Studia Eblaitica 4: Studies on the Archaeology, History, and Philology of Ancient Syira 3447111267, 9783447111263

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VOL. 4

STUDIA EBLAITICA

Studies on the Archaeology, History, and Philology of Ancient Syria

HARRASSOWITZ

Studia Eblaitica Studies on the Archaeology, History, and Philology of Ancient Syria Edited by Paolo Matthiae

4 (2018)

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9

Cover illustration: Ebla, Temple of the Rock (Area HH); © Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria. If not otherwise stated, the copyright of all photos in the volume is with Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria. Scientific Committee: Maamoun Abdulkerim (Syria), Michel Al-Maqdissi (Syria), Leila Badre (Lebanon), Manfred Bietak (Austria), Pascal Butterlin ( France), D ominique C harpin ( France), N icolò Marchetti (Italy), Daniele Morandi Bonacossi (Italy), Adelheid Otto (Germany), Luca Peyronel (Italy), Graham Philip (UK), Frances Pinnock (Italy), Glenn Schwartz (USA), Piotr Steinkeller (USA), Harvey Weiss (USA). Editorial Board: Frances Pinnock (chief), Marta D’Andrea, Maria Gabriella Micale, Davide Nadali, Agnese Vacca Address: Sapienza Università di Roma Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità Ex Vetrerie Sciarra, Studio 121 Via dei Volsci 122 00185 Roma, Italy e-mail: [email protected] Manuscripts are to be submitted by September 30th of each year to the Editorial Board as Word documents, with figures as single jpg or tif documents with a resolution of at least 800 dpi. Languages: English, French, German. Contributions will be submitted to referees. Please contact the Editorial Board for further information and guidelines.

© Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2018 This journal, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Typesetting: Agnese Vacca Arabic Translation: Mohammed Alkhalid Printed on permanent/durable paper Printing and binding by Memminger MedienCentrum AG Printed in Germany www.harrassowitz-verlag.de ISBN 978–3–447–11126–3 e-ISBN 978-3-447-19496-9 ISSN 2364–7124

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9

Contents

ARTICLES Maria Vittoria TONIETTI Classification of the Ebla Language: Developments from the Ebla Archive and Contemporary Evidence.........................................................................................................

1

Agnese VACCA, Georges MOUAMAR, Marta D´ANDREA, Stephen LUMSDEN A Fresh Look at Hama in an Inter-regional Context. New Data from Phase J Materials in the National Museum of Denmark....................................................

17

Frances PINNOCK A New Dress for the Maliktum. Attires and Functions of Court-Ladies at Ebla in the Early and Old Syrian Periods......................................................................................

59

Paolo MATTHIAE The Old Syrian Temple N’s Carved Basin and the Relation between Aleppo and Ebla....................................................................................................... 109 Federico MANUELLI Drifting Southward? Tracing Aspects of Cultural Continuity and Change in the Late 2nd Millennium BC Syro-Anatolian Region...................................................... 139 Maria Giulia AMADASI GUZZO, José Ángel ZAMORA The Phoenician Marzeaḥ – New Evidence from Cyprus in the 4th Century BC............... 187

SHORT NOTES

1. Marco BONECHI: On the Ebla Fragments of Sumerian Lexical List MEE 15 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53 and 61...................................................................................... 215 2. Paolo MATTHIAE: An Unidentified Motif of the Old Syrian Glyptic and Temple P2 at Ebla............................................................................................................ 221

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‫‪Contents‬‬

‫‪IV‬‬ ‫‪BOOK REVIEWS‬‬

‫‪Francesca BAFFI, Roberto FIORENTINO and Luca PEYRONEL (eds), Tell Tuqan‬‬ ‫‪Excavations and Regional Perspectives. Cultural Developments in Inner Syria from‬‬ ‫‪the Early Bronze Age to the Persian/Hellenistic Period. Proceedings of the International‬‬ ‫‪Conference May 15th–17th 2013 – Lecce (M. D´Andrea).............................................................. 229‬‬ ‫‪Luigi TURRI, “Vieni, lascia che ti dica di altre città”. Ambiente naturale, umano e politico‬‬ ‫‪della valle dell’Oronte nella Tarda età del Bronzo (SAQ 3) (L. Mori)......................................... 235‬‬ ‫‪Anja Hellmuth KRAMBERGER, Die Pfeilspitzen aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu‬‬ ‫‪von der mittelassyrischen bis zur parthisch-römischen Zeit in ihrem Westasiatischen und‬‬ ‫‪Euroasiatischen Kontext (BATSH 22) (D. Nadali)..................................................................... 241‬‬

‫‪ARABIC ABSTRACTS‬‬

‫املقاالت‬ ‫تصنيف لغة أبال‪ :‬تطورات لفهم أرشيف إبال وبعض الدالئل املعارصة‬ ‫ماريا فيتوريا تونيتي‪١ ........................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫نظرة جديدة إىل املحتوى اإلقليمي لحامة‪ .‬بيانات جديدة ملواد الفرتة ‪ J‬يف املتحف الوطني يف الدمنارك‬ ‫أنيزه فاكا‪ ،‬جورج معمر‪ ،‬مارتا دي أندريا ‪ ،‬ستيفان لومسدن‪١ .................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ثوب جديد للملكة‪ .‬أزياء ووظائف النساء يف البالط اإلباليئ خالل الفرتة السورية القدمية‬ ‫فرانسيس بينوك‪٢ ............................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫لحوض النذري املنحوت يف املعبد السوري القديم ‪ N‬والصالت مابني حلب وإبال‬ ‫باولو ماتييه‪٣ ................................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫اإلنعطاف جنوباً؟ إستتباع أوجه اإلستمرار والتغري الثقايف خالل نهاية األلف الثاين قبل امليالد يف املنطقة السورية األناضولية‬ ‫فيدريكو مانوييل‪٣ ...........................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ال ‪ Marzeah‬الفينيقية ‪ :‬دالئل جديدة من القرن الرابع قبل امليالد يف قربص‬ ‫ماريا جوليا أمادازي – خوسيه أنخل زامورا‪٤ ..................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫رؤوس أقالم‬ ‫حول بعض الكرس اإلبالئية للقامئة املعجمية السومرية ‪MEE 15 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 61‬‬ ‫ماركو بونييك‪٥ ...............................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫عنرص غري معروف يف فن النقش السوري القديم واملعبد ‪ P2‬يف إبال‬ ‫باولو ماتييه‪٥ ................................................................................................................................................‬‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬

MARIA VITTORIA TONIETTI Università di Firenze

Classification of the Ebla Language: Developments from the Ebla Archive and Contemporary Evidence The Archives of Ebla constitute the most important linguistic source for 3rd millennium BC Syria and Upper Mesopotamia. The Archives clearly reflect the broad contacts deriving from the dense network of local and “international” trade and political relations managed by the kingdom of Ebla: several features emerged in the writing system as well as in the language and not only in toponymy and anthroponymy, providing evidence of a complex and articulated dialectal situation. During the past forty years, our knowledge of the language of Ebla has improved greatly. The identification of many of these features as foreign importations has certainly highlighted the composite character of the contemporary Syrian and Mesopotamian linguistic picture, which is characterised by marked diatopic and diachronic discontinuities. Moreover, and even more important for our knowledge of Eblaite, it has evidenced a greater coherence of the local language and syllabary than previously thought. Despite its location in the same area as later North West Semitic, it was excluded at quite an early stage that Eblaite could belong to West Semitic. Divergences still remain among scholars regarding its classification within East Semitic. However, as we shall try to demonstrate, the data available currently, and continuing research, confirm that Eblaite can no longer be considered as an Akkadian dialect.

During the past forty years, our knowledge of Eblaite language greatly improved. Divergences still remain among the scholars regarding its classification within East Semitic. The data we have seem, however, to confirm that Eblaite cannot be considered as an Akkadian dialect, as we shall try to demonstrate here. It is by now acknowledged that the discovery of the Archives of the Palace G of Ebla has made an important contribution to Ancient Near Eastern studies, not only from the historical and cultural, but also from the linguistical point of view. Still today, the Archives constitute the most important linguistic source for 3rd millennium BC Syria and Upper Mesopotamia; these are supplemented by the important inscriptions and administrative texts from Mari (Tell Hariri)1 and the essentially administrative texts from Nabada (Tell Beydar)2 which, although comparatively limited as far as quantity and textual typologies are concerned, are nevertheless very important, also for a linguistic comparison. What is particularly interesting with the Ebla materials is not only the quantity of the texts found,3 but their typological variety, which covers a wide spectrum 1 2 3

Gelb and Kienast 1990: 3–25; Charpin 1987; 1990 (see also Charpin 2008: 121–123); to these, an incantation from Mari must be added, almost entirely in logographic writing (Bonechi and Durand 1992). Ismail et al. 1996; Milano et al. 2004. More than 3000 tablets and 17000 inventory numbers. Cf. Archi 1993.

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 1–16

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M.V. Tonietti

2

of locally written texts: administrative, chancery, ritual, magical, pharmacological and lexical texts, in particular the peculiar, so-called Bilingual Lexical List.4 The Ebla texts are especially important considering that more or less contemporary – Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic – Akkadian evidence is extremely limited in quantity, apart from the onomastic evidence. Eblaite remains therefore at the moment the most ancient Semitic language attested in a significant corpus of texts.5 The Eblaite Archives document the existence of a scribal koinè which, already in the Early Dynastic period, connects the entire area of Mesopotamia and Northern Syria. Given their chronological and geographic position, they also provide very important elements in outlining the process of diffusion of the cuneiform writing system – and of the related culture – and its early adaptation to a Semitic language (cf. Krebernik 1985: 53).6 And, what is even more important for linguistic research is that, in a period when in the cuneiform documentation of Akkadian, preceding and coeval, apart from onomasticon, writing is still essentially logographically employed,7 the Ebla texts already attest to a significant expansion of syllabic writing, providing a vast amount of material for the study of the language. This first known attempt at a systematic syllabic adaptation of the Sumerian cuneiform writing to a Semitic language is probably still under way in the period covered by the Archives,8 as the huge number of spelling variants seems in part to prove,9 suggesting that many of these spellings did not become the norm among the different scribes yet, thus undoubtedly exacerbating the complexity of the local Ebla syllabary. 10 To date, we are not able to identify the centre from which Ebla adopted the cuneiform writing. The Eblaite syllabary seems to develop on the whole as the result of an important local elaboration – plausibly receiving further impulses and contributions from other Syrian centres in the course of the documented period – tend4

Beside the many imported texts from Mesopotamia (Sumerian and Semitic incantations and literary texts, and numerous lexical and other texts). 5 Moreover, a language located in a region of key importance for Semitic linguistics, for which we only possessed extremely fragmentary or indirect evidence of the locally spoken Semitic languages and dialects for the entire period prior to the second half of the 2nd millennium BC (i.e. before the Ugaritic texts). Independently of its possible classification as a language or a dialect within East Semitic (or Northern Early Semitic, see below, p. 9), the variety attested in the Ebla Archives may certainly be considered as a language in terms of richness and diversity of documentation and use. 6 On the role which Ebla might have had in the early development of cuneiform writing, see the discussion in Cooper 1999, in partic. pp. 66–67, with previous literature. 7 See, e.g., Hasselbach 2005: 27–32. 8 For a more in-depth treatment, see Tonietti forthc. 9 Mostly but not exclusively in the onomasticon (for which, see e.g. Archi 1986; Archi et al. 1993: 18–29, Bonechi 1990; 1993). 10 At the same time, however, the numerous spelling variants prove to be of great help in phonological and morphological reconstruction, which in many cases can be proposed only on a contextual and comparative basis.

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Classification of the Ebla Language

3

ing towards an orthography increasingly more adherent to the locally spoken language, which most likely was characterised by a richer phonetic system than that of language spoken in the “donor” centre. Despite the brief time period covered by the Archives,11 a diachronic change within the local syllabary can be observed,12 as well as in the language,13 which seems to be the result of quite a gradual and ongoing process, already in part documented in the Administrative Texts of the final period of king Yirkab-Damu and substantially achieved in the first period of Yiṯġar-Damu (Yišar-Damu).14 The limited possibility of comparison with other corpora makes it difficult to establish the extent to which these innovations were derived from syllabaries used in other centres or may have been the fruit of local elaborations.15 Clear differences emerge, however, from the comparison with the slightly later Sargonic syllabary (Gelb 1961b; Hasselbach 2005),16 which cannot only be attributed to the different phonetic inventory of the two languages.17 In particular, the independence of some of the respective innovations indicates that the Eblaite syllabary does not simply reflect a more ancient stage of the Sargonic syllabary but instead testifies to a process of independent evolution (Tonietti 2011–12).18 While deciphering the Ebla texts has not been problematic, since the signs employed were already substantially known from more or less contemporary Mes11 About forty years, according to Archi and Biga 2003: 6–7. 12 For instance, the replacement of the series LA with the series YA to express /l/, or the introduction of iš11 in replacement of iš for the interdentals, /θ/ and /ð/, see Tonietti forthcoming § 1.2.2 and fn. 55. 13 For example, the replacement of the preposition min with in (see Tonietti 1997: 107–108 and 2012: 138–139). 14 More or less in the same period, since the beginning of Yiṯġar-Damu’s reign, a change in palaeography can be observed which testifies to a detachment of the Eblaite scribal school from the Mesopotamian tradition (Sallaberger 2001: 443). 15 Thus, it is difficult, for example, to evaluate the introduction of iš11, also documented elsewhere, including in Mari. The use of the series YA for /l/, instead, attested in this period only at Ebla, can constitute the local attempt to render a particular phonetic realisation of this phoneme, see below, fn. 32 and Tonietti forthcomin § 2.2g. 16 The recently proposed chronology (Sallaberger 2011) attests to an overlapping between the final phase before the destruction of Ebla and the beginning of the kingdom of Sargon. 17 See, e.g., the specific use in Ebla of the values gu for /qu/ vs. gú for /ku/ and /gu/, or the value idx(NI) for /id/, as opposed to gu/ku, and id(Á), respectively, in Sargonic (where it is interesting to note that id(Á) represents one of the latest introduced vC values, see Hasselbach 2005: 29 fn. 10). Also peculiar – besides other spellings for recording the closed syllable, CVC, which Ebla shares with more or less contemporary Akkadian syllabaries – is the use of spellings with a “silent vowel”, widely made in Eblaite, unlike Akkadian, i.e. a sequence of two Cv syllabograms, the second of which features an unpronounced vowel ( ⇒ / C1V1C2), see Tonietti 2011–12: 70–73. 18 The evaluation of this fact, however, must take into account also the break which can be noted in the passage from the Early Dynastic to the Sargonic (mostly the classical Sargonic) Akkadian syllabary probably due to the emergence, in the latter, of a scribal tradition which does not operate in continuity with the preceding local northern Babylonian traditions (cf. Hasselbach 2005: 29–30).

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M.V. Tonietti

4

opotamian cuneiform documentation, the complexity of a writing system which was still developmental represented, and in some cases still represents, the main obstacle to having access to the Ebla texts. As mentioned above, however, during the past forty years our knowledge of the Ebla language greatly improved, starting with the brilliantly carried out reconstruction of the syllabary expressed by the glosses of the Bilingual Lexical List (Krebernik 1982; 1983; 1985; Conti 1990). Particularly important has also been the identification of two main different redactions among the four sources of the Bilingual Lexical List – one more ancient, in the so-called source D (Conti 1990), and one more recent, in the so-called sources A, B, and C. Many of the contrastive spelling and morphological phenomena, apparently unmotivated, could then be explained as diachronic, or diatopic, scribal variants.19 In many cases, the data that emerged from the Bilingual Lexical List have been confirmed by the rest of the documentation.20

1. A Local Language within the Diversified Syro-Mesopotamian Linguistic Context Several facts prove that the language to which the Ebla Archives bear witness is not a literate language imported from Central or Lower Mesopotamia along with the scribal practise and tradition, 21 but without any doubt reflects a local language which is different from that of the adopted scribal culture.22 As has long been demonstrated, in fact, the language of the Chancery, Ritual and locally composed Literary Texts, and, with expected and justifiable exceptions, that of the Bilingual Lexical List,23 substantially belong to the same diasystem as that of the anthroponyms prosopographically identifiable as Eblaite24 (Fronzaroli 1982: 141; Krebernik 1996: 249).25 19 As in the case of infinitive 0/2 parrus and purrus, and infinitive š/l šaprus and šuprus patterns, in reality only respectively attested in one or the other redaction, for which see below, p. 7. 20 So, e.g., the use of iš11, never attested in the most ancient version of the Bilingual Lexical List (so-called source D), is also absent in the more ancient version of the Ritual for Kingship Confirmation, ARET 11: 1 (Fronzaroli 1993), see Tonietti forthcoming § 1, in particular § 1.2.2. 21 Or a written lingua franca, as still in Gordon 1997: 101. 22 Unlike what seems to occur for other Syrian centres in the 2nd millennium BC, where Western Peripheral Akkadian dialects are generally believed to be attested. For the possible presence of alloglottographic phenomena in the area, however, see von Dassow 2004; see also Rubio 2006b on alloglottography in the Ancient Near East, in general. 23 In the Bilingual Lexical List, for instance, a greater presence of elements originating from the learned environment of Lower Mesopotamia is obviously expected. It is by now clear that in this list different traditions merge (Conti 1996: 202); in some measure the compilation of the Bilingual Lexical List may bear “witness to a scribal lexicographic tradition rather than exclusively to Eblaite as a language” (Rubio 2006a: 120 fn. 27). 24 Of course, with the known peculiar and mostly conservative aspects characterising the onomasticon, which, even beyond diatopic distinctions, make it a corpus to be analysed with specific criteria. 25 Even so, because of the intrinsic peculiarities of the mentioned typologies, the data from each

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Classification of the Ebla Language

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Besides, other elements in the texts support the local character of the language, such as: 1. the presence of Semitic terms whose foreign origin is proven by a different phonetic form or evolution from that expected in Eblaite (e.g. nubattum ‘vigil’, as in Akkadian, instead of *mubattum,26 na-se11 na-se11 ‘people’, beside the Eblaite form ne-sa-a /niš-ay(n)/); by the use of the so-called “Akkadograms”,27 Semitic, often Akkadian, words which exhibit a morphologically invariable form (singular nominative endings instead of the expected inflected form),28 which can also express the plural (or dual) by reduplication (e.g. ma-lik-tum ma-lik-tum ‘queens’),29 and where often syllabic values anomalous or even extraneous to the Eblaite syllabary are used (as in ma-lik-tum; gu-zi-tum /kusītum/ ‘a type of clothing’, instead of *gú-zi-tum); 2. the wide range of different spellings plausibly reflecting the spoken language (Fronzaroli 1991); 30 3. other words, which, although attested in the Archives, proved to be clearly extraneous to the language of Ebla because of the particular contexts where they occur.31 The existence of markedly local phonetic phenomena such as “L-Reduktion”32 (the particular rendering of /r/ and /l/, plausibly due to a substratum or adstratum interference), instead, contrary to what often assumed,33 is in our opinion not very significant in this regard as phenomena of interference may affect both the local and an imported literate language.34

2. Foreign Elements in the Syllabary and Language of the Ebla Archives The Archives clearly reflect the broad contacts deriving from the dense network of local and “international” trade and political relations managed by the administration and chancery of the Ebla kingdom in Northern Syria and beyond, reaching from Urša’um (Gaziantep) to the north, Kish to the east and, perhaps, Byblos, and even further to the south.35 Of numerical relevance, in fact, is the of these sources must of course be differently evaluated. 26 See below, p. 7 and fn. 45. 27 Or, better, “Semitograms”, as the language they reflect may in some cases be Akkadian (as in gu-zi-tum) but not necessarily, as the just mentioned example of na-se11 shows, see Tonietti 2017: 262 and fn. 25. 28 A usage also shared in some cases by Eblaite nouns. 29 As first observed by Pomponio 1984: 309–313. 30 For a more in-depth treatment of all the mentioned aspects, see Tonietti 2017: 262–263. 31 Such as the Akkadian preposition ʾa5-na, see below, pp. 6–7. 32 See Fales 1984: 83; Krebernik 1992: 69; 1998: 260–261; Tonietti 1989 and 1992. 33 Cf., e.g., Krebernik 1996. 34 See also Tonietti forthcoming § 2.2.g. 35 As far as Egypt, according to Biga and Roccati 2012.

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M.V. Tonietti

6

variety of writing practices attested in the Archives, which refer to syllabaries different to the one locally adopted or elaborated, testifying to the coexistence in the same period, in the vast region of Northern Syria and Mesopotamia, of different scribal traditions though within a broad scribal koinè.36 The attribution of these varieties to precise scribal schools, or simply to individual scriptoria is, however, extremely difficult due to the paucity of contemporary documentation already mentioned.37 Moreover, several writing and linguistic features in the texts, not only in toponymy and anthroponymy, referring to realities different from that of Ebla, provide also evidence of a complex dialectal situation during this epoch, characterised by marked diatopic and diachronic discontinuities. Thanks to a better knowledge of the syllabary and the language, to a clearer understanding of the texts, and to the comparison with the rest of the contemporary Syro-Mesopotamian documentation, it has been possible to isolate part of the mentioned features,38 which proved, in some cases, mostly attested in a certain number of texts either copied or inspired by originals composed in centres other than Ebla.39 Unfortunately, with few exceptions, these centres cannot at present be better identified, due to the lack of satisfactory comparisons mostly depending on the complete imbalance between the evidence of Eblaite and that of the previous and contemporary Early Dynastic Akkadian,40 not only extremely limited in quantity, apart from the onomastic evidence, but also scattered throughout a large number of centres covering a broad area.41 36 For some details of this comparison, we refer to Krebernik 1982; 1983; 1985; Conti 1990; and more recently Rubio 2006a: 113–119. For the EDAkk syllabary see Gelb 1961b: 20–118; Westenholz 1978: 161–164; Krebernik 1998: 275–298. 37 Particularly frustrating is the paucity of more or less contemporary documents from the Kish region. The comparison necessarily also extends to the preceding Mesopotamian documentation (Fāra, Tell Abū Ṣalābiḫ). Probably also linked to this are the numerous Sumerian texts (lexical texts, incantations and a few other literary texts) that the Ebla Archives preserve (the origin, instead, of the few Semitic literary texts has been related to a northern Babylonian centre, possibly Kish, or even Mari [Krebernik 1992: 63; Lambert 1989: 27; 1992: 46]). Due to its marginality with respect to the Babylonian epicentres of diffusion of the scribal culture, the Ebla syllabary may actually preserve features of a certain archaism, but the possibility of autonomous local developments also in this field cannot be excluded (see above, pp. 2–3). 38 Apart from loan words, which can almost be found in all the text genres. 39 See e.g. the duplicates of Mesopotamian literary texts, ARET 5: 6 and ARET 5: 7, attesting “an archaic Akkadian dialect” (Krebernik 1992: 63; see also Lambert 1989: 27; 1992); or the Letter of Enna-Dagan, ARET 13: 4, probably composed in Mari. 40 But even that of the Early Sargonic Akkadian. The label “Early Dynastic Akkadian” (see Rubio 2006a: 112) is here preferred to that of “Pre-Sargonic Akkadian”. 41 According to Sommerfeld 2010, in total only less than 70 occurrences of Semitic words (including several repetitions of the same word), coming from about 20 different sites: Fara, Abū Ṣalābiḫ, Adab, Diyala (Tell Agrab, Tutub, Eshnunna), Girsu, Isin, Kish, Mari, Nabada, Nippur, Ur, Dilbat, Sippar, Umma, Uruk, Zabalam.

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Classification of the Ebla Language

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The identification of some of these foreign features, in the Eblaite writing system as well as in the language itself, has certainly pointed out the composite character of the contemporary linguistic picture (see Fronzaroli 2005: 160–163). But also, and even more important for our knowledge of Eblaite, it has evidenced a greater coherence of the local language and syllabary than previously thought. The advancement of studies has also demonstrated that certain linguistic elements previously considered as common throughout the area are instead not shared. This clearly emerges, for instance, from the distribution of some prepositions, even if prepositions do not by themselves generally indicate proper isoglosses. Thus, the study of the occurrences of the terminative preposition ʾa5na, ‘to, for, towards’, previously considered in Eblaite, together with in, one of the most important isoglosses with Akkadian (Krebernik 1996: 245–246), demonstrated that in reality ʾa5-na does not belong to the language of Ebla. Unlike in, in fact, which rapidly and definitely replaces min, ʾa5-na, essentially attested in the very early texts, always remains an element extraneous to Eblaite, almost uniquely used in frozen formulas in documents concerning international relations, or other text genres more influenced by Northern Babylonian models (Tonietti 2012; 2014). The Eblaite terminative preposition always remains šin, never otherwise attested either in Mesopotamia or in Syria, but only once at Tell Beydar.42 Another preposition, IŠ, which was thought to be an important feature linking Mari and Ebla languages,43 proved to be totally absent in Ebla.44 Thus, even the loan words may carry important linguistic information. They may, in fact, highlight the evolution of major divergences within East Semitic, which must instead have previously formed a dialectal continuum. Among these divergences important features emerge that we know from the contemporary or slightly later sources as characterising Akkadian. The term nubattu ‘vigil’, for instance, shows a phonetic form already attesting Barth’s law of dissimilation, an Akkadian isogloss totally absent in Eblaite.45 Specific Akkadian morphologic forms are also attested in the Archives, which are not shared by Eblaite, such as the “Babylonian” purrus and šuprus patterns mentioned above. Contrary to what was previously thought and even recently assumed,46 infinitive 0/2 parrus and purrus, and infinitive š/l šaprus and šuprus patterns, that can be compared with those later known from Assyrian and Babylonian, respectively,47 do not coexist in Eblaite: the “Babylonian” patterns are only attested in the Bilingual Lexical List 42 Ismail et al. 1996: 77 i 2. 43 Gelb 1977: 9–10; 1981: 64, 71–72. 44 See Krebernik 2003: 305; Tonietti 2005a: 185–188. 45 E.g., Akk. nēbeḫum ‘belt’, Ebl. maʿbaḫum, see Krebernik 1996: 237. See also above. 46 Krebernik 1996: 239; Streck 2011: 347 (also referring to Edzard 2006: 79, 81 where, however, a different opinion seems to be suggested). 47 And already attested in Mari and in Sargonic Akkadian, respectively.

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(and, interestingly, only in the more recent A and B sources, Conti 1996);48 in the Chancery Texts instead, the only other texts where the 0/2 and š/l infinitive forms occur, only parrus and šaprus patterns are used.49 A rich dialectal complexity and important divergences are also clearly reflected in the onomasticon,50 which can definitely be organized in different onomastic “regions”. The complex and articulated linguistic picture of the Syrian and Mesopotamian area emerging from the Ebla Archives is also in full accordance with the data from the contemporary Semitic documentation from Upper Mesopotamia – i.e. Mari and Nabada – and northern Babylonia.51

3. Classification of Eblaite On the basis of the data available today a clear picture can be drawn regarding the classification of Eblaite. Despite its location in the same area as later North West Semitic, quite early it was excluded that Eblaite belongs to West Semitic. Without doubt, Eblaite does have some features present in West Semitic, which are absent in Akkadian (VSO word order; use of the “wa(w) of apodosis”; particles such as the sentence adverb ap, or prepositions like min, minu, šin.52 In all cases, however, these are retentions from Proto-Semitic, that are not diagnostic for subgrouping. Eblaite, instead, does not share any of the innovations of the West Semitic group.53 The shared lexical elements, when not Proto-Semitic retentions, must be considered as innovations of the urban Syrian culture, that continues to develop during the following millenniums.54 48 The introduction of these Babylonian features, which do not occur in the most ancient source D, could perhaps be related to the return of the young scribes from Mari, recorded in some colophons of the late Yirkab-Damu’s period; they possibly introduced some Babylonian prestige features in the high level scribal culture. 49 The “Assyrian” traits found in Eblaite (Parpola 1988; Conti 1996) can be explained as archaic features, compared to the “Babylonian” innovations (in part already attested in some Sargonic dialects and even before, according to the Eblaite documentation). 50 Bonechi 1991; Catagnoti 2005. The Archives have confirmed a strong Semitic presence throughout the area, as already hypothesised by Fronzaroli 1960: 123–144 (differently from Gelb 1961a). 51 The studies of Krebernik (1998), Hasselbach (2005) and Sommerfeld (2010) highlighted how Early Dynastic Akkadian (as it mostly emerges from the onomasticon, see also Westbrook 1978) was a composite reality, in part continuing in the Sargonic period in the different areas – in spite of the strong efforts to centralize the political and administrative system –, where, as expected, royal inscriptions represent a more official and standardized language than letters and economic texts. 52 Tonietti 2001–2003 and 2005b. For other “Western” features, see Krebernik 1996 and Huehnergard 2006: 18. 53 qatala forms, still hypothesised by Pagan 1998 for some Personal Names, are definitely absent. 54 See, e.g., Fronzaroli 2005, Pasquali 2005a; 2005b.

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Eblaite belongs, then, to East Semitic, and thus substantially shares with Akkadian fundamental features such as the noun, pronominal and especially verbal systems.55 Moreover, apart from the clear or possible common retentions, the two languages share important isoglosses, for example the forms of the dative pronominal suffixes (-kum, -šum etc.); Geers’ law; the mp adjectives in -ūt; the perfect iptaras; stems with infixed -t- and -tn-; the conjugation of quadriradical verbs;56 oblique first and third person independent pronouns; genitive and accusative pronominal suffixes. Many are, however, also the divergences between the two languages. Most of them can be explained as retentions due to the greater archaism of Eblaite (e.g. dual pronominal suffixes and verbal forms; some phonemes [gutturals and interdentals]; some prepositions). Others, however, show that Eblaite does not share some of the innovations introduced independently in Akkadian (e.g. Barth’s law, as already mentioned; the new forms of the dual pronominal suffixes; the extension of -ma as a coordinator).57 In our opinion, though some of them are not strictly significant for classification, these divergences confirm that Eblaite cannot be classified as an Akkadian dialect. Particularly important in this regard is, of course, the fact that Eblaite does not share some of the innovations which strongly and exclusively characterise Akkadian as we know it, testifying to the latter’s independent development. Eblaite is certainly closer to the common phase from which Akkadian develops with the introduction of specific isoglosses. Nevertheless Eblaite too splits from this previous and common East Semitic phase as in Eblaite too some isoglosses are attested that are not shared by Akkadian.58 The most important are verbal nouns with prefix t- and infix -t- “unusual enough to suggest that Eblaite constitutes an innovative branch within East Semitic” (Huehnergard 2006: 5); but also some other differences from Akkadian, such as the sequence of suffixes -ān-at- in the noun formation (kuṣrattum /kuṣr-ān-at-um/ ‘clip’, pl. kuṣrānātum), which are not permitted in Akkadian,59 can perhaps be considered as Eblaite innovations. The phenomenon of “L-Reduktion”, though constituting a specific feature of Eblaite in this period, does not however provide elements for its classification.60 55 The latter representing, as is well known, a fundamental isogloss for Semitic languages (see also recently Rubio 2006a: 121–122. For a detailed description of the grammar of the language of Ebla, see Catagnoti 2012 and, more synthetically, Tonietti forthcoming. 56 See Tonietti forthcoming § 3.3.f. 57 For -ma, see Cohen 2000, and Huehnergard 2006: 16–17 (but for his suggestion to consider it as an East Semitic isogloss, see Tonietti forthcoming § 3.4.c and § 5.2.2.1). 58 Cf. also Huehnergard 2006: 4–5. 59 It seems difficult, instead, to consider as an isogloss the lack of -ān plurals in Eblaite, since it seems an Akkadian innovation rather than a Proto-Semitic feature (contra Goetze 1946: 126, Marrassini 2002; 2003), see Bonechi 2011–12. 60 See above, p. 5. Huehnergard 2006: 4–5 lists some other traits that he himself considers of uncertain diagnostic value.

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4. Conclusions Eblaite then belongs, like the various dialects of Akkadian, to the group generally defined as (Early) East Semitic, a definition which actually reflects a later situation well, but for several reasons it proves inadequate to describe that of the 3rd millennium BC. Though this may be regarded as an essentially terminological issue, we already suggested the actual 3rd millennium situation could be reflected better by applying the definition “Northern Early Semitic” (NES),61 as opposed to the contemporary “Southern Early Semitic” (SES).62 To define the relationships between Eblaite and Akkadian within the Northern Early Semitic is a delicate issue. To consider Akkadian and Eblaite as languages or dialects, as in other cases largely depends on evaluating elements and aspects other than the strictly linguistic features,63 which may also in themselves be a matter of subjective interpretation. However, to define Eblaite as an Akkadian dialect, as some Assyriologists still prefer to do,64 is not simply a matter of terminology. Even before any evaluation of the isoglosses, such a definition evokes a linguistic irradiation from east to west – parallel to the diffusion of the scribal culture – which is not confirmed by any other evidence, and contrasts with the most widely shared hypotheses regarding the diffusion of the Semitic languages. But, above all else, it seems problematic to consider as an Akkadian dialect a linguistic variety which, as we have seen, presents more archaic features than any variety of Akkadian known up to date. In fact, if this were the case, Akkadian (or Proto-Akkadian), in addition to the isoglosses shared by both languages, should necessarily also include the most archaic traits of Eblaite (e.g. šin, min, ap, etc.) which, however, are actually never attested in it. For the same reason, this hypothetical (Proto-)Akkadian paradoxically should not present those isoglosses which are not shared by Eblaite, but which, already in the period of the Ebla Archives, and probably before, effectively characterise the historically documented Akkadian varieties. Why should we, then, call Akkadian (or Proto-Akkadian) something which substantially seems to overlap a common phase of Northern Early Semitic(/East Semitic), and first and foremost does not present any specific Akkadian isogloss? And why should we still consider Eblaite as belonging to an “altakkadischen Dialektkontinuum”,65 instead of assuming that Eblaite and Akkadian, both devel61 See the discussion in Tonietti 2017: 267–269, with previous literature. 62 Like “West Semitic” including both South and Central Semitic, traces of which (albeit very tenuous) can be found in the Ebla Archives in association with the area south of the kingdom of Ebla itself. See Tonietti forthcoming § 6. 63 Mostly, but not exclusively, sociolinguistic aspects. 64 See recently Streck 2011. It must be stressed that Sommerfeld (2010: 77, 157–158), on the contrary, introduces the label “Prä-Akkadisch” for all the scattered Mesopotamian Semitic documentation previous to the Sargonic period. 65 Edzard 2006: 83–84.

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op departing from a common dialectal continuum, where, in the epoch of the Ebla Archives, precise differentiations and isoglosses can already emerge delineated and codified in literate languages in the areas of most advanced urban culture?66 One may agree with Edzard (2006: 83–84) when he writes: “Niemand würde je zu behaupten wagen, Iraquisch- und Syrisch-Arabisch, beide wechselseitig völlig verständlich, seien zwei verschiedene Sprache. ... Im Ganzen aber wird man Iraqisch-Arabisch ... und Syrisch-Arabisch als Teile eines Dialektkontinuums verstehen wollen”; whether Iraqi and Syrian may be considered as two dialects instead of two languages it depends, in fact, on the criteria chosen for such a definition.67 No one, however, could assert that Syrian is an Iraqi dialect or vice versa. In the same way, Akkadian and Eblaite may be considered as languages or dialects of a single continuum, but the evidence does not indicate that either is the dialect of the other. As we have seen, the linguistic picture which emerges from the Ebla Archives and other contemporary evidence for the large region of Northern Syria and the rest of Mesopotamia, in Early Dynastic period, presents a rich complexity and important divergences. And it is likely that the sharing of scribal practices among the various centres conceals other differences as it has been suggested.68 Based on the various elements examined above we believe it possible to isolate in this picture at least two independent linguistic varieties (dialects or languages) within Northern Early Semitic (East Semitic): Eblaite and Early Dynastic Akkadian.69 In conclusion, broadening our perspective, it cannot absolutely be denied that the Ebla Archives clearly show the presence of important Mesopotamian cultural borrowings, certainly resulting from the intensive commercial, political and cultural contacts around the area, but, even more, inevitably related to the adoption of the Sumero-Akkadian writing. Contrary to what happens with alphabetical writings, in fact, a logo-syllabic writing system is always intrinsic to the culture which created it: it is almost impossible to write in Akkadian – or Egyptian – without having a significant cultural baggage of extralinguistic knowledge.70 Nonetheless, it has been extensively assumed and demonstrated that Ebla is part of a Syrian culture showing specific traits different from those which characterize Babylonian culture (and the role Mari played as an important interface between these two cultures is also well attested in several domains).71 The strong 66 See also, e.g., Fronzaroli 1994; Tropper 2003; Rubio 2006a. 67 See, anyway, fn. 5 above. It must be stressed, however, that, as Gelb (1981: 51–52; 1987: 72) and Diakonoff (1984: 1) already pointed out, mutual understandability is not actually relevant for the classification of a given form of linguistic expression as either a language or a dialect. 68 See Rubio 2006a: 121. 69 As already suggested, though with different labels, in Fronzaroli 1994; Tonietti 2001–2003; Tropper 2003; Rubio 2003; 2006a; Huehnergard 2006. 70 Cf., e.g., Pandolfini and Prosdocimi 1990, particularly pp. 168 and 173. 71 See, e.g., Bonechi 1997; Fronzaroli 2005; Pasquali 2005a; 2005b; see Tonietti 2011 for an overview collecting many of these aspects, with previous literature.

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local aspects of the Ebla complex cultural growth are clearly expressed by the material infrastructures (ceramics, architecture)72 and, especially, by other important cultural superstructures like religion, figurative style and, last but not least, language.73

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littératures, offertes par ses élèves, ses collègues, ses amis; présentés à l’occasion de son quatre-vingtième anniversaire, Paris: 461–470. Matthiae, P. 1995a Ebla e le culture urbane arcaiche dell’antico Oriente, in Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae 1995: 204–209. 1995b Ebla e la tradizione architettonica della Siria nell’Età del Bronzo, in Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae 1995: 226–233. Matthiae, P., Pinnock, F. and Scandone Matthiae, G. (eds) 1995 Ebla. Alle origini della civiltà urbana, Milano. Mazzoni, S. 1991 Ebla e la formazione della cultura urbana in Siria, Parola del Passato 46: 163–184. Milano, L., Sallaberger, W., Talon, Ph. and Van Lerberghe, K. 2004 Third Millennium Cuneiform Texts from Tell Beydar (Seasons 1996–2002) (Subartu XII), Turnhout. Pagan, J.M. 1998 Archivi Reali di Ebla, Studi. III. A Morphological and Lexical Study of Personal Names in the Ebla Texts, Roma. Pandolfini, M. and Prosdocimi, A. 1990 Alfabetari e insegnamento della scrittura in Etruria e nell’Italia antica, Firenze. Parpola, S. 1988 Proto-Assyrian, in H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (eds), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla. Akten der Internationalen Tagung Heidelberg, 4.–7. November 1986 (HSAO 2), Heidelberg: 293–308. Pasquali, J. 2005a Innovazione e continuità nel lessico dell’artigianato nella Siria del III millennio a. C., in P. Fronzaroli and P. Marrassini (eds), Proceedings of the 10th Meeting of Hamito-Semitic (Afroasiatic) Linguistics, Florence April 2001 (QuSem 25), Firenze: 267–299. 2005b Il lessico dell’artigianato nei testi di Ebla (QuSem 23), Firenze. Pomponio, F. 1984 Peculiarità della grafia dei termini semitici nei testi amministrativi eblaiti, in L. Cagni (ed.), Il bilinguismo a Ebla. Atti del Convegno internazionale (Napoli, 19–22 aprile 1982), Napoli: 309–317. Rubio, G. 2003 Falling Trees and Forking Tongues: On the Place of Akkadian and Eblaite within Semitic, in L. Kogan (ed.), Studia Semitica, Moscow: 152–189. 2006a Eblaite, Akkadian and East Semitic, in G. Deutscher and N.J.C. Kouwenberg (eds), The Akkadian Language in its Semitic Context, Studies in the Akkadian of the Third and Second Millennium BC, Leiden: 110–139. 2006b Writing in another Tongue: Alloglottography in the Ancient Near East, in E.L. Sanders (ed.), Margins of Writing, Origins and Cultures (OIS 2), Chicago: 31–64. Sallaberger, W. 2001 Die Entwicklung der Keilschrift in Ebla, in J.-W. Meyer, M. Novák and A. Pruss (eds), Beiträge zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie Winfried Orthmann gewidmet, Frankfurt: 436–445. 2011 History and Philology, in M. Lebeau (ed.), Jezirah (ARCANE I), Turnhout: 319–334. Sommerfeld, W. 2010 Prä-Akkadisch. Die Vorläufer der ‘Sprache von Akkade’ in der frühdynastischen Zeit, in L. Kogan, N. Koslova, S. Loesov and S. Tishchenko (eds), Lan-

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guage in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 53e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Vol. 1. Part 1 (Babel und Bibel 4/1), Winona Lake IN: 77–163. Streck, M.P. 2011 Eblaite and Old Akkadian, in S. Weninger (ed.), The Semitic Languages. An International Handbook (HSK 36), Berlin – New York: 340–359. Tonietti, M.V. 1989 Larugaduki/Arugaduki, in P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 2 (QuSem 16), Firenze: 114–115. 1992 La cosiddetta L-Reduktion nel sillabario di Ebla, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Linguistica – Università di Firenze 3: 113–124. 1997 Il sistema preposizionale nei tre testi del rituale di ARET XI: Analogie e divergenze, in P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 4 (QuSem 19), Firenze: 73–109. 2001–03 Le problème de la classification de l’éblaïte: l’apport du système prépositionnel, Comptes rendus du Groupe Linguistique d’études chamito-sémitiques (GLECS) XXXIV (1998–2002), Paris: 197–210. 2005a Problèmes de morphologie éblaïte. ŠÈ à Ebla: pronom déterminatif-relatif ou préposition? in A. Lonnet and A. Mettouchi (eds), Les langues chamito-sémitiques (afro-asiatiques), Vol. I (= Faits de Langues 26), Paris: 181–200. 2005b Le système prépositionnel de l’éblaïte, in P. Fronzaroli and P. Marrassini (eds), Proceedings of the 10th Meeting of Hamito-Semitic (Afroasiatic) Linguistics (Florence, 18–20 April 2001) (QuSem 25), Firenze: 315–332. 2011 Elementi di continuità linguistica e culturale nell’area siro-palestinese: dalla Ebla degli Archivi Reali (XXIV sec. a.C.) al testo biblico, Semitica et Classica. International Journal of Oriental and Mediterranean Studies 4: 43–54. 2011–12 Aspetti del sillabario eblaita: la resa grafica della sillaba chiusa ed il valore idx(NI), Quaderni del Dipartimento di Linguistica – Università di Firenze 21: 67–84. 2012 Aspetti del sistema preposizionale eblaita (Antichistica 2; Studi Orientali 1), online version, Venezia 2012: http://edizionicf.unive.it/index.php/Ant/article/ view/477. 2014 The Multifaceted Importance of Prepositions in the Study of Archaic Semitic Languages, and the Particular Case of ʾa5-na, in A. Bausi, A. Gori and G. Lusini (eds), Linguistic, Oriental and Ethiopian Studies in Memory of Paolo Marrassini, Wiesbaden: 699–721. 2017 Some Reflections on Early Semitic in the Light of the Ebla Documentation, in A. Agostini and M.G. Amadasi Guzzo (eds), Afroasiatica Romana. Proceedings of the 15th Italian Meeting of Afro-Asiatic Linguistics (Quaderni di Vicino Oriente XII), Roma: 259–275. forthc. Eblaite, in G. Rubio (ed.), A Handbook of Ancient Mesopotamia, Vol. I, Berlin – New York. Tropper, J. 2003 Eblaitisch und die Klassifikation der semitischen Sprachen, in G.J. Selz (ed.), Festschrift für Burkhart Kienast zu seinem 70. Geburtstage dargebracht von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen (AOAT 274), Münster: 647–657. Westenholz, A. 1978 Some Notes on the Orthography and Grammar of the Recently Published Texts from Mari, Biblioteca Orientalis 35: 160–169.

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A. VACCA,1 G. MOUAMAR,2 M. D´ANDREA,3 S. LUMSDEN 4 1

Università degli Studi di Milano, 2 CNRS - Lyon, 3 Sapienza Università di Roma, 4 National Museum of Denmark

A Fresh Look at Hama in an Inter-regional Context. New Data from Phase J Materials in the National Museum of Denmark* 80 years after their completion, the Danish excavations at Hama (1931–1938) are still crucial for the understanding of the whole Early Bronze Age in Western Syria (ca. 3000–2000 BC), from an archaeological point of view. The National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen legally hosts a collection of around 5000 artefacts dating from Period J, which were left largely unpublished after Ingholt’s and Fugmann’s preliminary studies between the 1930s and the 1950s. Therefore, in 2015 the present authors began to undertake a complete re-examination of the Hama Bronze Age corpus, based on the artefacts and the field documentation stored at the museum, aiming at a comprehensive publication of these records. This article presents the first results of this joint initiative, focusing on a group of 14 vessels and sherds from Phases J6–3 (dated to late Early Bronze IVA and B, ca. 2400–2000 BC) that reveal a thus far unexploited potential of the Hama corpus in Copenhagen for the discussion of inter-regional connections during the Early Bronze Age. In fact, the location of Hama contributed to its importance in communication routes, and the wealth of imported ceramics in Period J attests to its connections to multiple networks.

1. Introduction This article presents the results of a new joint initiative undertaken by the authors to re-examine Period J at Hama (Early Bronze Age, hereafter EBA) in terms of architecture, material culture, socio-economic correlates and productive systems. The project seeks to investigate the fundamental changes occurring in the context of the 3rd millennium BC urbanization from the perspective of everyday life in a non-elite, residential, neighborhood. In fact, 80 years after their completion, the Danish excavations at Hama (1931–1938) are still crucial for the understanding of the whole EBA in Western Syria (ca. 3000–2000 BC). Hama is a key-site for the Northern Levant due to the long sequence of occupation revealed in the central deep trench, which spans the entire Bronze Age and beyond (Figs 1‒2; Tab. 1). In addition, the 1600 sqm area investigated in the central trench remains the largest exposure of an EBA domestic neighbourhood in this part of Syria, offering an important complement to the architecture uncovered, for instance, at contemporary Ebla, which is represented mainly by public buildings (§ 2).1 *

The article is the product of a joint work carried out by the authors at the National Museum in Copenhagen. S. Lumsden and A. Vacca dealt particularly with the presentation of the stratigraphy and the geographical and historical framework of Early Bronze Age Hama (§§ 2–3); A. Vacca and M. D´Andrea elaborated on typology, morpho-stylistic comparisons, and chronology, while G. Mouamar presented and discussed the results of the macroscopic

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 17–58

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A. Vacca, G. Mouamar, M. D´Andrea, S. Lumsden

The collection in the National Museum represents the Danish expedition’s legal share of excavated objects, shipped to Copenhagen in the 1930s. It is an immensely important collection; the artefacts dated to Period J alone number around 5000. Yet, no work on the Period J material at the museum has been undertaken since the publication in 1958 of the pre-Hellenistic levels.2 There have been no scientific analyses of this material, apart from a few radiocarbon dates and the preliminary identification of the floral and faunal material published in Fugmann’s book. 3 To fill these gaps, in 2015 the present authors proposed to undertake a complete re-examination of the Hama Period J corpus, based on the artefacts and the field documentation stored at the National Museum of Denmark, aiming at a comprehensive publication of these records.4 The first examination of the Hama J materials has included a larger assemblage; however, in the present paper we discuss a group of 14 vessels from Hama Phases J6–3 (dated to late EB IVA (ca. 2400–2300 BC) and EB IVB (ca. 2300–2000 BC)5 for the purpose of investigating patterns of intra- and inter-regional connections on the basis of stylistic comparisons and macroscopic observation of petrofabrics.6

observation on petro-fabrics (§ 4). Introduction and conclusions have been written jointly. We wish to thank Kamal Badreshany and Mathilde Jean for discussing with us data on Lebanese petrofabrics. We also wish to thank Marco Bonechi for his thorough comments on data from the Ebla texts. We also wish to warmly thank Bodil Bundgaard Rasmussen, Lasse Sørensen and John Lund, from the National Museum of Denmark, for all their help. 1 Matthiae 2010: 64–93, 106–117. 2 Ingholt 1934; 1940; Fugmann 1958; Thuesen 1988. However, the current authors has begun to publish studies of the Hama J material, see Mouamar (2017b). 3 Fugmann 1958: 281–282. 4 The joint project is coordinated by A. Vacca and S. Lumsden, who are in charge of the reassesment of the problematic issues of stratigraphy, architecture and find contexts of the artefacts from Hama Period J, which will be analyzed within a GIS-linked database. A systematic and comprehensive archaeometric study of Hama Periods K–E pottery and clay objects is being carried out by G. Mouamar, performed in the laboratory ArAr of the Maison de l´Orient et de la Mediterranée (MOM), Lyon. The team is composed of archaeologists and specialists from different fields, who are in charge of the typological study and chronological assesment of the Hama Period J corpus: A. Vacca and G. Mouamar deal especially with J8–6/5 levels, while G. Mouamar and M. D´Andrea focus on Hama J5–1 (§ 3). 5 In the archaeological periodization proposed by the ARCANE chronology for the northern Levantine Early Bronze Age, these phases correspond to Periods Early Northern Levant (= ENL) ENL 4 (EB IVA) and ENL 5–6 (EB IVB). In this article we maintain the traditional Early Bronze Age terminology; the dates, unless otherwise stated, follow the conventional Middle Chronology. 6 Archaeometric studies (petrographic and chemical studies) are currently being undertaken by G. Mouamar at the ArAr – Archéologie et Archeometrie, CNRS, Lyon.

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2. Hama in Its Geographical and Historical Setting During EB IVA, Hama (called ʾÀ-ma-atki, ʾÀ-ma-duki = Ḥamāt in the Ebla texts, identifiable with Ḥamā of later sources)7 was within the orbit of the main political-economic power in the area, Ebla.8 According to Archi (2010), Ḥamāt was within the territory directly administered by Ebla, and was run by a “lord” or “overseer”.9 On the other hand, Bonechi (2016: 59) suggests that Ḥamāt was an important town “just beyond the Ebla borders” that recognized the political superiority of Ebla in an alliance.10 Besides Hama, probably at least 12 ha in size during EB IV (see § 3), the only other excavated sites in the Middle Orontes sector (between the Ghab and al-Rastan) are Tell an-Nāsriyah and Tell ‘Asharneh.11 Independently of socio-political relationships, Hama during EB IVA appears highly integrated with the Ebla system from a socio-economic perspective, as suggested by the wide circulation of similar craft products between the two sites (Mazzoni 2003), and the movement of people across the region (Bonechi 2016). Moreover, the Ebla archives indicate that the Orontes Valley was included in inter-regional networks, since trade agents and merchants, coming from centres like Mari, Urša’um, and Manuwat lived in the cities of the Orontes Valley, such as Tunip and Ḥamāt (Bonechi 2016: 48–50, 67). In addition, along with Larugatu and Luban, Ḥamāt was one of the main cult centres for the worship of the god Hadda-ba‘al (d‘A5-da-bal) and his spouse, and members of the Eblaic royal family made offerings in his sanctuary at Hama. The worship of Hadda-ba‘al included a cult journey, during the 12th month of the year, in which high-ranking members of the Eblaic society participated.12 The circuit of the Hadda-ba‘al festival, probably taking place in the territory south and west of 7 The geographical name ʾÀ-ma-atki, ʾÀ-ma-duki recurs 80 times in the Ebla texts (see Bonechi 2016: 52 and fn. 137 with full bibliographical references). According to Bonechi (2016: 53–57) it is possible that this toponym refers to two different settlements named Ḥamāt: one could correspond with the ancient site in the modern city of Hama, while the other could be a site closer to Ebla, north of the first Ḥamāt and possibly in the Matkh area. Ancient Ḥamāt has to be distinguished from À-maki, a site with a strategic function of border control possibly located north of Ebla (Archi 2010: 34–35). 8 Archi 2010: 37; 2014: 164; Bonechi 1993: 36; 2016: 52; Matthiae 2008: 98. 9 Archi 2010: 37. “Hamatu belonged to the territory administrated directly by Ebla and its economic system”. 10 Bonechi (2016: 57) interprets the five guruš maḫ visiting the king of Ebla mentioned in a passage of ARET XIV 17 as a group of warriors participating in the anointment ceremony on the occasion of ratifying an alliance between the two cities. The interpretation of a substantial autonomy for Ḥamāt may also be suggested by the lack in the Palace G texts of any mention of agricultural land owned by members of the Eblaic elite around Hama (Ibidem: 70). 11 Bartl and Al-Maqdissi (eds) 2014: 72; Fortin 2007; Philip and Bradbury 2016. 12 According to Archi 2010: 36, a confraternity (šeš-II-ib) of 12 people belonging to the most important families was in charge of the procession of Hadda-ba‘al’s statue during this journey. See also Archi 1979; Bonechi 2016: 61–66.

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Ebla,13 could have the primary function of sustaining and reinforcing social ties, as well as of legitimating Ebla’s socio-political and socio-economic authority in a territory “well beyond Ebla’s immediate hinterland” (Ristvet 2011: 12).14 The territory directly controlled by Ebla seems to have included the ancient city of Tunip (Du-ne-ébki), for which an identification with Tell ‘Asharneh has been proposed.15 Tell ‘Asharneh, located in the fertile Ghab Basin, 37 km farther to the north-west of Hama, is a 77 ha site occupied, at least, from the mid-3rd millennium BC.16 In the Ebla texts, Tunip is mentioned in reference to agricultural lands owned by members of the Ebla elite, including olive groves.17 Further to the east/south-east of Hama, the Syrian steppe (Badiyat al-Sham) seems to be occupied by another political entity called Ib᾽al (Ib-al6ki) in the Ebla texts.18 Ib᾽al is considered to be a confederation located south-east of Ebla, in an extensive region with different ecological niches (e.g., “Ib᾽al of the steppe”, “of the canal”, or “of the reservoir”),19 and a number of centres (e.g., Zabu, Sidau, Budan and Wazaru)20 led by kings and probably tribal chiefs.21 Archaeologists have suggested that the area between Tell Mishrifeh and the Syrian Steppe,22 occupied by a series of circular cities – such as Sha῾īrat, Al-Ṣūr, and Al-Rawda –, and all positioned at a regular distance from the Très Long Mur, might correspond to the territory of this tribal confederation.23 It has been suggested that the relationship between Ebla and Ib᾽al was antagonistic; during the reign of the last king Ishar-damu, the Eblaic army, headed by Ibbi-zikir, fought several times against the cities of the confederation of Ib᾽al, eventually forming an alliance and obtaining military support in the war against Mari.24 According to Mouamar (2016: 87), the circular cities of the steppe, established and abandoned over the course of half a millennium (ca. 2600–2000 BC, EB IVA–B), are characterized by a shared, homogenous material culture, distinctive 13 14 15 16 17

18 19 20 21 22 23

24

Archi 2010; 2015; Ristvet 2011: fig. 6. Hama is located about 73 km south of Ebla, about a 17.30-hours walk. Casana 2009: 18, fn. 9; Bonechi 2016: 77. Fortin (ed.) 2006; Fortin 2007; Cooper 2006. Archi 1992: 26, “the beneficiaries were members of the court, such as the mother of the king, the vizier Ibrium, and some of their sons, and then many other persons, such as a merchant, lú-kar, from Dubitum [i.e., Tunip] etc., who generally are not given a title”. See also Archi 2002; Bonechi 2016: 40. Fronzaroli 2003; Biga 2008; 2014. Bonechi 1993: 188; Biga 2014: 199. Bonechi 1993: 188. Catagnoti 1997: 123–124; Fronzaroli 2003: 124; Biga 2014. Morandi Bonacossi 2009: 56–57. Mouamar 2016; 2017a. The so-called Très Long Mur (TLM) is a dry stone wall, 1 meter wide, identified over a distance of more than 200 km. Its function is still puzzling, and it has been interpreted by the team of the Marge Arides project as a landscape feature marking the borders between the settled area of the Syrian steppe (probably administrated by a political entity) and the world of semi-pastoralist communities (Geyer et al. 2010). Archi 2013: 83; 2014; 2015; Biga 2014: 201–205.

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of the region, between Mishrifeh, Sha῾īrat and Al-Rawda. This is clearly differentiated from the material culture of the Ebla and Hama areas throughout the whole EB IVA–B. Nonetheless, Hama shares a number of common features not only with Ebla, but also with the steppe and the southern area between Homs and Tell Nebi Mend. Located on the left bank of the Orontes River, in a position from which it was easy to connect with the coastal area to the west through the Homs Gap (towards Tell Arqa in Lebanon and Tell Kazel on the Syrian coast), with inland Northern Syria (the Ebla region) to the north, the Upper Orontes (between al-Rastan and Tell Nebi Mend) to the south, and the steppe region to the east (towards Tell Mishrifeh/ Qatna), Hama seems to have obtained goods from heterogeneous sources, as we suggest in the present study25 (§§ 4–5).

3. The Danish Excavations and the Stratigraphic Contexts of the Vessels The Danish Expedition, funded by the Carlsberg Foundation and led by Harald Ingholt, excavated at Hama from 1931 to 1938. During these eight field seasons, the work was concentrated in the southern section of the mound – the Iron Age “citadel” area – and in a deep trench in the centre of the mound (Squares H10– 11, I10–11). A few other areas on the mound were less intensely investigated, and mostly Iron Age graves were uncovered in the town of Hama adjacent to the mound. The largest exposure of the Period J remains was achieved in the deep trench; in addition, fragmentary architectural remains and objects dating to late Period J were uncovered in Square F11, north of the main excavation unit, and in Squares Q15 to 17, in the southernmost part of the mound (Figs 1‒2). Although the extent of the Period J (EB IVA–B, ca. 2550–2000 BC) settlement is unclear, these finds indicate that it might have extended up to 12 hectares, at least in its later phases (Phases J5–1, EB IVB). Apparently, the settlement did not expand beyond the mound until the Roman Period.26 The architectural sequence exposed in Squares H–I 10–11 yielded a multiphase domestic occupation, forming part of a neighbourhood rebuilt several times in the course of the 3rd millennium BC. The Period J settlement covers the entire exposed 40 x 40 m surface of the central excavation unit, and it accounts for approximately 4 meters of deposits (Fugmann 1958). The excavators divided Period J into 8 sub-phases, J8–1, with J8 being the earliest. Sub-phases J8–5 correspond to EB IVA, Mardikh IIB1, ca. 2550/2500–2300 BC, while J4–1 correspond to EB IVB, Mardikh IIB2, ca. 2300–2000 BC (Table 1). 25 On this topic, see Ascalone and D’Andrea 2013: 226; D’Andrea 2014a: 206–212; 2014b: 158, 164–166; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015. 26 Plough 1985: 79, 85; Riis and Buhl 1990: 9.

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A. Vacca, G. Mouamar, M. D´Andrea, S. Lumsden

22 Hama

Ebla

J8

EB IVA1

J7

Initial EB IVA2

J6–5

Final EB IVA2

J4

EB IVB1

J3–2

EB IVB2

J1

EB IVB3–4

Table 1. Proposed correlation between Hama and Ebla.

A major change in the settlement layout seems to have occurred between the earlier Period K (roughly corresponding to the first half of the 3rd millennium BC) and the following Period J. While the first level assigned to Period J (i.e., J8), displays aspects of continuity with the previous Phase K1 in terms of both pottery assemblage (lingering K1–4 vessels shapes) and architecture (same orientation of the houses), some major changes are detectable in the following Phase J7. The arrangement of detached houses, characteristic of Period K, is replaced by agglomerated dwellings of variable size, flanking a main N-S road (Fugmann 1958: 49–50), probably suggesting an increase in the population of the site during EB IVA (J8–6) that resulted in a high-density occupation.27 The EB IVA settlement was brought to an end by a severe destruction documented between level J5 and J4 (Ibidem: 62, 82).28 This destruction is usually connected with the Akkadian military campaigns in Syria.29 Fugmann (1958: 82) maintained that J4–1/EB IVB at Hama represented a period of stagnation after the more prosperous J8–5/EB IVA period. He suggested that the more dispersed arrangement of the houses in sub-periods J4–1 denoted a reduction of the settlement, in contrast to the tightly packed neighbourhood that characterized the earliest sub-phases of EB IVA. He also noted a decline in the quality of craftsmanship in the construction of the buildings in sub-phases J4–1 (Ibidem: 82). A possible problem with associating the Hama J sequence with narratives of decline is that the later sub-phases of Period J, in particular, are heavily damaged by later pits, silos and cisterns, which 27 Mouamar 2017b: 72; Vacca forthcoming. 28 Thick destruction layers are visible in the stratigraphic section published by Thuesen 1988: 96, fig. 24. C14 dates were obtained from a few samples of charred wood retrieved in levels J6–4 (Fugmann 1958: 281–282). Sample K-530, from level J6, corresponds to a calibrated range of 2310±140 BC, sample K-531 from level J5 to a calibrated range of 2230±120 BC, while sample K-533 (from J5/4) to 2210±120 BC. Hopper (1975: 177) recalibrated the C14 dates obtained for Hama suggesting slightly earlier absolute ranges: 2438 ±144 BC (K-530), 2355±124 BC (K-531), 2353±124 BC (K-533). See also Mouamar 2017b: 74, tab. 1. 29 Schwartz 2007: 49–52; Matthiae 2010; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015: 44, with relevant bibliography.

