Studies in East African Geography and Development [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520328211

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Studies in East A f r i c a n G e o g r a p h y and D e v e l o p m e n t

Edited by S. H. OM I N D E Professor of Geography University College Nairobi

Studies in East African Geography and Development

UNIVERSITY

OF C A L I F O R N I A

Berkeley and Los Angeles 1971

PRESS

DEDICATED

TO

SAMUEL JOHN KENNETH

BAKER

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California ISBN: 0 - 5 2 0 - 0 2 0 7 3 - 1 Library of Congress Catalog C a r d N u m b e r : 7 2 - 1 6 9 2 2 8

© S . H. Ominde 1971

Printed in Great

Britain

C O I M T E IM T S

VI

PREFACE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CONTRIBUTORS PHOTOGRAPHS LIST

OF

FIGURES

S. J. K. B A K E R / A

BIOGRAPHICAL

NOTE

10. The Population Mapping of Uganda

vi vii viii ix xi

b y B R Y A N W.

113

LANGLANDS

11. Agricultural Changes in Bunyoro 1 9 5 4 - 6 8 by

P. R A N D A L L

123

BAKER

12. Drainage Evolution in Kenya b y F R A N C I S F.

137

OJANY

13. The Semi-Arid and Arid Lands of Kenya CHAPTERS

by

1. Geography and African Development b y S I M E O N H.

C.

H.

b y R. S.

by F R E D E R I C K

b y J. B.

byJOAN

M.

6. East African Ports by BASHIR

A.

b y R. A.

41

b y S I M E O N H.

49

207

OMINDE

18. Location and Structure of Kenya's Industries b y R. B.

193

BULLOCK

17. Rural Economy in West Kenya

63

M.

230

OGENDO

19. Population in Tanzania

73

O'CONNOR

8. The Lakes of Uganda

by

86

9. Climate and Crop-Potential in Uganda

IAN

D.

the

Southern

by

99

ADOLFO

Highlands

of 239

THOMAS

20. Agricultural Vermin in Tanzania

b y P A U L H. T E M P L E

b y L E W I S W.

177

OWAKO

DATOO

7. Geography and Economic Integration ANTHONY

N.

16. Population and Food in West and Central Kenya

KENWORTHY

5. Land Use and Ecological Problems b y B R E N D A J. M C L E A N (née Turner)

by

29

OUMA

4. Climate and Development

162

ODINGO

15. Machakos Land and Population Problems

DOORNKAMP

3. Evolution of Meander Traits in the Basin of Lake Victoria

146

OMINDE

14. Settlement and Rural Development in Kenya

OMINDE

2. Geomorphological Mapping byJOHN

SIMEON

259

MASCARENHAS

HANNA INDEX

v

269

PREFACE

This book was conceived at a critical stage in the development of university education in East Africa. Major discussions on the future of the Federal University of East Africa had begun to take place, and the indications were that out of a single Federal University with its constituent Colleges three independent university institutions would emerge. These essays have been brought together in honour of Professor S. J. K. Baker, who made a major contribution to the development of the University of East Africa, and in particular, of Makerere University. Professor Baker pioneered an important stage in the development of the geographical discipline within the framework of the University and contributed materially to the international status of the institution. The development of the university institutions in East Africa, and the academic disciplines through which they contribute to the manpower needs of the East African

countries, are part of the change in the manner of use of the region's resources. These essays reflect the concern of the discipline with development needs. The more specialist aspects have a distinctive humanist flavour, reflecting the specialist concern of Professor Baker within the general spectrum of the geographical discipline. In the applied fields there is concern in the essays with the geographical bases of development issues that continue to engage the attention of policy-makers throughout East Africa. A total of eighteen authors from the three countries of the East African Community and from overseas institutions include a number of Professor Baker's former undergraduates, graduate students, and colleagues in the University of East Africa.

SIMEON

H.

OMINDE

University College, Nairobi.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is th outcome of a co-operative effort of Professor Baker's tormer colleagues now widely scattered in different parts of the world. My special thanks are due to them for making available their material for collection. I am particularly indebted to them for encouragement to go ahead with the production of the volume. A great deal of effort has been spent by other members of the Department of Geography in bringing the manuscript to completion. We are specially indebted to Messrs Gabriel D'Souza and Ladislau Ratios for cartographic work and to Miss Vinod Jerath and Miss Nancy Muiruri for their contribution in the preparation of the essays for publication. Finally, we wish to acknowledge permission to use various materials from publishers, government departments, institutions, and individuals. We should like to

thank the Ministry of Lands and Settlement, Kenya, for materials used in Figures 13.2, 13.4, 13.5, 14.5, 15.4, and 15.5, Mines and Geological Survey, Uganda, for Figures 2.2 and 2.3, the Kenya Meat Commission for Figure 13.6, Department of Lands and Surveys, Uganda, for Figures 3.1, 8.1-8.7, and Dr T. Woodhead for Figure 13.1. Our thanks are also due to the Admiralty Office, Great Britain, for Figures 6.3-6.5, the Meteorological Office, Great Britain, for Figure 6.2, Actes du 11 Symposium Internationale photo-Interpretation, Paris, for Figure 2.1, the Journal of Experimental Ecology for Figure 13.3, and the University of London for material in Chapters 15 and 16, the Ministry of Information, Kenya, for Plates 13.1-13.5, 17.1-17.5, 18.1, 18.2, 18.4 and East African Railways Corporation, for Plates 18.3 and 18.5. S. H.

vi

OMINDE

PREFACE

This book was conceived at a critical stage in the development of university education in East Africa. Major discussions on the future of the Federal University of East Africa had begun to take place, and the indications were that out of a single Federal University with its constituent Colleges three independent university institutions would emerge. These essays have been brought together in honour of Professor S. J. K. Baker, who made a major contribution to the development of the University of East Africa, and in particular, of Makerere University. Professor Baker pioneered an important stage in the development of the geographical discipline within the framework of the University and contributed materially to the international status of the institution. The development of the university institutions in East Africa, and the academic disciplines through which they contribute to the manpower needs of the East African

countries, are part of the change in the manner of use of the region's resources. These essays reflect the concern of the discipline with development needs. The more specialist aspects have a distinctive humanist flavour, reflecting the specialist concern of Professor Baker within the general spectrum of the geographical discipline. In the applied fields there is concern in the essays with the geographical bases of development issues that continue to engage the attention of policy-makers throughout East Africa. A total of eighteen authors from the three countries of the East African Community and from overseas institutions include a number of Professor Baker's former undergraduates, graduate students, and colleagues in the University of East Africa.

SIMEON

H.

OMINDE

University College, Nairobi.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is th outcome of a co-operative effort of Professor Baker's tormer colleagues now widely scattered in different parts of the world. My special thanks are due to them for making available their material for collection. I am particularly indebted to them for encouragement to go ahead with the production of the volume. A great deal of effort has been spent by other members of the Department of Geography in bringing the manuscript to completion. We are specially indebted to Messrs Gabriel D'Souza and Ladislau Ratios for cartographic work and to Miss Vinod Jerath and Miss Nancy Muiruri for their contribution in the preparation of the essays for publication. Finally, we wish to acknowledge permission to use various materials from publishers, government departments, institutions, and individuals. We should like to

thank the Ministry of Lands and Settlement, Kenya, for materials used in Figures 13.2, 13.4, 13.5, 14.5, 15.4, and 15.5, Mines and Geological Survey, Uganda, for Figures 2.2 and 2.3, the Kenya Meat Commission for Figure 13.6, Department of Lands and Surveys, Uganda, for Figures 3.1, 8.1-8.7, and Dr T. Woodhead for Figure 13.1. Our thanks are also due to the Admiralty Office, Great Britain, for Figures 6.3-6.5, the Meteorological Office, Great Britain, for Figure 6.2, Actes du 11 Symposium Internationale photo-Interpretation, Paris, for Figure 2.1, the Journal of Experimental Ecology for Figure 13.3, and the University of London for material in Chapters 15 and 16, the Ministry of Information, Kenya, for Plates 13.1-13.5, 17.1-17.5, 18.1, 18.2, 18.4 and East African Railways Corporation, for Plates 18.3 and 18.5. S. H.

vi

OMINDE

CO N T R I B U T O R S

R A N D A L L B A K E R , Lecturer in Geography at University of East Anglia, Norwich was formerly Lecturer in Geography at Makerere University.

RICHARD s. O D I N G O is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Geography, University of Nairobi. His original research has been concentrated in the former 'White Highlands' of Kenya.

R O N A L D A. B U L L O C K , formerly Lecturer at the University of Nairobi, is Assistant Professor, University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada.

R. B. O G E N D O is Senior Lecturer in Geography, University of Nairobi. He has done original research in the Structure and Location of Agricultural Processing Industries in Kenya.

B A S H I R A. D A T O O is Lecturer at the University of Dares-Salaam. He has done original research in the early development of East African ports.

FRANCIS F. OJANY is Lecturer in Geography, University of Nairobi. He has carried out extensive field studies in geomorphology in various parts of Kenya.

c. D O O R N K A M P , formerly at Makerere University, is now Lecturer at Nottingham University. During his period at Makerere he carried out important pioneer geomorphological mapping.

JOHN

S I M E O N H. O M I N D E is Professor of Geography and Head of Department, University of Nairobi.

L. w. H A N N A , Lecturer in Geography at the University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was formerly Lecturer, Makerere University. J O A N M. K E N W O R T H Y

j. B. O u M A is Senior Lecturer in Geography at Makerere University. He has carried out concentrated fieldwork in the Lake Victoria Basin.

is Lecturer in Geography at the

N. O W A K O , formerly Senior Geography Master at Machakos High School, is at present an Assistant Registrar at the University of Nairobi. FREDERICK

University of Liverpool. w. L A N G L A N D S is Professor of Geography and Head of Department, Makerere University. BRYAN

P A U L T E M P L E , formerly Lecturer in Geography at Makerere University College and Visiting Research Fellow at Merton College, Oxford, is Reader and Head of the Geography Department at the University of Dar-esSalaam.

J. M C L E A N (née T U R N E R ) is Lecturer in Geography at the University of Liverpool. BRENDA

A D O L F O M A S C A R E N H A S is Lecturer in Geography at the University of Dar-es-Salaam.

is Lecturer in Geography at the University of Dar-es-Salaam. He played a leading role in Enumeration Area Base Mapping for the 1967 Tanzania Census. I A N D. T H O M A S

ANTHONY M. O'CONNOR, formerly Lecturer in Geography at Makerere University, is now at University College, London.

vii

PHOTOGRAPHS

PAGE

PLATE

5.1

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 13.1

13.2 13.3 13.4

13.5 14.1

14.2

14.3

Vegetation colonization of a cattle boma: (a) A cattle boma six weeks after abandonment in Bunyoro, Uganda, December 1960; (b) The same cattle boma colonized by Hyparrhenia grassland, September 1967 Lake George from the northern edge of the Katwe explosion crater zone, Toro Lake Albert from Butiaba, Bunyoro Lake Bisina from Kapiri, Teso Lake Nyungu near Rubirizi, Bunyaruguru, Ankole Lake Mutanda from near Mushungyeo, Kigezi Lower Kitandara Lake, Ruwenzori, Toro An isolated group of volcanic hills in the centre of Turkana, marking one of the few belts of true deserts in Kenya Lodwar boma on the banks at Turkwell River Kerio Valley Pilot Scheme (140 hectares) U.S. Consul Mr Macchia (1957) examining a sample of groundnuts grown on the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme Mwea Rice Scheme: the workers are picking rice seedlings for transplanting A new settler being registered in Nyahururu Settlement Scheme prior to being allocated a plot A healthy herd of Boran beef cattle on one of the co-operative settlement schemes in the Machakos area of Eastern Province Wheat-harvesting, using hired combineharvester, in the Endarasha Scheme in Mount Kenya area of Central Province

