ K¯ı Kah¯an¯ı, op.cit., pp. 12–14. See, N. N. Bhattacharyya, History Of The Tantric Religion: An Historical, Ritualistic and Philosophical Study (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005) (1982), Chap. 3. ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, See, the ‘Prastavna’ (introduction) in Jha, Sr¯ op.cit. Tull (2008). See, Viyogi (2010). ´ akta worshipers in Mithil¯a, see, Thakur (1956); for prevalence of On the S¯ Tantra in the Mithil¯a region, see, Jha (2000). ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., pp. 20, 38. See, for details, Jha, Sr¯ See, Ibid., p. 44. Regarding the image at Mahishi, the scholar reads: “Iconographic tradition would have it that UgraT¯ar¯a has a fearful attitude with a garland of human heads on her neck and with her feet residing on a dead body. The image at Maheshi temple does not show any of these details. She appears to be Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a. Kh¯adirvan¯ı T¯ar¯a, or the saviouress of the Kh¯adira (catechu) forest, is an emanation of the Dhyani Buddha Amoghasiddhi, who is taken to be a condensation of the Green cosmic colour. In order to show her origin, the Kh¯adirvan¯ı deity usually has, on her crown, a miniature figure of her sire with the abhaya mudr¯a. Kh¯adirvan¯ı is two-armed, showing the varada mudr¯a in the right hand and utpala (night lotus) in the left and is accompanied by the two goddesses Ashokakanta Marici and Ekajata. Sometimes the companion deities are not present.” Roy Choudhury, Temples and Legends of Bihar, op.cit., pp. xiii–xiv. Also see, Bihar District Gazetteers: Saharsa, p. 491. “It is, indeed, very interesting to find that for centuries the worship of one form of T¯ar¯a has been substituted for another form of that deity. This is, no doubt, a matter for research and one who goes deep into the study of the temples and legends will find many such cases of transposition.” Suggests the scholar. Roy Choudhury, Temples and Legends of Bihar, op.cit., p. xiv. According to Jha, when through an existing religious tradition another powerful religious tradition is appropriated in such a way that the latter stops to exist independently it can be identified as a case of ‘Resessive Syncretism’. Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Man.d.an-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırtha Sth¯an: Ek M¯anav´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’, op.cit., p. 130. See, for the image’s association with the Pala period, The Archaeological Survey of India Report, (Patna: ASI, 1976), cited in Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Man.d.anUgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an.’, op.cit., p. 132. Also see, Viyogi, Mah¯ıs.¯ı K¯ı T¯ar¯a: ¯ an, p. 36 and 55. Itih¯as aur Akhy¯ Sircar (1971). Kumar (1992). Jha (1952). See, for details, Huntington (1984).

35.

36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43.

44.

45.

46. 47. 48. 49.

6 The Metamorphosis of the “G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı” …

50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

58. 59.

60.

61.

62. 63.

64. 65.

66. 67. 68. 69.

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¯ an, op.cit., p. 24. See, Viyogi, Mah¯ıs.¯ı K¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯as Aur Akhy¯ See, Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Mand.an.-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’, op.cit., p. 132. See, Sengupta (2011). Sircar, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India, op.cit., p. 102. See, Ibid., p. 100. Also see, Sengupta, Land of Two Rivers, op.cit., p. 42. Sircar, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India, op.cit., p. 98. Ibid., p. 100. Here, a mention of the Hilsa (Patna district, Bihar) statue bearing the Tantric formula Om ˙ T¯are Tuttare Ture Sv¯ah¯a and an inscription of the 35th regnal year of Devapala (c. 810–50 C.E.) will probably suffice. Roy Choudhury (Ed.), Bihar District Gazetteers: Saharsa, p. 491. This image, too, belongs to the late Pala period. The goddess here is also flanked by the Ekajat.a¯ and the A´sokak¯ant¯a-Marichi, the latter with the vajra and the a´soka-branch in her right and left hands respectively. See, Kumar, T¯ar¯a: The Supreme Goddess, op.cit., p. 80. Surprisingly, Roy Choudhury does not specifically mention this image, though, his own account reads: “At Bargaon there is a modern temple of S¯urya, where we have a collection of a number of Brahmanical and Buddhist images like Surya, Vishnu, Siva-Parvati, Avalokitesvara, Parvati, etc.” Roy Choudhury, Temples and Legends of Bihar, op.cit., pp. 94–95. Also, according to the ‘text’, “Bhagavat¯ı T¯ar¯a’s worship in the Buddhist religion is recognised as in the name of Vajrav¯ar¯ah¯ı, N¯ılasaraswat¯ı etc.”. Nonetheless, the ‘text’ points that the prevalent worship of the Vajrav¯ar¯ah¯ı and N¯ılasaraswat¯ı, etc., in the Buddhist tradition is similar to that in eternal ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., pp. 45, 38. (‘sanatan’) dharma. Jha, Sr¯ Ibid., p. 45. Though, interestingly, in the very next sentence the text also suggests that a wanderer Gautama in his life time came to this Siddh-p¯ı.tha for propagating dharma. Ibid. ¯ an, op.cit., p. 11; Jha, ‘Bih¯ar See, Viyogi, Mah¯ıs.¯ı K¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯as Aur Akhy¯ K¯a Mand.an.-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’, op.cit., p. 127. ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., p. 45. See, Jha, Sr¯ I draw this information from Viyogi’s work which also contains a chapter titled “Buddh k¯al¯ın mah¯ıs.¯ı ke kuchh citra (a few images of the Mahishi from the Buddhist period)”. For details, see, Viyogi, Mahishi K¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯as Aur ¯ an, op.cit., pp. 11–16. Akhy¯ Buhnemann (1998). R. S. Sharma, Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation (Kolkata: Orient BlackSwan, 2009) (2001), p. 257. See, Khanna (2012). See, for some insightful details, Bhattacharyya (1999).

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70. 71.

See, Jha, Mithil¯a Digdar´san, op.cit., pp. 269–270. Noticeably, here, the ‘text’ goes on to recount the story of the origin of the ten powerful divinities from the body of an enraged Sat¯ı, i.e. the Great Goddess incarnate. Moreover, through the ‘text’, Sat¯ı, after showing her ten most furious ´ forms then informs a most frightened Siva, who is now curious to know the ‘glory’ (m¯ah¯atmya) of the Da´samah¯avidy¯a form, that, by worshiping these goddesses one attains all four purus.a¯ rthas (i.e. dharma, artha, k¯ama, moks.a). ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana., op.cit., pp. 22–23. Jha, Sr¯ The following description is based on Jha’s study. For details, see, Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Mand.an.-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’’, op.cit., pp. 134–136. See, Ibid., p. 135. The ‘text’ through the section titled as “3 t¯antrik trikon.on ke s´¯ırs.a par ugrat¯ar¯a bhagavat¯ı (Goddess Ugrat¯ara at the top of three tantric triangles)” suggests that the Ugrat¯ar¯a pit.ha at Mahishi is nonetheless affiliated to six other seats of tantric importance which are associated with different goddesses. According to the ‘text’ the first triangle of the tantric centres is formed by the yoni man.d.al at Kamakhya and T¯ar¯apit.ha at Birbhum in West Bengal besides the tantric pit.ha at Mahishi. The second triangle is constituted by the tantric seats of ´ goddess Sakhre´ svar¯ı in Nepal, Uccaith Bhagwati in Darbhanga, and Ugrat¯ara at Mahishi. Finally, the third triangle of this broad network consists of, besides the seat at Mahishi, the seats of K¯atyayan¯ı at Dhamahara and Chandika at ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., p. 26. Viratpur. See, Jha, Sr¯ See, for details, Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Mand.an.-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’’, op.cit., p. 135. As Ganga Nath Jha in his study clearly notes, “Among the pilgrims who come to the UgraT¯ar¯a site there are people belonging to all different castes.” Ibid., p. 136. Ibid. For example, the popular song of king Salhes makes explicit reference to the prevalent worship of family deity among low- caste Dusadhs of Mithil¯a. For the Maithili text of the song and its English translation, see, George A. Grierson, “An Introduction to the Maithili Language of North Bihar: Containing A Grammar, Chrestomathy and Vocabulary, Part II (Chrestomathy and Vocabulary)”, in Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, Part I, Extra no. (1882), pp. 3–11 (text); 11–20 (translation). Here, I must express my gratitude towards Dr. Sadan Jha for recently drawing my attention to this text. ´ akta Here one may cite as examples a number of poetic compositions on S¯ themes. Not only Locana’s R¯ajTarangin¯ı contains a number of devotional songs dedicated to K¯al¯ı. But the celebrated poet Vidy¯apati can also be included among the writers who composed such poems. Bhupendra Mall of Nepal, ´ akta songs in Maithili that forms the subject too, composed more than fifty S¯ ´ matter of his Bh¯asasang¯ıt. While a number of plays centering round the Siva´Sakti were being composed in Maithili by such known literary figures like Vansamani Jha, Lala Kavi, Sivadutt, Kanharam, Dasa, etc. On the other hand,

72.

73. 74.

75. 76.

77. 78.

79.

6 The Metamorphosis of the “G¯achh Tar V¯al¯ı” …

80. 81.

82.

83.

84. 85.

86. 87.

88. 89. 90. 91.

149

one also finds Lala Das (the Maithil translator of the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya section of the Markan.d.eya Pur¯an.a), Riddhinath Jha (the author of Sat¯ı Bibh¯uti), and Ganeshwar Jha (the author of Dev¯ı G¯ıt¯a) making important contributions around this time. Sharma, Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation, op.cit., p. 254. In the early nineteenth century Mithila, some of the tantric texts which were ´ aktas alike, most frequently cited by the Adhy¯apakas and the practicing S¯ ´ am¯arahasya and T¯ar¯arahasya. For included, besides the Tantraprad¯ıpa, Sy¯ details, see, Francis Buchanan, An Account of the District of Purnea in 1809–10 (New Delhi: Usha Publications, 1986) (1928), pp. 181, 262. For Buchanan also observes: “Among the Mithila Brahmans almost the only sect that prevails is that called Sakti, which is taught in the Tantras.” And, “just contrary to the custom of Bengal, the Maithilas of the Sakti sect openly acknowledge their belief, while all those of other sects carefully conceal their departure from the common doctrine of their brethren.” Buchanan, An Account of the District of Purnea, op.cit., pp. 262, 205. For the fact that the image was actually lying beneath a pipal tree before the construction of the present temple in the eighteenth century, see, Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Mand.an.-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırth Sth¯an: Ek M¯anava´sa¯ str¯ıya Addhyayan’’, op.cit., p. 130. ¯ an, op.cit., p. 47. See, Viyogi, Mahishi K¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯as Aur Akhy¯ Through the ‘text’ the author goes on to note that, by the beginning of the thirteenth–fourteenth century not only the ancient temple of the tantric deity was completely ruined but her idol, too, was lost amidst a thick forest which then surrounded its location. In the fourteenth–fifteenth century, R¯an¯ı Padm¯avat¯ı, following a dream command from the deity, got inspired to construct a temple there. And, the goddess’s idol which remained hidden from the view thus far, responding to a humble request made by the said queen, then appeared from the ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., pp. 46–47. trunk of a pipal tree. Jha, Sr¯ See, Jha (1966). Also see, Choudhary (1987), op.cit., p. 80. See, for details, Jha, History of Darbhanga Raj, op.cit., pp. 29–30. Also see, Choudhary, Political History of Khandavala Dynasty, op.cit., pp. 80– 81.Though, the Khanadavala kings who administered from their capital Bhauara (in Madhubani) managed for themselves the supreme position among the chiefs of Mithila. However, in 1760, following the death of an issueless Narendra Singh, a self-proclaimed heir Pratap Singh decided, probably just to sideline the widowed Padmavati, to shift his capital to Darbhanga which remained the centre of the Kharore power until 1947. Choudhary, Idem, pp. 79–80; Jha, ‘Bih¯ar K¯a Man.d.an-UgraT¯ar¯a T¯ırtha Sth¯an’, op.cit., p. 130. See, Viyogi, Mahishi K¯ı T¯ar¯a, op.cit., p. 47. Eschmann (1978). In this regard one of the Buchanan’s observations from the early nineteenth century Mithil¯a is surely quite relevant. As Buchanan goes on to note: “All

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´ persons here, I believe, when in distress offer sacrifices to the Saktis; and the only ones who pretend to condemn the practice are the instructors of those who follow Nanak, but they have had little or no success in checking the practice among their followers.” Buchanan, An Account of the District of Purnea, op.cit., p. 263. ´ ı Ugrat¯ar¯a M¯ah¯atmya Dar´sana, op.cit., p. 7. Jha, Sr¯ The ‘text’ in original reads: “…ugra s¯urya k¯ı s´akti ugrat¯ar¯a n¯am se prasiddh hail jab ann¯ahuti hoti raht¯ı hai t¯ar¯a s´a¯ nt raht¯ı hai parantu ann¯abhav mein vah¯ı ugra bankar sans¯ar k¯a n¯as´ kar det¯ı hain.” Ibid., p. 6.