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make it difficult to reconstruct the full plan of the late 3rd millennium BC settlement. Overall, the general trend suggested for contemporary sites in Western Syria, such as Ebla, demonstrates a continuous development of the EB IVA–B material culture in northern Syria, suggesting continuity of urbanism through to the end of the 3rd millennium.30 A contextual approach to the study of the archaeological materials from Hama is complicated by the fact that the excavators did not use a locus registration system for all the find-spots, thus making it difficult to correlate objects with specific architectural units. According to the registration system employed, data for each object consisted of the day of the week of the excavation season in which the artefact was found along with the architectural sub-phase excavated on the same day.31 In other cases, either only the week in which the object was found is recorded or it is only recorded as dating to Period J. Nevertheless, in several other instances the excavation level is written in pencil on the sherds. In this case, it is possible to cross-reference the information reported on objects stored in the museum with field notes, object cards and architectural drawings made during the excavation of a particular phase (Fig. 3). Field architectural drawings were used to produce the general plan for each level of Period J, after the excavation was finished; these plans are published in Fugmann’s (1958) volume. The analysis of these field drawings is very useful for reconstructing the excavation process of a particular phase, since they were carried out at regular depth intervals. As an example, the excavation of Phase J6 in square H10 was carried out during the 7th and 8th weeks of the 1933 season; more than one sketch was realized at different elevations during the excavation and numbered accordingly (Fig. 3). The numbering is also reported on the object cards, thus allowing the stratigraphic provenance of the artefacts to be reconstructed, although the spatial location within a 20 x 20 m square in several cases cannot be specified. In order to establish the provenience of the materials presented in this article we used Ingholt’s and Fugmann’s publications, cross checking their attribution to certain levels with the original documentation stored at the museum. The majority of the vessels analysed in this article come from square H10, while just a few were collected in squares I-10, I-11 and H-11. The excavators assigned four vessels to level J6, three to levels J6–5, three to level J5, three to level J4, and only one to level J3 (for the list of vessels and their proveniences see Figs 4, 6‒8 and 10). In addition, we used traditional comparative pottery analysis to verify the suggested chronology of the artefacts and their provenience from a certain level, when needed. This is the case, for instance, of goblet no. 3G 879 (see below), previously unpublished, which is ascribed to Phase J6 by the excavators; how30 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 282–287; Schwartz 2007: 49–52; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015. 31 For an explanation of the registration system used at Hama, see Thuesen 1988: 11.

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ever, based on ceramic parallels, it is consistent with a dating to a later EB IV phase parallel to J2 or J1. Analogous is the case of jar no. 3G 936+3H 2; this is recomposed from 3 fragments, two of which are assigned by excavators to Level J6 (square H10), and the third one to Level J4/3 (square I-10 VI). For this vessel, too, we suggest a later date, to the EB IVB period, as in the previous case. These examples can be explained, for instance, by the fact that the sherds found their way into earlier levels by means of a pit dug during Phase J3–1, or during the following Middle Bronze Age period (Phase H), when a large number of silos, 3 to 6 meters deep, were dug into the earlier layers (Fugmann 1958: 86).

4. Pottery Description, Typological and Techno-Stylistic Parallels During the EB IVA period (ca. 2450–2300 BC), Hama shows an extensive network of contacts in all directions: with inland Syria towards the north, the steppe to the east, the coast of Syria and northern Lebanon to the west and south-west, and the southern Levant. Among the selected materials assigned by the excavators to Phases J6–5 (EB IVA), there is evidence of both local/regional productions and imported vessels. The former are represented by plain or corrugated Simple Ware and possibly by White-on-Black Ware (§§ 4.1–2). Imports are represented by several types of red-slipped and burnished bowls, probably arriving at Hama from the Syro-Lebanese coast (§ 4.4). During the EB IVB period (ca. 2300–2000 BC), a painted variety of Simple Ware (also known as “Painted Simple Ware” or “painted Caliciform Ware”)32 becomes very popular across Western Inland Syria, and it looks locally produced at Hama in Phases J4–133 alongside Plain Simple Ware (§ 4.1). A pattern of interactions between Hama and the neighbouring regions, continuing from EB IVA to EB IVB, is attested by vessels made of grey fabrics and decorated with white painted motifs occurring at several sites along the Middle and Upper Orontes sectors, as well as in the Syrian steppe (i.e., Sha῾īrat Grey Fabric, see § 4.2). Connections with the coastal area during EB IVB suggested by the recovery of a fragmentary footed cup, alien to the inland Western Syrian ceramic tradition (§ 4.4). Additionally, non-local ceramics are represented by a Simple Ware goblet imported from the Ebla region, and a fragment of a Black-Wheelmade Ware vessel coming to Hama from the south-western or south-eastern area (§§ 4.1–3). The present analysis is based on ceramic typology and comparisons, coupled with the macroscopic observation of thick sections under the binocular microscope. The latter was carried out with the main objective of testing the assumed provenience of vessels, hypothesized based on morphological and stylistic attri32 Mazzoni 1985a: 563; 2002: 78–79; Sala 2012; Welton and Cooper 2014: 298; Welton 2014: 347– 348; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015; D’Andrea 2016; Mouamar 2018. 33 The earliest exemplars of Painted Simple Ware appear in Phase J5 (Welton and Cooper 2014: 298).

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butes. The macroscopic observation allowed a preliminary description of the texture of ceramics, the colour of pastes and possible inclusions, as well as surface treatments and firing methods.34 Through the combined observations related to ceramic morphology, stylistic attributes and macroscopic observation of fabrics, it has been possible to recognize potentially different production areas and to distinguish between locally produced and imported vessels. Additionally, in some cases, the stratigraphic provenance of some sherds from the Hama excavation is challenged based on comparisons with other stratified contexts.

4.1. Local Types and Northern Connections: Hama and the Ebla Area During Phases J7–5, the ceramic assemblage of Hama is characterized by a number of locally produced types shared with inland Northern Syria. They are deep bowls, pouring vessels (e.g., trefoil-mouthed jugs and spouted jars), jars with grooved rim and ovoid corrugated jars with vertical or out-flaring thickened rim, the latter infrequently bearing a cylinder seal impression rolled on the outer rim.35 The Simple Ware deep bowl no. 3G 905 (Fig. 4:1) with thickened, triangular and slightly inturned rim, and ring base can be considered a local production based on the observation of the fabric. It is, in fact, characterized by a calcareous matrix (white/buff in colour) with small and medium size (between 200 and 900 μm) elongated inclusions, red or orange, regularly spaced in the matrix (Fig. 5:3G 905).36 The very light beige colour of the section probably results from a post-firing stage in an oxidizing atmosphere. This fabric is widely attested at Hama during the whole Phase J,37 while appearing different in terms of matrix, colour pastes and inclusions from other productions documented at Ebla and in the steppe region.38 As for the morphology, the bowl type appears in Phase J7 and is well documented through Phases J6 and J5.39 The morphological type of the Simple Ware deep 34 Samples have been prepared by cutting sherds along the longitudinal axis and by polishing the obtained section. The latter has then been scanned in order to be observed with the binocular microscope. Macroscopic observations have been carried out by G. Mouamar at the ArAr Laboratory (CNRS) in Lyon. Petrographic and mineralogical characterizations are currently under way and will be presented in an article in preparation. 35 See Mazzoni 1985a; 2002: 76–78; 2013 for a discussion on the ceramic repertoire of the Ebla/ Hama region during EB IVA. On ovoid corrugated jars see Cooper 2008; Peyronel, Vacca and Wachter Sarkady 2014: 23–27; Tumolo 2017. 36 The same fabric is used for the manufacture of Hama EB IVB painted goblets (M 378): see Mouamar 2017b: fig. 5:M 378. 37 In Phase J8 the majority of vessels are made with calcareous, pinkish or beige pastes, rich in mineral inclusions. 38 G. Mouamar personal observation. 39 Fugmann 1958: fig. 62: 3K 227 and 3H 189 (J7), fig. 64: 3H 149, 3G 905 (J6), fig. 74: 3F 221, 3G

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bowls with beaded rims, plain or corrugated, is quite common in the ceramic assemblage of Ebla’s Palace G.40 The appearance of this type at Ebla can be traced back to initial EB IVA2 (ca. 2450–2400 BC), while it is virtually absent from the previous EB IVA1 horizon (ca. 2550–2450 BC).41 This evidence is consistent with the first appearance of the type in Phase J7 at Hama.42 Similar Simple Ware vessels also occur in the ‘Amuq Plain, in Phase I.43 Another vessel type widely diffused in Syria, and probably locally produced at Hama or in its region, is the Simple or Painted Simple Ware flat-bottomed bottle with ovoid, globular or slightly biconical body.44 Vessel no. 3B 915 from Phase J4 (Fig. 4:2) has an ovoid body and a narrow tapered bottom, and an everted triangular rim. The fabric is calcareous and comparable to that described for bowl no. 3G 905, suggesting a continuity in the use of similar recipes from EB IVA to EB IVB. The decoration consists of thick brown-blackish painted horizontal bands on the upper part of the body and the neck. This bottle type is attested at Hama starting from Phase J6, and continues into Phases J4–1.45 The main area of distribution of the Painted Simple Ware bottles corresponds to Western Syria (between Ebla, the ‘Amuq and the Orontes Valleys), although some specimens are also attested in sites located along the Middle Euphrates River (e.g., Tawi and Wreide necropolis).46 Bottles mainly occur in funerary (e.g., Saraqeb, Ain Hassan, Zalāqiyāt and Tell Umm el-Marra),47 and domestic contexts (e.g., Hama, Tell Taynat, Tell Qarqur, Tell Mastuma, and Tell Mardikh/Ebla),48 and their use 178, 3H 786 (J5). 40 Mazzoni 2002: Pl. XXXVIII:86. 41 See Vacca 2015; Marchetti and Vacca 2018 for the description of the ceramic assemblage assigned to an initial phase of EB IVA2, which precedes the typical ceramic horizon of the final part of EB IVA2 represented by the ceramic assemblage retrieved in destruction levels in Palace G. For comparisons with the type see Marchetti and Vacca 2018: fig. 13:17–18. 42 Fugmann 1958: fig. 62: 3K 227. 43 Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: figs 312:14, 314:2. 44 For the typology of flat base bottles see Vacca 2014; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015. 45 Several variants of Simple and Painted Simple Ware bottles can be recognized (Vacca 2014). Sherd no. 3B 915 (Fig. 4:2) pertains to Type 1b in Vacca 2014: 255–256, characterized by a narrow tapered bottom, documented at Hama J6 (Fugmann 1958: 58, fig. 64: 3J 97 no. 36/H11), J4 (Ibidem: 69, fig. 85: 3B 915, here Fig. 4:2), and J3 (Ibidem: 74, fig. 93: 3A 673 no. 3/H11). Type 1a in Vacca 2014: 254–255, with an ovoid body and flat base, occurs at Hama in Phases J5 (Fugmann 1958: 65, fig. 75: 3D 315), J3 (Ibidem: 74, fig. 93: 3F 585), and J1 (Ibidem: 82, fig. 106: 5A 977). 46 Tawi Graves T5 and T6 (Kampschulte and Orthmann 1984: Pls 4:16 and 11:109); Wreide, Tomb 11, chamber B (Rova 1991: fig. 12). 47 Saraqeb (Suleiman and Gritsenko 1986: fig. 2:4); Ain Hassan, Hypogeum III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7); Zalāqiyāt (Al-Maqdissi and Yabroudi 1987: fig. 1:10–12; Mouamar 2018: fig. 15:6); Tell Umm el-Marra, Tomb 1 (Schwartz et al. 2003: 339, fig. 23:10). 48 Tell Taynat, T4:2, Amuq I (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 415, fig. 318:3 (T3681); Tell Masin, level 3 (du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: fig. XLIX:30–31); Tell Qarqur (Dornemann 2008: fig. 2:12); Tell Mastuma, North Trench, level VII (Wakita 2009: 66, fig. 3:7); Tell Mardikh/Ebla, Area HH, dwellings (L.9645) (Vacca 2014: fig. 3:5 and 17; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015: fig. 4:15–16;

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as unguentaria may find empirical support in the volumetric analysis and in textual evidence (Vacca 2014: 263–269). Besides the bottle, which is local to the Hama region, other imported vessels are documented. This is the case of a fragment of a Simple Ware goblet, no. 3G 879 (Fig. 4:3), which provides an opportunity to re-discuss the relations between Hama and the Ebla region during EB IVB in terms of geographic borders of ceramic regions and pottery exchange. Goblet no. 3G 879 has a globular shape, with slightly incurving walls and slightly thickened inside rim, which features two parallel horizontal grooves on the outside. In addition, there is a band-combed decoration on the outer surface, right below the rim, consisting of 13 parallel incised lines. As for the petrofabric, the matrix of this sherd is calcareous and characterized by a compact texture, with close spaced black, white, and red mineral aggregates of small size (between 100 and 200 μm) (Fig. 5:3G 879). Parallels to goblet no. 3G 879 come from Ebla,49 Tell Tuqan,50 Tell Afis,51 Tell Mastuma,52 and Tell Qarqur.53 On the one hand, it is generally acknowledged, based on both techno-stylistic similarities and petrographic properties of the vessels that, during EB IV, Ebla and Hama belonged to the same ceramic region within inland Western Syria all through the EB IV period.54 On the other hand, recently, it has been suggested that Ebla was also part of a micro-region including, in particular, Tell Mastuma, Tell Afis and Tell Tuqan, and, in part, Tell Qarqur, defined by the presence of vessels typical of precisely the final phase of the EB IVB period at these sites. Those vessels include, in particular, some classes of unpainted goblets, either plain, combed, or combed and grooved.55 Therefore, the presence of a similar goblet at Hama is striking, because it represents the first attestation south of Ebla known thus far, outside its area of production and distribution, of what is believed to be an extremely localized repertoire. D’Andrea 2018a: fig. 7:15). 49 EB IVB3–4: Matthiae 2007: fig. 27: the first from the left in the first row; D’Andrea 2014–15: 146, fig. 12:8–9; 2016: 210, figs 5:11–12, 8:1–2; 2018a: 228, fig. 10:11 and, in particular, fig. 11:3: 2018b: 14, fig. 17:10 and, in particular, fig. 18:6. 50 Phase Tuqan IIB: Baffi and Peyronel 2013: fig. 9.15:1 (TT.10.N.197/1). There is no combed decoration, but the sherd is broken just below the rim. 51 Phase IV: Mazzoni 1998: fig. 19:1 (Level 17); Felli and Merluzzi 2008: fig. 4:2. 52 Layers c to g in Square 15Gc: Tsuneki 2009: 77, fig. 3.21:9. 53 Dornemann 2008: fig. 2:17 . 54 Mazzoni 1985b: 10 and fig. 1, 2002: 78; Welton and Cooper 2014: 332–333; D’Andrea 2014–2015: 150–151; see also the criticism and discussion in Welton 2014: 364–367. For a petrographic perspective, see Mouamar 2016: 82–84. 55 D’Andrea 2014–15: 146, fig. 12:4–9; 2016: 210–211, figs 3:2–3, 5–6, 7–8, 5:9–12, 8:1-4; 2018a: 228, with references for the other sites at fns 40–43, figs 10:7–13, 11:1–3; 2018b: figs 17:5–12, 18:5–10. See also the discussion in Welton and Cooper 2014: 331, where these vessel types are used to define a final EB IVB horizon within the ARCANE periodization, where the earlier EB IVB phase is called ENL 5 and the later EB IVB phase is labelled ENL 6. On this aspect, see also the remarks in D’Andrea 2014–15: 151–152; 2018a: 228–229; Cooper 2018: 190–191; Schwartz 2017: tab. 5.1 on pp. 88, 90–91.

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The results of the macroscopic observation on the Hama sherd suggest a non-local origin. In fact, while the calcareous fabric is very common both at Ebla and Hama, different recipes are employed at the two sites, characterized by clearly distinguishable features. These are the fabric’s texture – sherds from Ebla generally show a more compact texture than those from Hama – and the presence of small black inclusions in the Ebla sherds, which never occur in Hama’s local fabrics.56

4.2. Local Types and South-Eastern Connections: Hama, the Orontes Valley and the Steppe Besides Simple Ware and Painted Simple Ware vessels, Grey Ware types are frequently documented among the ceramic assemblages of Phases J6–1.57 Based on macroscopic observation of sherds made of different grey wares, it was possible to recognize at least three distinctive fabrics, probably representing distinct traditions, dating to the EB IVA–B periods. One fabric characterizes sample 3G 919, dating from EB IVA2 and made of White-on-Black Ware, probably produced at Hama or in the central Orontes Valley. The second fabric is represented by samples 3F 596 and 3E 314, ascribed to EB IVB, and probably belonging to Grey Ware either local or produced in the central Orontes Valley. Finally, the third fabric is typical of samples 3E 677 and 3G 936, dating from EB IVB, which seem to be imported Grey Ware vessels. During EB IVA, the production of grey ware decorated with multiple thin parallel lines – labelled White-on-Black Ware by Mazzoni (2002: 77) – is represented at Hama by a variety of bowls, goblets, bottles, and jars.58 This specific ceramic style is characterized by grey or red fabrics with a white decoration either spiral-painted or painted and reserved.59 The fabric employed is a calcareous one and the different colour, red or grey, is obtained from different firing processes, i.e., respectively, in oxidising or reducing atmosphere. Therefore, G. Moumar (2017b: 91) has recently introduced the use of the definition White-on-Black/Red Ware in order to encompass both the grey and the red vessels.60 The White-on-Black Ware deep bowl no. 3G 919 from Phase J6 (Fig. 6:1) is decorated with multiple thin parallel whitish lines, painted and reserved through combing, on the lower body of the vessel. The observation under binocular microscope evidenced a very fine fabric, with a compact texture, and white mineral 56 For a description of EB IVB fabrics at Ebla see Ballirano et al. 2014. 57 We are currently quantifying the occurrence of grey wares throughout Phases J6–1, taking into account the material stored at the National Museum of Denmark. 58 Fugmann 1958: figs 62: 3G 947, (J7), 64: 3G 919, 3H 200 (J6), 65: 3G 377 (J6), 74: 3A 736, 3H 122 (J5), 75: 3E 221 (J5), 3A 736 (J5). 59 See recently D’Andrea 2017; Mouamar 2018, with relevant bibliography. 60 See for instance the case of the bichrome goblet from Hama J5 (Mouamar 2017b: fig. 11).

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inclusions (probably quartz), from close to single spaced, and of small dimensions (between 100 and 400 μm); sporadic larger brown-reddish mineral aggregates (around 1 mm) are also present (Fig.5: 3G 919).61 Very similar fabrics are frequently documented also in the steppe area, especially at Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna and Tell Sha῾īrat.62 The heartland of the White-on-Black/Red Ware production seems localized in the Middle and Upper Orontes sectors, as indicated by the spatial distribution of goblets (the most common shape), at sites in the Ghab basin (at Tell ‘Asharneh, Tell Sikkine Qaade, Tell Ahmed and Tell Aamourine), and along the Middle and Upper Orontes sectors (Hama and Tell Nebi Mend).63 During EB IVA, imported White-on-Black Ware vessels are documented in northern Levantine contexts at Ebla,64 Tell Umm el-Marra, Tell Tayinat, and Tell Arqa.65 As for the morphology of bowl no. 3G 919, the shape can be paralleled with similar types produced in Simple Ware. It is comparable, for instance, with shallow bowls with inturned beaded rim from initial and late EB IVA2 levels at Ebla,66 from Amuq Phase I,67 and from Tell Qarqur.68 This kind of bowl is also documented in the Middle Euphrates Valley during Periods Early Middle Euphrates 4–5 (EME), where it is produced both in Plain Simple Ware or with a fine-textured ware, fully oxidised and ring burnished on the outer surface, labelled “Euphrates Banded Ware”.69 At Hama, similar fabrics as that of the deep bowl no. 3G 919 are employed for the manufacture of other shapes, such as bottles and jars from Phases J6 and J5. The White-on-Black Ware bottle no. 3A 736 from Phase J5 (Fig. 6:2), dating late in the EB IVA2, is characterized by a painted and combed decoration. The hypothesis of local production (at Hama or in its area) of White-on-Black Ware vessels is currently being tested through mineralogical and petrographic analysis; the results will be compared with petrographic and geochemical data from other sites located in the core area of production and distribution of White-on-Black Ware,70 in order to differentiate among centres of production. 61 A similar fabric is employed in the production of White-on-Black goblets from EB IVA2 Hama (see Mouamar 2017b: fig. 5:3K 221, fig. 10:2). 62 Mouamar personal observation. 63 See D’Andrea 2017, with full bibliography. 64 Petrographic analyses of a White-on-Black Ware goblet from Ebla suggest that it was imported from the Orontes Valley, probably from Tell Mishrifeh: Maritan et al. 2005: 735, fig. 4; Lazzarini and Colombo 1994: 21. 65 Umm el-Marra (Schwartz et al. 2006: 625); Tell Taynat, Phase I (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: fig. 321, Pl. 88:2); Tell Arqa (Thalmann 2006: 118–119, 123–124, Pls 56:12, 14, 61:9–10, 14, 18–19, 64, 65:1, 3, 14, 129: 1–4. 66 Initial EB IVA2: Vacca 2015: fig. 8:5; Marchetti and Vacca 2018: fig. 13:18–19; Late EB IVA2: Mazzoni 1982: fig. XXIX:7. 67 Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: fig. 312:15. 68 Dornemann 2003: fig. 198:38. 69 Sconzo 2015: Type 81, Pl. 16:5–10. 70 For the distribution of Early Bronze IV grey wares, see D’Andrea 2017: fig. 3.

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During the following EB IVB period, grey and red hard-textured wares spread over a larger area than that of White-on-Black Ware, encompassing not only the Middle and Upper sectors of the Orontes Valley, but also the Steppe, the Beqa’ and Upper Galilee, as far as the Southern Levant (§ 4.3; D´Andrea 2017). These differentiated EB IVB traditions of grey wares are characterized by similar techno-stylistic features, and betray an ancestry in the White-on-Black Ware of the first half of the EB IV period.71 At Hama Phases J4–1 (EB IVB), new morphological types are produced in Grey Ware such as goblets, jugs, spouted vessels, and bottles (Figs 7–8). The macroscopic observation obtained for the fabrics of jugs nos 3F 596 and 3E 314 suggest a different, coarser, production with respect to that employed for the manufacture of EB IVA White-on-Black Ware. The fabric of the two jars is characterized by a rather fine texture, with white and reddish-brown mineral inclusions (between 200 and 900 μm). Voids are visible in the thin section and might be related to the dissolution of inclusions during firing (Fig. 5:3F 596, 3E 314). The sherds feature a reddish core and grey inner and outer surfaces, suggesting that the last phase of firing was performed in a reducing atmosphere. This fabric might be preliminarily interpreted as an EB IVB local tradition of Grey Ware typical of Hama or its surroundings, linked to the White-on-Black Ware tradition of the previous EB IVA period in terms of petrofabrics and preparation, decoration (white decoration on a grey fabric) and morphological repertoire (mostly table ware). This hypothesis will be tested through mineralogical and petrographic observations on a larger sample of vessels from Phases J4–1. Two trefoil-mouthed jugs from Phases J4 and J3 are produced with this fabric (Fig. 7:1–2). The earlier of these, no. 3E 314 (Fig. 7:1), assembled from six fragments, has an ovoid body and a tapering neck; the vertical handle is attached to the shoulder and below the rim. The decoration consists of irregularly painted horizontal white lines on the neck and upper body (at least in the preserved portion of the vessel). Painted lines become more irregular close to the handle, where a wavy line applied after painting is also visible. The other exemplar, no. 3F 596 from Phase J3 (Fig. 7:2), is characterized by an elongated neck and a decoration with white thin lines arranged in tight horizontal bands on the neck and shoulder (visible in the preserved portion). Trefoil-mouthed jugs appear early in EB IVA1 contexts72 and the type remains popular throughout the late 3rd millennium BC. Jugs similar to that of Hama are documented in the Orontes Valley at Tell Masin, Tell Dnebi, Selemiyeh and Qatna.73 71 Dever 1980: 5; Mazzoni 1985b: 15; D’Andrea 2014a: 198–200, 2014b: 159–160; 2017, in particular 178–181, fig. 1; Welton and Cooper 2014: 335; Bechar 2015: fig. 13; D’Andrea and Vacca 2015: 47–49, figs 3:1–8, 5:3–7; Cooper 2018: 186–189. 72 Marchetti and Vacca 2018: 310, fig. 19; Vacca 2018: 13. 73 du Mesnil du Buisson 1930: Pl. XXXI; 1935: Pl. XLIX:28.

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A pattern of interactions between Hama and the region to the south/southeast, between Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna and the steppe, continuing from EB IVA to EB IVB, is attested by vessels made of non-local grey fabrics and decorated with white painted motifs. Some of the Hama specimens (vessels 3G 936+3 H2 and 3E 677) from late J levels (J4–3) can be considered an import from the area of Mishrifeh or from the area between the latter and Tell Sha῾īrat, where very similar fabrics are documented.74 This group appears homogeneous in terms of paste composition, and differs from the, probably local, grey fabric discussed above. It is characterized by the presence of a large number of small (50–1400 μm) and medium (300 μm) white inclusions, representing ca. 55/60% of the matrix; the colour of the paste is very dark, ranging from grey to blackish-grey. The last stage of post-firing took place in a reducing atmosphere, since the sherds show a homogeneous grey section (Fig 9: 3E 677, 3G 936+3 H2). Vessel no. 3G 936+3H2 recomposed from two sherds from Phases J6 and J4–3 (see § 2 for the stratigraphic provenience) is a fragmentary jar with short slightly everted neck, wide mouth and triangular rim (Fig. 8:2). The most distinctive characteristic of this item is the combination of grey fabric and white painted decoration. The decoration is composed of multiple (27) thin white horizontal lines and a lower slightly thicker line running parallel to them. As for the jar’s morphology, possible comparisons can be drawn with similar types, made with grey ware and decorated with slipped radial bands, from Sha῾īrat.75 Besides the fabric, the particular white design featured on jar no. 3G 936+H2 (Fig. 8:2) is also characteristic of the EB IVB grey wares produced in the area between Mishrifeh and Sha῾īrat.76 The same pattern features on grey goblets from Tell Sha῾īrat77 and Yabroud.78 The same considerations above apply to jar no. 3E 677 from Phase J4 (Fig. 8:1), which is also preserved only partially, from rim to shoulder. The jar is characterized by a short neck, slightly incurving inward, a wide mouth, and an upright rim, channelled inside. Like the jar described above, jar no. 3E 677 is made of a grey fabric and decorated with painted motifs, though simpler in this case: two rather thick white bands are painted on the shoulder of the jar. Overall, this type of vessel can be ascribed to the same techno-stylistic tradition of jar no. 3G 936+3 H2 (Fig. 8:2). However, it has to be underlined that simple parallel bands of white 74 For Tell Sha῾īrat and the “Sha῾īrat Grey Fabric”, see Mouamar 2016; 2018; for Tell Mishrifeh, see Mouamar 2015: fig. 6:1. 75 Mouamar 2018: fig. 7:9. 76 Mouamar (2016: 84, fig. 8: SH.07.C.509/1, SH.07.C.509/4, SH.07.C.509/31, SH.07.C.509/44) refers to it as his Group B. Kennedy 2015: fig. 64:5. 77 Mouamar 2016: fig. 8: SH.07.X.509/4. 78 Abou Assaf 1967: fig. 21:1.

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paint on grey vessels are found also to the south, for example at Tell Nebi Mend79 and Yabroud, where two spouted jars, one with upright swollen rim, feature such decoration.80 Likewise, sherds made of hard-textured grey fabrics featuring an upright rim channelled inside are frequently found at sites in southern Syrian, such as Moumassakhin and Yabroud81 once again, but also at Khirbet al-Umbashi.82 In the case of vessel no. 3E 677 from Hama, a provenience from the area between Mishrifeh and Sha῾īrat seems suggested by the preliminary macroscopic observations and stylistic and morphological parallels.83 It is interesting to note that there are techno-stylistic connections among different regional areas in central and southern Syria during the latter EB IV phase, which may reflect social phenomena at work in this period.

4.3. Southern Connections: Hama and the Southern Levant Though just a small pottery sherd, no. 3G 678 (Fig. 8:3) has been selected for analyses because of its painted decoration, resembling a motif characteristic of the southern Levantine Black Wheel-made Ware, composed of a wavy line framed within, and sometime intersecting with, two horizontal lines.84 The Hama sherd is a fragment of a closed shape vessel, possibly a teapot, although it cannot be excluded that it might have belonged to a small jar or a bottle. The sherd is made of a hard-texture grey ware, smoothed on the outside, where also a whitish painted decoration is partly preserved; it can be reconstructed as the typical motif, characteristic of the Lebanese and southern Levantine Black Wheel-made Ware, composed of a wavy line framed within and sometime intersecting with two horizontal lines. Teapots belonging to the Black Wheel-made Ware or to related ware classes have been found at Tell Nebi Mend,85 in the Lower Orontes Valley, and Yabroud,86 in Southern Syria, and comparable imported vessels were found at Byblos,87 in northern coastal Lebanon, but, on all those vessels, the decoration is composed of parallel painted bands only. The same motif appears on the Black Wheel-made 79 80 81 82 83 84

Mathias 2000: fig. 25.6:100; Kennedy 2015: fig. 64:7. Abou Assaf 1967: Pl. III:23–24. Ibidem: Pl. VI:2–3, 12, 24. “Les petites jarres à pâte grésée”: Échallier and Braemer 2004: 327, fig. 585:C.341, C.342, C.675. Tell Sha´īrat (unpublished materials, Mouamar personal observation). For a list of southern Levantine contexts with Black Wheel-made Ware see D’Andrea 2014a: 193, fn. 25, 195–203 and fig. 8; 2014b: 153, 157, fig. 5.3, in particular fn. 89; Bechar 2015: 29– 31, fig. 1, tab. 1. Most of these contexts where Black Wheel-made Ware vessels are found, are tombs and settlements, which feature only one major EB IV phase, not associated with radiocarbon determinations. 85 Mathias 2000: fig. 23.5:86. 86 Abou Assaf 1967: Pl. III:2–3. 87 Dunand 1954: 117, fig. 114:7585.

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Ware teapots found at Tell Hizzin,88 in the Beqa’, an area that is likely to be part of the production region of this ware (see below). On the other hand, a Black Wheelmade Ware sherd found at Tyre, and possibly belonging to a teapot, features the same wavy motif framed within horizontal lines89 as sherd no. 3G 678 from Hama. Variations of this motif are attested also at southern Levantine sites, in particular in Upper Galilee, the Jezreel Valley and the northern Jordan Valley, for example at Tell el-Waqqas/Hazor90 and its vicinity,91 Khirbet Qadish/Qedesh,92 Khirbet Khisas/Hagosherim,93 Khirbet an-Na’ima/Tel Na’ama,94 Hanita,95 Tell el-Mutesellim/ Megiddo,96 and Tell el-‘Asi/Tel ´Amal.97 As is well known, the origin of the southern Levantine Black Wheel-made Ware has been discussed at some length. It was considered imported from the Orontes Valley in earlier research,98 until, based on petrographic analysis of sherds found at Khirbet an-Na’ima/Tel Na’ama, in the Hula Valley of Upper Galilee, it was suggested that it was a local product, made of Lower Cretaceous clays outcropping in the region of the Mount Hermon and the Anti-Lebanon Range.99 Subsequently, it has been proposed that also Tell el-Waqqas/Hazor, in the Upper Galilee, which yielded an eclectic and rich repertoire of Black Wheelmade Ware,100 might have been a centre of production of these wares, although it was not possible to match the petrographic data obtained from the samples with Lower Creataceous sources.101 Recent analysis of Black Wheel-made Ware vessels from a tomb discovered close to Hazor did not yield conclusive results. The petro-fabric used might match with Lower Cretaceous outcrops for the presence of sand-sized quartz grains, but lacks other components commonly featuring as inclusions in the thin-sectioned Black Wheel-made Ware made with Lower Cretaceous clays (e.g., argillaceous and ferruginous shales and oolites),102 outcropping in the Anti-Lebanon and the 88 Genz and Sader 2008a: Pl. 1:3–4; Genz 2010: 209–210, figs 3–4. 89 Bikai 1978: 70, Pl. LVI:12 90 Stratum XVIII: Yadin et al. 1961: Pl. CLVI:2, 5–6; Bechar 2017: figs 6.10: 8–14, 18, 6.12:9–10, 6.18:9, 6.20:4, 6.21:12. 91 Getzov 2016: fig. 9:9–10. 92 Tadmor 1978: fig. 8:70-225, 70-230, 70-4722, 70-473, 70-474. 93 Greenberg 2002: fig. 3.18:14. 94 Greenberg et al. 1998: fig. 21:5–6, 8–9. 95 Singer and Dar 1986: fig. on p. 60 and fig. on p. 65, no. 7. 96 Guy 1938: Pls 11:30–23, 12: 1, 12 (Tomb 877 A, C), 15:1–2, 6–9 (Tomb 989 A2, C2, D2), 20:13 (Tomb 878 A), 22:5 (Tomb 1014 A), 25:10 (Tomb 912 A2). 97 Tomb A-B: Feig 1991: fig. 6:3. 98 Guy 1938: 148–149; Dever 1980: 46, 50–52; Richard 1980: 22–24; Mazzoni 1985b: 15; Palumbo 1990: 118–119; 2008: 252. 99 Greenberg et al. 1998: 23; Greenberg 2002: 53–54; Bunimovitz and Greenberg 2004: 19–31. 100 Bechar 2013: 74–75, figs 8, the first two in the first row, 9; 2015: 30–31, figs 2:5–8, 5, 6:1–2, 6–8, 10; 2017: 173–178, figs 6.9–6.10. 101 Bechar 2015: 42–43. 102 Cohen-Weinberger 2016: 22.

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Mount Hermon areas. Therefore, the question of the possible location of centres of production of Black Wheel-made Ware in the Upper Galilee remains open, and the origin and centre(s?) of production of the Black Wheel-made Ware vessels found at Hazor and its vicinity still has to be determined. In addition, recent petrographic and geochemical data of Black Wheel-made Ware from Lebanon might support the hypothesis that the Beqa’ was an area of production of this ware. Overall, the clay sources exploited for the production of Black Wheel-made Ware vessels found in Lebanon seem to be similar to, although different from, those used for making goblets in the Homs area.103 Despite the fact that the grey wares spread throughout the Middle and Upper Orontes Valley, the southern edge of the Syrian steppe, southern Syria, the Beqa’ and the southern Levant are techno-stylistically related to each other, it is clear that there were various regional productions, forming a shared technological milieu.104 The observation under the binocular microscope of no. 3G 678 shows that the fabric is characterized by a large number of small (50–1400 μm) and medium (300 μm) white inclusions with sub-rounded shape; the sherd shows an oxidised core and dark surfaces because the last post-firing stage took place in a reducing atmosphere (Fig. 9: 3G 678). This is a non-local calcareous fabric, largely comparable with contemporary productions in the steppe area (such as “Sha῾īrat Grey Fabric”) or in the southern Homs area (Tell Nebi Mend, Fabric B), in turn related, in terms of clay composition, to the Black Wheel-made Ware of the Lebanese region. Thus, it is not possible at present to establish the exact provenience of the sherd. This will be investigated through chemical analyses. As for the dating, sherd no. 3G 678 from Hama, collected in Level J5, which can be considered at the transition between EB IVA and EB IVB in the northern Levantine sequence.105 Therefore, it is the earliest Black Wheel-made Ware known to date, or at least, the only one that can be thus far pinpointed to a given EB IV phase with some certainty.

4.4. Western Connections: Hama and the Coastal Area A group of three bowls ascribed by the excavators to Phase J6/J5 (Fig. 10:1–3) can be considered imports from the coastal area. Bowls nos 3B 737 (Fig. 10:1), 3G 152 (Fig. 10:2) and 3G 694 (Fig. 10:3) are characterized by the same fabric, with a calcareous matrix, from white-buff to light orange in colour, very rich in mineral inclusions, mainly sub-rounded small (between 10 and 100 μm) and medium (between 100 103 We are grateful to Kamal Badreshany for sharing unpublished data with us and allowing us to refer to a forthcoming study by Herman Genz, Kamal Badreshany and Mathilde Jean. 104 D’Andrea 2017: 180–181, fig. 3. 105 The reason for these considerations is the early presence of Painted Simple Ware typical of the EB IVB pottery repertoire, occurring along with EB IVA vessel types.

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and 500 μm) white and black aggregates (Fig. 9:3B 737, 3G 152 and 3G 694). All three specimens are characterized by a thin red slip (ca. 50 μm), heavily burnished in a pattern motif. As for the morphology, the bowls show a similar shape: they are shallow hemispherical bowls, with thinned rim and pointed or rounded lip. The decoration consists of two or three horizontal deep grooves below the rim on the outer surface and/or on the inner surface. One of the specimens has a vertical handle attached below the rim. This type of bowl does not find, for the moment, any exact comparison in published materials, but it is possible to draw some parallels for individual details such as the attached handle,106 or the grooved decoration.107 Overall, the paste and the surface treatment find close comparisons with specimens from Syro-Lebanese coastal sites.108 Similar shapes are produced at Tell Arqa, although only seldom attested, from EB II–III,109 and at Byblos, with elaborated burnish.110 A further proof of coastal/inland connections at Hama during EB IVB is vessel no. 2C 905 (Fig. 10:4). This is a footed cup, the lower part of the body of which is preserved, while the rim is missing. The fabric is calcareous, whitish-green in colour (probably fired at high temperatures), rich in rounded calcareous inclusions (between 20 and 400 μm) (Fig. 2: 2C 905). The outer surface is burnished with vertical strokes. This vessel shape is alien to the ceramic tradition of the Orontes Valley and of inland Western Syria in general, but it is known from northern coastal Lebanon, the repertoire of which has gradually come into sharper focus thanks to the work of J.-P. Thalmann at Tell Arqa111 and his attempt to re-assess the problematic chronology of the ceramic assemblages from Byblos.112 Moreover, fresh research at sites on the northern coast of Lebanon, such as Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, has produced new comparative materials.113 In fact, vessels analogous to the footed cup 2C 905 from Hama have been found at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, in Phase V contexts, dating to EB IVB114 and at Byblos.115 106 Similar handles are documented at Ugarit/Ras Shamra: Courtois 1962: 437, fig. 25:A. 107 Schaeffer 1962: fig. 37:H. 108 Mouamar’s personal observation based on materials from Tell Sianu and Tell Sukas in the coastal area. 109 Thalmann 2006: Pls 54–55; we would like to thank Mathilde Jean for sharing with us unpublished data, and referring us to an unpublished red-slipped and burnished bowl (01/364.001) from Arqa Phase P (EB IV), which provides a very close comparison to these bowls from Hama. 110 Dunand 1954: Pl. CLIII. 111 Thalmann 2006; 2016; Rouz and Thalmann 2016. 112 Thalmann 2008. 113 Genz et al. 2009: 78, Pl. 3; Genz and Sader 2008b: Pl. 4; Genz et al. 2010: 247, Pl. 1. The EB IV ceramics from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida are currently being prepared by M. D’Andrea (forthcoming), for publication in a forthcoming final report of the excavations at the site, which will be edited by H. Genz (forthcoming). 114 Personal observation of Hermann Genz and Marta D´Andrea. We wish to thank warmly Hermann Genz for allowing us to mention these pre-publication data. 115 Dunand 1954: figs 880: 15120, 935: 16199, 16794.

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The retrieval of a footed goblet comparable to those found at northern coastal Lebanese sites is very interesting, because contacts between these two areas visible from the ceramic evidence are known from the presence of imported vessels from the Orontes Valley at Tell Arqa.116 Footed goblet 2C 905 from Hama, which was probably imported to the site from northern Lebanon, is a piece of evidence that exchanges of pottery (and, therefore, probably also movements of people) between these two areas were bi-directional, adding a tessera to the mosaic of inter-regional relationships and coastal/inland contacts during the latter part of the EB IV period.

5. Conclusions The results of the analysis of 14 vessels from Early Bronze IV levels at Hama (Phase J6–1) stored at the National Museum of Denmark is still preliminary and have to be integrated with chemical and petrographic data in order to confirm initial evaluations presented in this article. However, our first examination of the Hama J materials, which includes the analysis of a much wider sample than that presented here, has allowed us to observe some connections between Hama and the neighbouring areas during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, which had not been explored before. These connections allow for the redefinition of the spatial distribution of ceramic types and styles, not only in terms of geographical-cultural areas, but also of patterns of production, distribution and consumption of ceramics. As for the spatial distribution of certain pottery types and styles we isolated three different phenomena. Firstly, we were able to highlight a certain degree of similarities in terms of petrographic recipes, techno-stylistic traits and typological features with the neighbouring areas to the north, east and south. In fact, on the one hand, the Simple and Painted Simple Wares point to connections between the Hama region and the Ebla region to the north during EB IVA–B, in terms of similar vessels produced in both areas (§ 4). On the other hand, the EB IVA White-on-Black/Red Ware and the EB IVB Grey Ware allows us to isolate enduring connections with the Upper Orontes Valley and the steppe to the south/south-east. Therefore, firstly, we were able to confirm and further elaborate on the observation that Hama was the place where different ceramic traditions, which characterized different regional areas within inland Western Syria, overlapped during EB IV. This is visible from the co-presence, in EB IVA, of both corrugated “Caliciform” ware typical of northern Syria and of the White-on-Black Ware style dis116 Thalmann 2009: 10, fig. 7. The vessels are said to come from early Phase P, level 16, but, at least in the case of the Painted Simple Ware jar shown on the left in fig. 7, it is clear that we are dealing with an exclusively EB IVB vessel from inland Western Syria.

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tinctive of the Middle and Upper sectors of the Orontes Valley. Likewise, a similar overlap during EB IVB is attested by the co-presence of the traditions of Painted Simple Ware – which, apparently, was not produced south of the Homs region117 – and of the Grey Ware – which apparently, was not produced north of the Middle Orontes Valley and did not reach the Ebla region. Secondly, through the preliminary, macroscopic observation of the petrographic properties of some vessels selected for this study, integrated with other data previously obtained on other samples from Hama by Mouamar (2017), we propose that this overlap at Hama coincided also with the regional organization of pottery production through different EB IV phases. In fact, during EB IVA, both corrugated “Caliciform” ware and White-on-Black Ware were produced at Hama or in its region; likewise, during EB IVB, both Painted Simple Ware and Grey Ware were locally manufactured. Therefore, it seems clear that, with regard to these four ware classes, Hama does not represent the frontier of the spatial distribution of given pottery types and styles, as it is clear that, during both periods, there were patterns of secondary distribution of the four wares mentioned above outside the Hama region.118 Rather, the site was located at the intersection of both northern and southern ceramic industries. Thirdly, we provided evidence of vessels imported to Hama from different places. In the present article, we identified four different possible sources of non-local materials, some of which had not been identified before, arguing in favour of the site’s connections to multiple networks. They include: 1) inland Syria to the north, 2) the Syro-Lebanese coast to the west and south-west, 3) the Syrian steppe to the east and south-east, and, 4) possibly, also the Beqa‘ to the south.119 These finds suggest that Hama was part of an extensive network of contacts in all directions throughout the EB IVA–B periods, which, indeed, should have been favoured by the very location of the site on communication routes. Still today, the city of Hama is an important communication node, being located along road M5, which is the backbone of the whole country network, connecting Aleppo and Damascus, and the roads toward Salamiyah (in the steppe) and toward the coastal area via the Homs-Tartous road. 117 The southernmost site where Painted Simple Ware was found is Moumassakhin, in Southern Syria (Al-Maqdissi 1989: fig. 20, no. 129); yet the finds are not numerous and represent imports. Painted Simple Ware has not been thus far found at any other site in Southern Syria and it does not seem to be attested at Tell Nebi Mend either. 118 This is the case, for instance, of the White-on-Black Ware found in the Jabbul Lake region (Tell Umm el-Marra; Schwartz et al. 2006: 625), northern Syria (Ebla; D’Andrea 2017: 175 and fn. 14, with relevant bibliography and fig. 2), the ‘Amuq (Tell Taynat; Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: fig. 321, Pl. 88:2) and northern coastal Lebanon (Tell Arqa; Thalmann 2006: 123–24, Pls 56:12,14, 61:9–10,14,18–19, 64, 65:1,3,14, 129:1–4) during EB IVA and of Painted Simple Ware found on the Syrian coast (Simiriyan; Braidwood 1940: fig. 20:4) and in southern Syria (Moumassakhin; Al-Maqdissi 1989: fig. 20, no. 129). 119 Additionally, connections to the east, towards the Euphrates, are documented by two, still unpublished, Euphrates Banded Ware jars ascribed by the excavators to Phase J7.

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For EB IVA, this observation can be positively matched with considerations derived from the analysis of the Ebla texts (§ 2). In fact, as already noted, Ḥamāt was an important town located in a “buffer area just beyond the Ebla borders”, enjoying a certain degree of autonomy from Ebla. Moreover, the Ebla archives indicate that the Orontes Valley was included in inter-regional networks, since trade agents and merchants engaged in long-distance trade (e.g. of timber), coming from centres like Mari, resided in sites like Tunip, identifiable with Tell Asharneh or a nearby site. The movements of goods and people along the inland/coastal axis during several EB IV phases as well as in the following Middle Bronze Age have been reconstructed also by Thalmann (2009), based on different traits of the material culture of Tell Arqa. However, our ability to reconstruct not only patterns of interconnectivity, but the organization of socio-economic structures and of socio-political balances during EB IVB in the Levant is hindered by the lack of direct written sources for the last phase of the Early Bronze Age and, more specifically, for the centuries between c. 2300 and c. 1900 BC. Therefore, the re-examination of the Hama J materials might have the potential to throw light on thus far unknown patterns of inter-regional contacts as well as on socio-economic structures such as those lying behind the organization of ceramic industries on the regional scale. Until the early 2000s, Hama was still considered one of the key-sites featuring a long Early Bronze Age stratigraphic sequence to use as the reference point for the periodization of the Early Bronze Age, and, in particular, of sub-phasing within the EB IV period, for inland Western Syria. During the last decades, the progression and developments, during EB IV, of regional areas that were virtually unknown before, have come into sharper focus, such as northern Lebanon, the Homs region, the Syrian steppe, and the upper sector of the Orontes Valley, where Tell Nebi Mend is located. As the EB IV ceramic chronology and sub-phasing of sites were defined, it became clear that it was very difficult to build a single periodization scheme applicable to the northern Levant as a whole, due to the marked regionalism of pottery horizons.120 In fact, the ceramic markers of relative chronology identified for the Ebla region to differentiate different EB IV sub-phases are not found south of Hama; likewise, type fossils of different EB IV sub-phases in the Homs region are not found north of Hama. However, as we have demonstrated in this article, elements from both traditions are found at Hama in both EB IVA and EB IVB contexts. Imported materials from both regional areas were found at the site and can be pinpointed to sub-phases within the stratigraphic sequence of Hama. This situation allows us to establish elements for cross-dating among sites located in areas that do not have ceramic connections with each other but feature ceramic connections with Hama. Therefore, time is ripe for a refinement of regional peri120 D’Andrea 2014–15; 2018a; 2018b.

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odization, within which Hama can play, once again, a crucial role in re-assessing synchronisms between sites and regional areas. Moreover, the presence at Hama of ceramics imported from neighbouring areas with distinctive ceramic horizons, such as northern coastal Lebanon and the Lebanese Beqa‘, allows us to re-evaluate inter-regional synchronization across the northern Levant as a whole during the EB IV period. This re-assessment will eventually produce a framework that might enable us to investigate socio-cultural phenomena lying behind the spatial patterning of material culture through time and to understand whether or not the latter phenomena were influenced by changes in the socio-political balances of the region through different EB IV phases (Mazzoni 2000). It is difficult to determine whether differences in the geographic distribution of pottery types and styles through different EB IV phases might be connected with a general re-organization of the geo-political scene and of socio-economic activities within the northern Levant during EB IVB, after the fall of EB IVA2 Ebla (D’Andrea 2017). This will be clarified only when regional developments in the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC can be better understood. However, we are confident that the re-evaluation of the substantial corpus of archaeological materials from Hama, kept at the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen, will be crucial in revealing interactions that are still hidden by the current lack of chronological and topographical resolution of inter-regional connections.

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P. Mathys (eds), Proceedings of the 9th ICAANE, Basel 9–13 June 2014, Vol. 3, Wiesbaden: 199–215. 2017 Note on Early Bronze IV Grey and Red Hard-Textured Wares in the Levant, Studia Eblaitica 3: 172–181. 2018a The Early Bronze IVB Pottery of Ebla: Stratigraphy, Chronology, Typology and Style, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th‒17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 221–255. 2018b The Early Bronze IVB Pottery from Tell Mardikh/Ebla. Chrono–Typological and Technological Data for Framing the Site within the Regional Context, Levant, DOI: doi.org/10.1080/00758914.2018.1449374 Forth. The Early Bronze Age IV Pottery, in H. Genz (ed.), Tell Fadous-Kfarabida II: The Early Bronze Age IV and the Middle Bronze Age. D’Andrea, M. and Vacca, A. 2015 The Northern and Southern Levant during the Late Early Bronze Age: A Reappraisal of the “Syrian Connection”, Studia Eblaitica 1: 43–74. Dever, W.G. 1980 New Vistas on the EB IV (‘MB I’) Horizon in Syria-Palestine, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 237: 35–64. Dornemann, R.H. 2003 Seven Seasons of American Schools of Oriental Research Excavations at Tell Qarqur, Syria, 1993–1999, Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 56: 1–141. 2008 Evidence from Two Transitional Periods, Early Bronze IV and Iron I, at Tell Qarqur, in H. Kühne, R.M. Czichon and F. Janoscha Kreppner (eds), Proceedings of the 4th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East: 29 March – 3 April, Freie Universität Berlin, Vol. 2, Wiesbaden: 81–96. Dunand, M. 1954 Fouilles de Byblos II, 1933–1938 (BAH 2), Paris. Échallier, J-C. and Braemer, F. 2004 Le matériel céramique, in F. Braemer, J.C. Échallier and A. Taraqji (eds), Khirbet al-Umbashi. Villages et campements de pasteurs dans le “désert noir” (Syrie) à l’âge du Bronze (BAH 171), Beyrouth: 296–335. Feig, N. 1991 Burial Caves of the Early Bronze Age IV at Tel ‘Amal, ‘Atiqot 20: 118–128. Felli, C. and Merluzzi, E. 2008 EB-MB Afis: A Single Cultural Tradition between Two Phases, in H. Kühne, R. Czichon and J. Kreppner (eds), Proceedings of the 4th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East: 29 March – 3 April, Freie Universität Berlin, Vol. 2, Wiesbaden: 97–110. Fortin, M. 2007 Reprise de la prospection de la moyenne vallée de l’Oronte (Syrie) par une mission syro-canadienne: 2004–2006, Journal of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies 2: 19–41. Fortin, M. (ed.) 2006 Tell ‘Acharneh 1998–2004. Rapport préliminaires sur les campagnes de fouilles et saison d’études (Subartu XVIII), Turnhout. Fronzaroli, P. 2003 Archivi Reali di Ebla Testi, XIII. Testi di cancelleria: i rapporti con le città, Rome.

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Fugmann, E. 1958 Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931–1938, II, 1: L’architecture des périodes pré-hellénistiques, Copenhague. Geyer, B. et al. 2010 Un “Très Long Mur” dans la steppe syrienne, Paléorient 36/2: 57‒72. Genz, H. (ed.) Forth. Tell Fadous-Kfarabida II: The Early Bronze Age IV and the Middle Bronze Age. Genz, H. 2010 Reflections on the Early Bronze Age IV in Lebanon, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock, L. Nigro and N. Marchetti (eds), Proceedings of the 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, May 5th–10th 2008, “Sapienza” – Università di Roma, Vol. 2, Wiesbaden: 205–217. Genz, H. and Sader, H. 2008a Tell Hizzin: Digging Up New Material from an Old Excavation, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaises 12: 183–201. 2008b Excavations at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida: Preliminary Report of the 2008 Season of Excavations, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaise 12: 149–159. Genz H. et al. 2009 Excavations at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida: Preliminary Report on the 2009 Season of Excavations, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d´Architecture Libanaise 13: 72–123. Genz, H. et al. 2010 Excavations at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. Preliminary Report on the 2010 Excavation Season, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaises 14: 241–274. Getzov, N. 2016 A Burial Cave from the Intermediate Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age West of Tel Ḥazor, ‘Atiqot 84: 119–120 (English), 1*–11* (Hebrew). Greenberg, R. 2002 Early Urbanizations in the Levant. A Regional Narrative, London – New York. Greenberg, R. et al. 1998 A Sounding at Tel Na‘ama in the Hulah Valley, ‘Atiqot 35: 9–36. Guy, P.L.O. 1938 Megiddo Tombs (OIP 33), Chicago. Kampschulte, I. and Orthmann, W. 1984 Gräber des 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr. im syrischen Euphrattal 1: Ausgrabungen bei Tawi 1975 und 1978, Bonn. Hopper, A. 1975 A Contribution to the Comparative Study of Hama J Pottery, Unpublished PhD Diss., American University of Beirut. Ingholt, H. 1934 Rapport préliminaire sur la première campagne des fouilles de Hama en Syrie (AM 1, 3), København. 1940 Rapport préliminaire sur sept campagnes de fouilles à Hama en Syrie (1932–1938) (AM 3, 1), Copenhague. Kennedy, M. 2015 The Late Third Millennium BCE in the Upper Orontes Valley, Syria: Ceramics, Chronology and Cultural Connections (ANES Supplementary Series, 46), Leuven. Lazzarini, L. and Colombo, C. 1994 An Archaeometric Study of Bronze-Age Pottery from Ebla-Syria, in M. Vendrell-Saz et al. (eds), Estudios sobre ceràmica antiga. Actes del simposi sobre ceràmica antiga, Barcelona: 17–22.

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Maritan, L. et al. 2005 The Provenance and Production Technology of Bronze Age and Iron Age Pottery from Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna, Syria, Archaeometry 47/4: 723–744. Marchetti, N. and Vacca, A. 2018 Building Complexity. Layers from Initial EB IVA2 in Area P South at Ebla, in A. Vacca, S. Pizzimenti and M.G. Micale (eds), A Oriente del Delta. Scritti in onore di Gabriella Scandone Matthiae (CMAO XVIII), Roma: 317–358. Matthiae, P. 2007 Nouvelles fouilles à Ébla en 2006: le Temple du Rocher et ses successeurs protosyriens et paléosyriens, Comptes Rendus des l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 151: 481–529. 2008 Gli Archivi Reali di Ebla. La scoperta, i testi, il significato, Milano. 2010 Ebla. La città del trono. Archeologia e storia, Torino. Mathias, V.T. 2000 The Early Bronze Age Pottery of Tell Nebi Mend in its Regional Setting, in G. Philip and D. Baird (eds), Ceramic and Change in the Early Bronze Age Southern Levant (Levantine Archaeology 2), Sheffield: 411–427. Mazzoni, S. 1982 La produzione ceramica del Palazzo G, Studi Eblaiti V: 145–199. 1985a Frontières céramiques à l’haute Euphrate au Bronze Ancien IV, Mari. Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires 4: 561–571. 1985b Elements of the Ceramic Culture of Early Syrian Ebla in Comparison with Syro-Palestinian EB IV, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 257: 1–18. 1998 Materials and Chronology, in S.M. Cecchini and S. Mazzoni (eds), Tell Afis (Syria). Scavi sull’Acropoli 1988–1992 (Ricerche di Archeologia del Vicino Oriente I/Tell Afis I), Pisa: 9–100. 2000 Pots, Peoples, and Cultural Borders in Syria, in L. Milano, S. de Martino, F.M. Fales, and G.B. Lanfranchi (eds), Landscapes: Territories, Frontiers and Horizons in the Ancient Near East; Papers Presented to the XLIVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Venezia, 7-11 July 1997, II: Geography and Cultural Landscapes (HANEM 3/2), Padova: 139–152. 2002 The Ancient Bronze Age Pottery Tradition in Northwestern Central Syria, in M. Al-Maqdissi, V. Matoïan and C. Nicolle (eds), Céramique de l’Âge du Bronze en Syrie, I: la Syrie du Sud et la Vallée de l’Oronte (BAH 161), Beyrouth: 69–96. 2003 Ebla: Crafts and Power in an Emergent State of Third Millennium BC Syria, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 162: 173–191. 2013 Centralization and Redistribution. The Pottery Assemblage of Royal Palace G, in P. Matthiae and N. Marchetti (eds), Ebla and Its Landscape: Early State Formation in the Ancient Near East, Walnut Creek, CA: 89–110. du Mesnil du Buisson, R. 1930 Compte-rendu de la quatrième campagne de fouilles à Mishrifé-Qatna, Syria XI: 146-163. 1935 Souran et Tell Masin, Berytus II: 123–134. Morandi Bonacossi, D. 2009 Tell Mishrifeh and Its Region During the EB IV and the EBA-MBA Transition. A First Assessment, in P.J. Parr (ed.), The Levant in Transition: Proceedings of a Conference Held at the British Museum on 2–-21 April 2004 (PEF 9), Leeds: 56–68. Mouamar, G. 2015 Mishrifeh au troisième millénaire av. J.-C. Bilan provisoire des travaux du Chantier (R) “cour du trône”, in P. Pfälzner and M. Al-Maqdissi (eds), Qaṭna

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and the Networks of Bronze Age Globalism, Proceedings of an International Conference at Stuttgart and Tübingen in October 2009 (QSS 2), Wiesbaden: 399‒406. 2016 Tell Sh‘aīrat: une ville circulaire majeure du IIIème millénaire av. J.-C. du territoire de la confederation des Ib’al, Studia Eblaitica 2: 71–101. 2017a Tell Ṣabḥah: A Large Circular City of the 3rd Millennium BC in the Syrian Steppe (Shamiya), Studia Eblaitica 3: 182–189. 2017b De nouvelles données sur les gobelets de Hama: marqueurs de la chronologie et des échanges de Syrie centrale pendant la seconde moitié du 3e millénaire avant J.-C., Paléorient 43/2: 69–89. 2018 The Early Bronze IVB Painted Simple Ware from Tell Sh̒aīrat: An Integrated Archaeometric Approach, Levant: DOI doi.org.10.1080/00758914.2018.1477295. Palumbo, G. 1990 The Early Bronze Age IV in the Southern Levant. Settlement Patterns, Economy, and Material Culture of a ‘Dark Age’ (CMAO III), Roma. 2008 The Early Bronze IV, in R.B. Adams (ed.), Jordan. An Archaeological Reader, London – Oakville: 227–262. Peyronel, L. 2013 Popular Iconographies in a Courtly Environment. Clay Figurines from Royal Palace G and the Coroplastic of Inner Syria during EB IVA, in P. Matthiae and N. Marchetti (eds), Ebla and Its Landscape: Early State Formation in the Ancient Near East, Walnut Creek, CA: 73–88. Peyronel, L., Vacca A. and Wachter-Sarkady, C. 2014 Food and Drink preparation at Ebla, Syria. New data from the Royal Palace G (c. 2450–2300 BC), Food & History 12/3: 3–38. Philip, G. and Bradbury, J. 2016 Settlement in the Upper Orontes Valley from the Neolithic to the Islamic Period: An Instance of Punctuated Equilibrium, in D. Parayre (ed.), Le fleuve rebelle. Géographie historique du moyen Oronte d’Ebla à l’époque médiévale. Actes du colloque international tenu les 13 et 14 décembre 2012 à Nanterre (MAE) et à Paris (INHA), 2016 (Syria Suppl. 4), Beyrouth: 377–398. Ploug, G. 1985 Hama: Fouilles et Recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931–1938, III, 1: The Graeco-Roman Town, Copenhague. Riis, P.J. and Buhl, M-L. 1990 Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931–1938, II, 2: Les objects de la période dite syro-hittite (Âge du Fer), Copenhague. Richard, S. 1980 Toward a Consensus of Opinion on the End of the Early Bronze Age in Palestine-Transjordan, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 237: 5–34. Ristvet, L. 2011 Travel and the Making of North Mesopotamian Polities, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 361: 1–31. Roux, V. and Thalmann, J.-P. 2016 Évolution technologique et morpho-stylistique des assemblages céramiques de Tell Arqa (Liban, 3e millénaire av. J.-C.): stabilité sociologique et changements culturels, Paléorient 42/1: 95–121. Rova, E. 1991 Die Keramik aus dem Gräberfeld, in W. Orthmann and E. Rova (eds), Ausgrabungen in Wreide (Gräber des 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. im syrischen Euphrattal 2 (Schriften zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 2), Saarbrücken: 71–179.