PLATE

56 88 88 89 90 95 96

147 154 154

155 157

173

174

175

viii

Central hill-mass showing Iveti (left), Kilima Kimwe and Momandu Hills, with Kalama Hills in the background 15.2 (a) A typical central hill-mass environment— a highly dissected part of the KilunguMukaa mass, with Mbitini Hills in the background 15.2 (b) A thinly settled hillside (Mukaa), with shallow stony soils 15.3 Acacia-tortilis in the Eastern Plains (Wamunyu), showing an overgrazed land in an area of medium-potential land 15.4 High-potential land—part of the northeastern slopes of Mua Hills at Ngelani 15.5 Acacia-Commiphora: in low-potential land 17.1 A flooded homestead, Kano Plains, 1961/62 floods 17.2 Healthy cotton plants at the Kibos Experimental Station 17.3 Sugar-cane cutting at Miwani 17.4 Rice (paddy) grown by peasants on the Kano Plains 17.5 Miwani Sugar Mills 18.1 Pork pie processing at the Uplands Bacon Factory, Kanga 18.2 A general view of the interior of the Mariakani milk processing factory, Coast province, Kenya 18.3 Kenya C offee Industry : the liquoring room in the Coffee Marketing Board's 'Plantation H o u s e ' a t Nairobi 18.4 Part of the leather factory at Limuru, showing the stitching conveyors 18.5 Blanket-making industry—Nakuru, Kenya

PAGE

15.1

177

178 178

180 182 184 210 224 224 224 225 234

234

235 235 235

LIST

OF

FIGURES

FIGURE

2.1

2.2 2.3 3.1 3.2

3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 4.1 5.1

5.2 6.1

6.2

6.3 6.4 6.5 7.1 8.1 8.2

To illustrate the differences between (1) A geomorphological map, (II) A morphological map, (III) A land-systems blockdiagram, each showing the nature of the Masaka Land System, Uganda An extract from the Mbarara geomorphology sheet (SA-36-1), Uganda The geomorphology of the area upstream of Kigezi, Uganda The setting of Lake Victoria catchment Longitudinal profiles of river channels over distance analysed for meander trails Correlation of meander wavelength with distance upstream of mouth Correlation of meander sinuosity with distance upstream of river mouth Correlation of meander amplitude with distance upstream of mouth Correlation of sinuosity with wavelength Correlation of meander amplitude with wavelength Correlation of meander sinuosity with amplitude Variations in the seasonal distribution of rainfall at selected stations in the Usambara Mountains, Tanzania Diagrammatic representation of soilvegetation relationships and the planting programme at Mukihani-Waisembe Forest Reserve, Bunyoro, Uganda Suggested relationships between land-use and grass composition, in Combretum savannah woodland, Bunyoro, Uganda Factors involved in the land situation of East African ports before the end of the nineteenth century Factors involved in the water situation of East African ports before the end of the nineteenth century The twin harbours of Mombasa Zanzibar Harbour Anchorages near Malindi (A and B) East Africa: Income Important localities mentioned in the text, and areas covered by more detailed figures The Koki lakes of southern Ankole and western Masaka

PAGE

FIGURE

8.3 8.4 8.5 11 8.6 21 8.7 22 29

9.1 9.2

30 34

9.3 9.4 9.5 9.6 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 11.1a 11.16

35 35 36 36 37

11.1c

43

11.Id 52 55

11.2 11.3a 11.36 11.4

64

12.1 12.2 12.3

66 69 70 71 75

12.4 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 14.1

87 90 IX

Lakes Kyoga, Bisina, Opeta, and Okolitorom Pre-lake drainage over Lake Victoria Contrasted types of crater lakes from Western Uganda Lakes and craters of the Kyatwe volcanic field, Toro The Kigezi lakes in their topographical and geological setting Soil moisture for a sugar-cane cycle at Kakira, Uganda Yields of made tea and soil moisture estimated from daily meteorological data, Kerita, Uganda Moisture balance of sugar-cane in Uganda Moisture balance of sugar-cane in Uganda Moisture balance of tea in Uganda Moisture balance of tea in Uganda Uganda: Population distribution 1959 Uganda: Population distribution 1948 Uganda: Population distribution 193 1 Uganda: Population distribution 1921 Uganda: Population distribution 1911 Bunyoro: agriculture 1968 Bunyoro: cotton acreage, production and price, 1950-67 Bunyoro: tobacco harvests and acreages 1954-67 Bunyoro: coffee acreage and coffee price 1951-66 Bunyoro: cattle and tsetse fly 1954 Bunyoro: cattle industry 1967 Bunyoro: cattle population 1954-67 Bunyoro: percentage change in taxpayers by sub-county, 1962 and 1968 Kenya: present drainage pattern Probable form of the early Tertiary topography in Kenya Possible early Tertiary drainage pattern in Kenya Suggested drainage pattern in early Tertiary period Annual potential evaporation Rangelands Ecology Irrigation areas Mwea-Tebere irrigation scheme Kenya stock movement Location of the Kenya Highlands

PAGE

91 91 92 93 94 106

109 109 109 110 110 118 119 119 120 120 125 125 127 127 130 132 133 135 139 140 141 143 147 148 149 156 157 159 163

L I S T OF

FIGURES

FIGURE

14.2 14.3 14.4

Kenya Land Divisions 1934 Kenya land-productivity potential Population densities on the peripheries of the Kenya Highlands 14.5 Kenya Highlands settlement schemes and boundary adjustment 14.6 Kenya Highlands settlement areas 1966 15.1 Position of Machakos District 15.2 Machakos District physiographic units 15.3 Mean annual rainfall and régime 15.4 Machakos District: tsetse distribution 15.5 Machakos District: agricultural-potential land categories 15.6 Machakos District: population distribution 1948 15.7 Machakos District: population distribution 1962 15.8 Machakos District: population density 1962 15.9 New and old settlement schemes 15.10 Machakos District: population movement 1948-65 16.1 Western and Central Kenya: agricultural administration 1961 16.2 Western and Central Kenya: population density per acre 1962 16.3 Western and Central Kenya: foodcrop cultivation 1961 16.4 Western and Central Kenya: per capita calorie production 1961 16.5 Western and Central Kenya: cropland by major use 1961 16.6 Western and Central Kenya: population density per foodcrop-acre 1961 16.7 Western and Central Kenya: calorieadequacy index by quartile deviation 1961 16.8 Relationship between population per cultivated foodcrop acre and calorieadequacy index 1961 16.9 Western and Central Kenya: calorie production by major source 1961 16.10 Relationship between population per cultivated foodcrop acre and per capita vegetable calorie production 1961

PAGE

FIGURE

16.11 Relationship between population density and per capita animal calorie production 1961 16.12 Western and Central Kenya: foodcrop land productivity 1961 17.1 West Kenya physiographic regions 17.2 West Kenya drainage pattern 17.3 Bungoma District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.4 Busia District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.5 Siaya District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.6 Kakamega District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.7 Kisumu District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.8 Homa Bay District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 17.9 Kisii District: density of population and sex ratios 1962 18.1 Areal density of factory sites 18.2 Location pattern of the industrial towns and centres 18.3 Patterns of the agricultural manufacturing industries 18.4 Distribution of Nairobi Area, 43,795 manufacturing operatives in 1964 18.5 International and administrative boundaries, 1968 18.6 The natural regions of Kenya 18.7 Suggested industrial development zones 19.1 Southern Highlands: territorial census areas 1957 19.2 Southern Highlands: settled areas 19.3 Southern Highlands: population distribu tion 1957 19.4 Southern Highlands: population density 1957 19.5 Southern Highlands: population regions and settlement zones 19.6 Southern Highlands: population density 1930 20.1 Tanzania: status of information 1968 20.2 Tanzania: quelea-infested areas 20.3 Tanzania: game-protected areas

164 167 171 171 174 178 179 180 181 181 183 183 183 188 189 194 195 195 196 197 198

200

200 201

202

X

PAGE

202 204 208 209 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 230 231 231 232 232 237 237 241 243 244 244 245 254 260 261 265

S. J. K.

BAKER

A biographical note by S. H. Ominde

In October 1924 Samuel John Kenneth Baker went up to the University of Liverpool with the purpose of studying geography, attracted to that university by the reputation of Professor P. M. Roxby. It was under the inspiration of this distinguished leader of geographical thought that, first as a student and then as a member of staff, Baker's own development as a geographer took place. Roxby claimed that, rightly studied, geography comprised a valuable element in training for national and international citizenship, in that it could enable us 'accurately to imagine the conditions of the great world stage' and the place of the different regions within it. The subject was a valuable mental discipline, calling for an exact sense of proportion in the appraisal of many facts and developing the quality of sympathetic understanding. 1 In the work of Roxby there was recurrent concern with the cultural value of geography. From Roxby, Baker derived an interest in the evolution of geographical thought, and when in 1927 he entered the postgraduate course for the diploma in education he chose for his dissertation to make a study of Paul Vidal de la Blache, the doyen of the French school of regional geography: whence came an abiding insistence upon the active role of man in the relationship between human societies and their environments. Professor H. J. Fleure, who was at the neighbouring University of Manchester from 1930 to 1944, is another geographer to whom Baker has acknowledged a debt of ideas, especially in respect of the connections between geography and the scientific renaissance of the nineteenth century. The Liverpool department of geography under Roxby was a place of many contacts. There were, for example, close links with the movement for regional planning, visualized as a conscious effort in constructive social geography. In a related field of endeavour it was a source of gratification to Baker that he was invited, in collaboration with his senior colleague Wilfred Smith, to provide the first chapter of The social survey of Mersey side, as a geographical and historical background to this sociological report. 2 There were contacts, too, with the University Department of Education, and for two sessions during the war of 1939-45 Baker mounted lectures and discussions on the methods of teaching geography. The emphasis of the department of geography was on the Far Eastern region, but scope and encouragement were forthcoming for teaching and research upon African geography. For his undergraduate thesis Baker elected to make a library study of Tanganyika Territory, a choice which stemmed partly from an interest in the mandatory system of the League of Nations and partly from the desire to

bring a knowledge of the German language into the service of geographical inquiry. In 1926 a committee on 'The human geography of inter-tropical Africa' had been set up under the chairmanship of Roxby by the British Association for the Advancement of Science. For this committee, of which he became a member, Baker compiled a population map of Uganda, which was presented to Section E of the Association at its Bristol meeting in 1930 and later published in revised form in the Uganda Journal? In 1933 a period of study leave, from March to September, enabled Baker to pay his first visit to East Africa. The fruits of this visit included a paper on 'The social geography of western Uganda', read before Section E of the British Association at Aberdeen, 1934; and in the same year 'A study of the distribution of native population over East Africa', presented to Section C (Demography and Population Problems) of the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, London. Contacts with the social anthropologists continued, and a paper on 'Pastoralist and cultivator in the highlands of East Africa: a study in contrasting social relationships' was delivered to Section E (Ethnography) at the Copenhagen, 1938, meeting of the International Congress. During the 1930s there were active relationships with the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures, which published Baker's own paper on the population geography of East Africa 4 and that of research student L. James on the Kenya Masai. 5 Work with another thesis student, R. T. White, resulted in a joint paper for the Institute of British Geographers, which was published in the Geographical Journal.6 Assistance given to the African Research Survey included memoranda used in the drafting and revision of certain chapters in Lord Hailey's An African Survey, 1938. Inquiries concerning draft material on the human geography of the Kikuyu country were naturally directed to Mr Jomo Kenyatta and elicited an appreciative and helpful response in a letter dated 14 January 1939, which is now in the library of Makerere University. In 1946, immediately before taking up his appointment at Makerere, Baker wrote articles on Eastern and Central Africa (the latter with R. T. White) for Chambers's Encyclopaedia. In 1945 Baker read the report of the Commission on Higher Education in the Colonies, and attracted by the prospect of taking part in what he considered to be a veritable historical movement, he decided to seek an appointment in one of the developing colleges of what were then the colonial dependencies of Britain. It