References Buhnemann, G. (1998). The goddess Mahacina Krama-T¯ar¯a (Ugra-T¯ar¯a) in Buddhist and Hindu tantrism. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 59(1–3), 472–493. Bhattacharyya, N. N. (1999). The cult of T¯ar¯a in historical perspective. In N. N. Bhattacharyya & A. Ghosh (Eds.), Tantric Buddhism (pp. 190–207). Manohar. Choudhary, R. N. (1987). Political history of Khandavala Dynasty in Mithil¯a, 1556–1793. Capital Publishing House. Chugh, S. (1978). Hindi aitih¯asik upany¯as: pratim¯an evam ˙ vik¯asetih¯as (pp. 295–305). Konark Prakashan. Eschmann, A. (1978). Hinduization of tribal deities in Orissa: The Sakta and Saiva typology. In A. Eschmann, H. Kulke & G. C. Tripathi (Eds.), The cult of Jagannath and regional tradition of Orissa (pp. 79–97; 88). Manohar. Huntington, S. L. (1984). The “Pala-Sena” schools of sculpture. E.J. Brill. Jha, L. (1952). Mithil¯a: A union republic (pp. 104–105). Mithil¯a Mandal. Jha, J. (1966). History of Darbhanga Raj (p. 29). Bihar Research Society. Jha, M. (1982). Civilizational regions of Mithila & Mahakoshal (p. 55). Capital Publishing House. Jha, I. N. (1984). Mithil¯adigdar´san (p. 272). Vidyapati Parishad. Jha, I. (1985). Myths and legends of a pilgrim centre of Mithila: A case study of Durga-Sthana’. In J. Makhan (Ed.), Dimensions of pilgrimage: An anthropological appraisal (p. 39). Inter-India Publications. Jha, T. (2000). The glory that was Mithila (pp. 60–67). Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan. Jha, G. N. (2005). Bih¯ar k¯a mandan-ugrat¯ar¯a t¯ırth sth¯an: ek m¯anav´sa¯ str¯ıya addhyayan. The Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, 54, I, 121–139 Khanna, M. (2012). The journey of goddess T¯ar¯a: Adoption and adaptation of a Buddhist goddess in Hindu tantric worship. In A. Losaries (Ed.), Buddhist literature and culture (pp. 70–85). Buddhist World Publishers. Kumar, P. (1992). T¯ar¯a: The supreme goddess (p. 159). Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan. Kinsley, D. (1998). Tantric visions of the divine feminine: The ten Mah¯avidy¯as. Motilal Banarsidass. Roy Choudhury, P. C. (Ed.) (1965). Bihar District Gazetteers, Saharsa (pp. 490–491). Secretariat Press. Sircar, D. C. (1971). Studies in the religious life of ancient and medieval India (p. 102). Motilal Banarsidass. ´akta P¯ı.thas. Motilal Banarsidass. Sircar, D. C. (1973). The S¯ Srivastava, M. C. P. (1979). Mother goddesses in Indian art, archaeology and literature (p. 81). Agam Kala Prakashan. Sengupta, N. (2011). Land of two rivers: A history of bengal from the mahabharata to Mujib (p. 40). Penguin Books.

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Thakur, U. (1956). History of Mithila (pp. 372–373). Mithil¯a Institute. Tull, H. (2008). Myth. In S. Mittal & G. Thursby (Eds.), Studying Hinduism: Key concepts and methods (p. 260). Routledge. ¯ an. Navarambh. Viyogi, T. (2010). Mah¯ıs.¯ı K¯ı T¯ar¯a: Itih¯asa Aur Akhy¯

Part III

´ akta Theology S¯

Chapter 7

Gynocentric Cosmogony in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a Arghya Dipta Kar

This article explores the cosmogonic myth in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a,1 pivoting on the goddess Bhuvane´svar¯ı. The narrative has been studied in course of its building ´ akta remoulding of an older Vis.n.u-centric genesis myth process as it begins with a S¯ and then gradually passes into a more sophisticated and philosophically enriched cosmogony with Bhuvane´svar¯ı featuring as the ultimate reality. This passage has been treated as a journey into a gynocentric cosmos, with elements from the tantric religious culture of Bengal absorbed into the theological core of an otherwise Brahminical text. It has been observed by scholars such as Kunal Chakrabarty2 how the Pur¯an.ic texts of Bengal functioned as devices at the hands of Brahminical authorities to absorb in the aboriginal religious traditions of the region, thereby bringing the culture of the native population into the Brahminical fold. As the religious life of Bengal primarily centred on the worship of mother goddesses, the absorption of the native religious current into Brahminism resulted in the growing predominance of female deities in its Pur¯an.ic literature. Besides, through these texts, the diverse aboriginal goddesses worshipped independently were assimilated into the cult of the universal ´ great goddess Mah¯adev¯ı or Sakti, who enjoyed a pan-Indian popularity. Significantly, these goddesses also included tantric deities such as K¯al¯ı,3 K¯am¯akhy¯a,4 Tripurasundar¯ı,5 and of course Bhuvane´svar¯ı.6 The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is one of such unique Pur¯an.ic texts from Bengal through which the cult of the Great Goddess was made to evolve into a more crystallised form with Bhuvane´svar¯ı emerging as the supreme deity.

A. D. Kar (B) Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] Young Scholars Study Group, CIASA, New Delhi, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_7

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The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a ´ akta Upapur¯an.a (eleventh–twelfth century A.D.) rooted The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata. is a S¯ in the goddess tradition of Bengal.7 Its position in the Pur¯an.ic canon involves a debate concerning its being the “original” Bh¯agavata and hence a major Pur¯an.a ´ ımadbh¯agavata,8 claimed to be (Mah¯apur¯an.a), with its Vais.n.ava counterpart, the Sr¯ 9 ´ (featuring as Bhuvane´svar¯ı), a minor one. The text narrates various exploits of Sakti whose theology has been established through diverse accounts of her cosmic functions. It celebrates her supreme status as the transcendent yet immanent Absolute who is the sole creatrix of the universe; her various forms and incarnations; battles against the asuras, sacred places associated with her and the benefits of her worship. The text claims the status of a Mah¯apur¯an.a by classifying its contents into five primary subjects, which have been verily stated to be the fivefold feature (pañcalaks.an.a) of a Mah¯apur¯an.a,10 1.

2.

3. 4. 5.

Creation (sarga): The auspicious, attributeless, eternal, all-pervasive, change´ less Supreme Sakti, who is attainable only through yoga, who sustains the universe and is the transcendental consciousness; has her three gun.as11 —sattva, rajas, and tamas manifested in Mah¯alaks.m¯ı, Mah¯asarasvat¯ı, and Mah¯ak¯al¯ı. The section of the narrative where these goddesses assume bodies for the sake of creation is called sarga. Recreation (pratisarga): The section where these three goddesses assume for the sake of creation, preservation, and dissolution the forms of Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u, and Mahe´sa, is called pratisarga. Genealogies (vam´ ˙ sa): Narrations related to kings belonging to the solar and the lunar dynasties and also the royal dynasties of Hiran.yaka´sipu and others Manu-Cycles (manvantara): Accounts of Manus such as Sv¯ayambhuva and the calculation of their respective tenures. Dynastic Accounts (vam´ ˙ sa¯ nucarita): This relates to the dynasties of the Manus.

Our discussion concerns the first and the second of the above five subjects. Accounts pertaining to the creation of the universe or cosmogonic narratives in a Pur¯an.ic text operate as important devices to establish the theological status of its concerned deity, at times intertwined with ontological formulations. Since cosmogonic accounts12 revolve round the idea of a first cause, they are employed to elevate the central deity of a cult to this position, thereby relegating the deities of its rival cults to a subordinate status. Moreover, the Brahmin author of a Pur¯an.ic text always tends to legitimize its theology by affiliating it to the indispensable canon of the ‘Veda’13 by weaving it into philosophical systems deriving from ‘Vedic’ 14 and the monistic school of Ved¯anta.15 Signifisources, particularly the S¯amkhya ˙ cantly, cosmogonic narratives, all about the creation of the universe, are best equipped to accommodate the ontological discourses of these philosophical systems. Hence, it is important to observe how the Goddess’s theology in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is framed into a cosmogonic narrative that effects a philosophic crystallization of her cult.

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Summary of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Cosmogony The genesis myth in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, spread over two skandhas, I and III, provides an account of two different phases in the entire course of cosmic creation. It begins with the time of dissolution when Vis.n.u reclines on his serpent couch over the causal waters. From his earwax spring two asuras named Madhu and Kait.abha. Enquiring about the ultimate origin of all beings, they hear the sacred syllable of the goddess in the sky and chanting it, and they perform austerities for thousand years. Pleased with them, the supreme power grants them the boon that they can be killed only when they wish to die. Meanwhile, Brahm¯a is born from the navel-lotus of Vis.n.u and empowered by the goddess’s boon, and Madhu and Kait.abha proceed forth to devour the former. Brahm¯a helplessly implores Vis.n.u to save him; but overpowered by his yogic slumber, Vis.n.u makes no response to his call. The creator god soon realises that unlike ordinary sleep, Vis.n.u’s yogic slumber is the supreme goddess herself to whose will even the trinity gods are slaves. Hence, Brahm¯a turns to the Dev¯ı, recognising her as the ultimate creatrix of the universe. Responding to his prayer, the goddess withdraws herself form Vis.n.u’s body, and releasing him from the domain of her t¯amasic power, appears in the sky in the form of Mah¯ak¯al¯ı. The powerful god engages in a long battle with Madhu and Kait.abha, but only to be repeatedly defeated by the demons made almost invincible by the Dev¯ı’s boon. Vis.n.u supplicates for the goddess’s help, and she deludes the asuras forcing them to ask for their own death by Vis.n.u’s.16 The narrative in skandha III of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata begins with a short summary of the previous one only with a few dramatic additions. Here, the scene opens with Brahm¯a sitting over Vis.n.u’s navel-lotus absorbed in a deep trance when he hears a voice in the sky commanding him to perform austerities and to create the universe. A confused Brahm¯a muses over the impossibility of creation in the absence of all elements when all of a sudden Madhu and Kait.abha pounce upon him. After they ´ are killed by Vis.nu, Siva appears in the scene, and the goddess Mah¯ak¯al¯ı commands the three gods to carry forth the tasks of creation, preservation, and dissolution. When they find themselves incapable of executing the command, she sends down a heavenly vehicle, which lifts the three gods above the causal waters into the space beyond where to their utter amazement, they pass through millions of universes ´ with million other Brahm¯as, Vis.n.us, and Sivas like themselves. Wonderstruck, they enquire about the ultimate source of them all when the vehicle arrives at a vast ocean of ambrosia in the midst of which they behold the beautiful Island of Gems ´ (man.idv¯ıpa) inhabited by women alone. There, the supreme Sakti reveals herself as the imperial Bhuvane´svar¯ı, the paramount creatrix, surrounded by innumerable female attendants. Her sacred syllable, also called the m¯ay¯ab¯ıja is heard vibrantly in various forms. Vis.n.u recognises her as the universal mother who is the ultimate reality underlying all creation and the source of even the trinity gods. The goddess soon reveals her cosmic form with thousand arms, feet, eyes, and faces. In the toenail of her feet, they behold the entire universe with all its various regions. The moment the three gods step into her island, she transforms them into beautiful damsels and

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joining the team of her female attendants, they sing eulogies to her. Brahm¯a, however, is caught in a confusion. The Dev¯ı’s supremacy seems to come into a clash with the sayings of the Vedas which establish purus.a as the supreme being and also declare that the ultimate reality can never be two. The goddess clears his doubt by revealing the truth of the fundamental non-duality between herself and purus.a and her supreme transcendental nature which is beyond all gender divisions. This is followed by a long discussion on creation based on the S¯amkhya ˙ system where purus.a features as the transcendent absolute and herself as both the transcendent absolute and also the immanent source of cosmic evolution. Finally, she produces the three goddesses Mah¯asarasvat¯ı, Mah¯alaks.m¯ı, and Mah¯ak¯al¯ı and unites them with the trinity gods as their spouses. The gods are given back their male forms and sent down to the causal waters along with their female energies.17

The Tripartite Narrative Structure The entire genesis myth summarised above has been structured upon a triple-layered ´ akta narrative. The first, covering the Madhu-Kait.abha episode, consists of the S¯ 18 retelling of a myth originally associated with Vis.n.u. The central reference is to the point in cosmic time “when” everything was merged in the causal waters, in a way “when” nothing existed. The second phase in the narrative consists of the journey to Man.idv¯ıpa, when the three gods have the vision of millions of universes, both past and present. In other words, considering the cyclical notion of time in Hindu systems,19 if the first layer of narrative makes its reference point the pre-creation state of one universe, the second layer encompasses the entire cycle of creation wherein are contained all past, present, and future universes, all of which have indeed been postulated as contained in the cosmic body (or the toenail) of the goddess. The third layer consists of the manifestation of this very cosmic and hence immanent aspect of the goddess from her highest state of supreme transcendence and relates this whole discourse to her gender identity. We now gradually proceed to individually explore each of these layers to trace how with this layering, patriarchal myths pertaining to the Brahminical system have been superseded and subverted by the gynocentric theology of the goddess. (a)

First Layer: the Dev¯ı extolled over Vis.n.u.

Our observation on the first section of the cosmogonic narrative revolves round a dialogic exchange between the theology of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata with that of its rival ´ ımadbh¯agavata, as concerns the relation between the goddess and the text, the Sr¯ central deity of the Bh¯agavata cult, Vis.n.u.20 The Dev¯ı in the latter text21 features as Vis.n.u’s power of Yogam¯ay¯a governed by him as an executrix of his divine play.22 Countering this view, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata weaves its cosmogonic narrative into a complex negotiation between Vis.n.u and the female energy associated with him as his power. The cosmogonic narrative in the first book of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata follows

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a proclamation by Vis.n.u about the supremacy of the goddess over the trinity gods and particularly above himself where he says, It is owing to our s´aktis that you (Brahm¯a) are the creator, I am the sustainer and Hara is the destroyer...During the creation of the universe, the s´akti of rajas resides in you, that of sattva in me and the one known to be that of tamas resides in Rudra. Devoid of them, neither are you ´ nkara destroy. Hence, we all exist able to create, nor am I capable of sustenance,nor can Sa˙ ´ as always subordinate to Sakti...( By Her will), I recline on my serpent couch, hence I am dependent on Her. Again when the time arrives, I wake up under Her control. Being always under Her dominion, I sometimes perform austerities and sometimes sport with Laks.m¯ı and enjoy the bliss of union. At times, I engage in terrible and physically stressful battles with the D¯anavas, that terrify all the worlds. O the knower of dharma, long back you yourself had witnessed my five thousand years long wrestling (with Madhu-Kait.abha) on the causal ´ water...Hence, I am not independent and in every respect am subordinate to Sakti. Her I always meditate upon. O lotus-born one, I know of nothing higher than Her.23

The Madhu-Kait.abha myth in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is in fact an elaborate and detailed rendering of the one in the first chapter of the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya24 with an additionally pronounced emphasis on the goddess’s supremacy. Coburn’s study on the latter text highlights how the dramatic introduction of the goddess into an origi´ akta nally Vis.n.u-centric narrative articulates a deliberate agenda on the part of the S¯ text to subjugate Vis.n.u to her by divesting him of all independent agency and effecting his subordination to the omnipotent will of the goddess. ...the story has previously been “owned” by Vis.n.u, for all previous accounts portray him as the agent of the asuras’ demise. Now, in our text, Vis.n.u’s very capacity to act as an agent is derivative, contingent upon the withdrawal from him of the goddess as Yoganidr¯a.25

The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata capitalises on the identification of the dev¯ı with Nidra26 who features as Vis.n.u’s yogic slumber at the end of the cosmic cycle. While the brief narrative in the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya establishes her supremacy over the god in just a couple of verses,27 the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata dedicates a long section to pronounce forth Brahm¯a’s realisation that unlike as in ordinary cases, Vis.nu’s slumber is not governed by his will but is itself/or herself his controller. Despite all my eulogising, he is not quitting slumber. Hence, I feel that this slumber is not under his control, rather he himself is controlled by it. One is always a slave to someone who controls him/her. Hence, Yoganidr¯a is the lord of Laks.m¯ı’s husband.28

Besides, in the original Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya version of the myth, the dev¯ı’s function is primarily to induce Vis.n.u into slumber, to awaken him and to charm the asuras; it is only in the hymn29 that her centrality as the supreme cosmic creatrix is properly traceable. The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, however, makes it particular to render more potent her status as the centre of all existence by explicitly attributing to her an all encompassive agency. Alongside the three aforementioned functions, she has been made responsible for every single event in the whole narrative. Madhu and Kait.abha are born out of her will and are empowered by her boon. It is she who issues forth the heavenly command to Brahm¯a to create, and to the fight episode, has been added a section where a defeated and helpless Vis.n.u implores her help in the gesture of total surrender.

