Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy: Higher Education, Aspiration and Inequality 3031041739, 9783031041730

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Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy Higher Education, Aspiration and Inequality Edited by Gail Crimmins Second Edition

Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy “This book brings together a comprehensive and diverse range of perspectives and experiences of strategies and approaches that will be of value to anyone who works in delivery, leadership or support of diversity and inclusion in higher education. Its authentic voice, combined with a rich range of methodologies and personal insights helps the authors to bring complex concepts to life in a manner which is honest, thoughtful and challenging.” —Professor Sarah Sharples, Pro-Vice Chancellor for Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, University of Nottingham, UK “This scholarly book provides a unique and coherent collection of ideas from international researchers and practitioners. It promotes innovative research and practice and is outstanding in its conceptual appreciation of diversity. It draws together strategies to support the inclusion of a diverse range of students—racial, gendered, social class/socioeconomic status, and dis/ability, and some with complex backgrounds often rarely considered in equity policy in higher education. In short this is an outstanding book with international appeal and the messages and practices contained in this book need to be heard by all in education and in society in general! Every policy maker in education needs to read this book!” —Dr Gavin Reid, Psychologist and Author. Visiting Professor, University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada “This volume goes a long way to extend the conversation about equity, diversity and inclusion in our higher education institutions. It provides a contemporary take on lowering institutional barriers, providing meaningful and effective support, and takes an unequivocal, learner-centred stance to teaching and the design of the curriculum to ensure the success of individuals and equity groups. More importantly, it normalises and celebrates those students as critical to the success of the higher education enterprise. It is an excellent book and should be required reading for all leaders and teachers in higher education.” —Professor Kylie Readman, Pro Vice Chancellor for Education, Murdoch University, Australia “‘Crimmins’ excellent collection is a treasure trove of irrefutable statistical facts and figures that blows away the myth that diversity and inclusion policies have closed the equalities gap in higher education. Powerful fuel for policy makers and

social justice educators passionate about creating a truly global academy where all can flourish regardless of race, gender, class, sexuality, and (dis)ability.” —Heidi Safia Mirza, Professor Race, Faith and Culture, Goldsmiths College, University of London, UK “The chapters in this edited collection offer a refreshingly insightful and close analysis of social and academic exclusion within higher education. Together, the chapters demonstrate attentiveness to the intricate workings of structural and cultural modes of exclusion and how these produce interrelated inequalities of access, participation and outcome for students and staff. The book then harnesses these insights to develop a range of practical and pragmatic suggestions for combating exclusion. This engaged commitment to action makes this book particularly valuable for a wide range of university staff, including faculty, management and student support.” —Carol A. Taylor, Professor of Higher Education and Gender, Director of Research, University of Bath, UK “‘Gail Crimmvins’ Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy is a thoughtful and inclusive inquiry into how leaders can maximize the human potential in their institutions. This volume interrogates exclusionary practices that limits access along the axes of race and ethnicity, gender and sexuality, ability status, and social class. In these 19 chapters, leading scholars bring forth inclusive actions and practices that will be of immense value to scholars and practitioners working towards an inclusive and equitable environment for all those within higher education—a goal all leaders in all institutions should strive for.” —Richard J. Reddick, Associate Dean for Equity, Community Engagement, and Outreach, The University of Texas at Austin, USA “This edited collection confronts persistent and intersecting inequalities in higher education internationally and the implications for the lives of students and staff in Universities. This book illuminates the challenges faced by marginalised groups in different socio-cultural and higher educational contexts and highlights the important of statistical evidence for demonstrating that equality, diversity and inclusion is a rhetoric rather than a reality. The book addresses a gap in the literature by focusing on innovative practices and initiatives deployed by organisations and aiming to challenge and eradicate entrenched inequalities of gender, ethnicity, race, sexuality and disability. In addition to breaking the myth of equality in higher education the initiatives presented by the authors disrupt arguments about the impossibility of equality within neo-liberal contexts of higher education and offers possibilities and ideas for change, action and resistance. —Maria Tsouroufli, Professor of Education, Brunel University London, UK

Gail Crimmins Editor

Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy Higher Education, Aspiration and Inequality 2nd ed. 2022

Editor Gail Crimmins School of Business and Creative Industries University of the Sunshine Coast Maroochydore, QLD, Australia

ISBN 978-3-031-04173-0    ISBN 978-3-031-04174-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020, 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Stepan Popov / Alamy​ This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To Dave, Eadie and Will And I’d choose you; in a hundred lifetimes, in a hundred worlds, in any version of reality, I’d find you and I’d choose you (Kiersten White 2013). I’d choose you again and again.

Foreword

It has been my pleasure to read Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy. The research and researchers are outstanding. The editor has—with great skill—crafted a theorization of diversity that is engaging, passionate, provocative, timely and rigorous. The time is right for such a book. It is clear that higher education requires revisioning. The university is an institution searching for a purpose. Through much of its history, universities have maintained the power of the powerful. Assuming that strategies for social mobility or widening participation—that is ‘access’—will transform the deep injustices in selection processes or the diversity of graduates is not only naïve, but a denial of the profound legacies of colonialism, misogyny, heterosexism and elitism. Each chapter in this edited collection summons the most innovative scholarship and evidence and offers profound visions and opportunities for universities and higher education. I am inspired by the powerful attention to women, disabling structures, and trans students and staff. This is an inspiring book that offers agile and dynamic strategies for the future of higher education. Department of Cultural Studies Flinders University Bedford Park SA, Australia 

Tara Brabazon

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Inclusion is not simply about physical proximity. It is about intentionally planning for the success of all students. —Tim Villegas

Preface

This edited collection of chapters establishes the importance of using statistical evidence to demonstrate and remonstrate against inequities in higher education (HE). In an age of ‘numeric nihilism’ statistics provide information about who is, and who is not, included in various levels of academia, and presents evidence of inequity in HE based along lines of race, gender, sexual orientation, social class or socioeconomic status, and differing ability. Statistics that reflect widespread, longitudinal and inter/national inequity act as a foundation to the main focus of the book—an examination of tried and tested strategy and interventions that support the full inclusion of a diversity of knowledge, students and faculty in the academy. The volume captures specific examples of inclusive practice/s that are as diverse as our (potential) student and faculty populations, and that are easy to translate and employ by senior administrators, academics, and learning access/ student support staff. The practices presented in the collection thus can be deployed by organisations, collectives, and individuals to both recognise and combat social and academic exclusion within higher education environments.

Whilst most publications that explore academic inequality focus on the causes and impacts of structural, psychological and cultural exclusion based on racism, classism, sexism, and ableism, they rarely engage interventions to expose and combat such de/privilege. This book offers higher education senior staff, policy makers, recruitment and student support teams, as well as academics the tools to identify and subvert both explicit and tacit exclusionary policy and practice. Through curating and collating the chapters in this volume, and by harnessing the expertise of equity xi

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practitioners and academics who work towards social, racial, gender and dis/ability e/quality, I hope to motivate direct action against social and academic exclusion in the academy. The collection is comprised of four main sections (excluding this introduction, a framing chapter—Chap. 1, and conclusion—Chap. 19). These include:

Part II: Supporting Racial Diversity in the Academy. This section starts with an introduction to and overview of policy and practice relating to the promotion of race equality ethnic diversity in the Academy over two decades in the UK.  Professor Andrew Pilkington offers an account of policy intent, action, and diversion in a repetitious pattern. He also identifies some clear strategy for breaking this self-repeating cycle by focusing on accountability and outcomes in race equity in higher education. In Chap. 3 Rebecca Gordon and Lakshmi S. Bose expose the limitations of existing doctoral training programs and their opportunity to create epistemological pluralism. The doctoral program is thus presented as a mechanism to include a diversity of knowledges, ways of knowing, and knowers in the academy that has the capacity to inform all future curricula. In Chap. 4, Associate Professor Sandy O’Sullivan discusses the radical rethinking (and tearing down of existing structure) required to the support of First Nations’ diversity in the modern university; including sensitising the readers to the compounding impacts of gender non-conformity and Indigeneity upon inclusion in HE.  Dr Aura Lounasmaa, in Chap. 5, explores institution-wide process and curriculum patterning designed to support the inclusion of refugees in the context of neoliberalism. Within the chapter, student-centred pedagogy is explored as a case study of good equity practice. In Chap. 6 Dr Tina Lathouras demonstrates how a critical relational approach to community development can be adapted to engage international students in post-graduate study. Lathouras also employs a student-centred pedagogy to include the voice/s of international students to inform the recruitment and engagement of international students and action research to iteratively improve diversity and inclusion in a Social Work program. Part III explores strategy to engender gender diversity in HE. The first chapter in this section, collaboratively written, focuses on a culturally sensitive research support and mentorship program designed to engage Black American scholars and graduate students to ‘thrive’ in the academy. Next, in Chap. 8, Professor

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Kurana Chanana, explores both the processes and positive impacts of strategies of gender inclusion in institutions of higher education in India. The chapter specifically employs Indian women academics’ voices and their lived experience of gender equity strategy to provide evidence of successful interventions that might be adapted and implemented in other environments. In Chap. 9 Dr Tània Verge outlines a series of measures employed to mainstream gender into the quality assurance in Catalan universities. The chapter demonstrates the positive impact that a collaborative approach to gender equity, which includes government, university senior staff, and gender equity and Women’s Studies scholars, can achieve. Chapter 10 focuses on strategy to support inclusion and success for LGBTQ College Students and presents some easy to implement interventions to include people of all sexualities in the academy. Drs Stephanie Mckendry and Matson Lawrence also focus on interventions to support trans, non-binary and gender diverse students and staff, and outline some of the processes developed within the TransEDU project based at the University of Strathclyde, Scotland. The TransEDU project is held up as best practice and was awarded a Guardian University Award, a Herald Scotland & GenAnalytics Diversity Award, and a Strathclyde Medal Team Award in 2018.

Part IV examines strategy to support working-class or Low Socioeconomic status (LSES) students in academia in Chap. 12 Dr Dawn Mannay and Dr Michael Ward discuss ‘The Coffee Club’—an initiative for mature and non-­traditional university students. Creating a space for networking, social inclusion and access to academic support, non-traditional learners can feel both included and heard. Such spaces also help to create opportunity for student voice to inform academic and student support process. In Chap. 13 Sally Tazewell demonstrates how she employs a ‘funds of knowledge approach’ to engage diverse cohorts through active and personally relevant learning. She outlines a pedagogy and co-curricular design process designed to support epistemic equity by valuing students and their existing knowledges, ways of working, interests and priorities. Chapter 14 investigates how students who have been in the care system or looked after by local government services, transition to higher education. Gemma Allnatt employs a case study methodology to determine the need for partnerships between local authority and universities to both motivate aspiration and maintain care structures throughout university. In Chap. 15 Dr Antoinette Geagea and Associate Professor Judith MacCallum present a model of university outreach and

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school liaison that are designed to engage low SES students’ aspirations for higher education. The chapter examines how a collaboration between university and local industry can create a community of stakeholders working collectively to engage students from non-traditional learning backgrounds.

Part V: Disabling the Barrier of Dis/Ability in HE.  Chapter 16 illustrates an exemplary model of inclusive higher education (IHE), successfully implemented at Vanderbilt University, USA, through the Next Steps at Vanderbilt program. This chapter communicates how and why it provides college students with intellectual disability the opportunity to learn and grow alongside their typically developing peers in a rich and diverse academic environment. In Chap. 17 Dr Susan Grimes discusses an ecological approach to address barriers to learning within institutions that may create disability for those students with impairments and presents the perspective of students on what would improve learning for them in their university. They suggest that increased flexibility in delivery and increased interaction with both teachers and peers, would improve their engagement and sense of ‘belonging’. Finally, in Chap. 18 Dr Jacque Caskey explores a tertiary educational inclusion strategy identified by 22 adult students who have dyslexia and who are studying in a Queensland Technical and Further Education (TAFE) Institute, Australia, and proposes that advocacy can be operationalised by all members of the higher education community to support inclusion and diversity.

In the final chapter, Chap. 19, I discuss the principles on which strategy for inclusion and diversity are built. These principles include learner centredness, cohesive commitment to inclusivity, epistemological equity, and adopting a radical approach to inclusivity in universities; and together can be deployed to include and celebrate a plurality of bodies and bodies on knowledge in the academy. I finally make recommendations for considering and striving to achieve equity transnationally. I hope you enjoy this collection, and that it inspires you to maintain your focus on equity and equality in all your endeavours. Thank you for your engagement and I am happy to hear your feedback and/or ideas for working collaboratively in this space. Gail Crimmins

Acknowledgement

I would like to acknowledge the scholarship, radical inclusion, collegiality, and generosity of the authors who have contributed to this collection. I would also like to acknowledge the work of Kristel Alla; and Eleanor Christie, Becky Wyde, and Vinodh Kumar from Palgrave Macmillan, for their consistent support, sage advice, and general ‘smarts’. Finally, to all the rockstars who are supporting inclusion and diversity in higher education—keep on keeping on, the world needs your work!