BIOGRAPHICAL

NOTE

happened that the first advertised vacancy, in 1946, was at Makerere College, which served the area wherein his research interests lay. At the age of 3 9 Baker came to his post with a long-standing interest in inter-tropical Africa and an active desire to contribute through the medium of higher education to the advancement of colonial peoples. He stated at the time that it would be his endeavour to create a school of geography which would be a vital centre of teaching and research for the whole of the region served by the college. In January 1947 he arrived at Kampala, having travelled up the Nile valley, to take up the challenge of his new appointment. The arrival of Baker at the dawn of university education in East Africa coincided with some very crucial changes in the structure of higher education. The year of his arrival marked an important stage in plans for higher commercial and technical education in Kenya. In 1949 Makerere College entered into a special relationship with the University of London and began courses leading to the award of the External Degrees of the University of London. He became deeply involved in the vital changes that began with Makerere University College and culminated in the establishment of the Federal University of East Africa. Baker saw and approached the challenge of his new appointment in three vital areas. In the first place, he had found an opportunity to establish a genuine university department of geography, fortified by the experience and inspiration gained at Liverpool. He combined the zeal of his predecessors and the founders of modern geography with the practical approach demanded of the discipline in a developing country. In the second place, it is characteristic of his foresight that he unobtrusively demonstrated that a firm foundation for a university department of geography depended on a consistent policy of attracting and recruiting local East African staff. To this end, modifications of the London degree structure in geography had the double aim of safeguarding standards and providing East Africa with university manpower grounded in the discipline. He was among the pioneers in instituting a systematic programme of selecting and training of East African staff. By a regular and sometimes lengthy correspondence he maintained close touch with them at a time when rapid changes were affecting university education in East Africa. Thirdly, Baker was undoubtedly one of the architects of the Federal University of East Africa. With Makerere firmly established he extended university influence through close contacts with the secondary educational institutions. The Department of Geography at Makerere

built up a consultative system with the schools that greatly enhanced the teaching and interest in the subject. With the emergence of the newer university institutions in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam he took an early opportunity to ensure an orderly transfer of this consultative role. In the midst of heavy administrative and academic involvement at Makerere University College and within the University of East Africa, Baker maintained a close watch over the research interests of the members of staff and postgraduate students. He initiated the bibliographical contribution on East Africa which the department has continued to compile for the 'Association de Géographes Français' and served for a period as President of the Uganda Society. However, it is a mark of his dedication to research that despite heavy demands on his time he maintained a steady dialogue with fellow geographers in a series of publications from the Department. 7, 9- i a 11 For a more detailed study of the programme of the Department, readers are referred to Research

in Geography

at Makerere

1947—1967.12

REFERENCES 1 ROXBY, p. M. 'The scope and aims of human geography' Scottish Geographical Magazine vol. 46 pp. 2 7 6 - 9 0 ( 1 9 3 0 ) . 2 J o N E s, D. c. The social survey of Merseyside vol. 1 pp. 1 - 4 1 (1934). 3 BAKER, s. J. K. 'The population map of Uganda: a geographical interpretation' Uganda Journal vol. 1 pp. 1 3 4 - 4 4 . 4 BAKER, s. J. K. 'A study of the distribution of native population over East Africa' Africa vol. 10 pp. 3 7 - 5 4 (1937). 5 J A M E S , L. 'The Kenya Masai: a nomadic people under modern administration' Africa vol. 12 pp. 4 9 - 7 3 (1939). 6 B A K E R , s. J. K. and R. T. W H I T E 'The distribution of native population over south-east central Africa' Geographical Journal vol. 108 pp. 1 9 8 - 2 1 0 ( 1 9 4 6 ) . 7 BAKER, S. J. K. 'Buganda: a geographical appraisal' Transactions and Papers 1956 (Institute of British Geographers) No. 22 pp. 1 7 1 - 9 (1957). 8 B A K E R , s. J. K. and A. S H E P H E R D 'A bibliographical postscript to the Makerere Symposium' IGU Newsletter vol. 8 No. 2 pp. 3 2 - 6 . 9 BAKER, s. j. K. 'The Geographical Background of Western Uganda' Uganda Journal \ol. 22 No. 1 pp. 1 - 1 0 ( 1 9 5 8 ) . 10 BAKER, s. J. K. 'The population geography of East Africa' The East African Geographical Review No. 1 pp. 1 - 6 (1963). " B A K E R , S. J. K. 'The East African Environment' Chapter (pp. 1 - 2 2 ) in O H V E R , R. and G. M A T H E W (eds.) History of East Africa vol. 1 (Oxford University Press 1963). 1 2 L A N G L A N D S , B. W. Research in Geography at Makerere 1947-1967. Occasional Paper No. 2 (Department of Geography, Makerere University 1967). xii

1 Geography & African Development S I M E O N H. O M I N D E

1. T H E

DEVELOPMENT

OF

THE

GEOGRAPHICAL

DISCIPLINE

In the rapidly expanding institutions of higher learning in East Africa the development of the geographical discipline is but the culmination of a period of intense intellectual application to the challenges of Africa. Within the context of East Africa, it is proper that we should record our debt in particular to the vision of Professor S. J. K. Baker and his colleagues for their faith in the establishment of Makerere School of Geography, and to the part it has played in extending the horizon of geographical tradition in East Africa. I shall later comment on the specific research contribution of this school and that of the University College, Dares-Salaam. However, it is necessary to remind ourselves that as the University institutions in East Africa enter the next phase of their development, Makerere and its sister colleges have played a crucial role in meeting the highlevel manpower needs of East Africa. I have a special privilege in recording our debt to Professor W. T. W. Morgan and those of his colleagues who were available at a critical movement in the initial stages of the growth of the University College, Nairobi, who helped to ensure that the geographical discipline secured a respected place in the developing structure of the academic commitment to the Kenya nation, East Africa, and the wider international community of which we are a part. We need also to record the welcome development of the geographical tradition in its new base at Dar-es-Salaam under the resourceful leadership of Professor Berry and his colleagues. In choosing Geography and Development as the theme of this paper, I have done so to remind readers of the ultimate role of our intellectual activity in the challenges facing our continent. But there is a more positive reason underlying the choice of theme. In the context of United Nations Development Decade it is only proper that we should examine our role in the practical situation facing our countries and continent. The 'economic take-off by the continent of Africa in this second half of the twentieth century demands that the intellectual activities on which success or failure will depend should be constantly under review. In the narrower sense it is difficult to resist the temptation to use this opportunity to clear up some misunderstandings regarding our role or reason for existence within the general educational framework. In many areas of our educational experience we are paralysed by philo-

sophical disputes which are part of the colonial educational legacy. Lacking in originality, we tend to be lost in academic disputes which have no foundation in the realities of our development. The extent to which twentiethcentury African geography will free itself from the methodological uncertainties of its parentage will depend on the comprehension of a growing generation of geographers, with a vision of their discipline not as restricted within narrow national, faculty, or departmental confines, but as a dynamic intellectual activity of great practical importance to economic and social development in the modern world. It will also depend on the extent of their contribu tion to finding and adapting new methodological approaches, and in particular, the use of new techniques that are becoming rapidly available and are being put to good use by scholars in other disciplines and in more developed parts of the world. 2. T H E

GEOGRAPHICAL

N A T U R E OF M O D E R N

TRADITION

AND

THE

GEOGRAPHY

In a community of scholars in which we have made a distinctive contribution, I do not feel the need to offer an apologia for my subject. However, it is natural that I should make a few observations concerning the nature of our intellectual activity. In the first place the rapid pace of development of our institutions of higher learning in East Africa and new ideas to which we must constantly adapt ourselves from time to time raise the question as to what geographers are supposed to be doing. In the second place, our cultural relations with the rest of the world unfortunately put us in a situation in which we tend to be concerned with disputes in the educational sphere for several decades after they have had their impact in the European world and elsewhere. In Europe today, where the stress is on teaching and research, the administrative base is secure and the dispute about which fold geography belongs to is a matter of the past. But in some of our institutions the efforts of geographical scholars tend to be frustrated by the discipline mould which we have inherited, a situation that is contrary to the nature of geographical thought and to the development challenge that East African countries present to geographers. However, even if such problems continue to exist in the developed countries of the world, the facts of development in Africa require that the role of geography in the transformation of our natural resources and development of our human resources be correctly appreciated. Such an appreciation calls for insight into how geographers have

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shaped the discipline over the past hundred years. A. E. Perkins, surveying the American scene in the early twentieth century, recorded general agreement that geography was concerned about the earth and knowledge about life on it. 1 Others (to resolve the dispute) have taken the view that 'Geography is what Geographers do'. 2 Another distinguished American geographer once defined geography as 'The science of areal differentiation', and later added 'geography is concerned to provide accurate, orderly and rational description and interpretation of the variable character of the earth'. 3 These definitions are but a fragment of the wealth of literature that has accumulated as a result of over a century of intense intellectual discussion, in an attempt to clarify the scope and subject-matter of geography. We are aware that the dispute rages with no less fury in the Socialist countries, despite the tremendous contribution of the subject to development in these countries. In the Soviet Union Academician Gerasimov has drawn attention to the difficulties over the subject-matter and definition of approach to phenomena to be studied which have yet to be overcome by geographers. But geography as an intellectual activity in the Soviet Union aims at ascertaining and clarifying connections between natural phenomena in different parts of the earth's surface or between characteristics of the population and the economy in the national and world-wide context. The diversity of approach outlined here is a reflection of the varied strands which have come to make up the modern complex discipline of geography over the last century. It is natural that professional geographers in the universities and institutes should be at the centre of this controversy. But practising teachers and a large number of educationists have also contributed definitions which in the main reflect their area of special interest in geography. Modern geography had its beginnings in the great surge of intellectual and social activity of the nineteenth century. It was a time when the transport revolution had created a new awareness of place and the differences between places of which an increasing number of observers were beginning to have first-hand experience. With the triumph of the scientific method intellectual activity on an unparalleled scale was unleashed to systematize the vast accumulation of factual material. This new phase of scientific activity could be described in terms of 'Curiosity for its own sake, but also interest in industrial techniques, and practical control; freedom of inquiry; experimental verification in place of authority; full publication and abun-

dant discussions.' 4 Its wider impact on intellectual activity in general has been to categorize specialization of thought and the development of analytical techniques in associa tion with particular phenomena. 5 The nineteenth-century scholars who launched the discipline in its modern form were deeply dissatisfied with the current trend of ever narrower specialization which threatened the unity of intellectual life. This nineteenth-century intellectual framework in which modern geography was moulded also led to a tendency to explain social change in terms of features of the physical environment. It was responsible for the subsequent revolt of some geographers against the narrow approach of environmental determinism. This was an intellectual revolt which once more shifted the centre of gravity in geographical thought towards human activities. Perhaps the most significant and lasting aspect of this shift was the birth of the 'Regional' school of geographers, led by eminent names in French geography such as Vidal de la Blache, Reclus, St Martin, and Maunoir. The regional method in geography emerged at a time when the application of the methods of natural science to the social sciences was under attack. The foundation for systematic geography had been firmly laid and the genius of French scholars turned to interpretation and exposition. Together with other landmarks in the development of the geographical tradition, the emergence of the 'Regional' school illustrates the importance of the prevailing intellectual climate of the day on the work of geographers. I have outlined the changing ideas in the developing geographical tradition not to arrive at an agreed definition but to set the framework for the diverse views of geographers about the purpose of their intellectual inquiry. In this connection I need to mention another intellectual surge which has added yet another framework of reference to geography as an intellectual pursuit. This is the emergence of Marxist ideology. Modern Soviet geographers address themselves to their challenge within the framework of the principles of dialectical materialism. Thus our expectation of a single definition within the world's intellectual framework must recede even farther. But even in such a situation, the distinctive characteristic of geographical methodology is defined as generalization and synthesis—'which is just as essential to the progress of science as the analytical work done within the narrower framework of a more specialized scientific discipline'. 6 I shall have more to say about the contribution of geography to development in the socialist economies at a later stage.