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Sala, M. 2012

An Early Bronze IVB Pottery Repertoire from Favissae P.9717 and P.9719 in the Temple of the Rock at Tell Mardikh/Ancient Ebla, Levant 44: 51–81. Schaeffer, C.F.A. 1962 Ugaritica IV, Paris. Schwartz, G.M. 2007 Taking the Long View on Collapse: A Syrian Perspective, in C. Kuzucuoğlu and C. Marro (eds), Sociétés humaines et changement climatique: Une crise a-telle eu lieu en haute Mésopotamie? (Varia Anatolica 19), Paris: 45–67. 2017 Western Syria and Third- to Second-Millennium B.C. Transition, in F. Höflmayer (ed.), The Late Third Millennium in the Ancient Near East. Chronology, C14, and Climate Change (OIS 11), Chicago: 87–128. Schwartz, G.M. et al. 2003 A Third-Millennium B.C. Elite Tomb and Other New Evidence from Tell Umm el-Marra, Syria, American Journal of Archaeology 107: 325–361. Schwartz, G.M. et al. 2006 Third-Millennium B.C. Elite Mortuary Complex at Umm el-Marra, Syria: 2002 and 2004 Excavations, American Journal of Archaeology 110: 603–641. Sconzo, P. 2015 Ceramics, in U. Finkbeiner et al. (eds), Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East. The Middle Euphrates Region (ARCANE 4), Turnhout: 85–202. Singer, I. and Dar, S. 1986 Middle Bronze I Tombs at Hanita, in M. Yedaya (ed.), The Western Galilee Antiquities, Tel Aviv: 49–65. Suleiman, A. and Gritsenko, A. 1986 The Discovery of an Early Bronze IV Tomb at Saraqib (Northern Syria), Vicino Oriente 6: 57–69. Tadmor, M. 1978 A Cult Cave of the Middle Bronze Age I near Qedesh, Israel Exploration Journal 28: 1–30. Thalmann, J.P. 2006 Tell Arqa I. Les niveaux de l’âge du Bronze (BAH 177), Beyrouth 2006. 2008 Tell Arqa et Byblos: essai de corrélation, in M. Bietak and E. Czerny (eds), The Bronze Age in the Lebanon Studies on the Archaeology and Chronology of Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt (Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean XVII), Wien: 61–78. 2009 The Early Bronze Age: Foreign Relations in the Light of Recent Excavations at Tell Arqa, in A.M. Afeiche (ed.), Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean – Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Proceedings of the International Symposium (BAAL, Hors-Série VI), Beyrouth: 15–28. 2016 Rapport préliminaire sur les campagnes de 2008 à 2012 à Tell Arqa, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaise 16: 15–78. Thuesen, I. 1988 Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931–1938, I: The Preand Protohistoric Periods, Copenhague. Tsuneki, A. 2009 Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Layers in Square 15Gc, in T. Iwasaki et al. (eds), Tell Mastuma. An Iron Age Settlement in Northwest Syria (Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Museum 3), Tokyo: 69–88.

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Tumolo, V. 2017 Preliminary Notes on Some New Seal-Impressed Potsherds from Ebla, Studia Eblaitica 3: 165–171. Vacca, A. 2014 Chronology and Distribution of 3rd Millennium BC Flasks, in S. Pizzimenti and L. Romano (eds), Šime ummiānka. Studi in onore di Paolo Matthiae in occasione del suo 75° compleanno offerti dall’ultima generazione di allievi (CMAO XVI), Roma: 251–286. 2015 Before the Royal Palace G. The Stratigraphic and Pottery Sequence of the West Unit of the Central Complex: The Building G5, Studia Eblaitica 1: 1–32. 2018 Characterizing the Early Bronze III–IVA1 Pottery of the Northern Levant through Typological and Petrographic Analyses. The Case Study of Tell Mardikh/Ebla and Tell Tuqan (Syria), Levant DOI: 10.1080/00758914.2018.1447208. forth. The Origin of Caliciform Ware in Inland Northern Syria during the Mid-3rd Millennium BC: A View from Tell Mardikh/Ebla and Hama, Studia Chaburiensia, forthcoming. Wakita, S. 2009 North Trench, in T. Iwasaki et al. (eds), Tell Mastuma: An Iron Age Settlement in the Northwest Syria (Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Museum 3), Tokyo: 62–68. Welton, L. 2014 Revisiting the Amuq Sequence. A Preliminary Investigation of the EB IVB Ceramic Assemblage from Tell Tayinat, Levant 46: 339–370. Welton, L. and Cooper, L. 2014 Caliciform Ware, in M. Lebeau (ed.), Arcane Interregional. Ceramics (ARCANE–IR 1), Turnhout: 295–323. Yadin, Y. et al. 1961 Hazor III–IV. An Account of the Third and Fourth Season of Excavation, 1957– 1958, Jerusalem.

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Fig. 1. Aerial view of the tell of Hama (courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

Fig. 2. Aerial view of the tell of Hama (courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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Fig. 3. Sample of the original documentation of the Hama Excavation kept at the National Museum of Denmark (courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark). At the top: the ceramic card with the description of vessel 3B 620; at the bottom: Plan 16 of Level J6 with architecture and elevations a.s.l.

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Fig. 4. Drawings, photos and thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J (images by the authors, courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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A Fresh Look at Hama in an Inter-regional Context

Fig. 5. Thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J.

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Fig. 6. Drawings, photos and thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J (images by the authors, courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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Fig. 7. Drawings, photos and thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J (images by the authors, courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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A. Vacca, G. Mouamar, M. D´Andrea, S. Lumsden

Fig. 8. Drawings, photos and thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J (images by the authors, courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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A Fresh Look at Hama in an Inter-regional Context

Fig. 9. Thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J.

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Fig. 10. Drawings, photos and thick sections of selected sherds from Hama J (images by the authors, courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark).

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3G 919 VII+VIII

3A 736 VII 4/4

3E 314

3G 678

6:1

6:2

7:1

8:3

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VII

VI

VIII

3G 879

4:3

VI

VIII

3B 915

3G 905 +3K 377

H10

I10

H10

H10

H10

H11

H10

J5

J4

J5

J6

J6

J4

J6

wall

jug

bottle

bowl

goblet

bottle

bowl

Week Square Phase Shape

4:2

4:1

Fig. Sherd corrugation

Surface Treatement / Decoration

Black-Wheelmade Ware

Grey Ware

painted white (5Y8/1) wavy 10YR5/1 line and horizontal lines

5YR5/2

10YR5/1

5YR5/2

2.5Y5/1

2.5Y5/2

painted and combed White-on-Black decoration; white (2.5Y8/2) Ware painted on the upper part of the body painted horizontal white lines (5Y8/1) on the neck and upper body

Fabric Colour

10YR7/3

10YR6/6

5YR5/2

2.5Y5/1

5YR4/1

10YR7/3 7.5YR7/3

5YR5/1

10YR7/3

10YR7/3

multiple thin parallel whitish lines (5Y8/1), painted White-on-Black and reserved through 5YR5/1 Ware combing, on the lower body of the vessel

Simple Ware

two parallel horizontal grooves and band-combed decoration consisting of 13 parallel incised lines

Inner Colour

7.5YR7/3 7.5YR7/3 7.5YR7/3

Outer Colour

thick brown-blackish Painted Simple (5YR3/1) painted horizontal 10YR7/3 Ware bands on the upper part of the body and the neck

Simple Ware

Ware

Unpublished

Fugmann 1958: fig. 85: 3E 314

Fugmann 1958: fig. 74: 3A 736

Fugmann 1958: fig. 64: 3G 919

Unpublished

Fugmann 1958: fig. 85: 3B 915

Fugmann 1958: fig. 64: 3G 905

Bibliography

A Fresh Look at Hama in an Inter-regional Context 57

3G 152

3G 694

2C 905

10:2

10:3

10:4

VII

VII

VII

3B 737 VII 12/4

10:1

H10

H10

H10

H10

J6–5

J6–5

J6–5

J5

footed cup

bowl

bowl

bowl

Week Square Phase Shape

Sherd

Fig.

Surface Treatement / Decoration

Outer Colour

Inner Colour

Fabric Bibliography Colour

Simple Ware

burnished with vertical strokes 10YR7/3

10YR7/3

5Y6/2

Unpublished

Unpublished

Red-Slipped and red-slip (2.5YR4/6), pattern 2.5YR4/6 2.5YR4/6 Burnished Ware burnish 5YR6/3

Unpublished

Red-Slipped and red-slip (2.5YR5/6), pattern 2.5YR5/6 2.5YR5/6 7.5YR6/4 Burnished Ware burnish

Red-Slipped and red-slip (2.5YR5/6), pattern Fugmann 1958: 2.5YR5/6 2.5YR5/6 7.5YR6/4 Burnished Ware burnish fig. 74: 3B 737

Ware

58 A. Vacca, G. Mouamar, M. D´Andrea, S. Lumsden

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FRANCES PINNOCK Sapienza Università di Roma

A New Dress for the Maliktum. Attires and Functions of Court-Ladies at Ebla in the Early and Old Syrian Periods In ancient Ebla – and most probably in ancient pre-classical Syria – women had an important role in society. The systematic excavation of Ebla and the study of its epigraphic and archaeological evidence offered impressive data concerning this specific aspect for the Early and Old Syrian periods. In this contribution, I will take into account several kinds of evidence concerning female attires and hair-dresses thus far brought to light and I will propose hypotheses of reconstruction of the different attires employed in the Ebla court and about their eventual connection with different hair-styles or hair-dresses. Evidence from the texts will also be taken into account.

1. Introduction Among the numerous contributions the systematic excavation of Ebla is offering to the reconstruction of the history and culture of pre-classical Syria, the revelation of the role court-women had in society is certainly one of the most unexpected for. Particularly in the Early and Old Syrian periods, it is possible that they took actively part in basic ceremonies, like the ascent of kings to the throne, or funerary rites.1 These roles were, at first, conjectured on the basis of the identification of specific iconographies – whose presence apparently covered the whole span of the pre-classical Syrian history – like the female figure with long loose hair, or wearing a veil.2 Further discoveries, in one room of the Royal Palace G of Ebla, of the mature Early Syrian period,3 on the one hand confirmed these hypotheses, and, on the other hand, revealed the existence of the representations of the development of royal rituals and stressed the fact that court-ladies took part in them, side by side with their consorts; moreover, there was evidence for parallel rituals for female participants only. This interpretation also found a partial confirmation in the texts from the State Archives of Ebla.4 At the same time, it seemed possible to investigate if – as happened with 1 2 3 4

For the role of women in funerary rites, based on the archaeological evidence from the Royal Cemetery of Ebla, on the textual evidence from Ugarit and on contemporary glyptics see Matthiae 1979a; Pinnock 2006; 2015a: 144–147. Pinnock 2008a. I refer to the so-called maliktum’s standard, first published by P. Matthiae (2013b), which will be dealt with in detail further on. Besides the three texts of the Ritual of Kingship, some important evidence may be inferred from the administrative texts too, especially when they list the gifts presented for specific ceremonies. I will deal later with this subject, with greater details.

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 59 – 108

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kings – also the queens wore attires characterizing them in their roles, or even had specific dress-codes for the different moments of their public activities.5 Lastly, it is now possible to place the Eblaic evidence within the wider frame of the contemporary Syrian cultures, in order to try and reconstruct a more complete picture of the Early Syrian society. In this contribution, I will analyse different fragments of parts of female clothes and hair-dresses thus far recovered in Eblaic contexts of the mature Early Syrian period and in the archaic and mature Old Syrian period, and I will try to propose a reconstruction of the different attires employed, their eventual relation with specific hair-styles, or eventually hair-dresses; lastly, I will try to relate these different costumes with specific occasions. Concerning the Early Syrian period, this attempt is made more difficult by a peculiarity of the Eblaic art of this phase, namely the widespread use of polymaterism:6 in fact, the largest part of the artefacts from this mature Early Syrian centre featured a wooden base, usually completely carved in order to reproduce the desired image. On this wooden base, the separate elements of attire and hair-dress were applied: they were usually made of stone, not in one single piece and sometimes of different kinds of stone. Lastly, the naked parts of the bodies were usually covered with gold or silver sheet. What is left of these artefacts is a number of scattered and disconnected pieces, sometimes difficult to interpret as they are detached from their original context.7 In order to reconstruct, or try to reconstruct, the elements of the female attires at Ebla, on the one hand, the comparison with the evidence from other contemporary contexts of the Syrian region will be a basic tool, but this evidence is not abundant. On the other hand, a few, exceptional findings made in the last years of excavations at Ebla in the same contexts of the Royal Palace G will be extremely useful for their excellent state of preservation.

1. Early Syrian Period 1.1. Early Syrian Eblaic Documents: Complete or Largely Preserved Figures The first document is a relief plaque, of which only a half is preserved (Fig. 1). The plaque is divided into two horizontal registers: in the upper register, there is 5

6 7

Queens were identified with a specific word – maliktum –, which is the feminine version of the word for king – malik. However, the word malik appears only in the lexical lists, as translation of the Sumerian word en. In all the other types of texts, the king of Ebla is usually called en, whereas the other kings are called lugal. On the contrary, the queen is always called maliktum. See, at this regard, Pinnock 2018. Several fragments are difficult to interpret, and their preservation conditions led to misunderstandings about their original placement: this happened, for instance, with the miniature figures of animals and humans, which were considered at the beginning as decorations for pieces of furniture, whereas, we now rather think that they belonged to standards, where they featured alone or in combination with other figures. See Pinnock 2018: 78–80.

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a woman seated in front of a table, holding a cup in her hand. She is assisted by another woman, standing behind her, who touches her shoulder with one hand, whereas her other hand is brought to the breast.8 In the lower register two men – of whom only the right hand one is preserved – carry a big jar, hanging from a pole by means of a strong rope, surrounding the bottom of the vase. The protagonist of the main scene is seated on a four-legged stool, wears a flounced dress, with thin and stiff flounces – the usual kaunakés – and is completely wrapped up in a cloak covering her head and the whole upper part of her figure: in fact, it seems closed at the throat. On her head, the cloak is definitely oval-shaped and bulgy, thus making this figure quite similar to the classical priestess’s statues from Mari, who wear, under the cloak, an egg-shaped polos. The attendant, standing behind her, wears a smooth dress, which apparently does not cover her shoulders, and a cloak, which covers one shoulder and features a very long fringe, crudely rendered as irregular scratched lines; two wavy lines on the dress might point to the presence of another fringe. This figure has short hair, or rather collected on the nape of the neck, kept in place by a band, with a kind of flat knot on one side.9 The plaque was found in the region of the rooms behind the north façade of the Court of Audience and probably dates from the proto-palatial phase we identify with Building G5.10 All the other evidence in our possession dates from the last phase of life of the Royal Palace G, around 2350–2300 BC. 8

It is not frequent to see personages touching each other in these monuments, particularly when one of the characters is of a lower social level than the other, as seems to be the case here. The act of touching establishes an intimate connection between the two personages and is mainly used in the representation of ritual acts of killing, or in sexual intercourses (Matthiae 2018). It is interesting to note, on the contrary, that the gesture of stretching out an arm, in order to touch another person, is represented in different occasions in the cylinder seals from Mozan, belonging to Queen Uqnitum’s circle (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: figs 6–7): in one seal, belonging to the queen, the royal couple is seated facing each other, between them, the Crown Prince turns towards his father, touching his knee; in another seal, belonging to the wet-nurse, this lady is represented with her arms outstretched to hold the arms of the prince sitting in his mother Uqnitum’s lap. These seals are later than the Ebla evidence, and will be discussed further on. As concerns the plaque analysed here, it is difficult to interpret the real nature of the gesture. One interesting interpretation proposed, based also on textual evidence, is that the attendant is adjusting the veil over the lady’s head, though the textual evidence used is the later Eblaic tablets of the Ritual of Kingship: Romano 2015. 9 Some details of the working, like the mentioned peculiar aspect of the fringe and the hint of a fringe in the lower part of the attendant’s dress, or the presence, on the smooth cloak of the protagonist of the scene, of another crude graffito representing a schematic male figure, might be evidence of the fact that the plaque was not finished, or that, as a consequence of the anomalies in the fringe of the standing personage, it was not deemed opportune to complete it, because it was impossible to repair the mistakes done. 10 In this region it was possible to single out portions of pre- and proto-palatial phases, with a few sections of walls and floors and a very interesting ceramic repertory, which allowed to fine-tune the dating of the most ancient phases of the Eblaic palace: Vacca 2014–15; 2015; 2016.

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The second document is a miniature statue, representing a sitting figure, whose stool is lost (Fig. 2): on the bottom of the figurine a dowel marks the place where a stud entered to fix the image to the stool. The woman’s left arm is stretched on the legs, whereas the right arm is bent, and it probably originally held a cup. The figure is made of dark grey steatite, whereas face and arms are of white limestone and the lower edge of the dress is marked by a double inlay of red jasper, of which only some fragments are preserved. The woman wears a smooth tunic with short sleeves and round neck: besides the two thin bands of red jasper at the end of the skirt, the dress also features a knot on the left breast. A smooth veil covers the head and shoulders of the personage. From the shape of the veil it seems that the figure originally had also a hair-dress, made of a different material, which is now lost: from a comparison with figures of dignitaries in the inlaid panels we might propose that this hair-dress was made of lapis lazuli or steatite and it was evidently clearly visible under the veil. In fact, the space between the veil and the small limestone head is large enough that it might have shown a large part of the hairdress, whereas there is not room enough for a polos.11 As the figure is very small, it is difficult to interpret the element with the knot on the breast. At present, the only possible hypotheses are: 1) the dress is not a tunic, but a kind of sleeved top, over which a piece of cloth is wrapped, and blocked with the knot, like an Indian sari; 2) the knot fixes the veil, covering the head, which might have gone under the arms and ended on the breast; 3) the knotted element is independent, an oblique sash, blocked on the breast, which somehow keeps the different parts of the lady’s attire in their places. This miniature figure was found in the north trapezoidal store of the Administrative Quarter (L.2764). Two probable store-rooms were located behind the north façade of the Court of Audience: these rooms were at a level more than 2 m higher than the floor of the Court of Audience, and were related with the North-West Wing of the Central Complex.12 In one of them several elements of wooden pieces of furniture were found, among which one table and a chair/throne were identified: they were richly carved and inlaid with figures mainly reproducing the natural world – bulls, or lions attacking goats (Matthiae 2010: 167–172). Some figures were human,13 and 11 The shape of the inner part of the cloak seems to adapt to a kind of hair-dress, with short compact locks, also attested in the wooden inlays: Matthiae 1985: Pl. 42d. 12 A detailed analysis of the different quarters of the Royal Palace G can be found in Matthiae 2010: 64–93; recently, M. Bonechi (2017) proposed an interesting reconstruction of the architectural activities in the Palace, based on the textual evidence. 13 The main reconstructed elements include a part of the arm of a chair/throne, with an openwork decoration of a Contest Scene with lions attacking sheeps; other individual elements cannot be related to a specific piece of furniture and include human figures, more or less of the same size – approximately 15/20 cm – among which the two specimens discussed here, several heads and two beautiful groups – two warriors piercing each other with a dagger and a hero and a lion enlaced in a duel. Apart from the chair/throne, it was possible to identify the remains of a table, including parts of the table itself, of its edges and its legs, with a number

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among them we wish to recall here a male and a female figure, of approximately the same size, and therefore probably belonging to the same piece of furniture. The male must be identified with a king, because he carries an axe – usually related with kingship – and wears the peculiar turban with raised central part on the forehead and a tuft on the side (Matthiae 1985: Pl. 42); his attire is the typical royal war costume: a kaunakés with a cloak of the same cloth covering one shoulder.14 The female figure (Fig. 3), when it was found, was identified with a court-lady, because it did not present such characterizing royal features: her grace and youthful features led to identify her as a “princess”. In my opinion, the correspondence with the male figure, which is certainly a king, and the peculiarities of her dress and hair-dress, as we will try to demonstrate here, lead to consider this a royal figure, too. As is usual, the woman had inlaid eyes, and a part of her right eye, made of shell is preserved,15 her hair is flattened at the top, and is parted in the middle, with strands which regularly fall on both sides of the face, ending in heavy locks reaching to the shoulders and framing the face; a band of dense short locks falls on the forehead. Her dress is not easy to interpret, because the figure is broken at the waist, and the left side is missing; what is preserved is a smooth cloak covering the shoulder and ending with a long fringe; on the back, it is apparently made of two crossing strips.16 Other elements are too fragmentary to be fully understood. At least one head seems certainly female and features a curly hair-dress, short and swollen, falling on both sides of the face and reaching to the top of the neck. During one of the last campaigns at Ebla a miniature group was found, including two female figures in the round, one seated on a stool and the other one of swallow-tailed joins. The larger figures of this hoard probably belong either to the lower part of the chair, or to the decoration of the table: Matthiae 2010: 167–172. 14 Though this is certainly the military attire, as confirmed by the presence of the axe, the figure wears the royal turban and not the typical war-helmet with a chignon on the back. We can thus infer that either 1) the Eblaic war-costume did not include the helmet but the turban, or 2) that the figure represents a kind of synthesis of royalty, featuring together the warlike and ruling characters. 15 Many small shell eyes were found in the same room: some certainly belonged to the animals, whereas stone eyes were not found. 16 The figurine does not have precise parallels: the hair-dress, in fact, is only vaguely similar to contemporary Mesopotamian hair-styles, which may have locks on the forehead and on the sides of the face, but are quite swollen on the back, and are apparently made of plaited locks (e.g. Parrot 1956: Pl. XXXVIII, no. 120). The dress, on the other hand, looks like an antecedent of the female costume of the type of the “femme à l’écharpe” of Gudea’s time, well known from the specimens from Tello (Parrot 1948: fig. 41a–c), especially in a version from Mari (Parrot 1956: Pl. XLV), which has a fringed border, like the Eblaic specimen and not the usual embroidered band. The Mari statue was found out of place and was dated from the Old Babylonian period for the characteristics of the dress; yet, at a closer examination, as the shawl is more similar to the Eblaic one, and the peculiar hair-dress has definitely no resemblance to the known Old Babylonian specimens, a different, and higher date, for the Mari piece cannot be excluded: this artefact will be discussed further on.

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standing (Matthiae 2013b). The two figures were found in fragments at a short distance from each other and were also close to a miniature bronze incense-burner and to a bronze ring with a ribbon-like decoration. At a short distance from these pieces there were the remains – in a very bad state of preservation – of bronze revetment bands, with a modelled sector with horizontal stripes, and a few traces of a wooden pole. Based on their positions, it was inferred that they belonged to one object, reconstructed as a standard (Fig. 4): the group with the two human figures and the incense-burner was probably placed on a flat wooden base, at the top of a wooden pole covered with bronze foil, and the round element might have been the connection between flat base and pole.17 The first figure – the seated lady – wears a large kaunakés, which apparently is not divided, as usual, in two parts – dress and cloak – but seems to be made in one piece only, a cloak with V-shaped neck, for the passage of the head, and with two openings for the arms. On the back of the figure the cloak features an oblique break, which probably corresponded to 17 R. Dolce has a different opinion: she considers the round element a rein-holder, in analogy with similar elements found in several Mesopotamian sites, in particular at Kish and Ur (Dolce 2014: 57; 2015: 128–132). Such identification is not to be ruled out, though it has to be noted that the ring, which is very oxidized, does not bear any trace of attached elements, either the eventual pole of our proposal, or the animal figure, which should have been at its top, according to the Mesopotamian custom. Moreover, in the Mesopotamian specimens the ribbon-like decoration, which characterizes the Eblaic object, is never attested. As concerns Ur, only two rein-holders are illustrated in detail (Woolley 1934: Pls 166–167a; Pl. 30 for a drawing of the death-pit of PG/789, with two chariots in the foreground): both are 8-shaped and are made in one piece with the lower support, which rested on the axis of the chariot; both feature a kind of saddle at the top, where the figurine of the “mascot” was placed on a horizontal base. At Kish, the 8-shape is even more marked, whereas the lower part of the reinholder usually includes three vertical elements, not one (Watelin and Langdon 1934: Pl. XXV). One last element of evidence throws more than one doubt on Dolce’s proposal: she based her hypothesis on the idea that the two rooms, in one of which the ring and the elements of the maliktum’s standard were found, communicated with two rooms, brought to light in 1974 (L.2586 and L.2601), in one of which there were 42 cuneiform tablets and in the other one the elements from the wooden pieces of furniture I have in part described previously. At least one table and a chair were identified for certain, but, based on the content of the tablets, in some of which deliveries of decorations for chariots are registered, Dolce proposed that the wooden inlays were part of chariots decorations, and, therefore, that the bronze ring, which in her opinion is a rein-holder, belonged to the presumed chariots. Two facts must on the contrary be pointed out at: the first one, already mentioned, is that in room L.2601, a table and a throne were identified for certain, whereas no chariot part could be identified; in the second place, the two rooms L.2586 and L.2601 might be communicating with each other, albeit it is not sure, but certainly they did not communicate with L.9330 and L.9583, whence the elements of the maliktum’s standard – and the presumed rein-holder – come, which are at a height 2.50 m lower than the two previous rooms, but rather they communicated with the North-West Wing of the Central Complex of the Palace, a sector where rooms for food preparation and a probable ceremonial suite were located: Matthiae 2017; see also, here, fn. 53. The possibility that the bronze ring is a rein-holder can be retained, albeit considering its being different from all the other contemporary rein-holders thus far known; on the contrary, the hypothesis that it belonged to objects kept in rooms L.2586 or L.2601 must be discarded.

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the ancient welding line, which had been necessary in order to adapt the gold foil to the wooden core of the figure. The statuette features a very interesting headdress: she wears a large turban, which seems made of cloth, rather than hair; at the bottom, there is a swollen element, raised on the forehead, with a central cap, crossed by a horizontal band, and the whole hair-dress seems to be made of a textile with crossed bands, like similar hair-dresses from Khafajah.18 This seems a true head-dress, rather than a hair-dress, an elaborate turban, which was convincingly considered a parallel of the typical male Eblaic turban, which is also raised on the forehead (Matthiae 2013b: 466–468). The standing figure is bigger in size, her hair is styled with very regular loose strands, ending with well-defined locks; similar thinner strands, also ending in locks, are on her forehead, and they look like the hair-style of the wooden female figure mentioned above; the hair was kept in place by a now lost ornament, probably a kind of diadem of a precious metal, whose presence is certain because there is a flat space between the fringe and the back part of the hair-dress. The face and bust – with one breast bare – are made of a thick silver foil, modelled over the carved wooden core which was the base of the whole image, and which reproduced the figure in details. The dress is made of steatite, is smooth with a very long fringe, whose top edge is marked by thin red jasper sticks. It is not easy to understand how the dress was made: it is not a tunic, because the right breast is left bare. Apparently, it includes a skirt, smooth and with a very long fringe, and a kind of cloak of the same kind, but with shorter fringe, which covers the upper part of the skirt and the left shoulder and breast;19 here, too, a line of thin red jasper sticks marks the beginning of the fringe. The difference in length between the two fringes leads to believe that skirt and cloak were made of the same cloth, but from two different pieces, with a different finishing. Other complete female figures are preserved in the cylinder seals impressions, found in the largest amount in the two long stores behind the north façade of the Court of Audience and in the Administrative Quarter. In these figurative patterns, the female figure usually wears only a kaunakés skirt, with three flounces of large 18 This hair-style recalls some of those present in the contemporary Early Dynastic Mesopotamian statuary, but it has some basic variants: in Mesopotamia, true turbans are made with smooth bands, but they do not have a well-defined central cap, nor the transversal band (Frankfort 1939: Pls 72–73, no. 103; 87H, no. 137; 88A–C, 90L, no. 138). Other elaborate hair-dresses are more similar to the Eblaic ones, almost certainly made with hair and not with cloth, where the swollen element is a braid, which appears thicker on one side and more pointed at the opposite end, whereas the remaining part of the hair-dress is made of parallel or zig-zag elements (Ibidem: Pls 62M, no. 66; 74, no. 104; 75, no. 105; 76, no. 106; 79A–C, no. 111; 82, no. 116; 85–86; 87D–F, L–O, nos 139, 142; 89N–P, no. 148), or with a braid at the back, going from the nape towards the top of the head (Ibidem: Pl. 90I–J, no. 117, O, no. 135). 19 For a proposal on how this kind of cloaks was wrapped around the body see Strommenger 1971: 49, fig. 29, after Andrae 1922: 113, Fig. 91, referring to a gypsum statuette of the Ur III period.

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strands, stopped at the waist by a swollen belt of one or two elements. Apparently, the breast is bare, while the hair-dress always includes long smooth strands, falling on the shoulders. In one instance at least, the hair is held firm on the forehead by a kind of thin horizontal diadem, or band (Fig. 5a–b).

1.2. Early Syrian Eblaic Documents: Parts of Surely Female Attires A fragment of a composite panel in relief keeps only the dress of a seated figure, whose head, arms, legs and stool are lost (Fig. 6; Matthiae 2010: 158–159); they were probably made of different stone, or of wood covered with gold leaf, at least as concerns the limbs. Two regular, and therefore intentional, holes let the arms appear: observing them, it seems evident that the right arm was slightly turned outside, probably holding a cup, whereas her left arm should, as customary, lean on the legs. This seems impossible, however, because the figure has her bust front facing, but her legs are in profile, and there is no trace of where the arm should have touched the legs. Therefore, it seems likely that both arms were definitely protruding from the base of the inlaid panel, to which the figure belongs. The dress includes a tunic, or a skirt, which appears under the cloak, and features a herringbone pattern, but not the woollen flounces. The cloak, on the contrary, is of the kaunakés type, and looks like a large shawl, wrapping the body completely, with two strips falling on the breast. The two strips leave the neck free, have a V-shaped neckline, and end with a wavy fringe, which is unusual with the kaunakés cloak. The part of dress which appears under the cloak looks similar to the dress of the priestess on the relief plaque, whereas it seems that the cloak does not cover the figure’s head, because the neckline apparently does not feature any element going up to cover the head.

1.3. Early Syrian Eblaic Documents: Hair and Hair-dresses Among the objects found in the Royal Palace G, a large steatite composite head of hair stands out (Fig. 7; Matthiae 2013c): it is made of long vertical wavy plaits, it is life- or nearly life-size, and it belonged to a statue – or more likely to a bust or head only, on display on one side of the entrance door to the Throne Room of the Administrative Quarter. The kind of hair reproduces the style present in cylinder seals. The hair is neatly cut in the front part, and it is difficult to imagine how it might be completed: in analogy with what may be observed in the standing figure of the maliktum’s standard it is perhaps possible to propose that she wore a band-like diadem, and had probably a fringe, of which, however, no element was found. Another fragment may also belong to a female hair-dress, but only a sector is preserved, with undulating hair ending in compact locks (Fig. 8; Matthiae 2013c: 425–426, pl. 54a). Similar considerations may be made for three miniature hair-dresses (Fig. 9), one fragmentary and two complete, which also seem to be neatly cut in the front

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part. The fragmentary hair-dress20 only keeps one fragment with long wavy plaits, ending in a row of compact locks, similar to the hair-style of the wooden figurine. One of the two complete hair-dresses features medium-length hair, with straight plaits, marked by oblique incisions, creating a herringbone pattern.21 The second complete hair-dress seems to be a variant of the hair of the wooden figurine and of the fragmentary figure just described: it features an upper part with wavy plaits, ending in locks, slightly longer than those of the two other hair-dresses.22 Another small-size hair-dress features an intermediate type between the fragmentary hair-dress and the hairstyle of the wooden figurine, on the one hand, and the last hair-dress examined, on the other hand. In fact, the upper part with wavy plaits is longer, whereas the end locks are shorter. This hair-dress, moreover, has a deep horizontal groove, which probably hosted a narrow band – possibly a diadem – like the one represented in a cylinder seal, and possibly to be identified in a shell band, with oblique engraved lines, found close to the hair-dress.23

1.4. Early Syrian Documents: Women’s Representations from Other Sites In the light of the Eblaic evidence, it is now possible to analyse female representations from other sites of Syria, in order to check if there are general models, which may be applied, or if the Eblaic evidence represents a local specificity. The evidence is not abundant and in particular the evidence contemporary with the Royal Palace G is definitely low in numbers. As a consequence, it cannot be considered really meaningful, and yet it reveals some elements of strong interest. The evidence from the site of Mari, Ville II, is certainly relevant for an accurate and close comparison, because a large number of statues – several of them female – comes from this site. These female figures were identified with priestesses and similar characters are represented also in the shell inlays of the wall decorations. Certainly, the Mari corpus seems definitely Mesopotamian at a first sight,24 and yet 20 TM.77.G.886, lapis lazuli, h. 2.9, width 1.6, thickness 0.6, from the Administrative Quarter, room L.2913, lev. 7: Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds) 1995: cat. no. 88, p. 315. 21 TM.85.G.332, green-greyish steatite, h. 1.8, width 1.6, thickness 1.4, from the Central Complex, West Unit, room L.3938. 22 Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds) 1995: 315, no. 90; TM.87.G.165, h. 2.2, width 1.6, thickness 1.1, steatite from the Administrative Quarter, room L.2875. The only possible comparison is a blue-grey stone hair-dress coming from Uruk, which closely resembles the Eblaic piece: Becker 1993: 82, Taf. 90, 1020a–b, Early Dynastic period. 23 I recently proposed that the hair-dress belonged to a female figure in a group of three, including the king and a bull-man as well (Pinnock 2015b). The reconstruction was based on the similarity with a pattern frequently found in the cylinder seals impressions from the same Palace G. The group of figures might have belonged to a standard, similar to the maliktum’s standard and in my opinion belonging to the king. In analogy with the seals pattern, the queen probably wore only a kaunakés skirt, with three flounces and a double swollen belt, and the breast was bare: Pinnock 2015b: 17, fig. 19. 24 Pinnock 2014: 675.

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it features local peculiarities, which are particularly evident in the female images. As concerns the statues, the figures – either standing or seated – always wear a long dress, with a cape covering the shoulders, or a long cloak, which covers at least one shoulder and reaches to the hem of the dress. When the dress cloth is smooth, the cape is smooth too, or dress and cape are both made of a kaunakés cloth. When the shape of the cape is clear, it seems that it was put on from the head and features a round neckline: this is a strongly characterizing element in this attire, as it has no known comparison in Mesopotamia. Another very peculiar feature is the high polos with a swollen edge at the base, which covers the figures’ heads and which is the reason why they were identified with priestesses.25 On the contrary, other heads feature the usual swollen hair-dresses – sometimes clearly identified as turbans – which are well known also from specimens from southern Mesopotamia.26 A headless figurine looks interesting in this series: she wears a smooth dress with fringe at the end, and a cloak, which covers one shoulder, features a double edge, and goes down to the level of the dress hem (Fig. 11; Parrot 1967: 102–103, figs 143–144, M.2856). The woman has her hands collected at the waist and carries a down-turned leafy branch. In this case too, at a first hasty glance, the image might appear as a typical southern Mesopotamian figure, but, once again, some peculiarities may be observed, which – in this instance – may perhaps be related with the Eblaic world. I refer specifically to the shape of the cloak, with the double swollen edge, which also features an oblique element, crossing the chest: the latter is apparently made of a piece of twisted cloth. For this reason – albeit with differences – it seems possible to connect this figure to the Eblaic images wearing shawls or cloaks crossing on the chest and featuring oblique pieces of cloth crossing the chest. Another interesting specimen is a seated headless figure, wearing the kaunakés (Parrot 1967: 106–107, figs 150–152): the piece is badly damaged, but one feature stands out, as also stressed by Parrot, namely the rich mane of long loose hair, falling down on the back. The hair is represented by long wavy plaits, ending in curls. 25 The polos and the cloak were used, in the Late Assyrian wall reliefs, in order to characterize the women deported from the Phoenician towns: Pinnock 2001–03: 137. 26 The Mari statues are of a small size – which is a typical Mesopotamian trait – but there is one exception, interesting for two reasons: a polos was found in Ishtar’s temple in Court 15 (Parrot 1956: 87–88, fig. 58, M.327), which is exceptional for its size (probably close to life-size or slightly larger: the “polos géant” according to A. Parrot) and because it clearly belonged to a composite figure, as proven by the presence of a very regular round hollow for the head. In a footnote A. Parrot says that another fragment of a (similar?) “polos géant” had been found in 1938 in the temple attributed to Ninkhursag (Parrot 1940: 17, fig. 13). The fragment is not very clear, as it is too small: Parrot attributed it to a divine statue, but it was found in an annex to the temple proper, the so-called “grande-salle à banquettes” (Margueron 2004: 238) where the benches were used to support probably human statues, as is proved by the presence of a base with feet still in place (Ibidem: 235, fig. 226a–b).

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In the shell inlays some female figures appear, sometimes involved in works, which were usually related to temple activities, even in the case of a panel with a spinning scene (Margueron 2004: 292, fig. 281, 294, fig. 283: 2a–d, 10). In these images, the peculiarities of the Mari attires are all present, with the exception of the kaunakés: all the women wear smooth dresses with very long fringes at the end, depicted as spear-shaped elements, well separated one from the other. All of them wear, moreover – and this is certainly an unicum – a kind of fringed shawl, with two endings falling down on the breast, and closed by a large pin, or by two crossed pins. All the pins have a kind of counterweight, including a string with large beads and, sometimes, a probable cylinder seal: these elements were originally made up separately and inlaid.27 The women represented in these inlays usually wear the polos, with a thin swollen band at the base, whereas the weavers feature hair-styles in a more classical southern Mesopotamian style: two wear a kind of turban, and the third, standing figure has her hair probably collected in a braid circling the head. Lastly, the evidence provided by a cylinder seal is very interesting (Beyer 2007: 237–240). Of this seal, two impressions were found on a door sealing: it is divided into three registers, and this too is an interesting anomaly. In the top register, there is a banquet scene, whose protagonist is a woman, sitting on a low stool with vertical elements (Fig. 12):28 the woman wears a long smooth dress, and a cloak covering her head, both ending with fringes, whereas all the other female characters in the seal – musicians and attendants – wear smooth dresses with longer fringes, of the same kind as those represented in the shell inlays, and their heads are bare. Some of them feature the typical southern Mesopotamian hair-style with a chignon, whereas some of them apparently have a more peculiar hair-dress, with a long braid starting at the top of their heads and reaching to their calves. The second and third registers present music scenes, with women playing harps and curved percussions. In the top register, there are also some lines of inscription and the only male personage of the seal. The inscription is not well preserved, but it apparently mentions a court-lady, dam of an unrecognizable king of Mari.29 A large fragment of stele, found in the site of Tell Halawa, is certainly later than the Eblaic evidence, and it dates from the Akkadian period, though probably 27 On the bodies of the figures spaces were created to host lost inlays, of a rhomboidal shape for the beads, and of a rectangular shape for the cylinder; the beads were probably of the biconical type, well attested in the period: Pinnock 1993: 12. The fact that these ornaments were made more visible by the further inlay seems a will to confer them importance: the beads might hint at the women’s role as members of the clergy and the cylinder certainly hints at their engagement in the sphere of administration. 28 This stool, like those represented in the middle register, is similar to the stool on which one of the personages in the maliktum’s standard is seated. 29 Beyer 2007: 238. The inscription reads x ŠUL dam x-KU-x x en ma-ríki. The reading is not sure because the inscription is preserved on one only of the two impressions, in a spot where the sealing is badly deformed: Ibidem: 239, fig. 4b.

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from its beginning (Fig. 13). The stele is divided into horizontal registers, and features some point of contact with the Eblaic art, for instance in the rendering of the two male characters of larger size, who appear on the right side of the figurative fields.30 Notwithstanding this, the four female figures – three of which are well preserved –, represented in one of the smaller registers in front of the two male characters, do not look similar to the Eblaic images, but rather to the representations in Mesopotamian art, though they are not identical to the latter. These women wear long smooth dresses, which in one case at least – the second figure from the right – apparently covers the bust completely and has a V-shaped neckline; their hair-dresses are definitely of the Mesopotamian type, with a chignon on the nape of the neck, kept in place by a narrow horizontal band, which crosses also the forehead.31 One of the women carries a baby, which is quite unusual in the monumental art of this period. Two documents from Tell Brak/Nagar also date from the Akkadian period: a headless statuette and a cylinder seal. The statuette represents a standing figure (Fig. 14), with the hands joined at the waist in the gesture of prayer;32 the dress is long, smooth and ends with three horizontal grooves above a scalloped hem. The cloak is not clear: it is of the same length as the dress and it covers the right shoulder and, partially, the right breast, whereas the left breast is bare. The cloak has a short fringe, whereas the upper edge, crossing the bust, is scalloped, like the end of the dress. The figure has long hair, held on the back by a complex hairdress – apparently with horizontal braids in the upper part, and plaited, or rather, closed in a wide-mesh cloth net in the lower part – reaching to the waist.33 The figure depicted on the cylinder seal is very much alike.34 The figurative pattern 30 Special reference is made here to the hair-dress of compact locks, as immediately pointed out at by W. Orthmann: Orthmann 1989: 74–77; Pinnock 2008b: 72. 31 This hair-dress is well represented, for instance, in the Akkadian glyptic: Porada 1948: Pl. XXXIX, 250–252. 32 From the floor of the administrative room 18 in SSTC: Oates, Oates and McDonald (eds) 2001: 263, fig. 276, identified with a male personage. 33 The figurine, made of alabaster, is 8.6 cm high and has a dowel at the bottom, which leads to think that it might belong to a kind of standard: Oates, Oates and McDonald (eds) 2001: 582, fig. 483, 6. In the text (Ibidem: 263), the material is given as cream-coloured limestone and the authors, too, propose that it had to be mounted “on some form of stand”. 34 Oates, Oates and McDonald (eds) 2001: 144–149, from the monumental area SS, and precisely from Court 8. Reconstructed from nearly 14 sealings, some of which bearing more than one impression: Matthews 1997: 269–271, identifies the personage as a woman. The inscription is difficult to read, but the word dub-sar is quite clear, whereas for the name of the personage the reading mu-rí-iš is proposed: Ibidem: 309–310. As the seal belongs to a scribe, it was believed that the human character represented on it, who does not have any recognizable attire, was the owner of the seal – and therefore a male scribe – and also the personage of the statuette, in analogy, was considered a male. However, in his reading of the inscription, J. Eidem marks its peculiarity and proposes that it might have been added later: this is an interesting hypothesis, whereas the proposal that the seal came from southern Mesopotamia cannot be accepted: Ibidem: 309.

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of the seal was reconstructed from several impressions: it includes a number of divine figures and one human figure only, which is the personage similar to the statuette. In this seal, the figure is in profile and the hands are again joined in a gesture of prayer: the dress is smooth and ends in a fringe, the vertical fringe and the more evident fringe crossing obliquely the bust are the only visible elements of the cloak. The two fringes – of the dress and cloak – are different: the fringe of the vertical hem of the cloak features thinner elements, well separated from one another, whereas the fringe at the end of the dress, and of the upper hem of the cloak are more swollen and rounded perhaps in an attempt at reproducing the scalloped hems of the statuette’s attire. The site of Tell Mozan/Urkesh provided an important group of sealings – about 1,200 – with cylinder seals impressions dating from the mid- to the late Akkadian period (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1998: 41–42), from which approximately 60 seals were reconstructed (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 6). The sealings came from a Royal Storehouse and belonged to the king, the queen and the queen’s household,35 the latter element being of the greatest interest for our discussion. In all these sealings female figures are well represented (Fig. 15). Following the authors’ subdivision, in one of the king’s seals (k2: Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 11, fig. 5), a standing woman faces the seated king: she was identified with a queen, and in fact, the scheme of this seal is very similar to the pattern of the queen’s seal q2 (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 15, fig. 6), particularly for the presence of the small figure of the presumable Crown Prince touching his father’s knee. The queen’s hair-dress is not clear; she wears a garment never attested elsewhere at Mozan, namely a smooth dress, probably including a cloak covering the left shoulder, as far as can be judged from the reconstructive drawing. Eight seals belonging to Queen Uqnitum were identified (q1–8: Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 15, 20, figs 6–7), three of which feature the same scene, in different sizes (q6–8: Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 20, fig. 7). In the first group – q1–5 – the queen is represented only in q2–4 (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 15, fig. 6), and she always wears the same garment, namely a flounced dress covering one shoulder. Her hair-dress is peculiar and without known parallels: the hair is quite high over the forehead and is marked by oblique lines, looking like a turban;36 a long braid falls on the shoulders, which features, close to its end, a peculiar, unclear element, whose interpretation is not easy (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 13). The same hair-style characterizes a small 35 Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 7. It is interesting that, among the objects sealed, jars and baskets are the majority, whereas door sealings are nearly absent (Ibidem), in analogy with what I could observe in the Eblaic evidence: Pinnock forthc. 36 It is certain that this is not a turban, because the same rendering can be observed in the hairdresses of the queen’s attendants, who feature the typical Mesopotamian hair-style with a chignon on the nape of the neck.

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female figure, present in q4 and q5, where she faces the queen and touches her knee, like the small male figure facing the king in other seals. It seems certain, therefore, that this personage might be a princess, and that the long braid with its ornament at the end was a peculiar royal hair-dress of Mozan. This small figure wears a long smooth garment, covering one shoulder and possibly decorated with a vertical fringe, similar to the garment the queen wears in the household seals and to the dress of the queen’s attendants in her seals (q4–5: Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 14, fig. 6). In Queen Uqnitum’s household seals, she appears only in the seals belonging to the nurse Zamena, and not in those of the cook; she wears the smooth garment and features her usual hair-dress, whereas Zamena wears a smooth dress with a horizontal fringe at the end, and the queen’s attendant the smooth fringed cloak; nurse and attendant have their hair tied in a chignon on the back (h1–2: Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: 22, fig. 8). Lastly, an interesting piece of evidence comes from Tell Khuera, where a stone relief, measuring cm 40 x 30 x 13 was found in the building of the Mittanian period, but was dated by the excavator to a period between the end of the Early Dynastic and the beginning of the Akkadian period.37 The relief depicts a very peculiar line of seven female figures, apparently seated on a bench. The surface of the relief is very badly preserved, probably due to a long exposure in the open air, and the two figures at the right and left edges are chipped off. From what is preserved it is possible to infer that the figures wore a kaunakés-type dress, whereas their head-dresses are more difficult to read: apparently, they wear a high conical cap and braids falling to their shoulders.38 All the women carry something, mostly small animals, but two of them – the fourth and seventh from the right – carry a baby, recalling one of the ladies depicted in the stele from Halawa.39

1.5. Early Syrian Written Evidence I will not deal here with the huge amount of evidence about the textiles and garments registered in the administrative documents from the Ebla Archives,40 but rather with the much scantier evidence, which might allow us to connect specific 37 Moortgat 1976: 52–57. 38 In two instances at least, it is clear that these elements falling down on the two sides of the face are twisted. 39 This is probably a peculiarity of the North Syrian/North Mesopotamian milieus, not attested elsewhere. 40 In general, for the textiles and their terminology see Nosch, Koefoed and Andersson Strand (eds) 2013; see also Desrosiers 2010: 23–51. For textiles at Ebla see Biga 2010: 146–172; Pasquali 2010: 173–185. See Vita 2010: 323–337, for the terminology of textiles in different periods and places. Very interesting considerations about the possible symbolic meaning of clothes and textiles are presented in Sallaberger 2009: 244, 272–273.

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items of clothing with specific actions.41 In this sense, the most meaningful texts are the three tablets of the Ritual of Kingship,42 giving important clues about the use of clothing in these important ceremonies. I think that the specific items of clothing mentioned in the ritual played a role in the ceremony for the importance they are given in different moments of the Ritual. The queen’s veil is mentioned in several instances;43 apparently there is a ceremonial dress which has to be red in colour, and which is offered by the queen, when she leaves her father’s house (Fronzaroli 1993: 53, Text 2, ll. 5–6), and she receives a similarly coloured gar-

41 The most serious problem is the difficulty to interpret the terminology, particularly as regards finished products, namely dresses properly, and this problem does not concern Ebla alone. For instance, as to the Akkadian world, we may recall a recent article by B. Foster (2010), in particular on pp. 128–139, where he tries to identify clothes in the texts: he proposes to identify the kaunakés in the pala, which apparently had a royal and a clergy variant and also apparently featured a lining, or a protective cover (Ibidem: 129). As concerns the skirt, he proposes the Sumerian i b b a d u, meaning “worn at middle waist”. This kind of attire is worn by men as well as women and may weigh up to 1.5 kgs. Manishtusu’s dress – namely the long and smooth dress with a fringe on the side, which is very similar to the dress of the human personage in the seal from Tell Brak – might be the one called š u s e g a, a term apparently found only in the Akkadian period and thus quite appropriate for a kind of attire which is also limited to that period (Ibidem: 130–131). In Ubil-Ištar’s seal, the scribe Kalaki wears a possible short version of the š u s e g a (Ibidem: 125, fig. 7.8). The seal should date from Manishtusu’s age and its owner Ubil-Ištar is defined brother, or rather kinsman, of the king (Ibidem: 131–132). Concerning the evidence provided by the texts of the Royal Archives of Ebla, in his precise observations J. Pasquali identified as a typical female attire the stole/ peplum and the veil (2010: 175) and he identified it in the du-ru12-rum an “ornamental band, a stole”, possibly made of cloth or precious metal. The du-ru12-rum was a very important part of the clothing, its use was strictly limited for the ceremonial sphere and it was the exclusive prerogative of royal-rank ladies and of female deities; in the Ritual of Kingship it was mentioned as part of the queen’s ceremonial trousseau (Pasquali 1997: 225–227). A similar attempt is also to be found in Sallaberger 2009: 255–258. 42 Fronzaroli 1993. The Ritual was interpreted by its editor as a marriage ritual, but it rather seems to refer to a renewal of kingship, where the royal couple on earth is always paralleled by the divine royal couple of Kura and Barama. Moreover, it is several times mentioned their incapability to fulfill their decision capacities until the end of the ritual itself. In this sense the Eblaic Ritual of Kingship seems to have many points of contact with the Egyptian sed festival: Matthiae 2008: 242–243; Pinnock 2016a: 102. Thus far, the interpretations of the meaning of the Ritual of Kingship are still divergent. 43 Fronzaroli 1993: 16, Text 1, ll. 78–80: the woman charged to provide the clothes (my italics) covers with a veil the queen’s head and hands, and a woman of Nenaš provides 7 times the queen’s veil; the covering of the queen’s head and the seven repetitions for the provision of the veil are also recorded in text 2: Ibidem: 65, ll. 82–84; see also Pasquali 2010: 175, who, however, is one of the scholars interpreting these texts as a marriage ritual, as Archi also does (Archi 2015a: 514–519). In my opinion, on the contrary, it is interesting to note that the woman offering the seven veils comes from Nenaš, because this is the place where the outer itinerary of the ritual ended, where the mausoleums of the dead and deified ancestors were and where an important part of the ceremonial was accomplished, in one instance possibly for seven days. This is the occasion when the two couples – the earthly and the divine – receive the dresses in Mari’s fashion (Fronzaroli 1993: 68, Text 2, l. 98). Thus, the veil and the flounced dress might both be related specifically with this ceremony and with funerary rites.

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ment, together with a multi-coloured dress, before entering the town of Ebla from Kura’s gate (Fronzaroli 1993: 54: Text 2, ll. 9–13);44 an important moment in the ceremony is represented by the arrival of the queen in a “worked field” outside Kura’s gate, where she strips of her clothes, spends one night outside the walls, and finally wears new clothes and enters Ebla (Fronzaroli 1993: 54, Text 2, ll. 9–14). Besides these coloured dress, another specific garment seems to have a special importance in this ritual: in fact, flounced dresses “following Mari’s fashion”45 are mentioned several times and are prepared and offered during the development of the Ritual not only to the king and queen, but also to their divine counterparts Kura and Barama.46 Also the woman charged with weaving this special dress is mentioned as receiving the wool from two sheep for the flounces of the garment.47 As the flounces are always mentioned and therefore seem to be the distinctive characteristic of this garment, it seems possible to infer that it might be the kaunakés type dress worn by the presumed Dusigu in the maliktum’s standard from the Royal Palace G and also depicted in the headless and armless figure in the limestone inlay TM.04.G.888. As far as we know, in fact, the flounced dress in Mari’s fashion is used only in the Ritual, so its ceremonial meaning seems certain; it is prepared for the king and queen and for Kura and Barama while they are in the mausoleum of Nenaš, which leads to relate it with funerary contexts and therefore with the kaunakés worn by queen Dusigu in the standard, as this figure should represent the statue of the dead queen.48 In the same texts a mention is made of head-dresses the king and queen wear at the end of the ritual, using a Sumerogram – TÚG-ZI:ZI, which in administrative texts is mentioned as a specific element of the king’s attire, made with an aktum-TÚG.49 44 The connection between the colour red and ceremonial dresses is apparently present in the Akkadian world too: Foster 2010: 137. On this same subject see Pasquali 2005: 170–171, who relates the use of the colour red with a time transition. 45 Fronzaroli 1993: 5, Text 1, l. 16; 55, Text 2, l. 18; 68, Text 2, l. 98; the same mentions are in Text 3: Ibidem: 86. 46 Kura is the head of the Eblaic pantheon in the mature Early Syrian period, and Barama is his spouse. About these divine figures and their prerogatives, see Pomponio and Xella 1997: 83–88 (Barama) and 223–248 (Kura) and, more recently, for Kura, Sallaberger 2018. 47 Fronzaroli 1993: 5, Text 1, l. 16; 55, Text 2, l. 18. C. Breniquet, in her analysis of the possible symbolic meanings of clothing, maintains that, in the first place, clothing in itself might have been a marker of power, and, in the second place, stresses the importance of the increase in sheep-breeding during the second half of the Ubaid period (Breniquet 2015: 10). Sallaberger (2014: 111–112) arguments about the importance of wool as a good per se, and certainly a relevant part of the Ebla economy was based on the trade of wool and textiles: Matthiae 2008: 115–121; 2010: 125–126. 48 This proposal is based on the difference in size between the standing and the seated figure and on the fact that the sitting figure is placed on a small pedestal: Matthiae 2013a: 468. 49 Fronzaroli 1993: 71, Text 2, 120; 84 for the commentary. On the aktum-TÚG TÚG-ZI.ZI see also Biga 1992. As the Ritual of Kingship deals largely with the cult for deified royal ancestors, and as the aktum-TÚG TÚG-ZI.ZI was identified with the typical Eblaic royal turban (Matthiae 1979b; Pinnock 1992), it is tempting to propose that when the head-dress bearing this name

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Moreover, there are some instances, quite a few, where deliveries of textiles are mentioned for important court-ladies, dead from some time. So, in the occasion of the death of one brother of queen Dusigu’s, they register the delivery of a textile to Dusigu herself, who had certainly died before her brother. In another instance, in the occasion of Teshma-Damu’s death, vizier Ibbi-Zikir’s wife, which took place during the tenth year of his office, deliveries of textiles for Ibrium, Ibbi-Zikir’s father, are registered, who had died ten years before, and for another wife of Ibbi-Zikir’s, who had died some years before (Archi 2002: 183–184). Lastly, the evidence of an older administrative text, dating from vizier Ibrium’s thirteenth year, is quite resolutive: on the occasion of Rabatum’s obsequies, Irkab-Damu’s wife, they registered textiles for Rabatum “for the tomb”, as well as textiles “for Tinud’s statue, the king’s wife, for the tomb”. This element therefore recalls explicitly that in the occasion of the obsequies of one wife of Irkab-Damu’s, clothes were offered for the statue of another of the king’s wives, previously dead, and probably buried in the same tomb. As is clear, the basic datum of this evidence is the explicit mention of the existence of funerary statues of queens, which were probably placed near tombs, and were anyhow exhibited in particular ceremonial occasions.50

1.6. Early Syrian Period: Conclusions Based on what thus far presented, I think it is possible to propose that at the court of the mature Early Syrian Ebla there was a specific dress-code. The royal couple and the high officials had a great visibility, outside the palace, and even outside the town. This led to develop in time some specific ways of dressing, which had to emphasize, in any individual public occasion, the role and function of any individual personage. What strongly marked the Eblaic society, with respect to the contemporary Mesopotamian society, are the elaboration of specific clothing and head-dresses for the king and, certainly the females’ visibility, as we maintained in several occasions (Pinnock 2006; 2008a; 2014; 2015a; 2015b; 2016a; in pr.). In my opinion, the fact that this was an Eblaic peculiarity is stressed by the importance female attires received both in the visual and in the written evidence: the accurate is offered to the queen, it might be the turban represented in the miniature statue of a dead queen of Tabur-Damu’s standard. According to Pasquali (1997: 262–266; 2010: 180), the Semitic word for turban might be tibaranu. It is worth mentioning that one Eblaic princess – Iti-mut, a daughter of Irkab-Damu’s – received a tibaranu as a wedding gift, when she married Ruzi-Malik, probably a son of the vizier Arrukum: Archi 2015b: 761. Apparently, the queen’s turban was not made with the same material as the king’s, and, moreover, whereas the queen received a turban only on special occasions, the king was presented with this head-dress at least once a month (Biga 1992). This is in accordance with the visual evidence: the turban was part of the king’s usual attire, whereas the queen only wore it very seldom, and probably only in connection with funerary ceremonies. 50 Archi 2012: 24.

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lists of the gifts women received on several occasions – marriage, consecration in a temple, funerary rites – show that they used a larger variety of dresses than men, though it is not always possible to identify for certain the individual pieces of clothing. It is certainly possible that the jewels women received at the moment of their death had not been used during their life, namely that they were produced only for that specific use. It is certain, however, that specific clothes and ornaments of different kinds were part of the dowry of the ladies of the Eblaic elite (Archi 2015b: 779). It seems also certain that the preserved images, albeit fragmentary, correspond to this picture and the widespread use of different materials in each artefact allows us to consider whether there was a will to reproduce, as faithfully as possible, also a certain variety in colours, for which some trace is preserved in the texts. Analysing the evidence as a whole, I think some main trends may be singled out in the “fashions” in use in the Eblaic royal milieus. The queen used clothes made of several elements: tunics, shawls, sashes and belts, probably of different colours, usually made of smooth and fringed textiles were worn in combination. Her hairstyles were elegant, with her hair kept not too long, with compact locks framing the face. This kind of attire was probably the customary one, for most of the circumstances when the queen – and probably also the princesses – appeared in public. This hypothesis is based on the fact that a woman wearing this kind of attire and hair-dress is represented in the decoration of a piece of carved wooden furniture. This support was very visible, but it was not imbued with special symbolic meanings, besides representing the seat of royalty.51 Also in the lists of the princesses’ dowries for their marriage, or of the goods offered for the dead queens, several different kinds of clothes and textiles are present, though some definitions are difficult to interpret, like the flax textiles “for the hands” (Archi 2015c: 167). For the ceremonies, on the contrary, only a smooth dress was apparently preferred, probably of a dark colour, but with some coloured (red) decoration, completed by a fringed shawl, or by a cloak covering the head. If the head was bare, the 51 The throne was certainly meant to be used, albeit it is not certain where: two hypotheses are possible, the Court of Audience – but the room where it was kept did not communicate with the Court (see here fn. 17) – or the North-West Quarter of the Central Complex – with which the room probably communicated by means of a bending staircase leading there, though the starting and ending points of the staircase are not preserved. In this quarter a large room, featuring an important floor decoration, probably had ceremonial functions, related to the close proximity with the Red Temple: Matthiae 2017. If it was used in the Audience Court, it would certainly have been much more visible, but in both instances, it is evident that this peculiar kind of chair was closely related to ceremonial performances at the highest level. Certainly, the images carved in the seat were meant to be an idealized representation of the Eblaic kingship, with one figure at least of a king – wearing the battle attire but with the typical royal turban, instead of the battle helmet with the chignon –, of at least a court-lady – the figure I discuss here – and of groups of figures derived from the Mesopotamian Contest Scenes, usually interpreted as representations of the fight between order and chaos. On the Eblaic royal turban see Matthiae 1979b; Biga 1992; Pinnock 1992.

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hair-style was similar to the one usually employed in everyday life, but a diadem might be added to it. It is difficult to find a trace of this kind of attire in the texts, but it is documented by two images – Tabur-Damu meditating in front of Dusigu and the figure of the veiled lady from a standard –, leading to propose that this clothing was reserved for ceremonies, and that it was also adopted by personages with prevalent priestly functions, or anyhow related with activities in the cult areas. Lastly, the scantiest dress – including only a flounced skirt, stopped at the waist by a thick belt – and the hairstyle with long, loose hair, seems the characterization for not living personages, but rather for an ideal representation of kingship. In fact, this kind of representation appears only on the cylinder seals in the palace style, or in definitely symbolic images, as might be represented by the two figures, or parts of figures, placed at both sides of the entrance to the Throne Room inside the Administrative Quarter.

2. Old Syrian Period Female figures are present in Middle Bronze I–II art, too, a trend which is completely different from the contemporary Mesopotamian one (Spycket 1981: 251– 256), but there is a strong difference in the stile, location and use of the images. First and foremost, as concerns the supports for the images, kings and queens, in the Old Syrian period, are represented in statues, cylinder seals, cult basins and stele, whereas the wall panels, which were a specificity of EB IVA are not attested any more, as also happened in Mesopotamia. The most important difference is the disappearance of the tradition of employing different materials for the composition of artefacts: the statues are made in one block only, and are only of basalt, which gives them a severe and rigid appearance. Cult basins, which are a characteristic Old Syrian piece of furniture (Otto 2018), can be made of limestone or basalt, and, among the fragments preserved, only once is a woman represented. In the stele, too, the female presence is very limited and there is, thus far, only one very fragmentary, but very meaningful, specimen, where female figures are represented in a primary position.