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Contents

Part I Contextualising Layers of Exclusion in Higher Education   1 1 Don’t  Throw Out the Baby with the Bathwater: Statistics Can Create Impetus to Address Educational Inequity  3 Gail Crimmins Part II Supporting Racial Diversity in the Academy  27 2 Promoting  Race Equality and Supporting Ethnic Diversity in the Academy: The UK Experience Over Two Decades 29 Andrew Pilkington 3 Reflecting  on Representation: Exploring Critical Tensions Within Doctoral Training Programmes in the UK 49 Rebecca Gordon and Lakshmi S. Bose

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4 Killing  the Indigene: Interrogating the Support of First Nations’ Diversity in the Modern University 69 Sandy O’Sullivan 5 Refugees  in Neoliberal Universities 85 Aura Lounasmaa 6 A  Critical-Relational Approach to Community Development That Increases Well-Being, Learning Outcomes and Retention of International Students 99 Athena Lathouras Part III Engendering Gender Diversity in Higher Education 121 7 Thriving  in the Academy: Culturally Responsive Mentoring for Black Women’s Early Career Success123 Tamara Bertrand Jones, Jesse R. Ford, Devona F. Pierre, and Denise Davis-Maye 8 Women  and Leadership: Strategies of Gender Inclusion in Institutions of Higher Education in India141 Karuna Chanana 9 Mainstreaming  Gender into the Quality Assurance of Higher Education Programs163 Tània Verge 10 Success  for LGBT College and University Students183 Kristen A. Renn 11 Trans  Inclusive Higher Education: Strategies to Support Trans, Non-Binary and Gender Diverse Students and Staff201 Stephanie Mckendry and Matson Lawrence

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Part IV Re’class’ifying Academia 223 12 The  Coffee Club: An Initiative to Support Mature and Non-Traditional Higher Education Students in Wales225 Dawn Mannay and Michael R. M. Ward 13 Using  a Funds of Knowledge Approach to Engage Diverse Cohorts Through Active and Personally Relevant Learning247 Sally Tazewell 14 The  Impact of Stigma, Placement Instability and Individual Motivation on Successful Transitions in and Through University for Care Experienced Young People267 Gemma Allnatt 15 Murdoch’s  Aspirations and Pathways for University (MAP4U) Project: Developing and Supporting Low SES Students’ Aspirations for Higher Education Participation Using School-­Based University Outreach Programs287 Antoinette Geagea and Judith MacCallum Part V Disabling the Barrier of Dis/Ability in Higher Education 307 16 Inclusive  Higher Education for College Students with Intellectual Disability309 Lauren Bethune-Dix, Erik W. Carter, Cassandra Hall, Elise McMillan, John Cayton, Tammy Day, Megan Vranicar, Chad Bouchard, Lindsay Krech, Jenny Gustafson, and Emilee Bauer 17 Student  Suggestions for Improving Learning at University for Those with Learning Challenges/Disability329 Susan Grimes

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18 A  Case Study of the Educational Experience of Adult Students with Dyslexia Across Five TAFE Institutes in Queensland353 Jacque Caskey Part VI Conclusion 377 19 Inclusion  in Practice: Operationalising Principles of Inclusion and Diversity379 Gail Crimmins Index401

Notes on Contributors

Gemma  Allnatt  is a PhD student in the School of Social Sciences at Cardiff University, Wales. Her research explores the perception and experiences of care leavers in higher education. She is currently working as a Research Development Officer in the Wales School for Social Care Research at Swansea University and is a registered Social Worker. Prior to commencing her doctoral studies Gemma worked in a statutory childcare team and also spent a number of years working in a residential unit. Gemma has worked on a number of research projects during her studies, including the Looked After Children’s Education project—understanding the educational experiences and opinions, attainment, achievement and aspirations of looked after children in Wales. Emilee Bauer  is Program Coordinator at Vanderbilt University, USA. As the Program Coordinator, Emilee Bauer assists with admissions, recruitment, and program operations. She also assists with development and fundraising events in order to increase awareness and build new relationships. Emilee moved to Nashville after earning a Bachelor’s Degree in Human Environmental Science from the University of Alabama in 2016. During her experience at Alabama, Emilee volunteered as a mentor for ‘Al’s Pals’—a program designed to help elementary students with completing homework, reinforcing reading and math skills, and participating in enrichment and recreational a­ ctivities. She also dedicated her time to xxi

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the Boys and Girls Club of West Alabama by tutoring children and assisting with special events while earning her degree. Tamara Bertrand Jones  is an Associate Professor of Higher Education and Associate Director of the Center for Postsecondary Success at Florida State University, USA. She uses qualitative methods and critical and feminist theories to examine the sociocultural contexts that influence education and professional experiences of underrepresented populations, particularly Black women, in academia. Her previous work as a higher education administrator and program evaluator also contribute to her research interests in culturally responsive assessment and evaluation. Her work has broad implications for recruitment, retention, advancement, and professional development of faculty and doctoral students. Lauren  Bethune-Dix earned a PhD in Special Education at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte, USA, in 2015. Lauren oversees the program of study and all academic support initiatives at Next Steps at Vanderbilt. She works closely with a growing number of faculty and academic support services to expand academic course participation and progress. Lauren’s responsibilities include supporting admissions/recruitment, supporting faculty, collaborating with various on-campus academic supports on best teaching practices for faculty, and assisting with the evaluation of academic supports. Lakshmi S. Bose  is Research Associate at the University of Cambridge. She is currently exploring how political conflict shapes higher education in South Africa and Hungary with a focus on student movements, populism and securitisation. Her recently completed PhD was an ethnographic study of how securitisation and surveillance shapes the political expression of young female activists in South Africa and Turkey intergenerationally. Dr Bose is also a member of the Politics of Representation Collective and works on projects related to race, eugenics and critical theories of state. Chad  Bouchard is Director of Career Development at Vanderbilt University, USA.  Chad Bouchard is responsible for leading the career development initiatives for Next Steps at Vanderbilt, Vanderbilt University, USA. Chad oversees the career development team, supporting

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them to develop opportunities for students to increase self-determination and employment skills through on and off campus opportunities. He is currently involved in developing training and supports for Next Steps job coaches, graduate assistants and community members. Chad is eager to meet with any company or organization who wishes to increase inclusion in their workplace. Chad graduated from the University of Victoria in Canada with a degree in Psychology and Economics. He has been working with individuals with disabilities and their families for over twelve years with a focus on employment for the past nine years. He has been instrumental in co-authoring three Self-Determination curricula which are currently being used in school districts and community organizations throughout Canada. Prior to his position at Vanderbilt University, Chad was responsible for all aspects of one of the most successful customized employment programs in British Columbia, Canada. He is passionate about empowering others to realize and achieve their potential in life. Erik W. Carter  is Cornelius Vanderbilt Professor of Special Education at the Department of Special Education, Vanderbilt University, USA. His research and teaching focuses on evidence-based strategies for supporting access to the general curriculum and promoting valued roles in school, work, community, and congregational settings for children and adults with intellectual disability, autism, and multiple disabilities. Prior to receiving his doctorate, Dr. Carter worked as a high school teacher and transition specialist. He has published more than 200 articles, chapters, and books in the areas of educational, transition, and community services for children and youth with disabilities. He was the recipient of the Distinguished Early Career Research Award from the Council for Exceptional Children, the Early Career Award from the American Association for Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, the Patricia L. Sitlington Research in Transition Award from the Division on Career Development and Transition, the Research Award from the Division on Autism and Developmental Disabilities, and the Young Professional Award from the Association of University Centers on Disabilities. He is an active member of the Vanderbilt Kennedy Center and invests in collaborative partnerships across the university and state.

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Jacque Caskey  holds a Doctor of Philosophy, a Master of Education, a Graduate Diploma in Further Education and Training, a Bachelor of Applied Science, and has successfully completed Teaching Handwriting, Reading and Spelling Skills (THRASS) training. She is an independent scholar (currently undertaking her second PhD) and an experienced tutor in Anatomy, Biology, Chemistry, Communication, English as a Second Language (ESL), Essay Writing, General Science, Health Studies, Human Biology, Microbiology, Philosophy, Physiology, Reading, Society and Culture, Sociology, Special Needs, Statistics, and Dragon Naturally Speaking (assistive software). Jacque was a Disability Officer with Technical and Further Education (TAFE), Australia. She has worked with students for their learning support for many years and has a keen interest in researching and supporting the learning and teaching of adults with dis/ability. John Cayton  is the Director of Student Supports and Campus Life at Vanderbilt University, USA. John Cayton joined the Next Steps team in May 2016. He oversees the Ambassadore student organization and all efforts involving Next Steps students’ campus involvement opportunities. Knowing who to join while eating meals, exercising, studying, or participating in group(s) adds so much to a student’s overall college experience, and John looks forward to ensuring all Next Steps students can participate in and contribute to Vanderbilt’s campus life. John earned his Bachelor’s degree in psychology from Monmouth College, his Master’s degree in Leadership in Higher Education from Baldwin Wallace University, and previously managed community integration and residential services for individuals with disabilities in Indianapolis. Karuna  Chanana  worked as Chairperson and Professor of the Zakir Husain Centre for Educational Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. She is a specialist in the sociology of education and sociology of gender, focusing on higher education, diversity, social change through inclusion, equality and educational policy. She was a national and international visiting professor at universities, and a member of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Forum on Higher Education, Research and Knowledge. Professor Chanana has published peer-­reviewed

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academic essays in national and international academic journals and international books. She also authored Interrogating Women’s Education: Bounded Visions, Expanding Horizons, and edited Socialisation, Education and Women: Explorations in Gender Identity. Gail  Crimmins  is a feminist academic at the School of Business and Creative Industries at the University of the Sunshine Coast, Australia. She works with arts informed and feminist research methodologies to unearth and re-present the narratives and voice of various marginalised groups including women casual academics, mothers with rheumatoid arthritis, women survivors of domestic and family violence, and women in drought-­impacted communities. Gail presents her research using both traditional and non-traditional forms of research communication including performance, film, creative writing, and traditional academic discourse. Gail’s monograph, Theatricalising Narrative Research on Women Casual Academics (2018) and an edited collection of essays, Strategies for Resisting Sexism in the Academy (2019) were published by the Gender and Education Series, Palgrave Macmillan. Denise  Davis-Maye  is currently Chair and Professor in the Graduate Program in the Department of Social Work at Alabama State University, USA. Dr. Davis-Maye is a licensed clinical social worker. She is an alumna of Clark Atlanta University, with over 28 years of social work experience. Her research interests include the cultural, community, and familial impact on the emotional development of adolescent and the well-being, contributions, and roles of women of colour. Tammy  Day, M.Ed. is Program Director at Vanderbilt University, USA. Tammy Day joined Vanderbilt Kennedy Center in April 2009, as the founding director of Next Steps at Vanderbilt. Tammy began her career over 30 years ago as a special education teacher who was always interested in the question, ‘What happens after high school?’ This interest inspired her to pursue certification as a Work-Based Learning facilitator, and the completion of a Master’s degree from Peabody College at Vanderbilt with a focus on transition services. Prior to joining Vanderbilt, she worked for Rutherford County Schools as a special education teacher and then the high school liaison and transition specialist, where she developed many new initiatives. Tammy works tirelessly with creative professionals and stu-

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dents both on and off the Vanderbilt campus in the development of our successful inclusive higher education program. She has worked to expand these college opportunities across our state and country and currently serves as the Chairperson of the Tennessee Alliance for Inclusive Higher Education. Tammy feels honored to be in the business of helping to build a diverse community that benefits all of its members. Jesse R. Ford  is an Assistant Professor of Higher Education at University of North Carolina Greensboro. He was a PhD candidate in the Higher Education Program at Florida State University (FSU), USA. His scholarship seeks to illuminate how students of colour experience higher education. More specifically, his research explores academic and career socialization, identity development, oppressive environments, and the influence of race and gender on postsecondary educational settings. Before his work at FSU, he served as an Assistant Director of Multicultural Student Affairs at the University of Miami, where he provided cultural and social justice programming for the university community. Jesse earned his Bachelor’s degree in History with a minor in Communication at Coastal Carolina University and a Master’s degree in Higher Education and Student Affairs at the University of South Carolina. Antoinette Geagea  completed a PhD in which she explored academic aspirations in adolescence. She is particularly interested in developmental psychology in relation to childhood and adolescent behaviour, aspiration, and social inclusion. Antoinette also engages arts education within school-based outreach programs to support young people’s transitions to higher education. She is also keen to inform Australian education policy to support inclusive, robust and authentic learning in Australian classrooms. Her most recent projects include YAPS-WA study on youth activity participation and the Murdoch Aspiration and Pathways for University (MAP4U). Rebecca  Gordon recently completed her PhD at the University of Cambridge, which explored the work of a grassroots microfinance organisation and long-term impacts on girls’ education. The majority of her work has focused on gender and sexuality, social inclusion, education and livelihoods; she is also interested in feminist epistemologies and methodologies in ethics and research and has written on these topics.

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Susan  Grimes  is Director Education and Training· Health Education and Training Institute (HETI). She has extensive experience in both university and school sec­tors and her research explores the experiences of students with vari­ous challenges to their learning in higher education, including those liv­ing with mental health issues, ongoing medical conditions and learning differences. Jenny  Gustafson is Director of Residential Supports at Vanderbilt University, USA. Jenny Gustafson works with students, families, and the Nashville community to develop off-campus housing options. For Jenny, expanding opportunities for people with disabilities to live as independently as possible is a principal value and crucial goal. A native of Jackson, Tennessee, Jenny earned M.Div. and M.Ed. degrees from Vanderbilt University. She then worked as a behavior analyst in school, home, and community-based settings with children and youth with intellectual and developmental disabilities and behavior disorders. Prior to returning to Vanderbilt to work, she was the Education Series Director for Autism TN and the Executive Director of a private residence for adults with disabilities for five years. Cassandra Hall  is a Master’s student at Peabody College of Vanderbilt University, USA, specializing in severe disabilities. She is from Apple Valley, California, and plans to return there following graduation to create and facilitate effective transition programs for individuals with disabilities in her community. Under the supervision of Dr. Erik Carter, she has been active in Next Steps at Vanderbilt—an inclusive higher education program for students with intellectual disabilities, where she worked in academics and data collection. At Vanderbilt she was a UCEDD (Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities) trainee at the Vanderbilt Kennedy Center where she was encouraged to expand her knowledge surrounding the field of intellectual and developmental disabilities. Her research interests include: transition, inclusive higher education, and programs for low-income transition aged-students. Lindsay  Krech (Assistant Director of Career Development). As the Assistant Director of Career Development, Lindsay Krech oversees all career exploration and development initiatives for underclassmen enrolled

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at Vanderbilt University, USA, though the Next Steps at Vanderbilt program. She collaborates with university partners to create strategic career exploration experiences and internship placements for students each semester, and creates workplace supports to maximize the students’ independence. Lindsay holds a Master’s of Community Development from Vanderbilt University. Previously, she worked in community outreach roles for the Vanderbilt Center for Nashville Studies, Monroe Carell Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt, and Habitat for Humanity. Lindsay currently serves on the Best Buddies Tennessee young professional board. Athena Lathouras  is a Senior Lecturer in the Social Work program at the University of the Sunshine Coast, Australia. She has 30 years practice experience in the areas of community development, disability support and with peak bodies. Athena’s areas of scholarship include learning and teaching, and community development. She engages in community work practice and research working to weave links back and forth between these spaces so that one informs the other. Through this dialogue she seeks to promote better teaching, research and practice in community issues. Matson Lawrence  is the acting Equality & Diversity Lead, supporting equality, diversity and inclusion across the University of Strathclyde. His work focusing on gender, sexualities and education. He previously worked on the award-winning TransEDU research and resources, and is coauthor of Supporting Transgender and Non-Binary Students and Staff in Further and Higher Education: Practical Advice for Colleges and Universities. Matson holds an interdisciplinary Doctorate in Law and Applied Social Sciences from Durham University, and had worked extensively with intersectional LGBTQI+ communities in the third and arts sectors. Aura Lounasmaa  is a senior lecturer in social sciences at the University of East London (UEL), England, and the director of the Erasmus+ funded Open Learning Initiative (OLIve). The OLIve course started in UEL in 2017 and introduces forced migrant students to the UK Higher Education system. Dr Lounasmaa also worked on the award-winning Life Stories course in the Calais unofficial refugee camp ‘Jungle’ and coedited a book of stories by students of the course with colleagues. Her PhD is in wom­en’s studies, and her research currently focuses on ethics