GEOGRAPHY

3. W E S T E R N CONTEXT

OF

GEOGRAPHICAL AFRICAN

TRADITION

GEOGRAPHICAL

IN

THE

CHAL-

LENGE

In a sense to superficially attach the label 'African' to a scientific discipline might justify the charge not only of narrow nationalism but also of intellectual bankruptcy. The invitation here to examine the distinctive African character of our task as geographers in my opinion has two main justifications. In the first instance, as part of the modern intellectual re-awakening of our continent, we are challenged to reflect on geography as an intellectual activity within the context of the African development situation, and of Africa in its adjustment to the world setting. In this respect, we see this intellectual tradition adapting itself to the wider intellectual climate of a changing Africa. Here is an opportunity to place in perspective the contribution of the Western geographical tradition to the understanding of problems of African development and global relations. In the second place, if African development is not a blind imitation of the course of events in the countries which have so far nursed the geographical tradition, then there is need for a redefinition of the goals which would determine the evolving theoretical and practical role of the subject in the solution of our development problems. This is the question of the African philosophy of economic and social development. In this lies the distinctive contribution of African scholars to expanding the intellectual horizon through geographical research and teaching. Like most aspects of the modern intellectual traditions in Africa, geography as a discipline belongs to that phase which might be called a phase of cultural intrusion. It is owing to our manpower situation that the place and philosophy of geography in the face of our challenge must for some time depend on overseas support and inspiration. This in a large measure means exposure to and assimilation of those traditions of geography from its past sources which have become inextricably woven into the modern fabric of geography as a scientific discipline in Africa. In its critical formative period during the second half of the nineteenth century the growth of geography was essentially part of the upsurge of western intellectual activity. In Europe and America it developed in a closely knit international intellectual atmosphere, flourishing side by side with progress in the conquest of nature. Whether from Germany, whence it inherited its scientific gene, or from France and Britain, where the humanist strain made a distinctive contribution, the complex stream of modern

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geography as an intellectual activity very clearly became an essential instrument in African political, social, and economic development. In Europe and America it was a practical concern of statesmen, missionaries, merchants, commercial entrepreneurs, and even other adventurers with their interest in the expanding world-horizon. The encyclopedic geography of the exploration period was in the main part of a drive to meet the needs of a rapidly expanding European sphere of influence. But at the same time, in America, it was harnessed in the service of the expanding American frontier, particularly that of better knowledge and control of American resource bases. The discipline was forged by scholars, partly in institutions of higher learning, who were acutely conscious of the importance of the educational system in its establishment. Many of the pioneers of modern geography devoted their time to encouraging the growth of geography in schools. It emerged in the educational scene at a time of fierce competition for a place in the timetable, and the threat is not entirely over. The difficult circumstances of the birth of the discipline has had the effect of putting professional geographers on the defensive and of giving emphasis to the definition of the role of geography and the place of its changing methodology. For many years the Western geographical tradition in Africa continued as a ray illuminating African enterprise from its home base, selecting for study those aspects which fitted into the intellectual framework of the time. The founding of educational institutions in Africa, especially in the mid-twentieth century, therefore constitutes an important milestone in the establishment of African geography as an intellectual and practical activity. With the foundations of institutions of higher learning, the Western geographical endeavour in Africa found a base and new media, in which the discipline could begin a fresh period of growth in the service of new nations and a continent faced by new challenges. It is this phase that bears the indelible mark of Professor S. J. K. Baker and colleagues who worked with him in East Africa. We must pass on to an important field in which the geographical tradition outlined has made a permanent contribution to African geography. This is the vital field of cartography. The great achievements of European and American geography in African development form a lasting chapter in the cartographic revolution. The advances in cartography were stimulated by the need to codify information gathered from both known and newly explored parts of the world. Through official surveys and private atlases, valuable

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geographical information on our continent has been recorded for posterity. Cartography is now a highly specialized science in which geographers continue to play an important role. Great names in this cartographic revolution have an honoured place in the development of geographical science just as much as the distinguished scholars and societies that were responsible for the development of the discipline we have now inherited. However, despite the basic importance of cartographic advances to modern geography in Africa, inadequate cartographical resources continue to be one of the most critical limitations in our task. The cartographic science is part of the essential technological equipment of the more developed parts of the world. Its successful establishment in the service of African advance is a major development challenge. Large areas of the continent are inadequately mapped or still depend on former metropolitan countries for their cartographic needs despite increased local activity. In English-speaking Africa an increasing share of the basic topographic mapping is done locally. But in former French colonies the basic topographic mapping is done almost wholly in France. Local activity is confined largely to cadastral surveys and revision of topographical sheets. In Britain the Directorate of Overseas Surveys was established after the Second World War to meet the expanding needs of the Commonwealth countries. But with the rapid increase in the number of independent countries, new difficulties began to arise. Delay in execution of the assignments is one of the major problems. Further, there is the cost of new production techniques, which have already been employed for other countries. These difficulties point to the urgency of pooling African resources to expand the cartographic service in support of development programmes. I have referred to the role of cartography in advancing geographical knowledge about Africa not simply as a distinctive contribution of the Western geographical tradition, but to stress the making of maps as a basic geographical technique which must receive the increasing attention of geographers in developing Africa. I must in concluding this section pass on to review geographical specialization and new changes in methodology, which are equally important in extending the frontiers of our discipline in the face of development problems of the continent. Specialization is as old as the formal study of geography. However, the present trend towards specialization is in essence a legacy of the nineteenth-century traditions of the subject. We have already noted that the scholars

who fashioned the geographical discipline in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were trained in other disciplines. They established the discipline by asking themselves geographical questions, or by seeking geographical solutions to problems of the organization of knowledge. 7 In the face of deepening specialization modern geographers find themselves more and more called upon to master at least sections of the natural science within which their material lies. This is the problem of subject-matter orientation or specialization in geography, which has given rise to academic uncertainties about the activities of geographers and continues to hamper the understanding of some scholars not trained in the discipline. Physical geographers find themselves drawn into the sphere of the natural sciences concerned with the physical, chemical, and biological aspects of the earth. In the field of human geography research workers have now found themselves side by side with other social scientists concerned with such problems as population structures and trends, factors underlying migration, qualitative differences in population, and a wide range of problems of economic development or under development. The degree of specialization associated with the growth in geographical knowledge, and which is reflected in Western geographical traditions, must be regarded as a development in response to national and world-wide problems as seen through the eyes of geographers. These specialisms have become part of the widening horizon of African geography and form the foundation on which geographical tradition in East Africa must rest in serving development needs. However, it is necessary to draw attention to the fact that deepening specialization rests on the foundation of an important change in the techniques used. Western geography continues to be empirical in outlook, with increasing reliance on quantitative methods of analysis. Modern geographers in expanding their intellectual horizon have come to rely more and more on sophisticated statistical techniques throughout the whole spectrum of geographical specialization. Statistical procedures do not comprise the entire activity of geographers. But since geographers are concerned with the integration of a large number of variables, advances in statistical techniques provide an undoubted and firm basis for geographic generalizations. Statistics also provide a meeting-ground on which the methodology of the physical and the social sciences can be accommodated. Among the current trends in research and teaching is the vital contribution of cross-fertilization by external concepts from the field of mathematical statistics and

GEOGRAPHY

systems analysis.8 The quantitative and systems-analysis revolution in geography is one of the most important developments in contemporary geographical thinking and teaching. In the specialist field of economic geography a healthy intellectual exchange has emerged in connection with the role of economics in determining the form of geographical patterns, including urbanization. A renewed interest has developed in regional research and methods of regional analysis. Regional studies have received a powerful impact from the contribution of econometrics. Investigations have been directed to such practical issues as the economic performance of regions, industries needed to smooth out employment irregularities, and how to maximize the use of limited resource endowment. Geographers have followed with interest the strongly mathematical approach of economists to definition of regions through the techniques of input-output analysis and linear programming. Through inter-disciplinary research projects, geographers and economists are today participating in research activities of a very high standard. So far geographical teaching and research has relied mainly on static models or abstractions. New developments in the use of models in economic geography include attempts at a dynamic infusion through the idea of chance process. The uncertainty principle which is now a common language in the mathematical world has been a scientific achievement of immense importance to the present and future contribution of geographical methodology and research. It is also a pointer to the danger of neglecting the mathematical basis in the development of geographical education and research, and of thinking of geography as soft option. In this field geography is on the threshold of developments which require increasing attention to the teaching of elementary statistics. The spread of geographical activity in Africa from the West by direct research, teaching, and inspiration has left a rich and varied record. The records may be scattered in the annals of exploration, colonizing activities and settlement, and public service. It has left a permanent record in the role of geography as a recognized subject in the modern education of Africa's youth. But a mere extension of intellectual activity from outside would have meant little if geographers had not risen to the challenge of addressing themselves to the practical and theoretical problems of the African scene. This brief but varied history is best reflected in the records of research in the schools of geography that now form a well-established feature of our higher education system. It is on the univer-

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sities to which Professor Baker contributed so much, and on other institutions of higher learning, that a full realization of geographical challenge must depend. Within East Africa the contribution of geography to manpower needs and to research now forms a large part of the work of the new universities of Makerere, Nairobi, and Dar-es-Salaam. A summary of Makerere's contribution in its two decades of existence under the inspiring leadership of Professor S. J. K. Baker has been ably presented by B. W. Langlands. 9 In the two decades of the development of the School our horizons in the specialist fields of the physical and human geography of East Africa have been extended by inspired individual research, and at times as part of much wider international programmes such as the International Geophysical Year or the International Hydrological Decade. Through these researches almost all the main branches of geography have received attention within the context of East Africa. The effect of this has begun to be felt in the insatiable geographical market for East African material. At the University of Dar-es-Salaam, a geographical team is addressing itself to the development needs of the Tanzanian Government and to the undisputed gap in research and teaching material. A late-comer to the research field, the Department of Geography at Dar-es-Salaam already has an outline of research topics in both physical and human fields that underline a clear awareness of the development role of the discipline. In the expanding programme of research covering land use, land classification and regional planning, population problems, problems of water resources, political geography, biogeography, and geomorphology, the department is stretching its resources to realize its role as regards the urgent practical needs of the nation as well as the wider intellectual horizon. 10 At the University of Nairobi, the need for geographers to address themselves to urgent problems of development is reflected in the growing output of research papers and books covering such fields as population problems in relation to planning, industrial and agricultural geography, land utilization, geomorphology, problems of large-scale irrigation, and in the compilation of the National Atlas. Educational institutions now have at their disposal school atlases reflecting a new concept of what school geography should be. This research is, as in the other institutions, directed to fulfilling the needs for data on which informed policy decisions could be based as well as to meeting the expanding needs indicated by the undergraduate and graduate programmes. This is but a beginning on the

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foundation which must be further strengthened and must carry the future of the discipline in the service of African development in Kenya and Eastern Africa. The advancement of geography in Africa continues to be nourished by the interest of international scholars throughout the world. In America the African Studies Association maintains the keen attention of some of the distinguished names in the development of twentiethcentury geography. Regular visits are paid to the continent by scholars and students from Europe, North America, and other parts of the world. In Britain interest in African geography is maintained by scholars who have taught or been engaged in research in various African countries. Geographical research and contributions in this field draw on the concern in developed parts of the world with the need to ensure a rational and rapid development of African resources to meet the expanding needs of her growing population. At a recent meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science Professor R. W. Steel took up the theme 'Geography and the developing world' for a Presidential Address to Section E of the Association. In this address the contribution of British and other scholars in the field of African geography is ably summarized. Professor Steel concluded his observations on the challenge facing the increasing number of trained geographers in Britain as follows: If some of them practise the high calling of the geographer in the service of mankind, particularly for the benefit of the millions who live in the developing countries of the Third World, then they should share with us a real sense of satisfaction and of pride, of effort and of attainment. Here it seems to me is one of the great challenges in applied geography today and here in the developing countries surely lie some of our greatest opportunities.11 Before I turn finally to consider the geographical tasks and needs of African development, I want to make brief references to contributions of the geographical discipline to development in the Marxist or centrally planned economies of the U.S.S.R. and China. The aim here is to form some impression of the activities and worldwide significance of the work of geographers within a different ideological and hence theoretical framework. 4. G E O G R A P H Y T H E U.S.S.R., A N D