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If in the original versions of the myth of Vis.n.u’s pre-creation slumber, the majestic and powerful figure of a god reclining all alone on a giant serpent and rising up to singlehandedly destroy the two asuras, attributes to him an overwhelming supremacy; ´ akta retelling of the narrative divests him of this status by reducing him to the S¯ a passive vehicle of the goddess’s will. This attempt to dilute Vis.n.u’s centrality in the Madhu-Kait.abha myth which began with the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya finds a full pronouncement in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata. C. Mackenzie Brown’s observation in this context deserves attention: The Dev¯ı-M¯ah¯atmya, in the fresh enthusiasm kindled by its integrating vision of the one Great Goddess, assumes rather than contends that she is supreme...Thus, her absolute superiority to the historically most prominent male deities of the time, including the holy triumvi´ rate (Trim¯urti) of Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u, and Siva...is simply affirmed with little ado...The Dev¯ıBh¯agavata, in contrast to the Dev¯ı-M¯ah¯atmya, is far more studied, far more self-conscious in its deliberations on the nature of the Goddess.30

(b)

Second Narrative Layer: the Journey to Man.idv¯ıpa.

The second attempt on the part of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata to establish the goddess’s ´ supremacy over Vis.n.u (and also Brahm¯a and Siva) is by introducing a dramatic change into the very temporal and spatial dimensions of the narrative. Here, we come across the section where the trinity gods’ journey to Man.idv¯ıpa demonstrates a further move towards gynocentrism. Considering the temporal dimension of the episode studied above, though the structure of cosmic time is always cyclical with creation and dissolution occurring in a repetitive course, the genesis myth nevertheless is plotted within a more or less linear temporal frame. It takes as its point of reference a state of nothingness that follows the dissolution of one universe and is a “pre-creation” state of another. Within the larger body of cyclical cosmic time, the narrative makes its beginning at a point of periodic interval when creative activity ceases and the great god Vis.n.u manifests his full glory by existing all alone as the first cause. Besides, the sleeping Vis.n.ucentric cosmogony spatially locates itself in terms of the creation and dissolution of one universe, with almost no reference to the parallel and simultaneous existence of other universes; so that within the space of one universe, the god establishes himself as the only ultimate being. This temporally and spatially defined singular existence of the deity vests him with the highest theological meaning as the centre of all existence. Here again, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata rises to dissolve this cosmic centrality of the male deity by expanding both the temporal and the spatial dimensions of the narrative from that particular point of “pre-creation” interval in the course of the evolution of one universe to the entirety of cosmic time and space. The trinity gods’ journey to Man.idv¯ıpa brings within their view the total temporal and spatial cycle comprising millions of universes, past, present, and future; whose course would implicitly involve innumerable such moments of “pre-creation” states of nothingness. With this, Vis.n.u’s centrality owing to his (at least seemingly) singular existence “at one point of time” and at “one particular place” loses all significance. The very issue of “singularity” as concerns the status of the trinity gods has been brought into question through the reinforcement of the notion of the existence of millions of Brahm¯as, Vis.n.us, and

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31 ´ Adding to it, even the goddess Yoganidr¯a who in the hymns of the first book Sivas. was vested with the status of the supreme goddess herself now appears to be only an aspect of her, a minor embodiment who directs the trinity gods to Man.idv¯ıpa, herself remaining seated on the celestial vehicle.32 Within this redefined cosmic chronotope,33 the singularity of the goddess has been established in two different ways. First, Bhuvane´svar¯ı’s own abode, Man.idv¯ıpa, has been located at the centre of this entire range of myriad universes. Secondly, having reached there, the three gods discover the whole cosmos as contained in her toenail. In other words, her relation to the cosmic totality is twofold. She both contains and is contained in the cosmos. Here, we arrive at the third layer in the narrative which concerns her own relation to this immanent body of universes, and this involves the crucial question of her gendered self.

(iii)

Third Narrative Layer: the Goddess and Gender

In the third skandha of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, cosmogony and gender run parallel since Bhuvane´svar¯ı’s cosmos is a female cosmos par excellence. This is made explicit and well pronounced not only by the singular inhabitance of women in Man.idv¯ıpa, but also the dramatic turn in the narrative where the goddess converts the trinity gods themselves into beautiful damsels. Mackenzie Brown makes a significant observation in this context as concerns the revaluation of femaleness as a divine gift from the goddess, in sharp opposition to the usual treatment of sexual transformation in Hindu lores, where the attainment of a female body carries a negative implication.34 Here, on the contrary, the trinity gods’ transformation into women connects them to the primordial source of all creation and asserts their identity with the goddess herself in their own true nature, since the identification of all female creatures as embodi´ akta theology,35 ments of Dev¯ı is a fundamental and elemental component of the S¯ irrespective of all the diversities within it. It is as if the entire cosmos including the ´ trinity gods is essentially female, owing to its being nothing but Sakti herself; yet male bodies are assumed functionally in order to carry out their tasks in the mundane sphere. Significantly, when Bhuvane´svar¯ı reveals her cosmic form with thousand arms, faces, and eyes, the description follows the classical model of the Purus.as¯ukta36 (RigVeda 10.90), yet the feminine ending at the end of each adjective (sahasranayan¯a r¯am¯a sahasrakarasamyukt¯ ˙ a)37 effects a dismantling of the phallocentric cosmos of the Vedas with the purus.a’s cosmic glory replaced by that of prakr.ti. However, the gynocentric universe of the goddess soon comes into conflict with the patriarchal theology of Brahminism where the supreme being is defined in masculine terms. Brahm¯a’s confusion is rooted in the apparent disagreement between the Vedaoriented doctrine of a male absolute and his real experience of the supremacy of the dev¯ı. As he says: ...the knowers of the Vedas say that the inactive, attributeless, desireless, unconditioned and partless Lord watches Your extensive sport. Considering the difference of the visible and the invisible, that Purus.a precedes and transcends You...the sayings of the Vedas can never be false and should be never imagined to be so. Hence, owing to this contradiction, my heart has sunken into doubts. The Vedas speak of Brahman as the One without a second. Are You

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that Brahman or is Brahman that Purus.a? I am thus utterly confused...My tiny heart is lost contemplating over duality and oneness....tell me in detail, are You male or female?38

To this the goddess replies: Myself and that Purus.a are always one and there exists no difference between us. I am what He is and He is what I am. Differences arise owing to ignorance...The one Brahman which has no second, becomes dual at the time of creation...After the final dissolution, I am neither female, nor male, nor neuter. Differences exist only at the time of creation and are thus repeatedly imagined into being by the intellect.39

Brahm¯a’s question is appropriate considering his own association with the Vedic tradition. It articulates a dynamic dialogue between the pan-Indian patriarchal theology of Brahminical religion and the regional yet powerful cult of a female divinity so that an equalising compromise is immediately demanded. 40 doctrine of purus.aBesides, Pur¯an.ic textual traditions employed the S¯amkhya ˙ prakr.ti to philosophically accommodate the male–female poles of divinity.41 The Dev¯ıbh¯agavata too does so, but encounters a problem while appropriating the ontology of the S¯amkhya ˙ into the theology of the goddess. The S¯amkhya, ˙ at least in its classical version, is strictly dualistic, and in the hierarchy of the tattvas, purus.a features as the highest category transcending the entire range of materiality or prakr.ti, when in its fully liberated form. In terms of our text, “that Purus.a precedes and transcends You”. So here, the text’s core gynocentric theology and the S¯amkhya ˙ philosophy enter into a clash. In other words, having been extolled above Vis.n.u other members of the trinitarian theology of the Pur¯an.as, the goddess confronts a new male rival, who pertains more to the domain of philosophy than to that of theology. The problem of hierarchy is further underlain by that of duality, which again comes into clash with the Upanis.adic doctrine of Brahman, the one without a second. Bhuvane´svar¯ı’s answer to Brahm¯a’s query manifests the general Pur¯an.ic tendency of non-dualising purus.a-prakr.ti, whereby “the older S¯amkhya ˙ dualism between passive consciousness and active materiality is rejected”.42 The text draws in the doctrine of Brahman’s non-duality by reducing the two into aspects of a monistic whole. The duality of purus.a-prakrti has been made relative to the manifestation of the immanent universe, whereas the absolute principle in its own true essence is beyond all polarisation. Besides, when postulated as one and the same as purus.a, prakr.ti ceases to be an unconscious material principle consisting of the three gun.as and takes an equal share in the former’s status as the transcendental pure consciousness.43 Hence, ˙ with the Dev¯ı despite founding its ontology on the satk¯aryav¯ada44 of the S¯amkhya, as prakr.ti materially evolving into the universe; the Dev¯ıbh¯agavatanevertheless is equally insistent about her transcendental nature. If purus.a is beyond the gun.as (nirgun.a), she is both nirgun.a and sagun.a, and not merely sagun.a.45 The chapter following the cosmogonic narrative is dedicated to the description of the transcendent Absolute where it has been portrayed as both the transcendent purus.a-prakr.ti, inseparably united with one another. ´ Sakti is attributeless and inaccessible and so is Purus.a. They are attainable through the knowledge that the sages possess. This is how They are to be repeatedly thought of. Always know

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Prakr.ti and Purus.a to be without beginning and end. O N¯arada, the supreme Consciousness residing in all beings, which as tejas eternally pervades everything in different ways (is to be known as Purus.a and Prakr.ti). O greatly fortunate one, know Him and Her to be pervasive and present everywhere. Nothing exists in the world apart from Them. They are to be thought of in the body as mutually merged and eternally changeless, always having ´ one form, of the nature of Consciousness and pure. She who is Sakti is Param¯atman and He who is Param¯atman is She.46

The dichotomy is apparently resolved through a philosophical representation, yet there lies more to say about it. It might be asked, if Pur¯an.ic texts extend the ontological categories purus.a and prakr.ti to refer to the male and female “poles” of divinity,47 to what extent is the goddess merely a “pole” in this bipolar structure? Of course she seems to be so when she refers to the difference and non-difference between herself “and” the purus.a as “I am what He is and He is what I am”; but again, she also proclaims herself to be the supreme transcendent reality beyond the purus.a-prakr.ti duality in “I am neither female, nor male” (my italic).48 Significantly, the polaritytranscending the absolute principle has been referred to by the goddess in the first person pronoun “I”. This has been rendered more pictorial in the twelfth book of the text where her philosophical male counterpart is theologically anthropomorphised as the deity Bhuvane´sa, and in unambiguous terms it has been stated: The Goddess Who for the sake of Her own sport became dual at the beginning of creation, is Herself Mahe´svara Who constitutes the half of Her body.49

When it is the same goddess who is the female pole of divinity as well as the ultimate non-polar absolute, her role as the former too attains more profound meanings. What, it might be asked, is unique about prakr.ti’s cosmic function in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata in comparison with that in androcentric texts such as the ´ ´ Brahm¯a begins the task Sivapur¯ an.a?50 In the latter, when at the behest of Siva, ´ of mental creation, to effect the multiplication of his creatures, he meditates on Siva who appears as Ardhan¯ar¯ıs´vara and produces the goddess from the left half of his body and creates all female beings. So here, prakr.ti is summoned into the scene only when the need is felt to expand forth creation through the process of reproduction. Or else, the task of creation has already commenced without her active agency. This is to say that her role is merely complementary to an act primarily initiated by her male counterpart as she is nothing more than a co-creator by the side of a supreme male creator. As opposed to this, prakr.ti in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is the sovereign creatrix who singly initiates and presides over the entire act of creation. Adding to it, reference is to be made to a verse in her speech where she unambiguously calls purus.a an instrument of her play.51 Her supremacy over her male counterpart has been asserted in a hymn by Vis.n.u where it has been stated: ´ Without Sakti, even Purus.a is incapable of functioning...O Bhav¯an¯ı, owing to Your proximity I have just now realised that You are the One who shows compassion on the ancient Purus.a. Or else, He always remains immersed in ideas such as ‘I am the powerful, beginningless, desireless Lord, the soul of the universe’ all of which are of t¯amasic nature.’52

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Problem with the Goddess-Trinity: Patriarchal Inscriptions There, however, remains a question as to the text’s treatment of the triad of the great goddesses: Mah¯ak¯al¯ı, Mah¯alaks.m¯ı, and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı in terms of the justice done to their sovereignty. Their featuring in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata cosmogony is based on the theological model of the “Pr¯adh¯anika Rahasya”,53 an appendix to the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya which is primarily a genesis narrative where the great goddesses embodying the three gun.as create the trinity gods Brahm¯a, Vis.n.u and Rudra and their respective female counterparts Svar¯a, Laks.m¯ı, and Gaur¯ı.54 Two primary observations on the “Pr¯adh¯anika Rahasya” narrative hold relevance in our present context. 1.

2.