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and decoloniality in education and refugee studies. She is a research fellow at the Centre for Narrative Research. Judith  MacCallum  Emerita Professor in Education at  Murdoch  University, and formerly Dean of Education. She uses multiple methods and sociocul­tural perspectives to examine social interaction for learning and develop­ment in a range of educational and community contexts. Judith’s research focuses on motivational development and classroom instructional prac­tices, mentoring and role model programs for young people, and profes­sional learning. Dawn  Mannay  is a Reader in Social Science (Psychology) at Cardiff University and also held the posts of Associate Lecturer at the Open University and Visiting Lecturer at the University of Newport; as well as being involved with the Women Making a Difference Program. Her research interests revolve around class, education, gender, geography, generation, national identity, violence and inequality: and she employs participatory, visual, creative and narrative methods in her work with communities. Stephanie Mckendry  the Head of Access, Equality and Inclusion at the University of Strathclyde. I lead the team responsible for increasing opportunities and removing barriers to study and success for those from widening access backgrounds. I manage outreach projects as well as transition and retention initiatives designed to support access students whilst on their programmes of study. Editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education and have a substantial track record of publication in the fields of learning development and widening participation. Elise McMillan, JD  is Director of the Vanderbilt Kennedy Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities, Director of Community Engagement and Public Policy, Senior Lecturer in Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences. Elise McMillan has more than 20 years’ experience in leading programs and projects that support individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities, their families, and their communities. She holds leadership roles in numerous national, state, and community disabilities organizations, including The Arc U.S., the Tennessee Council on

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Developmental Disabilities, Disability Law and Advocacy Center of Tennessee, and the Tennessee Disability Coalition. As Co-Director of the Vanderbilt Kennedy Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities (UCEDD), she provides oversight of daily operations and assists area coordinators and directors of core functions in planning and implementation. She is responsible for personnel, budget oversight, and representing the UCEDD at the local, state, and national level. She is an attorney and Senior Associate in the Vanderbilt University Medical Center (VUMC) Department of Psychiatry, USA.  She holds leadership roles with TennesseeWorks, Tennessee Disability Pathfinder, and Next Steps at Vanderbilt. Sandy O’Sullivan  is a Wiradjuri (Aboriginal) transgender person, and Professor at Macquarie University. They are a 2020–2024 ARC Future Fellow, with a project titled Saving Lives: Mapping the influence of Indigenous LGBTIQ+ creative artists. The project will explore the unique contribution and influence of queer artists to understand how modelling complex identities contributes to the wellbeing of all First Nations’ peoples. Devona F. Pierre  currently serves as Assistant Director of Diversity and Inclusion at the University of South Florida, USA. With over 15 years’ experience in higher education, she has served as a diversity executive, student affairs professional, academic affairs administrator, and faculty member. Dr. Pierre is an alumna of Dillard University and Auburn University. Her research interests include exploring the recruitment, retention, persistence, and advancement of minorities and marginalized populations in post-secondary institutions. Her work has been geared towards the implementation of programs that seek to provide parity to marginalized populations within higher education. Andrew Pilkington  is a is Professor of Sociology at the University of Northampton, England, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. His research has especially focused on issues relating to race and ethnicity, and he has published widely in this area, including Racial Disadvantage and Ethnic Diversity in Britain (Palgrave 2003) and, with Shirin Housee and Kevin Hylton, an edited collection, Race(ing) Forward: Transitions in Theorising Race in Education (Higher Education Academy 2009). A par-

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ticularly influential book is Institutional Racism in the Academy: A Case Study (Trentham 2011) in which he compares the response of universities and the police to legislative measures and policy initiatives designed to promote equality. He is co-author of successive editions of a very popular textbook, Sociology in Focus (Pearson 2009). He has been an Associate of the Centre for Sociology, Anthropology and Politics and Vice President of the Association of Teachers of Social Sciences. Kristen A. Renn  is Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education at Michigan State University, USA, and serves as Associate Dean of Undergraduate Studies for Student Success Research. With a background in student affairs administration, she has for the last 20 years focused her research on the identities, experiences, and development of minoritized students in higher education. She is co-PI of the National Study of LGBTQ Student Success, a two-phase study of LGBTQ college students comprising a mixed methods survey/interview phase conducted in 2013 and a four-year longitudinal interview study conducted with LGBTQ students who entered university in fall 2013. Sally Tazewell  is a lecturer in Education and Early Years at University Centre Weston, a college-based (16–19 years) higher education provider in south-west England which offers a variety of 2-year vocationally-­ orientated Foundation degrees and Bachelor-level top-ups. Students are generally more likely to be mature, live and work locally, declare a disability or learning difference, and be in possession of diverse prior qualifications than at more traditional universities. Following more than a decade of school teaching and advisory work in economically deprived and sometimes socially challenging contexts, she has an active interest in the widening participation agenda from a social justice perspective. Sally works for the Evaluation Committee and Study Skills Focus Group of her local National Collaborative Outreach Project (NCOP), and is a member of the NERUPI network, supporting the development of a framework for positive in-reach work targeted at non-traditional learners at Levels 5 and 6. Tània  Verge is Professor at the Department of Political and Social Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain), where she also serves since 2014 as the director of the Equality Unit. Her

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research interests lie in gender and politics, political parties and political representation as well as in the adoption and implementation of gender equality policies. She is the coordinator of the Gender Mainstreaming Taskforce of the Women and Science Committee (Inter-University Council of Catalonia, CIC). Her most recent research has been published in the journals Politics & Gender, Party Politics, West European Politics, Government and Opposition, European Journal of Political Research, and European Journal of Women’s Studies. Megan  Vranicar is Employment Specialist at Vanderbilt University, USA. Megan Vranicar is responsible for overseeing the employment initiatives of Next Steps at Vanderbilt. Utilizing the Customized Employment Model, Megan works with students to develop and implement employment plans based on individual strengths, interests, and conditions. She consults with businesses in the Nashville community to identify employment solutions and develop customized employment opportunities for individuals in the program. Megan works to implement recruitment, hiring, training, and employment supports for individuals in the program and for businesses. Megan received her Bachelor’s Degree in Special Education from Vanderbilt University in 2016. Megan’s involvement with Next Steps began in 2012. Throughout the past seven years she has served in multiple roles including as an Ambassadore peer mentor during her time as a student and as a job coach supporting students on-site at employment placements after spending some time teaching upon graduation. She is passionate about creating a more inclusive community for individuals with disabilities through Next Steps at Vanderbilt’s innovative career development initiatives. Michael  R.  M.  Ward is senior lecturer in Social Sciences at Swansea University, England. He has held visiting professor posts in Canada, USA, Iceland and Germany. His work centres on the performance of working-class mas­ culinities within and beyond educational institutions. Mike is the author of the award-winning book From Labouring to Learning, Working-class Masculinities, Education and De-industrialization (Palgrave Macmillan). Furthermore, he is the editor of Boyhood Studies, an Interdisciplinary Journal.

Part I Contextualising Layers of Exclusion in Higher Education

1 Don’t Throw Out the Baby with the Bathwater: Statistics Can Create Impetus to Address Educational Inequity Gail Crimmins

Before I provide statistical ‘evidence’ of structural inequality in the international academy, I discuss the important role statistics offer educational policy makers and practitioners. Even though I first consider their limitations, I offer a detailed rationale for both gathering and employing large scale data captured in statistical form. All statistics share some limitations. When decontextualised they cannot determine or communicate the complexity of gendered, raced, classed, and ableist structures and cultures of organisations. They also fail to communicate the intersectional disadvantage experienced by people who identify as ‘woman’, transgender, Black, Asian, minority ethnic, Indigenous, working-class, differently abled, et cetera; and/or the compounded disadvantages people from other marginalised locations people inhabit. Statistics might also create emotional distance between an audience and the phenomenon presented as they can mask or even obscure significant contextual factors or impacts, and masquerade as a positivist G. Crimmins (*) University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_1

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‘truth’. As a result, they can fail to evoke the lived experience of people represented as a ‘number’ or ‘percentage’ and diminish the felt experience of people’s location/s. Furthermore, statistics often communicate and thereby further entrench dichotomies of ‘difference’ such as male/female, which can cause further exclusion/s and symbolic violence against gender diverse people. And not every aspect of a given population has been captured by statistics, as ‘there is always an implicit choice in what is included and what is excluded’ (Davies, 2017). For instance, as a feminist, I am cynical (read: angry) that Gross Domestic Product (GDP) only captures the value of paid work and excludes the domestic work traditionally/most often undertaken by women. Similarly, Davies (2017) identifies that in France it is illegal to collect census data because it is feared that such data might be used for racist political purposes even though a by-product of this exclusion is a difficulty in quantifying the systemic racism in the labour market. Nevertheless, we need to be careful not to dismiss the use of statistics because this could bolster what some political analysts have identified as the anti-intellectual manoeuvre by the far-right to discredit statistical data and analysis in favour of personality politics (Motta, 2018). It could also render invisible significant societal inequities, and the structures that create or propagate them. Davies (2017) identifies a growing cynicism towards statistics in many societies, and the political schism of such mistrust. For instance, shortly before the US November 2016 presidential election 68% of Donald Trump supporters noted a distrust for the economic data published by the then federal government; this compared with the 40% of distrusting respondents who did not identify as Trump supporters (Rampell, 2016). Similarly, politically conservative or right-leaning Republicans in the US, and Republicans who watch Fox News, are more likely to distrust statistics about rising temperatures, and their causes and impacts, than people who identify as Democrats (Matthews, 2017). An analysis of these studies reveals that people with right-wing political views tend to assume that statistics are manipulated and dislike what is considered their abstract and elitist form. This leads to a decline in the authority of statistics and a vilification of the experts who present them (Davies, 2017).

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A contrasting position is that statistics can offer easy to understand information which enable researchers, citizens, and politicians to understand and discuss society ‘as a whole’, and in ways that can be validated. Statistics can indicate levels of health, prosperity, equality, and whether certain policy development makes things better or worse for groups or sub-groups of society. And here-in lies the main benefit of statistics in relation to this collection of essays: statistics can help to provide information about who is, and who is not, included in various levels of academia; information which can be used to directly address any identified areas of under-representation/s, and help to shape education or institution policy development. Statistics can thus provide impetus and political will (and financial and human resource) to address inequity. However, statistical data is only credible if people accept the limited range of demographic categories that are on offer (Davies, 2017). I acknowledge that many of the statistics I present to demonstrate structural inequity in academia are based on traditional, and outdated/exclusionary categories of male and female. I concede their limitation/s. Many of the statistics are also based on the Global North, which may suggest/ propagate a narrowed ontological lens. I nevertheless use them because they are readily available and illuminate gendered inequity both in faculty and student representations within various levels of seniority and disciplinarity in academia. However, I will (and encourage us all) to include non-binary persons as a category in surveys and other means by which we collect data from now on, and to keep searching for data that extends the international boundaries of the Global North. Now that we know better, we must do better. The next section of the chapter will therefore present a summary of statistical data that collectively determines the systematic exclusion of staff and students within higher education based on lines of ethnicity, social or socio-economic status, gender, and disability. Dispiriting as the statistics may seem, we can use them to inspire equity strategy and intervention: we need to see landscape to know where our energies, creativity and activism is needed.

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Statistics of Structural Inequity Inequity Based on Race: Faculty Data Numerical and statistical data reveals structural and systemic under-­ representation of Black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) staff in universities in the UK, Australia, and the US.  This is highly problematic because students need to see ‘people like them’ in senior and leadership roles in order to aspire to leadership roles themselves, and need leaders from a diversity of experience and location to inform university curricular (in its broadest sense, including knowledge and knowledge systems) (Crimmins, 2019). Consequently, an under-representation of people with diverse ethnicities in senior roles serves to propagate existing inequities and straightjackets conceptions of knowledge. When Black, Asian and minority ethnic people are employed in British Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) they are over-represented in lower academic ranks and non-academic roles, and under-represented in senior levels of academic employment. Out of the 145,560 people (UK nationals) employed at British universities in 2017–2018, 7480 identified as Asian and 2040 as Black, and the vast majority of BAME staff occupied technical, administrative or lower-level academic positions (Higher Education Statistics Agency, 2019b). In addition, out of the 1350 senior managers (including all highest levels of university management) only ten identify as Asian, and none as Black (Henry et  al., 2017). Concomitantly, specific ethnic groups are also under-represented amongst the professoriate. Only 0.4% of the UK professoriate are Black, compared to 11.1% who identify as White (University and College Union, 2013). Yet the most startling fact emerging from the data is that the vast majority of HEIs have so few non-white professorial staff that pay gap data is not available. For instance, not a single HEI has data relating to the pay of Black professorial staff which indicates that no UK HEI has more than seven Black professorial staff. The statistics again reveal that the ethnicity of large numbers of staff are unknown. Yet where data is provided, significant pay gaps are revealed. In England, statistical data reveals that professors of Black, Chinese and other ethnic origins earned

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between 9.7% and 3.6% less than their White colleagues. In Wales, insufficient data for Black professors is available yet Chinese professorial staff earned 7.5% less than White colleagues. Finally, in Scotland, Black professorial staff earned 9.9% less than White professorial staff, Chinese professors earned 10.2% less, and professors from other ethnicities, including mixed race professors earned 7.5% less than their White colleagues (University and College Union, 2013). Similarly, and even though Asian Australians are the fastest growing minority group in Australia constituting 14.4% of the population in 2016 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017), only 3.4% of Deputy Vice-­ Chancellors were Asian-born in 2015, and there are currently no Asian-­ born Vice-Chancellors within Australian universities. This is in stark contrast to other overseas-born academics where 33% of Deputy Vice Chancellors and 25% of Vice-Chancellors were born overseas (Oishi, 2017). Yet most Vice-Chancellors in Australia have an Anglo-Celtic background (82.5%) or a European background (15%). Furthermore, there are no Vice-Chancellors with an Indigenous background (Soutphommasane, 2016) despite that 3.3% of Australian society identifies as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017). Indeed, Indigenous people are so dramatically under-­ represented as employees of Australian universities at all levels that population parity in academic and general staff representation is not achievable by any pipeline effect. Staff numbers in ‘teaching’, ‘research and teaching’ and other general positions would need to increase by a factor of between two to three to reach population parity, while staff numbers in ‘research only’ roles would need to increase by a factor of over six (AGDET, 2016). In the US, the National Center for Education Statistics reported that approximately 3.9 million people were employed in the nation’s 4724 degree granting institutions (Snyder, de Brey, & Dillow, 2016, p. 532). Of that 3.9 million, roughly 377,000 identified as Black. And staff who identified as Black were concentrated in office/administrative support and service occupations, 73,000 and 56,000 respectively. McGee (2017) identifies that of the 1.5 million academics employed, 105,000 (about 6.8%) are Black faculty—a percentage considerably smaller than their percentage (13.2%) of the U.S. population. Conversely, about 72% (or 1.1 million) of academic staff were White individuals)—a percentage

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significantly greater than their percentage (62.2%) of the US population (McGee, 2017). The professorial rank for Black full-time academics in the US is more likely to be at the lecturer, instructor, or assistant professor level where they number approximately 20,000, compared to 302,000 White faculty. Correspondingly, Black full-time faculty are less likely to be appointed at an associate professor or full professor level where they numbered 15,000 compared to 337,000 White faculty (Snyder et al., 2016). Additionally, an assessment of the probable ethnic representation of Provosts in the next 10–20  years (a role most often adopted before that of university President) identified that African Americans were the least likely demographic to serve in the positions that lead to the college presidency (McGee, 2017). It is axiomatic, then, that race is also a determining factor in the (under)representation and success of students.