AND

DEVELOPMENT

IN

POLAND,

CHINA

The emergence of Marxist ideology and theory of development has made a deep impression on the work of

geographers in such countries as Poland, Rumania, the U.S.S.R., and China. In Poland under the aegis of the Polish Academy of Sciences, following the end of the Second World War, the depleted ranks of Polish scholars played a crucial role in the planned recovery of the wardevastated economy. The Proceedings of the Anglo-Polish Seminar published by the Institute of Geography under the auspices of the Polish Academy of Sciences in 1959 on 'Problems of applied geography' is a testimony to the importance of trained geographers for teaching, research, and the solution of the practical problems of development facing many nations. 12 In the Soviet Union geographers have made, and continue to make, vital contributions to modern scientific knowledge of the physical environment and planned utilization of the resources, as well as to an understanding of the pattern of world economies. Soviet geographers count among their contributions a better knowledge of the nature of Soviet northlands, Central Asia, Siberia, and the Far East. Geographical investigations in remote Central Asia have promoted the economic development of water, land, and vegetation resources of these regions, as well as the utilization of the lifeless desert areas. Geography has played a key role in the ambitious programme for the transformation of nature and the integrated utilization of the natural resources of the state within the framework of Marxist social and scientific theory of development. Accumulation of data has proceeded hand in hand with the development of the Soviet theory of geography. Among the distinctive contributions, we need to mention Dokuchayev's theory of horizontal and vertical natural-vegetation zones, based on studies in European Russia and the Caucasus, Pavlov and the theory of glacial period, Voyeykov and the climatic characteristics of Russia and the world, Dokuchayev and Glinka and their contribution to the development of the modern principles of genetic soils science, as well as those of Morosov and others on the principles of geo botany and zoo-geography. The theoretical framework of Soviet geographers recognizes two broad fields of geographic generalizations. The field of physical geography is designated the 'Geographic Environment', and the theoretical aim of the field is defined as the 'formulation of laws governing the formation of the natural geographic environment as a single whole and the earth's surface in its parts'. 13 Further, Soviet geographers recognize the field of economic geography as a second main area of generalization. Economic geography, which includes the study of population, is

GEOGRAPHY

concerned with social phenomena (distribution of production) and laws peculiar to the development of society. The general scientific objective of the entire field of geography is defined as 'the study of the natural geographic environment and of the geography of the economy and population of the whole world or its parts'. 14 New developments visualized for Soviet geography include promotion of geographical fieldwork in all regions of the country, with special reference to their further economic development, the transformation of nature, and new large-scale construction projects. The aim of the field surveys is to contribute to the solving of practical problems and to assemble new data relevant to the development of Soviet science. In this respect emphasis is placed on regions of new agricultural development as well as the better knowledge of developed areas. The geographic environment is studied in a dynamic setting with the object of 'full utilization of natural resources and elemental forces of nature on the basis of man's vigorous and purposeful action upon these natural forces and phenomena'. 15 Economic geography must continue to be concerned 'both with further growth of productive forces in a socialist society and with their proper areal distribution'. 16 In support of this ambitious programme for geography, great emphasis is placed on training young geographers. The need for specialization is accepted, but it is felt that it must be broadly based. Specialists in the field of physical geography are prepared to conduct integrated studies of the natural environment and natural resources of the various regions in the U.S.S.R. and to promote work in regional geography and cartography. In the field of economic geography specialists must be trained to work out problems involving integrated development of the economy of the regions, delimitations of economic regions, regional economic geography, and economic mapping. Considerable importance is attached to the need for an integrated programme of education for the universities, schools, and colleges. In China theoretical and special geographical investigation and education is aimed at meeting the needs of life. Geographical research oriented by demands, and tasks continually set by life itself, are considered socially useful. Chinese geography has taken as its primary task researches connected with the most rational exploitation of the environment or its eventual transformation in order to meet the needs of rapidly growing society. Practical application of the geographical sciences is being made in research on the economic use of such assets

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as the Hwang Ho River, the Yangtze Kiang, the development of the arid and semi-arid lands of north-east China, as well as in the investigation of glaciers in the northwestern mountain regions. Such studies are frequently accompanied by large-scale field surveys, sometimes involving well over 1,000 personnel. Thus today research in geography is characterized by very large teams of field and laboratory personnel collaborating in complex investigations. In the education of young geographers training in applied aspects must begin during undergraduate days. Students have to learn to carry out by themselves projects developed in the course of their studies. Students of Peking University studying problems of erosion in the mountainous north-west prepared a plan to control erosion, constructed the necessary works, and over a period of time had to check the accuracy of their theoretical solution as applied in practice. As in the Soviet Union, there has been an increasing interest in the specialist area of economic geography. 5. G E O G R A P H Y

AND AFRICAN

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The image of geography I have presented is the image of a discipline in the service of development in a world setting. Throughout its century of growth as an academic discipline geography has continued to serve a variety of purposes. These have ranged from general information about the world, a clearer understanding of the changing relationship between man and environment, and data or information necessary for planned development. Geography within the context of African development must contribute to the solution of the basic problem of poverty arising from under-development of resources in relation to population needs and from continuing imbalance between the high rate of population growth and the much slower rate of economic growth. It is generally agreed that in the initial stages of economic 'take-off in Africa top priority must be given to development of the agricultural base, which in turn would stimulate demand for manufactured goods. The activities of geographers have provided only a bare skeleton of manpower and technical knowledge. Development programmes are being conceived for a region in which the facts of geography are even more decisive than in the more developed parts of the world. Agricultural transformation calls for urgent mobilization of latent production forces, in the first place by making optimum use of the land, water, and cattle, and secondly, by mobilizing the labour force. But such mobiliza-

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tion is possible only if the obstacles arising from the natural, economic, and human environment are overcome. In more developed parts of the world the professional contribution of geography finds expression in the institution of regional and urban planning. Planning at this level is the culmination of varied contributions for which geography is an essential educational preparation. In many developing countries of Africa, and in particular in East Africa, participation of professional geographers in the solution of problems of development is not restricted merely by manpower limitation but also by the general unawareness of the practical or applied aspects of the discipline. The image in underdeveloped parts of Africa of geography as a discipline contributing only to our knowledge of the environment and man in it does not allow for the vast contribution that professional geographers are now making in the transformation of the developed parts of the world. Geography occupies a strategic position in a drive that must be made towards a more rational and fuller use of the resources of the land and manpower to achieve higher standards of living in Africa. It is the meeting-ground of all the major problems that face Africa today, both within the continent itself and against the world setting. But the contribution of university geography, like that of many other disciplines, must rest on a secure foundation laid in the school system of the nation and guided by a dynamic philosophy of development. The geographers and the teachers of geography must consider the ultimate social purpose of their work. This is increasingly being underlined by the growing emphasis on the development of the rural areas of our East African world. The wider aim of geographical education is to form part of a planned effort to develop an understanding of other people the world over. In schools the common aim of the teacher of geography, with other subjects, is to train future citizens to think wisely about political and social conditions in a world which must accommodate many differences. This is the aim of a broadly based geographical training. However, such a purpose is far from constituting the total challenge of professional geographer in developing countries. On the basis of general geography must be built a degree of specialization without which the practical application of the discipline to problems of development would not be realized. Specialization is vital if geography is to play an effective role in extending our intellectual horizon and in contributing to the practical

problems facing the developing continent of Africa in her revolutionary setting. With their task properly conceived and with suitably trained manpower, geographers in East Africa and other parts of Africa are on the threshold of developments that will once more prove the importance, or the critical role, of the discipline in the wider intellectual framework of the development of mankind. In these selected essays dedicated to Professor S. J. K. Baker, the holder of the first Chair of Geography in the University of East Africa, it is hoped that readers will find evidence for the practical relevance of the activities of geographers. It is also hoped that a clear picture will emerge of the theoretical framework of their task, within the general intellectual framework of university education in this part of Africa.

REFERENCES 1 PERKINS, A. E. 'The geography of American geographers' Journal of Geography vol. 33 pp. 2 2 1 - 3 0 (1934). 2 CRONE, G. R. 'British geography in the twentieth century' Geographical Journal Vol. 130 Pt. 2 pp. 1 9 7 - 2 2 0 ( 1 9 6 4 ) . 3 HARTSHORNE, R. Perspective on the nature of geography p. 21 (Chicago, 1959). 4 HUXLEY, J. The uniqueness of Man p. 224 (The Scientific Book Club London 1942). 5 KIRK, W. Problems of geography Geography Vol. 48 pp. 357fT. (November 1963). 6 GERASIMOV, J. 'The present status and aims of Soviet geography' Soviet Geography Review and Translation p. 3 (January-February 1960). 7

K I R K , W. op. cit. (note 5).

"HAGGET, P. 'Changing concepts in economic geography' Frontiers in Geographical Teaching pp. 1 0 1 - 1 7 (Methuen 1965). 9 LANGLANDS, B. w. Research in geography at Makerere Occasional Paper No. 2 (Department of Geography, Makerere University College 1967). 10

U N I V E R S I T Y OF D A R - E S - S A L A A M Report

on

research

(1967). 11 STEEL, R. W. 'Geography and the developing world' Transactions of the British Association for the Advancement of Science pp. 5 6 6 - 8 1 (1966). 12

POLISH

ACADEMY

O F S C I E N C E S Problems

geography {Warsaw 1959). 13

G E R A S I M O V , I. p. op. cit. (note 6 ) p. 5.

14

G E R A S I M O V , i. p. o p . c i t . p . 6 .

15

G E R A S I M O V , I. P. o p . c i t . p . 1 2 .

16

G E R A S I M O V , I. P. o p . c i t . p . 1 3 .

of

applied

2 Geomorphological Mapping J O H N C. D O O R N K A M P

1.

INTRODUCTION

The development of the countries of East Africa is dependent, in large measure, on the sensible use of their natural resources. Perhaps the greatest, and certainly the most extensive, natural resource in East Africa is its land. The optimum development of this land for agricultural purposes is of prime importance. This cannot be achieved, however, without adequate knowledge about its soils, climate, and hydrological characteristics. Both soils and hydrology are closely related to the nature of the form of the land. The exploitation of minerals provides a significant contribution to the economy of East Africa. Where these minerals are to be found in alluvial deposits, or where the extraction of the alluvial deposits themselves is required (such as sand and gravel for construction purposes), then a knowledge of the location of these deposits is important. The conservation of natural resources is of great importance, and in many tropical areas bad management and planning in the past has led to a rapid deterioration, and sometimes a complete loss, of soils and soil fertility; it could lead to similar problems in terms of water-supply or the over-working of sedimentary deposits. Practical conservation measures require an accurate knowledge of both the location and the nature of, for example, specific soils or sedimentary deposits. Such a knowledge is usually dependent on an understanding of the development, age, and processes at work on the landforms with which those soils, or deposits, are associated. As economic development proceeds in East Africa major engineering projects will be required. More electric-power generation means more power-stations. For these dams may have to be constructed, or existing waterfalls utilized. Such undertakings require an appreciation of both terrain and drainage characteristics. New powerstations mean new electricity grids, and these need to be located with an eye on the physical obstacles that hill and valley forms may provide. The economic development of East Africa will lead to an increased need for the extension of road and railway networks. A precise knowledge of the landforms along the proposed routes would, at the planning stage, greatly facilitate the decision-making process. Additional information about the location of surface or depositional materials suitable for use in the construction of, for example, a road network would also be important. These practical problems are either having to be faced now or will have to be faced in the future by the countries of East Africa. They are the concern of various private agencies and government departments. They also have

varying degrees of relevance from one part of East Africa to another. Nevertheless, they do share one thing in common, and that is a fundamental interest in the nature, composition, and location of landforms, together with an understanding of their evolution and the processes at present working upon them. The study of landforms and processes is the concern of the geomorphologist. The purpose of this chapter is to provide an account of the way in which the geomorphologist, through geomorphological mapping, can play an important part in the development of East Africa with respect to its natural resources. This introduction is followed by a consideration of the nature of geomorphological mapping, and includes a review of such maps produced outside East Africa, in order to show what is possible. Geomorphological mapping in East Africa will then be discussed in some detail, although particular examples will be drawn mainly from Uganda, since that is the country best known to the writer, and probably also the one in which most has so far been done. The role of geomorphological mapping in resource-assessment and planning in East Africa is discussed in the closing sections of this chapter. It is appropriate that I should interject a personal note at this point. The ideas developed in this account are based on work done while I was on the staff of the Department of Geography at the then Makerere University College, working under Professor S. J. K. Baker. I owe a debt of gratitude to Professor Baker for making the time available which enabled the fieldwork to be carried out. In addition, Professor Baker gave his support to an application for finances which made this work possible. Throughout my period of research into this field he has continued to provide encouragement, and for all these things I am very grateful. This paper is therefore presented as a tribute to him. 2. THE

NATURE

OF

GEOMORPHOLOGICAL

MAPPING

Relief can be mapped in a variety of ways. In the past the representation of relief by contours, or form-lines, has been a standard practice all over the world. Contours, however, tell us only about surface form; they say nothing about the nature of the materials which occur at the surface. The accuracy with which they display form is dependent on the contour interval: what happens between successive contours is not shown. The accurate compilation of contour maps takes a considerable amount of time, and many parts of the earth's surface still remain without them.