The three great goddesses verily identified as Mah¯ak¯al¯ı, Mah¯alaks.m¯ı, and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı have been sharply distinguished from the subordinate spouses of the trinity gods, with the prefix “mah¯a” added to their names. It seems to be a deliberate attempt on the part of the text’s author to retain the sovereignty of these omnipotent matriarchs by elevating them above the three male gods who along with their consorts are but their own creations. The gun.as attributed to the goddesses are solely in accordance with their individual personalities. In this context, even the derivative spouse goddesses are allowed to possess gun.as of their own which by no means merely replicate those of the male gods. Svar¯a or Sarasvat¯ı curiously embodies tamas, whereas Brahm¯a’s nature is that of rajas; Laks.m¯ı embodies rajas, whereas Vis.n.u represents sattva; Gaur¯ı is of the nature of sattva unlike Rudra who embodies tamas.55Ji

Though the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata adopts the “Pr¯adh¯anika Rahasya” model of genesis myth where the supreme goddess creates the trinity gods and unites them with their respective s´aktis, it departs on two major points. First, the three great goddesses Mah¯ak¯al¯ı, Mah¯alaks.m¯ı, and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı have been rendered identical with the three consort deities (with absolutely no problem even with the oxymoronic ´ wife) shorn of their sovereign independent “mah¯ak¯al¯ı gaur¯ı”56 epithet for Siva’s status. Though the section in the first book dedicated to the determination of the pañcalaks.an.a of the text defines pratisarga as the formation of the trinity gods from the three great s´aktis57 and seems to promise of a “Pr¯adh¯anika Rahasya” like account, the main narrative offers nothing of the type. Second, as to the gun.as of the three “great” spouse goddesses, theirs are simply a replication of those of their husbands. The text unhesitatingly attributes rajas to Mah¯asarasvat¯ı and sattva to Mah¯alaks.m¯ı.58 Apart from being tremendously patriarchal in allowing the goddesses’ individual personalities to be subsumed into those of their male overlords, Mah¯asarasvat¯ı’s being possessed of rajas and Mah¯alaks.m¯ı’s association with sattva are odd and mismatched combinations in themselves. The question therefore remains about the text’s negligence about a previously promised justice to the goddess trinity, despite its total gynocentric inclination in establishing the supremacy of the central goddess.

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Conclusion With full awareness as to the text’s above discussed failing, our study might yet end with a few happy concluding points. First, the building up of the cosmogonic narrative from the first book of the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata to the third illustrates a progression from the Brahminical genesis myth with Vis.n.u at the centre to a gynocentric world which in every respect transcends and supersedes the theological foundations of the former. Secondly, if the first layer narrative is purely theological, the third one has been woven into philosophical and ontological discourses that add a ´ akta narrative. Pure theology relates the certain amount of sophistication to the S¯ myth more to objective entities to be treated externally. On the other hand, when philosophically rendered, the cosmogony gets internalized into a subjective process as creation here implies the evolution of the universe of phenomenal experiences from the state of pure consciousness which is to be experienced within. In other ´ aktism crystallizes words, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is a landmark text where Pur¯an.ic S¯ into a more systematised and philosophically sound discourse through a network of ´ dialogic exchanges. Third, owing to this integrative crystallisation, Sakti emerges as a complete divinity who neutralises all polarised perceptions, male/female, tran´ aktas to claim scendent/immanent, impersonal/personal, thereby equipping the S¯ the status of a dominant sect within Hinduism. Finally, with its whole theology centred on a tantric deity, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, though otherwise a Brahminical text, pronounces forth the predominance of tantric culture in the religious life of Bengal.59 The centrality of Bhuvane´svar¯ı in the entire cosmogonic scheme makes explicit the fact that when such a powerful religious current was absorbed into the Brahminical canon, Brahminism in Bengal to a great extent got moulded into a tantric frame with tantric elements overflowing into its philosophical, ontological, and theological core. Notes 1.

2. 3.

4.

Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, Calcutta: Nababharat Publishers, ´ ımaddev¯ıbh¯agavata (with Sanskrit 1388 Ba˙ng¯abda (repr.). Also see, Sr¯ commentary by N¯ılakan.t.ha), Varanasi: Jyotish Prakashan, 2001. Chakrabarti (2001). For the emergence of the Tantric form of K¯al¯ı as a central deity in the Pur¯an.ic tradition of Bengal, see the Mah¯abh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, which is all about K¯al¯ı’s status as the supreme divinity and her incarnations as Sat¯ı, P¯arvat¯ı and Kr.s.n.a (Sr¯ımah¯abh¯agavatam, ed. and tr., Panchanan Tarkaratna, Kolkata: Nababharat Publishers, 1995.). For critical studies on the relation between the Mah¯abh¯agavata and the cult of Daks.in.ak¯alik¯a, see Patricia Dold, ‘K¯al¯ı the ´ akta Devotionalism of the Mah¯abh¯agavata Pur¯an.a’ Terrific and Her Tests: The S¯ in Encountering K¯al¯ı: In the Margins, at the Center, in the West, eds., Rachel Fell McDermott & Kripal, Jeffrey J., (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2005), pp. 39–59. The goddess presiding over the K¯amar¯upa region of Assam. For the prominent featuring of K¯am¯akhy¯a and her holy shrine in Pur¯an.ic texts, see the

166

5.

6.

7. 8. 9.

10.

11.

A. D. Kar

K¯alik¯a Pur¯an.a (K¯alik¯apur¯an.am, ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, Kolkata: Nabab´ harat Publishers, 1384 Ba˙ng¯abda) which begins with the Siva-Sat¯ ı narrative as it relates to the formation of the K¯amar¯upa shrine and then centres solely on the tradition of goddess worship in this region. Though an important deity in the Tantric culture of Bengal, where she holds the position of the third member in the Mah¯avidy¯a pantheon, Tripurasundar¯ı’s featuring in the Pur¯an.ic texts of Bengal is less prominent. Here she is referred to mainly as a part of the Mah¯avidy¯a team. See for instance, Sr¯ımah¯abh¯agavatam, op.cit., adhy¯aya 8, verse 79, p. 42. However, in the Pur¯an.ic literature of southern India, she is the supreme goddess herself, who incarnates in her full glory to vanquish Bhan.d.a¯ sura and his army. See Lalitop¯akhy¯anam, ed. T. N. K. Tirumulapad, Varanasi: Chowkhamba Surabharati Prakashan, 2007. The central deity in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, though not widely known as an independent goddess before her assimilation into the Mah¯avidy¯a team as its fourth member. For discussion on Bhuvane´svar¯ı, see Madhu Khanna, ‘Introduction’ ´aktapramodah. of Deva Nandan Singh, New Delhi: Tantra Foundation, in S¯ Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan and D. K. Printworld Private Limited, 2013, pp. 40–41. Hazra (1963). ´ ımadbh¯agavatam, ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, Calcutta: Published by Sri Sr¯ Natavara Chakravarty, 1334 Ba˙ng¯abda. See for instance R. C. Hazra, op.cit., pp. 336–341. Also see, P. G. Layle, Studies in Dev¯ı Bh¯agavata, Bombay: Popular Prakashan Private Limited, 1959, pp. 25–34; Mackenzie Brown (1990). Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha I, adhy¯aya 2, verses-18–25, p. 4. Though N¯ılakan.t.ha’s commentary associates sarga with the appearance of Mah¯ak¯al¯ı in book I and those of Mah¯alaks.m¯ı and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı in book V (N¯ılakan..th¯ı ´ ımaddev¯ıbh¯agavata, op.cit., skandha I, adhy¯aya 2, verse 21, p. 15), in Sr¯ there seems to be an error in this connection. These appearances of the three goddesses, at least those of Mah¯alaks.m¯ı and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı have nothing to do with ‘cosmogony’ or ‘creation’ (sarga) and are mainly concerned with battle narratives. The three gun.as are the constituents of root materiality and therefore of materiality as a whole, with both subjective and objective forms. The sattva in the mind is ‘intelligence’, rajas is ‘mental’ activity and tamas is ‘obscurity’ or ‘retention’. The sattva oriented feeling is ‘pleasure’, rajas oriented feeling is ‘pain’ and tamas oriented feeling is ‘stupefaction’. The object form of sattva is ‘luminosity’, rajas is ‘energy’ and tamas is the ‘static inertia’……see Knut (2002). For more discussion, see Dasgupta (1975). For discussion on the embodiment of the three gun.as in the three forms of the goddess, see Arghya Dipta Kar, ‘Structuring the Goddess Hierarchies in the Rahasyas of the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya’ in Journal of The Asiatic Society, (vol. LVI, Nos. 1–2), Kolkata: The Asiatic Society, 2014, pp. 65–80.

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12.

13.

14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

167

For studies on Hindu cosmogonic myths see, Ancient Indian Cosmogony (essays selected and introduced by John Irwin), ed. F. B. J. Kuiper, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1983. For instance, ‘Hinduism is the religion of those humans who create, perpetuate, and transform traditions with legitimizing reference to the authority of the Veda’… Smith (1998). For discussion on the S¯amkhya ˙ system, see Surendranath Dasgupta, Ibid., Vol. 1., pp. 208–273. ´ nkara, see Ibid., Vol. 1., pp. 406–494. For discussion on the monism of Sa˙ Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha I, adhy¯aya 6–9, pp. 20–35. Ibid., skandha III, adhy¯aya 2–6, pp. 130–149. For details see, T. B. Coburn, Dev¯ı M¯ah¯atmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition, New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1984 (repr.), pp. 211–221. This is to be contrasted with the linear time in Semitic religions where time begins with the creation of the universe and ends with the Judgment Day. For discussion on the nexus between pre-creation narratives and the revela´ ımadbh¯agavata and the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata, see C. Mackenzie tion of the texts Sr¯ Brown, Ibid., pp. 24–28. For instance, during the birth of Kr.s.n.a, the goddess Yogam¯ay¯a is commanded by Vis.n.u to serve him by incarnating as the daughter of Nanda and Ya´sod¯a at ´ ımadbh¯agavatam., op.cit., skandha X, adhy¯aya 2, verse 6–14, Gokula (see Sr¯ pp. 540–541.). The relegation of the goddess to Vis.n.u’s M¯ay¯a has contributed a lot to the age´ akta rivalry characteristic of the religious history of Bengal. long Vais.n.ava-S¯ For details, see Shivachandra Vidyarnava, Tantratattva, Calcutta: Nababharat Publishers: 1389 Ba˙ng¯abda, pp. 194–195. sras..ta¯ tvam ˙ p¯alaka´sc¯aham ˙ harah. samh¯ ˙ arak¯arakah.|kr.t¯ah. s´aktyeti…jagatsa˙njanane s´aktistvayi tis..thati r¯ajas¯ı| s¯attvik¯ı mayi rudre ca t¯amas¯ı parik¯ırtit¯a|| tay¯a virahitastvam ˙ na tatkarmakaran.e prabhuh.|n¯aham ˙ p¯alayitum ˙ s´aktah. samharttu ˙ m ˙ n¯api s´a˙nkarah.||tadadh¯ın¯a vayam ˙ sarve vartt¯amah. satatam ˙ vibho|..´ses.e svapimi parya˙nke paratantro na sam´ ˙ sayah.|tadadh¯ınah. sadottis..the k¯ale k¯alava´sam ˙ gatah.||tapa´scar¯ami satatam ˙ tadadh¯ınohasmy¯aham ˙ sad¯a|kad¯acit saha ca vihar¯ami yath¯asukham||kad¯acidd¯anavaih. s¯arddham ˙ laks.my¯a samgr¯ ˙ amam ˙ prakaromyaham||d¯arun.am ˙ dehadamanam ˙ sarvalokabhaya˙nkaram||pratyaks.am ˙ tava dharmajña tasminnek¯arn.ave pur¯a|pañcavars.asahasr¯an.i v¯ahuyuddham ˙ may¯a kr.tam||…tasm¯ann¯aham ˙ svatantrohasmi s´aktyadh¯ınohasmi sarvath¯a|t¯ameva s´aktim ˙ satatam ˙ dhyay¯ami ca nirantaram| n¯atah. parataram ˙ kiñcijj¯an¯ami kamalodbhava|| …………Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha I, adhy¯aya IV, verses 46–51, pp. 11–12. Also known as the Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı. See Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı, with seven commentaries in Sanskrit, viz., Prad¯ıpa, Guptavat¯ı, Caturdhar¯ı,

168

25. 26. 27.

28.

29. 30. 31.

32. 33.

34. 35. 36. 37.

A. D. Kar

´antanav¯ı,N¯agoj¯ıbhat..ta, Jagaccandrik¯a and Dam´ S¯ ˙ soddh¯ara, e.d., Kshemaraj Srikrishnadas, Bombay: Sri Venkateshvar Press, 1989, adhy¯aya 1, verse 49–78, pp. 58–73. T. B. Coburn, op.cit., p. 221. For discussion on this epithet of the Goddess, see Ibid., pp. 191–195. ‘When even the one who creates, sustains and destroys the universe, has been put under the hold of slumber by You, who can eulogise You? You have made Vis.n.u, ¯I´sa¯ na and myself, assume our respective bodies, who is capable of praising You?’ (yay¯a tvay¯a jagatsras..ta¯ jagatp¯at¯atti yo jagat|sopi nidr¯ava´sam ˙ n¯ıtah. kastv¯am ˙ stotumihe´svarah.||vis.n.uh. s´ar¯ıragrahan.aham¯ıs´a¯ na eva ca| k¯arit¯aste yato’tastv¯am ˙ kah. stotum ˙ s´aktim¯anbhavet||)…. Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı, op.cit., adhy¯aya 1, verse 64–65, pp. 67–68. na jah¯ati yato nidr¯am ˙ bahudh¯a samstutohapyasyau| ˙ manye n¯asya va´se nidr¯a nidray¯ayam ˙ va´s¯ıkr.tah.||yo yasya va´sam¯apannah. sa tasya ki˙nkarah. kila| tasm¯acca yoganidreyam ˙ sv¯amin¯ı m¯apaterhareh.|| …………Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha I, adhy¯aya 7, verses-20–21, pp. 23–24. Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı, op.cit., adhy¯aya 1, verse 53–67, pp. 60–69. Brown, C. Mackenzie, op.cit., p. 2–3. Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha 3, adhy¯aya 4, verse 36, p. 138. Also see, ‘She Who is the subtle M¯ulaprakr.ti, the origin of the universe and the eternal One, is Herself the Supreme Brahman and the Deity we trinity gods worship. Just as here in this universe there is a Brahm¯a, a Vis.n.u and a Mahe´svara who is myself- as its creator, preserver and destroyer; of millions of such Brahm¯as, Vis.n.us and Mahe´svaras dwelling in myriads of universes, She is the Creatrix. Though Herself formless, She playfully assumes bodies. By Her is the universe created, by Her preserved and by Her it is destroyed. She deludes the world.’ ………………..Sr¯ımah¯abh¯agavatam, op.cit., adhy¯aya 3, verses 1–6, p. 10. (y¯a m¯ulaprakr.tih. s¯uks.m¯a jagad¯ady¯a san¯atan¯ı| saiva s¯aks.a¯ t param ˙ brahma s¯asm¯akam ˙ devat¯apica|| ayameko yath¯a brahm¯a tath¯a c¯ayam ˙ jan¯arddanah.| yath¯a mahe´svara´sc¯aham ˙ sr.s..tisthityantak¯arin.ah.|| evam ˙ hi kot.ikot.¯ın¯am ˙ n¯an¯a ˙ vidh¯atr¯ı s¯a mahe´svar¯ı|| ar¯up¯a s¯a brahm¯an.d.av¯asin¯am| sr.s..tisthitivin¯as´a¯ n¯am mah¯adev¯ı l¯ılay¯a dehadh¯arin.¯ı| tayaitat s¯uyate vi´svam ˙ tayaiva parip¯alyate|| vin¯as´yate tayaiv¯ante mohyate ca tay¯a jagat|). Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 3, verse 6, p. 132. Chronotope refers to the manner in which time and space are represented in literature. The term was taken over by Michail Bakhtin from 1920s science. See Bakhtin, M., “Forms of Time and of the Chronotope in the Novel” in The Dialogic Imagination, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981, pp. 84–258. Brown, C. Mackenzie, op.cit., pp. 17–33. See for instance, ‘All women are your parts.’ (striyah. samast¯ah. sakal¯a ´ ıdurg¯asapta´sat¯ı, op.cit., adhy¯aya 11, verse 5, p. 230. jagatsu|)….. Sr¯ Purus.a S¯ukta, ed. S. K. Ramachandra Rao, Bangalore: Sri Aurobindo Kapali Shastry Institute of Vedic Culture, 2006. Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 3, verse 48, p. 135.