2.1. Old Syrian Evidence from Ebla: Cylinder Seals In this phase, the oldest occurrence of female characters is on cylinder seals from Kültepe/Kanesh karum Level II, whose belonging to the Eblaic milieu has already been proposed (Pinnock 2000b: 1397–1406). Here, a woman appears, wearing a flounced dress, or a skirt with a vertical fringe (Fig. 15). Her hair is loose on the shoulders, or represented flowing on the back, forming an arch.52 She is usually 52 When the hair was represented in this way, it is possible that it was meant to represent a braid, rather than loose hair, but this kind of hair-dress would be represented only in cylinder seals and is not attested elsewhere, and thus its peculiar rendering might be dependent

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engaged in cult acts and is sometimes associated with the so-called head-standard,53 whose upper, female head has the same hair-dress (Pinnock 2000b: 1400). This evidence can be matched with a seal from a votive deposit in Area P, where the same personage is depicted (Fig. 17), who has, on her head, a kind of cone, similar to the one present on the head-standard in seals from Kültepe.54 The lady in this seal apparently wears only a skirt, reaching under the knee, with the hem clearly marked and enlarged to the sides; the cloth has a very large, oblique fringe, possibly starting from a double vertical border, whereas the bust is probably naked, unless an oblique line, visible on the shoulder, does not point to the presence of a cloak, covering one shoulder; the hair is very long, and seems to reach to the middle of the back.

2.2. Old Syrian Evidence from Ebla: Statues A second group of female figures includes five smaller than life size statues, four of which were found in the debris of the porch of Temple P2 (Matthiae 2013d), in the Lower Town North, and one had been re-employed in a Late Roman installation, over the Western Palace, in the Lower Town West. One statue has a long skirt, with fringed edge (Fig. 18). Of the second statue too, only the lower part, with a long, fringed skirt is preserved (Fig. 19); the fringe is represented on the vertical length of the skirt and at the hem and, in both instances, it also features a triple swollen edge; the length of the skirt reaches to slightly over the ankles. The third piece is a torso (Fig. 20), wearing a skirt, and a fringed shawl, elaborately arranged around the body, leaving the breasts bare, one arm is bent over the stomach, and the other one, only slightly bent, points downwards; the woman has a heavy necklace, and multiple bracelets on both wrists.55 The three statues are approximately contemporary, and presumably date from Middle Bronze IB–IIA (ca. 1850–1750 BC). To the same group belongs a fourth specimen (Fig. 21), with smooth dress, with a vertical fringe on the skirt, traces of a fringe on the left elbow, possibly hinting at the presence of a sleeve, and a swollen edge at the bottom. In the upper from the support. 53 This peculiar object was identified with a symbol of Ishtar’s by H. Seyrig (1960); the proposal was resumed recently by P. Matthiae (2014), who collected a larger number of Old Syrian cylinder seals with the same symbol. 54 Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds) 1995: 417, no. 275; Marchetti and Nigro 1997: 32, fig. 19. The cone should, in our opinion, be considered similar to the perfumed cones adorning the heads of women in feast and in funerary ceremonies, known from the Egyptian evidence. For the New Kingdom see Wilkinson 1992: 30, 1, 117, 3; Mekhitarian 1997: 23, figs 5: 7, 25, 9: 26, 10: 30, 16–17. For evidence from the XVIIIth Dynasty, see Laboury 1997: 65, fig. 7, with cones depicted on the heads of both males and females, only in a music scene, whereas they are not represented in a banquet scene from the same tomb: Ibidem: 69, fig. 8. 55 Matthiae 1996: 200–202, figs 1–3. It is evident that the dress is made of two pieces, a fringed skirt and the shawl, whose fringe is different.

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part, it becomes an elaborate shawl, with swollen edge, which crosses the back, and is kept firm under the right arm; possibly a part of it covered also the head,56 as is attested in figures with a similar dress in Old Syrian seals.57 The head was cut at the base of the neck, and the traces of the necklace are not so clear; the woman wore bracelets at both wrists, and an elegant pin, ending with a backturned swan, or rather duck head,58 decorated the edge of the shawl on the left shoulder, apparently without a real function. For the antiquarian characteristics, and for the style of the piece, it has been attributed to the years around 1700 B.C. The last statue, which was found re-employed in the masonry of a Late Roman installation, built over the north-east corner of the Western Palace, represents a seated woman, with smooth dress and loose hair falling on the shoulders (Fig. 22); the left hand is bent to the breast, and probably holds a flower; the right hand leans on the knee and holds a cup, in the same way as the male statues do. The style of the piece, closely resembling the oldest specimens examined, and the typology of the cup, which must be identified as a “Gublite” bowl, leads to date the piece from Middle Bronze IB–IIA, around 1850-1750 B.C. (Matthiae 2013g: 644–645, Pl. 141).

2.3. Old Syrian Evidence from Ebla: Relief A lady is depicted on the carved ritual basin from Temple D on the Acropolis (Fig. 23): she is the protagonist, with the king, of a banquet, related with peace and fertility.59 The lady is seated, wears a flounced dress, with a swollen edge on the shoulder, covering the left arm, bent over the breast, holding a flower,60 while the right arm is raised to bring a cup to her lips.61 56 On the right shoulder, in fact, the edge of the cloak is broken and it apparently went upwards, precisely in order to cover the head. 57 The similarity between this figure and contemporary evidence in Old Syrian glyptic has already been pointed out at by Matthiae 2013d: 570–571, though, at the moment, he did not recognise the elements which lead to reconstruct the presence of the veil also in this figure. 58 For the typology of the pin and its chronology, see Lazzari 1986: 167, fig. 16. Matthiae 2013d: 572–573. 59 Matthiae 1966: 113–129. The figures on the sides of the basin reproduce mythical heroes, who fight with lions, or with monsters vomiting water; on one side, also an archer shooting a lion, who is attacking a bull is represented, a clear symbol of kingship; on the main face, behind the king, there are three soldiers, with spears resting, one even holds the weapon with its head down, while in the lower register, there is a flock of sheep, attacked by a lion, and, at the extreme left, a kind of standard on which a bird is perched. The interpretation of the scenes is certainly quite difficult, but apparently, they seem to celebrate the sovereign as protector of his people, from human and animal enemies. 60 Matthiae 1996: Pls XLV:1, XLVI:1: the surface of the basin is eroded and the details are sometimes unclear, but the lady seems to hold something in her left hand, which certainly is not a cup. 61 Behind the lady, two attendants carry one vase each and a third vase, which they hold together. It is unclear whether these characters are male or female: they are probably female

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The last occurrence of female figures in the Old Syrian Eblaic art is on a fragment of a stele (Fig. 24; Matthiae 2013e), found out of place, representing a cult ceremony, where, to the left, a veiled priestess raises a cup in honour of a god, identified with Hadad; behind the god, a standing figure and a seated one should reproduce royal statues of the kind already described as being located in Ishtar’s temple in the Lower Town north. The dress of the standing lady is, in fact, similar to that of the statues, with a long smooth skirt with fringed lower edge and a fringed cloak covering one shoulder, while the attire of the priestess is slightly different from the older ones: her dress definitely includes a veil, or rather a long fringed shawl, covering up her head, which is closer to the head-dress of the latest female statue from Temple P2 (Matthiae 2013e: Pls 158–159a). This image also features a peculiar, and not completely clear element, namely a kind of long braid, falling down from the top of the head to the waist: unfortunately, the stele is not well preserved near the woman’s head, and it is not possible to understand how this element started. This braid is very much alike the hair-dress of Queen Uqnitum from Tell Mozan, of the late Early Syrian period, and should thus represent the hair-dress of the personage: if this were true, the shawl should be considered not as a veil covering the head completely, but rather as a sash, which left a part of the head uncovered. In the cult area of Ishtar’s Temple on the Acropolis (Area D), a stele was placed, carved on all four sides with scenes related with the cult for the goddess and with her relationship with kingship (Matthiae 2013a): on one of the short sides, two female attendants are depicted (Fig. 25). In consideration of the general context of the stele, they should be identified as priestesses. Their attires and hair-dresses are quite distinctive: it is not easy to interpret their dresses, for the state of preservation of the surface of the stele, but apparently, they wear a smooth tunic, or a skirt, with a thin fringed shawl, partially covering both shoulders and closing on the breast. Their hair-dresses, marked by deep parallel lines, are probably made of braids, surrounding the head in horizontal and forming a kind of chignon, which raises very high to be included in the horizontal braid. As far as can be judged from the Kültepe seals, from the basin from Temple D and from the seated statue holding a cup, in a typical royal gesture (Pinnock 1990: 24–25), priestesses were, at Ebla, closely related with kingship, as they had to perform cult, or ceremonial acts with the sovereign. This can be explained with the special role Ishtar had in the Eblaic concept of kingship (Matthiae 2013a: 542–553), and, in fact, the priestess and the king are connected with the same symbols – the dove, the monkey, the ceremonial table, the naked woman and the lion – but only the priestess is related, or touches, the two-heads-standard. Taking into acas can be inferred from the hair-dress with a chignon on the back, but the dress they wear is similar to that of the male participants in the scene. It apparently is a tunic closed in front, with a double border and a belt at the waist.

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count the different kinds of representations of women related with cult, we might propose that the two women represented on Ishtar’s stele were true priestesses, whereas the ladies represented on the seals and basins, namely those with loose hair, or wearing veils, were members of the higher levels of the elites, most probably of the royal family, who were not devoted to cult activities only, and cannot, as a consequence, be considered full-time members of clergy.62

2.4. Old Syrian Documents: Women’s Representations from Other Sites In the general framework of the Old Syrian evidence, Ebla certainly stands out for the quantity and quality of evidence. Other female representations from other sites must be looked for mainly in glyptic: a number of seals represent a female character in relation with the semeion or double-heads symbol of Ishtar (Fig. 26).63 In other seals, a woman is represented in a group, usually including the King and the Crown Prince (Fig. 27), which should represent the passage of power from the dying or dead King to the Crown Prince (Porada 1948: Pls CXXXVII, 912, CXL, 929, CXLIV, 947; Buchanan 1966: Pl. 55, 870; Teissier 1984: 233, no. 452; 235, no. 456; 237, no. 459). These are the two main groups of iconographies where a female character is protagonist; a small number of seals may be added, with different iconographies. In one specimen, there is a group including a goddess with hathoric head-dress, facing a male personage with an atef crown,64 behind them, there is a woman holding a palm leaf (Fig. 28; Teissier 1984: 263, no. 521). In another seal, with a similar group, where the main protagonists are both deities – a probable Khebat and the Storm-God – a veiled woman stands behind them (Fig. 29; Teissier 1984: 245, no. 483). In other specimens, the woman relates directly herself with a deity, or a divine symbol, or with a royal figure.65 The last pattern, which may be identified, includes two women, facing each other, on both sides of a palm tree (Fig. 30; Teissier 1984: 269, no. 535), or holding a palm leaf each (Fig. 31; Teissier 62 On the possible identification and role of the lady depicted on the cylinder seal from the favissa in Area P, see Pinnock 2016b: 263–264. 63 As regards the relation between the symbol and a female figure, see Matthiae 2014: 117 A3–5, A7–9, A11, A13; 118, A14–21, A23; 119, B3, D1, 120, F2. 64 This male character wearing the atef crown, might be identified with a royal figure: Scandone Matthiae 2002: 22–26. For a possible identification of the goddess with the hathoric headdress see Matthiae 2016. 65 In Teissier 1984: 255, n. 504, a woman, holding a bowl, stands in front of a sitting deity; in Porada 1948: Pl. CXL, 926, the woman faces a sector of the seal, divided into two registers by a guilloche, and looks at a monkey, an animal which has a special meaning in Old Syrian art (Matthiae 2010: 303–304). In one specimen (Porada 1948: Pl. CXLV, 956) there is a group of figures, including a female character, the goddess Khebat, turned towards a kind of semeion with one male head only, and another female character, probably not a deity, wearing a high cylindrical cap, on which a dove is perched. About the meaning of doves in Old Syrian art see Pinnock 2000. Lastly, in one seal, a woman is placed behind Khebat, offering an alabastron to the king (Porada 1948: Pl. CXLVII, 973).

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1984: 269, 536), or with one hand raised (Porada 1948: Pl. CL, 995). In these seals the women usually wear long smooth dresses, whereas they may either feature long hair, falling on the back, or wear a veil covering their heads, sometimes strongly emphasized. These iconographies are attested in the Early and Mature Old Syrian period, but become rarer towards the end of Middle Bronze. As regards statuary, I can recall one very fragmentary specimen from Mari: a headless torso, cut immediately below the chin at the top, and below the hands, clasped at the waist, at the bottom (Fig. 32a–b; Parrot 1956: 111–112, Pl. XLV, no. 434 = AO. 17554). The statue was made of steatite and was found in the well in Cour 15 of Ishtar’s Temple, with many other fragments and chips, belonging to at least two male and one female statues.66 The female statue has a peculiar attire and hairdress: she wears what seems a combination of shawls, crossing on her breast and back, and held in place by an oblique sash: these elements have a tasselled edge and the shawls have also a thick fringe, ending in knots. The preserved part of the hair-dress is also of a very peculiar kind: apparently, it included two long curls, framing the face; on the back, a game of braids criss-crosses at the nape of the neck, and another long, wavy curl, or possibly the counterweight of the necklace, falls down on the back.67 All the fragments found in the well were dated by the excavator to the Old Syrian period, and he proposed that they had been smashed into pieces and thrown into the well at the time of Hammurabi’s conquest of the town. The female figure, however, does not have precise parallels, whereas it seems possible to compare her attire with the dress of the Mesopotamian figures of the Ur III Dynasty period, usually called “femmes à l’écharpe”, precisely for the presence of this specific element of clothing. Yet, the shawls of these Mesopotamian figures are usually simpler, and their hair-dresses are very plain, too: a chignon, covered by a very thin veil. The Mari figure’s hair-dress can perhaps be compared to the complex hairdos of the court-ladies of Early Bronze IVA Ebla. For these reasons, I think that this statue might rather belong to a very final phase of Early Bronze IVB, or to the very beginning of Middle Bronze I, which in Mari’s terminology would be the shakkanakku’s period, rather than to the Old Babylonian period. 66 The male statues were probably larger than life size, as one fragment, including only the mouth and part of the nose, is ca 11 cm high; on the contrary, the female statue was small, as the preserved fragment, including a large part of the bust, is 10 cm high: Parrot 1956: 111–112. 67 The figure has a necklace made of six or seven rigid elements, over which, immediately under the chin, there probably was a line of large beads, made of another material, for which only the lodgings were preserved. If the vertical plait on the back of the bust is the counterweight of the necklace, we should point out that necklace and counterweight are different from the other set of necklace and counterweight preserved for Old Babylonian Mari, namely the ornaments of the goddess holding the vase with gushing water, whose statue was found in Room 64 of the Royal Palace: Parrot 1959: 5–11, Pls IV–VI. The necklace of the goddess, in fact, is made of six ranges of large round beads, and the counterweight is a smooth vertical element, with a double knot at the top and a tassel at the bottom, reaching to slightly below the knees of the figure.

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2.5. Old Syrian Period: Conclusions The female representations in Old Syrian art at Ebla appear quite standardized: on the one hand, the figures with loose hair, represented mainly on seals, and the lady with the veil and the bowl, on Hadad’s stele, must be identified as priestesses, because they are engaged in cult acts and are closely related with deities, or with symbols of gods; in the archaic Old Syrian period (seals), they were certainly the main cult personnel of Ishtar’s temples, while in the mature Old Syrian period (stele), they had to dedicate their activities also, though probably not exclusively, to Hadad. On the other hand, the standing statues, or the standing ladies, represented also on seals, and on Hadad’s stele, in close relation with sitting royal personages, are certainly to be identified as queens.68 As concerns their attire, however, one cannot detect meaningful differences: the dresses can be indifferently smooth and fringed, or flounced, the only exception being the best-preserved statue from Temple P2, but, in this instance, the chronological difference is certainly determinant. As regards their hair-dresses, on the contrary, the ladies on the seals, the woman on the basin and the small seated statue all have loose hair, while the standing statues from Temple P2 had a different way to arrange their hair, which cannot be identified, as their heads are missing, but they certainly did not have loose hair, as no trace is detectable on the preserved torsos of the pieces; also the presence of the veil, which is almost certain in the case of the later statue, cannot be reconstructed in the older specimens. The veil may indicate a change in fashion, which interested queens, as well as priestesses, as it also appears on the fragment of stele, which, for the presence of the god Hadad, must be dated from a late phase of Middle Bronze I, or from the beginning of Middle Bronze II, after the establishment of the kingdom of Yamkhad and of its patron deity.69 The proposed analysis confirms, in my opinion, what I stated at the beginning, namely that the representation of women was always important in the Syrian societies of the Old Syrian period, and in this period, too, the peculiarity of Ebla stands out. With regard to the previous Early Syrian period, however, some differences may be observed: in particular, and this concerns also the male images, 68 It is now evident that the palace workshops of Ebla, in the mature Early Syrian and in the Archaic and Mature Old Syrian periods invented and elaborated sophisticated ways to manifest and represent kingship in all its facets. It is thus difficult for us, in presence of scattered fragments of that rich inventory, to understand fully all the nuances of the different ways to represent the Eblaic elites. The general impression one gathers, however, is that they never wished to represent real individuals, but rather idealized images of the different functions of the topmost levels of the elites. 69 It is possible that, in this mature phase of the Old Syrian period, queens and priestesses at Ebla had a very similar attire because – though still keeping much of their power – they had lost a part of their ancient prerogatives, this should be true particularly of priestesses, and thus did not need a strongly characterised clothing.

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apparently the palaces were no more the appointed place for the manifestation of the image of kingship, and, moreover, the occasions for an equal representation of the male and female elements become less numerous. On the other hand, there are instances where women and men are represented separately, as happens, for instance, in cylinder seals. As concerns statuary, male and female statues were placed side by side in pairs in the vestibules to the temples, but, unlike what happened in the oldest period, the male figures seem visually dominant. Lastly, in some places of the town, like the gates, only male statues were present. As regards the peculiarities of clothing, unlike what we inferred for the Early Syrian period, in the Old Syrian period an eventual relation between attires and specific occasions is more difficult to detect: the number of different attires is definitely smaller, and the only possible hypothesis seems that clothing was somehow standardized. Women wore simple tunics and could indifferently appear veiled or with bare heads, whereas we cannot form any opinion about the eventual use of coloured fabrics. These considerations lead to propose the following conclusions: 1. At Ebla, the representation of female characters, and, as a consequence, the role of women in society, is certainly different from the contemporary Mesopotamian one, particularly in the Middle Bronze period. 2. Apparently, high rank women performed some cult acts and some public ceremony together with the king, in a complementary, and not subordinate, position. 3. In the pairs of royal statues from Temple P2, on the other hand, the presence of female figures, in that peculiar context, confirms the relevant place women occupied in the Eblaic society of the Old Syrian period; yet, in this instance, their position appears slightly inferior, with regard to the king’s, as they are standing, and not seated, and, therefore, are definitely smaller in size than their companions. The only exception being the seated figure, whose original location cannot be established for certain. If she was located in the region of Temple P2, she probably was a visual counterpart for a sitting statue, possibly not representing a king, which for this reason was not smashed to pieces and for which we were not able to find a standing companion. I think it was a visual counterpart and not the representation of a couple, because, in this instance, both characters were seated, and were therefore the probable representation of personages with the same function and the same hierarchical level. We have, therefore, singled out two relevant positions women could occupy in the Eblaic hierarchy, the queen and the priestess, which, unlike what happened in contemporary Mesopotamia, guaranteed them the same visibility as men, also in visual art, without differences as concerned artistic genres, and the location of images. Another evidence for the role women played at Ebla came from a private quarter in the Lower Town West, close to the western rampart, where, in one residence,

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a few cuneiform documents were found, dealing with a transaction of land owned by a lady (Matthiae 2000: 39); in the same residence, several bronze pins, and one silver pin were found, some of which have a back-turned duck head; they are, therefore, the real specimens of the pin on the queen’s statue from Temple P2.70

3. Final Conclusions In other occasions, strong elements of continuity have been pointed out at, between Early Bronze IVA and Middle Bronze IA at Ebla (Pinnock 2004), particularly as concerns the visual representation of kingship. The same seems to apply when considering aspects of the women’s costumes and roles. The position and functions of the maliktum, and of other ladies in Early Syrian Ebla, have been thoroughly examined by M.G. Biga (1987; 1991), and, although no comparable written evidence can be employed for the Old Syrian society, the elements thus far singled out seem to make up a picture not too different from that of Early Bronze IVA. Also, as regards the court-ladies’ attires, there are some possible contacts between the two periods. Certainly, the loose hair seems to be a north Syrian peculiarity, attested in the steatite hair-dress from the Royal Palace G in the Early Syrian period, and in the seals, one basin and one statue in the Old Syrian one. Moreover, a cylinder seal from Tell Brak, dating from the Akkadian period, depicts a lady, with loose hair and smooth fringed dress, which, while possibly showing what the Early Syrian statue from Palace G looked like, bears also a strong resemblance with the Old Syrian figures we have been taking into consideration. Her relationship with divine figures makes it quite likely that she was acting as a priestess.71 There is also a detail of the dresses, which connects the wooden carving from Palace G, with the basalt statues from Temple P2, namely the elaborate shawl, covering the shoulders, and crossing on the back, for which we have already recalled the similarities with the neo-Sumerian statues of the kind of the “femme à l’écharpe”. Summing up, the more organic Eblaic evidence, matched with other elements from other sites, or from the antique market, allows us to single out the peculiarities of ladies’ dresses in the Early and Old Syrian periods. The distribution of documents, with a more wide-spread presence of female figures in the oldest phase, and a concentration of evidence at Ebla in the later period lead us to reconstruct the following picture: in Early Bronze IVA there seems to have been regional fashions, covering North Syria, from Mari to Ebla, characterised by loose hair, or by the fringed shawl, or by the polos and veil, which may possibly be related with 70 At least one pin of the same type was found in another, meaningful, context, namely in the region between Temple B1 and Sanctuary B2, dedicated to the god of the Netherworld Rashap and to the cult for the deified dead kings: Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds) 1995: 425, no. 296. 71 Matthews 1997: 139–141, 269–271, no. 346, Pl. XXVIII, from SS Main Floor, Early Akkadian.

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different functions: royal (loose hair), general court role (fringed shawl), religious (polos and veil). In Middle Bronze I–II, only Ebla apparently keeps at the highest level the visibility of high-rank ladies, with priestesses with loose hair and queens with smooth dresses and collected hair, both possibly with a veil in a later phase. Queens are mainly represented as standing figures near their seated husbands, in couples placed in the main sanctuary of Ishtar in the Lower Town and possibly also in Temple HH in the Lower Town south-east, but one seated figure is attested too, whose original location is difficult to ascertain.72 The Old Syrian kings were deified after death, thus ladies had to be represented in smaller size, possibly in order to show their different status, in that particular moment.73 The close connection of priestesses, kings, queens and divine symbols, as well as the apparent use of similar dresses, alternatively for queens and priestesses in the Early and Middle Bronze periods leads to consider it likely that queens might perform cult acts on special occasions, or, rather, that the high priestesses were members at the highest level of the royal family, but that they were not obliged to reside outside the palace.74 We might propose that the role of the high priestess was played by the oldest princess, according to a later Ugaritic tradition (Matthiae 1979a). The seated statue holding a flower does not match with this picture: the position, the gesture and the flower she holds instead of the cup, lead us to propose that it represented a full-time priestess. For this reason, we believe that her original placement was in Temple D, as a counterpart of the statues of dead kings placed in Temple P2. Thus, as regards the two temples dedicated to Ishtar, kings and queens were present with their statues in the sanctuary devoted to the goddess as patron deity of the town, and priestesses were perhaps present with their statues in the temple of Ishtar protecting the royal dynasty.75 This might have led to the main funerary function of statues of this same kind – seated and holding a cup – in the Neo-Syrian tradition, testified for by the Tell 72 The fragment, as stated before, was found re-employed in a Late Roman building over the North-East corner of the Western Palace, in Area Q, and it might have been originally placed either on the Acropolis – possibly in the Area of Temple D – or in the Lower Town – possibly in the same region of Temple P2 whence the royal couples come. 73 In my opinion, there are consistent elements to believe that by the end of the mature Early Syrian Ebla also the queens were deified after death (Pinnock 2015a: 140–141), but there is no element to believe that this happened in the Old Syrian period too. 74 Unlike what happens in Mesopotamian cult areas, which are usually extended multifunctional complexes, the classical Syrian temple was, from Early Bronze IVA until the Iron age, a single cella building, with a very few traces – or rather no trace at all – of cult areas, nor of residential areas related with them. The only exception at Ebla is the area of private houses close to Reshef’s Temple and to the Sanctuary of the Deified Royal Ancestors (Area B), which certainly hosted the personnel charged with the care of the two cult buildings, but this quarter, for the size of the houses and the fittings they contained did not belong to persons of a very high social level and certainly not to the top of the town elite. 75 About the presence of royal imagery in the Old Syrian town of Ebla and about its possible interpretation see Matthiae 2013d; Pinnock in press.

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Halaf statues,76 which, while previously looking as a later misunderstanding of an ancient tradition reserved to kings, now appear as the respectful preservation of an Early and Old Syrian custom, much alike other iconographies, also related with kingship, like the lion hunt, or the mirror-like duplication of royal figures, also preserved in Neo-Syrian art and adopted elsewhere, like in Assyria (Matthiae 2013f; Pinnock 2002). In conclusion, the discoveries at Ebla are throwing new light on peculiar aspects of the Syrian society of the Early and Old Syrian periods, and, even in apparently lesser details, like royal attires, allow to reconstruct in a more and more coherent way the history of art and ideas in this region, stressing the peculiarities of these cultures as compared to the contemporary Mesopotamian ones.

Bibliography Andrae, W. 1922 Die archaischen Ischtar-Tempel in Assur (WVDOG 39), Leipzig. Archi, A. 2002 Jewels for the Ladies of Ebla, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 92: 161–199. 2012 Cult of the Ancestors and Funerary Practices at Ebla, in P. Pfälzner et al. (eds), Constructing Funerary Rituals in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Tübingen Post-Graduate School “Symbols of the Dead” in May 2000, Wiesbaden: 5–31. 2015a Ritualization at Ebla, in A. Archi, Ebla and Its Archives. Texts, History, and Society, Boston – Berlin: 499–521. 2015b Jewels for the Ladies of Ebla, in A. Archi, Ebla and Its Archives. Texts, History, and Society, Boston – Berlin: 760–798. 2015c Gifts at Ebla, in A. Archi, Ebla and Its Archives. Texts, History, and Society, Boston – Berlin: 165–178. Becker, A. 1993 Uruk. Kleinfunde I, Stein (AUWE 6), Mainz am Rhein. Beyer, D. 2007 Les sceaux de Mari au IIIe millénaire: Observations sur la documentation ancienne et les données nouvelles des Villes I et II, Akh Purattim I: 231–260. Biga, M.G. 1987 Femmes de la famille royale d’Ébla, in J.-M. Durand (ed.), La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique, Compte rendu de la XXXIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris, 7–10 juillet 1986), Paris: 41–47. 1991 Donne alla corte di Ebla, La Parola del Passato 46: 285–303. 1992 Les vêtements neufs de l’Empereur, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires: 16–17, n. 19. 2010 Textiles in the Administrative Texts of the Royal Archives of Ebla (Syria, 24th Century BC) with Particular Emphasis on Coloured Textiles, in Michel and Nosch (eds) 2010: 146–172. 76 von Oppenheim 1955: 36–37, Tafn 6–9: the statue is made of basalt and also this figure has long, braided hair, falling straight on the back. Bonatz 2000: 154–155; 2016: 176.

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Bonatz, D. 2000 Das syro-hethitische Grabdenkmal: Untersuchungen zur Entstehung einer neuen Bildgattung in der Eisenzeit im nordsyrisch-südostanatolischen Raum, Mainz. 2016 Syro-Hittite Funerary Monuments Revisited, in C.M. Draycott and M. Stamatopoulou (eds), Dining and Death: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the ‘Funerary Banquet’ in Ancient Art, Burial and Belief, Leuven – Paris – Bristol CT: 173–193. Bonechi, M. 2017 Building Works at Palace G. The Ebla King between Major-Domos, Carriers and Construction Workers, Studia Eblaitica 2: 1–45. Breniquet, C. 2015 Functions and Uses of Textiles in the Ancient Near East. Summary and Perspectives, in M.-L. Nosch, H. Koefoed and E. Andersson Strand (eds), Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East. Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography, Oxford: 1–25. Buccellati, G. and Kelly-Buccellati, M. 1995–96 The Royal Storehouse of Urkesh: The Glyptic Evidence from the Southwestern Wing, Archiv für Orientforschung 42–43: 1–32. 1998 The Workshops of Urkesh, in G. Buccellati and M. Kelly-Buccellati (eds), Urkesh and the Hurrians. Studies in Honor of Lloyd Cotsen (BiMes 26, Urkesh/ Mozan Studies 3), Malibu: 35–50. Buchanan, B. 1966 Catalogue of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the Ashmolean Museum, Vol. I. Cylinder Seals, Oxford. Desrosiers, S. 2010 Textile Terminologies and Classifications: Some Methodological and Chronological Aspects, in Michel and Nosch (eds) 2010: 23–51. Dolce, R. 2014 Equids as Luxury Gifts at the Centre of Interregional Economic Dynamics in the Archaic Urban Cultures of the Ancient Near East, Syria 91: 55–75. 2015 Wooden Carvings of Ebla: Some Open Questions, in A. Archi (ed.), Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 57th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Rome 4–8 July 2011, Winona Lake, IN: 121–134. Foster, B.R. 2010 Clothing in Sargonic Mesopotamia: Visual and Written Evidence, in Michel and Nosch (eds) 2010: 110–145. Frankfort, H. 1939 Sculpture of the Third Millennium B.C. from Tell Asmar and Khafajah (OIP 44), Chicago. Fronzaroli, P. 1993 Archivi Reali di Ebla, Testi. XI. Testi rituali della regalità (Archivio L.2769), Roma. Laboury, D. 1977 Une relecture de la tombe de Nakht (TT52, Cheikh 'Abd el-Gourna), in R. Tefnin (ed.), La peinture égyptienne ancienne: In monde de signes à préserver. Actes du Colloque International de Bruzelles, avril 1994, Turnhout – Bruxelles: 49–81. Lazzari, A. 1986 Per una classificazione tipologica degli spilloni dell’Anatolia nell’età del Bronzo, Contributi e Materiali di Archeologia Orientale 1: 67–211. Marchetti, N. and Nigro, L. 1997 Cultic Activities in the Sacred Area of Ishtar at Ebla during the Old Syrian Period: The Favissae F.5327 and F.5238, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 49: 1–44.

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Margueron, J.-Cl. 2004 Mari. Métropole de l’Euphrate au IIIe et au début du IIe millénaire av. J.-C., Paris. Matthews, D. 1997 The Early Glyptic of Tell Brak. Cylinder Seals of Third Millennium Syria (OBO SA 15), Fribourg – Göttingen. Matthiae, P. 1966 Le sculture in pietra, in P. Matthiae (ed.), Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria. Rapporto preliminare della campagna 1965 (Tell Mardikh), Roma: 103–142. 1979a Princely Cemetery and Ancestors Cult at Ebla during Middle Bronze II: A Proposal of Interpretation, Ugarit-Forschungen 11: 563–569. 1979b Appunti di iconografia eblaita, Studi Eblaiti 1: 17–31. 1985 I tesori di Ebla, Roma – Bari. 1996 Nouveaux témoignages de sculpture paléosyrienne du grand sanctuaire d’Ishtar à Ébla, in H. Gasche and B. Hrouda (eds), Collectanea Orientalia: Histoire, arts de l’éspace et industrie de la terre: Études offerts en hommage à Agnes Spycket, (Civilisations du Proche-Orient série Archéologie et Environnement 3), Paris: 199–204. 2000 Nouvelles fouilles à Ébla (1998–1999): Forts et palais de l’enceinte urbaine, Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 144: 567–610. 2008 Gli Archivi Reali di Ebla. La scoperta, i testi, il significato, Milano. 2010 Ebla. La città del trono. Archeologia e storia, Torino. 2013a An Archaic Old Syrian Stele from Ebla and the Figurative Culture of Syria around 1800 BC, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 517–555. 2013b The Standard of the Maliktum of Ebla in the Royal Archives Period, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 455–477. 2013c Some Fragments of Early Syrian Sculpture from Royal Palace G of Tell Mardikh-Ebla, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 419–438. 2013d High Old Syrian Royal Statuary from Ebla, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 557–574. 2013e A Stele Fragment of Hadad from Ebla, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 619–630. 2013f Old Syrian Ancestors of Some Neo-Assyrian Figurative Symbols of Kingship, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 649–664. 2013g Nouveaux témoignages de sculpture paléosyrienne du grand sanctuaire d’Ishtar à Ébla, in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010 (ed. F. Pinnock), Wiesbaden: 643–648. 2014 Notes et études éblaïtes, I: Le semeion de Hiérapolis dans l’Ébla paléosyrienne, Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archéologie Orientale 108: 93–120. 2016 Une hypothèse sur la déesse à l’iconographie hathorienne dans la glyptique paléosyrienne, Rivista di Studi Fenici 44 (= “Lo mio maestro e ‘l mio autore” Studi in onore di Sandro Filippo Bondì): 44–49. 2017 The Victory Panel of Early Syrian Ebla: Finding, Structure, Dating, Studia Eblaitica 3: 33–83. 2018 The Old Syrian Tenmple N´s Cult Basin and the Relation between Aleppo and Ebla, Studia Eblaitica 4: 109–138.

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Matthiae, P., Pinnock, F. and Scandone Matthiae G. (eds) 1995 Ebla. Alle origini della civiltà urbana: Trenta anni di scavi in Siria dell’Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”, Milano. Mekhitarian, A. 1997 La tombe de Nebamou et Ipouki (TT 181), in R. Tefnin (ed.), La peinture égyptienne ancienne. Un monde de signes à préserver. Actes du Colloque International de Bruxelles, Avril 1994, Bruxelles: 21–28. Michel. C. and Nosch, M.-L. 2010 Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC (Ancient Textiles Series 8), Oxford – Oakville. Moortgat, A. 1976 Tell Chuēra in Nordost-Syrien. Vorläufiger Bericht über die siebente Grabungs-kampagne 1974, Berlin. Nosch, M.-L., Koefoed, H. and Andersson Strand, E. (eds) 2013 Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East (Ancient Textiles Series 12), Oxford – Oakville 2013. Oates, D., Oates, J. and McDonald, H. 2001 Excavations at Tell Brak. Vol. 2. Nagar in the Third Millennium, Cambridge – London. Oppenheim, M.F. von 1955 Tell Halaf III: Die Bildwerke, Berlin. Orthmann, W. 1989 Halawa 1980 bis 1986. Vorläufiger Bericht über die 4.–9. Grabungskampagne, Bonn. Otto, A. 2018 Basins in the Temples of Ebla, Syria and Upper Mesopotamia: An Essential Cult Requisite?, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th–17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 397–420. Parrot, A. 1940 Les fouilles de Mari. Sixième campagne (Automne 1938), Syria 21: 1–28. 1948 Tello: Vingt campagnes de fouilles (1877–1933), Paris. 1956 Mission Archéologique de Mari, I: Le temple d’Ishtar (BAH 65), Paris. 1959 Mission Archéologique de Mari, II, 3. Le Palais. Documents et Monuments (BAH 70), Paris. 1967 Mission Archéologique de Mari, III. Les temples d’Ishtarat et de Ninni-zaza (BAH 86), Paris. Pasquali, J. 1997 La terminologia semitica dei tessili nei testi di Ebla, in P. Fronzaroli (ed.) Miscellanea Eblaitica 4 (QuSem 19), Firenze: 217–270. 2005 Remarques comparatives sur la symbolique du vêtement à Ébla, in L. Kogan, N. Koslova, S. Loesov and S. Tishenko (eds), Memoriae Igor M. Diakonoff (Babel und Bibel 2), Winona Lake IN: 165–184. 2010 Les noms sémitiques des tissus dans les textes d’Ebla, in Michel and Nosch (eds) 2010: 173–185. Pinnock, F. 1990 Considerations on the Banquet Theme in the Figurative Art of Mesopotamia and Syria, in L. Milano (ed.), Drinking in Ancient Societies. History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East: Papers of a Symposium held in Rome, May 17–19 1990, Padova: 15–26. 1992 Le “turban royal éblaïte”, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires 1992: 15–16, n. 18.

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Materiali e Studi Archeologici di Ebla, II. Le perle del Palazzo Reale G, Roma. The Doves of the Goddess, Levant 32: 127–134. Some Thoughts about the Transmission of Iconographies between North Syria and Cappadocia, End of Third–Beginning of the Second Millennium BC, in P. Matthiae et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 1st ICAANE, Rome May 18th– 23rd 1998, Vol. II, Roma: 1397–1415. 2001–03 Donne straniere e donne vinte nella cultura figurativa mesopotamica: donne nemiche?, Scienze dell’Antichità 11: 119–143. 2002 Note sull’iconografia di Melqart, in M.G. Amadasi Guzzo, M. Liverani and P. Matthiae (eds), Contributi in memoria di A. Ciasca (Quaderni di Vicino Oriente 3/2), Roma: 379–389. 2004 Continuity and Development in Art as Seen from Ebla, in J.-W. Meyer and W. Sommerfeld (eds), 2000 v. Chr. – Politische, wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Entwicklung im Zeichen eine Jahrtausendwende, Frankfurt: 87–118. 2006 Paying Homage to the King. Protocol and Ritual in Old Syrian Art, in F. Baffi et al. (eds), Ina kibrāt erbetti. Studi di Archeologia orientale dedicati a Paolo Matthiae, Roma: 487–509. 2008a Of Servants and Priestesses. An Analysis of Some Female Characters in Mesopotamian and Syrian Art, in H. Kühne, R.M. Czichon and F.J. Kreppner (eds), Proceedings of the 4th ICAANE Berlin 29 March – 3 April 2004, Wiesbaden: 507–519. 2008b The Stele from Halawa: A Reappraisal, in D. Bonatz, R.M. Czichon and F.J. Kreppner (eds), Fundstellen. Gesammelte Schriften zur Archäologie und Geschicte Altvorderasiens ad honorem Hartmut Kühne, Wiesbaden: 71–77. 2014 The Image of Power at Mari between East and West, Syria Suppl. 2: 675–689. 2015a Ancestors’ Cult and Female Roles in Early and Old Syrian Syria, Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaises, Hors série 10: 135–156. 2015b The King’s Standard from Ebla Palace G, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 67: 3–22. 2016a Royal Images and Kingship Rituals in Early Syrian Ebla: A Multi-Faceted Strategy of Territorial Control in EB IVA North Inner Syria, Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 9: 98–116. 2016b Memoria dell’acqua, memoria degli antenati: aree di culto a cielo aperto in Alta Siria, in P. Matthiae and M. D’Andrea (eds), Giornate di studio. L’archeologia del sacro e l’archeologia del culto. Sabratha, Ebla, Ardea, Lanuvio (Roma, 8–11 ottobre 2013) – Ebla e la Siria dall’Età del Bronzo all’Età del Ferro, Roma: 257–293. 2018 Polymaterism in Early Syrian Ebla, in S. Di Paolo (ed.), Composite Artefacts in the Ancient Near East. Exhibiting an Imaginative Materiality, Showing a Genealogical Nature, Oxford: 73–84. in pr. Representing the Elites in Middle Bronze I-II Ebla, in A. Otto et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 11th ICAANE, Munich 3–7 April 2018, Wiesbaden. forthc. Materiali e Studi Archeologici di Ebla XI. The Seal Impressions from the Royal Palace G, Wiesbaden. Pomponio, F. and Xella, P. 1997 Les dieux d’Ébla. Étude analytique des divinités éblaïtes à l’époque des archives royales du IIIe millénaire (AOAT 245), Münster. Porada, E. 1948 Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections. The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library (The Bollingen Series XIV), Washington D.C. Romano, L. 2015 The Queen and the Veil. A Note about the Eblaic Votive Plaque, Studia Eblaitica 1: 33–42. 1993 2000a 2000b

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Sallaberger, W. 2009 Von der Wollration zum Ehrenkleid – Textilien als Prestigegüter am Hof von Ebla, in B. Hildebrandt and C. Veit (eds), Der Wert der Dinge – Güter im Prestigediskurs “Formen von Prestige in Kulturen des Altertums” Graduiertenkolleg der DFG an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, München: 241–278. 2014 The Value of Wool in Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia. On the Control of Sheep and the Handling of Wool in the Presargonic to the Ur III Periods (c. 2400–2000 BC), in C. Breniquet and C. Michel (eds), Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean. From the Beginning of Sheep Husbandry to the Institutional Textile Industry, Oxford – Philadelphia: 94–114. 2018 Kura, Youthful Ruler and Martial City-God of Ebla, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th–17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 107–139. Scandone Matthiae, G. 2002 Materiali e Studi Archeologici di Ebla, III. Gli avori egittizzanti dal Palazzo Settentrionale, Roma. Seyrig, H. 1960 Les dieux de Hiérapolis, Syria 37: 233–252. Spycket, A. 1981 La statuaire du Proche-Orient ancien, Leiden – Köln. Strommenger, E. 1971 Mesopotamischen Gewandtypen von der Frühsumerischen bis zur Larsa-Zeit, Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 2: 37–55. Teissier, B. 1984 Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals from the Marcopoli Collection, Berkeley– Los Angeles – London. 1994 Sealing and Seals on Texts from Kültepe kārum Level 2, Istanbul. Watelin, L.Ch. and Langdon, S. 1934 Excavations at Kish. The Herbert Weld (for the University of Oxford) and Field Museum of Natural History (Chicago) Expedition to Mesopotamia, Paris. Wilkinson, R.H. 1992 Reading Egyptian Art. A Hieroglyphic Guide to Ancient Egyptian Painting and Sculpture, London. Woolley, C.L. 1934 Ur Excavation II. The Royal Cemetery, Oxford. Vacca, A. 2014–15 Recherches sur les periods pré- et proto-palatiales d’Ébla au Bronze Ancien III–IVA1, Annales Archéologiques Arabes Syriennes 57–58 (P. Matthiae, M. Abdulkerim,F. Pinnock and M. Alkhalid [eds], Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla after 50 Years of Discoveries): 15–42. 2015 Before the Royal Palace G. The Stratigraphic and Pottery Sequence of the West Unit of the Central Complex: The Building G5, Studia Eblaitica 1: 1–32. 2016 New Data on the EB III of Northern Inner Syria in the Light of Old and Recent Excavations at Tell Mardikh/Ebla and Tell Tuqan (Syria), in R.A. Stucky, O. Kaelin and H.-P. Mathys (eds), Proceedings of the 9th ICAANE, 9–13 June 2014, Vol. 3, Wiesbaden: 269–282. Vita, J.-P. 2010 Textile Terminology in the Ugaritic Texts, in Michel and Nosch (eds) 2010: 323–337.

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Fig. 1. Ebla, fragment of limestone plaque, TM.03.G.1150 (©MAIS).

Fig. 2. Ebla, composite miniature statue of a priestess, TM.83.G.400, steatite, limestone and jasper (© MAIS).

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Fig. 3. Ebla fragment of wooden inlay, TM.74.G.1016 (© MAIS).

Fig. 4. Ebla, reconstructive drawing of the maliktum’s standard (© MAIS).

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Fig. 5a. Ebla, reconstructive drawing of a cylinder seal from the Royal Palace G (© MAIS).

Fig. 5b. Ebla, Ushra-Samu’s seal and its modern impression, TM.07.G.200, marble and gold (© MAIS).

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Fig. 5c. Ebla, reconstructive drawing of a cylinder seal from the Royal Palace G (© MAIS).

Fig. 6. Ebla, fragment of an inlaid wall-panel, TM.04.B.888, marble (©MAIS).

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A New Dress for the Maliktum

Fig. 7. Ebla, composite hair-dress, TM.76.G.433+, steatite (© MAIS).

Fig. 8. Ebla, fragment of a composite hair-dress, TM.76.G.740 (© MAIS).

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Fig. 9. Ebla, miniature hair-dresses, TM.85.G.332, steatite, and TM.87.G.165, lapis lazuli (© MAIS).

Fig. 10. Ebla, fragment of miniature hair-dress, TM.03.G.888, steatite (© MAIS).

Fig. 11. Mari, headless statue, M.2856, limestone, Ville II (after Parrot 1967: 103, fig. 143).

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A New Dress for the Maliktum

Fig. 12. Mari, reconstructive drawing of a cylinder seal, Ville II (after Beyer 2007: fig. 4b).

Fig. 13. Tell Halawa, fragment of a stele (after Pinnock 2008b: fig. 1).

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Fig. 14. Tell Brak/Nagar, headless statuette, alabaster (after Oates, Oates and McDonald [eds] 2001: fig. 276).

Fig. 15a–b. Tell Mozan/Urkesh, reconstructive drawings of cylinder seals belonging to Queen Uqnitum and her household (after Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995–96: figs 6, 8).

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Fig. 16. Kültepe/Kanesh, reconstructive drawing of a cylinder seal impression, karum level II (after Teissier 1994: 233, no. 536).

Fig. 17. Ebla, cylinder seal and modern impression, TM.92.P.800, hematite (© MAIS).

Fig. 18. Ebla, lower part of standing statue, TM.89.P.315, basalt (© MAIS).

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Fig. 19. Ebla, lower part of a standing statue, TM.89.P.317, basalt (© MAIS).

Fig. 20. Ebla, torso of a standing statue, TM.89.P.313, basalt (© MAIS).

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A New Dress for the Maliktum

Fig. 21. Ebla, headless and feetless standing statue, TM.88.P.628, basalt (© MAIS).

Fig. 22. Ebla, headless sitting statue, TM.01.Q.431, basalt (© MAIS).

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Fig. 23. Ebla, cult basin, TM.65.D.226, limestone (©MAIS).

104

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Fig. 24. Ebla, fragment of stele, TM.88.S.500, basalt (© MAIS).

Fig. 25. Ebla, detail of one side of Ishtar’s Stele, TM. 67.E.227+85.E.85+85.G.350, basalt (© MAIS).

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Fig. 26. Cylinder seal impression, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Coll. Moore 132 (after Matthiae 2014: 117, A4).

Fig. 27. Cylinder seal impression, Coll. Marcopoli 452 (after Teissier 1984: 233).

Fig. 28. Cylinder seal impression, Coll. Marcopoli 521 (after Teissier 1984: 263).

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A New Dress for the Maliktum

Fig. 29. Cylinder seal impression, Coll. Marcopoli 483 (after Teissier 1984: 245).

Fig. 30. Cylinder seal impression, Coll. Marcopoli 535 (after Teissier 1984: 269).

Fig. 31. Cylinder seal impression, Coll. Marcopoli 536 (after Teissier 1984: 269).

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Fig. 32a–b. Mari, torso of statue, AO 17554, steatite (after Parrot 1956: Pl. XLV, no. 434).

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PAOLO MATTHIAE Sapienza Università di Roma

The Old Syrian Temple N’s Carved Basin and the Relation between Aleppo and Ebla

The ritual limestone basin TM.72.N.468, found in place, intentionally heavily damaged, inside the cella of Shapash/Shamash’s temple (Area N) at Ebla, is the only such basin carved on all four faces. It dates from 1850–1750 BC, perhaps at the beginning of Middle Bronze IIA. The scenes on the rear face feature two high officials embracing each other and grasping a kind of sacred tree; on the two sides there are figures of lesser front-facing goddesses. The ritual acts of the officials are interpreted as a commemoration of an important political alliance, where the goddesses represent the guarantee of the divine approval of the alliance. Some iconographic details of the reliefs are typical of the Old Syrian cylinder seals made by the Aleppo workshops. The proposal in this contribution is that the dedication of the basin in the temple of the solar deity, traditionally presiding over juridical acts, celebrates the alliance between Ebla and Aleppo, most probably made in the times of Yarim-Lim I of Aleppo.

One of the most important ritual carved basins of Old Syrian Ebla1 is the limestone basin from the cella of Temple N in the Lower Town North (Fig. 1),2 identified as the cult building of Shamash/Shapash.3 The basin was found – albeit heavily and peculiarly damaged – near a bench against the back wall of the cella (Fig. 2), behind a basalt offering table (Fig. 3), and this was most probably its original placement.4 It was severely cracked and featured evident burn stains, certainly 1

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A careful survey of the stone and terracotta ritual basins found in Western Syrian and Upper Mesopotamian sacred buildings of MB and LB is nowadays available in the contribution by Otto 2018, who notices that the basins were placed near the entrance, perhaps for cleaning and ablution rituals or “at the central focus point of the cellas” (this is of course the case of the limestone basin of Ebla Temple N): in these cases it is plausible the hypothesis that the basins contained offered beer or some other liquids different from water, also on the basis of a residue analysis of the decorated terracotta basin of Tell Bazi: Ibidem: 406. TM.72.N.468: width 1.38 m, height 0.71 m, depth 0.55 m: Matthiae 1984: 110–111, figs 99–100, Pls 61–62; 2006; 2010: 323–325, figs 173–174. The difficult restoration was made by M. Picchi. Matthiae 1986 (English Translation in Matthiae 2013c: 301–322). Temple N is oriented to the East, unlike all the other Temples at Ebla – with the only exception of Temple HH2, also oriented to the East; in fact, usually the temples of Ebla are oriented to the South. Temple HH2 (Matthiae 2006b; 2010: 429–435) had a different orientation, probably because the original cult building of Area HH, the Temple of the Rock, of Early Bronze IVA, was oriented to the East (Matthiae 2009a; 2009c; 2010: 106–112, 387–392). This temple was probably dedicated to the god Kura (Matthiae 2009b; 2014b; 2016; Sallaberger 2018). This offering table is roughly worked, it has slightly raised edges and a drain hole for liquids, like the two wonderful basalt offering tables from Sanctuary B2 in the Lower Town SouthWest. The latter, on the contrary, were rectangular, with raised edges too, and had certainly

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 109–138

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provoked by the heat of the fire, which took place at the time of the destruction by the end of Middle Bronze IIB, ca. 1600 BC.5 Nonetheless, its main back face was completely preserved, whereas the two sides were largely preserved. On the contrary, its front face had been completely removed, and no fragments of its were found inside the cult room.6 While a fragment of the top left side face was found inside the basin (Fig.4), nothing remains of the front face. It is clear that the main face – which was the only one to be completely visible due to the position of the basin – had been the object of an intentional and pitiless destruction, which took probably place outside the cella.7 Since its discovery in 1972, the limestone basin from Temple N (Fig. 5) was dated to the years around 1800 BC, between the end of Middle Bronze IB and the beginning of Middle Bronze IIA. This date is based on historical-artistic considerations and on the comparison with the presumed dates of the other ritual basins dedicated in the other temples of Ebla.8 The scenes carved on the three preserved faces of the basin are unique in the figurative repertory of the Old Syrian basins from Ebla (Fig. 6). The two sides, albeit not completely preserved, feature the same scene, including four figures at least of identical lesser deities, front facing; the back face, luckily completely preserved, features an apparently peculiar depiction, whose protagonists are three pairs of bearded male figures. At the edges of this representation there are, to the left, a male figure identical to the others, towards whom he is walking; to the right there is a front facing goddess, identical to those of the sides. Moreover, this basin is the only one where, in the three preserved faces, there never is a partition of the figurative field in two registers with figures of smaller size. The basin of Temple N had, in fact, a kind of uninterrupted frieze, because the presence of the front facing goddess at the edge of the decoration of the back face, closely related the

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been used for blood sacrifices, against the completely groundless, unacceptable interpretation by Pitard 2002: 160–162. Matthiae 2007. For an analytic assessment of the different modes of the three archaeologically documented destructions at Tell Mardikh – respectively around 2340 BC, 2000 BC and 1600 BC – see Matthiae 2009d. Unlike the basalt basins, which, for the different structure and resistance of the stone, did not allow any accuracy and precision in the destructive action, the relatively soft structure of limestone allowed a “surgical” destruction. Due to this softness of the basin from Temple N the destroyers could remove the front face, cutting it near the front corners; afterwards, they clearly carefully destroyed the scene represented on that face, which was the one most evidently exhibited to the public entering the cella. On the problem of the intentional destructions of monuments in the ancient Near East for political, religious, or ideological reasons, already during the 3rd millennium BC, see the proceedings of the important conference held at Chicago in April 2011, edited by May 2012, whereas Matthiae 2015 is a more general essay in a wider perspective. Matthiae 1984: Pls 61–62 (texts): comparative considerations about the iconography and style of the different Eblaic carved basins, as well as proposals of chronology for these very important realizations of the Old Syrian art of Ebla can be found in Matthiae 2006a; 2013a.

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scene of this back face with the images on the two sides. This does not happen in any of the other ritual basins from Ebla, with the only possible exception of the basalt basin from Temple B.9 In the frieze of the back face (Fig. 7) there are, overall, eight figures, seven of which are male characters, certainly mortal, absolutely identical in their hair-dresses and attires; one is the divine female figure, absolutely identical to the deities on the two sides, not only for her attire and hair-dress, but also for her attitude. The male characters are all bearded and wear only a skirt. In some figures the presence of a thick belt is clear; the skirt, starting from the waist, reaches to the knees, and features a long fringe on all the edges of the cloth; only the bottom hem of the skirts of all the characters features a double incised line at the starting line of the fringe.10 The first male character, at the left edge of the frieze, walks towards the centre, holding what looks like a short dagger, or, anyhow, a pointed object with upturned point. The six other male characters are engaged in pairs in peculiar gestures, and face each other, always in pairs: the first group to the left is completely different from the two others, which, on the contrary, are totally identical to each other. At the right edge, there is the front facing goddess, wearing a flounced dress and a double-horned tiara, who holds her hands, with clenched fists at her waist.11 The attitudes of the three pairs of identical male characters are clearly the elements of the frieze which were charged to make the ritual acts they are performing clearly understandable and identifiable, and, therefore, lead to the interpretation of the overall meaning of the ceremonies of which those acts were particularly meaningful moments. It seems quite clear that the frieze was commanded 9

This basalt basin was discovered accidentally in the Lower Town South-West of Tell Mardikh, it had certainly been dedicated in Temple B1, Rashap’s Temple: see now Matthiae 2010: 300– 301, figs 9, 143. This basin is well preserved and, precisely as in the limestone basin from Temple N, in the left sector of the front face there are three personages carrying weapons, identical to those of the two side faces. In all the other relatively well-preserved basins, the rear face was not carved, unlike the limestone basin from Temple N. 10 The double incised line of the fringed edges appears in the most ancient basins, like the specimen found before the beginning of the Italian excavations; it also appears in the limestone basin from the great Temple D on the Acropolis, probably slightly older than the limestone basin from Temple N. This double edge from which the fringes start can also be found in several Old Syrian seals ascribed to Aleppo workshops: see the seals of Tokyo III–7–14, of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris no. 435 (Otto 2000: nos 354–355) and of the Marcopoli Collection n. 507 (Teissier 1984: 256–257, 325). The same peculiarity is found in the cloaks without fringes in seals ascribed to Qatna workshops, like the Chiha Collection n. 289 (Doumet 1992: no. 141 [drawing not good: see photo] = Otto 2000: no. 384, Pl. 30) or to the “Nordwestsyrische Gruppe” (Otto 2000: 81, 305, no. 158, Pl. 13 [from Til Barsip, TAH 94/ S2+3/F167/O.179] and Keel-Leu and Teissier 2004: 287, 459, no. 334 [Fribourg VR 1992.12, ex Erlenmeyer Collection]. 11 A critical evaluation of the iconography on the rear face of the limestone basin from Temple N was given in Matthiae 1986: 346–350 (= Matthiae 2013b: 308–311): the ideas I present here are a development of those preliminary proposals.

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by royalty. In the first scene (Fig. 8), two identical figures facing each other hold with their hands the stalk of a very schematic sacred tree, which ends at the top with a small double tuft of leaves, falling down shortly symmetrically on the two sides. In the two following scenes, where the protagonists facing each other are identical, the two figures in each scene embrace each other with a very peculiar gesture (Fig. 9): the figure to the right passes his right arm behind the other figure’s shoulder and has his left arm horizontally bent at the waist. The figure to the left holds with his right hand the other figure’s left wrist and holds his left hand open to the other figure’s mouth, as if greeting him.12 The embrace is visually represented in a clearly readable way, with one figure clasping the other’s shoulders and the two hands holding each other’s wrists, but the most meaningful gesture is certainly the hand raised by one to the other’s mouth. Moreover, the repetition of the scene, clearly identical, should mean only that in the embrace this gesture, evidently having a strong ritual value, was repeated by each protagonist with respect to the other. The antiquarian elements, which for their peculiarities, might give indications of some importance for the interpretation of the meaning of the ritual actions represented, are rare. On the other hand, as regards iconography, it is certain that some, very peculiar attitudes,13 of the protagonists provide elements which lead to understand which ceremonial occasion – probably a very special one – was evoked by the Eblaic artists. Among the antiquarian elements, the typology of the skirts of the male characters raises some interest. These skirts all feature an unnatural peculiarity, namely a strip of cloth falling down in the front in oblique from the rear part of waist over the knee of the leg put forward, whereas it seems more natural that it fell down in the opposite direction, from the forepart of the body to the height of the knee on the back. In fact, when the miniature representation of glyptic allows so, in the Old Syrian cylinder seals the fringed strip is represented in a contrary way 12 In both embrace scenes, the hand of one character, leaning on the second protagonist’s shoulder, is clearly represented, with the fingers clearly appearing on the shoulder of the second character. 13 The scene with two mirror-like figures holding the stalk of the sacred tree is well documented in the figurative repertory of the Old Syrian glyptic, whereas the scene of the embrace of two similar characters, holding one hand to the mouth of the other is a unicum, and in no cylinder seal thus far known the very meaningful detail of the hand brought to the mouth can be found. This relevant difference of evidence in glyptic leads to two interpretations: first, in the very limited figurative space of the seals, the representation of the only act of symmetrically holding the pole of the sacred tree was considered adequate for the identification of the ceremonial occasion in which this was the meaningful act, and the representation of the embrace was pointless; second, the act of holding the pole was a ritual element repeated in different ceremonial occasions and only when it was accompanied by the embrace with the hand brought to the mouth of the other character this union pointed to a rare ceremonial occasion, which was never represented on cylinder seals.

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to the representation on the Eblaic limestone basin.14 Only in one unique Middle Bronze II artefact of Aleppo (Fig. 10) it is possible to find the same unnatural representation: this is a very interesting Old Syrian relief found in Hadad’s Temple at Aleppo, which had been clearly re-employed as a base for a lost image, probably a bronze divine figure.15 Another very rare attestation of this peculiar skirt is in an Old Syrian cylinder seal of British Museum correctly ascribed to an Aleppo workshop of the first half of the 18th century BC (Fig. 11).16 The hair-dresses of the characters on the limestone basin are identical to those conventionally used for the characters on all the more ancient basins from Ebla.17 Another detail worth some attention is the peculiar ending of the sacred tree, which appears in the middle of the first scene to the left. In fact, the vegetable elements at the top of the tree include a series of very short linear elements, in a slightly oblique position, on both sides of an incised vertical line in the middle. These side elements are represented as if they were slightly falling from the central element in symmetrically opposed positions. In the Old Syrian glyptic, this upper termination of the sacred tree is rare, whereas the most frequently employed finial features are vegetable elements on both sides of the central stem, represented as two very marked spirals, falling down from the top of the tree.18 The same drawing convention of the limestone basin from Ebla can be found only in a very few cylinder seals, probably made in the same workshop, which were 14 Just to mention some Old Syrian cylinder seals with human, not royal figures, published in enlargement or anyhow in readable pictures, see, as examples: Teissier 1984: 220–221, 272– 273, 326, nos 430, 547; Otto 2000: nos 92, 105, 110, 111, 190, 213, 238, Pls 8, 9, 16, 18, 19; Porada and Collon 2016: no. CLS 5, Pl. 41. 15 Kohlmeyer 2013: 190, fig. 9; 2016: 304–305, fig. 8; Matthiae 2018: 308–309, fig. 129. As correctly proposed by K. Kohlmeyer, based on the comparison with the so-called Yarim-Lim’s head from Alalakh (Matthiae 2013a: 396-386, fig. 216) and with the statues from the royal cemetery of Qatna (Matthiae 2013a: 386, fig. 217), this orthostat must be dated to Middle Bronze, or, more precisely, based on those comparisons, to Middle Bronze II. I also share K. Kohlmeyer’s opinion that this orthostat was a part of the carved decoration with several orthostats, belonging to a lost building: this observation is of the utmost interest because there is no other evidence for series of wall reliefs as architectural decorations in the Old Syrian period. 16 Porada and Collon 2016: 41–42, no. CLS 33 (BM 139624 = 1984.0714.3), Pls 6, 43. 17 The same treatment of the hair can be found in the basalt basin from Temple B, accidentally discovered before the beginning of the Italian excavations, as well as in the basalt basin from Temple D (TM.65.D.227+), which is identical to the intact limestone basin from the same Temple D (TM.65.D.236), certainly not too distant in time from the limestone basin from Temple N: Matthiae 2006a. 18 Speleers 1943: 157, 165, nos 676, 1482; Buchanan 1981: 418–419, 545–435, nos 1198 (Newell 165), 1271 (NBC 8930); Teissier 1984: 226–227, 252–253, 268–269, nos 439, 502 (small size tree), 539; Doumet 1992: 143, no. 292; Keel-Leu and Teissier 2004: 281, 283, 458, nos 315 (VR 1987.2), 322 (VR 2001.3). There are more doubtful specimens, still featuring, anyhow, the same spirals below a crescent and a disk: Delaporte 1910: 263-264, nos 466, 467, Pl. XXXI; the pole, with crescent and disc is hold only by one divine figure in Delaporte 1923: 194, no. A.920, Pl. 96/10; the pole with crescent and disc, but lacking the spirals, is hold by two male figures facing each other in Teissier 1984: 228–229, no. 445.