10/EAST

AFRICAN

GEOGRAPHY

AND

DEVELOPMENT

Other methods of landform mapping have therefore been developed, predominantly since 1950, which do not share some of these limitations. The mapping of a large 6 7 area by means of a land systems survey ' - 12• 13, 15, 17, 34, 36, 64, 74, 75, 97, 100

t a k e s

m u c h

^

t

j

m e

t h a n

d o e s

t h e

compilation of contour maps. Land systems have been most extensively used by the Division of Land Research and Regional Survey of C.S.I.R.O. in Australia and New Guinea. 55 The Division has produced a whole series of resource surveys, maps, and reports based on the land systems concept. The definition of a land system quoted by Christian and Stewart 16 is 'an area, or group of areas, throughout which can be recognized a recurring pattern of topography, soils and vegetation' (p. 11). It is also possible to employ a system of morphological mapping to show the undulations of the surface which would remain undetected by the use of contours. 10 ' 19- 2089, 90, 9i, 133 Methods of geomorphological mapping, however, can include many of the features shown on a morphological map, but, in addition, will indicate such items as the nature of surface materials. The term 'morphological' in this account is used to imply only 'surface form', while the term 'geomorphological' (i.e. using the prefix geo) is used to mean 'interpretation of surface form'. Thus a morphological map shows the shape of the surface while a geomorphological map includes an interpretation of that shape. The differences between geomorphological, morphological, and land-systems mapping are illustrated in Figure 2.1. In this case the geomorphological map (Figure 2.1 (I)) uses the morphological map as a base, but then goes on to provide an interpretation of the surface forms. It thus provides a fuller statement than the morphological map (Figure 2.1(H)). The nature of the land system is illustrated by means of a block-diagram (Figure 2.1 (III)). The land systems map is much more generalized than either a morphological or geomorphological map. Although a land-systems map, together with a written report, makes possible a prediction of the nature of the land units present in an area, it does not show their specific locations, for a land-systems map only delimits the areas within which they may be expected to occur. All the diagrams in Figure 2.1 are related to a hypothetical piece of the Masaka Land System. 75 In reality a geomorphologist would not necessarily be content to work at the scale suggested by the block diagram (Figure 2.1 (III)) or to restrict his information to that shown in Figure 2.1(1)). His interest would lie less in the definition of land systems and more in the recognition and mapping of individual

land units within the area of a land system. Land system maps and geomorphological maps are thus complementary to each other. 3.

F A C T O R S

M AP

A F F E C T I N G

G E O M O R P H O L O G I C A L

P R O D U C T I O N

3.1 Purpose of Mapping Geomorphological mapping may be undertaken either for academic purposes or with respect to a specific applica tion. In the former case the geomorphologist is concerned only to learn more about the earth's surface: his final map may be of value in making available information that can be applied to a particular need, but that is not his prime purpose. On the other hand, a particular investigation into the natural resources of an area will require a geo morphological map. Such a map may be compiled bearing in mind a particular practical application, such as the delimitation of slopes into categories of slope stability. On the other hand, the geomorphological map may be a more comprehensive one. As such it will take longer to compile, but ultimately will be capable of much wider application. It is difficult to place a geomorphological map, compiled in accordance with restricted terms of reference, within its regional and environmental context. This is only achieved if the first approach to a landscape is through the systematic compilation of a reasonably comprehensive geomorphological map. Such a map provides a statement of the dominant regional characteristics together with differences in their distribution. It thus provides the framework within which any subsequent and more detailed mapping can take place. One of the added dangers of producing a map directly for a particular purpose is that aspects of the landscape which have a bearing on the matter in hand may at first appear to be irrelevant and thus may be ignored. A geomorphologist working to a broader mapping scheme might well come to a quicker appreciation of significant interrelationships between processes and form. Most geomorphological maps make reference to the evolution of relief. In terms of the subsequent application of these maps this is an extremely important point. An understanding of the evolution of relief is particularly important in problems of resource-assessment and the economy of an area: The earth's surface whose diversification constitutes the object of geomorphological studies, is the meeting point of lithosphere, hydrosphere and atmosphere. Furthermore it is closely related to the biosphere. The earth's surface . . . con-

G E O M O R P H O L O G ICAL

Summit ^ ^

plonotion

— Dry volley floor Interfluve i-.v.j Lowlond hill summit I ( s o m e deep weathering).

surface

Edge of summit s u r f a c e M O * ) exposures of massive loterite.

Quartzite

S l o p e s w i t h l a t e r i t e rubble or re-cemented secondary 2-7

3 •3 0 =

A

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e

A

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suddenly rises. Against these observations one m a y raise several objections concerning definition and interpretation: that, downstream o f the knick-points, a study was made o f rejuvenated streams which were bounded by interlocking spurs; that there was a possible confusion between stream meanders and pre-rifting valley meanders;

1.75

Z0

2.25

Figure 3.7 Correlation of meander amplitude with wavelength

and that no 'true' meanders can ever be cut into bedrock. But it has been recalled already that most o f these streams in the present cycle were initiated on wide valleys full o f sediments. A n d one of the m a j o r prerequisites f o r meander formation is the possibility o f bank erosion (Friedkin, 1945), 3 2 which was present. Thus, below the

MEANDER

TRAITS

IN T H E

BASIN

OF

LAKE

Amptitude (kilometres) l;0 2;0

4"

. xX

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A

A

VICTORIA/37 3-0

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>> knick-points in the rocky reaches the present meanders are superimposed upon bedrock. Similar meanders carved into bedrock have been observed in San Juan River, Arizona (Leopold, Wolman, and Miller, 1964, 28 p. 31) and elsewhere. Moreover, in the basin of Lake Victoria, below the knick-points, field evidence shows that the present stream meanders are much smaller than the pre-rifting meanders of the outer valleys. The present river valleys are underfits, in the light of Dury's often-quoted interpretations (Dury, 1953). 33 Finally, among the reaches that occur between the knick-points and the lake-side flats, the mean sinuosities of Nzoia, Kuja, Mara, and Kagera are, respectively, 1-38, 1-84, 1 62, and 2 00. On these flats the sinuosity of meanders again pro gressively decreases downstream (Figure 3.4). All the re gression coefficients in Figure 3.4 are significant, at least, at the 0 01 level of probability. It appears therefore that sinuosity is a more sensitive meander trait for detecting significant changes in profile gradients. With the decrease of potential discharge in the stream channels, through lateral migration of water into the ubiquitous swamps and occasional lakes that border the channels on the flats, it is understandable why both wavelength and sinuosity decrease. Behaviour of wavelength has been explained in the last sub-section. Field observations show that cohesiveness of bank material decreases significantly in the swamps. What is more, the fluvio-lacustrine sediments on the flats are so thick that nowhere within a channel was bedrock observed. These sedimentary deposits on the flats are far weaker than the bedrock into which meanders are incised upstream of the flats. These sediments, therefore, form banks which are too unstable to stand firm, while a meandering channel develops high sinuosity. Instead, banks easily collapse and so reduce sinuosity. From observations in Figure 3.4 one concurs with Leopold and Wolman (19 5 7) 29 that greater tortuosity is not necessarily a resultant of decrease in slope. In terms of stream hydraulics, it appears reasonable that sinuosity of a stream should decrease downstream with the decreasing gradient. For unless there is a concomitant increase in channel width and a corresponding change in the other component factors which facilitate efficient discharge and sediment transportation, increasing sinuosity decreases transportational efficiency of a channel, by decreasing thalweg gradient over a given valley length. And stream gradients on the flats around Lake Victoria are so low that discharge and transportational efficiency of each river would be significantly diminished

2.0-

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KENYA/173

22

Low-density plots

Total plots allocated

Eastern Central Rift Valley Nyanza Western

153,425 82,548 18,026 67,767

13,354 26,553 19,670 17,303 8,548

13,354 180,100 102,219 35,734 76,315

13,319 4,452 1,617 6,716

768 1,411 1,121 1,796 489

768 14,730 5,573 3,413 7,205

Total: Highlands

321,766

85,428

407,722

26,104

5,585

31,689*

—

—

* Excluding co-operatives.

also the most important in terms of the mounting problems arising from the imbalance between the available land and the population. W h e n the decision was made to resettle the former White Highlands with African peasant farmers the desirability of the project was never questioned because of the combination of the many factors which made the move inevitable. The main problem therefore was where to obtain the money for such an extensive and ambitious programme. The main sources of funds were the World Bank (IBRD) and the Commonwealth Development Corporation, the British Government ( H M G ) , and the West German Government (WG). The settlement schemes supported by each of these groups, whether jointly or severally, is shown in Table 14(v). The World Bank and the C D C were mainly concerned with Lowdensity Schemes, 23 and the British and West German financial sources decided to support largely the Highdensity Schemes. Over 4 0 per cent of the money was given as loans to enable the individual settlers to buy the plots of land allocated to them over a period of thirty years. Development money, too, was given to the individual plotowners in the form of loans—to be repaid over a ten-year period. The cost of land per low-density plot varied f r o m 4,000s. to 7,000s., and for the high-density plots f r o m 1,500s. to 5,000s. The development loans made available to farmers also varied according to the type of scheme. The low-density scheme loans ranged f r o m 4,200s. to 5,000s. per plot, and for the high-density plots it averaged 2,000s. Altogether large sums of money have been spent on settling approximately only 3 5 , 0 0 0 families by the middle of 1968, and this raises the problem as to whether resettlement has been justified in terms of the rural development expected or achieved. It is these aspects which will now be briefly examined. They may be considered under the headings: productivity, employment, and general development. PRODUCTIVITY

The resettlement schemes in the Kenya Highlands were established in areas which had been largely under European mixed farming. 2 4 The problem which arose was that of breaking up viable European large-scale farming and replacing it with smallholder-type African agriculture. A p a r t from political considerations, such a move

could only be justified in the context of expected increase in productivity resulting f r o m the intensification of the use of the land. At the base of the mixed-farming economy were the improved cattle and sheep which provided the foundation for the economy of crops and livestock. In the process of transfer the relatively high-production dairy animals were encouraged in the new settlement schemes. Thus, for instance, in 1967 (June) there were 6 2 , 0 0 0 cows (low to medium grades), 19,000 heifers over one year old, 3 1 , 0 0 0 calves up to one year, and only 223 bulls. Bulls were discouraged in preference for the use of artificial insemination, and the planners insisted on strict animalhealth observance. Beef cattle were much more limited and were not seriously encouraged. There were 37,000 animals over one year old, and a few unimproved cattle also kept for beef, and finally there were 99,000 head of mature sheep, most of them wool sheep. In almost all cases resettlement had been planned on a mixed-farming basis, using the existing livestock, and varying hectarages of maize, pyrethrum, wheat, sugar-cane, tea, and coffee as the main crops. Such an arrangement, it was argued, would not only provide a firm base for a viable mixed agricultural economy by the smallholders but also for increased productivity compared with the European farming period. In most cases such efforts have met with a fair amount of success, and production has been maintained if not improved. There have, of course, been variations in Plate 14.1 A new settler being registered in Nyahururu Settlement Scheme prior to being allocated a plot. This is done to enable the Settlement Department to have permanent records of the actual holders of a plot so as to prevent illegal allocations and sale