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38.

39.

40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

45. 46.

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akartt¯agun.as.pas..ta ev¯adya devo, nir¯ıhohanup¯adhih. sadaiv¯akala´sca|tath¯ap¯ıs´varaste vit¯ırn.am ˙ (vist¯ırn.am?) ˙ vinodam, ˙ susampa´syat¯ıty¯ahurevam ˙ vidhijñ¯ah.||dr.s..ta¯ dr.s..tavibhedehasmin pr¯ak tvatto vai pum¯an parah.| …na mithy¯a vedav¯akyam ˙ vai kalpan¯ıyam ˙ kad¯acana|virodhohayam ˙ may¯atyantam ˙ hr.daye tu vi´sa˙nkitah.|| ekamev¯advit¯ıyam ˙ yad brahma ved¯a vadanti vai|s¯a kim ˙ tvam ˙ v¯apyasau v¯a kim ˙ sandeham ˙ vinivarttaya||….dvitvaikatva-vic¯arehasminnimagnam ˙ ks.ullakam ˙ manah.||…pum¯anasi tvam ˙ str¯ı v¯asi vada vistarato mama| ……………. Ibid., skandha III, adhy¯aya 5, verse 40–46, pp. 143–144. sadaikatvam ˙ na bhedohasti sarvadaiva mam¯asya ca| yohasau s¯ahamaham y¯asau bhedohasti mativibhram¯at||…ekamev¯advit¯ıyam ˙ vai brahma nityam ˙ san¯atanam| dvaitabh¯avam ˙ punary¯ati k¯ala utpatsusamjñake||…n¯ ˙ aham ˙ str¯ı na pum¯am´ ˙ sc¯aham ˙ na kl¯ıvam ˙ sarvasa˙nks.aye|sarge sati vibhedah. sy¯at kalpitohayam ˙ dhiy¯a punah.||’…………… Ibid., skandha III, adhy¯aya VI, verse 2, 4, 7, p. 144. See note 9. See Jacobsen, Knut A., ‘The Female Pole of the Godhead in Tantrism and the Prakr.ti of S¯amkhya’, ˙ Numen 43 (1996), pp. 56–81. Jacobsen (2002). ‘By personifying prakr.ti, consciousness is automatically ascribed to it, and consciousness and materiality merge into a monistic concept’…. Ibid., p. 89. The ontological theory in the S¯amkhya ˙ system. “S¯amkhya ˙ holds that there can be no production of a thing previously non-existent; causation means the appearance or manifestation of a quality due to certain changes of collocations in the causes which were already held in them in a potential form. Production of effect only means an internal change of the arrangement of atoms in the cause, and this exists in it in a potential form, and just a little loosening of the barrier which was standing in the way of the happening of such a change of arrangement will produce the desired new collocation—the effect. This doctrine is called satk¯aryav¯ada, i.e. that the karya or effect is sat or existent even before the causal operation to produce the effect was launched. The oil exists in the sesamum, the statue in the stone, the curd in the milk. The causal operation (k¯arakavy¯ap¯ara) only renders that manifest (¯avirbh¯uta) which was formerly in an unmanifested condition (tirohita)… The S¯amkhya ˙ view that the cause is continually transforming itself into its effects is technically called parin.a¯ ma-v¯ada as against the Vedanta view called the vivarttav¯ada: that cause remains ever the same, and what we call effects are but illusory impositions of mere unreal appearance of name and form- mere M¯ay¯a.” ………. Surendranath Dasgupta, op.cit., Vol. 1., 257–258. Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 6, verses 70–71, p. 148. nirgun.a¯ durgam¯a s´aktirnirgun.a´sca tath¯a pum¯an| jñ¯anagamyau mun¯ın¯antu bh¯avan¯ıyau tath¯a punah.|| an¯adinidhanau viddhi sad¯a prakr.tipurus.au|…caitanyayam ˙ sarvabh¯utes.u yattadviddhi par¯atmakam| tejah. sarvatragam ˙ nityam ˙ n¯an¯abh¯aves.u n¯arada|| tañca t¯añca mah¯abh¯aga vy¯apakau viddhi sarvagau| t¯abhy¯am ˙ vih¯ınam ˙ sams¯ ˙ are na kiñcidvastu vidyate||

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49.

50. 51. 52.

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tau vicintyau sad¯a dehe mi´sr¯ıbh¯utau sad¯avyayau| ekar¯upau cid¯atm¯anau nirgu˙nau nirmal¯avubhau|| y¯ah. s´aktih. param¯atm¯asau yohasau s¯a param¯a mat¯a|…..Ibid., skandha III, adhy¯aya 7, verses 10–15, pp. 150–151. Also in the Tantric texts of Bengal, Prakr.ti ceases to be merely a source of materiality and participates in Purus.a’s purus.a’s nature as the transcendental absolute. See for instance, ‘Mah¯am¯ay¯a has two aspects, sagun.a¯ and nirgun.a¯ . When associated with m¯ay¯a. She is sagun.a¯ and when dissociated from it, She is nirgun.a¯ . When the Goddess is sagun.a¯ , I, Sad¯as´iva, too am sagun.a. When O Mah¯am¯ay¯a, You are nirgun.a¯ , I too am nirgun.a. There is no doubt regarding that. ´ You are the nirgun.a¯ Sakti and I too am nirgun.a’………..Mun.d.a¯ m¯al¯a Tantra, ed. Panchanan Shastri, Calcutta: Nababharat Publishers, 1387 Ba˙ng¯abda, pat.ala 1, verse 56–58, pp. 42–43. (sagun.a¯ nirgun.a¯ ceti mah¯am¯ay¯a dvidh¯a mat¯a|sagun.a¯ m¯ayay¯a yukt¯a tay¯a h¯ın¯a ca nirgun.a¯ ||sagun.a¯ ca yad¯a dev¯ı sagun.ohaham ˙ sad¯as´ivah.|nirgun.a¯ tvam ˙ mah¯am¯aye! nirgun.ohaham ˙ na sam´ ˙ sayah.||tvameva nirgun.a¯ s´aktirahameva ca nirgun.ah.|). See note 37. This is to be contrasted with androcentric cosmogonic accounts where the ultimate unitary whole containing both the male and female poles has been defined in masculine terms. A classic example of it is the icon of Ardhan¯ar¯ıs´vara. See, Goldberg (2002). This patriarchal inclination of otherwise duality-transcending male–female composite figures has its prototype ¯ . yaka Upanishad with The in the Br.had¯aran.akyopanis.ad (The Brihad Aran ´ ¯ Commentary of Sankara Ac¯arya on its First Chapter, tr., Dr. E. Röer, Calcutta: The Baptist Mission Press, 1856, Chap. 1, fourth br¯ahman.a, verses 1–3, pp. 62– 68) where the primordial Purus.a divides himself into a male and female pair. Besides, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata itself adopts one such cosmogonic myth from the Brahmavaivarta Pur¯an.a (Brahmavaivartapur¯an.am (Part-1), ed. Vasudev Shastri Marathi, Pune: Anandashram, 1935, prakr.tikhan.d.a, adhy¯aya 1, verses 9–10, p. 87) that has Kr.s.n.a at the centre, who produces R¯adh¯a from the left half of his body…………. Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha IX, adhy¯aya 2, verses 27, p. 798. y¯a dev¯ı nijal¯ıl¯artham ˙ dvidh¯abh¯ut¯a vabh¯uva ha|| sr.s..ty¯adau tu sa ev¯ayam ˙ tadarddh¯an˙ go mahe´svarah.|………..Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha XII, adhy¯aya 12 verse 13–14, p. 1149. Similarly, in narratives pertaining to ´ the Southern tradition of Sakti worship, the goddess Lalit¯a splits into two, creating her consort K¯ame´svara out of her own body. See for instance Tripur¯arahasyam (M¯ah¯atmyakhan.d.am), ed. Acharya Jagadishchandra Mishra Varanasi: Chowkhamba Surabharati Prakashan, 2008, adhy¯aya 55, verses 68–69, p. 352. ´ Sivapur¯ an.a, ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, Calcutta: Nababharat Publishers, 1392 Ba˙ng¯abda (repr.),v¯ayav¯ıya samhit¯ ˙ a, adhy¯aya XIV, pp. 747–749. Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 6 verse 15, p. 145. s´aktim ˙ vin¯a vyavahr.tau purus.ohapya´sakto|…tvañced bhav¯ani dayase purus.am ˙ pur¯an.am, ˙ j¯anehahamadya tava sannidhigah. sadaiva| no

7 Gynocentric Cosmogony in the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a

53. 54.

55.

56. 57. 58. 59.

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cedaham ˙ vibhuran¯adiran¯ıha ¯ıs´o, vi´sv¯atmadh¯ıriti tamah.prakr.tih. sadaiva||…………..Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 4, verses 32, 43, pp. 138–139. Pr¯adh¯anikarahasyam in Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı, op.cit., pp. 274–276. The supreme goddess Mah¯alaks.m¯ı combining all the three gun.as produces Mahak¯al¯ı from her tamas and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı from her sattva. The three great goddesses further create a pair of male and female deities each. From Mah¯alaks.m¯ı are born Brahm¯a and Laks.m¯ı; from Mahak¯al¯ı are created Rudra and Svar¯a, and Mah¯asarasvat¯ı produces Vis.n.u and Gaur¯ı. Mah¯alaks.m¯ı unites Brahm¯a with Svar¯a assigning to them the task of creation; Vis.n.u with Laks.m¯ı, making them preside over preservation; and Rudra with Gaur¯ı, who together take the charge of dissolution. For discussion see, Arghya Dipta Kar, op.cit. Commentators on the Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya have been intrigued by the combination of gun.as in the three pairs, which do not necessarily correspond to those of their respective mothers. One might wonder by what logic a white Svar¯a might be born of a black t¯amasic Mahak¯al¯ı or a black Vis.n.u from a white s¯attvic Mah¯asarasvat¯ı, if the couples were created in accordance with the gun.as of the three great goddesses. N¯agoj¯ıbhat.t.a proposes a complex theory of ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ gun.as. As he says, Svar¯a being born of Mahak¯al¯ı is essentially t¯amasic, yet her outer form is s¯attvic. Hence, she combines both tamas and sattva. Brahm¯a, born of Mah¯alaks.m¯ı is both inwardly and externally of the nature of rajas. Hence in the Brahm¯a-Svar¯a pair, rajas occupies two quarters whereas sattva and tamas have one each. Vis.n.u, owing to his birth from Mah¯asarasvat¯ı, is inwardly s¯attvic, yet externally he is black or t¯amasic. Laks.m¯ı ´ on the other hand, like Brahm¯a, is r¯ajasic both inwardly and outwardly. Siva born of Mah¯ak¯al¯ı, is essentially of the nature of tamas, yet is outwardly white or s¯attvic. Gaur¯ı, on the other hand is both inwardly and outwardly s¯attvic. ´ Hence in the Siva-Gaur¯ ı pair, sattva occupies three quarters and tamas one, rajas being totally absent…. N¯agoj¯ıbhat.t.a, in Durg¯asapta´sat¯ı, op.cit., p. 25. See Dev¯ıbh¯agavatam, op.cit., skandha III, adhy¯aya 6, verse 65, p. 148. See note 10. For more discussion on the gun.a-correspondences of the three great goddesses, see C. Mackenzie Brown, pp. 133–144. However, unlike the K¯alik¯a Pur¯an.a or the Mah¯abh¯agavata which accommo´ aktism, the Dev¯ıbh¯agavata is particular date the left-hand v¯am¯ac¯ara form of S¯ about its puristic inclination and allows only daks.n.a¯ c¯ara Tantrism to pass into it… See C. Mackenzie, op.cit., p. 275.

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References Chakrabarti, K. (2001). Religious Process: The Puran.as and the Making of a Regional Tradition. Oxford University Press. Dasgupta, S. (1975). A History of Indian Philosophy (Vol. I, pp. 243–248). Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Goldberg, E. (2002). The Lord Who is Half Woman. State University of New York Press. Hazra, R. C. (1963). Studies in the Upapur¯an.as (Vol. II, pp. 346–359). Sanskrit College. Jacobson, K. A. (2002a). Prakr.ti in S¯amkhya-Yoga: ˙ Material Principle, Religious Experience, Ethical Implication (p. 240). Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Jacobsen, K. A. (2002b). Prakr.ti in S¯amkhya-Yoga ˙ (p. 89). Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Mackenzie Brown, C. (1990). The Triumph of the Goddess: The Canonical Models and Theological Visions of the Dev¯ı-Bh¯agavata Pur¯an.a (pp. 17–33). State University of New York Press. Smith, B. K. (1998). Reflections on Resemblance, Ritual, and Religion (p. 14). Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited.