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attributed, with strong probability, to the Yamkhad milieu. The dating of these seals is very close to the dating proposed for the Eblaic limestone basin (Fig. 12).19 Both antiquarian features seem to point to peculiarities of the milieus of the Aleppo workshops. In the cella of Temple N, moreover, also a cubic base was found,20 which featured, on two sides at least, a subject – a rare one – which can be found on Old Syrian seals too, which were ascribed with certainty to an Aleppo workshop. In fact, the two, standing front-facing bull-men, placed side by side on the Eblaic basalt base (Fig. 13), bear strong analogies with the two front-facing bull-men on a seal in Tokyo (Fig. 14) – certainly made in Aleppo – and at least on one seal from the Marcopoli Collection and on two cylinders of the British Museum (Fig. 15), with an identical motif, certainly carved in the region of the kingdom of Yamkhad.21 If we take into account the iconographic elements for the evaluation of the iconological meanings of the scene, it seems quite likely, first, that the character to the left carries a dagger, or a knife to be used in a blood sacrifice; second, that the pair of officials holding the stem of the sacred tree are making a ritual act, 19 Delaporte 1910: 242–243, no. 435, Pl. XXIX; Collon 1987: 148–149, no. 647 (Private Collection, New York = Otto 1999: 96, 307, no. 353, Pl. 28); Porada and Collon 2016: 41–43, nos CLS 32 (BM 129580), 33 (BM 139624) and CLS 35 (BM 89357), Pls 6, 7, 43. All these cylinders have to be ascribed to the “Halap-Hofstil II” of Otto 1999: 140–42, who dates their production period to the reign of Hammurabi I of Yamkhad, son and successor of Yarim-Lim I; it is however probable that some of them were carved during Yarim-Lim I’s reign, as there is a strong stylistic and iconographic continuity between the “Halap-Hofstil I” and “Halap-Hofstil II”. The extraordinary three-registers cylinder seal of the Erlenmeyer Collection, studied by Matthiae 2011b, might have been produced on the occasion of the accession to the throne of Hammurabi I of Yamkhad. 20 TM.72.N.565: height 0.24 m, width 0.21 m, depth 0.16 m: Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds) 1995: 393, no. 238. 21 The Tokyo seal was published by Ishida 1991: n. III–7–14; it was correctly ascribed to Aleppo by Otto 2000: no. 355, Pl. 28 (“Siegelgruppe 4a, Yamkhad Reicher Stil”); the seal from the Marcopoli Collection, published by Teissier 1984: 276–277, 326, no. 557, was ascribed by Otto 2000: 95, 307, no. 337, Pl. 26 to another Aleppo workshop (“Siegelgruppe 4b, Wasserwesenund Flechtband-Gruppe”); see also Collon 1981. Also, another seal of the Marcopoli Collection (Teissier 1984: 270–271, n. 543), with two standing bull-men and a pole between them and two other of the British Museum with the same subject (Porada and Collon 2016: 41–42, nos CLS 32 and 33, Pl. 43) have to be ascribed to an Aleppo workshop, clearly in the court style: it is extremely interesting that in the CLS 33 cylinder, together with a pole with the top identical to that of Ebla Temple N’s basin and with the two bull-men, a personage is also present with the very peculiar fringed skirt of the Ebla basin (see supra note 16). Two standing bull-men also decorated the seat of Shamash’s cult statue at Sippar: Curtis 1995: 77–78, Pl. 13b–c; a recent edition of the so-called “Sippar Shamash Tablet” was given by Slanski 2003: 196–221. This image was certainly related to the belief that the bull-men were charged with opening Heaven’s gates at sunrise, as documented by an Old Akkadian cylinder seal from Nippur: Collon 1987: 166–167, no. 765. The depiction of bull-men on the basalt statue was considered by Matthiae 1986: 350–351 (English translation in Matthiae 2013c: 311–312) as a relevant element for the identification of the titular deity of Temple N with Shamash/Shapash. For the gates of Heaven see Horowitz 1998: 206–207.

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whose characteristic is that the protagonists are peer characters; third, that the acts of the two scenes of reciprocal embrace represent a ceremony sanctioning a kind of friendship and brotherhood. The presence of the front-facing goddess to the right closely correlates the scenes of the front face with those on the sides (Fig. 16),22 thus the several front-facing goddesses must mean that the divine world approves and guarantees the correctness and durability of those friendship and brotherhood.23 The archaeological context of the temple cella seems to support the first interpretation, because near the limestone basin in front of the large dais at the back wall of the cella there was a basalt offering table in situ: it was slightly inclined and had a hole on one side, for the disposal of the blood of the sacrificial victims. Concerning the scene of the two officials holding the sacred tree, this theme is well documented, but not frequent in the Old Syrian glyptic, and two kings’ figures are usually the protagonists of the scene;24 on the contrary, the same scene with not-royal protagonists is rare. The theme of the embrace, in general, can be found in repertories of the Old Syrian glyptic too, but with different protagonists: the most frequent occurrences feature a king and a goddess, whereas a god and a goddess as protagonists are rarer.25 Lastly, the occurrence of two kings’ figures 22 Pinnock 1996 presented some valuable considerations about three Old Syrian cylinder seals, with apparent relations to the frontal divine figures of Temple N’s basin: first, one seal of the Pierpont Morgan Library (Porada 1948: 132, no. 977, Pl. CXLVIII) in the upper register features, in an almost cursory style, two facing not royal personages and a frontal deity; second, one cylinder of the Yale Collection (Buchanan 1981: 438–439, no. 1283 [NBC 8322]) has only four full-face female figures apparently without divine headdress; third, another Morgan Library seal (Porada 1948: 111, no. 877, Pl. CXXXIII) features a frontal goddess exactly in the same attitude as the goddesses of Temple N’s basin between a king and a god, near a typical Syrian offering table. 23 These minor goddesses clearly were considered followers of the solar deity in relation to justice, both in Northern Syria and in Southern Mesopotamia, as is proved by the repeated dedication of gold and silver statues of “protective goddesses” by several kings of the Ist Dynasty of Babylon, who took care of Shamash’s Ebabbar temple of Sippar with special attention and continuity. The dedication of such divine images, mentioned only for the Sippar Ebabbar, took place in the 6th year of Samsuiluna, son and successor of Hammurabi, in the 23rd year of Ammiditana, and in the 8th year of Samsuditana, the last king of Hammurabi’s Dynasty: Horsnell 1999: 185–186, 302, 333. 24 Schmidt 1930–33: no. 112 (= Otto 2000: 79, 305, no. 129, Pl. 11); Moortgat 1940: 133, no. 535 (VA.2707), Pl. 64; Buchanan 1981: 428–429, no. 1248 (Newell Collection n. 311); Speleers 1917: 197, no. 469; 1943: 145, no. 1399. 25 Amiet 1996; Beyer 1997: 464–467; Otto 2000: 235. The embrace of a king and a goddess is clear in the cylinders of the Louvre Museum, Marcopoli Collection, Yale University, and from Lidar Hüyük: Delaporte 1923: 196, no. A.934, Pl. 97/6; Teissier 1984: 228–229, no. 445; Buchanan 1981: 432–435, nos 1264 (YBC 8189) and 1269 (YBC 12774); Otto 2000: no. 141 (Lidar LI 82/1). In these cases, the deity is always the semi-nude or nude goddess. A Metropolitan Museum Old Syrian cylinder (Moore Collection) with the embrace of a god and a goddess features a peculiar and unusual figurative formula: Eisen 1940: 62–63, Pl. XV, no. 160; Williams Forte 1976: no. 27 (MET L.55.49.38): a more traditional pattern was employed for the comparable embrace between two deities found in a Marcopoli Collection seal: Teissier 1984: 262–263, no.

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embracing each other is extremely rare (Fig. 17).26 At this regard, however, we cannot forget that the scenes I am taking into account were not represented on the front face of the basin, but on the back face: this leads to believe that kings’ figures – which are completely missing on the three preserved faces – were represented – quite understandably – on the lost front face. It is not possible to find textual references from the Old Syrian or Old Babylonian worlds, supporting this interpretation; yet, precisely texts of Old Babylonian milieus confirm that the embrace was not only a mark of a sexual relation, but also of friendship and brotherhood. The act of putting one’s hand to the other’s mouth in the embracing groups apparently does not have any textual reference. To “raise one’s hand” or to “raise one’s hands” in the Mesopotamian world always means “to pray”, albeit with different Akkadian verbs, but constantly from the Old Babylonian to the Neo-Babylonian period. Obviously, the interlocutor has to be a deity, not a human. In the texts, and not only in the cases of sexual intercourses, but also when the aim was to represent an attitude of friendship, the act of embracing each other was integrated by the act of kissing each other. One might thus infer that in the Ebla limestone basin the hand brought to the partner’s mouth wished to represent a kiss of fraternity. Yet, there is another, more convincing explanation: the hand, apparently brought to the partner’s mouth in the Eblaic piece of furniture, might be meant to represent the act of touching his throat. In fact, the technical term, well attested in the Old Babylonian period, for oath taking, in particular upon the occasion of a political alliance, is exactly “to touch the throat” napištam lapātu.27 It seems therefore evident that on the Ebla basin a symbolic act was realistically represented, which was really made when an alliance was entered, which consecrated the signing of a pact in front of the deities and which became the technical term for “oath taking”.28 523. For a proposal of identification of the goddess with Hathoric headdress appearing in both these cylinders see Matthiae 2016b. 26 The only known evidence is the seal no. 390ter of the de Clercq Collection, actually in the Louvre Museum: de Clercq and Ménant 1888: 268–269, no. 390ter, Pl. 37; el-Safadi 1966: 76, 173; 1974: no. 76, Pl. X; Otto 2000: 80, 305, no. 136, Pl. 11: in this seal, the two kings embrace each other, with one arm on the other’s shoulder, they wear a fringed cloak and a rimmed bonnet; their other arm is stretched along the body. Amiet (1996: 3, 5, fig. 3) thinks that this seal is a unique representation of an alliance, and he rightly points out that the attitude is identical to a sexual embrace. 27 CAD L 1973: 84–85; CAD N 1 1980: 303. This value as technical term is evident especially in the Mari letters: Jean 1950: 144–147 (no. 77) and Durand 2002: 6–7 (no. 2). For the oaths made on the occasion of treaties and alliances see, in general McCarthy 1978 and, for the 3rd millennium BC, Wilcke 2006. 28 The definition of “symbolic act” for the touching of the throat is used in CAD L 1973: 84. Black, Andrew and Postgate 2000: 177 correctly register the meaning of “oath taking” for this expression, but they believe that in this case lapātu means “to grasp violently”, clearly following G. Dossin’s explanation in Jean 1950: 237, who correctly stressed the fact that this

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Based on these considerations, it seems evident that the ritual acts represented on the rear face of the Eblaic limestone basin were meant to evoke and eternalize an alliance or a treaty between peer actors.29 All the double basins of the Ebla temples were undoubtedly made upon royal commission and they all represent, without exceptions, ceremonies whose protagonist was the king of Ebla. It is possible to infer, therefore, that the limestone basin from Temple N too had a decoration aiming at immortalising an alliance or a treaty between peers. The scenes we are examining here were on the back face; it is therefore clear that the ritual acts represented had to be the complementary and secondary moments, albeit deeply meaningful, of a ceremony, whose protagonists were two kings. The front face was the only one completely visible to the public in the temple cella, and it had to present the main subject: it seems very probable, from the comparison with the majority of the other carved basins from Ebla, that the main act was a banquet, whose protagonists were the sovereigns of the two kingdoms who had entered into an alliance, likely ratified by a treaty.30 This hypothesis is partially supported by the recent finding of the probable top register of a stele, similar to Ishtar’s Stele and Ishtar’s Obelisk: it depicts precisely a ritual banquet, with probably royal protagonists, who are perhaps seated on both sides of an offering table with a stack of breads and they drink from a vase by means of a tube. One figure is completely preserved, whereas only the feet of the other are still visible.31 The data to propose a hypothesis about the political power with which Ebla might have entered into an alliance, ratified by means of the acts depicted on the limestone basin from Temple N, are faint. It seems very probable that it might be the kingdom of Yamkhad, whose capital was Aleppo: this kingdom had reached a great international prestige in Yarim-Lim I’s time, in the second fourth of the 18th century BC.32 As can be reconstructed from the texts of the Royal Archives of

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expression is related with a religious oath, aimed at ratifying an alliance. But he explained it in an unacceptable way: “les parties contractantes mettent ainsi leur vie en jeu: le parjure s’expose à périr par la strangulation dont il a ébauché le geste au moment du serment”. The ritual acts of the basin rear-face – which, for its position in the cella, remained concealed to everyone present in the temple – were certainly meaningful, but of a complementary value: one of these acts clearly was a blood sacrifice whose protagonist was the first personage on the left, armed with a knife, and the victim had to be killed on the basalt table with a spout, while the second one was an oath sworn by two high dignitaries or priests. The hypothesis that the front face of Temple N’s basin hosted a banquet scene was already advanced by Pinnock 1994: 22–23. Matthiae 2011a: 770–771, fig. 29: the banquet scene was repeated on both faces – preserved only in part – of this fragment of the top of a carved obelisk. It is not possible to maintain for certain that both personages represented on the main face were seated, because the foot preserved of the left-hand figure could also belong to a standing figure; moreover, this less preserved personage certainly did not have a big jar in front of himself, as happens with the seated figure. The latter did not wear the traditional peaked tiara of the Ebla kings; on the contrary, he apparently wears an unusual flat cap, which is not frequent in the iconographic tradition of the Ebla carved basins. He might have even been bare-headed. Klengel 1992: 54–58. First, Yarim-Lim I – allied with Eshnunna and Babylon – inherited the

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Mari, Yarim-Lim I of Aleppo probably concluded successfully the war started by his father Sumu‘epukh and by Shamshi-Addu, the creator of the ephemeral wide kingdom of Northern Mesopotamia.33 Yarim-Lim I reigned between 1780 and 1765 BC,34 the dates which correspond exactly to the proposed chronology for the limestone basin of Ebla. As is well known, Ebla does not appear at all in the Mari Royal Archives, whereas a text from the Alalakh Archives recalls the wedding between one son of Ammitakum, king of Alalakh, and the daughter of the “man of Ebla”.35 Irqabtum, Niqmepa’s son, probably attended the wedding, before he became king of Yamkhad.36 Moreover, the king of Yamkhad was “followed by twenty kings” and the border between the areas of influence of Yamkhad and Qatna had to be located south of Ebla.37 All these pieces of evidence lead to propose that the king of Ebla was one of the twenty allies of Yarim-Lim I.38 Based on the archaeological evidence from Ebla, it is certain that Ebla was never destroyed in the years around 1800 BC – the passage between Middle Bronze I and Middle Bronze

33 34 35 36 37

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fight against Shamshi-Addu, supported by his son Yasmakh-Addu of Mari and Ishkhi-Adad of Qatna, from his father, in a time when most probably, Rim-Sin of Larsa, Ibalp-El II of Eshnunna, Yashub-Yahad of Der, Ibni-Adad of Hazor, and, perhaps, also Shennam of Urshum and Yantin-Hammu of Byblos were ruling: Bardet et al. 1984: 230–232; Dossin 1938: 117–119. Second, Yarim-Lim I “saved the city of Babylon”, “gave life” to Der, and later on sent a fleet in support of Diniktum according to his letter to Yashub-Yahad of Der, considered a literary fiction by Sasson 1985, but, more plausibly, a historical document by Charpin and Durand 1985: 308–310. Third, Yarim-Lim I gave a decisive help to Zimri-Lim in order to recover the throne of Mari and had a great influence up to Ugarit: Charpin and Durand 1985: 332–334: Charpin 2004: 194–195, 211–212. Shamshi-Addu’s death happened suddenly in the seventeenth year of Hammurabi of Babylon, i.e. 1776 BC, very probably in relation to a military confrontation with Yamkhad: Charpin and Durand 1985: 318–319; Klengel 1992: 55; Charpin 2004: 188. Klengel 1992: 54–58. Yarim-Lim’s death took place in the ninth year of Zimri-Lim of Mari, corresponding to the twenty-eighth year of Hammurabi of Babylon: Klengel 1992: 58. Wiseman 1953: 43, no. 35 (AT/35/15); Dietrich and Loretz 2005: 249–250; Lauinger 2015: 288– 239; Durand 2018: 356: “The year Ammitakum was king, when he chose the daughter of the man of Ebla for his son(‘s bride)”. Gaál 1982: 14–15: Klengel 1992: 63; Van Soldt 2000. In this famous letter, known as Itur-Asdu’s letter (M.482: Dossin 1938: 117–118; Klengel 1965: 118; 1992: 57), Zimri-Lim’s high official informed his king that at Babylon itself they claimed that “twenty kings followed” Yarim-Lim of Yamkhad and only “between ten and fifteen kings followed” Hammurabi of Babylon, Rim-Sin of Larsa, Ibalpi-El of Eshnunna and Amutpi-El of Qatna. Charpin (2005: 209) wished to draw attention on the fact that this letter has not to be understood literally, but rather in relation to the peculiar situation of Mari, as everywhere “there is no king strong alone” and everywhere it is necessary to have follower kings. In this regard the theories of Osborne (2013) and Lauinger (2015: 182–199) are of special interest about a peculiar territoriality and the territorial non-contiguity of Yamkhad domain. Durand (2018: 351–355, 370–372), after remembering the very peculiar total absence of the name of Ebla in the Mari Royal Archives, advanced the hypothesis that, at a certain point, the kings of Yamkhad had left Aleppo as their royal residence and moved to Ebla, perhaps during Middle Bronze IB–IIA, for strategic or military reasons, as somehow happened in Assyria, for Assur and Nineveh, for a few reigns, possibly during the Old Assyrian period and certainly in the Middle Assyrian period.

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II – and we must infer that Ebla entered the sphere of the influence of Aleppo as a consequence of an alliance and not of a conquest.39 Lastly, the fury of the destruction of the front face of the basin leads to believe that it was provoked by the probable presence on that face of the scene – as I have proposed – of a banquet, where the kings of Aleppo and Ebla were depicted together. At this regard, it seems important to recall that in the poetic commemoration of the destruction of Old Syrian Ebla, in the bilingual Hurrian/Hittite “Song of Release”, the destruction of the town is ascribed to Pizikarra of Nineveh.40 This act was provoked by the cruel treatment the king of Ebla reserved for the town of Ikinkallish;41 this town had been conquered by Hattusili I and had clearly been taken back soon afterwards under the dominion of Aleppo, evidently by means of a military intervention by Ebla.42 Pizikarra was certainly an ally of Mursili I of Hatti. The lethal total destruction of Ebla was probably the consequence of a particular cruelty with which Ebla and Aleppo had treated Ikinkallish and it looks therefore very natural that precisely the images of the kings of the two allied towns on the main front face of the Temple N basin were the object of a fierce and ruthless destruction.43 In the perspective of the Hurrian author of the “Song of Release”, the 39 For the archaeologically documented conquests and destructions of Ebla since Early Bronze IVA to Middle Bronze IIB see Matthiae 2007 and 2009d. 40 The editio princeps of this exceptional epic composition is Neu 1996a: the first announcement of the discovery was given by Otten 1988; see also Neu 1996b. The present author submitted his interpretations of the poem about the historicity of the story and the relations between the Hurro-Hittite poem and the Iliad firstly in Matthiae 2007 and later on in Matthiae 2010: 220–225; 2014a; 2018: 220–247. After the preliminary considerations advanced by de Martino 2000, Bachvarova 2005a; 2005b, see nowadays the recent evaluations by Bachvarova 2016: 111–165 with relevant bibliography. 41 The deadly fate of Ebla was determined by the illicit and sacrilegious imprisonment of Purra of Ikinkallish and of some dignitaries of the same town: according to the “Song of Release”, the great god Teshub of Kumme, chief of the eastern Hurrian pantheon threatened the king of Ebla to destroy Ebla if Purra and his officials were not released; in consequence of Ebla refusal, Pizikarra of Nineveh was entrusted of Ebla annihilation. The identification of the Ebla of the “Song of Release” with the third Ebla of the Middle Bronze IIB is made certain by some topographic details present at Ebla only during MB II: Haas and Wegner 1995; Matthiae 2007. According to Astour 2002: 147–164 the story of the destruction of Ebla in the “Song of Release” concerns the end of the second (late Early Syrian) Ebla of EB IVB, but not only the large majority of the arguments are speculative but, above all, the basic and decisive topographical data of Old Syrian Ebla are completely neglected, which were well known by the poet of the Hurro-Hittite bilingual poem: Matthiae 2009d. 42 The conquest of Ikakal/Ikakalaz/Ikinkallish by Hattusili I is celebrated in Hattusili I’s Annals: de Martino 2003: 34–37. In order to have an idea about the thus far unknown precise geographical position of Ikinkallish, it is meaningful that the passages of this text commemorate together the conquests of Alalakh, Urshum, Ikakalaz and Tashkhiniya. That Ebla was the protagonist of the recuperation of Ikinkallish between the allies of Aleppo is of course inferred from the fact the Purra of Ikinkallish and his officials were kept as prisoners at Ebla, according to the “Song of Release”: Neu 1996a: 378–395. 43 In the light of the historical and political situation revealed by the “Song of Release”, the strange partial destruction of the limestone basin of Temple N might find an explanation on

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destiny of death inexorably decreed by Teshub of Kumme against Ebla, had not its king freed the king and officials of Ikinkallish, was the consequence of the very harsh judgement about the attitude of Ebla, in support of the king of Aleppo.44 Summing up, there is a series of hints – among which the antiquarian and iconographic elements also assume a special importance – to propose that an unknown king of Ebla, contemporary of Yarim-Lim I of Yamkhad ordered to create the limestone basin of Temple N, dedicated to Shamash/Shapash, the traditional warrantor of oaths, treaties and alliances. The basin was meant to sanction, with the divine approval expressed by the front-facing goddesses, the durable alliance between Aleppo and Ebla, at the very beginning of the hegemony Aleppo was establishing over a large part of northern inland Syria.

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Su alcuni sigilli paleosiriani di probabile produzione eblaita, Contributi e Materiali di Archeologia Orientale 6: 172–180. Pitard, W.J. 2002 Tombs and Offerings: Archaeological Data and Comparative Methodology in the Study of Death in Israel, in B.M. Gittlen et al. (eds), Sacred Time, Sacred Space. Archaeology and Religion of Israel, Winona Lake: 155–163. Porada, E. 1948 Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections. The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library, I–II, Washington. Porada, E. and Collon, D. 2016 Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals IV, The Second Millennium BC Beyond Babylon, London. Sallaberger, W. 2018 Kura, Youthful Ruler and Martial City-God of Ebla, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th–17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 107–139. el-Safadi, H. 1966 Die Entstehung der syrischen Gkyptik und ihre Entwicklung in der Zeit von Zimrilim bis Ammitaqumma, Berlin. 1974 Die Entstehung der syrischen Glyptik und ihre Entwicklung in der Zeit von Zimrilim bis Ammitaqumma, Ugarit-Forschungen 6: 313–352; 433–468. Sasson, J.M. 1985 Yarim-Lim’s War Declaration, in J.-M. Durand and J.-R. Kupper (eds), Miscellanea babylonica. Mélanges offerts à Maurice Birot, Paris: 237–256. Schmidt, A. 1930–33 Rollsiegel im Museum der Schönen Künste in Moskau (ehem. Sammlung Golenischef), København. Slanski, K. 2003 The Babylonian Entitlement narûs (kudurrus). A Study in Their Form and Function (ASOR Books 9), Boston. Speleers, L. 1917 Catalogue des intailles et empreintes orientales des Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire, Bruxelles. 1943 Catalogue des intailles et empreintes orientales des Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire. Supplément, Bruxelles. Teissier, B. 1984 Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals from the Marcopoli Collection, Berkeley – Los Angeles – London. Van Soldt, W. 2000 Syrian Chronology in the Old and Middle Babylonian Periods, Akkadica 119/120: 103–116. Wilcke, C. 2006 Early Ancient Near Eastern Law. A History of Its Beginnings: The Early Dynastic and Sargonic Periods, Rev. Ed., Winona Lake IN. Wiseman, D.J. 1953 The Alalakh Tablets (Occasional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 2), London. 1996

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Fig. 1. Ebla, schematic plan of Shamash/Shapash’s Temple (Area N) (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 2. Ebla, the limestone basin of Temple N in place, from the south-west (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

Fig. 3. Ebla, the limestone basin of Temple N in place, from the south-east (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 4. Ebla, the limestone basin of Temple N in place, from the east (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

Fig. 5. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, after restoration, back and left faces (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 6. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, after restoration, back and right faces (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 7. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, back face (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 8. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, back face, detail of the two personages grasping the sacred tree (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 9. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, back face, detail of the two personages embracing each other (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 10. Aleppo, Hadad’s temple, Old Syrian relief with two officials (after Gonnella, Khayyata and Kohlmeyer 2005: fig. 155).

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Fig. 11. London, British Museum, Old Syrian cylinder seal CLS 33 = BM 139624 (after Porada and Collon 2016: pl. 43).

Fig. 12. New York, Private Collection, Old Syrian cylinder seal (after Otto 2000: no. 353, pl. 28).

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Fig. 13. Ebla, basalt base TM.72.N.565 from Temple N, with two pairs of bull-men (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

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Fig. 14. Tokyo, Japanese Collection, Old Syrian cylinder seal (after Otto 2000: no. 355, pl. 28).

Fig. 15. London, British Museum, Old Syrian cylinder seal CLS 32 = BM 129580 (after Porada and Collon 2016: pl. 43).

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Fig. 16. Ebla, the limestone basin from Temple N, side face, detail of the front-facing goddesses (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

Fig. 17. Paris, Louvre Museum, de Clercq Collection, Old Syrian cylinder seal 390ter (after Otto 2000: no. 305, pl. 11).

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FEDERICO MANUELLI Freie Universität Berlin

Drifting Southward? Tracing Aspects of Cultural Continuity and Change in the Late 2nd Millennium BC Syro-Anatolian Region* This article analyses continuity and changes in the material culture at the site of Arslantepe during the last centuries of the 2nd millennium BC. The mound, located in the Malatya province (SE Turkey), has a thousand-year history of occupation characterised by the interaction of different cultural influences. During the Late Bronze Age, the impact of the Hittite expansion could be seen in the use of typically central Anatolian artifacts. At the fall of the Hittite Empire, Arslantepe showed aspects of continuity with the Hittite tradition along with the emergence of new trends connected with the western bank of the Euphrates valley and the inner Syrian territories. After a historical and chronological introduction, this paper will present Early Iron Age material from Arslantepe and compare it with assemblages from key contemporary sites in the Euphrates and northern Levant areas, revealing aspects of both local identity and extra-regional contacts. A diachronic perspective will also allow us to integrate the Late Bronze Age material into the historical picture in order to understand transformations in the relationship pattern between the site and its neighbouring regions. The analysis will also be contextualised within a wider theoretical frame by identifying elements of continuity, transformation and change in the material culture and discussing how these were influenced by the development of cross-cultural relationships.

1. Continuity, Transformation and Change: The Case of Arslantepe and the Syro-Anatolian Region at the Turn of the 1st Millennium BC In recent years, excavations and studies of the Late Bronze and Iron Age phases at Arslantepe have been resumed.1 A first round of activities, conducted at the site between 2008 and 2010, had mostly shed some light on the development of the Neo-Hittite citadel during the late 9th and 8th century BC, providing, for the first time, a reliable context and dating for the construction and use of the famous “Lions Gate”.2 In those years, the earlier Iron Age phases of occupation were only *

1 2

The research for this article is funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG project # 127370). I am very grateful to Marcella Frangipane who gave me the possibility to work on this material and for her constant guidance and assistance. Appreciation is also due to Nathalie Kallas, Romina Laurito and Fabrizio Venturi, who made valuable suggestions for improving the original essay. A short version of this paper has been presented at the conference Broadening Horizons 5 (Udine, 5–8 June 2017). I want to take the opportunity here to thank and to congratulate the Organizing Committee of the conference for the stimulating event and for their kind support. Images from Arslantepe belong to the archive of Missione Archeologica Italiana in Anatolia Orientale (© MAIAO). Liverani 2012; Frangipane, Manuelli and Vignola 2017: 80–88; Frangipane et al. 2018. Liverani 2010: 650–657; Manuelli 2011: 70–72.

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 139–186

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partially investigated, bringing to light a sequence stretching between the late 11th to the 10th century BC. The first aspect that stood out from the examination of the materials from these levels was the evident longevity of the Late Bronze Age traits, which underlined the well-known historical continuity affecting Arslantepe and its territory during the last centuries of the 2nd millennium BC.3 After a short break, digging activities on the Iron Age levels restarted in 2015 and 2016. The Early Iron Age phases were reached, enhancing the analysis of the material and improving our knowledge concerning the aspects of continuity and transformation at the site. More broadly, the transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Age in the Syro-Anatolian territory has been persistently revisited during the last years, thanks to new archaeological results and a growing corpus of epigraphic discoveries.4 While it might be true that to some extent this so-called “Dark Age” was characterised by dramatic turmoil and ethnic strife, increasing evidence of cultural continuity portrays a more complex and multifaceted historical scenario.5 However, despite the new discoveries, it still seems that our understanding of the Syro-Anatolian region at the beginning of the Iron Age is unequivocally fragmented. In the Hittite motherland as well as its surrounding areas, we find drastic changes relative to the previous Late Bronze Age tradition in terms of settlement patterns, economic and administrative activities and cultural customs.6 On the other hand, local niches of continuity, attested in south-central and south-eastern Anatolia as well as northern Syria, were essential channels for the transmission of the Hittite imperial tradition into the Iron Age and for the subsequent formation of the Neo-Hittite States.7 However, this continuity is essentially a political concept, based on the interpretation of a conclusive set of written sources testifying to the remarkable endurance of the Hittite dynastic lines into the new era and the transfer of power from the central Anatolian plateau to the southern and south-eastern territories. The identification of this continuity in the material culture of the Late Bronze-Iron Age sites of the Syro-Anatolian area is, in contrast, a more complex issue. “Continuity” is a concept that has been regularly employed in archaeology.8 Although often used inconsistently in the absence of suitable discussions of its 3 Manuelli 2012: 367–372; Hawkins 2000: 282–288. 4 The term “Syro-Anatolian” is used here to identify the region that geographically includes south-eastern Turkey and north-eastern Syria. Historically, this is the territory that more than any others was influenced, politically and culturally, by the Hittite expansion. For the use of different terminologies in accordance with historical, geographical or ethnic issues, see Gilibert 2011: 1–6. 5 Harrison 2010: 83–84. 6 See Genz 2011; Summers 2017. 7 Simon 2011; Weeden 2013: 1–16; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 10–11; Matessi and Pieri 2017: 101–102; Payne 2017. 8 The term is for instance frequently used with respect to different fields in the framework of the Anatolian Late Bronze–Iron Age transition, see Mazzoni 1997; Müller 2003; Orthmann 2002b; Simon 2011; Frangipane and Liverani 2013; Summers 2017.

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correct use, continuity generally describes something that lasts over time, surviving one “period” (or “phase”) and bridging it to another.9 It highlights a persistence of human activities, implying that new cultural patterns continue to draw upon pre-existing traditions, models and lifestyles.10 However, as with any other human process involving time and its tempo, continuity might be hard to assess quantitatively and qualitatively.11 This is especially evident in the case of material culture, in the sense of a tangible expression of ideas and the materialisation of activities of thought shared by a community.12 Indeed, material culture constantly evolves, reshaping its traits in a pattern that is not always linear. The idea of continuity in material culture is thus not only based on the immutable persistence of attributes, shapes, customs and other patterns of behaviours but also on the gradualness of their modification. It does not rule out the possibility of change but certainly implies that variations are traceable within an uninterrupted and homogeneous line of development.13 It is therefore clear how no attempt to understand continuity in material culture can dispense with the comprehension of its processes of change and transformation as well. The concept of “transformation” is indeed linked with that of continuity. It entails the identification of progressive alterations of form, appearance, nature and character, involving slow and gradual dynamics and fluxes of modifications instead of abrupt replacements.14 The concepts of continuity and transformation are thus strictly entangled, so much that we would not probably talk about a process of continuity if we did not find any trace of transformation within it, and vice versa. The idea of “change” is instead antithetical to continuity. It implies the existence of a clear and visible mutation, a substantial difference in the main traits of what comes later when compared with what existed before. In contrast with transformation, change can be radical as well as drastic and might occur suddenly over a short time.15 Aspects of continuity, transformation and change in material culture are of course induced by several factors. They are first of all related to the nature of the excavated site and assemblage, the characteristics of the material itself, as well as 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

On the relationship between the concepts of continuity and transition, see Frangipane 2012: 40–41. Cohen 2009: 1–3. Liverani 2009: 18–19. DeMarrais 2004: 11–15; Reade 2007: 34–36. For an overview of anthropological and archaeological approaches of material culture studies, see also Hicks 2010; Roberts and Vander Linden 2011: 2–10. For the importance of tracking changes in material culture in order to pursue a better idea of continuity, see Arsebük 2003: 4. For a discussion of the concepts of gradualness, change, continuity and transformation in material culture and their relations to each other, see Iamoni 2014: 18–19. For an overview and discussion of the actions, agencies and “movers” influencing cultural changes, see Gramsch 2015.

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the historical dynamics of the period we are dealing with. One of the key points for properly analysing elements of continuity, transformation and change in material culture is probably the understanding of the complex dynamics in which aspects of local behaviours overlap and merge with external influences derived from cross-cultural contacts. The site of Arslantepe, located on the western margin of the eastern Anatolian region between the Taurus and the Anti-Taurus chains on the eastern edge of the Malatya plain a few kilometres south of the Euphrates river, represents an excellent model to explore and investigate this equilibrium of tradition and innovation.16 The long-lasting investigations have allowed the reconstruction of the site’s millennia of history in which remarkable events of destruction characterise the end of each period or phase through an overall sequence of uninterrupted occupation.17 This blend of episodes of dire breaks and historical development clearly creates a suitable background to identify pathways of continuity, transformation and change. The geographical situation of the site, standing between the fertile fluvial plain and the rich mountain zones, creates an even more stimulating picture. Over the centuries it facilitated the interaction of the surrounding civilisations, especially from the Anatolian, the Syro-Mesopotamian and the Transcaucasian worlds, enabling extra-regional contacts that inevitably allowed different foreign influences to take hold and to transfuse themselves with the rooted aspects of the local tradition.18 This article presents newly excavated material from Arslantepe and its aspects of continuity, transformation and change, inspected in view of the development of the cross-cultural relationships of the site during the last centuries of the 2nd millennium BC.

2. The Euphrates Region and Beyond. History, Chronology and Problems The Euphrates region at the Syro-Turkish border has always played a prominent role for the reconstruction of the historical events following the demise of the centralised states of the Late Bronze Age. The breakdown of the Hittite Empire at the beginning of the 12th century BC is still intensely debated among specialists today. The latest developments in the research have mainly pointed out the endemic causes of the crisis, rooted mostly in the economic fragility of the Hittite system and closely related to the weakness of the court of Ḫattuša and to 16 For a general introduction to the site, see Frangipane 1993: 42–43. For further physical and geographical conditions of the region, see Alparslan 2017: 213–214; Brown and Wilkinson 2017: 147–149. 17 See Palumbi 2008: 223–254; Frangipane 2010; 2014; Liverani 2012; Frangipane and Liverani 2013. 18 See Frangipane and Liverani 2013: 350.

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its progressive decentralisation towards peripheral regions, such as Karkemiš and Tarḫuntašša.19 This devolution of power is certainly foundational for the political continuity seen in the territories of southern and south-eastern Anatolia as well as northern Syria at the dawn of the Iron Age. In light of what both textual and archaeological data have revealed during the last 20 years of research, scholars have started to consider the idea of a “Dark Age”, which for a long time was applied to the 12th and 11th century BC in Anatolia and its surroundings, to be obsolete.20 Indeed, the political gap between the late Hittite phase of the 13th century BC and the formation of the so-called Neo-Hittite Kingdoms of the 10th and 9th century BC has been progressively filled with solid and conclusive evidence (Fig. 1).21 The political continuity of the Euphrates region at the Late Bronze–Iron Age transition is first of all testified by the renewed territorial position of Karkemiš, at least during the first part of the 12th century BC. Clay sealings from Lidar Höyük attest to the presence at the city of Kuzi-Tešub, “King of the Land of Karkemiš, son of Talmi-Tešup”.22 They specifically allow us to establish a perpetuation into the new era of the line of Hittite viceroys directly descending from Šuppiluliuma I.23 Nonetheless, old and new excavations at Karkemiš have so far provided little epigraphic information about the period preceding the magnificent 10th century BC at the site.24 This historical gap is largely filled by Luwian hieroglyphic monuments coming from Arslantepe and its territory. In the rock inscriptions from Gürun and Kötükale and the stele from Ispekçür, which are all located eastwards of the Malatya plain along the Toḫma Su river, the local rulers Runtiyas and Arnuwantis, the “Country Lords of the city Malizi”, both declared themselves “Grandson of Kuzi-Tešub, the Great King, the Hero of Karkemiš”.25 Subsequent discoveries at Arslantepe have positioned the site at the center of this historical scenario and enrich the picture even more. Carved reliefs found reused in the so-called “Lions Gate” record the name of the “Potent King” PUGNUS-mili, the son of Kuzi-Tešub of Karkemiš and the father of Runtiyas and Arnuwantis.26 Moreover, a bulla found on the top of the mound yielded 19 Seeher 2001; Schoop and Seeher 2006: 57–58, 65–69; Schachner 2011: 94–98, 109–114; de Martino 2016: 109–110. 20 Hawkins 2002; Seeher 2010. 21 Strobel 2011: 199–204; Bryce 2012: 49–63, 195–207. 22 Hawkins 1988; 2000: 574–575. 23 Hawkins and Peker 2014: 107; Dinçol et al. 2014: 127. For further discussions about the 12th century BC at Karkemiš, see also Aro 2013: 246–255; Weeden 2013: 6–9; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 9–11. 24 See Hawkins 2000: 76–83; Peker 2016: 13–49; Gilibert 2015: 141–142. For a preliminary report on the 13th century BC clay sealing collection recently discovered at the site, see Peker 2017. 25 Hawkins 2000: 295–304. 26 Hawkins 2000: 306–313. For further discussions, see also Manuelli and Mori 2016: 212–216; Simon 2016.

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on its surface the inscription “Runti(yas) king of the land of Ma(lizi)”.27 Further written evidence from the site and its surroundings, attributed to the descendants of the above-mentioned rulers, also allows us to extend the genealogical lines of the Malizi kings up to the end of the 11th century BC.28 This bulk of Luwian hieroglyphic documents therefore reveals that while the central power at Ḫattuša had vanished, the political and ideological legacy, as well as the main line of the Hittite royalty, were deliberately preserved in the Anatolian Euphrates region.29 Further traces of the political inheritance of the Hittite state into the 12th and th 11 century BC, namely the continuity of the genealogical lines of its kings and the rhetoric of the Luwian inscriptions, are attested in other regions as well, although in a less consistent and sometimes more controversial pattern.30 Despite its fragmentation, the emerging historical picture shows the rise, in the former Hittite peripheries, of a series of independent reigns that survived the 12th century BC crisis. They were linked in the way they used certain media to perpetuate the imperial idea of kingship as a concrete vehicle to legitimate their new authority.31 But how can we match this historical reconstruction with archaeological findings? And which evidence of this continuity is traceable in material culture? Moreover, how can we build a coherent and comprehensive chronological framework that considers and balances both historical and archaeological data? It is clearly difficult to answer these questions – first of all because nowadays the number of 12th–11th century BC excavation sites of the whole Syro-Anatolian area that provide reliable and detailed sequences is still rather limited. Secondly, the most important sites of the region have been mainly investigated during the first half of the 20th century AD, using out-dated approaches and methodologies and with the aim of collecting valuable artworks. In this context, the remarkable collection of bas-reliefs and figurative sculptures brought to light during those years represents the most evident manifestation of an uninterrupted strategy of political con27 Hawkins 2000: 575–576; Mora 2013: 271–272. 28 Hawkins and Peker 2014: 107; Dinçol et al. 2014: 127. For an analysis of the inscriptions, see Hawkins 2000: 304–305, 314–322. 29 Hawkins 2002: 144–148; 2009: 164–165. 30 Whether the stele from Karahöyük (Hawkins 2000: 282–283, 288–295; Woudhuizen 2003) should be attributed to the kingdoms of Karkemiš (Giusfredi 2010: 41–42; Harmanşah 2011: 68–69; Bryce 2012: 85–87; Simon 2013: 824–826) or Tarḫuntašša (Hawkins 2000: 287–289; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 10–11) is still a matter of intense debate. The rock monuments from Kızıldaǧ, Karadaǧ and Burunkaya (Hawkins 2000: 433–442) are controversially dated to either the 13th (Sürenhagen 2008; Mora and D’Alfonso 2012: 386–387; D’Alfonso 2014) or the 12th century BC (Harmanşah 2011: 63–65; Oreshko 2017). The inscriptions from the Storm-God temple of the citadel of Aleppo (Kohlmeyer 2009; Hawkins 2013), dating to the 11th century BC, are still the subject of argument (Sass 2010; Singer 2012; Weeden 2013, 11–16; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 11). 31 Mazzoni 1997: 307–310; Bonatz 2001; Balza and Mora 2015: 429–430; Manuelli 2016; Manuelli and Mori 2016: 229–234; Osborne 2017: 11–20.

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tinuity, bridging the Late Bronze to the Iron Age.32 Although figurative sculptures supply a fundamental source of information, they always show the way power was displayed by the rulers and the image that kingship conveyed to the populace, without dealing with aspects of daily life and the behaviours of the communities.33 As these more prominent pieces represent works of high art, the analysis of daily and artisanal activities has been long neglected in the study of the formation of the Syro-Anatolian societies during the Iron Age. Moreover, when artefacts of daily life were taken into account, especially pottery, they have mostly been used in an attempt to reconstruct historical macro-events and political upheavals, i.e. invasions and wars as well as large-scale population movements and migrations, focusing on imported material and disregarding the development of the local aspects.34 These facts had several repercussions. The most evident concerns the difficulty of establishing comprehensive chronologies at the investigated sites, since this is mostly done by means of the evolution of the stylistic and iconographic traits of the figurative sculptures as well as the presence of exogenous components. The recent resumption of fieldwork activities at some key Iron Age sites has helped to fill this gap and shed new light on the chronological and cultural evolution of the Syro-Anatolian region during the last centuries of the 2nd millennium BC.35 This has also been accompanied by the development of new research methodologies that focus on understanding the dynamics of interaction affecting the societies involved through the analysis of the processes of mutual assimilation and communication.36 In this framework, material culture has been used as a mean to understand elements of continuity or change, mirroring social and cultural aspects, as well as an expression of contacts, transformations and cross-cultural interactions.37 We have also pursued new in-depth elaborations of the materials and the creation of intra-site sequences, as well as regional and extra-regional chronological assessments.38 Despite the fact that the establishment of local chronologies is a process currently underway, a coherent outline is slowly taking place, especially thanks to 32 Orthmann 2002a; Mazzoni 2013: 471–474; Gilibert 2015: 139–145. 33 For the visual messages and performances represented by figurative reliefs during the 12th century BC, see Mazzoni 1997: 310–318; Harmanşah 2007: 80–83; 2013: 45–50, 180–182; Gilibert 2011: 115–119. 34 For a synthesis on this problem and new discussions, see Jung 2017. 35 New insights into the 12th and 11th century BC material sequences and chronologies have been recently achieved in the Euphrates region at Karkemiš (Giacosa and Zaina in press), in south-central Anatolia at Kınık Höyük (D’Alfonso, Gorrini and Mora 2016: 599–602) and in the ‘Amuq valley at Tell Tayinat (Harrison 2013: 64–72; Ünlü 2017), Alalakh (Yener 2013: 20–21; Montesanto in press) and Chatal Höyük (Pucci 2013). 36 Mazzoni 2013: 466–467. 37 See Gates 2013 (Cilicia and ‘Amuq); Summers 2013 (Euphrates); Venturi 2013b (northern Syria). 38 See Venturi 2007: 381–388 (Tell Afis); Blaylock 2016: 414–425 (Tille Höyük); Ünlü 2017 (Tell Tayinat).

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cross-cultural associations. In the specific framework of the chronology of the Anatolian Euphrates area the situation is twofold. The lower region follows the Syrian chronology, which basically splits the Iron Age in two major periods, the Iron Age I (ca. 1200–900 BC) and the Iron Age II (ca. 900–700 BC), according to the sequences excavated at Tell Afis and Hama.39 The upper region instead follows the eastern Anatolian chronology that distinguishes an Early Iron Age (ca. 1200–800 BC) from a Middle Iron Age (ca. 800–600 BC) on the basis of the periodization established at Korucutepe.40 Despite the lack of consensus around any univocal terminology, mostly due to the diversified influences and connections affecting the two sub-regions, a synchronisation of the respective chronologies is possible in view of both the general framework provided by historical information and the association of comparable excavated material sequences (Fig. 2). In this promising scenario of growing insight and complementarity of historical and archaeological data, the specific case of Arslantepe today offers one of the most stimulating contributions to our understanding of the development of the cultural aspects that affected the whole Syro-Anatolian region at the beginning of the Iron Age.

3. The Early Iron Age at Arslantepe: Old and New Investigations and Results The investigations conducted at Arslantepe by the Italian Archaeological Expedition of the Sapienza University of Rome since the beginning of the 1960s have allowed researchers over the years to establish a reliable Late Bronze–Iron Age sequence and improve our knowledge of the evolution of its material over time. This has been accomplished thanks to the presence of a continuous architectural sequence as well as to the examination of its artefacts and association with radiometric analyses. But the case of Arslantepe is also representative of the general problem discussed in the previous section. Indeed, for several years the prominent historical role of the site as known from written sources, in conjunction with the valuable archaeological discoveries, have hardly been examined together in order to comprehensively reconstruct the development of the settlement and its territory. It was only during the current round of excavations and analysis that researchers started pursuing an exhaustive picture bringing together the whole range of data. The most recent examinations have specifically been providing new insights into the formation, during the 12th century BC, of the local kingdom of Malizi, which had previously been evaluated exclusively on the basis of the Luwian hieroglyph39 Mazzoni 2000; Venturi 2007: 297–301. 40 van Loon 1980: 276–277; Köroǧlu 2003: 231.

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ic inscriptions carved on the bas-reliefs found in the past at the site and on the rock monuments widespread in the region.41 According to the above-mentioned eastern Anatolian chronology, Arslantepe divides into an Early and a Middle Iron Age. The stratigraphic sequence allows us to split the first period in an Early Iron I (ca. 1200–1000 BC) and an Early Iron II (ca. 1000–850 BC).42 A description of the site’s sequence is briefly presented here, followed by a more detailed analysis of the earliest Iron Age contexts. The first official excavations at Arslantepe were conducted on the northern slopes of the mound in the 1930s by Louis Delaporte, bringing to light the famous “Lions Gate”, which provided an idea of the monumentality of the Neo-Hittite settlement.43 The gateway, consisting of two adjoining chambers, was found destroyed by a violent fire associated with the conquest of the site by the Assyrian forces that, according to historical sources, occurred during the reign of Sargon II in 712 BC.44 The abundance and prominence of the bas-reliefs found in the gate itself and in its proximity immediately attracted the interest and the attention of scholars.45 Their iconographic and stylistic analysis for a long time represented the only basis to date the gate system, given the absence of a proper stratigraphic sequence and knowledge of the associated material. Accordingly, the dating remained quite unresolved, fluctuating between the late 2nd millennium and the first quarter of the 1st millennium BC.46 The recent re-examination of the Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions carved on some of the reliefs and their association with those on rock monuments from the surrounding territory allowed a chronological reassessment of the sculptures, which we can now confidently date from the 12th to the 10th century BC.47 This has been also confirmed by the developments in the research on the stylistic and iconographic evolution of the Syro-Anatolian art at the Late Bronze–Iron Age transition.48 This early date of the reliefs clearly conflicts with the common historical dating of the final destruction of the settlement by Sargon II of Assyria and opened the way for further considerations and hypotheses. It gradually brought scholars to consider the “Lions Gate” as a later construction for which spolia blocks from earlier Iron Age contexts had been reused.49 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49

Manuelli and Mori 2016; Frangipane, Manuelli and Vignola 2017: 83–88; Manuelli in press. See Fig. 2 for a sketch of the sequence and Manuelli in press for its details. Delaporte 1940. For archaeological evidence, see Delaporte 1940: 13–15, 40–43; Alvaro 2012: 348. For the written documents, see Fuchs 1994: 125–128; Frame 2009: 66–69; Elayi 2017: 109–113. For an update on the reconstruction, interpretation and primary location of the slabs discovery, see Manuelli and Mori 2016: 222–227. Delaporte 1940: 39–40; Akurgal 1949: 139–141; Orthmann 1971: 91–100, 463–464. Hawkins 2000: 296–297. See also Dinçol et al. 2014: 127; Hawkins and Peker 2014: 107; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 10–11. Mazzoni 1997: 311–317; Orthmann 2002a: 156–157; Gilibert 2011: 115–118. Liverani 2010: 670–671; Harmanşah 2011: 71.

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This was already confirmed by the findings of a second French team, directed by Claude Schaeffer, which briefly resumed the excavations at the mound in 1948, bringing to light the remains of an ancient gate system under the “Lions Gate” level.50 It had already been assumed that this gateway could represent the original location of the sculptures later reused.51 The Italian expedition started working at Arslantepe in 1961, renewing the excavations in the northern part of the mound. The trench where the “Lions Gate” had been found was reopened and deepened, and new sectors investigated. The work conducted here for ten consecutive campaigns led to the discovery of the whole Late Bronze Age and Iron Age sequences.52 Above all, it is important to stress the discovery of a single chambered gateway, dated to the 13th century BC and destroyed by the conflagration, which brought an end to the Late Bronze Age settlement.53 The ensuing shift in the research interest from 1971, towards the excavation of the extraordinary proto-historic remains brought to light on the south-western slope of the mound, unfortunately did not allow for a further investigation of the historical levels.54 In 2007 a new-targeted project of excavation and study started with the aim of uncovering fresh material and data concerning the development of the site during the 2nd and 1st millennia BC.55 The investigations have been carried out on a large sector of ca. 500 m2 that enlarged and deepened the old “Lions Gate” trench. The aim was to better contextualise and date Delaporte’s findings and to review the site’s sequence, while also providing insights about the region during these crucial centuries of its history.56 A long and continuous sequence has been defined with ten architectural levels bridging the period between the post-Late Bronze Age destruction and the Assyrian occupation.57 Concerning the later phases of this sequence, it is important to stress the discovery of two monumental pillared buildings associated with the terracing wall connected with the “Lions Gate”.58 Material coming from these structures provided a confident dating for the construction of the gate system to the early 8th century BC, supporting the idea that the bas-reliefs found here were re50 51 52 53 54 55

Schaeffer 1949: 342–343; Weidner 1952–1953. Meriggi 1966: 67–68; Pecorella 1975: 15–16. Puglisi and Meriggi 1964: 18-30; Pecorella 1975; Manuelli 2013: 25–48. Pecorella 1975: 3–6, 65–68; Manuelli 2013: 29–32, 46–48, 406–407. See Frangipane and Liverani 2013: 349–352. Excavations and researches at Arslantepe are funded by Sapienza University of Rome and the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The 2016 campaign has also benefited from a generous grant awarded by the National Geographic Society, aimed at investigating the 12th century BC at the site (grant # 990116). 56 Liverani 2010: 649–650. 57 Manuelli in press. 58 Liverani 2011.

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used from earlier structures.59 The excavated sequence goes back to the early 12th century BC and, despite the fact that the transitional Late Bronze-Early Iron Age layers following the demise of the 13th century BC gateway have not been reached yet, the important remains brought to light so far provide interesting insights for discussion. The Early Iron Age I phases are characterised by the overlapping of two monumental levels, which at the moment can be roughly dated to the 12th and to the 11th centuries BC respectively. The later phase is marked by the presence of a massive fortification wall of mud bricks on a stone foundation (Fig. 3). It was four meters thick and has been preserved for a length of ca. 30 meters and an elevation of up to 3.5 meters. Its destruction was particularly catastrophic, as a thick layer of heavily burnt debris stemming from its collapse has been found over a large area. Segments of a thin mud-plastered floor associated with the enclosure have been identified. Two figurative bas-reliefs and five aniconic slabs have been found lying on the floor and sealed, together with other associated material, by the collapse of the fortification.60 A continuation eastwards of the city wall was identified during the first round of excavations by the Italian expedition.61 It can be assumed that a gate system was originally located at the junction of the two areas.62 In fact, this is the place where the deep trench was dug to remove the “Lions Gate” and relocate the stones to the Museum of the Anatolian Civilization at Ankara, and where Schaeffer excavated his trench, in which he allegedly found the gateway underneath the “Lions Gate”. The destruction of the city wall marks an important change in the management of this part of the settlement. On its ruins a succession of pits and silos as well as few evanescent structures have been brought to light, marking an area specifically devoted to storage activities.63 This phase, belonging to the Early Iron Age II (ca. 1000–850 BC), covers the whole period up to the construction of the earliest structures associated with the “Lions Gate” system. Underneath the mud plaster floor connected to the fortification, an earlier phase with fairly monumental structures has been excavated (Fig. 4). The digging has been restricted to a smaller area, given the presence of the city wall and the impossibility of its removal. It consists of two large rooms, whose thick walls were made with greenish-coloured mud bricks (the so-called “green building”). The walls were covered with several layers of thick white plaster and have been preserved for a maximum height of ca. 1.5 meter above the stone foundations. Several phases of construction and use were identified, but interestingly no traces of a final destruction by fire have been recognised. Moreover, the scant amount of 59 60 61 62 63

Manuelli 2011: 70–72. Manuelli and Mori 2016: 216–222. Pecorella 1975: 15–17. See Alvaro 2012: 354–356. See Frangipane and Liverani 2013: 356–360.

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in situ material seems to indicate that the rooms were abandoned after being emptied.64 Once again, the integration of the results of the first round of excavations by the Italian expedition helps to interpret these findings. It specifically allows us to reconstruct the original dimensions of the northern room, at least 10 meters long, which might indicate a representative use of this space.65 The association of the rooms with the above-mentioned monumental wall is ruled out for stratigraphic reasons. In any case, traces of an earlier enclosure, consisting of a round mud brick platform or tower, started to be excavated in 2016. Although the nature of this finding and its stratigraphic relation with the two rooms are not yet clear, it testifies to an uninterrupted sequence of imposing fortified architecture over the long period between the end of the Hittite Empire and the beginning of the 10th century BC.66 The results of radiometric analyses made on organic samples coming from the collapse of the mud brick fortification wall and from the later silos phase allow us to date the destruction of the enclosure at the end of the 11th or the very beginning of the 10th century BC, setting the life span of the two Early Iron Age I phases to the 12th and 11th century BC (Fig. 5).67

4. Pottery Production and Textile Activity: Classification and Analysis of the Material Preliminary analyses of some selected assemblages coming from sealed and well-preserved contexts allow for interesting reflections on the identification of aspects of continuity, transformation and change as well as the understanding of the underlying factors at work. Because, as mentioned, in situ artefacts are rather rare, the analysis includes, besides the material associated with the use of the above-mentioned structures, also those coming from the levels of construction and collapse of the fortification wall as well as from the fill layers of the “green building”. Moreover, alongside the newly excavated material, a selection of further unpublished assemblages coming from the same contexts, but unearthed during the first round of excavations by the Italian expedition between 1969 and 1971, are presented here, especially when they are well-preserved and hence allow us to retrieve more comprehensive information. Pottery and textile productions have been selected for analysis as the most copious category of artefacts brought to light. Moreover, they are specifically suit64 65 66 67

Frangipane et al. 2018: 3–4. See Pecorella 1975: 14–16, Pls XLIV–XLV, G–I. Frangipane, Manuelli and Vignola 2017: 85. The analyses have been conducted at the CEDAD (Center for Dating and Diagnostics) at the University of Salento, Lecce (Italy). For insights into the results, see Manuelli and Mori 2016: 220–221. A new round of 14C analyses from samples from both the destruction level of the fortification and in situ materials from the two rooms has recently been completed and its results are still being processed. In any case it confirms a dating of the two Early Iron Age I phases to the 12th and 11th centuries BC respectively.

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able for comprehensively investigating aspects of cultural continuity, transformation and change, since their evolution involves both the conservation of daily habits linked with local behaviours and the simultaneous introduction of exogenous agents deriving from cross-cultural contacts. Methodologically, these categories of material are analysed by means of their technological and typological aspects. Their production techniques and processes are inspected and classified as well as their morphological characteristics. It is important to stress that the results presented here should be considered preliminary. First of all, because despite the fact that the analysed artefacts represent the most significant and well-preserved specimens, they always depict just a part of the whole excavated assemblage. Indeed, work has not yet begun on the fragmented sherds and material coming from the rest of the investigated contexts. Accordingly, all statistical analyses of the material will be postponed until the whole collection of pottery and textile items has been processed. A first essential trait that emerges from this analysis and brings together the whole material is its strong homogeneity and standardisation.68 So far it has not been possible to identify any distinctive features allowing us to establish any distinction between the two described architectural phases or more specifically between the individual excavated contexts.69 A description, classification and discussion of pottery and textile production of the Early Iron Age I at Arslantepe is provided below. The pottery collection is represented by fragmentary and whole vessels and selected diagnostic sherds.70 The pottery is in general marked by morphological and technological uniformity.71 Pastes are pale in colour with a uniform distribution of the inclusions. Fabrics are mostly mixed with vegetable and mineral inclusions with an almost constant presence of small micro-cavities. Around one third of the specimens present a black or dark brown core, indicating that the firing must have often taken place in not very well-controlled atmospheres.72 Surfaces are exclusively poorly smoothed or self-slipped, decorations are virtually absent and wheel marks are visible on nearly every sherd. Common wares are predominant and characterised by mixed inclusions and medium fabrics. Cooking wares and preservation wares are also well-attested, as evident from their mixed inclusions and semi-coarse fabrics. Fine wares are in contrast rare and characterised by mineral inclusions and semi-fine 68 For preliminary discussions concerning the standardization of the Early Iron Age material, see Manuelli in press. 69 Only a few specific peculiarities belonging to each single architectural phase have been recognized so far and they will be specifically described here. 70 A total amount of 1,127 specimens have been processed. 799 come from the “green building” level, and 328 from the fortification wall context. Only 10 items have been found in situ, all from the floors connected with the use of the “green building”. 71 For a description of the Early Iron Age material from the first Italian excavations at the site, see also Pecorella 1975: 35–37. 72 Duistermaat 2008: 38–39; Orton and Hughes 2013: 72–74.