174/E A S T

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DEVELOPMENT

about the output from settlement schemes because it will take some time for most of the settlers to reach maximum production. The performance of farmers in the various settlement schemes will vary according to the land potential, use of crops, previous development, and the capital restraints already mentioned. One of the greatest factors limiting production has been the shortage of dairy cattle. Even five years after the commencement of settlement nearly 15 per cent of the settlement schemes had not reached 50 per cent of the budgeted number of dairy cows 26 E M P L O Y M E N T

Figure 14.6 Kenya Highlands settlement areas 1966

productivity which we have no space to analyse here. But judging from the amount of sales by the settlement cooperatives, it is possible to say that there has been an intensification of crop production, and of dairy production in particular; pyrethrum has in some cases been overproduced; and altogether a sound system of agriculture is being pursued. However, such progress as is being made is hampered by the lack of education on the part of many of the new farmers, lack of capital to achieve the maximum output, and the shortage of machinery, which limits the output of the individual plot-holder. De Wilde (1967) has emphasized the fact that in examining the actual and potential effect on the total agricultural output and employment it must be noted at the outset that much European farming in Kenya has not been very intensive. 25 Secondly, it is dangerous to draw conclusions too early Plate 14.2 A healthy herd of Boran beef cattle on one of the co-operative settlement schemes in the Machakos area of Eastern Province. Former white-owned ranches were sold intact to co-operative societies to retain the benefits of large-scale operation, and for ecological reasons

Following the establishment of settlement schemes in the Kenya Highlands, there appears to have been a drop in employment from the high figure of 269,000 in 1960 to 194,000 in 1967. 27 This has been accompanied by a decline in the number of large farms from 3,609 to 2,745 during the same period. But whereas it may be true that there has been a decline in agricultural employment, the apparent picture presented may largely be due to absence of detailed statistical coverage following the break-down of some former large farms into smallholdings. Secondly, it is important to remember that settlement has introduced over 35,000 families into the Highlands, who provide most of their own labour for the various farm operations. It is also known from fieldwork that over 60 per cent of the settler families do in addition employ from one to three labourers to help with their farming. It is therefore fair to conclude that within the settlement schemes at least there has been increased employment, and the situation is likely to improve as output is increased. However, de Wilde 28 has noted that the excessive bid to employ large numbers of people on the settlement schemes has tended to reduce rather than raise output, and is largely to be blamed for the difficulties settlers are encountering with loan repayments. But this problem must be seen in the context of another problem already mentioned, namely the serious shortage of farm machinery, which is forcing some families to revert to inadequate means of land preparation, using the hoe. 29 G E N E R A L

D E V E L O P M E N T

C O N S I D E R A T I O N S

It would be true to say that despite the problems outlined, settlement schemes in the Highlands have been accompanied by significant rural development. If it were not for the heavy loan considerations, most settlers would be better off than those in the overpopulated former African Land areas from which they originated. The emphasis on

commercial farming is very important, since it means each farmer is encouraged to regard farming as a means of production rather than merely as a means of subsistence. Settlement schemes have therefore had the effect of extending commercial farming, if not in area, at least to an additional 35,000 families in the country. Moreover, these commercial smallholders in the Kenya Highlands generally have more land available to them than those in the former African areas. This commercial farming is also organized through a series of co-operative societies which are now compulsory for each plot-holder. 30 These cooperatives are still weak on the whole, but they are performing the very useful task of organizing the sale of the settlers' produce as well as providing them with some services. 31 Settlers may suffer some disadvantages, such as the lack of adequate schools and health services, but in exchange they have some facilities which may not be equally well developed in the former African Land areas from which they came. For example, settlers are provided with adequate access routes to facilitate marketing their produce. The land has nearly always been protected against soil erosion by a series of elaborate soilconservation measures. 32 During the planning stage provisions were made for water reticulation, so that eventually each plot-holder will have access to water within 1-5 kilometres. Many of the early-established schemes are in fact already having piped water laid throughout the areas covered. This has been made possible through loans given to the co-operative societies by the Settlement Fund Trustees—as part of the original agreement. It can therefore be said that both in terms of production and as regards the landscape there is evidence of rural development in the Kenya Highlands settlement schemes. CONCLUSIONS

In conclusion, it is necessary to summarize the achievements in rural development which have been brought about by the policy of settlement and resettlement in Kenya. It has been emphasized how the A L D E V schemes were on the whole not very successful in achieving meaningful rural development—but this was largely because the original aims were vague. In the case of resettlement in the Kenya Highlands political considerations came first and foremost, and economic consequences were not very clearly weighed. The need to reduce the economic dominance of European farming in Kenya had been appreciated, and the necessary change in rural development policy had come with the Swynnerton Plan in 1954-5. The success

Plate 14.3 Wheat-harvesting, using hired combineharvester, in the Endarasha Scheme in Mount Kenya area of Central Province. This is one of the four areas where wheat was used on the settlement schemes of the Swynnerton Plan was partly responsible for the eventual decision to transfer land in the Highlands from European ownership to African smallholders. The reduction in the size of holdings would mean that a greater number of people would be able to farm in the Highlands formerly farmed by fewer than 4,000 Europeans. As a result of this it was possible to settle over 35,000 families, still leaving a big parcel of the Highlands under largescale farming. The whole project was clearly expensive in terms of the cost of land purchase, demarcation, administration, etc. It is to be hoped that the level of rural development achieved, and in particular production and employment, will eventually justify the expenditure of such large sums of money. REFERENCES G O V E R N M E N T Kenya Laws Revised Edition (Nairobi 1948). 2 H.M.S.O. Kenva Land Commission Report Cmd. 4556 p. 287 (H.M.S.O., London 1934). 3 H.M.S.O. op. cit. (note 2) p. 140. " C A R E Y J O N E S , N. s. 'The decolonisation of the White Highlands of Kenya' Geographical Journal vol. 131 pp. 186-210(1965). 5 A P T H O R P E , R. (ed.) Land Settlement and Rural Development in East Africa (Uganda Press Trust, Kampala 1968). 6 A L D E V (African Settlement and Land Utilization Board) African Land Development in Kenya 1946-1962—Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Water Resources p. 3 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1956). 7 A L D E V op. cit. (note 6) p. 4. S A L D E V op. cit. (note 6). 9 A L D E V op. cit. (note 6)pp. 304-5. 10 D E W I L D E , J. c. (ed.) Agricultural Development in Tropical Africa vol. 2 p. 96 (Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore 1967). " M C A R T H U R , J. Working Paper: Conference for Education and Rural Development {Nairobi 1966). ° O D I N G O , R. S. 'Land Settlement in the Kenya Highlands' in Education, Employment, and Rural Development p. 141 (East African Publishing House, Nairobi 1967). 'KENYA

176/EAST

13 14

15

16

AFRICAN

GEOGRAPHY

ALDEV op. cit. (note 6). A L D E V African Land Development, 1946-1955: Report, p. 40 (Nairobi 1956). S W Y N N E R T O N , R. J. M. A plan to intensify the development of African Agriculture in Kenya (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1955). O D I N G O , R. s. op. cit. (note 12).

17

ALDEV op. cit. (note 6) p. 3.

18

D E W I L D E , J. c . o p . c i t . ( n o t e 1 0 ) p. 1 8 9 .

19

AND

o M IN DE, s. H. Land and population movements in Kenya (Heinemann, London 1968). 20 K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T : Statistics Division, Ministry of Economic Planning and Development Statistical Abstract, 1968 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1968). 21 K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T : Department of Settlement Annual Report 1966-1967 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1967). 22 KENYA GOVERNMENT: Dept. of Settlement Annual Report op. cit. (note 21). "ODINGO, R. s. 'Post-independence agricultural changes in the Kenya Highlands': I.G.U. Congress Paper (New Delhi 1968). 24 O D I N G O , R. S. op. cit. (note 23). 25 26

D E W I L D E , J. C. ( e d . ) o p . c i t . p . 2 0 5 . KENYA GOVERNMENT:

Dept. of Settlement Annual Report

op. cit. (note 22). 27

KENYA GOVERNMENT

Statistical Abstract (Govt. Printer,

Nairobi 1968). c. (ed.) op. cit. (note 10) p. 211. op. cit. (note 10) p. 215.

2S

D E W I L D E , J.

29

D E W I L D E , J. C.

DEVELOPMENT

R. S. 'Co-operatives in the Kenya Highlands Settlement Schemes': Makerere Social Science Conference Paper (1969). 31 O D I N G O , R. S. op. cit. (note 30). 32 N O T T I D G E , C. P. and J. R. G O L D S A C K The Million Acre Settlement Scheme Nairobi, Ministry of Land and Settlement p. 17 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1966). 30

ODINGO,

Other References KENYA GOVERNMENT Development Plan 1966-1970 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1966). K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T Report of the Mission on Land consolidation and registration in Kenya, 1965-1966 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1966). KENYA G O V E R N M E N T Agricultural Censuses, 1965-67 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1968). K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T Kenya African Agricultural Sample Census, 1960-1961 Parts I and II (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1962). K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T : Department of Settlement Annual Report 1963-1964 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1964). K E N Y A G O V E R N M E N T Population Census 1962, vols. 1 and 2 (Govt. Printer, Nairobi 1964). O D I N G O , R. S. 'African re-settlement and agricultural change in the Trans-Nzoia and Uasin Gishu districts of the Kenya Highlands' Third Proc. E. A. Acad. (1965). W O R L D B A N K The economic development of Kenya (Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore 1962).

15 Machakos Land & Population Problems F R E D E R I C K N. O W A K O

F o r long the Machakos District has been known as a 'Problem District' in Kenya. The earliest problems to attract the attention of the Government were those of overstocking, soil erosion, and later, overpopulation. 1 These three problems became interwoven, and presented almost insoluble agrarian problems in the 1930s and 1940s. They owed much to both physical and human factors. While post-Second World W a r government efforts have achieved much in arresting these problems, population pressure is still one of the major problems facing the district. In this study an attempt will be made to discuss the nature and extent of this pressure in terms of environmental limitations and historical factors, and after establishing the main patterns of distribution the pressure on the land will be examined in terms of ownership per head of population. This will be followed by an examination of population movement, which for the purpose of this study is interpreted as a form of adjustment to the pressing population problem in relation to land resources.