Chapter 8

´ akta Advaita: The Monistic Revisiting S¯ ´ akta Philosophy in the Guhyopanis.ad S¯ Sthaneshwar Timalsina

Introduction ´ akti worship is indigenous to the Indian subcontinent. Autochthonous S¯ ´ akta pracS¯ tices vary village to village, with differing rituals and theologies. It is therefore, not easy to identify a singular philosophy that binds all the practices and rituals together. Neither is this the objective of this paper. While focusing on goddess K¯al¯ı, ´ akta philosophy in a different light, exploring how (1) the this chapter approaches S¯ ´ akta theology revisits its own past, (2) reads Upanis.adic philoslater medieval S¯ ´ aktism, and (3) where the Agamic ¯ ophy in light of S¯ Krama tantrism and Upanis.adic pantheism has been synthesized in the practice of Guhyak¯al¯ı. Thus articulating the new emerging paradigm through the fusion of the Sm¯arta and tantric traditions. Unique to this approach is (i) combining autochthonous rituals, and (ii) integrating tantric philosophies, as we can find in Krama and Mah¯artha texts, while also (iii) infusing Upanis.adic monism. This unique blend has the capacity to make the prac´ akta tices available to all the Sm¯arta households in an attempt to mainstream the S¯ pantheon. This, of course, is a reversal from the original Yogin¯ı Kaula and K¯ap¯alika pantheons that originated as counter-culture practices, championed by those living in the cremation grounds, wearing skulls, and shunning societal status and identity. With this new trend, as we can also glean in the texts composed in the late medieval ´ aktism regains its primacy, with the modified norms era such as Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a, S¯ being acceptable to married householders. By bracketing issues related to taboos and broadly accepting the Sm¯arta norms, this fusion provides the needed status for ´ aktism to penetrate the mainstream Hindu world. S¯ An earlier version of this paper was published as “The Monistic Sakta Philosophy in the Guhyopanisad,” ZeitschriftfürIndologie und Südasienstudien. 34: 247–258. 2017. S. Timalsina (B) Department of Religious Studies, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5_8

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There are a few issues worth noticing before entering the topic. This study deviates ´ aktism has been studied in general, with contemporary works that from the ways S¯ focus on either autochthonous rituals and practices or canonical Tantric texts in relation to the Kashmiri traditions. Studies on living practices ignore philosophies and theologies, while those examining philosophical texts consider these secretive rituals a subject of the remote past, ignoring living and breathing traditions. Not just that, these attempts are also broadly divided into reading tantrism in contrast to Vedism, completely sidelining the ways both the Sm¯arta and tantric traditions have mingled in the Hindu milieu for millennia. Reading a small text such as Guhyopanis.ad or Guhyak¯alyupanis.ad (GU) composed in later period and circulated among Guhyak¯al¯ı practitioners is merely an example of the wide range of later texts that infuse mainstream Upanis.adic philosophy with tantric theology and rituals. My effort here, therefore, is not to find the most archaic form of K¯al¯ı practice or to say which of the practices represents the most authentic form. Any and all practices are authentic as long as they reflect the beliefs of the real people in the field and are not fabricated by ethnographers or historians. The K¯al¯ı text I am reading is Ved¯antic and non-dual through and through. To engage the texts like this, one has to evolve from the parameters of what constitutes tantric and has to be willing to walk through the blurred lines of Veda-m¯arga and Tantra-m¯arga. Living Hinduism is a synthesis of various religious systems like the Vedas, Pur¯an.as, Tantras, folk rituals and practices, etc. K¯al¯ı may have been the central goddess of the folk cultures and could have evolved in an extra-Vedic religious mileu.1 However, she is not less popular among the Vedic scholars or Sm¯arta householders. The text under consideration is an epitome of this synthetic tendency. The text under consideration, the Guhyopanis.ad (GU), is not an independent text with a proper recognition as an Upanis.ad, but rather a section inside the 2 Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a (MKS) that is fashioned within the Upanis.adic framework. The text is broadly unnoticed for it is mostly a summary of the pertinent sections from the principal Upanis.ads. I find this text nonetheless significant because (1) it documents the Vedicization of the Tantric worldview and demonstrates the process of the integration of K¯al¯ı within the Vedic paradigm, (2) shows the influence of the ´ akta worldview alive. Vedantic worldview and at the same time strives to keep the S¯ ´ In particular, the text reflects the lived vitality of S¯akta monism, the philosophy that 1

I have used “Vedic” and “Tantric” as working categories and do not accept this distinction in the absolute sense. It is problematic the way contemporary scholarship divides Vedic and non-Vedic. I do not believe that there were ever two separate closed systems as some scholars have imagined. Although the particular text I am examining dates from medieval times, there are some earlier texts in the Upanis.adic genre that are dedicated to Durg¯a or Kubjik¯a. Most importantly, the text being examined here defies the distinction of the Vedic versus Tantric, as it is a synthesis of the Vedic Upanis.ads while at the same time is a section in one of the key tantric texts. 2 The first of two texts, entitled Guhyak¯ alyupanis.ad, has 84 verses and can be found in the anthology, Upanis.atsa˙ngraha (pp. 410–420). The other, with the title Guhyopanis.ad, contains 53 verses and appears as a section within the first chapter of the Guhyak¯al¯ı Khan.d.a of the Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a (Hereafter MKS, verses 200–253). I have followed the title and the verses according to the MKS, because the text in the Upanis.atsa˙ngraha, in its colophon, cites the MKS as its source and the initial and final verses found in the Upanis.atsa˙ngraha are not considered as part of the Upanis.ad.

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´ nkara at first glance but is different in might appear identical to the Advaita of Sa˙ many regards when read closely. The work of Goudriaan and Schoterman (1994), with its focus on the goddess Kubjik¯a, is exemplary to introduce this genre. This is to argue that the role the Goddess K¯al¯ı plays in this paradigm is that of the Parabrahman ´ nkara’s philosophy, albeit she is not a passive Brahman lacking all attributes in Sa˙ and is not equivalent of M¯ay¯a, illusory in nature and consequently to be shunned for one to achieve liberation. The worldview presented here is monistic-panentheistic, and the goddess is described as both the transcendent Brahman and the immanent world. The theism imprinted here is radically different from the one viewed in the dualistic traditions where there is a clear separation of the divine and the world, of the individual and the absolute, of the mind and body, of matter and consciousness, and so on. The pantheon of K¯al¯ı has evolved and transformed multiple times: first it emerged from the archaic folk K¯al¯ı worship to the established schools of Kula and Krama, giving rise to Krama and Mah¯artha philosophies; then, the paur¯an.ic and popular practices have reshaped the tradition. And third, we are observing a current New Age revival of K¯al¯ı practice, particularly at the forefront of Neo-Pagan movements, the feminist theology movement, and various others that have brought the divine feminine to prominence. The text under consideration epitomizes Guhyak¯al¯ı,3 one of the most archaic forms of K¯al¯ı with her polyanthropomorphic forms, incorporates the practices of the K¯ap¯alikas or other V¯am¯ac¯ara or left-hand-oriented Tantric pantheons that adopt forbidden substances in ritual practices, and at the same time draws its philosophical essence from the Vedic Upanis.ads. The text documents a medieval Tantric movement to integrate Kaula practices and rituals within mainstream Hinduism. After a brief introduction, I will focus on select passages from the text to help comprehend the transaction of thoughts among different Hindu pantheons. If we bracket a few references here and there, K¯al¯ı is mostly absent in the Vedic literature. The Hindu goddess of time, death, liberation, immortality, besides many other roles that she plays, K¯al¯ı is thus a peripheral divinity, with male counter´ parts such as Vis.n.u or Siva assuming the central stage. Hindu apologetics often shy away from associating with K¯al¯ı, and the goddesses such as Tripur¯a or Laks.m¯ı whose appearance is pleasant and peaceful receive more prominent positions in the public domain. In Tantric traditions, however, K¯al¯ı often enjoys the central place. The K¯ap¯alikas, early Tantric practitioners who carried skull cups and dwelled in the cremation grounds, were most likely the first adherents of K¯al¯ı. The goddess breaches the parameters of the outcastes and swiftly becomes popular, as is evidenced with the emergence of the Tantric philosophies of Krama and Mah¯artha. These systems provide the autochthonous practice a much-needed metaphysical and theological grounding. These, however, are not the only conceptual frameworks for K¯al¯ı practice, as the paur¯an.ic texts such as Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya demonstrate a reframing of Kaula philosophy with adaptation and reinterpretation of the S¯an˙ khya categories. In this new metaphysics, prakr.ti is not an inanimate tendency from which one strives to 3

For studies on Guhyak¯al¯ı or Guhye´svar¯ı, see Michaels (1996, 303–342).

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separate in the quest for enlightenment, but rather is the absolute divinity in femi´ akta theology culminates in the Kashmiri traditions of Spanda, Krama, nine form. S¯ and Mah¯artha, where divinity is identical to pure consciousness (citi), autonomous in creating the world. Creation, in this paradigm, is the mere expression or an expansion of this feminine principle, pure energy found in the form of consciousness.

´ akta Monism in the Guhyopanis.ad (GU) S¯ Guhyopanis.ad (GU) is a small text of 53 verses and comes as part of the Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a, (MKS) roughly dated around twelfth century. When read closely, the GU reflects more of the Upanis.adic philosophy than Kashmiri Krama or Mah¯artha ´ akta philosophies in the philosophies. Presumably, there was no spread of the Tantric S¯ area where this text was written. MKS extensively treats K¯al¯ı rituals, incorporating various pantheons for practicing K¯al¯ı, such as the K¯ap¯alika way or the Bh¯an.d.ikera way. However, the text recommends Sm¯arta Brahmanic rules and regulations and thus appears to seek a compromise between tantric and Sm¯arta lifestyles. Whether or not this text helped shape the popular social milieu, it nonetheless reflects the societal transformation wherein K¯al¯ı emerges in the mainstream culture and enters Br¯ahman.a households. Studying GU therefore offers insight to this negotiated ground between different subcultures. More importantly, despite such appropriations, GU seeks to ´ aktas by advocating a form retain the positive and world-affirming tendencies of the S¯ ´ of monism that greatly resembles Sa˙nkara’s Advaita. However, it is not identical, as it differs both metaphysically and theologically. This text reflects a new strand of Hindu thought that accepts the non-dual platform but advances its theology for a wider audience. The GU begins against the background of a visualization of the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı in her cosmic form. The concept of vir¯at or the divinity permeating all that exists is ubiquitous to Hindu literature and is found as early as in the Purus.as¯ukta (Rigveda 10.90).4 This archetypal imagery migrates to the Pur¯an.as and is applied to the imagery of the popular paur¯an.ic divinities. MKS does the same when it describes the graphic image of Guhyak¯al¯ı. In this depiction, the body of Guhyak¯al¯ı is parallel to the cosmos, and the practice of visualization translates into the subject viewing his own body as mapping the body of the goddess. In this stage, Guhyak¯al¯ı’s visualization involves the practitioner imagining the deity’s body permeating the cosmos; this visualization is identified as the vir¯a.t-dhy¯ana or cosmic visualization (MKS I.1.178–198). Aspirants visualize the divine as having corporeality and find a correlation of the divine body with their own. This presumably allows the subjects to have an affirmative attitude towards the body and the world. The bodily being of the goddess thus mirrors the body of the yogin, mapping his physicality in relation to the divine body. In this 4

The term vir¯a.t already appears in the Purus.as¯ukta. Vir¯at., Vai´sv¯anara, or Hiran.yagarbha are some of the terms to describe the deity that encompasses all manifest reality. Every deity can assume this Vir¯at. form, giving rise to the concept of Vi´svar¯upa.

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depiction, the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı permeates all that exists. Her forehead, eyebrows, ´ and ears comprise the heavens, including the abodes of Siva and Vis.n.u. Her nose becomes the galaxy, and the moon and the sun are her eyes, with her eyelashes their rays. Different layers of the heavens constitute features of her body and attire, such as cheeks, earrings, and lips. Her teeth houses the deities that govern directions and the planets. Her mouth is the sky, her throat the heaven of Brahm¯a, her breath is the air, her bodily hair are plants and herbs, the opening and closing of her eyes signal the day and the night, while the cosmos rests in her heart and the earth in her feet. Different layers of the underworld are her toes. From her speech flows the Vedas, her joints comprise different aspects of time. The cosmic fire called Vai´sv¯anara, and time and death are her three tongues. In this way, her body permeates all that exists, from Brahm¯a to the smallest particle, and the dissolution of the world is her feasting time. The most popular Hindu imagination of the divine in cosmic manifestation comes in the Bhagavadg¯ıt¯a (Chapter 11) wherein Kris.n.a displays his true form. As described above, the depiction of Guhyak¯al¯ı extends this genre with a description of her esoteric nature, and the text becomes profoundly monistic. Just as a spider spreads its web and absorbs it back into itself, just as sparks emerge from a firebrand and disappear, the world, in the same way, manifests from and dissolves back into the body of goddess K¯al¯ı. This description (GU 200–202) is an exact reproduction of Mun.d.aka 1.7 and 2.1. Guhyak¯al¯ı’s physical characteristics, when she is equated with the Brahman and is described all-permeating, brings to life what is described in the Mun.d.aka 2.4, wherein the Brahman is described in its cosmic manifestation. Descriptions, particularly the identification of the heart as the cosmos and the earth as the feet, and the sun and the moon comprising her two eyes, are identical. Mun.d.aka 2.3, 6–8 appear in expanded form in verses 203–208, where the text describes the goddess permeating all that exists. This transition is effected by shifting the term from Brahman to the goddess K¯al¯ı, with the pronouns and synonyms now designating the goddess. In particular, two of the verses in this sequence (GU 209–210) are identical to Mun.d.aka 3.1.7–8. The prominent passage from Mun.d.aka 3.2.8, where all manifestations with name and form (n¯amar¯upa) dissolve into the formless, appears in GU 211 with a slight variant, changing the purus.a transcendent to the transcendent’ (par¯atparam . purus.am) to “the mother of the world, who is transcendent to the transcendent” (par¯atpar¯am . jagadamb¯am). GU verse 212, in describing that this is the very goddess that all the Vedas describe and for whom the sages maintain austerities, mirrors K¯a.thaka (KU 2.15). A slight variation in this passage is found in the anthology which adds a passage “saivaitat,” which seems to follow the sequence in KU. The phrase in KU, ‘tadevaitat’—‘this is indeed that’—refers to Brahman, while the GU identifies it as saivaitat, with the absolute in the feminine form (s¯a + eva + etad). This tendency of altering the gender ´ akta indicators in describing the absolute marks a shift from the early Vedic to later S¯ monism and is one of the most prominent features of GU. For instance, the next passage, GU 213, is a paraphrase from K¯a.thaka 1.2.17, except that “etad,” a neuter pronoun, is changed to “es.a¯ ,” a feminine one. In order to demonstrate the textual composition, one example from the passage may suffice:

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Compare mahatah. param avyaktam . avyakt¯atpurus.ah.parah. | purus.a¯ t tupar¯adev¯ı s¯ak¯as..th¯as¯apar¯agatih. || GU 215. With mahatah. param avyaktamavyakt¯atpurus.ah.parah. | purus.a¯ nnaparam . kiñcits¯ak¯as..th¯as¯apar¯agatih. || K¯a.thaka3.11.