Inequity Based on Race: Student Data In 2017 in the UK, 1,417,860 enrolments in UK universities were from White students, while 133,590 were from Black students, 201,580 were from Asian students, and 101,825 were from students from other or mixed ethnic minority backgrounds (Higher Education Statistics Agency, 2019a). Data also reveals that the rates at which UK-domiciled students leave their first degree after one year, what classification of degree they attain, and which universities BAME students enrol into, significantly varies across ethnic groups. Chinese students have the lowest rates of non-continuation, and the non-continuation rate for Black students, at 10.3%, remains 3.4 percentage points higher than the rate for White students. Additionally, ethnic minorities have lower university admission rates relative to comparably qualified White peers and achieve lower degree results than their A-level grades would predict (Boliver, 2015). Most strikingly, controlling for entry qualifications, Black students are between six and 28 percentage points less likely than White students to get a higher classification degree (Stevenson, O’Mahony, Khan, Ghaffar, & Stiell, 2019). Relatedly, Black students are more than 50% more likely to withdraw from university than their White and Asian counterparts,

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with more than one in 10 (10.3%) Black students dropping out of university in England, compared with 6.9% for the whole student population (Bulman, 2017). A similar phenomenon of an under-representation of ethnically marginalised faculty and the under-completion of ethnically diverse students is also prevalent internationally. A disproportionate representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is particularly evident within the Australian higher education system (Dandy, Durkin, Barber, & Houghton, 2015). Indigenous students make up 1.6% of domestic student enrolments in Australian universities—a figure that falls short of the Indigenous working age population at 2.7%. Indigenous students also experience high rates of attrition (Bennett et al., 2015). A study that examined the under-completion of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander students in higher education identified that for many Indigenous students, financial worries were compounded by feelings of isolation at university, and Harwood, McMahon, O’Shea, Bodkin-Andrews, and Priestly (2015) identify that a lack of educational role models can present a critical barrier for the educational attainment and feeling of connectedness of Indigenous students. In the United States, 34 million Americans over age 25 (more than 10% of the entire U.S. population) who have some college credits withdraw from their program before receiving a diploma, and students who have dropped out of their diploma or degree programme are nearly twice as likely as college graduates to be unemployed. Yet more specifically, White and Asian students completed their programs at similar rates—62% and 63.2%, respectively—while Hispanic and Black students graduated at rates of 45.8% and 38%, respectively (Shapiro et al., 2017). Specifically, Black men completed their degrees at the lowest rate (40%) within American HEIs (Shapiro et al., 2017). These statistics demonstrate that people of different ethnicities experience higher education dissimilarly and pose a significant challenge to us (as policy makers or educationalists) to not only attract more racially diverse populations into higher education, but to ensure that they have the same chance/s of completion and success as White students.

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 ocial Class, Socioeconomic Status S and Higher Education In the following paragraphs I offer a summary of how class distinctions are understood, plus a broad definition of social class and its relationship to socioeconomic status (SES). I also provide an overview of current debates around the relevance of the class concept in the twenty-first century. I do so because many of the discourses around the class concept converge with a growing level of cynicism towards statistics (a cynicism that has been established above). I therefore seek to directly challenge ‘the individualist turn’ which seeks to both undermine the role of statistics and dismiss the boundary setting function of social class. I do this by offering international data that demonstrates how social stratification significantly impacts inclusion and success in higher education.

Defining Social Classifications Most social scientists would accept that there can be no single, ‘correct’ definition of social class. Wright argues that ‘a concept whose task is to help answer a question about broad historical variations in the social organisation of inequality is likely to be defined quite differently from a concept used to answer a relatively narrow question about the subjective identity of individuals in contemporary society’ (Wright, 2005, p. 180). Thus, because this collection explores strategies to address structures of inequity (and not individual cases) I consider a series of broad definitions which can be used to categorise large numbers of people or a nation. Employment was the traditional measure used to establish social hierarchies or stratifications. Classifications of social hierarchy have been linked with levels and types of employment since Marx described the proletariat as a class of workers who had only their labour power to sell, and the bourgeoisie as a classification of those who controlled the proletariat’s labour. Similarly, official statisticians began to divide up occupational structures to create employment ‘class schemes’, such as the Registrar-General’s classification in 1913 (Crompton, 2010).

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Yet due to radical changes in work and employment in many industrialised countries in the late twentieth century, some theorists suggest that the notion of class (or the class concept) is no longer relevant. Specifically, Beck (2007) argues that de-industrialisation; the rise in managerial, professional and service employment; women’s increasing participation in the labour market; and the encouragement of workers to become ‘entrepreneurs of the self ’, both created and demonstrated the end of class. He insists that ‘old’ sociological concepts such as class must therefore be jettisoned (Crompton, 2010). Although I refute Beck’s conclusion (of the death of class), he does expose a problem with social classifications that are based solely on a person’s employment type or status. For instance, while employment-­ derived class schemes group together individuals, the most important force of class reproduction is considered to be the family. This is not to say that family relationships create classes and class relationships, but they do play a significant role in reproducing class identities and behaviours. Crompton (2010) therefore suggests that it is not just the work you do, but the work your parents do or did, that informs class fate. She further posits that declining rates of social mobility in Britain suggest that the significance of family might be on the increase. Whilst employment, and the employment status of one’s parents, still feature in many definitions of social class, the characteristics of what constitutes social classifications has broadened over the last 40  years, with some researchers and policy makers replacing social class with socioeconomic status (SES) or using the terms interchangeably (APA, 2006). Yet an important distinction between social class and SES needs to be made. Social class is generally associated with characteristics established from birth, whereas SES is a broader measurement of education, occupation, and income (APA, 2006). Although individuals may achieve different SES over a lifetime, their relations among social classes remain constant (APA, 2006). And crucial to this chapter, educational attainment is often considered to be the most common difference that separates social classes (Stephens, Markus, & Townsend, 2007). Most definitions of social class therefore encompass criteria related to a person’s education, employment and income, and those of the person’s parents.

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 hy Examining Class in Relation to Higher W Education Diversity and Inclusion Remains Important Before providing statistical evidence of inequity in higher education based on social class, I offer a rationale for examining class in relation to educational access and inclusion. Even though Beck (2002) claimed that individuals have become ever more free of structure, rendering ‘old’ or zombie categories such as class, social status, gender, and family (Beck, 2002) as moribund; such neo-liberalist discourse is not borne out in international statistics on higher education inclusion and participation. It is mere (though powerful) rhetoric which serves to undermine equity policy and practice. Lolich and Lynch (2016) identify that neoliberalism signalled a transformation in the way that government—of the state, civil society, the economy, and the self—is understood. Indeed, Margaret Thatcher’s mid–1980s proclamation that ‘there is no such thing as society’ signalled an attempt within neoliberal rationalities to govern through the behaviours and dispositions of individuals, rather than society (Kelly, 2007). Such a logic, and related governance structures, lead to an imaginary of individual responsibilisation, where ‘self-regulating subjects’ become responsible for their own welfare (Giddens, 1994). Moreover, and particularly pertinent to this chapter, discourses of individualisation of responsibility serve to ‘invisibilise’ the asymmetry and inequity within higher education. Consequently, the saturation of discourses of responsibilisation present the lack of inclusion or success in higher education as individuals’ problems rather than collective ones, and conceive people who are not successful in the neoliberal organisation as lacking the competency or confidence to compete. Thus, the individualist turn, as part of a neoliberalist ideology, focuses the lens of social inequality onto individuals and directs attention away from broader structural trends, the persistence of national and occupational class differences, and the importance of national policies in shaping them. Yet, international statistics identify that there are broad trends of entry and completion in higher education that point to structural barriers or ‘bounded agency’ (Evans,

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2007) in relation to social class. The reason for sharing the following statistics is to illuminate the continued pertinence of social or economic status in equity aims and provision within higher education.

 ocial Class and Economic Background S as a Determinant to Access and Inclusion in HE It is well established that there are major disparities in access and participation in higher education in Australia (Naylor & Mifsud, 2019), with several groups, including those from low SES (LSES), accessing higher education at only half the number predicted by their population share (AGDET, 2016). In addition, students from LSES backgrounds are relatively overrepresented in some (arguably low status) fields, such as nursing and education, and underrepresented in fields such as medicine or architecture. The elite Group of Eight (research intensive) institutions enrol LSES students at approximately half the rate of the newer, suburban ‘red brick’ institutions, and a third that of the regional universities (AGDET, 2016). Correspondingly, in 2016, the 20–24-year-old children of managers and professionals were nearly 2.5 times as likely to be enrolled in university or to have already attained a degree than the children of drivers or labourers (Norton, Cherastidtham, & Mackey, 2018). Moreover, even when LSES students access higher education in Australia, their experience is different from non-LSES students. Whilst Universities Australia (2018) found that most domestic undergraduate students (58%) are worried about their financial situation, this rises to 63% for LSES students. Student finances also impact how students spend their time during their undergraduate study: An Anglicare and NSU (2018) survey of 1985 university students found that those from the lowest income backgrounds without family resources to draw on were most likely to report severe financial stress or having to work so many hours it has a significant impact on both their study and their overall wellbeing (Norton, 2018). In the UK in 2017, the most financially privileged students were 14.5 times more likely to enter top universities than their disadvantage

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peers—and this increased in 2018 despite a push to widen access to higher education (Busby, 2019). Additionally, the gap between rich and poor students going to Britain’s best universities has widened for the first time in nearly a decade (Busby, 2019). The Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) figures reveal that more than half of universities in England have fewer than 5% of White working-class students in their intakes, and when enrolled their experience of working-class students differs from that of their middle or upper-class peers. Students from poorer backgrounds struggle to pay for food, heating, transport as well as accommodation, which can leave them feeling isolated because financial worries prevent them from taking part in social activities. Indeed, working-class students are most likely to be employed in a job that requires more than the recommended 15  hours per week while studying (NUS, 2018) which potentially (at least partly) explains why attrition is highest among working class students, with a third of part time students leaving before their second year of study (NUS, 2018). Additional correlatives include that the dominant culture of HE is middle class and working-class students can be made to feel they do not belong, and report feeling disconnected or bullied (NUS, 2018). It is difficult to determine how social class impacts the inclusion and diversity of faculty within the UK because no large-scale study on the class status of academics has been undertaken since 1989, when sociologist AH Halsey reported that 17% of academics, but only 13% of professors, had fathers in routine and manual occupations (Wilby, 2019). Yet, Reynolds (2018) suggests that one way to increase the number of working-­class students, and enhance their experience, would be to employ more academics from a similar background. It is argued that an increase in academics from working class or LSES backgrounds would make students feel less alienated and more at home. Similarly, in the US, qualitative evidence suggests that there are few faculty members from low-SES backgrounds and that they struggle intensely with feelings of isolation, lack of belongingness and generally feeling like misfits (Case, 2017). It is not just a lack of financial capital that puts many working-class students and faculty at a disadvantage; they lack social and cultural capital also. It is argued that LSES staff do not have the social connections that allow them to learn about a fellowship

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program or a job opening. They often feel that they do not fit in academia because they entered lacking the cultural and social indoctrination that is part of their wealthier peers’ educations (Pain, 2014). Relatedly, students from working-class backgrounds in the US are significantly less likely to attend college and persist to degree completion than their peers from middle- and upper-social classes. In particular, by 24 years of age, 12% of students from low-income families earn a baccalaureate degree compared with 73% of their higher income peers (Soria & Bultmann, 2014). Working-class students also experience a lower sense of belonging, perceive a less welcoming campus climate, and pursue fewer social engagements than their peers who self-identify as middle/ upper-class (Soria & Bultmann, 2014). On private four-year college campuses, which attract and retain more middle or high SES students, just 14% of students were considered food insecure yet 36% of all college students and 46% of community college students were housing insecure (Hess, 2018). Food and housing insecurity have also been linked to delayed graduation, which can force students to take on even more debt in order to finish their degrees (Hess, 2018). Williams (2016) argues that those who have gone to college beget those who go to college and if your parents didn’t go to college, you are much more likely to work at or near minimum wage. Only 9% of those from the lowest quartile of wealth complete college degrees, whereas about three-quarters from the top quartile do. A key impediment has been the exponential rise of tuition prices since the 1970s, at several times the rate of inflation, correlated with the reduction of public support, which in turn has brought the steep increase in student debt and student work hours (Williams, 2016). This reflects a cycle of de/privilege, as current research shows that having a bachelor’s increases lifetime earnings on average by 65% compared to only having a high school diploma, and 82% of students in the top third of the income distribution go to college, compared to 53% in the bottom third (Bond Hill, 2016). These statistics both reinforce the relevance of the class concept in the twenty-first century, and compel us to employ interventions to provide equity of access and opportunity to students from LSES or working class backgrounds in an attempt to break the circuit of de/privilege.

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Gender De/Privilege in Higher Education Despite equal opportunity legislation relating to both education and employment, women remain marginalised as faculty in universities. In 2016, women comprised the majority (57%) of the Australian university workforce and were more likely to be employed at lower academic ranks, on casual, short-term or fixed term contracts, and earn less than male academics (Strachan et  al., 2016). Women comprise 75% of the fractional fulltime academics at Level A (Associate Lecturer), but only 31% of academics above Senior Lecturer level, 26% of professors (AGDET, 2016), and one in four Deputy Vice-Chancellors (Jarboe, 2017). A gender difference in salaries is also evident. In 2016, a total of 10,092 male academics commanded salaries of between $110,000 and $170,000 compared to only 4519 women (Cervini, 2016). The Australian context reflects the international circumstance where the gender gap increases with higher academic ranks across all nations. Women on average occupy only 21% of A level (full professorship) academic positions in the European Union (European Commission, 2015). There is one woman for every five male professors in countries such as Germany, Italy, Hungary, Poland and Portugal but fewer female professors than this in Ireland, Greece, Cyprus, Netherlands and Belgium. Indeed, at the current rate of academic promotions and appointments, it is estimated that it will take 119 years for women to achieve equal numbers as men in the professoriate (Savigny, 2014). The national data for the United States of America shows similar patterns where 24% of professors, and yet 56% of lecturers/instructors, are women (Monroe et al., 2014). Moreover, intersectional factors provide further evidence of structural de/privilege in academia. For instance, in the UK, according to Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) data, there are around 350 Black female professors in the UK, out of a total number of 18,000 professors across the UK, meaning that Black women make up less than 2% of the professoriate in higher education (Solanke, 2017). In the US, in 2015, among full-time professors, 27% were White females and 2% each were Asian/Pacific Islander females (NCES, 2016). In India gender intersects with caste identities to provide varying levels of privilege where in a state

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university in western India, women make up only 39% of faculty, and yet 78% of women faculty come disproportionately from ‘upper castes’ (Tambe, 2019). I recognise that snapshots and decontextualised ‘facts’ undermine the complexity of the gendered (academic) institution because they fail to consider the compounded disadvantage experienced by women who identify as Black, Asian, minority ethnic, Indigenous, mothers, women who are differently abled, et cetera. I also understand that the term ‘woman’ is problematic and that it might in itself create exclusion/s and symbolic violence against gender diverse people. For this I apologise, but I use the statistics available to illuminate structural disadvantage. For if we fail to demonstrate systematic and structural barriers to ‘women’s’ advancement in academia we allow ‘individualizing technologies’ to take hold; and such technologies place blame on women themselves for their lack of academic success, and remedial professional development is introduced in a bid to change women, rather than to challenge an unjust world (Gill & Orgad, 2015). In response, subsequent chapters in this collection will discuss tried and tested interventions that have been developed to dismantle current gender-based barriers to access and success.