THE

PHYSICAL

ENVIRONMENT

The physical environment with which the problems of the district are closely associated owes a great deal to the location of the district within the foreland plateau of Kenya (Figure 15.1). By this very location the district lies in a zone that may be described as offering marginal conditions to arable agriculture. In terms of relief the district presents considerable contrasts between the central hill masses ( 1 , 5 0 0 - 2 , 1 0 0 m.), the surrounding Eastern Plains ( 9 1 5 - 1 , 4 6 0 m.) (Plates 15.1-15.26), and Kikumbulyu Plains ( 4 4 0 - 9 1 5 m.) within the basement-complex zone (Figure 15.2). Further contrast exists between the basement zone and the vol-

canic areas. The latter form the high plains of the Athi Kapiti Plains ( 1 , 5 8 5 - 1 , 6 4 5 m.) and the Yatta Plateau (varying from 1,280 m. in the north to 609 m. in the south-east), on the one hand, and the composite volcanoes of the Chyulu Range ( 1 , 0 9 7 - 2 , 0 7 2 m.), on the other. But within this diversity the district derives its unity from its location within the foreland plateau. Here, the greatest single unifying factor is rainfall, which in terms of amount, régime, and reliability tends to be on the less generous side. 2 In terms of amount the rainfall varies f r o m about 9 0 0 to 1,270 mm. on the hill-masses; 7 6 2 - 1 , 0 1 6 mm. on the Eastern Plains, 3 8 1 - 6 3 5 mm. on the Southeastern Plains (Kikumbulyu Plains), and 4 5 7 - 6 3 5 mm. on the Athi Kapiti Plains (Figure 15.3). 3 It should, however, be noted that the rather more favourable amounts on the hills are received on just under one-third of the total area of the district. The bulk of the district therefore receives rainfall that is marginal for arable agriculture. These low totals become very significant if account is taken of the fact that they are received in two separate rainy seasons. Apart f r o m constant failures of crops, their effect is also felt through lack of surface water, which is one of the major limiting factors in the Machakos environment—particularly in the lowlands. Indeed, provision of surface water has been one of the major concerns of the Government in schemes for the rehabilitation of the land and stabilization of population. A further limitation due to rainfall factor is that of the soils, whose fertility and capability of retaining moisture vary considerably according to the amounts received. The hill masses with higher rainfall have soils varying from reddish-yellow sandy clay-loams on the top of the hills to red friable clays on the lower slopes. Both of these are deeply weathered and are therefore capable of retaining

Plate 15.1 Central hill-mass showing Iveti (left), Kilima Kimwe and Momandu Hills, with Kalama Hills in the background

178/E A S T A F R I C A N

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soil moisture for reasonably long periods. The lowlands with lower rainfall, on the other hand, support a variety of less humic soils, varying from dark-red sandy clay-loams and brown-grey sandy loams to reddish-brown sandy clay-loams with laterite horizon. From the agricultural point of view, the value of these soils and their capacity to support a given population vary according to seasonal variations in rainfall. The variations in rainfall and soils are equally reflected in the vegetation patterns. Remnants of forests on Ithembo (sacrificial or worshipping) sites on the hills suggest that

the more favourable parts of the hills once supported forests, while the less favourable ones supported combretum vegetation, interspersed with a variety of grasses. On the lowlands, the vegetation is dominantly Acacia combretum and Acacia tortilis (Plate 15.3) on the Eastern Plains, giving way to Acacia commiphora bush on the Kikumbulyu Plains. The latter type of vegetation provides a suitable habitat for tsetse—which is a further major restrictive factor in the Machakos environment. From Figure 15.4 it can be seen that tsetse distribution is restricted to the drier southern and eastern parts of the district, including the Yatta Plateau. Together with the areas that have been reclaimed from tsetse, at least 5,180 sq. km. of the district have been affected at one time or another. Today the fly menace is still found in Lower Makueni and parts of Simba Ranch, Yatta Plateau, and the 'Greater Kikumbulyu'. The limitation by rainfall, which is by far the most important factor in the Machakos environment, can conveniently be summarized in terms of agricultural potential, since it is through this alone that the land's capacity to support a given population can be appreciated. Here, however, one major difficulty arises, that is, the criterion for assessing the agricultural potential of the land. In Kenya two separate assessments have been made. The first, which was incorporated in the World Agricultural Census for 1960-1, 4 took into account both rainfall and soil factors. However, owing to some uncertainty about the basis of classification, it has been superseded by a

Plate 15.2(a) A typical central hill-mass environment—a highly dissected part of the Kilungu-Mukaa mass, with Mbitini Hills in the background

Plate 15.2(b) A thinly settled hillside (Mukaa), with shallow stony soils

Figure

15.1 Position of Machakos District in relation to major geographical divisions of Kenya

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Figure 15.2 Machakos District physiographic units

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Plate 15.3 Acacia-tortHis in the Eastern Plains (Wamunyu), showing an overgrazed land in an area of medium-potential land

second one which has taken rainfall as the sole criterion for classification. According to this, the land in the district falls into three broad categories 5 (Figure 15.5): Area in sq. km. 1. Land of high potential with a rainfall of over 889 mm. 2. Land of medium potential 3. Rangeland TOTAL

1,404 7,705 5,068 14,177

The high-potential lands are found mainly within the central hill masses, which in terms of administrative locations include parts of Matungulu, Kangundo, Mitaboni, Kalama, Mbooni, Kilungu, Mukaa, and Mbitini (Plate 15.4). The medium-potential lands coincide roughly with the greater part of the Eastern Plains, Yatta Plateau, North Yatta Plains, and parts of Kikumbulyu Plains. The rangelands, on the other hand, cover the entire A t h i Kapiti Plains and the greater part of the Kikumbulyu Plains. Expressed in terms of total percentage of the land, it can be seen that only about 9-9 per cent of the district falls within the high-potential zone. The rest, i.e. about 54-2 per cent and 35-8 per cent, fall within the mediumpotential and range lands (low-potential) respectively. The medium-potential and rangelands have fairly high chances of crop failure. For these reasons they are not capable of supporting high densities of population under the traditional systems of land-use. It is against this restricted physical environment that the nature and extent of population-pressure on the land must be examined. The first point that calls for examination is the distribution of population within the setting described. But since present day distribution patterns have had much to do with the evolution of settlements, an analysis of the latter is necessary as a prelude to the understanding of present-day distribution.

Figure EVOLUTION T I O N OF

15.3 M e a n annual rainfall and régime OF

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From written records and field evidence, the Akamba (the native population inhabiting the Machakos District) entered their present abode from the south via the Chyulu hills area. Permanent settlement on the Chyulu was probably made impossible by lack of surface water. From here they travelled northwards through Kibwezi, Makueni, and Nzawi, where they settled temporarily before being forced to move by two factors, namely attack by the Masai and lack of surface water. The latter point is confirmed by the oral tradition, which points out that having searched for water in vain, when they at last came across some clear permanent water from Mbooni hills they called the stream Ngaii—meaning 'God'. Presence of permanent water and need for defence against the Masai therefore led to the first large-scale permanent settlement by the Akamba on Mbooni hills. Other evidence, namely place-names on and around Mbooni hills, confirm the fact that it was on this hill that the Akamba consolidated themselves as a tribe. Such names as became associated with the major clans include Utangwa, Kitondo, Kaumoni, etc. 6 Because of the fear of the Masai, settlements were at first confined to the upper slopes and the top of the hills. With population increase, both social and economic factors played a part in making

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it necessary for the population to move despite the Masai threat. Socially, concentration of population in a limited area brought with it problems such as internal strife, witchcraft, etc. Traditionally, it is believed that the first important movement out of Mbooni was the eastward movement to Kitui, which Lindblom (1920) 7 estimates to have taken place some 1 5 0 - 2 0 0 years ago, i.e. some time in the first or second half of the eighteenth century. Although the precise cause for the movement is not very clear, there is every likelihood that both social and economic factors may have played a part. In the case of the second movement out of Mbooni, that is to the neighbouring hill of Kilungu, there is evidence to suggest that it was largely the result of social problems. Both the name Kilungu (meaning 'wrong-doers') and the subsequent relations with the rest of the Akamba on the neighbouring hill masses confirm this. Not only did they wage wars and raid the neighbouring fellow-Akamba but they were also known for ill-temper, theft, witchcraft, and cruelty. Subsequent movements out of Mbooni led to the settlement of other hill masses, such as Iveti, Kalama, Mukaa, and Mbitini. Apart from the need for defence, another factor that played an important part in the dispersal of population in the district was famine. The earliest record of famine

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Machakos District: agriculture-potential land categories

which caused considerable movement of population is that of 1836, to which the name Ndatas (meaning 'bright star') has been given by the Akamba. A number of authors have attributed the origins of the Akamba 'colonies' on the Kenya Coast and Central Tanzania to the effects of this famine. 9 There is evidence to show that similar large-scale external movements occurred during the other famines, such as that of 1898-9, during the famine of Mupunga (meaning 'rice'), when a further group trekked down to the Coast, where rice was obtainable as a major source of relief. Some indication of the magnitude of these movements may be had if account is taken of the fact that one group alone that had moved to the Voi area during this famine numbered 350 souls by 1915. 10 While these movements did play a considerable part in delaying the effects of population pressure on the land, it is possible that they also played a part in concentrating the population on favourable spots. Initially the concenration on the hill masses was for defence reasons, but later it was influenced by economic considerations, since with their cool climate, more dependable rainfall, better soils, and water facilities they offered better agricultural opportunities. With the establishment of British rule and the subsequent removal of the Masai menace, population began

Plate 15.4 High-potential land—part of the north-eastern slopes of Mua Hills at Ngelani to move slowly on to the surrounding lowlands, which, of course, had been sparsely settled by some of the more daring elements of the tribe. However, most of the plains and the northern parts of the district did not become thickly populated until long after the arrival of the British. This was confirmed first by Johnston of the African Inland Mission, who pointed out how by 1899, when a Mission Station was established at Kangundo, there were hardly any people in Matungulu location to the north, 1 1 yet by 1932 there were about 13,938 people there. 12 Other evidence from the District Annual Report also points to the fact that prior to 1913 there were hardly any settlements around Mbaikini, in W a m u n y u location to the east, yet by 1913 there were several settlements around Mbaikini towards the Athi River. 1 3 F u r t h e r evidence by Brummage shows that the area around M o m a n d u in Kalama location was settled by the A k a m b a only by 1889. 1 4 Apart from the removal of the Masai menace, economic and social considerations also came into play. By the very nature of their mode of living, the A k a m b a were both pastoralists and cultivators. Owing to geographical factors, the plains offered better grazing than the hills. Because of the special place given to cattle in the social setup, many people drifted on to the plains with cattle and settled permanently, or set up their Kyengo (cattle post or kraal) on the plains, while maintaining permanent homes and cultivation on the hills. With population increase, such Kyengo became permanent settlements. A p a r t from the attraction of richer grazing on the plains, the drift to the plains was encouraged by the desire for individual ownership which is deeply ingrained in the A k a m b a society. Furthermore, from the nature of the environment, in which the land tends to deteriorate fast under constant use, the Akamba became very much alive to the need for large areas, which could be obtained only on the plains. But the extent to which the plains could be settled was limited by three factors: the presence of tsetse flies, the lack of surface water, and the rapidity with which the land deteriorated under constant use. Like famines, deterioration of the land was not without its effect on the internal movements of population. There is evidence to suggestthat following the recurrent droughts and deterioration of

pastures in the early twenties and the famine of 1924—5, there was an exodus f r o m the badly affected areas (mainly lowlands) to the better areas (mainly highlands). 15 By the thirties these factors had combined to make the whole of Makueni, southern parts of Kibaoni, and parts of Nzawi virtually unpopulated, while Kikumbulyu (namely Chyale and Mbuinzau blocks) was only sparsely populated. Because of deterioration in water resources, the whole of Kikumbulyu (Chyulu block) was depopulated between 1932 and 1936. Approximately 3,194 people within an area of 1,007 sq. km. were affected. 1 6 While the majority of those who left the Chyulu block moved northwards to the Chyale block, others moved southwards to Taveta and the Coast. F r o m the above account it is evident that as a result of historical, environmental and economic factors, the distribution of population in the district is by no means uniform. However, an effort to relate the rate of growth and distribution of population to the factors described above meets with the difficulty of lack of reliable data on population. As far as this district is concerned, and for that matter Kenya as a whole, the earliest reliable data on African population were not collected until 1948, when the first country-wide door-to-door census of African population was taken. This was followed by a similar one in 1962. Prior to 1948, African population numbers were obtained through estimates based on taxpayers. According to these estimates and the two censuses mentioned above, the population of the district seems to have grown as follows: 1902 1918 1932 1948 1962

102,000 125,197 283,910 356,245 548,862

F r o m these figures it appears that the population of the district rose slowly between 1902 and 1918, at the rate of about 1-4 per cent per annum, fairly rapidly, at the rate of 3 - 0 p e r cent between 1 9 3 2 a n d 1948, and still more rapidly, at the rate of 3-8 per cent, between 1948 and 1962. This rapid growth, particularly between 1932 and 1962, has meant greater population pressure on the more favourable areas that were settled earlier on, and indeed has led to the dispersal of population to the more marginal areas. The distribution patterns that have emerged f r o m all the various factors are shown by Figures 15.6 and 15.7, based on the 1948 anci 1962 censuses respectively. These figures have been plotted using base m a p s obtained f r o m the District Headquarters, at the scale of 1 : 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 .

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