In the instance above, GU skilfully interpolates a few words and thereby alters the hierarchy of the divine. Where the K¯a.thaka maintains that there is nothing beyond purus.a, GU places the goddess at the pinnacle. Metaphysical statements in the Upanis.adic literature provide a theological twist to this text in many other instances, and there are a number of passages that are relevant for one interested in gendered theology. In establishing parallels with the Upanis.ads, GU does not simply appropriate the categories, but rather, it constitutes its own hierarchy in which the absolute is altered, with the goddess K¯al¯ı replacing purus.a. The imagery of K¯al¯ı where she ´ stands atop Siva vividly reverses the S¯an˙ khyan metaphysics wherein prakr.ti is a lower category in relation to purus.a. GU repeatedly borrows passages from the K¯a.thaka and alters the gender indicator. For comparison: t¯am¯atmasth¯am (GU 217) and tam a¯ tmastham (KU 5.13), t¯amevabh¯ant¯ım (GU 219), and tam evabh¯antam (KU 5.15). This alteration continues even with the passages borrowed from elsewhere: ´ as´vatara 3.9)).5 yasy¯aparam . (GU 220) and yasm¯at param (Svet¯ ´ as´vatara (SU), ´ GU swiftly moves from KU to the Svet¯ another principal Upanis.ad. Yet again, GU meticulously transforms the linguistic structure to meet the new femi´ as´vatara (3.16), the absolute is indicated by the nine paradigm. While in the Svet¯ neuter gender term “tat,” GU (224) refers to it with the term “es.a¯ .” It is noteworthy that there are various pronominal terms in Sanskrit, and the use of “tat” is to refer to something outside of sensory perception (paroks.a), and “etad” is used to refer to entities that are immediately available. It would therefore be wrong to conclude that there is just a linguistic shift to accommodate the gender when the absolute is transformed into the divine feminine.6 5 A text borrowed from the Upanisadic text and also found in the Bhagavadg¯ıt¯ a (13.14) demonstrates . a skillful transformation of the theistic paradigm from the gender-neutral Brahman paradigm to the ´ akta world view: S¯ sarvatah.p¯an.ip¯adam . tat sarvatoks.i´siromukham | ´ as´vatara 3.16. sarvatah.s´rutimal loke sarvam¯avr.tyatis..thati || Svet¯ sarvatah.p¯an.ip¯ad¯ant¯asarvatoks.i´siromukh¯a | sarvatah.s´rutimatyes.a¯ sarvam¯avr.tyatis..thati || GU 224. 6 Additional parallels demonstrate this shift: ´ 3.17-19. GU (225-27) parallels SU ´ 4.2-3 with a slight modification. GU (228) parallels SU ´ 4.8-10; GU 229-231, accordingly, mirrors SU ´ 4.12. The verse 232 in GU is borrowed from SU ´ 4.14-20. Likewise, GU 233-239 is derived from SU ´ 5.10. GU 241 is borrowed from SU

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Suffice it to say that over half the verses, and particularly most of the verses that have any philosophical significance, are directly derived from the Upanis.adic literature. Now, the issue is, what purpose does this appropriation of the Upanis.adic ´ akta Tantrism? More importantly, is there anything passages serve in the context of S¯ ´ akta metaphysics that is consonant with this reverberation of the unique to S¯ Upanis.adic philosophy other than altering the gender identity of the absolute? I ´ akta philosophy in this text is not just what it believe there is, and what is crucial to S¯ contains but also what is absent. Missing from this appropriation are the metaphysical nuances of Vedic rituals found still remaining in the early Upanis.ads. The meticulous depersonalizations apparent in some Upanis.ads are either abandoned or altered to ´ akta theology. Most importantly, there is no mediation between fit to the embodied S¯ ´ akta monism: nothing separates the individuals the absolute and the world in this S¯ and the goddess. In this theology, there is no veil of m¯ay¯a or bondage due to avidy¯a to keep the individuals perpetually transmigrating. What this text evokes is the early monistic philosophical paradigm with a more assertive worldview than that which is ´ nkara. somewhat compromised in the scholasticism of Sa˙ The relation between the absolute and the world needs to be reiterated in this light. What metaphors can we find in this text to describe the process of creation? Salient examples include: [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]

The causal relation between the absolute and the world is like that of the spider and its web (GU 200). This relation is similar to the herbs and plants growing on earth, relying on soil and water, etc. (GU 200). The world and the absolute can be compared to the components of hair and nails belonging to a person (GU 201). Just like sparks fly off a radiant firebrand, so does the world emanate from the absolute (GU 202). The goddess makes a single seed manifold, giving rise to plurality (GU 246). She assumes manifold forms (GU 247).

Textual Analysis The passages found in GU that derive from the Upanis.ads are not randomly framing ´ akta theology. Rather it is a systematic appropriation that makes synthesis monistic S¯ of the monistic worldview possible while discarding the passages focused on rituals. The absolute in the Upanis.ads is the disembodied Brahman, with name and form not applicable to this transcendental mode of reality. The paradigm of GU is somewhat different: early philosophical speculations change when articulating the goddesscentric theology. For example, in contrast to the characteristics of the nirgun.a ´ 6.7-9. GU 242-244 is borrowed from SU ´ 6.11-13. GU 245-247 is borrowed from SU ´ 6.19. The first line of GU 250 is borrowed from SU

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´ nkara, the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı Brahman as has been characterized in the Advaita of Sa˙ is depicted as motherly and caring. In addition to the philosophical foundation of the GU passages, the much-larger MKS also provides details to rituals dedicated to Gukyak¯al¯ı and her variations, with a central focus on extensive visualization and ritual positioning (ny¯asa) of the syllables. If GU is to complete the text by providing ´ akta philosophy here is not the philosophical foundation, what constitutes Tantric S¯ ¯ ´ akta Tantric philosophies of Krama or concepts found in the early Agamas or in S¯ Mah¯artha but rather, it is the Upanis.ads. This negotiation of Tantrism and Vedism is what makes GU unique. A few observations are worth mentioning here. K¯al¯ı is not simply invoked here as the supreme goddess but also as the one who reveals the Vedas. Rather than K¯al¯ı creating the world, she manifests in the form of the world. The body becomes the site for directly encountering the goddess, particularly accessible to those practicing yoga. At the same time, the text maintains her transcendence, claiming that she cannot be fully grasped by the sense organs. The goddess, in essence, is felt by the body in the absence of language and sensory processes. She is to be realized and not cognized, an important distinction. The language of discourse may appear paradoxical, as the goddess is described as residing everywhere while still remaining hidden. She is present everywhere and easily accessible, but at the same time, she cannot be grasped with eyes or speech. The metaphor of the rivers flowing towards the ocean suggests that our activities eventually lead to directly apprehending the divine. By adopting the Upanis.adic terminology, GU explains this encounter to be made possible with an abandonment of name and form. Following the text, K¯al¯ı is the singular reality throbbing through all hearts and giving rise to manifold manifestations. With one more Upanis.adic metaphor, the goddess cannot be illumined by any light while all is manifest with her luminosity. Like the theology found in the Bhagavadg¯ıt¯a, she assumes all corporeal forms by residing in the hearts of the living beings. Although MKS meticulously describes the visualizations of the goddess, nestled within this text, the GU stresses that the goddess sees without eyes, hears without ears, moves without feet, and receives without hands. Following GU, K¯al¯ı manifests all heavenly bodies and all deities, male and female. The divine magical power that gives rise to the world is the procreative force of prakr.ti, and the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı is her mistress. She is hidden beneath all the entities in the world; she is the essence of all, and the origin of the world. There is neither cause nor effect in her; there is no lord for her; she alone permeates all; she still is the primary agent of all actions, abiding in the heart of sentient beings. Although she manifests in preferred forms such as the goddess Guhyak¯al¯ı with ten faces, GU stresses that she can assume any form she likes. This central theology of Guhyak¯al¯ı also borrows the Upanis.adic sentences identified as the “great sentences” (mah¯av¯akya), again altering their structure. Rather than the instructional “you are that” (tat tvamasi), common to the classical Unpanis.adic tradition, the instruction here is “I am that” (so’hamasmi), “I am she” (s¯ahamasmi),

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and “that I am” (tadasmyaham).7 In essence, this text restructures K¯al¯ı practice, negotiating between one of the most esoteric Tantric practices and Upanis.adic monism. In this effort of recontextualization, the practice is brought back to its roots, to the early Upanis.ads that are the sourcebooks for various philosophical and theological schools in classical India. In practice, this Sanskritization of the vernacular culture and Vedicization of the folk indigenous practice helps neutralize sectarian division and harmonizes divergent practices, creating a new faith community by blending existing beliefs and practices. As a consequence, this helps redefine the parameters of the central theology. In this context, the central goddess of the K¯ap¯alikas finds home among the Br¯ahman.a households. The K¯al¯ı in this new order is vedaved¯antavedy¯a, the one who is known by means of Vedas and the Upanis.ads. Even though her corporeal form is not rejected in this new theology, what is valued here is her transcendent aspect. Although the author of GU seems unaware of the differing prominent philosophies within the K¯al¯ı system, such as Spanda, Krama, and Mah¯artha, this new philosophy plays a unique social role with its efforts to bridge the Vedic and Tantric traditions. In this new paradigm, the transcendent and immanent meet, and name and form retain their significance, albeit secondary to that of the nameless and formless. This, however, also resolves ´ nkara’s non-dualism regarding the concept of ignorance the tension that we find in Sa˙ (avidy¯a). In this new paradigm, the world is real, and the creation is carried out by the ´ akta philosophy remains intact. goddess herself. And in this transition, the essential S¯ As the goddess herself is s´akti or pure potentiality, there is no need for a distinction between power and the powerholder. While the above analysis focuses on the exchange between Upanis.adic and ´ akta monisms, a broader analysis, if seen in light of the Trika system founded by S¯ ´ Kashmiri Saiva philosophers, situates the core philosophy based on pantheism and panentheism as a constant undercurrent in these renditions or reframing of philoso´ akta theology phies. If we expand the scope further, we can find a different variant of S¯ based on the paur¯an.ic literature. Dev¯ım¯ah¯atmya is a central text coming from this genre. In this, we can find yet another non-dual system based on S¯an˙ khya-like philosophy, where the mainstream S¯an˙ khya’s central principle of prakr.tri is treated as the absolute and sentient entity, the goddess. This study of GU is merely a small attempt ´ akta philosophy before making any comprehensive statement. to glean aspects of S¯

Conclusion This can be concluded from the above analysis that GU presents an exemplary fusion ´ akta monism. Even though the text lacks the philoof the Upanis.adic teachings and S¯ ´ sophical depth of early S¯akta Krama and Mah¯artha texts, it nonetheless preserves 7 The Mah¯ ak¯alasam . hit¯a does not consider this passage as belonging to the Upanis.adic text (MKS, GU 1. 256 cd–257ab). The text found in the anthology, on the other hand, considers it as intrinsic to the Upanis.ad (GKU 79–80).

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the core of the teachings, placing the non-dual cosmos within the centrality of the divine feminine. Medieval India, the period in which MKS was composed, endured many socio-cultural upheavals. Based on manuscript availability, the distribution of the shrines of Guhyak¯al¯ı, and the practitioners using MKS as their manual for daily practice, MKS was most likely composed in the north-east of the Indian subcontinent, particularly the Mithila region. During this era, devotion dedicated to the formless absolute was slowly gaining ground. The decline of the early city enclosures may have facilitated the influx of the tribes of K¯al¯ı worshippers. The same may have allowed the outcastes and K¯ap¯alikas to re-enter the town and propagate their faith. Most notably, K¯al¯ı was never alien to the Vedic households, and the only contribution of this cultural fluidity was to provide a seamless integration of textual and folk practices. This new language and philosophical structure gave K¯al¯ı worshippers a much-needed identity. The new ethos visible in MKS portrays this social change and addresses the societal need of the time. This example of religious dynamism demonstrates how communities endeavour to redefine their ideology in new language, and how this new language hews closely to the original source. To name just a few instances of how this new paradigm has kept the original monistic tendency alive, the absolute in this paradigm is effulgent with self-emanating potencies, her forms or manifestation and the world are not distinct from her transcendental nature, and above all, the world is real and religious pursuit does not require tormenting the body with various ascetic practices. Devotion comes to prominence, albeit mixed with meticulous rituals that remain central to tantric practice. The manifest reality is the play of the goddess, identified with pure consciousness. Creation and dissolution are compared to the deity’s inhalation and exhalation or the opening and closing of the eyes of the goddess. ´ aktas well, as the once-archaic K¯al¯ı practice This transformation has served the S¯ is now ubiquitous among Hindu households, particularly in Nepal where the consort of Pa´supati is worshipped in her Guhyak¯al¯ı form. The central image of the goddess at her shrine, a vase, sums up the consistent and altering factors in this cultural flux. Kala´sa or water vase, signifying the mother goddess, her womb, and fecundity, is a neutral symbol, used in both Vedic and Tantric rituals. The goddess becomes formless, as her iconic representation is absent here, unlike other Hindu temples. These rituals confirm the continuity of tantric worship, as the manuals preserve the most esoteric K¯al¯ı practice. The liquid, a mixture of water and liquor found in the kun.d.a or the pond in which the goddess is worshipped, metaphorically describes the divine with no inherent form, albeit potent to assume any form. With these transformations, worshipping Guhyak¯al¯ı becomes as acceptable as worshipping any other goddess. Congruent with this thesis, K¯al¯ı in this pantheon also assumes a Laks.m¯ı form, identified as Siddhilaks.m¯ı/Siddhalaks.m¯ı.8 Negotiating the boundary among the sects is one of the common strategies of the mainstream cultures. Although this transformation may not guarantee the resurgence or even survival of the traditions, the pantheon of Guhyak¯al¯ı appears to have fully benefitted from this move. 8

For studies on rituals and visualizations of Siddhilaks.m¯ı, see Timalsina (2015, 89–95, 2006, 59–73), Sanderson (1990, 63–64).