Higher Education for People with Dis/Ability 18.3% of the Australian population, or approximately 4.3 million people in Australia have a dis/ability. Yet only 17% of people with disability have a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared to 30% for individuals without disability (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015). In addition, disability success ratios are below parity across the country, meaning that students with disability are less successful than students without disability. More specifically, the success of students with disability is generally between 5 and 10% lower than students without any reported disability (AGDET, 2018). Students without disability also have a lower retention rate than students without a disability, are more likely to provide low scores in the Student Experience Survey (SES), and are 7 percentage points more likely to have considered leaving their institution than students who did not report having a disability (NCVER, 2018).

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According to data provided by the National Center for Education Statistics in 2019, 19.4% of undergraduate students in the US reported having a disability (NCES, n.d.) yet college students with disabilities are more likely to attrite than their peers without disabilities (Haber et al. 2016). Students with a disability also have a different social experience to those without. US-based students with disabilities participate in fewer extracurricular activities, like clubs or on-campus events, than non-­ disabled peers (Sachs & Schreuer, 2011). This is due to a lack of social inclusion yet serves to propagate such exclusion. It is also impacted by the fact that many colleges and university programs predominantly focus on academic and physical accessibility and accommodations, so the social participation of students with disabilities receives less attention. Similarly, researchers found that 66% of the websites of California State Universities had minimal information about disabilities on university homepages, which prevents students with a disability to feel welcome on campus in the same way that images of racial or gender diversity are used to attract diverse applicants (Gabel, Reid, Pearson, & Hume-Dawson, 2016).

The Impact of Educational Inequity A snapshot of statistics that expose significant structural disadvantage across lines of race, social class or economic status, gender and ability eschew the notion that individual students or faculty are fully responsible for their education attainment or have full agency and choice. They thus demonstrate that the impact of demographic characteristics/locations on student and faculty inclusion and experience of higher education is an international phenomenon (Petersen, 2006). This is concerning because the cycle of education de/privilege both reflects and propagates income disparity within society and has significant societal problems. Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) compared each nation’s level of income inequality (measured by the size of the gap in income between the wealthiest and poorest in society), in relation to a nation’s level of health, social cohesion, and social problems. The societal factors Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) measured include physical health, education, housing, imprisonment, mental health, drug abuse, obesity,

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social mobility, trust and violence, all of which were substantially worse in countries with the greatest disparity of wealth distribution. Specifically, they posited that inequality eroded trust, increased anxiety and illness, and encouraged excessive consumption. Australia sat with the UK, Singapore, New Zealand and the USA at the most unequal end of the scale, where social cohesion and well-being were identified as very low. In contrast, those countries that have, over decades, introduced government policies that support gender equity and a redistributive taxation, have the smallest gap between rich and poor, and men and women, and the highest social well-being and cohesion. These include Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Netherlands. Importantly, Wilkinson and Pickett’s (2010) study proved that it was inequality and not poverty that creates negative social effects in affluent countries.

Conclusion Within a time characterised by increasing scepticism about the relevance and neutrality of statistics (especially within the far fight) leading to ‘numeric nihilism’ (Davies, 2017), this chapter offers a defence for using large statistical data sets as quantitative indicators of inequity in higher education (expressed in access, progression, satisfaction and completion rates). Therefore, I presented numerical and statistical data to provide evidence of the (lack of ) inclusion and diversity of higher education institutions in relation to race, gender, social class or socioeconomic status and disability, I offered also an argument for the continued relevance of the class concept, and the need to continue to identify the broad trends of entry, experience, and completion in higher education that point to class-based structural barriers. This argument sought to identify that despite an attempt to individualise peoples, to pathologise the excluded or those that attrite, and to undermine the notion of class or socioeconomic based community, there remains a community of experience which is determined by a social and economic basis. There also remain other communities, we are not all individual/ised. There is this community, a community of academics, policy makers and practitioners who are committed to inclusion and diversity in HE. The following chapters in

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this book, are therefore designed to provide us with equity interventions that we can adopt, adapt, or amalgamate in our pursuit of inclusive education, which in its broadest sense seeks to increase access, presence, participation and success for all students in education.

References American Psychological Association (APA). (2006). Report of the APA task force on socioeconomic status. Washington, DC: APA Task Force of Socioeconomic Status. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). (2015). Disability, ageing and carers, Australia: Summary of findings, 2015. ABS Catalogue No. 4430.0. Canberra: ABS. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). (2017). Census of population and housing: Australia revealed, 2016. ABS Catalogue No. 2024.0. Canberra: ABS. Australian Government Department of Education and Training (AGDET). (2016). National Indigenous higher education workforce strategy. Retrieved November 2019, from https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/ national-indigenous-higher-education-workforce-strategy-0 Australian Government Department of Education and Training (AGDET). (2018). Selected higher education statistics – 2017 student data: Section 11 – equity groups, section 16 – equity performance data. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.education.gov.au/selected-higher-education-statistics2017-student-data Beck, U. (2002). The cosmopolitan society and its enemies. Theory, Culture & Society, 19(1–2), 17–44. Beck, U. (2007). Beyond class and nation: Reframing social inequalities in a globalising world. British Journal of Sociology, 58(4), 679–705. Bennett, A., Naylor, R., Mellor, K., Brett, M., Gore, J., Harvey, A., … & Whitty, G. (2015). The critical interventions framework part 2: Equity initiatives in Australian higher education: A review of evidence of impact. Retrieved November 2019, from http://www.newcastle.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0016/ 261124/REPORT-FINAL.pdf Boliver, V. (2015, February 3). Universities must aim higher on ethnic equality and diversity. The Conversation. Retrieved November 2019, from https://theconversation.com/universities-must-aim-higher-on-ethnic-equalityand-diversity-37073

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Bond Hill, C. (2016, June 23). The high court just upheld affirmative action. But for disadvantaged students, the odds are still daunting. The Hechinger Report. Retrieved November 2019, from https://hechingerreport.org/ high-court-just-upheld-affirmative-action-disadvantaged-students-oddsstill-daunting/ Bulman, M. (2017, July 19). Black students 50% more likely to drop out of university, new figures reveal. The Independent. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/black-studentsdrop-out-university-figures-a7847731.html Busby, E. (2019, January 31). Gap between rich and poor students at top universities widens for first time in decade. The Independent. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/educationnews/students-universities-applications-ucas-social-mobility-equality-gaprussell-group-a8755156.html Case, K. A. (2017). Insider without: Journey across the working-class academic arc. Journal of Working-Class Studies, 2(2), 16–35. Cervini, E. (2016, February 7). Equal pay is an academic concept for women in higher education. The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved November 2019, from http://www.smh.com.au/national/education/equal-pay-is-anacademicconcept-for-women-in-higher-education-20160131-gmifcn.html Crimmins, G. (Ed.). (2019). Strategies for resisting sexism in the academy: Higher education, gender and intersectionality (Palgrave studies in gender and education). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. Crompton, R. (2010). Class and employment. Work, Employment and Society, 24(1), 9–26. Dandy, J., Durkin, K., Barber, B. L., & Houghton, S. (2015). Academic expectations of Australian students from Aboriginal, Asian and Anglo backgrounds: Perspectives of teachers, trainee-teachers and students. International Journal of Disability, Development and Education, 62, 60–82. Davies, W. (2017, January 19). How statistics lost their power – and why we should fear what comes next. The Guardian. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jan/19/crisis-of-statisticsbig-data-democracy European Commission. (2015). SHE figures 2015. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Evans, K. (2007). Concepts of bounded agency in education, work and the personal lives of young adults. International Journal of Psychology, 42(2), 85–93.

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Gabel, S., Reid, H., Pearson, L., & Hume-Dawson, R. (2016). Disability and diversity on CSU websites: A critical discourse study. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 9(1), 64–80. Gale, T. (2015). Widening and expanding participation in Australian higher education: In the absence of sociological imagination. The Australian Educational Researcher, 42(2), 257–271. Giddens, A. (1994). Beyond left and right. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gill, R., & Orgad, S. (2015). The cult(ure) of confidence. Australian Feminist Studies, 30(86), 324–344. Haber, M. G., Mazzotti, V. L., Mustian, A. L., Rowe, D. A., Bartholomew, A. L., Test, D. W., & Fowler, C. H. (2016). What works, when, for whom, and with whom: A meta-analytic review of predictors of postsecondary success for students with disabilities. Review of Educational Research, 86(1), 123–162. Harwood, V., McMahon, S., O’Shea, S., Bodkin-Andrews, G., & Priestly, A. (2015). Recognising aspiration: The AIME program’s effectiveness in inspiring Indigenous young people’s participation in schooling and opportunities for further education and employment. Australian Educational Researcher, 42, 217–236. Henry, F., Dua, E., James, C. E., Kobayashi, A., Li, P., Ramos, R., & Smith, M. S. (2017). The equity myth: Racialization and indigeneity at Canadian universities. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Hess, A. (2018, April 6). New study finds that 36% of college students don’t have enough to eat. CNBC make it. Retrieved November 2019, from https:// www.cnbc.com/2018/04/06/new-study-finds-that-36-percent-of-collegestudents-dont-have-enough-to-eat.html Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA). (2019a). Figure 4  – HE student enrolments by personal characteristics 2013/14 to 2017/18. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.hesa.ac.uk/data-and-analysis/sb252/figure-4 Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA). (2019b). Table 4 – HE academic staff by ethnicity and academic employment function 2014/15 to 2017/18. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.hesa.ac.uk/data-and-analysis/ staff/table-4 Jarboe, N. (2017). Women count: Australian universities 2016. Retrieved November 2019, from https://womencount.org/portfolio/womencountaustralian-universities-2016 Kelly, P. (2007). The entrepreneurial self and ‘youth at-risk’: Exploring the horizons of identity in the twenty-first century. Journal of Youth Studies, 9(1), 17–32.

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Lolich, L., & Lynch, K. (2016). The affective imaginary: Students as affective consumers of risk. Higher Education Research & Development, 35(1), 17–30. Matthews, D. (2017, September 8). A stunning new study shows that Fox news is more powerful than we ever imagined. Vox. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/9/8/16263710/foxnews-presidential-vote-study McGee, M. K. (2017). A mixed methods exploration of black presidents appointed to predominantly white institutions: Assessing their exposure to the glass cliff and experiences as administrators of color. Doctoral dissertation, College of Education and Psychology, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, Mississippi. Retrieved November 2019, from https://aquila.usm.edu/ dissertations/1481 Monroe, K. R., Choi, J., Howell, E., Lampros-Monroe, C., Trejo, C., & Perez, V. (2014). Gender equality in the ivory tower, and how best to achieve it. PS: Political Science & Politics, 47(2), 418–426. Motta, M. (2018). The dynamics and political implications of anti-­intellectualism in the United States. American Politics Research, 46(3), 465–498. National Centre for Vocational Education Research (NCVER). (2018). Australian vocational education and training statistics: Total VET students and courses 2017. Adelaide: NCVER. National Union of Students (NUS). (2018, April 26). Poverty Commission press release [Press release]. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.nus.org. uk/en/news/press-releases/poverty-commission-press-release Naylor, M., & Mifsud, N. (2019). Structural inequality in higher education: Creating institutional cultures that enable all students. Melbourne: La Trobe University. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.ncsehe.edu.au/wpcontent/uploads/2019/09/NaylorMifsud-FINAL.pdf Norton, A. (2018, February 22). Higher education inequality: How well has Australia limited differential access levels by socioeconomic status? Equity and Access/Higher Education Admissions. Retrieved November 2019, from https://andrewnorton.net.au/2018/02/22/higher-educationinequality-how-well-has-australia-limited-differential-access-levels-by-socioeconomic-status/ Norton, A., Cherastidtham, I., & Mackey, W. (2018). Mapping Australian higher education 2018. Melbourne: Grattan Institute. Retrieved November 2019, from https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/907-Mapping-Australian-higher-education-2018.pdf Oishi, N. (2017). Workforce diversity in higher education: The experiences of Asian academics in Australian universities. Melbourne: Asia Institute, University of

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Melbourne. Retrieved November 2019, from https://arts.unimelb.edu.au/__ data/assets/pdf_file/0012/2549496/AA-Report_Final-Copy_Web_5Nov.pdf Pain, E. (2014, May 22). Breaking the glass ceiling. Science. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.sciencemag.org/careers/2014/05/breakingclass-ceiling Petersen, A. J. (2006). Exploring intersectionality in education: The intersection of gender, race, disability, and class. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Special Education, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, Iowa. Retrieved November 2019, from https://scholarworks.uni.edu/etd/327 Rampell, C. (2016, October 17). When the facts don’t matter, how can democracy survive? The Washington Post. Retrieved November 2019, from https:// www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/when-the-facts-dont-matter-how-candemocracy-survive/2016/10/17/560ff302-94a5-11e6-9b7c-57290af48a49_ story.html?noredirect=on Reynolds, M. (2018, September 10). Working-class lecturers should come out of the closet. The Guardian Australian Edition. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/sep/10/ university-working-class-divide-academics Sachs, D., & Schreuer, N. (2011). Inclusion of students with disabilities in higher education: Performance and participation in students’ experiences. Disability Studies Quarterly, 31(2), 1–19. Savigny, H. (2014). Women, know your limits: Cultural sexism in academia. Gender and Education, 26(7), 794–809. Shapiro, D., Dundar, A., Huie, F., Wakhungu, P., Yuan, X., Nathan, A., … A. (2017, April). Completing college: A national view of student attainment rates by race and ethnicity – Fall 2010 Cohort (Signature Report No. 12b). Herndon, VA: National Student Clearinghouse Research Center. Snyder, T., de Brey, C., & Dillow, S. (2016). Digest of education statistics, 2014 (NCES 2016 006). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved November 2019, from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2016/ 2016006.pdf Solanke, I. 2017. Black Female Professors in the UK. Retrieved March 2017, https:// www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/BlackFemaleProfessorsMarch2017.pdf Soria, K., & Bultmann, M. (2014). Supporting working-class students in higher education. NACADA Journal, 34(2), 51–62. Soutphommasane, T. (2016). Cultural diversity in leadership. Speech given at the 2016 Kingsley Laffer Memorial Lecture, University of Sydney Business