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fabrics. Morphologically, the shapes show very little variation. Consequently, a limited number of typological classes define the majority of the assemblage. More specifically, open shapes are characterised by the presence of flat bowls with straight profiles and rounded bases (Fig. 6: 1–7).73 They are manufactured using two different fabrics: a finer one with small-sized mineral inclusions (Fig. 6: 8–15), and a coarser one with a dark core and abundant presence of chaff. Remarkably, when the lower bodies of the coarse-ware flat bowls are preserved, scraping marks are often present (Fig. 6: 16–24). The latter is a very distinctive trait of the Early Iron Age pottery repertoire at Arslantepe and suggests interesting considerations. First of all, it indicates that coarse-ware flat bowls might be handmade and only finished on a wheel, since the scraping technique was usually applied to handmade vessels and wheel marks are visible on all the examined specimens.74 Moreover, as the practice is quite time-consuming, scraping marks probably testify to the presence of a secondary production of flat bowls, parallel and concurrent to the more frequent wheel-made production, perhaps to supply the high demand for these vessels.75 Among the rest of the open shapes, few other typological classes are represented to a significant degree. Hemispherical bowls were mostly of the small-size type with tapering-rims, and they are mainly made of semi-fine mineral fabrics (Fig. 7: 1–4). In addition, larger-size specimens with everted and upward rims and manufactured from medium-mixed fabrics are attested (Fig. 7: 5–7). An interesting selection of miniature saucers with straight or curved profiles and realised with medium-mineral fabrics also occur (Fig. 7: 8–13). Larger and deeper variations of hemispherical bowls are attested as well. They mostly occur with thickened-out rounded or pointed rims and are made with medium-mixed fabrics (Fig. 7: 14–16). Moreover, specimens with thickened pointed rims made with medium- or semi-coarse mixed fabrics have also been found (Fig. 7: 17–18). The abundant repertoire of kraters is remarkable. They exist in an interesting variety of types, rather diversified in size, and they are sometimes characterised by the presence of small handles attached under the rim. Kraters were usually wheelmade but it is not uncommon to note a multi-stage construction process, which involved the combination of a distinct vessel component previously wheel-made or coiled on a turntable.76 Large-size types with high walls and vertical profiles are associated with rounded, pointed and grooved rims and are made with semi73 They represent 50% of the open shapes and almost 30% of all examined diagnostic material. 74 See Rye 1981: 86; Laneri 2009: 100–102. 75 See Baldi 2012: 403; Rice 2015: 147. It is important to stress that coarse-ware flat bowls have been found in all the excavated and examined contexts and do not show specific associations with any of them. Nonetheless, their quantity increases in connection with the fortification wall phase and shows a continuation in the Early Iron Age II levels. 76 See Laneri 2009: 70; Orton and Hughes 2013: 125.

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coarse mixed fabrics (Fig. 8: 1–3). Short-necked kraters are mainly large in size and are attested with sloping rounded, squared or hooked rims (Fig. 8: 4–7). They are made of either medium or semi-coarse mixed fabrics. Smaller short-necked varieties also occur, always in association with rounded rims and made with medium and mixed fabrics (Fig. 8: 8–9). The cooking pots collection is significantly rich. In general cooking pots are wheel-made and restricted in size, with wide mouths, bi-conical or squat bodies and pointed bases. The presence of two small handles applied between the rim and the shoulder is characteristic. Two dimensional classes can be defined. Smallsize neckless pots show rounded, pointed and grooved rims, while short-necked examples are associated with grooved rims (Fig. 9: 1–9). They are both made with medium or semi-coarse mixed fabric. Less attested is the large-size cooking pots category. Examples of the neckless type, associated with pointed rims, and shortnecked ones with grooved rims were found (Fig. 9: 10–13). Large-size cooking pots are usually manufactured with semi-coarse mixed fabrics. The rest of the closed shapes are less frequent. Jugs, small- and medium-size jars, and bottles and flasks are attested. Jugs have ovoid or slightly squashed bodies with rounded bases, handles, trefoil mouths and simple everted rims (Fig. 10: 1–5). They are made from medium or semi-fine mixed fabrics and they are the only category of the whole repertoire that is decorated. They are painted with red brown colours and simple careless geometric patterns. Jars are defined by two dimensional classes. Small-size jars have ovoid bodies, rounded bases, short necks and thickened-out pointed rims. A handle is usually attached between the shoulder and the rim (Fig. 10: 6–7). They are also manufactured with medium or semi-fine mixed fabrics. An exact reproduction of this shape occurs in bigger dimensions. Large-size jars are also attested with slightly squashed bodies but are associated with a wider variety of thickened-out rims: rounded, pointed or grooved (Fig. 10: 8–12). They are made with medium or semi-coarse mixed fabrics. Bottles are less attested than jars. They have ovoid elongated bodies and narrow and high necks. A single handle is attached on the shoulders while rims are thickened-out, rounded, pointed or grooved (Fig. 11: 1–6). They are mostly realised with medium mixed fabrics. Less attested but worth of interest is the flask category. Flasks occur with slightly lentoid shaped bodies and with tapered and high necks. A handle is attached between the neck and the shoulder (Fig. 11: 7–8). They are made with medium or semi-fine mixed fabrics. Their manufacturing technique is noteworthy, since they seem to consist of two separately wheel-made halves joined together in a second phase when the neck and the handle were also assembled.77 An interesting variety of pithoi is also attested. Neckless types occur with rounded, pointed and squared rims. Rarely, a cordon with incised lines is ap77 For different techniques used to manufacture flasks, see Venturi 1996: 148–150; Mielke 2006: 53–54.

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plied to the upper shoulder (Fig. 11: 9–10).78 Short-necked and necked pithoi are instead mainly associated with thickened outside, elongated rims (Fig. 11: 11– 14). Pithoi are realised with medium, semi-coarse and coarse mixed fabrics. Like the kraters, pithoi are mostly joint-made, with the different parts wheel-made or coil-built and then subsequently combined. Besides pottery, the most significant group of findings from the new and old Early Iron Age levels excavated at Arslantepe is represented by a large amount of unbaked crumbling clay spool-shaped objects, usually identified as loom weights.79 The processed material is essentially well-preserved and includes complete and slightly fragmented items.80 Only in recent years have clay spools started receiving appropriate attention from scholars.81 The lack of interest was mostly due to the fact that they are often crudely made and therefore badly preserved. Moreover, since they apparently do not show any specific trace of development over the centuries, they have also not been considered specifically useful for chronological issues. Despite the fact that clay spools were extensively spread throughout the whole Mediterranean world during the Iron Age, their exact temporal appearance as well as function are still controversial.82 Nowadays, reliable cases from the Aegean area seem to attest to their first spread during the 13th century BC.83 Moreover, according to the main specialists in the field, their employment in weaving activities has to be considered certain.84 Their use as loom weights or bobbins is highly plausible especially for contextual reasons.85 They have been often found in clusters, in sets of rows or stored in specific depositions or caches, and mostly in domestic industrial areas and sometimes in association with other weaving tools or even with fibre remains. In addition, their use as reels can also be assumed, considering that they can easily hold extra entwined yarn for stor78 The applied cordon starts to be attested during the fortification wall phase and became typical of the Early Iron Age II contexts. For similarities in the evolution of storage jars, see Venturi 2015. 79 See Cecchini 2011: 195. 80 A total amount of 34 tools has been unearthed from the above-mentioned Early Iron Age I architectural phases. 26 come from the “green building” level, while only 8 from the fortification wall context. 10 spools have been found altogether in situ, in association with the use of one of the rooms belonging to the “green building” complex. One hundred or so of these objects have been found by the first round of Italian investigations at the site in relation to the whole Iron Age period (Pecorella 1975: 45–46). 81 Rahmstorf 2003: 402–407; 2005: 146–160. 82 In Anatolia, clay spool-shaped objects are in fact known from the Neolithic era. Moreover, it has to be noted that their spread during the second half of the 2nd millennium BC includes also central and eastern Europe (Rahmstorf 2003: 397–400; 2005: 154–155). 83 Rahmstorf 2011: 320–322. 84 Cecchini 2011: 195–196. 85 See Rahmstorf 2014: 8–9 with related bibliography. For a further discussion and diverse possible interpretations, see also Luciani 2005: 928–930.

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age. Recent experimental testing carried out by the Centre for Textile Research revealed that, at least for findings weighing over 100 g, “spools functioned perfectly as loom weights on a warp-weighted loom”.86 Smaller and lighter examples might be instead appropriate as supplementary weights or easily used for warp tension in tablet weaving.87 A further confirmation of their use comes from the pictorial representation displayed on a Cypro-Geometric vessel, where a warp-weighted loom with spoolshaped weight is depicted.88 At Arslantepe they represent the only consistent category of Early Iron Age weaving tools discovered.89 They are all made with unfired clay, mostly with medium and mixed fabrics. Colours range from dark grey to brown up to pale green tones. The production is in general well-manufactured with even pastes, while no surface treatments are attested (Fig. 12). They are fairly heterogeneous as far as weight, length, find spots and details of their shapes are concerned. Their weight varies between 80 and 210 g, with an average from 160 to 180, while the length is between 4 and 10 cm with a mean at 4.5–4.8. They do not have any hole or perforations, or any specific traits on their surface. Nonetheless, clear traces probably left by the use of a string or yarn are sometimes visible on their surfaces as faint impressions. Typologically, these objects can be classified into three groups. Mostly they are cylindrical with slightly concave sides and flattened ends in an hourglass shape (Fig. 13: 1–6). A second type is represented by cylindrical elongated shapes with rounded and convex ends (Fig. 13: 7–8), while a third group includes smaller short squashed-body examples, with both flatted and convex ends, in a so-called doughnut shape (Fig. 13: 9). It is important to conclude with a few remarks concerning those few clay spools discovered in situ. A group of 10 items has indeed been found as drop-off at the bottom of a large-sized and high-walled vertical profile krater embedded in the floor of the southern room of the “green building” complex (Fig. 14). It is first of all important to note the homogeneity of this group, which consists of spools all realised with pale green medium mixed fabric, mostly including cylindrical slightly concave shapes.90 This finding further confirms the general trend of these objects to be found stored together. 86 87 88 89

Olofsson, Andersson Strand and Nosch 2014: 92–95. See Gleba 2009: 73–74, with related bibliography. Rahmstorf 2005: 156, Pl. 22: 2. From the above-mentioned Early Iron Age I contexts only a couple of conical pierced loom weights and a few amount of bi-conical spindle whorls have been found. 90 Significantly, they are realized with the same clay colour with which the mud bricks of the building itself have been made. The group includes seven cylindrical concave examples, as well as two cylindrical elongated and one squashed specimen.

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5. Drifting Southward? Origin and Development of the Analysed Material Turning now to our primary research questions, it is necessary to incorporate the analysis into a wider geographical and temporal perspective in order to identify aspects of cross-cultural interaction and examine patterns of continuity and change. In this context, one main question needs to be raised first: where did this Early Iron Age material from Arslantepe originate from? Concerning pottery, it is clear that the assemblage shows strong affinities with the Late Bronze Age repertoire attested at the site. Here we find fascinating aspects of continuity of the Hittite tradition into the new era, supporting the renowned historical role that Arslantepe had in the political and cultural formation of the new Early Iron Age powers.91 This evolution is specifically evident when considering the open shapes, where typical Late Bronze Age types show a direct continuity into the new repertoire or traces of slight transformations of their details (Fig. 15).92 Straight-profile flat bowls, as well as deep and large-sized bowls with thickened-in rims, directly develop from typical shapes widespread at Arslantepe during the 13th century BC. Small-size hemispherical bowls with tapering rims belong to an even longer tradition that starts at the site during the 16th century BC. Similarly, miniature saucers are mostly attested at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. This trend is also visible in the closed shapes, although with more variability. Large-size high-walled vertical profile kraters, short-necked and necked pithoi and especially high-necked bottles develop in continuity from similar shapes attested at the site during the Late Bronze Age. On the other hand, evidence of change is well visible in some other types, such as hemispherical bowls with upward rims and deep and large-size bowls with thickened outside rims that do not show any specific association with the Late Bronze Age pottery horizon. The same trend is followed by short-necked kraters and flasks, which are completely missing from the Late Bronze Age pottery assemblage at Arslantepe. In general, the closed shape repertoire undergoes the most notable transformations, suggesting a lack of direct development from the previous pottery horizon (Fig. 16). During the Late Bronze Age, jars were indeed characterised by the prevalence of large-size and high-necked types, while typical Early Iron Age short-necked and handled types were only sporadically attested during the earliest 16th century BC. Concerning the above-mentioned small-size jars and trefoil-mouth jugs, they show a remarkable series of divergent details when compared with some similar shapes attested during the Late Bronze Age. In any case, the most interesting set of 91 Manuelli 2012: 367–372; 2016: 30–32. 92 See Manuelli 2013: 323–346.

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changes occur in the cooking pots repertoire. Despite the fact that the typical Late Bronze Age II cooking pots at the site mostly show simple and globular shapes, they are never associated with bi-conical or squat bodies and they never have small handles directly applied over the rim. Moreover, when necked examples are attested, especially during the earliest Late Bronze Age phases, they are not associated with the short and large necks typical of the Early Iron Age, nor with grooved rims. This new orientation of the Iron Age pottery material is also accompanied by changes in the use of textile tools, since clay spools are very sparsely attested at Arslantepe during the Late Bronze Age.93 Indeed, in this period pierced elliptical and hemispherical loom weight prototypes were normally attested.94 But why and how did these new pottery shapes start to be produced at Arslantepe during the 12th century BC? And which specific association exists with the prevalence of clay spools during the same period? A general look at the material coming from the main sites in central Anatolia, or the region that mostly has influenced Arslantepe during the Late Bronze Age, shows that the Early Iron Age ceramics were generally handmade, decorated with painting or incisions and characterised by intensive surface treatments.95 A review of the rest of the Upper Euphrates region does not produce any concrete results. Material culture from sites lying in the Keban dam area, which is located on the eastern side of the river in the Elaziǧ province, is completely oriented towards the eastern Anatolian world, showing the prominent presence of the so-called handmade Grooved Ware.96 On the other hand, the situation of the sites located on the western bank of the Upper Euphrates, around the Malatya plain, is in contrast totally enigmatic. Here there is no apparent evidence of any Iron Age material prior to the late 9th century BC, when the presence of imported Urartian material or late Grooved Ware assemblages is attested.97 Looking southwards, the situation starts becoming more comprehensible. Interesting information comes primarily from the southern Euphrates region. At 93 Four clay spools have been found from the first round of Late Bronze Age excavations at the site (Laurito 2013: 230). It is important to stress that clay spools occur in all of the Arslantepe periods, although always in very few specimens (Frangipane et al. 2009: 6). 94 Laurito 2013: 226–230. 95 See Genz 2011: 346; Summers 2017: 267–268 with related bibliography. Information concerning weaving tools is as usual less frequent in publications. It is in any case interesting to stress the presence of large assemblages of doughnut-shaped loom weights uncovered from different contexts related to the Destruction Level at Gordion (DeVries 1990: 385–387) and of numerous clay spools coming from the Hittite and post-Hittite levels at Alişar Höyük (von der Osten 1937: 273, 284, fig. 307, 509, Pl. 21:4). 96 For a synthesis, see Bartl 2001 and for more details see Winn 1980 (Korucutepe); Bartl 1988 (Norşuntepe); Sevin 1995: 20–45 (Imikuşaǧı). For problems connected with the appearance and spread of Grooved Ware, see D’Agostino 2012: 218–227; Blaylock 2016: 15–18 with related bibliography. 97 For a synthesis, see Ökse 1988: 180–184, 225–229 and for more detail see Duru 1979: 99–104 (Deǧirmentepe); Bilgi 1991 (Köşkerbaba); Ökse 1992 (Imamoǧlu).

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Tille Höyük, material belonging to the so-called “Burnt Level” and the following earliest Early Iron Age phases, which approximately range from the 12th to the first half of the 10th century BC, offers an essential source for comparisons.98 The overall repertoire of shapes and the high amount of “wheel-made flat bowls realised with fairly crude fabric often finished by scraping the lower part of the vessels” seems to mark an exact correspondence with the Arslantepe material.99 Concerning clay spools, these objects are considered “ubiquitous” in the Iron Age levels at Tille Höyük.100 They have been found in very large quantities, mainly from caches or groups, but usually in deposits considered secondary.101 Not far away from Tille Höyük, but located on the opposite side of the river, the site of Lidar Höyük also offers a remarkable set for comparisons.102 Pottery coming from the earliest Early Iron Age phases, namely the layers 7 to 6e dated to ca. 1200–1000 BC, reveals precise associations with the Arslantepe repertoire.103 Unfortunately, no other materials from these levels have been so far published or discussed, therefore it is not possible to examine the evidence concerning weaving activities at the site. The generalised lack of published material is also a problem for other relevant sites at the Syro-Turkish border. At Karkemiš, excavations in Areas C, G and S have brought some first results concerning the earliest Early Iron Age occupation at the site, with a pottery repertoire that shows interesting similarities with Arslantepe.104 A few kilome98 For dating and discussion, see Summers 2013: 311–314; Blaylock 2016: 6–7, 414–415. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Summers 1993: figs 43: 4, 45: 3; Blaylock 2016: fig. 10: 8–10); Fig. 7 (Summers 1993: fig. 43: 1; Blaylock 2016: figs 11.5: 510, 518, 524); Fig. 8 (Summers 1993: fig. 51: 5; Blaylock 2016: figs 10.6: 36, 11.17: 742); Fig. 9 (Summers 1993: figs 49: 3–4, 52: 2; Blaylock 2016: figs 11.17: 739, 11.34: 1206); Fig. 10 (Summers 1993: figs 49: 5, 52: 1; Blaylock 2016: figs 10.2: 13, 10: 5, 10: 12, 10.6: 40); Fig. 11 (Summers 1993: figs 34: 6, 54: 2; Blaylock 2016: fig. 10.4: 27). 99 Summers 1993: 47–49. For the continuity of this trend into the late 11th and 10th centuries BC at the site, see also Blaylock 2016: 7–8, 64–65. The main problematic issue comparing pottery assemblages at Arslantepe and Tille Höyük is the copious presence at the latter of wheelmade painted vessels (Blaylock 2016: 8–13). 100 Summers 1993: 51. 101 Blaylock 2016: 260. 102 For the sequence and its chronology, see Müller 1999: 403–404, 2003: 138–139. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Müller 1999: Abb. 4: AA01, AA05); Fig. 7 (Müller 1999: Abb. 13: AC01, 7: AB03); Fig. 9 (Müller 1999: Abb. 3: BA01, 4: BA03, 9: BC01, BC04); Fig. 10 (Müller 1999: Abb. 6: DA02, DB06); Fig. 11 (Müller 1999: Abb. 6: CA07). 103 The main problem when comparing the Early Iron Age pottery assemblage at Lidar Höyük with the Arslantepe repertoire is the significant presence of Grooved Ware at the former, which necessarily leads to an association with the eastern Anatolian world and specifically with the Keban region. For a first discussion of the topic, see Müller 2005 and for an up-todate development of the debate, see Blaylock 2016: 19–20. 104 For a synthesis of the sequence and a discussion, see Giacosa and Zaina in press. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Giacosa and Zaina in press. fig. 7: 14); Fig. 7 (Giacosa and Zaina in press. figs 7: 2, 8: 2); Fig. 10 (Giacosa and Zaina in press. fig. 8: 5). The comparison with the Arslantepe repertoire shows that Karkemiš is still deeply linked in its main material culture traits with the Middle and Late Bronze Age tradition of the Middle Euphrates region.

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ters north of Karkemiš, rescue excavations at Şaraga Höyük unearthed a continuous Late Bronze and Early Iron Age sequence with a remarkable set of well-contextualised pottery material that suggests connections with the Arslantepe assemblage.105 A wider set of comparisons can be made when analysing the final Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age material coming from Tell Shiouk Fawqani Period VIII.106 The excavations in Sector E revealed the presence of a possible break during the 13th century BC and a reoccupation at the very beginning of the 12th century BC. Pottery material from the latter is characterised by strong aspects of Late Bronze Age continuity, a total absence of painted pottery and an abundance of flat bowls with “no treatments and rapidly executed with rough paste”.107 Apparently no trace of weaving tools has been brought to light in connection with this phase, but an interesting collection of clay spools was discovered excavating the 8th century BC productive area in Sector G.108 Moving to the inner Syrian region, remarkable comparisons can be found at Tell Afis. This is specifically evident when taking into account assemblages belonging to the final Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, corresponding to phases Vb to IVa, ca. 1250–1050 BC.109 A large amount of clay spools have been found in almost all the excavated Iron Age domestic structures. Their abundance and context within the continuous sequence at the site allow us to fix a fairly certain chronological position and typological evolution over time.110 In general, pottery material belonging to the repertoire of the main excavation sites of the northern Levant region revealed suitable comparisons with the Arslantepe assemblage.111 Interesting comparisons can be made with the Early Iron Age 105 For the sequence and its chronology, see Sertok, Kulakoǧlu and Squadrone 2011: 232–238. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 8 (Sertok, Kulakoǧlu and Squadrone 2004: res. 1: a); Fig. 9 (Sertok, Kulakoǧlu and Squadrone 2004: res. 1: f); Fig. 10 (Sertok, Kulakoǧlu and Squadrone 2004: res. 1: e). 106 For a synthesis of the sequence and its chronology, see Makinson 2005: 454–455. 107 Capet 2005: 395. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Capet 2005: Pl. 12: 25); Fig. 7 (Bachelot 2005: Pl. 3: 19; Capet 2005: Pl. 11: 24); Fig. 9 (Bachelot 2005: Pls 11: 87, 13: 98); Fig. 10 (Capet 2005: Pl. 11: 15). When comparing the pottery assemblages at the two sites, the most contrasting characteristic is the abundant presence of Middle Assyrian types at Tell Shiouk Fawqani. 108 Luciani 2005: 928–930. 109 For sequence and chronology at the site, see Venturi 2007: 297–301; 2013a: 228–236. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Venturi 2007: figs 48: 1, 4, 66: 2); Fig. 7 (Venturi 2007: figs 48: 11, 66: 6, 9); Fig. 8 (Venturi 2007: figs 49: 2, 8, 11, 54: 5, 60: 9); Fig. 9 (Venturi 2007: figs 62: 3, 7, 66: 6, 8, 11, 72: 5, 8–9, 76: 4); Fig. 10 (Venturi 2007: figs 54: 9 –10, 56: 12, 61: 2); Fig. 11 (Venturi 2007: figs 52: 7, 11, 68: 7). The comparison between the pottery assemblages at the two sites reveals that the main difference is represented by the presence at Tell Afis of Aegean-inspired Mycenaean IIIC and local monochrome painted pottery. This discrepancy also occurs when comparing Arslantepe with the other main sites of the Levantine region (Venturi 2013b: 125–132). 110 Cecchini 2000; 2011. 111 Leaving aside Late Helladic IIIC and Aegean potteries, which, as mentioned, are completely

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Phase 6–3, ca. 1200–1000 BC, at Tell Tayinat.112 What is remarkable here is the presence of plates and shallow bowls that “in the earlier phases have rounded bases which were left mostly untreated, to the point that wheel marks or scraping marks towards the lower half of the body on the outside are visible”.113 Also noteworthy is the high number of clay spool loom weights, occurring in a wide variety of sizes and a range of lengths and weights.114 Further associations can be traced with material coming from Kinet Höyük Periods 13.2 and 12, Ain Dara transitional Level 6–5 and Chatal Höyük Phase N.115 Moreover, at Ain Dara excavations have discovered clay spools in essentially all the Iron Age levels.116 Further correlations are also noticeable moving southwards, with material brought to light at Hama, in the Early Iron Age Phases F1 and F2 as well as in the necropolis Phases I–II.117 At Hama as well the presence of clay spool loom weights seems to be ubiquitous during all the Iron Age sequences.118 A final specific remark needs to be made concerning comparisons with material brought to light along the costal Syrian region. At Tell Kazel, precise correspondences with the Arslantepe repertoire appear with cooking pots of the final Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, underlining fascinating aspects of long-distance cultural contact at the beginning of the 12th century BC.119

6. Continuity vs. Change. Some Broader Considerations on the Cultural Processes of the Syro-Anatolian Region during the 12th Century BC Arslantepe is an excellent case for analysing and understanding processes of material culture continuity, transformation and change. Its geographical location, at the margins of the main political centres of Mesopotamia and Anatolia, often famissing at Arslantepe. 112 For a synthesis of the sequence and its chronology, see Harrison 2013: 64–69. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 6 (Ünlü 2017: fig. 5: 1); Fig. 9 (Harrison 2010: fig. 6: 7, 9, 11; Ünlü 2017: fig. 9: 4). 113 Ünlü 2017: 606. 114 Janeway 2008: 138–139; Harrison 2013: 70–71. 115 For sequences and chronologies, see Stone and Zimansky 1999 (Ain Dara); Gates 2013: 103– 107; Lehmann 2017 (Kinet Höyük); Pucci 2013 (Chatal Höyük). Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 8 (Lehmann 2017: fig. 3: 1); Fig 9 (Stone and Zimansky 1999: fig. 27: 4, 19; Gates 2013: fig. 7: 10; Pucci 2013: fig. 6: 12). 116 Stone and Zimansky 1999: 76, 88, fig. 92. In the same context, another interesting discovery from northern Levant comes from Taşlı Geçit Höyük, where a set of clay spool loom weights has been found during the excavation of the Iron Age III residential quarters, see Marchetti 2012: 533, fig. 12. 117 For sequences and chronology at the site, see Riis 1948: 202; Fugmann 1958: 278; Riis and Buhl 1990: 18. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 7 (Riis 1948: fig. 97; Riis and Buhl 1990: fig. 78: 578); Fig. 8 (Riis 1948: fig. 56); Fig. 9 (Ibidem: fig. 60); Fig. 10 (Ibidem: fig. 66). 118 See Fugmann 1958: 150, 246–254, fig. 325; Riis and Buhl 1990: 209, fig. 96. 119 See Badre 2011. Specific comparisons can be noticed: Fig. 9 (Badre 2011: fig. 6d–e). See also Spagnoli 2010: Pls 3: 21, 23, 45: 503–504.

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cilitated the introduction of external influences that played a crucial role for the evolution and modification of its cultural habits. On the other hand, the presence of an uninterrupted sequence of occupation created a perfect scenario to reveal mechanisms of stability and preservation of local behaviours over time. In the specific case of the Late Bronze–Iron Age transition, the picture is enriched by the presence of remarkable written sources, testifying to the strong aspects of continuity of Hittite political and ideological systems at this site during the 12th and 11th century BC. Only in recent years has the gap between the historical and archaeological record started to be concretely filled. In this framework, continuity in the means of production and forms of representation of power has been underlined and interpreted as an attempt by the new Iron Age society to preserve a cultural memory of the past.120 The analysis offered here has enhanced this picture, showing the complexities of linearly defining processes of continuity, transformation and change. Indeed, cultural processes, as part of human developmental activities, are induced by a broad combination of factors and models that often makes it difficult to consistently understand their results or reasons.121 From this analysis it appears that “continuity” is concretely stimulated by the wish to perpetuate some specific local aspects of the production, while “change” seems to be always and inevitably induced by external actions and influences.122 “Transformation” is of course the most challenging trait to trace, which here appears caused by both endemic and exogenous factors. Straight-profile flat bowls probably show this difficulty more than any others, demonstrating how trajectories of evolution and modification often converge. The type is clearly widespread during the Late Bronze Age II, and its quantitative increase at the beginning of the Early Iron Age is of course interpreted as an evident feature of cultural continuity. Alongside this morphological persistence, some important technical transformations occur. The adoption of new practices to manufacture at least part of this shape reflects a local necessity to produce a high number of specimens. But things change when we take into account a wider geographical scenario and consider the generalized high quantity of mass-produced flat bowls and incidence of associated scraping marks in the examined sites. Are we witnessing local processes of transformation or a deeper change that reflects important economic reasons involving a great share of the new Syro-Anatolian societies? In general, the trend underlined by flat bowls, where elements of continuity with the previous tradition are supported by simultaneous transformations induced by both internal development and external influences, is roughly visible for 120 Manuelli 2016: 31–32; Manuelli and Mori 2016: 229–234. 121 See Eerkens and Lipo 2007: 253–263. 122 For an analysis about the possible reasons for cultural change, see Gramsch 2015: 344–345.

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every vessel category taken into account. A clear exception are the cooking pots, which concretely suggest a change, showing a complete new set of inter-cultural connections. Small- and large-size neckless or short-necked cooking pots with squat bodies, pointed or grooved rims and small handles attached to the rims are typical shapes of the Syro-Palestinian region during the 13th and the 12th century BC.123 Besides cooking pots, the widespread change of textile tools is remarkable as well. Similarly, clay spool loom weights are spread throughout the whole eastern Mediterranean since the late 13th century BC.124 The adoption of a new set of cooking pots and textile objects at Arslantepe during the 12th century BC might indicate some deep change in food preparation and weaving techniques. Besides stressing important connections with the Levantine cultural sphere, this concerns household activities as well as behavioural patterns linked with the mechanisms and means of domestic production.125 In conclusion, the preliminary analysis of this material shows that, within a general trend of continuity, Arslantepe might have also been influenced by the prevalent changes that characterised the eastern Mediterranean world at the beginning of the 12th century BC. When taking into consideration the political continuity affecting the site, as seen in the Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions attesting to the presence of local kings claiming a lineage with the Late Bronze Age Hittite royalty, it seems clear that the events that put an end to the early states of the Late Bronze Age and reconfigured the political situation of the Syro-Anatolian world only marginally reached Arslantepe and its environment. Nonetheless, its seems that the destruction of Late Bronze Age citadel at the end of the 13th century BC might have been a widespread and catastrophic event for the site. Despite the fact it did not produce any specific break in the settlement sequence, it marked the interruption of the relationships with the central Anatolian world, allowing local transformations and the emergence of new extra-regional contacts, as well as the arrival of a new set of pottery shapes and textile objects foreign to the previous tradition. The improvement of the research at the site will enable a better understanding of the elements of continuity of the Late Bronze Age tradition as well as of their slow transformation over time. It might also allow the comprehension of the deep changes stemming from the introduction of new foreign features during the crucial last centuries of the 2nd millennium BC.

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Yener, K.A. (ed.) 2013 Across the Border: Late Bronze–Iron Age Relations between Syria and Anatolia. Proceedings of a Symposium held at the Research Center of Anatolian Studies, Koç University, Istanbul, May 31–June 1 2010 (ANES Suppl. Series 42), Leuven – Paris – Walpole.

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Fig. 1. Map of Anatolia and northern Syria with the main sites quoted in the text (courtesy of Free Maps).

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Fig. 2. Synchronic table with the final Late Bronze Age and Iron Age periodization of the main upper Euphrates and northern Syrian sites (based on van Loon 1980; Riis and Buhl 1990; Müller 1999; Makinson 2005; Venturi 2007; Blaylock 2016; Giacosa and Zaina in press).

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Fig. 3. Arslantepe, plan of the mud brick fortification wall, ca. end-12th and 11th century BC (by G. Liberotti, © MAIAO).

Fig. 4. Arslantepe, plan of the “green building” structures, ca. 12th century BC (by G. Liberotti, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 5. Arslantepe, calibrated radiocarbon dating of the fortification wall destruction and subsequent level.

Fig. 6. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age straight-profile flat bowls (drawings by A. Siracusano, photos by R. Ceccacci, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 7. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age small and large hemispherical bowls (1–7), miniature saucers (8–13) and large and deep bowls (14–18) (drawings by A. Siracusano, © MAIAO).

Fig. 8. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age kraters (drawings by A. Siracusano, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 9. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age cooking pots (drawings by A. Siracusano, photo by R. Ceccacci, © MAIAO).

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181 Fig. 10. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age jugs (1–5), small (6–7) and large-size jars (8–12) (drawings by A. Siracusano, photo by R. Ceccacci, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 11. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age bottles (1–6), flasks (7–8) and pithoi (9–14) (drawings by A. Siracusano, photo by F. Manuelli, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 12. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age unbaked clay spool-shaped objects (photo by R. Ceccacci, ©MAIAO).

Fig. 13. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age clay spools: cylindrical concave sides (1–5), cylindrical elongated (7–8) and short squashed (9) (drawings by A. Siracusano, © MAIAO).

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F. Manuelli

Fig. 14. Arslantepe, Early Iron Age krater in situ with a set of clay spools inside it (photo by R. Ceccacci, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 15. Arslantepe, continuity and transformation of flat, hemispherical and large bowls, saucers, high-wall kraters, bottles and short-necked pithoi from Late Bronze to Iron Age (drawings by A. Siracusano, © MAIAO).

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Fig. 16. Arslantepe, transformation and change in jugs, jars, small and large cooking pots, neckless pithoi and textile tools from Late Bronze to Iron Age (drawings by A. Siracusano, © MAIAO).

186 F. Manuelli

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M.G. AMADASI GUZZO1 AND J.Á. ZAMORA2 Sapienza Università di Roma, Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología en Roma, CSIC

1

2

The Phoenician Marzeaḥ – New Evidence from Cyprus in the 4th Century BC

It is generally understood that the word mrzḥ, appearing in documents from the whole North-West Semitic area and dating from the Bronze Age until as late as the 6th century CE, denotes a feast and/or a group (often considered to be an institution) meeting on specific occasions celebrated with a feast (with possible cultic and even funeral nature). However, the word and its actual and specific uses during such a long span of time over such a wide region (certainly implying diverse historical developments in different cultural areas) are still not clearly understood. The aims of the present study are to review the existing evidence and to present a newly discovered Phoenician document from the ancient city of Idalion (Cyprus) dating to the late Persian or early Hellenistic period in order to contribute to a better knowledge of the meaning and uses of the word and of their historical variation.

1. The marzeaḥ in North-West Semitic The feast and association called marzeaḥ1 (according to the Hebrew vocalisation), is known by this name in two passages of the Hebrew Bible; over time its presence was also detected in documents dating from the Bronze Age (at Ebla, Emar and, especially, Ugarit) until as late as the first centuries CE (in Nabataean and Palmyrene inscriptions and in rabbinic literature), with several occurrences in the I millennium BCE (when it appears in Phoenician inscriptions); we even know of references to this term in the 6th century CE.2 The marzeaḥ had always attracted interest from biblical and Hebrew scholars, but with the discovery of the Bronze Age occurrences (most of them undeniably instances of the term, but often in obscure or ambiguous contexts) such studies have increased and expanded,3 continuing to make the marzeaḥ an attractive subject of research.4 However, the word and its uses during such a long span of time over such a wide 1

It is generally understood that this word defines a group meeting on specific occasions that are celebrated with a feast, as well as the feast itself. However, its etymology is not clear (cf. most the recent discussion by Del Olmo 2015: 223–224) and the specific meaning and uses of the word in time and space are still discussed. 2 A “house of the marzeaḥ” appears written in Greek letters on a mosaic from Madaba, associated with a feast called Maioumas, see for instance Schorch 2003 and fn. 6 below. For the documentation concerning the marzeaḥ, see for example Miralles 2007. 3 See for example Eissfeldt 1969; Greenfield 1974; Bryan 1979; Fabry 1986; McLaughlin 2001; Schorch 2003 and Miralles 2007, with additional references. 4 Cf. recently for example Criscuolo 2012 (with an anthropologic and sociologic approach) or Dvorjetski 2016. For Greece and the West, cf. Nijboer 2013 and Baslez 2001; 2013.

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018), pp. 187–214

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region (certainly implying diverse historical developments in different cultural areas)5 are still not clearly understood. The present study aims to contribute to the knowledge of the marzeaḥ by presenting a newly discovered Phoenician document from Cyprus, dating to the late Persian or early Hellenistic period (a text from the archives of the ancient city of Idalion) after a brief review of the existing evidence.6

1.1. Hebrew Bible and Related Studies The first discussions about the meaning and nature of the marzeaḥ derive from the biblical passages Amos 6:7 and Jer. 16:5. The Amos passage (Samaria) refers to a banquet on ivory beds, with the consumption of meat, the drinking of wine from specific bowls, and the playing of music.7 The passage in Jer. 16:5 (Judah) cites a byt mrzḥ (translated θίασον in the LXX),8 in parallel to a byt mšth, “the house of drinking”, in connection with mourning for the dead.9 Mainly with the support of Amos 6:7, but also of Jer. 16:5, allusions to the marzeaḥ have been detected in several other biblical passages, where this term is not present.10 Furthermore, iconographic representations have been linked to a marzeaḥ banquet, architectural structures have been identified as possible examples of the b(y)t mrzḥ, and it has also been proposed that some types of drinking vessels attested archaeologically were used during the marzeaḥ feast.11

1.2. The Bronze Age: Ebla, Emar, Ugarit 1.2.1. Ebla The reading of the term marzeaḥ has been proposed in several Eblaite texts (second half of the 3rd millennium). It seems to be connected with the king, because in some examples the feast is called “the marzeaḥ of the king” and because all the texts come 5

Although this circumstance is often noted (cf. recently Na’aman 2015) and even taken to its extremes (cf. Pardee 1996) the scarcity of evidence on the marzeaḥ frequently forces scholars to combine all the available information, irrespective of its historical and cultural milieu, into a single (re)construction as a unique and unchanging institution. Cf. the remarks in Zamora 2009. 6 The rabbinic attestations and the Maioumas question (cf. especially McLaughling 2001: 61–64; Miralles 2007: 244–262, with bibliography) will not be treated in the present analysis, which focuses on inscriptions. The biblical passages concerning the marzeaḥ will be cited because they are the first known and the only literary evidence. 7 Cf. particularly McLaughlin 2001: 80–109 (and bibliography); Greer 2007; Miralles 2007: 24– 39; Na’aman 2015: 220. 8 The Greek version of Amos is different; cf. Miralles 2007: 37. 9 Cf. McLaughlin 2001: esp. 195; Miralles 2007: esp. 47–48. For the biblical passages and their exegesis, see for example Maier and Dörrfuss 1999 and especially Ravasco 2006; in connection with Ugarit, see for example Loretz 1982; 1993. 10 McLaughlin 2001: 80–212; Miralles 2007: 89–153; Na’aman 2015: 221–222. 11 Cf. for example King 1989; Greer 2007; 2010.

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from the palace archive. In TM.75.G.1372 (MEE II 46)12 the term mar-za-u9 seems to refer to a festive event (as the document records a series of multicoloured kilts for dancers, delivered “on the occasion of the marzeaḥ”). In TM.75.G.1389, once again multicoloured kilts are given to dancers “for the marzeaḥ of the king” and a man is mentioned acting as ugula mar-za-u9, “superintendent of the marzeaḥ”; we see him again in TM.75.G.1443 (= ARET I 3 [74”]) receiving several garments.13 TM.75.G.2622 registers silver paid for a calf intended for the marzeaḥ of the king (and silver registered in TM.75.G.2508 may have had the same purpose) probably indicating some conviviality. More silver is registered for a marzeaḥ of the king, with no further explanation, in TM.75.G.2462. An offering list, TM.75.G.1782 (= ARET II 5 [39–41]), registers sheep, silver and goat-kids for a marzeaḥ of the king, performed “at the palace”; another sheep is allocated for “the marzeaḥ of the king (as) an offering” in TM.75.G.2398. Considering the small number of animals mentioned, it has been proposed that the marzeaḥ involved a restricted group of participants.14 TM.75.G.10139 registers the work of a smith, connected with the marzeaḥ in some way (involved in the preparations of the feast?). The texts are dated to different months.15 Therefore, in Ebla, the marzeaḥ appears to be an event of a festive and convivial nature (possibly sacrificial?), led by a recognised chief and involving a small group of people; it included various kinds of activity; it was connected – at least in some cases – with the king and the palace. It took place in a specific span of time, several times a year.16 Perhaps there was also an association comprising the people participating in the feast; however, the name marzeaḥ seems to be restricted to the actual feast itself.17

1.2.2. Emar In Emar (in documents from the 2nd half of the second millennium) a “month of the marzeaḥ” (mar-za-ḫa-ni) is cited in a ritual calendar (446)18 and perhaps in another text (467).19 In that calendar there is also a mention of the “men of the marzeaḥ” (LÚ.MEŠ mar-za-ḫu), who, according to Fleming, bring bread to the gods. Thus, a specific time of year (the second month of the calendar, according to Fleming) was specifically linked with the feast (in contrast with the texts on the marzeaḥ from 12 For the interpretation of this and the following texts see Archi 2005. 13 He probably acted as the overseer of the marzeaḥ of the king for several years, see Archi 2005: 41. 14 Milano and Tonietti 2012: 50. Archi (2005: 41) notes that the documents “do not mention people admitted to the ceremony”. 15 See Archi 2005: 41. 16 Archi 2005; Milano and Tonietti 2012: 49–51; Criscuolo 2012: 316–318 (citing the texts TM.75.G.1372 and TM.75.G.1443.XI.1–3). 17 Milano and Tonietti 2012: 50; Na’aman 2015. 18 Arnaud 1986: 422–424; Fleming 1992: 269–270; 2000: 165–167 (on the month Marzaḥāni); McLaughlin 2001: 33–34; Miralles 2007: 55–56; Criscuolo 2012: 320. 19 Fleming (2000: 165) supposes that the feast could occur once a year.

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Ebla). Moreover, several individuals participating in cultic activities are identified as “men of the marzeaḥ”, indicating at least that the participants in the feast formed a group and possibly a recognised association (although not clearly given the name marzeaḥ).

1.2.3. Ugarit In Ugarit (second half of the 2nd millennium) the marzeaḥ (and several related words) appears in both Ugaritic (as mrzḥ)20 and Akkadian texts (as ma-ar-zi-ḫi or mar-za/ze/zi-i).21 The Ugaritic administrative text KTU 4.399, a fragmentary document dealing with various fields, includes the expression bn mrzḥ, which has been explained either as a reference to the members of the association or as a personal name. In KTU 4.642 the marzeaḥ is named after a deity (Anat, appearing at least five times) also in connection with fields (šd krm, “vineyards”) in a formula that shows the possible use of the term marzeaḥ for a group or association. A legal document, KTU 3.9, deals with a marzeaḥ established by an individual (who is later called rb, “chief”, the person in charge) in his house; it seems to rent a room (called ibsn) to the participants in the feast or to the members of the group (cited in the legal formula as mt mrzḥ, “man of the marzeaḥ”). The owner of the house is required to pay 50 shekels if he breaks the agreement established with the group; individual members, probably having paid for the house/room, cannot ask for their money back (probably meaning that they have to pay a fee/fine if they quit the marzeaḥ). On the other hand, the mythological text KTU 1.114 describes Ilu as inviting the gods to a banquet, in which he drinks until he falls drunk, mentioning the god as “seated at his mrzḥ” (ỉl yṯb b mrzḥh). Therefore, in this passage, the marzeaḥ must refer to the banquet itself or to the place where the banquet was held. The references in this text to the dead and to the netherworld and its relationship with other Ugaritic documents with funeral undertones22 have led scholars to propose the existence of a link between the Ugaritic marzeaḥ and the cult of the dead.23 The expression LÚ.MEŠ ma-ar-zi-ḫi / mar-za/ze/zi-ii “the men of the marzeaḥ” (probably corresponding to mt mrzḥ in the alphabetic texts) occurs four times in the syllabic texts. In RS 14.16 the men of the marzeaḥ are listed in connection with silver, and in the royal legal document RS 15.88, a house is granted to them and their sons. In RS 15.70, also a royal legal text, a house (identified as “the house of the marzeaḥ 20 The title of Ilu, mrzʿy (in KTU 1.21 II 1, 5), has been also interpreted as a cultic or divine title referring to the marzeaḥ. For all the Ugaritic alphabetic attestations, see for example Del Olmo and Samartín 2015: 574 (with related bibliography). 21 For the syllabic documents, see Huehnergard 1987: 178; Van Soldt 1991: 305. 22 And with Jer. 16:5. For the relationships between the Ugaritic and biblical texts, see for example Loretz 1982; 1993. 23 Pope 1972; 1979–80; 1981; see also Xella 1977. Differently, Pardee 1996; Alavoine 2000. See the discussion in Zamora 2006 (especially 14–16, with bibliography).

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of Shatrana”, a divine name) is taken over from the men of the marzeaḥ, and another house (again for them and their sons) is received. In RS 18.01, apparently the resolution of a border dispute, certain vineyards (labelled “of Ishtar Ḫurri”) are divided between the men of the marzeaḥ belonging to two different villages. Therefore, in Ugarit the marzeaḥ was a convivial feast (and, probably by metonymy, the place where the feast was held).24 Its participants formed a group of people (identified by the expression “men of the marzeaḥ” and possibly by the noun marzeaḥ itself), an association that was recognised legally and administratively. The association could rent or own properties and transmit them to heirs (suggesting that the membership of the group was also hereditary, even if it is not possible to ascertain it). There were rules for leaving the association (entailing the payment of a fee) and probably for organizing it, considering that there were “chiefs”. The marzeaḥ is also clearly linked to a divinity, whose name is used to identify it and the properties it owns. Some of these are vineyards, suggesting a link with the consumption of wine. There was more than one marzeaḥ, even in adjacent towns; place names were also used to identify them.

1.3. From the Iron Age to the Roman Period: Canaanite and Aramaic Documents 1.3.1. Moab In the epigraphic corpus of the first millennium BCE, the term mrzḥ appears in an inscription painted in ink on a papyrus, called the “Marzeaḥ papyrus”, classified as Moabite, and dated to the beginning of the 6th century BCE. In this document, a “marzeaḥ” is cited as part of a legacy, together with millstones and a house (perhaps the place where the feast was held). However, the document (which came from the antiquities market and was never examined in detail) is probably a forgery, considering the shape of some of the letters, the use of some words, and the type of personal names present.25

1.3.2. Elephantine In the 5th century BCE, the word mrzḥ᾿ is attested in standard Aramaic on one document from Elephantine,26 mentioning a certain amount of “money of the marzeaḥ” 24 There have been some attempts to locate the marzeaḥ archaeologically, see Yon 1996; McGeough 2003. 25 Bordreuil and Pardee 1990, with doubts about its authenticity; Cross 1996; Bordreuil and Pardee, 2001, asserting its authenticity; doubts raised by Lemaire 1997: 181, fn. 22. Cf. McLaughlin 2001: 35–36; Miralles 2007: 159–161; reasons for the doubts concerning authenticity are put forward by Na’aman 2015: 220, fn. 9. 26 Sayce 1909; Lidzbarski 1915; Porten 1968 (funerary interpretation); Grelot 1972: 371–373, no. 92; McLaughlin 2001: 36–37; Miralles 2007: 161–162.

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(lines 2–3, ksp mrzḥ᾿). Between the 1st and the 3rd centuries BCE, the marzeaḥ is mentioned in several Nabataean inscriptions and in a group of Palmyrene documents (inscriptions and tesserae).27

1.3.3. Nabataean kingdom As for the Nabataean kingdom,28 an inscription found in Petra, near ed-Deyr,29 records an individual and “his companions”, referred as “the marzeaḥ of Obodas, the God” (possibly king Obodas I, beginning of the 1st century BCE).30 Also from Petra, a fragment of an inscribed marble slab, from the Chapel of Obodas in en-Numeyr, mentions a marzeaḥ in a broken context.31 Finally, a rb mrzḥ’ is mentioned in a graffito from Beiḍa (near Petra).32 Mentions of the marzeaḥ come from votive texts of Avdat, in connection with a word of uncertain meaning (mdd/r’?33) and with the possible presence of a rb mrzḥ’, “the chief/leader of the marzeaḥ”.34 In most of these examples, “companions”35 of the donor are mentioned. A better-preserved text mentions an offering naming the bny mrzḥ’, “members of the marzeaḥ”; later it is called the mrzḥ dwšr’ ’lh g’y’, “the marzeaḥ of Dushara the god of Gaya”.36 Finally, an inscription found in Wādī Mūsā (possibly the site of ancient Gaya) records a rb mrzḥ’ dy bg’[y’], “chief/head of the marzeaḥ who/which is in Gaya”,37 perhaps a marzeaḥ connected with Dushara, as in the case of the Avdat inscription. Therefore, in Nabataean, the marzeaḥ is found in votive contexts as linked to 27 For the marzeaḥ both in the Nabataean kingdom and in Palmyra, and its connection with architectural structures (and religious and identity’s aspects) see Contini 2012: 336–341. 28 On the marzeaḥ cf. in particular Healey 2001: 165–169. More recently, on Nabataean symposia, banquets, and (related) offerings, cf. Durand 2017; Monchot 2017; Renel and Monchot 2017 (with bibliography). For funerary meals as linked with the marzeaḥ, but not epigraphically demonstrated, cf. Sachet 2010. 29 RES 1423, McLaughlin 2001: 45; Miralles 2007: 168–169 (not RES 1432). It records “Obaydū … and his companions, the mrzḥ of Obodas”. Cf. particularly Nehmé 2012: 191, fig. 4. She notes: “Le texte mentionne en effet les membres d’une confrérie religieuse qui se réunissait, très probablement sur le plateau du Dayr, en l’honneur du dieu Obodas. Plusieurs chambres rupestres, dans les parages de l’inscription, pouvaient servir de lieu de réunion à ce thiase, et nous ne disposons pas d’arguments décisifs pour affirmer qu’il s’agissait du Dayr lui-même”. 30 Cf. Nehmé 2012, presenting all the proposals made for the identification of a god Obodas. 31 Tholbecq and Durand 2005: 303; Nehmé 2012: 213, fig. 8. 32 Dvorjetski 2016: 28 (it is not CIS II 476 as cited there, fn. 42). 33 DNWSI: 599, s.v. mdr2, with references. 34 Texts edited by Negev 1961 and 1963; see McLaughlin 2001: 45–48 and Miralles 2007: 169–171, with previous bibliography. Readings have been discussed, see Naveh 1967; also DNWSI, 692 s.v. mrzḥ. 35 Attested forms in DNWSI: 346, s.v. ḥbr2. 36 Here the word ḥbrwhy, “his companions” is restored. Negev 1963: 113–117 (reading corrected by Starcky 1966: 919, 1014 and Naveh 1967: 188); McLaughlin 2001: 45–46. 37 al-Salameen and Falahat 2012: 43–45. The inscription was found “within a collapsing room of the traditional village of Banī ‘Aṭā, located in the southern part of Wādī Mūsā” (Ibidem: 39).

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different gods (Dushara and Obodas “the God”) and to specific places. A group of persons, sometimes referred to as bny mrzḥ’ and called the “companions, colleagues” of a donor, with a chief or superintendent (rb mrzḥ’) also occurs. Here the noun marzeaḥ sometimes refers directly to an association, but perhaps in other cases it also denotes a feast. It has been reconstructed how the members of the marzeaḥ gathered in some of the chambers discovered in great number mainly in Petra. However, the differences between the marzeaḥ feast and other kinds of banquet (e.g. corresponding to the noun smk’) are not clear. Again, the connection of this marzeaḥ with mourning for the dead, while assumed, has not been demonstrated.38

1.3.4. Palmyra Palmyrene documents (comprising both inscriptions and tesserae) exhibit the same expressions related to the marzeaḥ as the Nabataean texts. Of particular interest is the presence in Aramaic-Greek bilinguals of the abstract noun mrzḥw (constr. mrzḥwt) denoting the office of the marzeaḥ.39 Furthermore, the tesserae not only mention this association/feast but also have images. All these texts are all transcribed in PAT, with bibliography. The monumental inscriptions date between about the end of the 1st century BCE and the 3rd century CE. The most ancient text, PAT 0991,40 is considered to be a sort of “law” concerning a marzeaḥ connected with Bel. PAT 0326, dating to 34 CE, refers to the “members of the marzeaḥ” (bny mrzḥ’), here dedicating an altar to the gods ‘Aglibol and Malakbel, perhaps the gods presiding over the marzeaḥ in question. Later, a group of texts (PAT 0265, 117 CE; PAT 1357, 193 CE; PAT 0316, 203 CE; PAT 2743, 243 CE; PAT 1358, 272 CE;41 PAT 2812, 273 CE42) have the expression brbnwt mrzḥwt’/h, “during the/his leadership of the marzeaḥ office” of PN, serving as a chronological indication. Of these texts, PAT 1357 and PAT 0316 are bilingual and give the Greek equivalent of the Palmyrene office: in PAT 1357 (a very damaged text) mrzḥwth dy b [ … ]h byrḥ etc. (reading by J. Cantineau43) “his marzeaḥ office of … in the month …”, corresponds to ἀρχιερεὺς κ[αὶ / σ]υμποσιάρχ[ης ἱερέων] μεγίστου θεοῦ / Διὸς βήλ[ου in the Greek text.44 From the Greek version 38 39 40 41 42 43

Healey 2001: 166. Cf. also Nehmé 1997. Cf. DNWSI: 692, s.v. mrzḥw. See Teixidor 1981 (who dated the text to the end of the 1st century BCE). Milik 1972: 270, no. 33. Milik 1972: 271. Cantineau 1931: 119–120, “Grande inscription bilingue gravée à une certaine hauteur sur la façade Est des propylées du Temple de Bel à droite de la porte”. 44 On the Greek base, the Aramaic text has been restored by J. Milik (1972: 254, no. 28) as bmrzḥwth dy km[ry’ dy bl ’lh]h byrḥ, etc. which should be translated “during his marzeaḥ office of the priests of Bel his god, in the month …” Later, this reading has been accepted by

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it is thus possible to equate the marzeaḥ with the Greek symposion, which seems to refer more to a feast than to an association. At least in some cases, the chief of the marzeaḥ was a high priest. In PAT 0316,45 (ten years after the preceding inscription) the dating formula is brbnwt mrzḥwt šlm’ br mlkw etc., “during the leadership of the marzeaḥ office of Shalma’ son of Maliku”.46 Again, the chief of the marzeaḥ is called ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ συ[μποσιά]ρχος ἱερέων μεγίστου θεοῦ Διὸς βήλ[ου … in Greek. Both bilingual texts show that the titles in Palmyrene and Greek are not entirely equivalent. Probably, as has already been concluded, the office of rb mrzḥ’ corresponded to Greek symposiarchos and not necessarily to archiereus. On the other hand, both offices were often held by the same person. The link between the marzeaḥ and the priesthood is reflected in the expression already cited: “the leadership of the marzeaḥ office of the priests of Bel”. This link is not however obligatory, as is shown by other examples attributing the office of chief of the marzeaḥ to persons who do not have the title of priest (PAT 1358 and 2812). The inscriptions and the representations on the tesserae confirm that the chief of the marzeaḥ was, however, usually a priest: PAT 2033 (R 27), 2036 (R 30), 2037 (R 31), 2038 (R 32), 2039 (R 33), 2041 (R 35) all these texts mention a rb mrzḥ’ in association with representations of priests and/or of a priest banqueting.47 Moreover, on PAT 2807 (Dunant 1959: no. 12) there is the unclear expression mrzḥ b‘ltk wtymw ywm 5, which shows that the feast lasted at least five days.48 Some kraters, found in various sites of the Palmyrene region, some inscribed, have been connected with the marzeaḥ celebration, with the proposal that they contained the wine drunk during the banquet.49 To conclude, the Palmyrene information concerning the marzeaḥ presents it as an officially recognised association and celebration. The text from Palmyra shows that there was more than one marzeaḥ in the city, the most cited one linked to Bel. These texts link the marzeaḥ closely with an elite and a class of priests. 50 The

45 46

47

48 49 50

scholars, but with the correction of kmry’ to kmr’, “of the priest”; see PAT 1357, McLaughlin 2001: 54, Miralles 2007: 173 (perhaps a mistake). Milik 1972: 255, no. 29; McLaughlin 2001: 55; Miralles 2007: 174. Probably the same individual as in the tessera R 821, as noted already in R 203 and Milik 1972: 254. The Palmyrene inscription is preceded by a long Greek text, dating to the time of Septimius Severus, with the names of his sons Geta and Caracalla and that of Julia Domna. The name of Geta has been erased, cf. RES 2152. PAT 2040 (R 34) has on the obverse brbnwt mrzḥ’ followed by the name Shalman, already known from PAT 2037 to be chief of the marzeaḥ and a priest. On PAT 2040 he is represented as standing up and on PAT 2037 as lying down. Differently, in PAT 2279 (R 301), a text that is difficult to read, although it is possible to identify on the reverse the expression bny mrzḥ’ and on the obverse the representation of a naked deity (identified as Apollon-Nebo). It is a matter of dispute as to whether b‘ltk and tymw are the names of two deities or of a goddess and an individual, cf. McLaughlin 2001: 49, no. 164. On b‘ltk, cf. DNWSI, s.v. b‘l2, where it is explained as “probably” the noun “mistress, lady” + the suffix of the 2nd pers. sing. Cf. especially Briquel-Chatonnet 1995 (and bibliography). Cf. Tarrier 1995 and Contini 2012: 336–338, stressing the differences between the Palmyrene

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bilinguals equate the marzeaḥ with the Greek symposion, showing perhaps some relationship between two socio-cultural backgrounds in the late-Hellenistic/Roman period, as is also apparent from the representations on the tesserae, where the priests are dressed according to Greek fashion.51 The official character of the Palmyrene marzeaḥ is also evident from the fact that the office of chief of the marzeaḥ was used, in particular, as a chronological indication. However, it is not possible to determine for how long the office of “chief of the marzeaḥ” lasted (one year?). As for the festivity, each celebration could last at least five days (PAT 2807), though it is not clear whether the members of the marzeaḥ gathered only once a year or on several occasions. The marzeaḥ is documented in Palmyra until the third quarter of the 3rd century BCE.

2. The marzeaḥ in Phoenician So far, there have been only three occurrences of the marzeaḥ (mrzḥ) in Phoenician territories (east and west). However, the presence of the marzeaḥ and its probable public character and widespread diffusion in the Phoenician world had already been demonstrated by the use of a personal name Mrzḥy, derived from the noun mrzḥ (with an adjectival ending). The discovery of a new document from the administrative archive of Idalion (Cyprus) provides some more information. In order to contextualize the new document, the previous evidence will be analysed in some detail.

2.1. Tariff The first inscription discovered mentioning the word marzeaḥ is the famous “Marseille Tariff” (CIS I, 165 = KAI 69), found in 1845 near the cathedral “La Major” in Marseille.52 It is broken into two pieces, with part of its right lower side lacking. On palaeographic grounds, it is attributed to the 4th – beginning of the 3rd century BCE.53 The text is a code of prescriptions regarding the sacrifices performed in the temple of Ba‘l Ṣaphon in Carthage. Neither its actual date nor how it reached Marseille is known, but its Carthaginian origin has been ascertained by the discovery in that Punic African city of a number of similar fragmentary tariffs (CIS I and Nabataean marzeaḥ (in Nabataea the marzeaḥ seems to have had a more private and “popular” character than in Palmyra). 51 On the krater published by Briquel-Chatonnet 1995, that is thought to have been used during the marzeaḥ banquets, there are reliefs that the editor connects with Dionysos. 52 This piece is now in the Musée d’Histoire de Marseille (inv. 83.7.142; previously in the Musée Borély, inv. 1522). Main bibliography: Dussaud 1941; Février 1958–59; van den Branden 1965; Xella 1983; 1984; Amadasi Guzzo 1988; Delcor 1990. On the marzeaḥ in the tariff, cf. McLaughlin 2001: 38–42; Miralles 2007: 164–166. 53 For a palaeographical table, see Peckham 1968: Pl. XIII, 1 (dating the inscription to the second half of the 4th century).

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167, 3915, 3916, 391754). In line 16, it mentions a mrzḥ ’lm as an entity sacrificing in the temple. The context where the expression recurs is as follows: 16. KL MZRḤ WKL ŠPḤ WKL MRZḤ ’LM WKL ’DMM ’Š YZBḤ[ … ] 17. H’DMM HMT MŠ’T ‘L ZBḤ ’ḤD KMDT ŠT BKTB[T … ] “Any mzrḥ or any family or any marzeaḥ of the god55 or all the persons who shall sacrifice … these persons [shall pay] a payment for every sacrifice in the amount set down in the document …” The first part of the text (lines 1–15) lists the sacrifices that can be offered in the temple of Ba‘l Ṣaphon according to the type of offering (animals, milk, cakes …) and to the type of sacrifice, specifying what is reserved for the priests (money or meat) and what is retained for the offeror (either parts of the animal sacrificed or nothing); at the end (lines 16–21, incomplete) the document lists various categories (groups and individuals), who, when sacrificing in the temple, had to behave according to the prescriptions previously listed. The marzeaḥ belongs to these categories and from the context of its mention in the inscription – even without comparing it to other documents – it is evident that the word clearly denotes an association, composed of a group of persons (not necessarily an elite)56 as it is cited after the associations or groups called mzrḥ and špḥ.57 The mzrḥ is a sort of association or sodality,58 as is evident from some Neo-Punic inscriptions from Tunisia. A dedication to Ba‘l Hamon found in Althiburos (KAI 159, 4)59 lists individuals with their patronymics “and their colleagues, the mzrḥ” (wḥbrnm hmzrḥ). Two texts from Maktar (KAI 145 and 147)60 mention the mzrḥ, which is also spelled mzr’ in another architectural inscription from the same place.61 In these three cases, mzrḥ has been translated generically as “assembly”; KAI 159 mentions also a “chief of the assembly” (rb mzrḥ, line 16). Also, the word špḥ refers to a group, a clan or an extended family, and is attested already at Cebel Ireş Dağı (Anatolia) in the 7th century BCE62 and, later, in CIS I 6000bis, from Carthage.63 In the tariff prescriptions, these associations (mzrḥ, špḥ, mrzḥ) are followed by the mention of 54 CIS 165 is not a tariff but a sort of list of offerings made during a series of days. 55 Or “marzeaḥ of a god”. The translation “the god” is more suitable if one supposes that the marzeaḥ is related to Ba‘l Ṣaphon. 56 Cf. the remarks by Na’aman 2015: 120–121. 57 Thus, the word did not always denote a feast, as proposed by Na’aman 2015. On Phoenician cultic associations, see for example Baslez 1991. 58 Cf. Lipiński 1992 (with bibliography); DNWSI: 609–610 s.v. mzrḥ (occurrences), Krahmalkov 2000: 274, sv. mzrḥ; already Clermont-Ganneau 1898. 59 Cf. Jongeling 2008: 155–157, Hr. Medeine 1 and Bron 2009, with full bibliography. 60 Cf. Jongeling 2008: 116–123, Hr. Maktar 64, 123–124, Hr. Maktar 66. 61 Février and Fantar 1965: 49–59; Jongeling 2008:126–128, Hr. Maktar 76. 62 Mosca and Russell 1987; cf. Mosca 2013 for further references and a discussion of alternative interpretations; for a new lexical hypothesis, cf. Schmitz 2018. 63 Translated “family” or “clan” in DNWSI: 1181, s.v. špḥ1 and in Krahmalkov 2000: 476–477, s.v. špḥ.