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Just as the early Upanis.ads shifted the cultural milieu by internalizing practices and providing deeper philosophical and theological meaning to opaque rituals, GU plays the same role by transforming the ritual paradigm of Guhyak¯al¯ı. Even the ritual installation of the phonemes (ny¯asa) in MKS is reminiscent of the Vedic rituals, with the most prominent yajñas being installed in the body. GU epitomizes this transition where the Upanis.ads transform into Tantra. Likewise, MKS alters the ritual paradigm for Guhyak¯al¯ı, accommodating the Sm¯arta households. With regard to ´ akta philosophy, this Upanis.adic interpolation provides a unique platform for the S¯ the new circles of Tantric practitioner which was not possible through the early scholastic developments. What is unique to this attempt is the reverberation of the ´ akta paradigm. The same efforts underwent Vedic Upanis.adic philosophy within the S¯ in South India with the popularity of Tripur¯a. The challenge for the K¯al¯ı worshipping ´ aktas was daunting. Nevertheless, what we learn from history is that this integration S¯ was timely and eventually successful. Has this transformation forced a sacrifice of ´ akta philosophy? Not at all. On the contrary, the monistic worldview expands core S¯ its scope through this new theological thrust. The revival of monism to counter worldnegating philosophies extant at this juncture proves decisive for the emergence of ´ akta Vedic philosophy. new theology: a S¯ Finally, cultural transactions, like our everyday transactions, are about gaining ´ akta monism something and shedding something that no longer retains value. If the S¯ is to emerge in the mainstream, it had to relinquish its counter-culture status and ´ aktism to not just ghoulish visuals. But this exchange facilitates an ability for S¯ rediscover its social status. It also gives life to waning Sm¯arta rituals and theologies in light of the contemporaneous devotional movements that engulfed the Hindu lifeworld like a wildfire, not just discrediting the earlier social structure and orthodoxies ´ akta theology was the lifeblood for but also rituals and philosophies. This modified S¯ both the classical Vedic and tantric traditions.

Abbreviations GU GKU KU MKS MU ´ SU

Guhyopanis.ad Guhyak¯alyupanis.ad K¯a.thakopanis.ad Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a Mun.d.akopanis.ad ´ as´vataropanis.ad Svet¯

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References Goudriaan, T., & Schoterman, J. A. (1994). The Kubjik¯a Upanis.ad: Edited with translation, introduction, notes and appendices. Egbert Forsten. Guhyopanis.ad or Guhyak¯alyupanis.ad. Upanis.atsa˙ngraha. Motilal Banarsidass (1984). K¯a.thakopanis.ad. See Olivelle (1998). Kenopanis.ad. See Olivelle (1998). Michaels, A., & Sharma, N. (1996). The goddess of the secret: Guhye´svar¯ı in Nepal and her festival. In A. Michaels, C. Vogelsanger & Annette (Eds.), Wild goddesses in India and Nepal. Proceedings of an international symposium in Berne and Zurich (pp. 303–342), November 1994. Peter Lang (Studia Religiosa Helvetica 2). MKS (2010). Mah¯ak¯alasam . hit¯a. The Guhyak¯al¯ı Khan.d.a. With Hindi commentary [by] Jñ¯anavat¯ı. Chaukhamba Surbharati Prakashan. Olivelle, P. (1998). The early Upanisads: Annotated text and translation. Oxford University Press. Sanderson, A. (1990). “The visualization of the Deities of the Trika”, L’Image Divine Culteet Meditations dans L’Hindousme. Editions du CNRS. ´ as´vataropanis.ad. See Olivelle (1998). Svet¯ Timalsina, S. (2015). Tantric visual culture: A cognitive approach. Routledge. Timalsina, S. (2006). Terrifying beauty: Interplay of Sanskritic and vernacular rituals of Siddhilaks.m¯ı. International Journal of Hindu Studies, 10, 59–73.

Index

A Abhinavagupta, 17, 29, 63, 66, 67, 70, 71, 76, 78, 80, 81, 117 ¯ 127 Agama, Annals of Bhandarkar Research Institute, 14 Artharatn¯aval¯ı by Vidy¯ananda, 23 Ashok Kumar Majumdar, 14 Atharva Veda, 133, 135, 138

B Balar¯ama, 19–22 B¯al¯atripurasundar¯ı, 18 Bengal, 1–5, 7–9, 14, 16–19, 29–33, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 45, 48, 51, 55, 67, 68, 71, 74, 77, 128, 134, 136, 137, 139–142, 144, 148, 149, 155, 156, 165–167, 170 Bh¯agvata Pur¯an.a, 13, 22, 74, 78 Bhakti-rasa, 13 Bhakti-ratn¯akara, 31 Bh¯argava tantra, 16 Bhuvane´svar¯ı, 8, 18, 22, 109, 155–157, 161–163, 165, 166 Bisva Narayana Shastri, 102–109, 119 Br¯ahamin, 29 Brahma-vaivarta Pur¯an.a, 16 Brahmay¯amala, 17 Br.hattantras¯ara, 18 C Caitanya, 2, 3, 17, 31–33, 37–40, 43, 55, 61, 71–74, 78, 86, 96 Caitanyakalpa, 17

Candr¯aval¯ı, 15 Chand.id¯asa, 14 Ch¯ay¯a-vy¯uha, 15 Christopher Pinny, 32 Cint¯aman.i-(Gem), 21 Csaba Kiss, 17

D Da´samah¯avidy¯a, 18, 148 Dev¯ıbh¯agavata Pur¯an.a, 8, 9, 15, 39, 43, 45, 74, 77, 103, 155, 156 Dev¯ı-pañc¯an˙ ga, 30 Dh¯arana-yantra, 31 ¯ Dhvany¯aloka of Anandavardhana, 14 Donna Marie Wolff, 22 Durg¯a, 15, 17, 44, 108, 139, 174 Dut¯ıs, 24

G G.M. Bolleng. J.Von Negelein, 21 Gathasattasai of H¯ala, 13 Gaud.avaho of V¯akpati, 14 Gaud.¯ıya Vais.n.avism, 72 Gautamiya tantra, 16 G¯ayatr¯ı, 131 G¯ıta Govinda of Jayadeva, 14 Goddess K¯ali, 19, 32 Gop¯ala Bhat.t.a, 16, 72 Gop¯alasundar¯ı, 5, 31–33, 35 Gudrun Buhnemann, 138

H Haribhakt¯ıvil¯asa, 16

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 M. Khanna (ed.), Studies on Tantra in Bengal and Eastern India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3022-5

185

186 Harin¯ama-mantra, 29 Harivamsa, ˙ 13 Harsh Dahejiya, 14 Hindu iconography, 31

J J. Gonda, 21 Jahanva-Dev¯ı, 30 Jayaratha, 17 Jitendra Nath Banerjee, 30 John Stratton Hawley, 23 June McDaniel, 113

K K. Krishnamoorthy, 14 K.N. Diksxit, 30 K.N. Dikxit, 30 Kal¯ık¯a Pur¯an.a, 102, 103, 110, 171 K¯ama, 19, 21–23, 25, 26, 74, 101, 106–108, 110, 116, 118, 119, 121, 122 K¯amakal¯a, 21, 24, 115 K¯amar¯aja mantra, 22 K¯ame´svara, 6, 22, 107, 170 K¯ame´svar¯ı, 6, 18, 22, 23, 107–110, 120 Kaul¯ac¯ara, 5, 29, 30, 33 Kaul¯ac¯ara- sadhana, 30 Kaula´sa¯ stra, 17 K¯ay¯a-vy¯uha, 15 Kramadipik¯a by Kashmirka Keshava Bhatta, 31 Kr.s.n.a, 3, 5, 13–23, 25–33, 37–44, 69–74, 76, 77, 84, 140, 165, 167, 170 Kr.s.n.ad¯asa, 38, 40 ¯ Kr.s.n.a¯ nanda Agamv¯ agi´sa, 18, 140 Kr.s.n.ay¯amala, vi Kulaguru, 29 Kunal Chakrabarty, 155 Kun.d.agolaka Kuñje´svar¯ı icon

L Lakshman Sena, 14 Laks.m¯ı, 6, 29, 93, 95, 159, 164, 171, 175, 182 L¯ıl¯a, 74

M Madhu Khanna, 1, 5, 13, 18, 102, 105, 109, 110, 119, 139, 166 M¯adhurya-rasa, 15

Index Mah¯abh¯agvata Pur¯an.a, 13, 22, 74, 78 Mah¯abh¯arata, 13, 130 Mah¯alaks.hmi, 15, 156, 158, 164, 166, 171 Mah¯am¯ay¯a, 145 Mah¯avidy¯a goddesses, 138, 139, 141, 142 Man.¯ı-mantra-au´sadhi, 20 Mans Bröö, 28 Mantramahodadhi, 31 Mark S.G. Dyczkowski, 22, 84, 109 Mir¯ab¯ai, 15 Mithila, 7, 14, 127–129, 132, 134–144, 149, 182 Multiformity of R¯adh¯a, 13

N Narasim . ha Mehta, 14 National Museum, New Delhi, 31, 34 Navjivan Rastogi, 17 Nayan Bhaskar, 31, 161 N¯ayik¯a, 3, 14, 46, 51, 54, 55 Nishkinchana Maharaj, 32 Nity¯ananda, 55, 72, 73, 78, 88, 96 Nity¯a-´saktis, 25, 26 Nitya´sod´sik¯arnava, 22 Ny¯asa, 116, 180, 183

O O.P. Joshi, 32

P Pahar-pur, 30 Pañc¯ak´sar¯ı-vidy¯a-mantra, 32 Pañcapret¯asana, 18 Par¯ıvara Devat¯a, 24 P¯arvat¯ı, 147 Pondicherry, 17 Pradh¯ana, 27 Pr¯akr.ta poetry, 13 Prakr.ti, 4, 8, 14, 16, 21, 27, 28, 48, 66, 161, 162, 163, 165, 169, 170, 175, 178, 180, 181 Pr¯an.ato´sin¯ı, 18 Prema, 3, 13, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 50, 55, 56, 74, 77 Premavil¯asa, 31 P¯uj¯a, 84, 139 Pur¯an.as, 13, 22, 74, 78 Purus.a, 8, 27, 28, 53, 79, 158, 161–163, 168, 170, 177, 178 Pus.t.im¯arga, 13

Index R Rabindranath Tagore, 14 Rachel McDermott, 32, 33, 165 R¯adh¯a as Hl¯adin¯ı s´akti, 15 R¯adh¯a cult, 16 R¯adh¯a-nijatattva-prak¯as´anam, 26 R¯adh¯a’s pre-history, 14 R¯adh¯a tantra, 5, 16, 28, 33 R¯adh¯a yantra (image), 31, 34 R.C. Dwivedi, 17 Rig Vidhana, 21 Ritik¯avya, 14 R.G Basak, 13 ´ ananda, 22 Rjuvimarsin¯ı by Siv¯ R. Mayer, 21 R¯upa Goswam¯ı, 16

S Sad¯as´iva, 170 Saduktikaran.a¯ mr.ta of Sr¯ıdharad¯asa, 14 Sahajiy¯a, 40, 41, 44, 45, 76 Sahasran¯ama, 8, 30 ´ ´ akta, 67, 72 SaivaS¯ ´ Saiva tantra, 17, 37, 39 S¯aktapramodah., 18, 166 ´ akta Tantra, 2–4, 17, 18, 33, 37, 42, 43, S¯ 102, 110, 112, 116, 119–122 ´ 17 Saktimata, ´ 16, 107 Sambhu, Sam . dhin¯ı s´akti, 15 Sam . h¯ara, 26 Sam . ks.epa-bh¯agvat¯amrita, 16 Sam . mohana mantra, 21 Sammohana tantra, 16 Samprad¯aya, 7–9, 17, 24, 41, 45, 133 Sam . vit s´akti, 15, 76 S¯atvata tantra, 16 Saundaryalahari, 23, 28, 101 Shitala Prasad Upadhyaya, 17 Siddha, 3, 37, 42, 51, 56, 83, 84, 93, 139 Siddha-maidens, 23 Six magical acts, 21 Smaran.a, 22 S. N. Khandelwal, 19, 28 ´ Bilvamangla Swamiyar, 32 Sri ´ ıcaitanya-carit¯amr.ta, 32 Sr¯ ´ ıcakra, 24–26, 31 Sr¯ ´ ıkula, 18 Sr¯ ´ Srimahatripurasundar¯ ı-prak¯as´a-rahasya, 23 ´ ng¯ara-rasa, 13, 71 Sri˙ ´ ıpit.ha, 31 Sr¯ ´ Srividy¯ a, 37

187 ´ ıy¯amala, 16 Sr¯ S. Sen, 31 ´ a, 29 Sudr¯ Sukumar Sen, 31 Surad¯asa, 15 Suresh Chandra Bannerjee, 14 Sushil Kumar De, 16 Svayambh¯uva a¯ gama, 16 Swami Desikan, 32 Swami Vijnananda, 15

T Talismanic yantra, 31 ´ astra, 2–4, 17, 18, 43, 102, 110, Tantra S¯ 112, 116, 119–122 Tantr¯aloka, 17, 29, 30, 117 Tantric kriy¯as, 18 Tantric prayoga, 20, 21 Tantric R¯adh¯a, 5, 9, 17, 30, 33 Tantric rites, 16 ´ aktism, 5, 17, 140 Tantric S¯ Tantric Sam . dhy¯a, 16 Tantric up¯ayas, 20 Tantricization, 33 Tripurasundar¯ı, 2, 5, 6, 17–19, 22–25, 27–33, 35, 155, 166

U Ujjvalanilaman.i, 16

V V.V. Dviveda, 22 ´ akta synthesis, 22, 33 Vais.n.va-S¯ Varn.am¯ala, 22 Va´sag¯a, 20, 23 Va´sikaran.a, 20, 21, 113 V¯asudeva M¯ah¯avis.n.u, 28 V¯asudeva Vis.n.u, 28 Veda b¯ahya, 7, 29 Ven.isam . h¯ara of Bhat.t.a N¯ar¯ayan.a, 14 Vidy¯apati, 14, 41, 55, 69, 148 Vraja, 15, 39, 43 Vr.nd¯avana, 13, 15, 19, 21, 24–27, 31, 38, 39, 77, 78 Vr.s.bh¯anu (R¯adh¯a’s Father), 16

W W. Norman Brown, 23

188 Y Y¯amala (text), 17, 18 Y¯amala r¯upa, 17

Index ´ ıcakra, 24 Yogin¯ıs of the Sr¯ Yonisiddhi, 30