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School, Sydney, Australia. Australian Human Rights Commission. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.humanrights.gov.au/news/speeches/ cultural-diversity-leadership Stephens, N. M., Markus, H. R., & Townsend, S. S. M. (2007). Choice as an act of meaning: The case of social class. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93(5), 814–830. Stevenson, J., O’Mahony, J., Khan, O., Ghaffar, F., & Stiell, B. (2019). Understanding and overcoming the challenges of targeting students from under-­ represented and disadvantaged ethnic backgrounds. Report to the Office for Students. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.officeforstudents. org.uk/media/d21cb263-526d-401c-bc74-299c748e9ecd/ethnicity-targeting-research-report.pdf Strachan, G., Peetz, D., Whitehouse, G., Bailey, J., Broadbent, K., May, R., … Nesic, M. (2016). Women, careers and universities: Where to from here? Brisbane: Centre for Work, Organisation and Wellbeing, Griffith University. Tambe, A. (2019). (Hyper)Visible ‘women’/invisible (Dalit) women: Challenging the elusive sexism in Indian universities. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for resisting sexism in the academy (Gender and education series) (pp. 129–149). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. U.S.  Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2016). The condition of education 2016 (NCES 2016-144), characteristics of postsecondary faculty. Washington, DC: NCES.  Retrieved November 2019, from https://nces.ed.gov/ pubs2016/2016144.pdf U.S.  Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (n.d.). Fast facts. Students with disabilities. Washington, DC: NCES. Retrieved November 2019, from https:// nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=61 Universities Australia. (2018). 2017 universities Australia student finances survey. Canberra: Universities Australia. Retrieved November 2019, from https:// www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/1807132017-UA-Student-Finance-Survey-Report.pdf University and College Union (UCU). (2013). The position of women and BME staff in professorial roles in UK HEIs. Retrieved November 2019, from https:// www.ucu.org.uk/media/5559/Report-The-position-of-women-and-BMEstaff-in-professorial-roles-in-UK-HEIs/pdf/The_position_of_women_and_ BME_staff_in_professorial_roles_in_UK_HEIs.pdf

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Wilby, P. (2019, July 9). The lawyer who wants more academics to ‘come out’ as working class. The Guardian. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www. theguardian.com/education/2019/jul/09/lawyer-wants-academicscome-out-as-working-class Wilkinson, R. G., & Pickett, K. (2010). The spirit level: Why equality is better for everyone. London: Penguin. Williams, J. J. (2016, July). College and the new class divide. Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.insidehighered.com/ views/2016/07/11/how-college-helping-create-class-divide-america-essay Wright, E. O. (Ed.). (2005). Approaches to class analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Part II Supporting Racial Diversity in the Academy

2 Promoting Race Equality and Supporting Ethnic Diversity in the Academy: The UK Experience Over Two Decades Andrew Pilkington

Introduction What initially prompted me to address the issue of race and higher education was the murder of a young Black man, Stephen Lawrence in 1993, because of the colour of his skin. The subsequent flawed police investigation eventually led to an official inquiry chaired by Sir William Macpherson. The report published in 1999 was extraordinarily damning: ‘The [police] investigation was marred by a combination of professional incompetence, institutional racism and a failure of leadership by senior officers’ (MacPherson, 1999, para 46.1). And the political response, as exemplified by the Home Secretary’s response to the report, was equally forthright: ‘In my view, any long-established, white-dominated

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organisation is liable to have procedures, practices and a culture that tend to exclude or to disadvantage non-white people’ (Hansard, 24 February 1999, col. 391). The acceptance by a senior judge and leading Minister of the charge of institutional racism was unprecedented and inaugurated what I have labelled ‘a radical hour’ when the state seemed to be serious about promoting race equality (Pilkington, 2014). Prior to the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, very little attention was paid to race and ethnicity in relation to higher education in the UK (Pilkington, 2011). As one writer puts it, ‘The university sector … remained relatively insulated from other policy developments in councils, schools, the health service and the police with regards to challenging racism and promoting ethnic and cultural diversity’ (Law, 2003, p. 519). Such detachment was also evident in research where ‘in contrast to the large amount of work on race and schooling in Britain, relatively little [had] been written on “race” and higher education’ (Jacobs & Hai, 2002, p. 171). The advent of the Labour government in 1997 and the subsequent publication of the Macpherson report provided a jolt to the sector. Renewed impetus was given to equality initiatives and the limitations of equal opportunity policies in generating cultural change and combating racial disadvantage were more widely recognised. This chapter surveys the two decades since the publication of the Macpherson report in 1999 to examine how the higher education sector in general, and one university in particular, has addressed race and ethnicity. It will draw upon a growing research literature to evaluate the major policy initiatives. I shall argue that the salience of race equality which rose dramatically in the aftermath of the publication of the Macpherson report, and the government’s response to it, has not been sustained. While new policy initiatives periodically emerge, the state has since the mid noughties been reluctant to implement a coherent race equality strategy. The upshot of this in my view is the failure of the higher education sector in the last twenty years to transform the experience of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) staff and students. Racial disadvantage remains stubbornly persistent, as we shall see.

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 he Emergence of a Top Down Race T Equality Strategy For a brief period in the first few years of the new millennium, the state exerted considerable pressure on universities to address race equality. Two issues in particular were highlighted in major research publications. The first related to staffing. A report published a few months after the Macpherson report pointed to disadvantages experienced by academic staff from minority ethnic groups (Carter, Fenton, & Modood, 1999). The disadvantages related to recruitment, employment status and career progression, with some BME staff reporting experiences of racial discrimination and harassment. A few years later, another major study pointed to disadvantages experienced by BME students. The latter were less likely to be found in old universities, more likely to drop out, less likely to be awarded good honours degrees and more likely to do less well in the labour market (Connor, Tyers, & Modood, 2004). Acknowledging these to be the central issues in higher education pertaining to race, the state cajoled universities to address race equality through widening participation and human resources. The first sought to promote equality and diversity in the student body, while the second was concerned with promoting equal opportunities in staffing. While the specific mechanisms employed to promote widening participation and equal opportunities have changed over time, the annual funding letters from the government to the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) and its successor, the Office for Students (OfS), reveal that these remain government ‘priorities’ (HEFCE, 2017; OfS, 2019a). In addition to these colour blind strategies, the state also for a period required universities along with other public organisations to develop race equality policies and action plans following new race relations legislation in 2000.

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Evaluation of the Race Equality Strategy How successful were these strategies in promoting race equality? We shall begin with the colour blind strategies. The primary concern of widening participation strategies is social class and the needs of BME students have been of marginal concern to policy makers (AimHigher, 2006). The focus of policy on admissions to the sector as a whole glossed over the differentiated nature of the higher education sector and overlooked the different rates of return from gaining access to higher education (Reay, David, & Ball, 2005). In particular it failed to address the fact that BME students are underrepresented in the more prestigious institutions and continue to be less likely than White students to gain good honours degrees. A study exploring widening participation initiatives in a range of universities indicates that the sector generally prioritises pre-entry and access initiatives at the expense of interventions once students have entered higher education (Thomas et al., 2005, p. 193). This finding is significant and has adverse consequences for minority ethnic groups who are more likely to gain access to the sector but disproportionately face problems in succeeding. Turning to strategies promoting equal opportunities, a series of audits reveal significant lacunae. One reveals that many key staff do not believe in the importance of equal opportunities (HEFCE, 2005a), while other research indicates that many staff are in fact highly sceptical of the efficacy of equal opportunities policies (Deem, Morley, & Tlili, 2005). Furthermore, analysis of university equal opportunities strategies identifies significant deficiencies in monitoring (HEFCE 2002/14, para. 143, as cited in HEFCE, 2007) and in target setting (HEFCE 2003/37, para. 27, as cited in HEFCE, 2007). Correspondingly, official evaluations of human resources strategies indicate that the implementation of equal opportunities strategies exhibit a greater concern with gender than race issues (HEFCE, 2005b). Let us turn to an approach that is explicitly concerned with race. The government’s major response to the Macpherson report was a legislative initiative, the Race Relations (Amendment) Act (RRAA), 2000. The Act extended the scope of the 1976 Race Relations Act by covering public

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bodies which had been previously exempt and making it unlawful for public authorities to discriminate in carrying out any of their functions. While this Act, like previous race relations legislation, prohibited unlawful discrimination, a new approach was also evident. For the first time, a general statutory duty was placed on all public authorities, and specific duties on some authorities, to eliminate racial discrimination (including indirect discrimination), promote good race relations and facilitate equality of opportunity. The Act gave the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) the power to develop a statutory code of practice and provide guidance to public authorities on how to meet the general duty and any specific duties introduced by the Home Secretary. By enjoining public bodies in this way to develop policies and plans which promote racial equality, the RRAA adopted a very different approach to that embodied in previous race relations legislation: public authorities were now being required to take a pro-active stance to racial equality and thus take the lead in eliminating racial discrimination, promoting good race relations and facilitating equal opportunities. While, as we have seen, the colour blind strategies were not very successful in promoting race equality, the question arises as to the efficacy of the strategy explicitly focused on race. Here the evaluations are more positive. Race relations legislation introduced in 2000 proved more effective, at least for a time. Under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act, universities were obliged to develop race equality policies and action plans by May 2002. These policies and action plans needed to meet both the general and specific duties laid down by the legislation. The specific duties for higher education institutions (HEIs) were: • Prepare and maintain a written race equality policy and implementation plan; • Assess the impact of institutional policies on staff and students from different racial groups; • Monitor the applications, admissions and progression of students; • Monitor the recruitment and development of staff; • Set out arrangements for publishing the race equality policy and the results of monitoring impact assessments and reviews.

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What is interesting about these specific duties is what they prioritise. They do not, unlike the Anti-Racism Toolkit produced by Leeds University (CRES, 2019), focus on teaching and research, or indeed the curriculum (Arday & Mirza, 2018), but on widening participation and equal opportunities (Sharma, 2004). The colour blind widening participation and equal opportunity policies may have, as we have seen, bypassed minorities, but targeted policies it was hoped would make a difference. University race equality policies and action plans were subsequently audited in 2003 and 2004. While the initial audit found more than a third of higher education institutions had not satisfactorily met their statutory obligations (John, 2005), subsequent audits were more upbeat and pointed to the considerable progress travelled by the majority of HEIs (2004b; OPM, 2004a). However, it should be noted that these audits were desk based and that the reality on the ground might be very different. So, what can we provisionally conclude? Colour blind government strategies to widen participation and promote equal opportunities seem to have had minimal impact in combating race inequality in the period that we have examined. By contrast, the more targeted Race Relations (Amendment) Act seems to have had more impact, at least in the sense of generating race equality policies and plans. Yet when (some of ) those institutions that had produced exemplary policies were followed up eighteen months to two years later, those institutions had generally done very little to translate their first class policy into meaningful action (John, 2005, pp. 593–594). The reviews that we have drawn upon here have perforce been focused on documents but there is a danger being too reliant on documents. This allows confusion between what is written in strategic and policy documents with what actually happens in institutions. Since strategic and policy documents often serve as the public face of the university, an inordinate amount of time can go into getting them just right. This can mean that writing documents and having good policies becomes a substitute for action: as an interviewee in one study puts it, ‘you end up doing the document rather than doing the doing’ (Ahmed, 2012). Conscious of the dangers of reliance on official documents, I conducted an ethnographic investigation of one university in the decade

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following the publication of the Macpherson report (Pilkington, 2011). A colleague has subsequently extended the investigation to 2013 (Crofts, 2013). The university is a new university in Central England and will be identified as Midshire University. What is immediately apparent is that at different times, more or less attention has been placed on race equality. At certain points, the university has made a serious effort to address the issue of race equality. At other times, the issue has not been on the institution’s radar. A race equality plan was devised between 1992 and 1994. This was updated and launched in 1996 and can be considered a relatively advanced policy at this time. Within an extraordinarily short time, however, the policy had been forgotten. Indeed, the subsequent requirement under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act to develop by May 2002 a race equality policy and action plan was not appropriately met. The university was subsequently required to resubmit its policy and action plan to HEFCE. This provided an opportunity for race equality champions within the university to develop a robust policy and action plan and persuade senior management to put in place appropriate resources to support the policy and plan. It is noteworthy that what prompted the recovery was not the race relations legislation per se but the independent review which indicated the university was non-compliant. Race equality subsequently had a higher priority within the university. New governance arrangements and the arrival of two equality and diversity officers in 2004 gave equality and diversity generally and race in particular a higher profile and for some years significant progress was made. The conditions facilitating this included external pressure on the university, support from some key senior staff and the presence of highly effective equality and diversity officers.

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 he Decline of a Top Down Race Equality T Strategy Race Equality The middle of the first decade of the new millennium represented the university’s high point in terms of addressing race equality. Since then external pressure from the government has ineluctably declined (Feldman, 2012). Although lip service continues to be paid in government pronouncements and some strategies to race equality and ethnic diversity, other government agendas prompted by concerns over increasing net migration, disorder and terrorism subsequently marginalised one concerned with race equality. This is evident in relation to the way new legislation introduced by the Labour government in 2010 has been subsequently implemented. The Equality Act 2010 extended the general duties (identified in the race relations legislation, to different strands of equality, with the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), being charged with having an enforcement role. Over time, however, and especially since the Coalition government (2010) and subsequent Conservative government (2015) took power, the requirements embodied in the legislation have been eroded. Thus, the specific duties, including the requirement to have in place an equality action plan and conduct equality impact assessments have been replaced by guidance to publish limited data and set one or more objectives. Simultaneously, the red tape challenge and the significant cut in funding for the EHRC signal that racial equality is sliding down the government’s agenda (Pilkington, 2018).

 he Periodic Emergence (and Decline) in Policy T Discourse of Race Equality Race equality and ethnic diversity have been deprioritised as other governmental agendas rise to prominence. In the process the external pressure on the university sector has waned with the result that there is a very real danger that the gains that have been made will not be maintained let alone built upon. What should be noted in this context is the continuing

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concern of some parts of the machinery of government with racial equality throughout the period I have been discussing. A seeming case in point is the Ethnicity and Degree Attainment Project. This arose out of the findings of a research study which demonstrated that, even after controlling for a plethora of contributory factors, minority ethnic status generally had an adverse effect on degree attainment (Broecke & Nicholls, 2007). The findings prompted the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (DIUS) and the English and Welsh funding councils to commission the Higher Education Academy (HEA) and Equality Challenge Unit (ECU) to undertake a project to explore possible causes and practical responses. The project culminated in a report which made two key recommendations: ‘There is a need to ensure that the valuable information gained from data sources … are used as a means of reflective institutional analysis and action planning’ and ‘HEIs need to implement systems that can evaluate, review and design teaching, learning and assessment activities in light of data on degree attainment variation’ (HEA, 2008, pp.  3–4). What is disturbing is that the key recommendations were not dissimilar to those presented at conferences six years earlier designed to prepare universities to meet their duties under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act. It is both remarkable and revealing how quickly previous initiatives had been forgotten. It is remarkable because of the short time that had elapsed since universities were required to demonstrate how they were meeting the specific duty ‘to monitor the applications, admissions and progression of students by racial group’ (Pilkington, 2011, p. 72). It is revealing because it raises serious doubts about whether the sector is any longer under pressure to take race seriously and, in the seeming absence of such pressure, whether it is likely to take any sustained action to promote race equality and ethnic diversity. In this context it is noteworthy that less than half the access agreements, which universities are obliged to produce for formal approval by the Office for Fair Access (OFFA), ‘address the persistent gap in attainment rates for students from different ethnic minority groups’ despite that this issue is supposedly central to ‘the national strategy for access and student success’ (OFFA, 2016, p. 3). It is difficult not to conclude that this episode exemplifies lip service being paid to racial equality and ethnic diversity.