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“private” individuals, denoted by the expression kl ’dmm, “all the persons”, in a sequence that seems to run from specific groups to individual sacrificers. Furthermore, the Marseille tariff shows – as was the case in other areas – that in Phoenicia too the mrzḥ was connected (at least on some occasions) with the religious sphere, not only because it used to bring sacrifices to a temple, but because it is called mrzḥ ’lm (in this case probably Ba‘l Ṣaphon),64 differentiating it from the mzrḥ and špḥ.

2.2. Phiale Again, the mrzḥ of a deity, Shamash, is cited on the inscription engraved on a bronze bowl (called phiale by the first editors) acquired in Switzerland and said to come from Lebanon. It was published in 1982 by N. Avigad and J.C. Greenfield, and restudied by A. Catastini, and then by M.G. Amadasi Guzzo, who proposed Cyprus as its place of origin, mainly because of the “western” formula and the shape of the letters.65 The inscription dates to the 4th century BCE on the basis of its formula, the type of script and the typology of the bowl.66 The reading is: QB‘M ’NḤN // ‘RBT LMRZḤ ŠMŠ “We 2 are the cups, ‘offerings’(?) for the marzeaḥ of Shamash” This translation supposes that the formula is a calque on a Greek model called “of the speaking object” (“oggetto parlante”). Instead, the interpretation by Avigad and Greenfield was: “We offer 2 cups to the marzeaḥ of Shamash”, which seems less probable.67 However, the analysis and meaning of ‘rbt remain disputed (it is either a verb or a noun, with an unclear meaning). The association of drinking vessels (qb‘m, “cups” in this inscription68) with the marzeaḥ of a god could indicate that the word mrzḥ was used here specifically to denote a feast. Furthermore, the 64 McLaughlin 2001: 42 supposes that mrzḥ ’lm refers to a group of nobles (’lm being a plural referring to the elite), but his arguments are not conclusive, especially as ’lm is regularly used in Phoenician to denote a “deity”, already, probably, since the end of the 8th century BCE (Karatepe, KAI 26). Miralles 2007: 165–166 leaves open the possibility that ’lm refers to: (a) Ba‘al Ṣaphon; (b) the patron deities of more than one institution; (c) various gods, differing from Ba‘al Ṣaphon (fn. 25). 65 Avigad and Greenfield 1982; Catastini 1985: 111–118, proposing to read qb‘m ’nsk … “cups for libation” (“coppe per libagione”); Amadasi Guzzo 1987. See also McLaughlin 2001: 37–38; Miralles 2007: 162–163. 66 The dating was established on the basis of a similar phiale in silver found in Susa with coins of Aradus dated to about 350–332 BCE and parallels with Aramaic inscriptions dated between the 5th and the 4th centuries (particularly the Maskhuta bowls), see Avigad and Greenfield 1982: 119–120 (and pp. 120–121 for the typology of the script, also assigned to the 4th century). 67 The reading and interpretation by Krahmalkov 2000: 386, s.v. ‘rb 1 is: qb‘ m ‘n ḥn ‘rbt l mrzḥ šmš “ the goblet that I, Hanno, presented to the marzeaḥ-sodality of Semes”, is not acceptable. 68 The kind of vessel analysed here has been identified with the Hebrew mizrāq, cf. Greer 2010.

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inscription confirms that in the Phoenician world also, the marzeaḥ was associated with the cult of different deities (here Shamash).

2.3. Piraeus A third well-known inscription mentioning the marzeaḥ is the decree from Piraeus (KAI 60 = TSSI III, 148–151, no. 41). Discovered in 1887, it is now in the Louvre (AO 4827). It is dated to the end of the 4th century BCE.69 The marzeaḥ is mentioned in the dating formula: 1. BYM 4 LMRZḤ BŠT 14 L‘M ṢDN … “On the 4th day of the marzeaḥ, in the 14th year of the people of Sidon…” The inscription is a Phoenician rendering of an Attic decree granting a golden crown to a man called Shama‘ba‘l, a member of the community of Sidonians residing in Piraeus,70 as a reward for his works in the temple of the “deity” (’lm, not named)71 and for having accomplished the requested services for the community. The Phoenician text is followed by a short summary in Greek, where Shama‘ba‘l (“Ba‘l listens”) has the Greek name Διοπείθης (“Obeying Zeus”).72 Therefore, the Sidonian community (Phoenician gw, corresponding to Greek κοινὸν) celebrated a common feast, that they called marzeaḥ, during a certain number of days. The use of the formulary “the fourth day of the marzeaḥ” for dating purposes, implies that in this milieu the feast was placed in a fixed period of time, well known by the community.73 The marzeaḥ was perhaps connected with the god whose temple is cited in the text. It is impossible to know whether here the word marzeaḥ denoted the eastern Phoenician feast or a Greek festival (as supposed in particular by J.C.L. Gibson);74 it is also plausible that the Sidonian community adopted in its Phoenician marzeaḥ some features of the Greek θίασος.75 69 For the chronology cf. Baslez and Briquel-Chatonnet 1991; cf. also Briquel-Chatonnet 2002 (complete bibliography), convincingly dating the text to 320/319 BCE; McLaughlin 2001: 42– 44, who dates the inscription to the 3rd century BCE, following KAI II: 73; Teixidor 1980: 457; Ameling 1990: 190–192. See also Miralles 2007: 166–168 with additional references. 70 The specific function of Shama‘ba‘l in the community of the Sidonians cannot be established with certainty. The Phoenician text referring to him is as follows: (šm‘b‘l) ’š nš’ hgw ‘l bt ’lm w‘l mbnt ḥṣr bt ’lm, “(Shama‘ba‘l,) whom the community has placed over the temple of the deity and over the building of the temple court”; cf. McLaughlin 2001: 43–44, no. 137 (however, the expression does not indicate that he was a “leader of the community”). 71 The expression b‘l ṣdn in l. 6 can be understood either as “the (god) Ba‘l of Sidon” or as “the citizens of Sidon” (cf. for example, Briquel-Chatonnet 2002: 156). 72 Greek text: Tὸ κοινὸν τῶν Σιδωνιῶν Διοπείθ(η)ν Σιδώνιον. 73 McLaughlin (2001: 44) suggests that the feast was celebrated once a year. 74 In the context of this inscription Gibson (TSSI III, 149) proposed that mrzḥ “probably denotes an annual period of common meals like the Greek συσσιτία rather than a festival of Semitic origin”. However, this hypothesis cannot be proved. 75 On the θίασος and the development of this association cf. for example Lécrivain, in Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, V: 257–266 s. v. Thiasos

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2.4. Personal Names Although the social role of the marzeaḥ in Phoenicia is not well known, it was certainly not secondary, also because, as noted above, Mrzḥy, a personal name derived from it, occurs more than once: twice on Cyprus, in Kition in CIS I, 60 (Yon 2004: n° 1035, cf. p. 79, fn. 9, an inscription copied by R. Pococke and now lost); and in CIS I, 93, a dedication from Idalion dated to 254 BCE according to the date formula used (year 31 of Ptolemy II). In this inscription, two individuals of the same family have the name Mrzḥy. They are the father and son of Batshalom,76 the woman who dedicated the statues (smlm), commemorated in the inscription, to Reshep-MKL.77 Moreover, in CIS I 5089 (from Carthage) – a dedication in the local tophet – the offeror was ‘Abdmelqart son of Mrzḥy (vocalized Marzeḥay in the CIS), son of ‘Abdmelqart.78 As for the origin of the use of this name, it is possible to suggest that originally it was related to a child’s day of birth, which coincided with the feast (very much like the Italian names “Pasquale” or “Natale”); afterwards, it became a name used in the family, as the inscription CIS I, 93 shows.79

3. A New Document In 2001 a new mention of the marzeaḥ (but identified only recently) came to light in Cyprus (where the personal name Mrzḥy was in use) among the documents of a Phoenician archive dependent on the palace administration, dating to the 4th century, and discovered on the Ampileri acropolis of Idalion in the course of the excavations directed by M. Hadjicosti (1991–2012).80 We are indebted to Dr Hadjicosti for permission to present this document as an addition to the marzeaḥ dossier.

76 77 78

79 80

(often also including foreign members). The relations between marzeaḥ and thiasos have been examined in the work by Miralles 2007 (cf. the review by Zamora 2009). For a proposal of crossing of influences between the marzeaḥ and the local banquets mainly in the Orientalising period in Greece and Italy, cf. Nijboer 2013. For the Hellenistic period cf. Baslez 2013. A pronunciation bat- of the first element is suggested by the late-Punic orthography b‘t; however a shortening of the first vowel is shown by the rendering byt in IRT 901, 3; cf. Friedrich, Röllig and Amadasi Guzzo 1999: § 240, 10. Cooke 1903: 77–79, no. 26; KAI 40; Magnanini 1973: 120–121, no. 8; Yon 2004: 82. Commentary in Amadasi Guzzo in press. For the Carthaginian example see Benz 1972: 143, 354. In CIS I 93 the name was previously read Mryḥy; the present reading was proposed by Briquel-Chatonnet and Bron and accepted in Yon 2004: 88. Cf. also Briquel-Chatonnet, Daccache and Hawley 2015: 247. The reading Mrzḥy had already been proposed in the CIS (Chabot’s reading) for nos 60 and 5089. It is possible to suppose also that the family had some specific link with the association. Hadjicosti 1995; 1997; 2000; 2017; Sznycer 2004; Amadasi Guzzo and Zamora 2016; 2018; Amadasi Guzzo 2017. The inscriptions are at present being studied in view of a comprehensive publication.

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The inscription (IDA 974 [2001]) consists of three lines painted in black ink on a fragment of pottery (its shape has not been identified) (Fig. 1). The proposed reading and translation of the text (which will be analysed in more detail in the comprehensive edition) are: 1) – TN . L‘ŠTRT . WM 2) – LQRT . BMRZḤ . ’ 3) – KL SP/R 1 . ’ “Give to Ashtart and Me/lqart in the marzeaḥ: fo/od(?) SP/R 1 ’ ” The script (Fig. 2) has been executed with quite a thick instrument. The general ductus of the letters, although cursive, is not as developed as in other cases.81 An oblique stroke seems to have been added at the beginning of each line of the text. The words are divided by dots, according to a practice that is rarely found in the Idalion corpus, although it is present on some Phoenician stone inscriptions from Cyprus.82 At the end of the third line, the scribe has painted a larger letter (here an alef) with a more formal shape than the others (a feature seen in other documents from this archive). It must have had a specific meaning, as yet unclear. At the left side end of the sherd, two isolated letters, possibly ŠŠ, are painted. Their meaning and relationship to the main inscription are also unclear. The letters are regularly traced and their reading is generally certain (Fig. 3). A large letter zain, of a shape not commonly used on the engraved inscriptions of Cyprus should be noted, as it occurs later in the Neo-Punic variant of the script. The ḥet is particularly large, probably due to the thickness of the writing instrument. The mem too has a shape that anticipates the later cursive script. The nun and lamed are similar, the lamed having a short upper shaft and quite a large foot, a variant common on stone inscriptions, but rare in the cursive script. The ‘ain is completely open, with a right downward tick. The only uncertainties concern the possible samek, of a type that seems specific to the script of the Idalion archive,83 and the pe/resh84 in the third line. On the whole, the letters can be compared with those present on some ostraca already known from Kition, Sidon and Elephantine,85 dated between the 5th and the 4th centuries BCE. A date in the 4th century is more in agreement with the general chronology of the archive. 81 Cf. Peckham 1968: Pls I–III; only Pl. I,1–2 (CIS I 86 A–B) are examples written in ink, but they are probably earlier than our ostracon. 82 Cfr. for ex. Amadasi Guzzo and Karageorghis 1977: 49 and Pl. IX,1 (B1). 83 Compare the samekh on the ostracon published by Amadasi Guzzo and Zamora 2018: 86, line 1 (names ’ntgns and dmtrys) and fig. 5 (Ibidem: 92). 84 This last sign is probably a pe; however, it can also be identified with a resh, although the two other resh of this inscription have a more oblique shaft and a larger upper end. 85 Cf. Friedrich, Röllig and Amadasi Guzzo 1999: Taf. III (kursiv-Phönizisch).

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The formula “give to” (tn l-), consisting of the imperative of ytn, had not occurred previously in the Phoenician corpus.86 It is however well attested, epigraphically, on Hebrew ostraca from Lachish and Arad;87 these Hebrew inscriptions are letters addressed to specific persons: generally, the verb has a subject and is followed, as here, by the preposition l- and a personal name or the name of a group of persons receiving goods. Here, as in other Idalion ostraca of an administrative type, the subject of the verb is not expressed. These kinds of formula are probably to be understood as instructions addressed to an unnamed person, in charge of the administration, who had to deliver specified amounts of goods/ commodities to individuals or groups. However, the present text is exceptional: the administration was required to give a quantity of a certain commodity not to the marzeaḥ of two gods but directly to two gods, Ashtart and Melqart, connected with the marzeaḥ (see below). The root ’kl occurs in Phoenician only as a verb, with the meaning “to eat”.88 As a noun, the word occurs in administrative documents from Ugarit meaning “grain”, “fodder” (perhaps “barley”);89 and in the 1st millennium, with the generic meaning of “food”, in Ammonite, Edomite and in Judaeo-Aramaic; it also occurs, in the feminine, in Nabataean.90 Perhaps this is the first occurrence of the Phoenician noun with the same meaning of “food”. If the proposed reading of the third line is correct, then we can identify the word sp, already attested in two inscriptions, one from Tyre (RES 1204),91 the other from Bir bou Rekba (Thinissut, in Tunisia; KAI 137),92 where it denotes a container of a type that is not clearly defined, and translated as a metal “basin” or “bowl” in KAI 137.93 Considering that the word is followed by a number (quite certainly 1), sp is probably a unit of measurement here. If that is the case, the quantity of food delivered was probably small. Regarding the general meaning of the text, as already noted, the “food” or commodity cited was to be given, not to persons, but to gods, Ashtart and Melqart. The whole expression could simply indicate that the marzeaḥ of both divinities would receive this amount of food,94 thus indicating that, most probably, here 86 DNWSI: 478–479, s.v. ytn1. 87 For ex. Lachish 9, cf. Aḥituv 2008: 84, l. 3; Arad 3, Ibidem: 98, l. 2; Arad 4, Ibidem: 102, ls 1, 3; Arad 12, ls 2, 5, cf. Davies 1991: 15, no. 2012; Arad 18, l. 4, cf. Aḥituv 2008: 119, l. 4; Arad 60, cf. Davies 1991: 29, no. 2.060, l. 4; Arad 71, Ibidem: 32, no. 2071, l. 1. 88 DNWSI: 51–52, s.v. ’kl1, normally used in the Semitic languages. 89 Del Olmo and Samartín 2015: 42, s.v. ’akl (II). 90 DNWSI: 52, s.v. ’kl2 and ’klh. 91 Clermont-Ganneau 1988: 87–93; Briquel-Chatonnet, Daccache and Hawley 2014: 187–189 (and bibliography). 92 RES 942 and 1858; Jongeling 2008: 65–66, Buir bou Rekba N. 1 (and bibliography). 93 In the Tyre inscription the sp is certainly large; in Bir Bou Rekba two spm were made for two sanctuaries (mqdšm šnm), together with two zbrm, another kind of vessel of unknown type. In Hebrew, sap in some examples denotes containers of precious metal used in the temple (cf. Koehler and Baumgartner 1958: 663, s.v. sap I). 94 Note that in Ugarit certain vineyards are called “of Ishtar Ḫurri” (RS 18.01) but are divided

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marzeaḥ denotes the association. However, the expression used is not the one expected: it is said that the commodity in question has to be given directly to the deities bmrzḥ, “in the marzeaḥ”. In this expression, the function of the preposition b- is not completely clear. As a parallel one might cite an expression used in the so called Kition-Bamboula tariff KAI 37 A-B 9 (CIS I 86 A–B),95 a list of expenses and payments to individuals or groups connected with a temple, during two specific months. In B 9 we find the registration of a payment that was given l‘lmt 22 bzbḥ, “to the 22 girls (employed) at the sacrifice” (literally “in the sacrifice”, as a reward for their service in the ritual).96 Similarly, the expression l‘štrt wlmlqrt bmrzḥ, could indicate that the ’kl is a portion of food reserved to Ashtart and Melqart, as they are connected with this particular marzeaḥ feast. Consequently, it is possible that the text registered the delivery either of a commodity to the marzeaḥ association of Ashtart and Melqart or of a commodity intended for the gods on the occasion of the marzeaḥ celebration.97 In any case, here again, the religious connotation of the marzeaḥ is certain. Moreover, the “provisions” needed for the gods depended on the royal administration, indicating how cultic practices and administration were closely linked. On this issue, it is interesting to note that A. Hermary has proposed, with convincing arguments, that the temple tariff from Kition-Bamboula KAI 37 was not, as supposed until now, an internal accounting document written in the sanctuary, but a list of remunerations compiled by the central Kition administration, similar to the documents found in Idalion.98 In terms of the history of religions, the link between a marzeaḥ and two deities (the first occurrence in Phoenician) should be noted. Furthermore, these two are a goddess and a god who can be considered as a divine couple. Neither of them was attested before connected with the Phoenician marzeaḥ: Ashtart was already connected with the marzeaḥ in Ugarit, but Melqart, who was so important in the Phoenician world, had not previously been linked with this specific association and celebration. Moreover, neither Ashtart nor Melqart occurs with certainty in the Idalion inscriptions, where Anat and Reshep were the protagonists of most of the documents. Only a fragmentary marble stela, dating to the 5th century, may mention a “statue of Ashtart”.99 Similarly, there is no evidence of Melqart (with the exception between the men of the marzeaḥ of two different villages; see above. 95 Yon 2004: 184–185, no. 1078, 209–211. 96 According to the translation by Gibson in TSSI III: 127. See also Friedrich, Röllig and Amadasi Guzzo 1999: § 283,5 (“für die 22 jungen Frauen beim Opfer”). 97 According to this last explanation, it is supposed that the banquet included some specific cultic acts in relation to the gods that gave the name to (protected) the marzeaḥ. The ’kl given was perhaps reserved to this purpose. 98 Hermary 2014: 251–253. 99 Yon 2004: 62, no. 46 (Honeyman 1939: 106, no. 7). M. Yon notes: “Provenance inconnue (Idalion? Kition?)”; the document is edited as coming from Idalion by Bonnet 1996: 158 (cf.

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of the possible identification with this god of the statues representing Heracles).100 On the contrary, the cult of both deities is well documented in Kition (where there is in particular a cult of Eshmun-Melqart).101 In the period of the archive – the 4th century BCE – Idalion was under the authority of the kings of Kition: several as yet unpublished ostraca mention king Milkyaton, and even the Ba‘l of Kition and “the gods of Kition” are cited. In the present case, one may suppose either that the marzeaḥ mentioned was related to Kition, or that the cult of both Ashtart and Melqart, in this case related to a marzeaḥ, was brought to Idalion together with Kition’s rule.

4. Conclusions The noun marzeaḥ (to use the conventional vocalization) recurs in many, but scattered, Semitic texts in various groups and from various periods. It already occurs in the Syrian Bronze Age and later, during the 1st millennium BCE, mainly in Palestine until the 6th century CE, in the Nabataean and Palmyrene kingdoms, and in the Mediterranean Phoenician and Punic world. Analyses concerning the marzeaḥ are so numerous, that here it is not possible to attempt yet again to draw general conclusions about its nature, possible common characters, parallels, and specific or divergent traits and developments. Some conclusions drawn from consistent groups of written documents follow here in order to draw attention to several elements specific to each time and place and to suggesting some historical dynamics. In the Bronze Age, in documents from the palace of Ebla and later from Emar, the marzeaḥ appears to be a feast of a convivial nature (involving, at least in some situations, the king and the palace, possibly but not clearly, also cultic), with a leader, which took place several times a year in Ebla or only once in Emar. In Ugarit, where documents provide more detail, the noun denoted the feast celebrated by a hierarchical group of persons (called the “men of marzeaḥ”) and possibly in some documents the group itself. It also indicated the place where the feast was held (and where the association gathered). Evidence indicates the consumption of wine during the festivity. The group of participants was legally recognised by the royal administration and followed fixed rules (for taking part in it or resigning). It could own properties, which it could rent and even transmit to heirs (proof of it being officially recognised). The marzeaḥ was present in several places. It was also clearly linked to a divinity, certainly Ashtart, but male also p. 85 on possible Aphrodite-Ashtart sanctuaries in this town). 100 The inscription dedicated to Melqart Yon 2004: 191, no. 1125 (= CIS I, 88), coming from Idalion according to the CIS, is most probably from Kition. 101 For inscriptions naming Ashtart at Kition, Yon 2004: 174, no. 1001, 184–185, no. 1078 (cf. Bonnet 1996: 70–72, 158–159, E9–E10). For Melqart, cf. Yon 2004: 190, no. 1113 (perhaps, however, a personal name composed with Melqart); for Eshmun-Melqart cf. particularly Teixidor 1976 and Lipiński 1995 (the texts are reedited in Yon 2004).

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deities too, whose names were used to identify the association and probably its properties. It has been proposed, but not directly substantiated, that it had a funerary connection. The later biblical passages show clearly that the noun marzeaḥ denoted a festive banquet, with the consumption of meat and wine, which took place in specific places (byt mrzḥ), using apposite drinking vessels (proposed to be identified as such in Phoenician, Palestinian and Palmyrene territories), and possibly connected with mourning for the dead. While we cannot draw conclusions from the possibly fake Moabite papyrus, we have a good number of Aramaic documents concerning the marzeaḥ, clearly denoting an association and the celebrations connected with it. The only mention of this term in Elephantine (5th century BCE) is interesting because it uses the expression “money of the marzeaḥ”. The use of money belonging to the group proves that the association probably had common rules with common expenses (and properties?), perhaps in a similar way to the Ugaritian case. The Nabataean and Palmyrenian realms show a large diffusion of the marzeaḥ associations and gatherings, having a clear cultic involvement regarding several gods (not, however, until now goddesses). The Nabataean attestations seem to show a large diffusion of the marzeaḥ in several milieus, not specifically elitist. In Palmyra, on the contrary, the marzeaḥ appears to be more bound to an official milieu, being perhaps a public institution, as the charge of its chief, mostly a priest, was used on several inscriptions in dating formularies. Here again, a funerary connotation, at least in some cases, has been proposed. Some bilingual inscriptions (Palmyrene and Greek) equate the marzeaḥ with the Greek symposion, showing a relation – one could suppose in the rules of the feast too – with the late-Hellenistic culture of banquets, as is also apparent from the representations of the tesserae. It is not clear whether the marzeaḥ feast, lasting more than one day, was celebrated only once a year or on several occasions (the dating formulary used in Palmyra points, at least there, to the first possibility). The Phoenician material adds the westernmost occurrences of the marzeaḥ. The word clearly denotes a feast in the Piraeus inscription and an association in the Marseille Tariff. It is related to gods (directly and indirectly in the Marseille Tariff and directly in the inscriptions on the phiale and from Idalion), to one or more divinities (mrzḥ ’lm, mrzḥ šmš). In the Idalion ostracon, the marzeaḥ was bound to the central administration, at least for its celebration, as it received food from the palace. Its role in the society is well demonstrated by the use of the adjectival form mrzḥy as a personal name in Cyprus and Carthage. We learn from the Idalion document the connexion of the marzeaḥ to a divine couple (Ashtart and Melqart). However, the role of the deities in the feast is nowhere clear. As an association, the marzeaḥ used to offer common sacrifices in Carthaginian temples (Marseille Tariff). As a feast, at least in the Piraeus (where it has been proposed, however without real proofs, that it could have corresponded to a Greek festival

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or incorporated features from similar Greek feasts), it could last several days and had a public character (as it is used for a date formulary) as in Palmyra. It implied, as almost everywhere, the important role of drinking (as shown by the bronze bowl from the antiquity market). The preceding remarks show that tracing a coherent history of the marzeaḥ is complicated. It comes in a range of different guises, over a very long span of time, corresponding to different societies and cultures, often with common backgrounds and interactions. Moreover, almost everywhere convivial occasions or feasts have common features and the meanings of words are flexible and can even denote opposites. However, every document adds more details to our knowledge of the marzeaḥ feast and association in their own place and time (as the new ostracon from Idalion does for the Phoenician marzeaḥ in 4th century Cyprus), allowing us also, by connecting together all the evidence, to perceive certain historical trends and cultural links.

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212 Xella, P. 1977 1983 1984 Yon, M. 1996

M.G. Amadasi Guzzo and J.Á. Zamora Studi sulla religione della Siria antica – I. El e il vino, Studi storico-religiosi I,2: 229–261. Quelques aspects du rapport économie-religion d’après les tarifs sacrificiels puniques, Bulletin du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques 19: 39–45. KTU 1.48 e la Tariffa punica di Marsiglia (KAI 69,16), Rivista di Studi Fenici 12: 165–168.

The Temple of the Rhytons at Ugarit, in N. Wyatt, W.G.E. Watson and J. Lloyd (eds), Ugarit, Religion and Culture, Münster: 405–422. 2004 Kition dans les textes (Kition Bamboula V), Paris. Zamora, J.Á. 2006 L’ubriachezza ad Ugarit. Un’eredità discussa, Mediterranea 2: 9–26. 2009 Marzeaḥ y thíasos, Aula Orientalis 27: 129–136.

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The Phoenician Marzeaḥ – New Evidence from Cyprus in the 4th Century BCE

Fig. 1. Ostracon from Idalion IDA 974 [2001] (Photo Department of Antiquities).

Fig. 2. Ostracon from Idalion IDA 974 [2001], (Drawing J.Á.Z).

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213

214

M.G. Amadasi Guzzo and J.Á. Zamora

Fig. 3. Ostracon from Idalion IDA 974 [2001], table of signs.

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Short Notes

Marco Bonechi (Istituto di Studi sul Mediterraneo Antico [ISMA], CNR, Roma), On the Ebla Fragments of Sumerian Lexical List MEE 15 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53 and 61. Considered as “testi irregolarmente acrografici” by Sandro Picchioni,1 the Ebla fragments TM.75.G.3440 = MEE 15 41, TM.75.G.4512 = MEE 15 43 and TM.75.G.5315 = MEE 15 42 have been published, without photographs or hand-copies, as unrelated Ebla Sumerian lexical lists of the éš-bar-kin5 kind.2 One can observe that, among the many lexical lists made available in MEE 15, the presence of written edges is peculiar of these fragments only. For Picchioni these written edges always follow the reverse, and this seems to imply an upper (or less likely left) edge. However, according to some very general remarks by Alfonso Archi3 in at least one Ebla lexical list of the éš-bar-kin5 kind “sometimes” there are “some words added in the lower edge”. I think that this remark refers just to these three fragments. Furthermore, I suggest that they belong to one tablet only, most probably together with other Ebla fragments published without photographs or hand-copies, i.e. TM.75.G.5276 = MEE 15 40 (among the “testi irregolarmente acrografici” in MEE 15),4 and TM.75.G.5313 = MEE 15 53 and TM.75.G.5330 = MEE 15 52 (both among the “testi a carattere non acrografico” in MEE 15).5 To them, also TM.75.G.20375 = MEE 15 61 (among the “frammenti con acrografia NI (sic)” in MEE 15)6 is likely to be added, probably providing the beginning of the columns of the upper left corner of the tablet. In such conjecture, the lexical list written in this unique tablet structurally includes the first two acrographic sections of the Ebla éš-bar-kin5-list TM.75.G.2422+7 – i.e. ninda, “bread”, and ka, “mouth” – followed by a world list which starts in the obverse. An akin arrangement is also found in 1 S.A. Picchioni, Testi lessicali monolingui “éš-bar-kinx” (MEE 15), Roma 1997: XV. 2 Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 112–120. 3 A. Archi, Transmission of the Mesopotamian Lexical and Literary Texts, in P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Literature and Literary Language at Ebla (QuSem 18), Firenze 1992: 17. 4 Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: XV. 5 Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: XVI. 6 Ibidem. 7 G. Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui della Biblioteca L.2769. Parte I: Traslitterazione dei testi e ricostruzione del VE (MEE 4), Napoli 1982: 118–130 = Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 3–29.

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018)

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TM.75.G.3040+3046 = MEE 15 27,8 which has several acrographic sections in the obverse and a word list in the reverse. Another strong clue to think that the seven fragments MEE 15 40–43, 52–53 and 61 go together is that they all share another peculiar feature, i.e. at least one detectable case of a Sumerogram whose elements are written in the inverse order Y(-Z)-X rather than that X-Y(-Z) which is normally adopted in the other Ebla texts, and not only in those of lexical nature: see below the cases of me:gar, ì:i, KUŠ:AB, duganx(KUŠ:GAN), níg-ki:luḫ, SU:GÀR, ŠÀ.TAR!(ME):ki and the discussion of the isolated Ebla spellings KÙ-BABBAR and KI-IŠ11 of the Sumerograms for “silver” and “fair, market(place)”. While the problems of the meaning of these inversions and of the origin of the lexical materials here under discussion will be addressed elsewhere, on these grounds it may be further conjectured that the obverse of the tablet here tentatively reconstructed occurs, from left to right, in MEE 15 61 and 42 (acrographic section ninda in the first three columns) and then in MEE 15 40 (acrographic section ka), in MEE 15 41 (acrographic section ka followed by the beginning of the word list) and in MEE 15 43 (word list), while the reverse occurs, from right to left, in MEE 15 41 (first five columns) and then in MEE 15 40 (two central columns) and in MEE 15 42 (last two columns). MEE 15 52 and 53, with only terms of the word list on only one side of the tablet, belong to the right part of the obverse or more probably to the reverse. The text of the two initial acrographic sections of this lexical list should run as follows: [A] Section ninda:9 obv. I:1 obv. I:2 15 61 obv. I:3

15 61 15 61

obv. I:1’ obv. I:2’ 15 42 obv. I:3’ 15 42 obv. I:4’ 15 42 obv. I:5’ 15 42 obv. I:6’ 15 42 obv. I:7’ 15 42 obv. I:8’ 15 42 15 42

obv. II:1 obv. II:2

15 61 15 61

8 9

[níg]-túm ˹níg˺-gar-gar [níg]-gar [...] níg-gùn ninda-bar níg-mul-an níg-ba níg-lá-sag níg-lá-gaba níg-lá níg-ki-gar [...] níg-ki:luḫ níg-anše-aka

Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 84–90. Cf. Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 118f. and 138f.

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obv. II:3 15 42 obv. II:1’ 15 42 obv. II:2’ 15 42 obv. II:3’ 15 42 obv. II:4’ 15 42 obv. II:5’ 15 42 obv. II:6’ 15 42 obv. II:7’ 15 42 obv. II:8’ 15 61 obv. III:1 15 42 obv. III:1’ 15 42 obv. III:2’ 15 42 obv. III:3’ 15 42 obv. III:4’ 15 42 l.e. I:1 15 42 l.e. I:2 15 61

217

níg-dedalx(NE) [...] GAR-˹x˺ PAP:GAR me:gar ninda-síki níg-lu-lu níg-lu níg-a-gá níg-bànda-kuš [...] níg-gu-sur [...] GAR-˹x˺-[...] GAR-˹x˺-[...] GAR-˹x˺-[...] GAR-˹x˺-[...] [...] [ninda]-gu-[MU]L [ninda-še-gu-MU]L [...]

As for TM.75.G.20375 = MEE 15 61 obv. II:3, I suggest níg-dedalx(NE), perhaps “potash”, cf. de-dal NE = didallum, “ash(es)”, in Proto-Izi I bil A 3. According to the Palace G administrative texts, níg-dedalx was a sought-after substance whose purchase is recorded e.g. in TM.75.G.1918 = MEE 10 29 rev. XV:13 (65 minas), TM.75.G.2174 = ARET VII 77 obv. VI:7 (400 minas), TM.75.G.2428 = MEE 12 35 rev. IX:22, 25 (156 minas, 8 minas and 10 shekels), TM.75.G.2508 = MEE 12 37 obv. XXIV:14 (where the purchase concerns unspecified amounts of níg-dedalx and ba-ba).10 As for TM.75.G.5315 = MEE 15 42 l.e. I:1–2, the readings in MEE 15 are: [ ]-gu[su]r? / [su]r?;11 however, in I:1 [níg]-gu-[su]r should be ruled out given that a clear níg-gu-sur occurs above in TM.75.G.20375 = MEE 15 61 obv. III:1. The right part of the right AN of MUL can have been taken as the right part of SUR. To be collated. [B] Section ka,12 relative position of the entries unclear to me: obv. III+:1’ ka-gíd

15 40

10 See A. Catagnoti and M. Bonechi, Magic and Divination at IIIrd Millennium Ebla, 1. Textual Typologies and Preliminary Lexical Approach, SEL 15 (1998): 21f.; cf. also P. Mander, Administrative Texts of the Archive L.2769 (MEE 10), Roma 1990: 168, and H. Waetzoldt, Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungstexte aus Ebla. Archiv L.2769 (MEE 12), Roma 2001: 549f. 11 Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 119. 12 Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 112–113.

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obv. III+:2’ obv. III+:3’ 15 40 obv. III+:4’ 15 40 15 40

obv. IV+:1’ obv. IV+:2’ 15 40 obv. IV+:3’ 15 40 obv. IV+:4’ 15 40 obv. IV+:5’ 15 40 obv. IV+:6’ 15 40 15 40

obv. III+:1’ obv. III+:2’ 15 41 obv. III+:3’ 15 41 obv. III+:4’ 15 41 obv. III+:5’ 15 41 obv. III+:6’ 15 41 obv. III+:7’ 15 41 obv. III+:8’ 15 41 obv. III+:9’ 15 41 obv. III+:10’ 15 41 obv. III+:11’ 15 41 15 41

gù-dé gù-a-dé [KA].K[Ainversum]? [...] d[u11-ga] mí-du11-ga al6-du11-ga sum4-dù sum4-mú kìri-dù [...] KA-[...] KA-dab nundumx(KA.NU) ka-ḫáb su11-li9-li9 zú-aka zú-geštug-lá gù-kin5 su11-lum gù-ḫúl? [KA?]-lam [...]

[C] As for the word list after the sections ninda and ka, I suggest the following readings and interpretations:13 v.I:2’ v.I:7’ 15 40 v.II:5’ 15 41 r.II:7’ 15 41 r.II:8’ 15 40 15 40

15 41

r.II:9’

15 41

r.II:15’

ì:i, “to insult” (rather than “i-NI”), cf. VE 898, ì-i = wa-ba-sum;14 egir(LAK499) (rather than “ÍBxNA”) [g]iš -àga-šilig (rather than “[g]iš-tùn-šilig”); lùnga, “brewer” (rather than “bappir”); KUŠ:AB, “(a kind of leather container)”, cf. VE 1015, KUŠ.AB = NI-ga-šum, NI-ga-su-um;15 duganx(KUŠ:GAN), “leather pouch”, cf. VE 1016, duganx (KUŠ. GAN) = du-ga-˹nu˺-um, tukkannum, lw.;16 da-dul!;17

13 Obverse and reverse as in Picchioni, Testi lessicali, cit.: 112–120 and 132–134, thus below “r.” and “v.” 14 Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui, cit.: 300; see also D.O. Edzard, Der Text TM.75.G.1444 aus Ebla, Studi Eblaiti 4 (1981): 54; P. Fronzaroli, The Eblaic Lexicon: Problems and Appraisal, in P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Studies on the Language of Ebla (QuSem 13), Firenze 1984: 152. 15 Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui, cit.: 311; Picchioni Testi lessicali, cit.: 171, fn. 326. 16 Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui, cit.: 311; Picchioni Testi lessicali, cit.: 162, fn. 133. 17 Rather than “da-na”, cf. “da-du6” in Picchioni Testi lessicali, cit.: 15 and 159, fn. 83.

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r.III:1’ r.III:3’ 15 41 r.III:17’ 15 41 r.III:19’

piš10? u5(MÁ.ḪU); SU:GÀR, cf. SU.GÀR in MEE 3 53 = MEE 15 80 obv. III:18; lú-ùlu-di, “(a kind of lamentation priest)” (in ED Lú E 68 the Ebla source has ùlu-di in correspondence of PAP.GAR of the Abu Salabikh sources); 15 41 r.III:20’ gákkul(LAK-56)uruda, “mash-tub”, also attested in SF 43 obv. VII:˹20˺; 15 41 r.IV:13’ likely é-sag-ba 15 41 v.I:19’–20’ likely pisan / lun-gá (rather than “GÁ / pa-gá”); cf. below ad 15 41 v.III:8’; 15 41 v.III:3’ an-aka (rather than “dak”); 15 41 v.III:4’ likely uzu:šeg6, “roasted meat”, cf. MEE 3 53 = MEE 15 80 obv. V:10; 15 41 v.III:8’ given that PA-GÁ also occurs in MEE 15 41 v.I:20’ (see above), one of these two entries should be read ugula-é! (in the Ebla administrative texts PA-GÁ is the spelling of the personal name of a Mari queen, usually read Pa-ba4); 15 41 v.IV:5’ likely sa6, sig6, “of good quality” (rather than “gišimmar”); in the Ebla texts the very rarely attested Sumerian term for “date- palm” is spelled giš-nimbar; 15 41 m.III:3’ uman or uḫ (rather than “AH”); 15 42 v.I:1’ pa-paḫ (rather than “ugula-nar”); 15 42 v.I:4’ likely unu6(AB.TE); 15 42 v.II:’4’ likely [ki]-sur; 15 42 v.II:’5’ ŠÀ.TAR!(ME):ki (rather than “ki-šà-me”); 15 42 m.II:2 “túg-2” is perhaps to be read 2:túg, cf. 2-šutúg = du-za-mu-um in VE 860;18 15 42 m.III:2 likely giš-al6-ŠUBUR, cf. TM.75.G.6012 = MEE 15 23 rev. V:5’; 15 43 r.II:1’ considering the palaeography in MEE 15,19 “x” is perhaps to be read ud!?-kár!(GÁNA)?, “hot days”; 15 52 r.I:’:2’ given the lexicographical context, likely to be read [kù]-sal; 15 52 r.I’:12’ the spelling ˹kù-babbar˺ is very important because in the Tell Mardikh-Ebla texts “silver” is always written kù:babbar, i.e. UD-KUG, while kù-babbar, i.e. KUG-UD, occurs in easternmost texts such as those found at Tell Hariri-Mari20 and Tell Beydar15 41 15 41

18 Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui, cit.: 296. 19 Picchioni Testi lessicali, cit.: 276, n. 32. 20 T.43 obv. I:1 and TH 80.180 obv. II:3, see D. Charpin, Tablettes présargoniques de Mari, Mari. Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires 5 (1987): 66 and 87; TH 00–T325 obv. II:˹1˺, see A. Cavigneaux, Nouveaux textes de Mari Ville II (campagnes 1998 à 2007), in P. Butterlin et al. (eds), Mari, ni Est, ni Ouest (Syria Suppl. II), Paris 2014: 291–340.

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Nabada;21 cf. below the remarks to the spelling in obv. II’:9’ of this same fragment; 15 52 r.II’:2’ érim (rather than “NE.RU”); 15 52 r.II’:4’ possibly uman:dúr (rather than “KU.AH”), “(an insect or field pest)”;22 15 52 r.II’:9’ the spelling “ki-lamx”, thus probably KI-IŠ11, is very important because in the Ebla texts the term for “fair, market(place)” is almost always written IŠ11-KI;23 cf. above the remarks to the spelling in obv. I’:12’ of this same fragment; 15 53 r.I:4’–5’ likely GIŠ-A-MUNU4-MUNU4-ḪÚB, cf. VE 492;24 15 53 r.IV’:3’–4’ likely lam-[ri(uruda)] / gud8-da, names of containers.25

21 2629–T–46 = Subartu II 35 obv. I:10, see W. Sallaberger in F. Ismail, W. Sallaberger, Ph. Talon Ph. and K. Van Lerberghe (eds), Administrative Documents from Tell Beydar (Seasons 1993–1995) (Subartu II), Turnhout 1996: 141. 22 See A.W. Sjöberg, Early Dynastic Animal Names. R. Jestin, Tablettes sumériennes de Šuruppak, no. 46, pl. 183, in J. Marzahn and H. Neumann (eds), Assyriologica et Semitica. Festschrift für Joachim Oelsner anläßlich seines 65. Geburtstages am 18. Februar 1997 (AOAT 252), Münster 2000: 415, as for the occurrence in TSŠ 46 VIII:20’. 23 On its likely reading *šak(k)anka see P. Attinger, À propos de quelques lectures, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires 2008/72: 104, and N. Veldhuis, History of the Cuneiform Lexical Tradition (GMTR 6), Münster 2014: 293, fn. 678; also J.C. Johnson and M.J. Geller, The Class Reunion. An Annotated Translation and Commentary on the Sumerian Dialogue Two Scribes (CM 47), Leiden – Boston 2015: 209f., fn. 33. 24 Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui, cit.: 255. 25 See W. Sallaberger, Der babylonische Töpfer und seine Gefässe nach Urkunden altsumerischer bis altbabylonischer Zeit sowie lexikalischen and literarischen Zeugnissen (Mesopotamian History and Environment, Series II, Memoirs III), Ghent 1996: 100 and 103, and M. Civil, The Early Dynastic Practical Vocabulary A (Archaic HAR-ra A) (ARES IV), Roma 2008: 83.

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Paolo Matthiae (Sapienza Università di Roma). An Unidentified Motif of the Old Syrian Glyptic and Temple P2 at Ebla. One of the most enigmatic motifs in the classical Old Syrian glyptic is a vertical band, including several identical elements, similar to crescents, closely superimposed one over the other (Figs 1–3). The motif was defined “Bogenband” by A. Otto, who maintained it was related with the rain goddess, with the weather god and with the two-headed standard (“Kopfstandarte/Doppelkopfstandarte”; here Fig. 4).1 Moreover, A. Otto correctly pointed out that this is one of the most characteristic motifs of her Group Ic “Senkrechte Spalten-Gruppe”, whose area of attestation was located between Karkemish to the East and the Mediterranean coast to the West.2 The variety of definitions adopted by the editors of the seals catalogues to describe this peculiar motif is a clear evidence for the difficulty to identify the reality reproduced by these elements, but also the meaning of this motif. Probably all the specialists of Old Syrian glyptic correctly believe that the motif is not at all only ornamental.3 This is certainly an objective difficulty and, in the actual state of our documentation and knowledges, it does not seem likely that the problem might be solved in a convincing way. Yet, we wish to draw attention here on an archaeological evidence, on a textual reference and on a historical evaluation, which might give a contribution to the solution and which had thus far escaped attention. In the first place, the motif of the Old Syrian cylinder seals can be found in relief on the central stand of a very interesting, albeit incomplete, basalt offering table (TM.91.P.717), found in 1991, re-employed in the Cisterns Square in Area P of the Lower Town of Ebla (Fig. 5a–b).4 This fitting certainly belonged to the cult 1 2

3

4

A. Otto, Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Klassisch-Syrischen Glyptik, Berlin – New York 2000: 273. The crescent-shaped elements are defined as similar to “Fingernageleindrücke”, but it is clearly stated that they should represent “rain”. Otto, Die Entstehung, cit.: 113–115, nos 45, 46, 53, 54, 64, 65, 70, Pls 4-6, where the motif is directly defined “Wasserbogen”. She therefore apparently believes that the crescent-shaped elements should be identified as water-waves, from rivers or sea. Though several impressions of seals belonging to this class of cylinders were found in Anatolia, none of them features this motif: A. Erkanal, Anadolu’da bulunan Suriye kökenli mühürler ve baskiları, Ankara 1993: 54–55, 100, 186, Pl. 19. In the catalogues of the collections the following definitions are used for these elements: “inverted crescents above guilloche” by E. Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections, I–II, The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York 1948: 123, no. 935; “Bogensegmenten” by H. Kühne, Das Rollsiegel in Syrien: Zur Steinschneidekunst in Syrien zwischen 3300 und 330 vor Christus, Tübingen 1980: 76–77, no. 33 (Damascus Museum no. 90); “croissants” by P. Amiet, Corpus des cylindres de Ras Shamra–Ougarit, II, Sceaux-cylindres en hématite et pierres diverses, Paris 1992: 26, no. 27 and “chevrons” by C. Doumet, Sceaux et cylindres orientaux: La collection Chiha, Fribourg – Göttingen 1992: 125, 131, nos 266 and 270. P. Matthiae, Old Syrian Basalt Furniture from Ebla Palaces and Temples, in P. Calmeyer et al. (eds), Beiträge zur altorientalischen Archäologie und Altertumskunde. Festschrift für Barthel Hrouda, Wiesbaden 1994: 173–177, Pl. XVII; P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and G. Scandone Matthiae (eds), Ebla. Alle origini della civiltà urbana. Trent’anni di scavi in Siria dell’Università degli Studi di Roma

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furniture of Temple P2, destroyed at the end of Middle Bronze IIB, around 1600 BC.5 After the destruction, the temple was sacked and was used – probably for a long time – as a stone quarry.6 The typology of the object is well known from a series of reproductions of cult scenes, preserved in impressions of cylinder seals in the Colonial Style tradition from Kanesh, in the period of Kültepe II,7 and in some archaic Old Syrian cylinder seals.8 The offering table TM.91.P.717 was round in shape and featured a massive central stand, including three bull-legs, opening at the base; in correspondence with the round edge of the table three thinner cylindrical supports connected three peripheral points of the table with the top of the bullhoofs.9 On the central stand, the space separating the three bull-legs was occupied

5

6

7

8

9

“La Sapienza”, Milano 1995: 504, 528. P. Matthiae, Nouvelles fouilles à Ébla en 1987–1989, Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1990): 410–313, 423–431; Id., A New Monumental Temple of Middle Bronze II at Ebla and the Unity of the Architectural Tradition of Syria-Palestine, in Annales Archéologiques Arabes Syriennes 40 (1990): 111–121 (reprinted in P. Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010, Wiesbaden 2013: 285–290); Id., L’Aire sacrée d’Ishtar à Ébla: Résultats des fouilles de 1990–1992, Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres (1993): 640–662. The original floors of the building are completely lost and a few rare orthostats and fragments of orthostats were found randomly heaped up inside the cella: they were probably the linings of the stone basements of the perimeter walls. The destruction of the temple fittings, among which the offering table, must have taken place at the time of the destruction, around 1600 BC: among the few fragments of other cult fittings two important – albeit small – fragments of a ritual basin with the very much damaged front facing figure of the great goddess have a basic importance for the identification with Ishtar of the titular deity of the cult building: P. Matthiae, Due frammenti di un nuovo bacino scolpito dal Tempio P2 di Ebla, Studi Miscellanei 30 (1996) (= Studi in memoria di Lucia Guerrini): 3–12, published again in English in Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology, cit.: 575–585, Pl. 161. T. Özgüç and N. Özgüç, Ausgrabungen in Kültepe. Bericht über die im Auftrage der Türkischen Historischen Gesellschaft 1949 durchgeführten Ausgrabungen, Ankara 1953: 235–237, nos 695, 702, 704, Pls LXII–LXIII; B. Teissier, Sealing and Seals on Texts from Kültepe kārum Level 2, Leiden 1994: 169–182, 230–235, nos 466, 491, 515, 551. This Old Syrian fitting is also reproduced in a shortened version in cylinder seals of the Old Anatolian style: N. Özgüç, Bullae from Kültepe, in K. Emre et al. (eds), Anatolia and the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honor of T. Özgüç, Ankara 1989: 379–380, 384, 403–404, nos 11A, 186, 192, Pls 90–91, 94-95; N. Özgüç and Ö. Tunca, Kültepe–Kaniš. Sealed and Inscribed Clay Bullae, Ankara 2001: 211–212, nos 139, 142, Pls 24–25. L. Speleers, Catalogue des intailles et empreintes orientales des Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire. Supplément, Bruxelles 1943: 167–168, no. 1390; B. Buchanan, Catalogue of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the Ashmolean Museum, I, Cylinder Seals, Oxford 1966: 160, 162, 165, 168, nos 841, 855; B. Teissier, Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals from the Marcopoli Collection, Berkeley – Los Angeles – London 1984: 202–203, 216–217, 220–221, nos 361, 416–418, 427; H. Hammade, Cylinder Seals from the Collections of the Aleppo Museum, Syrian Arab Republic, I, Seals of Unknown Provenance, Oxford 1987: 62–63, nos 114–116. It has to be observed that, perhaps after 1850/1800 BC, this kind of offering table disappears from the cult scenes of the Old Syrian glyptic, where tables of a simpler structure become usual. The table, whose lower part only is preserved, is approximately broken at half the original height, which probably reached 0.70/0.80 m. The large preserved fragment is 0.38 m. high and 0.64 m in diameter.

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by three vertical bands, lined by a thin listel and decorated by a continuous series of thickly-packed crescents.10 The motif of the offering table of Ebla is the same as the motif on the Old Syrian cylinder seals, where the decoration is in vertical bands too. The Old Syrian Temple P2 in the Lower Town of Ebla was certainly dedicated to the Ishtar Eblaitu, it was for certain also her main cult place and it most probably was the most monumental temple of the town of Middle Bronze I–II.11 The offering table, which was found badly damaged and upturned in the mouth of one of the cisterns in the square in front of the temple,12 had a complex structure and an excellent workmanship: it probably was the most important fitting of the cult place, and was probably used at least for cult banquets, which had a basic importance for the religious life of the Old Syrian society. In fact, it appears, precisely in banquet scenes, in two at least of the ritual basins typical of the Eblaic Old Syrian temples.13 It is also represented in an important stele from Hama, reemployed as a threshold in the Iron age, but certainly dating from the Old Syrian period,14 and in another stele from Tell Furayjah (Tell Freje) of the same period.15

10 It has to be noted that the crescents of the Eblaic offering table are in the natural position, whereas in the glyptic this happens only in the cylinder n. 266 (Doumet, Collection Chiha, cit.: 125), whereas in all the other cylinders the crescents are “inverted”. 11 P. Matthiae, Sull’identità degli dèi titolari dei templi paleosiriani di Ebla, Contributi e Materiali di Archeologia Orientale 1 (1986): 335–362, reprinted in English in Matthiae, Studies on the Archaeology, cit.: 301–322. 12 It was found in Square DlVI6ii in the mouth of the cistern P.5213. 13 P. Matthiae, Le sculture in basalto, in Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria. Rapporto preliminare della campagna 1964, Roma 1965: 71–79, Tavv LXVIII–LXXI (basalt basin found before the Italian excavations, but certainly belonging to Temple B, now in Damascus National Museum); Id., Le sculture in pietra, in Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria. Rapporto preliminare della campagna 1965, Roma 1966: 113–129, Tavv XLIII–XLV (limestone basin found in situ in Temple D, TM.65.D.226). For excellent photos of the offering tables reproduced on the basins see Id., I tesori di Ebla (Haskell Lectures, Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio), Roma – Bari 1984: Tavv LVIII–LIX, and Matthiae, Pinnock and Scandone Matthiae (eds), Ebla, cit.: 421, 435. About the ritual basins from Ebla see P. Matthiae, Old Syrian Statuary and Carved Basins from Ebla: New Documents and Interpretations, Subartu 17 (2006) = P. Butterlin et al. (eds), Les espaces mésopotamiens. Dimensions de l’expérience humaine au Proche-Orient ancien. Volume d’hommage offert à Jean-Claude Margueron, Bruxelles: 423–438. 14 H. Ingholt, Rapport préliminaire sur sept campagnes de fouilles à Hama en Syrie, 1932–1938, København 1940: 79–81, Pl. 29; E. Fugmann, Hama. Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931–1938, II, 1, L’architecture des périodes pré-hellénistiques, Copenhague 1958: 181, fig. 229; P.-J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl, Hama. Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Ny Carlsberg 1931– 1938, II, 2, Les objets de la période dite syro-hittite (Age du Fer), Copenhague 1990: 56–58, figs 26, 48. The dating to the Old Syrian period was correctly proposed by F. Pinnock, Una riconsiderazione della stele di Hama 6B599, Contributi e Materiali di Archeologia Orientale 4 (1992): 101–121, fig. 1; P. Matthiae, Stone Sculpture of the Second Millennium BC, in W. Orthmann et al. (eds), Archéologie et histoire de la Syrie, I, La Syrie de l’époque néolithique à l’âge du Fer, Wiesbaden 2013: 381–383, fig. 209; B.A. Porter, A Middle Bronze Stele from Hama and Old Syrian Cylinder Seals, in E. Simpson (ed.), The Adventure of the Illustrious Scholar. Papers Presented to Oscar White Muscarella, Leiden – Boston 2018: 388–405. 15 J. Lassus, Inventaire archéologique de la région au nord-est de Hama, I–II, Paris 1936: 53–55, Pl. V, 1.

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As rightly observed by A. Otto, the close relation of the crescents motif and the two-headed standard of the Old Syrian glyptic16 integrates the evidence provided by the motif on the offering table, which points at a similar very close relation between this motif and the cult milieus of Ebla, in general, and of Ishtar’s Cult Area in the Lower Town in particular.17 In fact, the finding of an Old Syrian cylinder seal with the standard in one of the favissae of that cult area18 leads to propose that the standard was one of the main fittings precisely of Ishtar’s Temple of Area P at Ebla.19 Thus, in the same cult building of Ebla there were, since a central phase at least of Middle Bronze I, probably already in the first half of the 19th century BC, the two-headed standard and the offering table with the crescents motif. This building was certainly the most important cult building of Ebla, and the temple of the Ishtar Eblaitu.20 Thus, there probably was a strong connection between the crescents motif and the Ishtar Eblaitu,21 so strong that it is possible to believe that the seals with the crescents motif were made at Ebla, or in North-Syrian milieus strongly related to the cult for the great goddess of Ebla. It might seem unusual that the crescent motif is repeated serially, and it may seem peculiar that the crescents are represented in horizontal, both with the edges turned upwards or downwards, and not in vertical; yet, the structure of the drawing of the individual elements is such that an interpretation as moon crescents seems quite certain. 16 H. Seyrig, Les dieux de Hiérapolis, 1. Cylindres représentant une enseigne sacrée, Syria 37 (1960): 233–240, 251–252; Otto, Die Entstehung, cit.: 266–267. 17 P. Matthiae, Archeologia del culto ad Ebla: Residenze degli dèi e ideologia della regalità, in P. Matthiae and M. D’Andrea (eds), L’archeologia del sacro e l’archeologia del culto. Ebla e la Siria dall’Età del Bronzo all’Età del Ferro. Roma 8–11 ottobre 2013, Roma 2016: 17–95. 18 P. Matthiae, L’Aire sacrée, cit.: 658–661, fig. 25; N. Marchetti and L. Nigro, Cultic Activities in the Sacred Area of Ishtar at Ebla during the Old Syrian Period: The Favissae F.5327 and F.5328, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 49 (1997): 32, fig. 19. 19 This is the argument maintained by P. Mattthiae, Notes et études éblaïtes, I: Le séméion de Hiérapolis dans l’Ébla paléosyrienne, Revue d’Assyriologie 108 (2014): 95–122. 20 A larger than life-size female basalt head, whose face was probably originally covered with a gold or silver leaf was found near the eastern anta of the temple; it certainly is a very important remain of the cult statue of the temple: P. Matthiae, The Face of Ishtar of Ebla, in J.-W. Meyer et al. (eds), Beiträge zur Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Winfried Orthmann gewidmet, Frankfurt am Main 2001: 272–281. Moreover, the oldest images of the naked goddess, who was the licentious iconography of the Old Syrian Ishtar Eblaitu, attested also in an offering table from Temple D on the Acropolis (Id., Une nouvelle image de l’Ishtar Eblaitu paléosyrienne, in T. Boiy et al. [eds], The Ancient Near East, A Life! Festschrift Karel Van Lerberghe, Leuven – Paris – Walpole 2012: 387–407), had a special relation, in the Old Syrian glyptics, with the twoheaded standard: Id., La déesse nue et le dieu au panache. Aux origines de l’iconographie de l’Ishtar d’Ébla, in O. Loretz et al. (eds), Ritual, Religion and Reason. Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella, Münster 2013: 1–23. 21 In glyptics, too, the crescent-shaped motif appears with a naked female figure (Amiet, Corpus des cylindres de Ras Shamra–Ougarit, II, cit.: no. 27 [R.S. 24–363]), who, at least in one instance, is certainly the licentious image of Ishtar Eblaitu: Doumet, Collection Chiha, cit.: 131, no. 270.

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As just seen, the presence of the motif on the Old Syrian offering table from Ishtar’s Temple at Ebla and some contexts of the Old Syrian glyptic reveal a certain relation between the motif and the figure of Ishtar Eblaitu, thus, it is this relation which must be understood within the sphere of the mythical and imaginative world related to the great goddess. The mythical events in which Ishtar is involved, based on the available Mesopotamian, and not on the Syrian literary compositions apparently do not provide any foundation to explain the relation between the goddess and a serial representation of the moon crescent.22 Only a rare, and yet very meaningful literary figure preserved in a Sumerian hymn for Ishtar/Inanna from an Old Babylonian milieu, might offer an explanation for such relation. In fact, in a short literary composition, usually considered to belong to the courtship of Inanna/Ishtar and Dumuzi and to the marriage between the goddess and the shepherd,23 some poetic metaphors are used, which illustrate the incomparable physical beauty of the goddess and the irrepressible temperamental eagerness of the great goddess: “My vulva, the horn, The Boat of Heaven, Is full of eagerness like the young moon. My untilled land lies fallow. As for me, Inanna, Who will plow my vulva? Who will plow my high field? Who will plow my wet ground?”24 The audacity of the poetical expressions proposed in this Sumerian hymn, which was probably quite widespread – the vulva compared to a horn and to the boat of heaven and the goddess eagerness to the young moon – lead to believe that they found a correspondence, at least in the Old Babylonian culture, in an

22 In this consideration, the fact that, in the Mesopotamian world, Inanna/Ishtar was the daughter of the Moon God Nanna/Sin cannot be considered, because there is no hint in the sources that this filiation of the goddess was shared by the Syrian world: Th. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness. A History of Mesopotamian Religion, New Haven – London 1976: 134–135. About the difficulty to interpret the personality of the Syrian Ishtar, in the perspective of the Ugarit documentation, see L.K. Handy, Among the Host of Heaven. The Syro-Palestinian Pantheon as Bureaucracy, Winona Lake, IN 1994: 108. 23 The texts of this cycle, as is well known, were identified and studied by S.N. Kramer, Cuneiform Studies and the History of Literature, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 107 (1963), who gave some translations in J. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd Ed., Princeton 1969: 41, 496, 637–645; The Sacred Marriage Rite: Aspects of Faith, Myth and Ritual in Ancient Sumer, Bloomington 1969: 49–106; From the Poetry of Sumer: Creation, Glorification, Adoration (UNA’s Lectures), Berkeley – Los Angeles – London 1979: 71–98. 24 D. Wolkstein and S.N. Kramer, Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth. Her Stories and Hymns from Sumer, New York 1983: 37.

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imagery quite familiar for the inhabitants of Lower Mesopotamia. These three different similes related to the divine nature of the beauty and eagerness of the goddess were probably interlaced in the imagery of those times. On the one hand, the horizontal crescent clearly recalls a schematic boat and, on the other hand, the horns of a bull, or a buffalo, holding its head high or low respectively appear as a horizontal or inverted crescent. It seems also possible to propose that the wellknown identification of Ishtar with the planet Venus, whose characteristic is to be the first celestial body to appear at sunrise and the last to disappear at sunset, and to disappear from the skies for a short, regularly recurrent period, might have led in the ancient imaginary to an analogy between Ishtar and the Moon, whose image remains visible at sunrise and sunset and disappears completely during a cyclical period. The interpretation of the unidentified motif of the Old Syrian glyptic and of the Eblaic offering table from Ishtar’s Temple, based on the passage of the Sumerian hymn of the Old Babylonian period presumes that some at least of the elements of the imaginary concerning Inanna/Ishtar in Lower Mesopotamia and the Ishtar Eblaitu in Western Inland Syria were shared. It is probable that this is not far from truth, although it cannot be fully proved.25 The vertical band of horizontal or inverted crescents of the Old Syrian religious world related to Ishtar, based on the passage from the Sumerian hymn might have been a figurative expression of several convergent figures of the psychic and literary imaginary related to the great goddess of love and fertility, to her eagerness, compared with the young moon and to the physical beauty, compared to horns and to the boat of heaven.26

25 Another element supporting this hypothesis is that the superimposed crescents appear also in relation with the hare, which was recently and plausibly identified as a fertility symbol of the Ishtar Eblaitu: S. Pizzimenti, A Hare in the Land of Lions. Analysis and Interpretation of the Leporid Symbol in the Old Syrian Glyptic, Studia Eblaitica 1 (2015): 165–177. 26 This short note must be considered on the same line of interpretation of the contribution, fully shared by the author, by A. Otto, Much More than Just a Decorative Element: The Guilloche as Symbol of Fertility, in J. Patrier et al. (eds), Mille et une empreintes. Un Alsacien en Orient. Mélanges en l’honneur du 65e anniversaire de Dominique Beyer (Subartu 36), Turnhout 2016: 379–393.