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This judgement seems to be confirmed by successive funding letters from the government to HEFCE (2017) and its successor, the Office for Students (2019a). These consistently identify widening participation as a priority whilst periodically acknowledging the continuing failure of elite universities to increase significantly their enrolment of students from disadvantaged backgrounds. The government’s most recent proposal to improve opportunities for students from disadvantaged groups (including many BME groups) is contained in the higher education white paper (DfBIS, 2016). The emphasis yet again is on the obligation for HEIs to publish data! While it would be an exaggeration to say that equality and diversity, and concomitantly race equality and ethnic diversity, have completely disappeared as policy objectives, the contrast between the policy initiatives at the beginning of the century which demanded the production of action plans and this latest initiative which merely ‘nudge[s] universities into making the right choices and reaching out in the right ways’ (Cameron, 2016, p. 2) could not be more palpable. Whilst the state continues to acknowledge racial disparities it is extremely reluctant to place mandatory demands on organisations. Hence under Cameron’s successor as Prime Minister, a Race disparity audit in 2017 was followed by the launch of a Race at Work Charter ‘to help employers identify the actions needed to create a fairer and more diverse labour force’ (May, as cited in DiversityUK, 2018). The consequence decreasing pressure on universities to promote race equality has been felt graphically at Midshire University. At the university, this entailed increasing resistance to an equality and diversity agenda and the disappearance of any dedicated committees or equality and diversity officers (Crofts, 2013). This development was justified in terms of mainstreaming but has in fact entailed a reversal of the progress made in the preceding years to meet the general and specific duties of the race relations legislation. What is remarkable is that at the same time, evidence of racial disadvantage remains stubbornly persistent. In my study, I found the following: persistent ethnic differentials in the student experience that adversely impact on BME students and point to possible indirect discrimination; ethnic differentials in staff recruitment that adversely impact on Black and Asian applicants and point to possible indirect discrimination;

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(some) minority ethnic staff subject to racism and (some) White staff cynical about political correctness; an overwhelmingly White senior staff team, with no evident efforts to transform this situation; low priority given to the implementation of a race equality action plan; few staff skilled in intercultural issues; many staff not trained in equality and diversity; and few efforts made to consult Black and Asian communities. We cannot generalise from this case study to the sector as a whole. Nonetheless, what we have found at Midshire University resonates with findings elsewhere (Bhattacharya, 2002; Bhopal, 2016; CRES, 2019; Major, 2002) and points to what one author has called ‘the sheer weight of Whiteness’ (Back, 2004, p.  1). It is impossible to comprehend the persistence of racial disadvantage and the failure to combat this without recognising ‘how deeply rooted Whiteness is throughout the … system’ (Gillborn, 2008, p. 9). While minority ethnic staff are typically conscious of this, often for White staff (including White researchers) ‘… the Whiteness of the institution goes unnoticed and is rationalised into a day-to-day perception of normality’ (Law, Phillips, & Turney, 2004, p.  97). It is crucial therefore that we are reflexive and do not let ‘the “whiteness” of the academy … go unnoticed and uncommented’ (Clegg, Parr, & Wan, 2003, p. 164; Frankenberg, 2004).

 he Persistence of Racial Disadvantage in HE: T BME Staff and Students Research continues to demonstrate that individuals from minority ethnic communities disproportionately experience adverse outcomes (AdvanceHE, 2019; Arday & Mirza, 2018; Grove, 2016; Khan, 2017). While there is some variability by ethnic group since BMEs are by no means a homogeneous category, BME staff and students experience considerable disadvantage. BME academic staff are more likely to be on fixed term contracts, experience significant disadvantage in career progression, especially in gaining access to professorships and senior management roles, and there remains an ethnic pay gap. Indeed, a recent report based

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on interviews with BME staff is sceptical that much has changed in the last 20 years: the vast majority continue to experience subtle racism and feel outsiders in the White space of the Academy (Bhopal, 2018). Meanwhile BME students continue to be less likely to be enrolled at elite universities (Bolivar, 2018; Reay, 2018; UCAS, 2016) and awarded good honours degrees even when prior attainment and socio-economic status have been taken into account (Broecke & Nicholls, 2007; HEA, 2008; Richardson, 2018), and to experience lower retention rates and progression rates from undergraduate study to both employment and postgraduate study (Li, 2018; OfS, 2019b). A recent inquiry by the Equality and Human Rights Commission found that around a quarter of minority ethnic students had experienced racism since the start of their course and yet many did not feel confident in reporting incidents, not least because of a lack of faith in them being dealt with appropriately (Batty, 2019). And another investigation by the Guardian confirmed the reluctance of universities to recognise the scale of racism and failure to keep appropriate records (Beale & Weale, 2019). And yet, despite this evidence of the remarkable persistence in racial disadvantage, universities are extraordinarily complacent. The Chief Executive of the Office for Students (a body which distributes government higher education funding for teaching and has responsibility for fair access) even acknowledges such ‘complacency’ in the sector (Batty, 2019).

L egislation and the Hegemony of the Liberal Perspective on Equality This complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and much of society of a liberal perspective on equality. We can distinguish two broad perspectives on equality—liberal and radical. The first is concerned to promote fair or like treatment and to this end seeks to devise ‘fair procedures’ so that everybody, regardless of race, receives the same treatment and ‘justice is seen to be done’ (Noon & Blyton, 1997, p. 177). The emphasis in this approach is upon sanctions against any form of racially discriminatory behaviour. The second ‘represents a more radical

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approach since it suggests that policy makers should be concerned with the outcome, rather than the process, and should therefore be seeking to ensure a fair distribution of rewards’ (Noon & Blyton, 1997, p. 182). To treat everybody the same is, in this view, to ignore pertinent differences between people and does little to eradicate disadvantage which stems from discrimination in the past and current institutional practices. To ensure fair outcomes—such as an ethnically balanced workforce—measures which entail positive discrimination that is preferential treatment of disadvantaged groups are needed. The liberal perspective has primarily informed legislation and policies in the UK. Take the 1976 Race Relations Act. The emphasis was on like treatment, with the law enabling sanctions to be deployed against those found to be guilty of racial discrimination. Positive discrimination was not permitted and the ‘overall thrust was individualist’ with the legal process demanding proof that ‘individual members of racial groups [had] suffered discrimination’ before racial discrimination could be established and sanctions deployed (Parekh, 1996, p. 18). Nonetheless, the Act recognised that discrimination took indirect forms and acknowledged that practices, which treated people in the same way, could disproportionately and adversely affect some groups more than others. Additionally, organisations were encouraged under the Act to counter the effects of past discrimination and redress the under representation of minority groups by developing positive action programmes. The rationale for such programmes, which included targeted advertising campaigns and training courses, was ‘to encourage the previously disadvantaged to the starting gate for jobs, promotion and other opportunities’ (Blakemore & Drake, 1996, p. 12). Once at the starting gate, however, no preferential treatment was permitted and legally enforceable quotas for disadvantaged groups were expressly disallowed (Noon & Blyton, 1997). The government’s major response to the Macpherson report was a legislative initiative: the Race Relations (Amendment) Act (RRAA), 2000. While this Act, like previous race relations legislation, was partly informed by the liberal perspective and thus prohibited unlawful discrimination, it was also informed by the radical perspective and adopted an approach that required public bodies to take the lead in eliminating racial discrimination, promoting good race relations and facilitating equal

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opportunities. To this end universities were required to produce race equality action plans in order to facilitate fair outcomes. Unfortunately, many of the key players in the university sector adopt a liberal perspective on equality and believe fair procedures are what is important (Crofts, 2013; Deem et al., 2005). They believe existing policies ensure fairness and fail to see combating racial/ethnic inequalities as a priority. This points in my view to the sheer weight of whiteness (if not institutional racism) which will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change (Bhopal, 2018).

 onclusion: The Path of Race Equality Policy— C From the Mandatory to the Optional Universities will not be able to promote race equality and combat the adverse outcomes faced by BME staff and students unless they see it as their responsibility to take ameliorative action. No truck should be given to a deficit model which explains away the racial disadvantage faced by BME staff and students evidenced above (Loke, 2018). While there may be no easy answers, the key starting point is for universities to ask what they can do to ensure more equitable outcomes. We can distinguish two ideal typical approaches. The first is based on external pressure to facilitate change and requires: legislation and the enforcement of that legislation a focus on race equality rather than equality in genera; adoption of a radical perspective on equality; action plans with clear targets which are regularly audited; the publication of time series and comparative data to ensure transparency; and periodic inspection by an independent body. The second approach visualises universities having an inherent interest in promoting race equality and ethnic diversity in a highly competitive global marketplace where universities compete for students and require a diverse workforce. Legislation compelling universities to act in particular ways, according to this approach, is less effective than nudges and persuasion to remind them to utilise appropriate data to identify and dismantle barriers to equal opportunities for individuals from disadvantaged groups.

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Rather than imposing mandatory requirements, it is deemed preferable for universities to set their own objectives in the light of their own particular circumstances; independent bodies ideally will identify good practice and disseminate it widely to the sector and even give awards (such as the Race Equality Charter launched in 2016) to those universities who manifest good practice. In the process, universities will not merely comply with external demands but steadily transform themselves. While neither of these two approaches can be found in their pure form in the real world, there is little doubt that the period we have examined has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second. Both approaches have some merits though I have greater sympathy for the first approach and thus welcome Equality and Human Rights Commission’s recent call for a comprehensive race equality strategy (EHRC, 2016). Adoption of this approach following publication of the Macpherson report did entail some progressive change in the sector and its abandonment prevented this being sustained both at the sectoral level and at Midshire University. It would be utopian, however, to anticipate the return of this approach in the foreseeable future. In this context, it is reassuring to find that the second approach can entail progressive change, as evidenced by those universities who have been awarded the Race Equality Charter mark (Husbands, 2019). To facilitate such change, it is critical that any initiatives form part of a comprehensive strategy. Acknowledgements  I am grateful to Jason Arday for permission to draw upon an earlier version of this chapter (Pilkington, 2018).

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3 Reflecting on Representation: Exploring Critical Tensions Within Doctoral Training Programmes in the UK Rebecca Gordon and Lakshmi S. Bose

Introduction Higher education (HE) in the United Kingdom is in a state of upheaval, often depicted as ‘in crisis’ (Bacevic, 2019), shaped in part through competing global forces. Although the participation of international students in higher education in the UK has a long history, recent years have seen an increase in, and diversification of, international student recruitment (De Vita & Case, 2003). For example, in 2017–2018 there were 377,140 international students in England, up from 355,600  in 2014–2015 (HESA, n.d.). In England, one perspective highlights economic influence, as a result of reduced government funding since 2011 and the application of full student fees for undergraduate courses. Although internationalisation has occurred in Scotland, Northern Ireland and All names used are pseudonyms which were agreed with the research participants.

R. Gordon • L. S. Bose (*) Cambridge University, Cambridge, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_3

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Wales, the higher fees in England have led to increasing competitive pressures, changing regulatory environments and educational priorities, particularly in relation to the university’s role in teaching and learning (Bacevic, 2018). Importantly, this increased internationalisation does not necessarily indicate greater diversity. Half of all PhD students in the UK are international students but of the full time UK domiciled PhD students in their first year of study in the UK in 2017–2018, only 3% of these students were Black (HESA, as cited in Williams, Bath, Arday, & Lewis, 2019). Previous research also highlighted that women graduates of Black African, Black Caribbean, Indian, Pakistani or Bangladeshi ethnicity, or from lower socio-economic backgrounds have low or exceptionally low rates of progression to doctoral study (Wakeling, 2016). Additionally, despite increased numbers of international students, universities ‘have not similarly internationalised teaching, support and research cultures’ (Montgomery, 2010, p. 5). Haigh (2009) also highlights the intellectual challenge of internationalisation that occurs within a system with a ‘deeply embedded, largely subconscious, cultural preconception that only Western tradition is normal’ (p. 280). This challenge relates particularly to the role of HE as a site of knowledge production, where it ‘has the power to decide which histories, knowledges and intellectual contributions are considered valuable and worthy of further critical attention and dissemination’ (Gebrial, 2018, p. 19). It thus becomes necessary to further scrutinise HE’s role in the process of production and exchanges of meaning, or ‘representation’ (Hall, 1997). Such ‘meaning-making’, specifically through the practice of research, is intricately bound in a complex system of power and domination, which can lead to the emergence of ‘regimes of representation’ (Hall, 1997, p. 232) that perpetuate the centralisation of particular forms of knowledge. This form of knowledge production has a direct impact on the learning and knowledge-politics emerging in HE classrooms. Within this context, we position the doctoral programme as the process through which new ‘knowledge-makers’ are trained. Importantly, each new cohort of doctoral students brings varied epistemic perspectives which may challenge existing ‘regimes of representation’. This tension places the doctoral programme as a potential agonistic political space

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(Arendt, 2013) in which dominant ways of seeing and representing may be contested. This political potential highlights the relevance of inquiry on the doctoral programme and its understudied role in the formulation of knowledge and social impact. We use representation as an important concept to ask questions about the future of doctoral training, of knowledge production and issues of inclusion within higher education in the UK. We seek to challenge the way doctoral training is conceptualised, framed and taught. We firstly consider the existing challenges to the university’s role of knowledge production.