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Fig. 1. Old Syrian cylinder seal, Collection Chiha, no. 266 (after Doumet, Chiha: no. 266).

Fig. 2. Old Syrian cylinder seal, from Ugarit, no. 24.363 (after Amiet, Corpus II: 29, no. 27).

Fig. 3. Old Syrian cylinder seal, Collection Chiha, no. 270 (after Doumet, Chiha: no. 270).

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Fig. 4. Old Syrian cylinder seal, Damascus, National Museum (after Kühne, Rollsiegel, no. 33).

Fig. 5a–b. Old Syrian offering table, from Ebla, Temple P2, TM.91.P.717 (© MAIS).

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Reviews

F. Baffi, R. Fiorentino and L. Peyronel (eds), Tell Tuqan Excavations and Regional Perspectives. Cultural Developments in Inner Syria from the Early Bronze Age to the Persian/Hellenistic Period. Proceedings of the International Conference May 15th– 17th 2013 – Lecce. Università del Salento. Dipartimento di Beni culturali – Collana del Dipartimento 21. Congedo Editore, Galatina, Italy, 2014. (Pp. 564, 170 x 240 mm). ISBN: 978–8–867–66103–9. Price € 80,00. The book, edited by Francesca Baffi, Roberto Fiorentino and Luca Peyronel, collects the proceedings of the International Conference “Tell Tuqan Excavations and Regional Perspectives. Cultural Developments in Inner Syria from the Early Bronze Age to the Persian/Hellenistic Period”, held in Lecce, Italy, in 2013. The archaeological exploration of Tell Tuqan, Syria, a 25 ha site, located in the Mohafazat of Idlib and immersed in the geo-ecological environment of the Matkh Lake, began in the 1970s as a spin-off of the activities of the archaeological expedition of Sapienza University of Rome at nearby Tell Mardikh, the ancient Ebla. Alessandro de Maigret surveyed Tell Tuqan in 1971, 1972 and 1974, and some probes were

excavated under the direction of Paolo Matthiae in 1978, 1981, 1986 and 1993. Subsequently, the University of Salento resumed the archaeological exploration of the site; excavations, directed by Francesca Baffi, re-started in 2006 and lasted until 2010; subsequently, they were stopped by the outbreak of the Syrian crisis (Baffi and Peyronel, p. 7). As stated by the editors (p. 9), the research project was inspired by a regional approach, achieved by means, on the one hand, of the integration of data from excavations and surveys, and, on the other hand, of archaeological and historical records and data on settlement patterns, climate and environment through time. The results of the excavations at Tell Tuqan have been fully published in a praiseworthy timely fashion in three final excavation reports (Baffi [ed.] 2006; 2008; 2011) and the book under review is a welcome follow-up to these books, which frames the evidence from the site in the regional context. The first article, written by Baffi and Peyronel, provides both a general introduction to the main topics analysed in the various chapters and to the site of Tell Tuqan and its region through the ages. Nine more papers in the book deal specifically with Tell Tuqan, ana-

Studia Eblaitica 4 (2018)

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lysing the historical trajectory of this site and its region through this long time-span and/or presenting and discussing the site’s material culture in the different periods and phases (Matthiae; Vacca; Peyronel; Baffi; Ascalone; Felluca; Fiorentino; Baffi; Semeraro). Four archaeometric papers complement the archaeological part. Faunal remains from the site dating from the Early Bronze Age to the Hellenistic Period are presented (Minniti) as well as the combined taphonomic and archaeometric studies of a garbage dump at Middle Bronze Age Ebla (Caracuta and Fiorentino), which provide insights on food consumption and disposal at those sites. Radiometric determinations for twenty Early Bronze IVA samples from Ebla and for four samples from Tell Tuqan dating to Middle Bronze I–II and Iron Age II–III are published (Calcagnile, Quarta and D’Elia). Finally, the results of the archaeometric study on mud-bricks from Tell Tuqan spanning from the Early Bronze Age to the Hellenistic-Roman period are preliminarily discussed (Quarta, Marchiori and Melica). Nine articles deal with the archaeological evidence from other sites; they are: Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna (Al-Maqdissi; Morandi Bonacossi), Ebla (Pinnock), Tell Afis (Venturi; Mazzoni) and Tell Tweini (Bretschneider, Jans and Van Vyve). The article closing the book (Janulardo) traces the journey to Syria made in 1953 by Alberto Moravia, one of the most prominent 20th-century Italian novelists. It would be impossible to review each article, I will, therefore, comment on local and regional trajectories reconstructed in the book and on

the main questions raised by some of the papers. Human occupation at Tell Tuqan spans from the second quarter of the 3rd millennium BC to the 1st century BC, from the Early Bronze Age to the Hellenistic-Roman period. In their overview of patterns of settlement and territorial organization of the Matkh region through time, Peyronel and Baffi suggest that continuity of settlement from the Early Bronze Age to the Hellenistic period was likely due to the favourable humid environment (p. 7). Likewise, they conclude that, despite such general continuity, there were changes through time, with both abandonments of certain sites and varying hierarchies among settlements as well as changes in the role played by different sites through the various historical phases (p. 27). In the book, Tell Tuqan and the Matkh basin are confronted with developments at sites nearby, in the Idlib region, as well as with settlements in the Orontes Valley or even with the Syrian coast, in order to frame the micro-regional trajectory within a macro-local framework encompassing Western Syria. Early Bronze III, roughly corresponding to the second quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, is the earliest phase of the 3rd millennium BC urbanizing trend known thus far for inland Western Syria. This formative urban stage, which spanned from the Early Bronze III period to the early Early Bronze IVA phase, is gradually coming into sharper focus, as discussed in several contributions in the volume (Matthiae; Mouamar; Vacca). At Tell

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Tuqan, this phase is well represented by a multi-phase stratigraphic sequence (Vacca). Differently, Early Bronze IVA, the third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, is thus far attested just by tomb assemblages at Tell Tuqan (Baffi and Peyronel; Vacca), while it corresponds to the flourishing of nearby Ebla, which became a major regional centre in this phase (Matthiae). Conversely, Early Bronze IVB, during approximately the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, is well documented by remains of occupation in several areas at the site. As proposed in the book, this change might be a consequence of the destruction of Ebla toward the end of Early Bronze IVA, which would have made it possible for Tell Tuqan to emerge in the local regional scenario. On the other hand, the Early Bronze IVB pottery assemblages from Tell Tuqan, as well as those from Tell Afis, date from a late Early Bronze IVB phase (Peyronel, p. 125) that, at Ebla, was a stage of recovery (D’Andrea 2018). Therefore, an alternative interpretation of the archaeological evidence might be that the two sites followed the fate of Ebla at least during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. Another important aspect discussed in the book is the relationship between Ebla and its region, including the area of Tell Tuqan, and the foundation of circular cities in the so-called arid margins, that is, at the western edge of the Syrian steppe, the development of which is outlined by Mouamar. There are several theories on the foundation of these cities; Baffi and Peyronel recall the hypothesis that they were founded

by Ebla, and Mouamar suggests that they might have been built for defensive purposes. We agree with Baffi and Peyronel (p. 13) that more study of this aspect is needed to understand the socio-political dynamics at work in the region during the third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC. The hypothesis that the steppe to the east and south of Hama, where those circular cities are located, might have corresponded to the territory of the tribal confederation of Ibal, mentioned in the Ebla texts, which had alternate relationships of rivalry and alliance with Ebla, is recalled in several papers in the book under review (Baffi and Peyronel; Peyronel; Mouamar). The destruction of Ebla toward the end of Early Bronze IVA certainly represents a divide in the socio-political history of Inland Western Syria. Therefore, the steady development of those sites all through Early Bronze IVB (Baffi and Peyronel, pp. 13–14; Peyronel p. 123; Mouamar), after the vanishing of Ebla’s previous regional hegemony, should be analysed in order to understand changes in socio-political balances in inland Western Syria during the late 3rd millennium BC. It has been suggested that, in the Middle Bronze Age, the settled area withdrew from the arid margins, possibly following climatic changes (but see, recently, Rousset et al. 2017 for a different proposal), and concentrated in favourable environments – the Jazr plain, the Matkh basin, the Orontes Valley and the Amuq. As pointed out by Peyronel (p. 125), this aspect should be investigated in depth in order to better understand the socio-cultural

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transformations between the end of the Early Bronze Age and the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, which are still opaque. During the latter period, Tell Tuqan was part and parcel of the socio-cultural transformations that took place in inland Western Syria along with the passage from the Early to Middle Bronze Ages (Baffi and Peyronel; Matthiae; Morandi Bonacossi). Baffi and Peyronel (p. 10) explain these phenomena as “A complete restructuring of the region on the social, economic and political levels which should be seen as the territorial affirmation of the reign of Yamhad, with its capital Aleppo”. In fact, these changes are traditionally framed within the context of the emergence of Amorite leaders in the region. Matthiae (p. 43) suggests that the beginning of urbanism in the Middle Bronze Age might be connected with the presence of clanic groups acting as “social forces capable to put forward a widespread reconversion to sedentary life of a previous mainly pastoral, or at least strongly dimorphic situation”. This reconnects also with Peyronel’s suggestion (p. 136) that the proliferation of fortified settlements enclosed by massive ramparts should be seen as the result of “a new organizational control” connected with the “emergence of new tribal powers with a socio-economic structure based on pastoralism in the steppic fringes” which would have changed the relationships between sedentists and nomads. In my opinion, these issues should be investigated within the framework of a certain degree of continuity between the

last phase of Early Bronze IV, which has come into sharper focus during the last decade or so, and the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age in inland Western Syria. In particular, the possibility that socio-cultural changes and socio-political phenomena traditionally considered typical of the Middle Bronze Age might have begun in the later Early Bronze IVB phases should be taken into account, as suggested by the archaeological evidence for continuity within transformations at that time. Taking the view from Qatna but reviewing the evidence available from Syria and Mesopotamia, Morandi Bonacossi brings up the critical topic of the nature of urbanism in Syria during the Middle Bronze Age, underlining how little is known of private residential quarters from this period, in contrast to the striking evidence for public architecture. In his paper, he discusses whether it might be possible to consider the new Syrian capitals of the 2nd millennium BC as “hollow cities” that would concentrate all the administrative functions within their perimeter but would be “devoid of common residents” (p. 284), who would live in towns and villages distributed around the fortified enclosures. However, he concludes that the current lack of knowledge on “ordinary residential areas” (p. 283) makes it impossible to confirm or reject this hypothesis. It is important to underline that, in the case of Tell Tuqan, only the massive fortifications have been brought to light (Baffi), but no public buildings have been identified thus far, probably due to the substantial structures dating from the

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Iron Age and the fortress of the Persian period that occupy most of the Acropolis (Peyronel, p. 130). It seems that, from the 17th century BC, regional trajectories diverged in inland Western Syria during the late Middle Bronze and the Late Bronze Ages. The impact of the different length of the Middle Bronze Age at individual sites and areas on the elaboration of a regional relative periodization that may apply to inland Western Syria as a whole is discussed by Baffi and Peyronel and Peyronel and, above all by Pinnock and Venturi, especially in connection with differences between the Ebla region and the Orontes Valley. As addressed by Pinnock and Venturi (pp. 305–307), the identification of ceramic markers for relative chronology to discriminate between late Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age assemblages and re-assess, ceramically, the transition from one period to the next, involves also the question of the persistence of Middle Bronze Age traditions during the Late Bronze Age. These questions are part of a broad scholarly discussion and have been recently examined at a supra-regional scale, involving Syria and Mesopotamia as a whole (see, e.g., the various contributions in Luciani and Hausleiter [eds] 2014). In addition to the pottery evidence, in the book under review, Al-Maqdissi’s presentation of a cult building discovered under the so-called Coupole de Loth at Qatna provides more evidence to discuss continuity of some socio-cultural structures all through the 2nd millennium BC and possibly beyond, taking the perspective from a different type of archaeological evidence.

Although, the picture of the Late Bronze Age at Tell Tuqan is still opaque, due to scarce archaeological data and the difficulty to discriminate, ceramically, between different Late Bronze Age phases, it seems that the site was in decline by the end of Middle Bronze II and through the Late Bronze Age. Excavations at Ebla from 2008 to 2010 showed that, although the site was in a phase of decline as well during this period, occupation was continuous, all through the Late Bronze Age at least on the Acropolis (Matthiae 2011). However, it is clear that, in the region of Ebla, Tell Afis became the most important site during the Late Bronze Age (Venturi). Conversely, in the Orontes Valley, several centres prospered during the Late Bronze Age and Qatna became a main regional centre until the military campaigns by Suppililiuma I, which would inaugurate a phase of decline in this region during the latest phase of the Late Bronze Age. Venturi recalls (p. 309) that in this later Late Bronze Age phase, after a long decline, Tell Afis experienced a revival of urbanism and became the seat of a provincial palace. He suggests that this might be connected with the favourable geographical position of Tell Afis and the Hittites’ will to control communication routes between Karkemish and the Anatolian plateau and fertile lands in the Jazr and the Amuq plains. It is generally maintained that, starting from the 17th century BC, the Ebla region saw a shrinkage of settlements and a demographic reduction following the destructions brought by the military campaigns of the Hittite

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kings. On the other hand, there is a recent proposal by Schwartz (2018) that a crisis during the late Middle Bronze Age and the transition from the Middle to Late Bronze Ages might have been due also to internal factors, including climate change and environmental degradation preceding the military campaigns of the Hittites. Whatever forces drove transformations first, it is clear that socio-political and ideological discontinuities were accompanied by a certain degree of continuity in the material culture. The latter phenomenon should be investigated also in terms of endurance of socio-economic structures underlying patterns of production and consumption of artefacts, as pointed out by Pinnock in the book under review. Differences and similarities in coastal/inland developments during the Iron Age are represented in the book by contributions on Tell Tweini on the one hand and Tell Tuqan and Tell Afis respectively. Bretschneider, Jans and Van Vyve report on the early Iron Age at Tell Tweini, on the Syrian coast, a phase that, at Tell Tuqan, is attested, thus far, only in the Lower Town. However, the internal developments of the Iron Age at Tell Tuqan during Iron Age II–III have been reconstructed with some confidence (Baffi and Peyronel; Fiorentino) and it seems that the site, like nearby Ebla, was occupied by a rural village, the main regional centre at that time being Tell Afis, identified as the Aramean Hazrek (Venturi). Finally, articles on later periods at Tell Tuqan suggest continuity from the Iron Age to the Persian period, when Tell

Tuqan became part of the Achaemenid V Satrapy (Baffi), and from the Persian to the Hellenistic-Roman period, with presence of elites and the existence of short-distance trade of pottery (Baffi and Peyronel, p. 27; Semeraro). The book under review collects articles presenting fresh data, reconsiderations of heritage data collections, new analytical methods applied to old and new samples and, generally, gives a fresh look at the archaeology of Western Syria from the Bronze Age through the Hellenistic-Roman period. Therefore, it will be a valuable addition to the library of specialists. Moreover, Janulardo’s article on Moravia’s souvenirs de voyage, which closes the book, is a proof of the fascination that the ancient past and cultural legacy of Syria have on contemporary society. In sum, this book, published three years after the beginning of the Syrian crisis, shows that the research into the history and archaeology of Syria can still contribute importantly to increasing scholarly knowledge and that, despite the current impossibility to carry on fieldwork in that region, there is still much that we can – we should – do by “digging” our archives. Marta D’Andrea Sapienza Università di Roma

Bibliography Baffi, F. (ed.) 2006 Tell Tuqan. Ricerche archeologiche italiane nella regione del Maath (Siria) (Università di Lecce. Dipartimento di Beni Culturali. Collana del Dipartimento 13), Galatina.

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2008

Tell Tuqan. Excavations 2006– 2007 (Università di Lecce. Dipartimento di Beni Culturali. Collana del Dipartimento 15), Galatina. 2011 Tell Tuqan. Excavations 2008– 2010 (Università di Lecce. Dipartimento di Beni Culturali. Collana del Dipartimento 18), Galatina. D’Andrea, M. 2018 The Early Bronze IVB Pottery of Ebla: Stratigraphy, Chronology, Typology and Style, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th‒17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 221–255. Luciani, M. and Hausleiter, A. (eds) 2014 Recent Trends in the Study of Late Bronze Age Ceramics in Syro-Mesopotamia and Neighbouring Regions. Proceedings of the International Workshop in

Berlin, 2–5 November 2006 (Orient-Archäologie 32), Rahden. Matthiae, P. 2011 Fouilles à Tell Mardikh-Ébla en 2009–2010: Les débuts de l’exploration de la citadelle paléosyrienne, Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 155: 735–773. Rousset, M.-O, Geyer, B., Awad N., and Shabo, S. 2017 Un réseau défensif de l’âge du Bronze moyen dans les Marges arides de Syrie du Nord, Paléorient 43/2, 115–163. Schwartz, G.M. 2018 The Value of the Vestigial: From Middle to Late Bronze Age in Western Syria, in P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock and M. D’Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th‒17th December 2014, Wiesbaden: 221–255.

L. Turri, “Vieni, lascia che ti dica di altre città”. Ambiente naturale, umano e politico della valle dell’Oronte nella Tarda età del Bronzo (Studi Archeologici su Qatna 3), Forum, Udine 2015 (Pp. 480, B/W and colour figures). ISBN 978–88–8420– 883–5. Price 65,00 €

terre and Paris in 2012 and devoted to the historical geography of the middle Orontes from the 3rd millennium BC to the Medieval times (Parayre 2016), in which Luigi Turri, author of the present volume took part (Turri 2016). The valley adjoins the Mediterranean regions but is characterized by a network of different micro-regions, connected one to the other but also separated by environmental constraints, which prevented, in the past, the development of a homogeneous human settlement and favoured,

The Orontes Valley is a unique “geographic entity” in the Near East, as it has been underlined by Dominique Parayre in the introduction to the proceedings of an international conference held in Nan-

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instead, the development of different settled environmental niches. In the words of Marfoe it is a “zone of transition, a mosaic of localised microenvironments whose division are indistinct but blend together into an amorphous patchwork of numerous intergrading sub-zones” (Marfoe 1998: 22). On the other hand, the valley is located in an exceptional position, at the junction of three of the main different geographic zones in the Near East, the Mediterranean domain, the steppe belt and the “arid margins” towards the Syro-Arabic desert, which made it, in antiquity, a privileged area with complementary potentialities: a region of contacts and interconnections. This was particularly true during the Late Bronze age, the historical period to which the volume is devoted, when, along the river, the Semitic and Indo-European worlds met, as the author states at the beginning of the volume, and clashed, for the first time in direct contact. In the second half of the 2nd millennium BC, Egyptians, Hurrians, Hittites fought along the Orontes Valley trying to get a privileged access to the resources of the Levantine regions, subjugating the numerous local kingdoms, which had arisen along the valley. The military and political intervention of the Great Powers of the Late Bronze age stimulated the development of an “international” culture in the region, well attested by the Amarna correspondence, in which the Orontes Valley petty kings are consistently present, but, on the other hand, it also brought political instability and population fluctuations, which affected the area all over the period.

The volume presents the results of a PhD research, strengthened by the author’s decennial collaboration to the archaeological expedition at Tell Mishrife/Qatna, and focussed on the reconstruction of a general history of the Orontes Valley during this crucial historical phase, with an interdisciplinary perspective. It is a history from below, which aims at collecting a large amount of very different data, from the many archaeological reports to the varied but fragmentary written sources, to insert them in an overall frame, in which the relevance of the region and its cultural peculiarity gains back its place in the wider international chessboard set up by the “Club of the Great Powers”. The author defines his approach as “sequential”: he starts from the geographic description of the region, with its geo-morphologic, topographic and environmental peculiarities, to move to a detailed presentation of the settlement patterns from archaeological surveys; a following step is to list all epigraphic sources dealing with the Orontes Valley, followed by a geographic repertoire of toponyms attested in the written sources, to conclude with a historical reconstruction of the region in the Late Bronze age. A final synthesis reports the main achievement of the volume, which is also provided with English and Arabic summaries and a final cartographic appendix in colour. Part I, “A rebel river. The Orontes’ catchment area: a natural environment of borders and contrasts”, is devoted to the geo-morphologic, topographic and environmental features of the Orontes

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Valley. The chapter underlines the peculiarities of the “Rebel River”, Nahr el-Asi in Arabic, whose water catchment area spreads for more than 23.000 km2. It rises as a mountain spring in the region of Baalbeck, and flows northwards between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountain ranges, crossing the Beqa valley, into the Syrian inner lands between the Homs plains and the Hama plateau, then reaches the Amuq plains and, making a U-bend, finally flows into the Mediterranean sea. With a length of approximately 610 km, the river is the main Levantine stream but its difficult course, which flows in a patchwork of different geographic units, prevents the possibility of navigation for almost all its course. The morphological peculiarity of the Orontes is well explained by the fact that the river originated in an already existing geological basin, of relatively recent formation, crossed by a number of faults, where tectonics predominated over water erosion, so the river did not “create” its valley, as most rivers do. This resulted in a wide range of different and even contrasting geomorphologic features – well described in detail in the chapter’s paragraph 2 “Topographic elements” –, which has prevented, even in the past, the development of a homogeneous settlement pattern along the whole valley. Climate, to which a part of the chapter is devoted, is also affected by the different topographic features of the valley, in which precipitation and temperature vary in a significant way not only along the south-north axis, but also along the latitudinal one. Palaeo-cli-

matic studies underline a substantial change in the environmental conditions at the transition between the Middle and Late Bronze ages, partly due to a more arid climate and to the intensification of the natural resources exploitation. Climatic data from the Late Bronze age appear to be incoherent and fluctuations are attested between drier and wetter phases, in a general trend towards a severe aridification, taking place by the end of the 2nd millennium BC, when famine and draught invested the Levant. Palaeo-botanic and archaeo-zoological data, mostly for the region’s key sites of Tell Mishrife/Qatna, Tell Atchana/Alalakh, and partly from Khamid el-Loz/Kumidi show a staple economy based on cereals, among which barley is the most attested. Wheat is present at a lower percentage, while emmer, which adapts to dry climatic conditions, apparently disappears during the Late Bronze age, due to a cultural choice, rather than to environmental constraints. An increase in olive oil production is also attested, together with the introduction of sesame, whose cultivation will increase during the Iron age, while linseed was apparently dismissed already by the Middle Bronze age. As again this appears to be a cultural choice, it would be interesting to investigate the possibility that the development of a palatine interconnection in a wider international scenario, might have had an impact also on choices related to the local staple economy. Part II, “The anthropisation of the Orontes Valley. Diversity and uniformity in the settlement patterns”, aims

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at presenting in a systematic way all information on ancient settlements from archaeological surveys in the Orontes Valley. The operation is undoubtedly a challenging one as the information from site to site and from survey to survey can be extremely uneven. A short history of the Orontes archaeological exploration is provided, and some methodological issues are developed in order to rationalize and be able to compare a fragmented documentation. The Orontes Valley flows today in three different states, and this has prevented the organisation of a general survey, data are thus often difficult to compare and ceramics sequences are reliable only for certain sites and certain regions. For these reasons the chapter is arranged according to a geographic order, corresponding roughly to the different surveys conducted in the Orontes Valley, from south to north, and sub-divided into five main geographic areas: the northern Beqa, the region around Homs and Hama, the area of the Ghab and Ruji, the Amuq Valley and finally the Orontes delta. Each section ends with summary tables, recording the occupation of each site from the Middle Bronze to the Iron age. Maps with settlements’ distribution are provided together with summary tables reporting the hypothesised sites’ size and population density. Some general considerations are provided at the end of the chapter: a decrease in sites’ number from the Middle to Late Bronze ages is detectable but a decline in the transitional

phase is only unevenly attested. Smaller sites were apparently abandoned, in favour of larger ones. This led to an increase in centralisation but also caused higher risks of demographic pressure, which, in its turn, together with the palatial economic policy, motivated the fugitives’ phenomenon, well attested especially from the international treaties of the time. An effort is made to provide demographic data on the base of the settlements’ size and distribution. The author is well aware of the difficulty of the task: not all sites are recorded in the surveys, and the attribution of a size to the surveyed sites is only possible where enough data are recorded. For the Orontes Valley only the Beqa, Amuq and Qatna regions, which were the object of recent archaeological projects, provide a reliable kind of information. The hypothesised size of each settlement was related by Turri to different population estimations, considering a lower density for smaller settlements and a higher one for larger settlements, which gave more plausible results than considering only the number of sites. For larger settlements, a further correction was applied, in the consideration that not all the settlement areas were devoted to residential uses. According to these calculations, a general trend of population decrease is attested in from the Middle Bronze to Late Bronze ages, while an increase in smaller settlements is again visible from the Late Bronze to the Iron age, when larger sites diminish to be replaced by a higher number of smaller and presumably rural sites. This could

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be also related to a different proportion of settled inhabitants and semi-nomadic or nomadic population, who need, for their supply, a much larger territory. The abandonment of settlements in favour of a more nomadic life would thus bring to a decrease in inhabitants. As a general trend, all archaeological data show preferential regions for settlement: the middle region of the northern Beqa, and the alluvial plain of the Orontes, the floodplains around Hama and Homs; the southern section of the Ghab graben and finally the Amuq floodplain. The settlement pattern was, thus, patchy, and this is reflected also in the region’s fragmented political situation, which is treated in the following parts of the volume. Part III, “Letters. Treaties and lists of conquered sites. The heterogeneity or the written sources dealing with the Orontes Valley”, presents a catalogue of all available written sources dated to the Late Bronze age dealing with the Orontes Valley. The catalogue is organized on the base of their place of origin: Egypt, Asia Minor, Syria, and all kinds of historical texts are mentioned, from treaties to administrative tablets, to legal texts and letters, while religious texts are not taken into consideration. Among the Egyptian texts, topographic lists are particularly relevant for the reconstruction of the historical geography of the Orontes Valley, and a peculiar attention is given to Thutmose III’s list, following the battle of Megiddo, which marked the beginning of the Egyptian dominion in Canaan. Data from the Alalakh IV tablets are also

given a particular attention, as they represent the richest local archive, together with the letters from el-Amarna, dealing with the Orontes region. While the Alalakh texts describe the local situation and provide extremely interesting data on the local society and territory administration (von Dassow 2008), the tablets from el-Amarna provide the international scenario, which characterised the Orontes Valley in the 14th century BC (Liverani 1998; 1999). Treaties dealing with the region are also considered, together with texts from Ugarit and tablets from Qatna. Data from the archaeological and philological catalogues are then used to compose Parts IV and V, which are devoted respectively to a geographic repertoire of the Orontes Valley (“Towns, villages and regional kingdoms. Geographic repertoire of the Orontes valley”), and to the historical reconstruction of the region in the Late Bronze age (“Alliances and betrayals. The wars to conquer the Orontes valley: When natural and political frontiers coincide”). The geographic repertoire is arranged in alphabetic order, and reports all toponyms mentioned in the epigraphic sources listed in the previous part, which might be located in the Orontes Valley, with all possible variants, when they are attested in sources written in different languages (Akkadian, Hittite, Egyptian). At the end of the chapter, two interesting historical maps are provided, showing the political situation of the Orontes Valley at the beginning of the Late Bronze age, and after Shuppiluliuma’s campaigns in Syria.

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While the Beqa, and its small city-states remained under Egyptian control, the region around Qadesh, and up to the Qattina Lake became a turbulent frontier, invested by the Hittite expansionist ambitions, which culminated in the battle of Qadesh. The turmoil provoked by the Hittite campaigns reshaped the political landscape of the entire valley: in the north, Mukish was strongly reduced, probably in favour of Nuhashe, while in the south, Amurru expanded its territory northwards up to Tunip. The attempt to put on a map the borders of the numerous small city-states and kingdoms attested in the written sources is indeed to be praised, always bearing in mind, as the author does, Eva von Dassow’s definition of borders in this historical period: “the modern concept of a state territory as a continuous area delimited by a continuous border is surely an anachronism during much of antiquity; one should rather visualize the territory of the Late Bronze Age polity in the form of a network of towns, with the routes linking them, leaving the land beyond the hinterlands of towns more or less vacant of state control” (von Dassow 2008: 67). Part V represents the main aim of the volume and is a general historical reconstruction of the Orontes Valley during the Late Bronze age, which is then summarized in the “Conclusions”. In the final pages of the volume, well known local kings such as Aziru of Amurru, servant of two or even three masters (Liverani 1983, De Vecchi 2012), with his ambiguous policy, are reconsidered in the general framework of their complex interaction both with

other petty kings of the Orontes Valley – such as the kings of Qatna, to which an interesting long paragraph is devoted – and with the great kings of Mitanni, Egypt and Hatti, always starting from the “local” perspective. From the rise of the Mittanian kingdom, after the decline of the Hittite influence in northern Syria, in the 16th century BC, to the Egyptian campaigns at the time of Thutmose III, when the two Great Powers clashed in the Orontes Valley, the fate of small local entities such as Mukish, Nuhashe, Tunip, Qatna, Qadesh and Amqi is traced. The peace concluded with the marriage of Artatatma’s daughter with Thutmose IV marked a first division in the sphere of influence of the two Great Kings: Mukish, Nuhashe, Tunip and probably Qatna were in the political sphere of the Hurrian kingdom, while Amqi and Qadesh were under the Egyptian influence. The Hittite expansion in Syria, as already stated, marked a deep change in the political balance. Shuppiluliuma interventions caused a period of turmoil, and an already fragmented political situation became even more chaotic, with struggles between pro-Hittite and pro-Egyptian/Mittanian factions. Qatna’s history attested from the texts found in the city document this troubled period, in which the city first apparently supported the Hittites, to turn then to the Egyptians, but experiencing, in fact, a political decline. Ugarit was annexed to Hatti in conjunction to the rebellion of Mukish, Nuhashe and Niya against Shuppiluliuma, and the struggles to conquer the valley ended

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only with the battle of Qadesh, and the subsequent treaty between Hatti and Egypt. The outcome of the battle was apparently inconclusive, but the losses for Egypt were significant: Qadesh and Amurru, with his king Benteshina reinstalled on the throne after his betrayal, were under the Hittite rule, while the pharaoh only held Amqi and Ubi. In conclusion, the volume is the result of a deep and serious research, and both archaeological and textual data are critically re-considered with a strong methodological approach, and reported in extremely detailed lists, which are certainly the richness of the volume, but can sometimes be confusing for the reader, who finds patches of information on the same site or on the same subject spread in different chapters. Turri is well aware of a lack of uniformity in the structure, which is mainly due to the necessity of cataloguing a huge amount of different and often fragmentary data, nevertheless, his careful and systematic work represents indeed a precious research, which will stand as a reference for further studies on the region.

Bibliography

Lucia Mori Sapienza Università di Roma

von Dassow, E. 2008 State and Society in the Late Bronze Age: Alalakh under the Mittani Empire (SCCH 17), Bethesda. De Vecchi, E. 2012 Aziru Servant of Three Masters?, Altorientalische Forschungen 39: 38–48. Liverani, M. 1983 Aziru servitore di due padroni, in O. Carruba, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (eds), Studi orientalistici in ricordo di F. Pintore, Pavia: 115–116. Liverani, M. 1990 Prestige and Interest: International Relations in the Near East ca. 1600–1100 BC, Padova. 1998 Le lettere di el-Amarna. I – Le lettere dei Piccoli Re, Brescia. 1999 Le lettere di el-Amarna. II – Le lettere dei Grandi Re, Brescia. Marfoe, L. 1998 Kāmid el-Lōz 14, Settlement History of the Biqā’ up to the Iron Age (SBA 53), Bonn. Parayre, D. (ed.) 2016 Le fleuve rebelle. Géographie historique du moyen Oronte d’Ebla à l’époque médiévale. Actes du colloque international tenu les 13 et 14 décembre 2012 à Nanterre (MAE) et à Paris (INHA), Beyrouth.

Die Pfeilspitzen aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/ Dūr-Katlimmu von der mittelassyrischen bis zur parthisch-römischen Zeit in ihrem Westasiatischen und Euroasiatischen Kontext by A. Hellmuth Kramberger (BATSH 22), Wiesbaden 2016 (Pp. L+116). ISBN 978–3–447–10605–4. Price € 54,00.

Volume no. 22 of the series Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu (BATSH), edited by Hartmut Kühne, is dedicated to the study and analysis of bronze and iron arrowheads from different archaeological contexts of the ancient city of Dūr-Katlimmu in Syria. The text (56 pages) is

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followed by a real comprehensive catalogue of findings, with picture and drawing of each arrowhead and the essential information (short description, dimensions, material, context and stratigraphic notes, inventory number of the archaeological museum in Deir ez-Zor, and comparisons with references). The text is divided into four chapters: 1. Introduction; 2. Bronze arrowheads; 3. Iron arrowheads; 4. Conclusion. The detailed analysis by the author points out at the importance of the study of metal findings from stratified context as this is the only precise proof for a chronological evaluation of the object itself and, more generally, of the context of use. The chronological time span, from the Middle Assyrian to the Parthian and Roman Period, passing through the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian phases (that are so well documented at Dūr-Katlimmu), reveals, in fact, the importance of the ancient city as a crucial urban centre in the organization and management of the territory across time. On the other hand, the comparisons, specifically in the Late Bronze period but also during the Iron Age, show a kind of “international” exchange of weapons (trade of metal as raw material, but one might even think of a technological transfer for the melting of metals). In this respect, the relations of metal weapons from Dūr-Katlimmu with the Scythian culture of the kurgan graves in North Caucasus is particularly important: it is in fact the proof of contacts between the two regions, with the

movement of objects, on the one hand, and people, on the other. This aspect points to the presence of foreign warriors, in particular of mounted warriors from the steppes, who were specifically skilled in the horse-mounted fight and in the use of the bow while riding: this presence, as discussed in chapters 2.2–2.6, is also documented in written sources and opens a very promising line of research for the study and comprehension of movements of people and the involvement of specialised troops, corps and personnel within the Assyrian army, as is well documented for the late Assyrian period. At the same time, the recovery, in the kurgan graves, of objects (a chariot, weapons and jewels) with a clear Assyrian influence is the result of contacts and exchanges showing the existence of a political diplomacy. The volume is a precious benchmark for the study of often neglected archaeological materials: definitely, the book by Hellmuth Kramberger on the bronze and iron arrowheads from Dūr-Katlimmu gives the so-called small finds (Kleine Funde) the same dignity of other types and categories of objects that are usually studied more carefully. This publication shows how even the smallest find deserves a specific attention in the reconstruction of the history of occupation of a site (specifically when materials come from stratified contexts), in a larger perspective of contact and exchange of both material culture and people. Davide Nadali Sapienza Università di Roma

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‫‪٥‬‬

‫‪Arabic Abstracts‬‬

‫رؤوس أقالم‬ ‫حول بعض الكرس اإلبالئية للقامئة املعجمية السومرية ‪MEE 15 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 61‬‬ ‫ماركو بونييك ‪ -‬املركز الوطني للبحوث‬ ‫إن اإلقرتاح بأن كرس الرقم الفخارية املنشورة يف عام ‪ ١٩٩٧‬بدون صور أو نسخ يدوي تنتمي إىل رقيم فخاري واحد من القرص املليك‬ ‫‪ G‬يف إبال حيث القامئة املعجمية السومرية للملك إش بار كني كانت مكتوبة‪ ،‬قد إستند عىل أساس السامت التحريرية الخاصة‬ ‫التي تتشارك فيها الكرس‪ ،‬كالحواف املكتوبة (الغري متواجدة يف مصادر مقارنة)‪ .‬واللفظ النادر للكنة السومرية عىل سبيل املثال‬ ‫(‪ kù-babbar‬وليس ‪ .)kù:babbar‬الرتتيب النيص الناتج يحتوي عىل جزئني متتاليني‪ ،‬مثال‪ :‬مقطعني نقشيني متبوعان بقامئة كلامت‪،‬‬ ‫بنمط متواجد أيضاً يف رقم ملكية‪ .‬ترجمة جديدة للمقاطع النقشية و بعض املالحظات اللغوية عىل قامئة الكلامت سيتم عرضها‪.‬‬ ‫عنرص غري معروف يف فن النقش السوري القديم واملعبد ‪ P2‬يف إبال‬ ‫باولو ماتييه ‪ -‬سابينزا جامعة روما‬ ‫شكل وحيد يظهر عىل مايبدو عىل أنه شكل زخريف يالحظ يف سلسلة من األختام اإلسطوانية السورية القدمية يف منطقة‬ ‫سوريا الشاملية الغربية‪ ،‬يتألف هدا العنرص من مجموعة عمودية من الزخارف تتضمن سلسلة من العنارص املتنامية‬ ‫أو أقواس أو أشواك أسامك‪ .‬نفس املشهد يظهر ثالث مرات عىل الدعامة املركزية لطاولة نزرية مصنوعة من البازلت‬ ‫(‪ )TM.91.P.717‬مكتشفة من املعبد ‪ P2‬املخصص لعشتار يف إبال‪ .‬هذه الحقيقة تجعل من املؤكد أن هذه الزخرفة‬ ‫عىل عالقة محددة بعشتار اإلبالئية إلهة الحب والخصوبة والحرب‪ .‬نشيد سومري ينتمي إىل مجموعة التودد الشعرية‬ ‫لآللهة إنانا‪/‬عشتار من قبل اإلله دوموزي‪/‬متوز يصف فرج اإللهة الكبرية كقرن وكسفينة السامء مليئة بالجاذبية مثل‬ ‫القمر الغري مكتمل‪ .‬مفاهيم القرن وسفينة السامء والقمر الغري مكتمل يف الفن السوري القديم هو شبيه مبعارصه الفن‬ ‫البابيل القديم التي يعتقد أنها كانت متعلقة بحامس الحب آللهة عشتار الذي الميكن مقاومته‪ ،‬عشتار التي كانت‬ ‫سيدة اآللهة يف إبال خالل الربونز الوسيط األول والثاين‪ .‬إن تصميم العنرص الزخريف عىل شكل قوس يف الطاولة النذرية‬ ‫ميثل يف الوقت نفسه القرن و سفينة السامء و القمر الغري مكتمل الذين يجب أن ميثلو جامل اآللهة يف الخيال الزمني‪.‬‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬

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‫‪Arabic Abstracts‬‬

‫ملنطقة وسط أناضوليا‪ .‬عند سقوط الدولة اإلمرباطورية الحثية موقع إرسالن تيبيه يعرض جوانب من اإلستمرارية للتقاليد‬ ‫الحثية مرتافقتا مع ظهور إتجاهات جديدة متصلة مع الضفة الغربية لحوض الفرات وأرايض سوريا الداخلية‪ .‬بعد التقديم‬ ‫التاريخي والكرونولجي هذا املقال سيعرض املواد املؤرخة إىل عرص الحديد الباكر من موقع أرسالن تبيه و يقارنه مبجموعات‬ ‫أخرى مكتشفة يف مواقع رئيسية معارصة يف حوض الفارت وشامل بالد الشام ليقدم جوانب عىل الهوية املحلية للمواد و‬ ‫اإلتصاالت اإلقليمية‪ .‬املنظور الثنايئ سيسمح لنا أيضا بدمج مواد الربونز املتأخر يف صورة تاريخية من أجل فهم التحوالت‬ ‫يف أمناط العالقة مابني املوقع واملناطق املجاورة‪ .‬هذه التحاليل سوف تكون أيضاً مساقة بحقل نظري أوسع بواسطة‬ ‫متيز عنارص اإلستمرارية والتحول والتغري يف الثقافة املادية وملناقشة كيف كانت متأثرة بتطورات العالقة مابني الثقافات‪.‬‬ ‫ال ‪ Marzeah‬الفينيقية ‪ :‬دالئل جديدة من القرن الرابع قبل امليالد يف قربص‬ ‫ماريا جوليا أمادازي ( سابينزا جامعة روما) خوسيه أنخل زامورا (املدرسة اإلسبانية للتاريخ واآلثار يف روما)‬ ‫إنه من املفهوم بشكل عام أن مصطلح ‪ Mrzh‬يظهر يف جميع وثائق املنطقة السامية الرشقية الغربية لتأرخ من عرص‬ ‫الربونز حتى القرن السادس امليالدي‪ ،‬لرتمز إىل اإلحتفال و أو إجتامع مجموعة من الناس (حتى وإن كانوا ينتمون إىل‬ ‫الطبقة الحاكمة) خالل مناسبات معينة مع إقامة وليمة طعام (بطبيعة دينية او حتى جنائزية)‪ .‬عىل كل حال الكلمة‬ ‫وإستخدامها الفعيل خالل فرتة هذه الفرتة الطويلة من الزمن يف هذه املنطقة الواسعة (التي من املأكد أنها تفرض تطور‬ ‫تاريخي يف مناطق ثقافية مختلفة) ال تزال غري مفهومة‪ .‬الدراسة التالية تعيد النظر بالدالئل املوجودة منذ بداية عرص‬ ‫الربونز من بعض املستندات التي تم العثور عليها يف إبال والحقاً من إميار وأوغاريت التي تعرض تواجد مصطل ع �‪Mar‬‬ ‫‪( zeah‬بإستخدام الصوتيات املعتادة) منذ أقدم الوثائق السامية املكتوبة يف سوريا‪ .‬بعد فاصل زمني من بعض القرون‪،‬‬ ‫املقال التايل يحلل تواجد ال ‪ Marzeah‬خالل األلف األول قبل امليالد يف املاملك اآلرامية ( اإللفنتية‪ ،‬النبطية والتدمرية)‬ ‫ومجموعة اللغات الكنعانية ( العربية والفينيقية)‪ .‬الهدف املحدد من إعادة الدراسة لكل املستندات هو لعرض كيف أن‬ ‫الكتابات الفينيقية من مدينة إيداليون (قربص الحالية) املقدمة هنا للمرة األوىل ومؤرخة من نهاية الفرتة الفارسية إىل‬ ‫الهلنستية الباكرة‪ ،‬تعطي بعض السامت الجديدة من أجل فهم هذه اإلحفتاالت بشكل رئييس يف العامل الفينيقي‪ .‬النقوش‬ ‫املكتوبة بواسطة الحرب عىل اإلوسرتكون املكتشفة من أرشيف املركز اإلداري يف املدينة و مرتبط بعشتار وميلقارت‪ .‬تعرض‬ ‫للمرة األول تواجد ال ‪ Marzeah‬يف قربص وتكشف عن الرابط مابني إدارة القرص و النشاطات الدينية ( الطعام من أجل‬ ‫اإلحتفال هو معطى من قبل القرص) عالوة عىل ذلك‪ ،‬للمرة األوىل ال ‪ Marzeah‬متارس باإلتصال مع زوج من اآللهة عقيدتهام‬ ‫رمبا كانت مرتبطة مبدينة كيتيون‪ ،‬القوة السياسية املتحكمة مبدينة إيدالون منذ منتصف القرن الخامس قبل امليالد‪.‬‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬

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‫‪Arabic Abstracts‬‬

‫الحوض النذري املنحوت يف املعبد السوري القديم ‪ N‬والصالت مابني حلب وإبال‬ ‫باولو ماتييه ‪ -‬سابينزا جامعة روما‬ ‫الحوض النذري الكليس رقم ‪ TM.72.N.468‬الذي تم العثور عليه يف مكانه األصيل عام ‪ ١٩٧٢‬يف حنية معبد شامش‪/‬شاباش يف‬ ‫القطاع ‪ ،N‬الحوض مخرب بشكل عمدي‪ .‬بعترب هذا الحوض النذري فريد من نوعه من حيث إحتوائه عىل حوضني ومنحوت‬ ‫من كافة أطرافه األربعة‪ ،‬كل األحواض النذرية يف إبال هي بحوض واحد ومنحوتة من الجانب األمامي ومن الجانبيني‪ .‬الحوض‬ ‫النذري املذكور أعاله ممكن أن يأرخ إىل اوائل عرص الربونز حوايل عام ‪١٨٥٠‬ـ ‪ ١٧٥٠‬قبل امليالد‪ .‬يعرض الحوض عىل جانبه‬ ‫األمامي من اليسار إىل اليمني كاهن يحمل سكني ألستخدامه يف عملية ذبح الحيوان‪ ،‬شخصني متقابلني يحمالن نبته مقدسة‪،‬‬ ‫زوجني آخرين من الكهنة يظهران متعانقان‪ ،‬يف نهاية املشهد هناك تصوير جانبي إللهة ترتدي عباءة من الصوف‪ .‬الوجهني‬ ‫الجانبيني غري محفوظني بشكل كامل ولكن عىل األغلب هناك تصوير جانبي ألربعة أو خمسة آلهة مشابهة لتلك التي تظهر‬ ‫عىل الوجه األمامي‪ .‬الوجه الخلفي للحوض مدمر بشكل كامل رمبا كان نتيجة عملية نقلها وتكسريها خالل التدمري النهايئ‬ ‫ملدينة إبال حوايل عام ‪ ١٦٠٠‬قبل امليالد‪ ،‬عند نهاية عرص الربونز الوسيط الثاين‪ .‬الطقوس التي تظهر عىل جوانب الحوض‬ ‫النذري تشري إىل أنها جزء من طقوس أكرب مخصصة لترشيع إتفاق تحالف بني شخصيتني سياسيتني مهمتني‪ .‬من خالل تضحية‬ ‫حيوان كقربان لإلله لضامن مباركته عىل هذا اإلتفاق مابني الدولتني و تواجد فعل رمزي يتمثل بالنبتة املقدسة‪ .‬تصوير‬ ‫اآللهة املهيب يعترب كضامن للتحالف الذي وقع تحت رعاية إله الشمس شامش‪/‬شابش يف معبده‪ .‬بعض املشاهد املحفورة‬ ‫عىل جوانب الحوض النذري هي شائعة يف نقش األختام اإلسطوانية السورية القدمية املنتجة يف دور الصناعة مبنطقة حلب‪.‬‬ ‫أخذا بعني اإلعتبار أن هذا التحالف قد خلد من خالل هذا الحوض النذري وبالطبع بأمر ملك إبال‪ ،‬نستنتج ان هذا التحالف‬ ‫مابني قوتيني سياسيتني هو ذو أهمية بالغة‪ .‬يف نفس التاريخ الذي يعود إليه الحوض النذري الذي يجب أن يأرخ بدون شك‬ ‫إىل القرن الثامن عرش قبل امليالد كانت مملكة ميحاض بعاصمتها حلب بإذهار مستمر لتكون أكرب القوى السياسية يف كل‬ ‫املنطقة السورية‪ :‬ففي رسالة مرسلة إىل ماري من قبل حمورايب ملك بابل تأكد عىل أن حوايل عرشون ملك يتبعون بشكل‬ ‫واضح كحلفاء أو أتباع مللك حلب‪ ،‬بينام حوايل عرشة أو خمسة عرش ملك كانو أتباع لقوى سياسية معارصة أخرى عىل سبيل‬ ‫املثال حكام قطنا والرسا وإشنونا وبابل نفسها‪ .‬العديد من الدالئل تشري إىل أن إبال أوال مل تواجه أي تدمري موثق أثريا حوايل‬ ‫القرن الثامن عرش قبل امليالد ولذلك مملكة ميحاض مل تخضع إبال عسكرياً ومن جانب آخر إبال كانت متأثرة بشكل كبري‬ ‫بحلب وباألخص من جانب اإليديولوجية امللكية‪ .‬بفرض أن يف حلب حق امللكية موهوب من قبل اإلله حدد أما يف إبال فهي‬ ‫موهوبة من قبل اآلله عشتار بشكل مامثل ملا كانت عليه الحال خالل القرنني العرشون والتاسع عرش قبل امليالد‪ .‬من خالل‬ ‫هذا هناك إحتامل كبري أن الحوض املذكور أعاله كان قد فوض من قبل ملك غري معروف حكم خالل السنوات األوىل من القرن‬ ‫الثامن عرش من أجل تخليد و ووضع التحالف السيايس مابينه وبني ياريم ليم ملك حلب تحت عرش إله الشمس شامش‪/‬‬ ‫شاباش‪ .‬إن السبب أن الوجه الخلفي للحوض قد دمر بشكل عنيف من قبل غزاة إبال خالل آواخر الربونز الوسيط الثاين‬ ‫يجب أن يربط مع القصص التاريخية األسطورية لتدمري إبال خالل القرن السادس عرش قبل امليالد وباألخص مضمون القصيدة‬ ‫ثنائية اللغة الحورية الحثية التي تدعى “نشيد اإلستقالل” املكتشفة يف مدينة حتوشا والتي تنسب هذه العملية إىل امللك‬ ‫بيزيكارا ملك نينوى تحت رعاية إله العاصفة تيشوب‪/‬حدد‪ .‬إن كره جيش امللك بيزيكارا للحوض النذري يجب أن يكون ناتج‬ ‫من تواجد تصوير مللك إبال وملك ميحاض بينام يتناوالن الوليمة التي تخلد قداسة هذا التحالف عىل الوجه املدمر للحوض‪.‬‬ ‫اإلنعطاف جنوباً؟ إستتباع أوجه اإلستمرار والتغري الثقايف خالل نهاية األلف الثاين قبل امليالد يف املنطقة السورية األناضولية‬ ‫فيدريكو مانوييل ‪ -‬جامعة برلني الحرة‬ ‫هذا املقال يناقش اإلستمرارية واإلنقطاع يف الثقافة املادية يف موقع إرسالن تيبيه خالل القرن األخري من األلف الثاين‬ ‫قبل امليالد‪ .‬التلة الواقعة يف مقاطعة ماالطيا جنوب رشق تركيا تقدم تاريخ طويل من اإلستيطان يتميز بتفاعل مختلف‬ ‫املؤثرات الثقافية‪ .‬خالل عرص الربونز املتأخر ميكن مالحظة تأثريات التوسع الحثي من خالل إستخدام عنارص فنية تقليدية‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬

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‫‪Arabic Abstracts‬‬

‫من ‪ ٥٠٠٠‬قطعة فنية مؤرخة إىل فرتة ‪ J‬التي مل يتم نرش معظمها بعد الدراسات البدائية للعاملني ‪ Ingholt‬و ‪Fugmann‬‬ ‫التي قاما بها مابني ‪ ١٩٣٠‬و ‪ .١٩٥٠‬ولذلك يف عام ‪ ٢٠١٥‬كاتبو هذا املقال قرروا القيام بإعادة فحص شامل ملواد موقع حامة‬ ‫املؤرخة إىل الربونز القديم باإلعتامد عىل القطع اآلثرية وعىل املستندات املحفوظة يف املتحف بهدف نرش دراسة شاملة‬ ‫لهذه املواد‪ .‬هذا املقال يعرض النتائج األولية لهذه املبادرة املشرتكة مركزا عىل مجموعة مؤلفة من ‪ ١٤‬إناء وكرسة فخارية‬ ‫مؤرخة للفرتة ‪ ( .J 6_3‬مؤرخة إىل فرتة الربونز القديم الرابع ‪ A‬و‪ )B‬القطع تكشف عن إمكانات غري مكتشفة بعد ملواد حامة‬ ‫املحفوظة يف متحف كوبنهاغن من أجل املناقشة حول اإلتصاالت اإلقليمية خالل فرتة الربونز القديم‪ .‬بالفعل إن موقع مدينة‬ ‫حامة ساهم يف أهميتها عىل طرق اإلتصال‪ ،‬وغناها بالفخار املستورد خالل الفرتة ‪ J‬يربهن عىل إتصالها بشبكات متعددة‪.‬‬ ‫ثوب جديد للملكة‪ .‬أزياء ووظائف النساء يف البالط اإلباليئ خالل الفرتة السورية القدمية‬ ‫فرانسيس بينوك ‪ -‬سابينزا جامعة روما‬ ‫من املساهامت العديدة التي قدمتها التنقيبات يف إبال هو تقديم املساعدة يف إعادة فهم تاريخ وثقافة سوريا يف الفرتة‬ ‫ماقبل الكالسيكية‪ .‬إن الكشف عن دور سيدات البالط يف املجتمع هو بالطبع واحد من أكرث األشياء الغري متوقعة‪.‬‬ ‫تحديدا يف الفرتة السورية القدمية من املمكن أن السيدات أخذن دور فاعل يف اإلحتفاالت العامة‪ ،‬عىل سبيل املثال‬ ‫خالل تنصيب امللوك عىل العرش‪ ،‬أو اإلحتفاالت الجنائزية‪ .‬هذه األدوار كانت يف املقام األول مخمنة عىل أساس‬ ‫الدراسة اإلكنوغرافية‪ .‬املزيد من اإلكتشافات تأكد عىل هذا اإلقرتاح و تكشف عن أن سيدات البالط أخذن أدوار يف‬ ‫طقوس أخرى جنبا إىل جنب مع أقرانهن‪ .‬يف هذا املقال سندرس قطع مختلفة من أزياء النساء و ترسيحات الشعر‬ ‫املكتشفة يف السياق اإلباليئ وسنحاول إقرتاح إعادة بناء مالبس املوظفات و عالقتها مع بعض أمناط ترسيحات الشعر‪،‬‬ ‫أو أغطية الشعر وأخريا سنحاول ربط هذه األزياء املختلفة مع اإلحتفاالت الرسمية‪ .‬أخذا بعني اإلعتبار التحليالت التي‬ ‫قمنا بها من املمكن إقرتاح أنه خالل فرتة عرص الربونز القديم الرابع األول بالط إبال كان يفرض إرتداء زي معني‪.‬امللك‬ ‫واملكلة و املوظفون املرموقون إمتلكوا أهمية كبرية خارج القرص املليك وحتى خارج املدينة‪ .‬هذا مايقود إىل التطوير‬ ‫التدريجي لبعض أمناط إرتداء املالبس التي كان عليها أن تعزز أهمية الشخص يف أي مناسبة رسمية‪ .‬بتحليل الدالئل‬ ‫بشكل كيل أعتقد أن بعض اإلتجاهات يف مجال األزياء قد جعلت حرصية لتكون خاصة باألوساط امللكية اإلبالئية‪.‬‬ ‫إن متثيل النساء يف إبال كان مهم يف الفرتة السورية القدمية ويف هذه الفرتة بالتحديد تظهر خصوصية إبال‪ .‬فيام يتعلق‬ ‫بأخصية املالبس ال تشبه ما كان عليه الحال خالل الفرتة السورية الباكرة‪ ،‬خالل الفرتة السورية القدمية إن ربط‬ ‫العالقة مابني زي معني وتخصيصه ملناسبة معينة صعب التحديد‪ :‬عدد اإلزياء كان اصغر بشكل كبري عام كان عليه‬ ‫يف الفرتة السابقة‪ ،‬فرضية واحدة تبدو لتكون مقبولة وهي التي تقرتح توحيد املالبس يف تلك الفرتة‪ .‬النساء إرتدو‬ ‫عباءات بسيطة من املمكن أن يظهرن بحجاب أو برؤوس عارية‪ ،‬وهنا ال نستطيع تحديد أي فرضية حول ألوان األقمشة‪.‬‬ ‫األدلة اإلبالئية األكرث أساسية تتطابق مع عنارص أخرى مكتشفة من مدن أخرى‪ ،‬أو قادمة من السوق السوداء‪ ،‬تسمح‬ ‫لنا بحرص خصوصيات مالبس السيدات يف الفرتتني السورية الباكرة والقدمية‪ .‬إن توزع املستندات بحضور أكرث شيوعا‬ ‫لتشخيص السيدات يف الفرتة األقدم و تركز الدالئل يف إبال يف الفرتة الالحقة يقودنا إىل إعادة بناء الصورة التالية‪:‬‬ ‫خالل عرص الربونز الوسيط الرابع األول هنالك عىل مايبدو زي إقليمي يغطي شامل سوريا من إبال حتى ماري‪.‬‬ ‫خالل عرص الربونز الوسيط األول والثاين فقط إبال تبدو أنها حافظت عىل إبراز أهمية النساء املرموقات من كاهنات‬ ‫بشعر مرسح وملكات بثياب مصقولة وشعر مصفف‪ ،‬كالهام مع حجاب خالل الفرتات الالحقة‪ .‬اإلتصال الوثيق مابني‬ ‫امللوك وامللكات والرموز املقدسة‪ ،‬باإلضافة إىل اإلستخدام املحتمل لثياب متشابهة من قبل امللكات و الكاهنات‬ ‫خالل فرتة الربونز القديم والوسيط يقود إىل اإلعتبار أن امللكات رمبا مارسن طقوس دينية خالل مناسبات معينة‪ ،‬أو‬ ‫باألحرى بعض الكاهنات كن أعضاء من العائلة امللكية ولكنهم مل يكن مرغامت عىل اإلقامة خارج القرص‪ .‬مع األكادية‪.‬‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬

‫‪Arabic Abstracts‬‬ ‫املقاالت‬

‫تصنيف لغة أبال‪ :‬تطورات لفهم أرشيف إبال وبعض الدالئل املعارصة‬ ‫ماريا فيتوريا تونيتي ـ جامعة فلورنس‬ ‫األرشيف املليك يف إبال ميثل املصدر اللغوي األهم لأللف الثالث قبل امليالد يف سوريا وأعايل بالد الرافدين‪ .‬األرشيف‬ ‫يعكس بشكل واضح اإلتصاالت الواسعة الناتجة عن الشبكة التجارية املحلية والعاملية والعالقات السياسية املدراة من‬ ‫قبل إدارة إبال وسفرائها يف شامل سوريا وما أبعد من ذلك‪ ،‬لتبلغ من أورشاعم (غازي عنتاب) إىل الشامل‪ ،‬كيش يف‬ ‫الرشق و رمبا بعلبك يف الجنوب‪ .‬العديد من السامت تظهر يف نظام الكتابة و اللغة وليس فقط يف أسامء املكان أو‬ ‫أسامء األشخاص‪ ،‬لتقدم دالئل عىل الحالة املعقدة والتفصيلية للهجة‪ .‬خالل األربعون سنة املاضية معرفتنا بلغة إبال‬ ‫تطورت بشكل كبري‪ .‬متييز العديد من هذه السامت كدواخل غريبة قد أبرزت الشخصية املركبة للمشهد اللغوي السوري‬ ‫والرافدي املتعارصيني‪ ،‬املتسامن بإنقطاع هرمي ورمزي‪ .‬عالوة عىل ذلك وبأكرث أهمية لتعزيز معرفتنا بلغة إبال قد تم‬ ‫تحديد توافق أكرب للغة املحلية واملقطعية أكرث من مام كان معترب يف السابق‪ .‬إن تقدم الدراسات عرضت أيضا أن‬ ‫بعض العنارص اللغوية املعتربة يف السابق كعنارص متشاركة مابني سوريا وأعايل بالد الرافدين مل تكن شائعة يف لغة إبال‪.‬‬ ‫فيام بتعلق بالتصنيف‪ ،‬قد تم إثبات أن اللغة اإلبالئية مل تكن لغة أدبية مستوردة من مركز أو من أسفل بالد الرافدين‬ ‫مع املامرسات الكتابية و التقاليد‪ .‬باألحرى كانت بدون أدىن شك تعكس لغة محلية مختلفة من تلك املعتمدة يف التقاليد‬ ‫الكتابية‪ .‬عىل الرغم من موقعها يف نفس منطقة اللغة السامية الشاملية الغربية الالحقة ‪ ،‬قد تم نفي اإلقرتاح أن لغة إبال‬ ‫تنتمي إىل الشعبة اللغوية السامية الغربية‪ .‬الخالفات مابني الدارسون حول تصنيفها كلغة سامية رشقية ال تزال مستمرة‪.‬‬ ‫عىل كل حال‪ ،‬كام سنحاول إثباته يف هذا املقال‪ ،‬كال البيانات املتاحة حالياً والبحث العلمي املستمر يأكدان عىل أن اإلبالئية‬ ‫ال يجب أن تعترب كلهجة آكادية بعد اآلن‪ .‬بل نعتقد أنه خالل فرتة السالالت الباكرة من املمكن عزل صنفني لغويني‬ ‫(لهجة ولغة) ضمن السامية الرشقية (او ضمن السامية الشاملية الباكرة‪ ،‬كام إقرتحنا أسمها)‪ :‬اإلبالئية واألكادية الباكرة‪.‬‬ ‫نظرة جديدة إىل املحتوى اإلقليمي لحامة‪ .‬بيانات جديدة ملواد الفرتة ‪ J‬يف املتحف الوطني يف الدمنارك‬ ‫أنيزه فاكا (جامعة ميالنو)‪ ،‬جورج معمر (‪ CNRS‬ليون)‪ ،‬مارتا دي أندريا (سابينزا جامعة روما)‪ ،‬ستيفان لومسدن (املتحف‬ ‫الوطني يف الدمنارك)‬ ‫بعد حوايل ‪ ٨٠‬عام من إمتام التنقيبات يف حامة (‪١٩٣١‬ـ‪ )١٩٣٨‬ال تزال نتائجها أساسية يف فهم عرص الربونز القديم يف غرب‬ ‫سوريا (‪٣٠٠٠‬ـ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬قبل امليالد) من وجهة نظر أثرية‪ .‬املتحف الوطني يف الدمنارك يف مدينة كوبنهاغن يستضيف مجموعة‬

‫‪© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden‬‬ ‫‪ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11126-3 ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19496-9‬‬