Critical Reflections on Knowledge Production A new generation of scholars are pushing forward conversations on decolonisation in UK HE with recent movements, such as Why is my Curriculum White, Rhodes Must Fall Oxford and Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall, building on movements in South Africa (Bhambra, Gebriel, & Nişancıoğlu, 2018). These movements challenge omissions from the curricula and increasingly question the epistemological authority assigned to the Western university as the privileged site of knowledge production (Emejulu, 2017). Such struggles are rooted in a long history of action for racial justice, with scholars such as Frantz Fanon, John La Rose and Philip Mason championing Marcus Garvey’s call to emancipate the mind from mental slavery, and others, including Edward Said, Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, questioning the epistemic positioning of ‘knowledge’ (Arday & Mirza, 2018). De Jong, Icaza, Vázquez, and Withaeckx (2017) draw attention to the focus on the politics of knowledge, of representation and on power relations within academia; indeed, universities as institutional spaces assume certain bodies as the norm, making the ‘others’ into ‘space invaders’ (Ahmed, 2012; Puwar, 2004). Arguably, this has led to the institutionalisation of who can be said to be a competent ‘knower’ and who is considered incompetent to know, the ‘known’ (Shillam, 2018). Feminist researchers have also noted the importance of deconstructing the power imbalance which position researchers as ‘experts’ and ‘knowers’ and participants as subjects (Shewarega Hussen, 2019). As such, Keet (2014)

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builds on Fricker’s (2007) notions of epistemic injustice to argue for the decolonisation not only of curricula, but of disciplinary formations of knowledge. In thinking about the future of knowledge production, the role of the researcher is of paramount importance (Wambui, 2013), yet to date little emphasis has been placed on the wider socio-political ramifications of doctoral training. Previous research on doctoral training has focused on student experience of supervision, their well-being, attrition rates and the changing focus on skills and training (Gardner, 2010; Park, 2005). However, Stockfelt (2011) highlights the hegemony of methodological and theoretical approaches within her doctoral experience, and powerfully argues that the constant pressure to pin research on an epistemology appears to imply that the experiences of her participants are not trustworthy enough to be heard without these epistemologies. She expresses the critical tension between the impetus to represent knowledge based on social reality, and the institutional pressure to utilise standardised ‘theories of knowledge’ (Stockfelt, 2011). These feelings of confusion, frustration and lack of representation of particular voices and experiences within researcher training have also been identified by colleagues through our work as part of The Politics of Representation Collective within the UK (https://politicsofrepresentationcollective.org/). Traditionally, undertaking a PhD has been viewed as a form of academic apprenticeship (Park, 2005). Seen as an individual pursuit, doctoral training includes formal and informal structures such as lectures, workshops, supervisions and access to a vibrant research community in order to ‘make an original contribution to knowledge’ (QAA, 2015, p. 6). In the UK, a PhD programme usually takes between three and four years, encompasses both research and training, and upon successful completion provides a licence to teach at tertiary level (Pásztor & Wakeling, 2018). It is important to remember that PhD students, as part of this training are, and will become, knowledge producers, and by association an emergent authority. Yet if the theoretical and practical advances outlined by critical and postcolonial theorists and decolonisation movements in relation to the development of knowledge and ‘knowledge-makers’ are not embedded within the doctoral programme, we risk perpetuating outdated and inaccurate modes of seeing, thinking and representing.

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Conceptual Framework In seeking to understand how doctoral training might reinforce particular ways of reading the social world, we focus on the central functions of representation as a reproductive mechanism within HE in its role as a producer of ‘knowledge-makers’. Importantly, the doctoral student is effectively a learning apprentice, now professionalised (Illich, 1978), subject to disciplining oneself within the frame of the ideological dominance perpetuated through the ‘great minds’ of each discipline (Dillabough, 2009). The term ‘discipline’ is an interesting concept itself, implying a pre-existing power arrangement that frames the knowledge-power nexus. At this point representation becomes relevant in two ways. The first ties itself to ways of seeing, inculcated by the researcher, who in their apprenticeship is instructed through a particular frame of meaning-­making by exposure to the aforementioned ‘great minds’. Thus, the researcher is inevitably involved in the processes of representation through their interpretation of social relations or categories, potentially legitimising existing regimes, or co-opting struggles for recognition leading to ‘the problem of reification’ which perpetuates a simplified group-­ identity (Fraser, 2000, p. 108). While this is a simplification, considerable work on misrecognition and strategic essentialism exists in feminist and postcolonial literature that is well beyond the scope of this chapter. The second concerns itself with the emergence of ‘regimes of representation’ (Hall, 1997, p. 232) wherein such patterns of seeing, meaning-­ making and representation are enforced by a complex system of power relations, hierarchies, and the complexities of the university, there are symbolic and material ramifications (Fricker, 2007).These forms of representing the social world, in accordance with the apperception of historically mediated and constructed categories and identities, can be replicated or reproduced with wider surplus meaning. This is done by both the individual researcher, imbued with the power of their newfound position, class and qualification, and through the socio-political power structures of the university. Subsequently, the university becomes the purveyor of ‘regimes of representation’ and thus the arbiter of ‘reason and unreason’ (Felman, 1985).

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It is therefore important to question whether certain kinds of knowledge, as produced and supported by an institution of historical and current inequality, will inevitably create research destined to replicate the logics from which it arises? Specifically, we question what it means for a researcher entering a doctoral programme with the intent of ‘professionalising’ themselves to provoke social change, yet finds themselves replicating existing forms of centralised knowledge? Does the presence of such doctoral students challenge the prevailing regimes of representation, providing space for practices of resistance, or does it result in a constant negotiation between complicity, acquiescence and strategic intervention? Bacevic (2019) notes that academic critique and associated individualised efforts of researchers to ‘know’ are important, yet insufficient to generate widespread shifts. An alternate solution may lie in political action. Performed with others, action yields the potential to create new forms of power—emerging through agonistic processes in the space of public interaction between individuals (Arendt, 2013). Therefore, if the doctoral programme is conceptualised as a political project as opposed to a mechanism of ‘professionalisation’, it rejects the tendencies of such ‘regimes of representation’ by embracing students’ varied epistemic perspectives, or natality—the quality of infinite possibility and spontaneity inherent with each individual (Arendt, 2013). Such natality represents the potential for newness and creativity. Taken as a collective experience, the doctoral programme contains the political potential for the continual reinvention or reinterpretation of the world. While this ideal is often embedded within the principles of doctoral training, increasing pressures to complete the PhD in three years, growing evaluation cultures, implications of the Research Excellence Framework (REF) and the phenomenon of the ‘accelerated academy’ (Vostal, 2016) all challenge efforts to widen the scope of legitimate knowledge.

Methodology We used narrative inquiry as ‘a way of understanding experience’, using stories so participants could represent their experiences of researcher training in the UK (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000, p.  20). Purposive

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sampling identified individuals who are especially knowledgeable about the phenomenon of interest (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011); we approached those who had been part of conversations about representation in our wider research and professional networks and who were using feminist or postcolonial theories as part of their doctoral study, or who had been involved in decolonial activism. Each experience is situated within larger social structures, and thus individual stories can enable us to see the bigger picture and might provide more widely applicable insights (Trahar, 2011). Therefore, we chose to speak to one British and one international student at three different UK universities, recognising the context of increasing internationalisation. Given our interest in researcher training in particular, we focused on universities in the Russell Group, as a self-selected association of public research universities who receive the majority of research grant and contract income in the UK (Russell Group, 2017). We had conversations with a total of six individuals from a range of disciplines in the social sciences and humanities, three of whom were known to us prior to the research from existing decolonial or critical research networks. The narrative interview is an interactive process, starting with an open-­ended request to share experiences of the research phenomenon (Lindsay & Schwind, 2016). We invited the participants to share their expectations and experiences of doctoral training alongside their projections for the future of doctoral training. With permission, we recorded and transcribed these interviews. Subsequently, we used vignettes to protect participants from being recognised, as in our case many still occupy the spaces which they speak about. Fictionalisation can also deepen awareness, allowing the researcher to weave a closer relationship with participants (Caine & Steeves, 2009). It also acknowledges the fact that during narrative inquiry, participant and researcher produce meaning together. Following Behm Cross’ (2017) analysis we created fictionalised vignettes around the three areas of the interview: Expectation, Experience and Projection. We then collaborated with participants so they could affirm, challenge or extend the vignettes, to ensure representational accuracy. The co-constructed vignettes were analysed using inductive coding.

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Narrative inquiry does not intend to generate an exclusively faithful representation of reality that is independent of knowers, thus we do not intend to generalise about the experiences of doctoral students; additionally, we acknowledge that, as researchers, we are active participants in the accounts which have been included in this chapter.

Findings and Discussion The purpose of this study is to determine whether ‘regimes of representation’ may be perpetuated, challenged and engaged with through the doctoral training programme. We present the findings and discussion in line with interview themes, drawing out key individual experiences and quoting excerpts of the vignettes used for analysis.

Expectations of Doctoral Training The key reasons participants noted for pursuing a PhD were the desire to increase one’s learning, aspirations towards a greater social purpose, and academic career goals. Interest in learning was expressed through an inclination towards a critical environment: ‘Nikki chose the university she ended up studying at, because of its research standing and reputation for expertise.’ Annie and Maria also expressed the importance of reflecting on their former professions, for example: ‘Maria felt that the purpose of the research process was about intervening in existing debates to further them in a way you cannot do in different disciplines, such as journalism.’ The desire to learn was formulated through a utilitarian lens in which learning, tied irrefutably to understanding the ‘great minds’ of the discipline through engagement with experts, led to a wider goal of being able to return, with greater expertise to further industry conversations. Although each individual demonstrated different socio-political aspirations for their PhD, all shared the perception that research has the potential to shape the world. Lisa spoke of her desire to pursue social justice: ‘She was passionate about education and the way in which research could inform social justice… She was driven by wanting to “give people an

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opportunity to have a voice” through research.’ Similarly: ‘Mary felt that her research could contribute to changing attitudes within the topic.’ These purposes reflected participants’ preliminary understanding of the politics of knowledge in which certain perspectives or ideas were not included in mainstream dialogue. Importantly, participants expressed the ideal that knowledge and learning held an innate power to challenge these hegemonic practices and attitudes. Common to all was the expectation of rigorous and in-depth training and learning, in particular how critical theoretical perspectives, methodologies and existing expertise might enable them to move knowledge forward in their particular fields: ‘Lisa wanted to learn more about how policy and theory can be informed … specifically how she might be able to challenge the ways we think about people through her research.’ Relating to our conceptualisation of how hegemonic knowledge may be challenged, expectations tended to focus on developing individual expertise, or ‘professionalising’ for this purpose, as opposed to participants revealing Arendtian political inclinations for how knowledge could be mobilised as a collective force.

Experiences of Doctoral Training Whilst each individual had positive experiences to share, overall the formal training was considered disappointing by participants. However, such experiences did not negate the value of their training but conversely illuminated the potential for more enriching experiences. Individual experiences were unique but there were commonalities: marginalisation of certain forms of knowledge, inadequate reflections on representation, and positive self-directed and peer-learning.

Tensions in Researcher Training Participants reported that core training was too general to be of use and did not cover the desired topics. Nikki specifically highlighted the lack of in-depth engagement as part of researcher training: ‘There was a huge lack

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of focus on the theoretical aspects of research nor time to get to grips with theoretical considerations at the level of individual research topics and how these were key in shaping methodology…’. Annie felt the narrow focus of training had not allowed her to engage with a wide range of perspectives and experiences: ‘… training classes tended to be on Eurocentric methods and thought, rather than a more global perspective.’ This narrow focus was also noted in the practical training: One example that stood out to Annie was the lecturer stating ‘you can’t really teach ethnography, you just have to go out there and do it…’ Annie felt that the university did not seem to be aware of the challenges that come with different positionalities and different bodies conducting research. This was exemplified by her own experience conducting fieldwork abroad, where she felt scared at times and worried about her security within the reality of conducting fieldwork as a woman of colour.

Annie’s experience demonstrates the gendered and racialised underlying logics in researcher training and the negative potential of ignoring positionality. These underlying logics place individual researchers at risk. They also highlight the presumption of the White male body of the researcher as the norm which acts as a form of ‘othering’ for those that do not fit this mould (Ahmed, 2012). Presumptions about identities and responsibilities of doctoral students which leads to ‘othering’ can result in isolation. For example, Lisa was pleased with the content of training, but ‘noted moments of feeling excluded … making it difficult for her to attend as she has a young daughter… This led to feelings of isolation.’ Such isolation arguably reduces the political potential of the doctoral programme by eroding the necessary conditions of inclusion for collective interaction. Although not articulated directly through a story of isolation, Nikki described feeling like an ‘outsider’: Nikki noted one example when a lecturer was discussing difficult or sensitive surveys, such as how hard it might be to uncover feelings about race and racism. They put a potential question a survey might use on a slide: ‘Would you feel comfortable living next door to a Black neighbour?’ Nikki was shocked… She realised that she was the only Black person in the room … the question indi-

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cated Black people, like her, as ‘the one people wouldn’t want to live next door to…’ There was an implicit assumption being made and reinforced, based on one person’s worldview which was unchallenged by others in the room (they probably did not see it as problematic as it is a ‘natural’ thing for White people to be concerned about Black neighbours). ‘I mean, come on!’ she said, ‘if you look back at history, who should be afraid of whom? White people have killed Black people’ … Nikki stated that she knew that her way of understanding the world was not represented; and that ‘they (the lecturer and the other White people in the room by virtue of their silence) are the centres of knowledge, but mine is the periphery’.

This experience highlights how inaccurate perspectives are perpetuated through structurally and institutionally supported practices of meaning-­ making. In this case, such ‘regimes of representation’ are furthered by the assumed authority of the lecturer. In this case, it is assumed that it is ‘reasonable’ to be uncomfortable with Black neighbours, thus signifying both existing struggles for ‘recognition’ (Fraser, 2000) and the importance of invisible delineations between ‘reason’ and ‘unreason’. What is unquestioned is conserved, and thus the production of knowledge is supported by complacency congruent with privileged and assumed expert knowledge. The implications are also large for what knowledge is validated. As Collins (1986) explained, ‘White male insiderism’ and its ‘regime of truth’ pushes critical research to the margins, rendering it less valid than research produced by the dominant scholarly bodies (Meghji, 2019). Absences of critical reflection in the doctoral training programme were even more apparent when participants reflected on the concept of ‘representation,’ or how they were being instructed in the process of meaning-making: Nikki noted a serious lack of consideration of representation within the researcher training programme… There was nothing practical on visual representation or the way we should represent participants in writing or even research design.

Others agreed that representation and associated positionality and reflexivity were absent from their experience of training, or delivered

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through the lens of dominant forms of knowledge and interests: ‘Maria found the curriculum engaged with a limited view of representation through the lens of the British working class struggle, largely ignoring racial and gendered lines of analysis.’ Mary only encountered representation at a one-off event. Rebecca’s (pseudonym chosen by participant, and does not represent the experiences of the author) experience reiterated the reflection that representation solely occurred outside of core training: ‘Rebecca felt that because topics of representation and critical theory were of interest, and part of her research, she engaged on them, but people didn’t have to and so she thought probably many didn’t.’ This exemplifies the marginalisation of certain epistemological perspectives. If students aren’t encouraged to engage with broader forms and areas of knowledge such ‘regimes of representation’ will be replicated and reproduced by future researchers left unchallenged by doctoral training. However, participants also encountered active resistance to their challenges toward dominant narratives of representation. For example: Annie noted a particularly frustrating experience related to a problematic publication where senior academics had presented their argument in a way that silenced the violence of colonial and imperial endeavours that directly affected what they were discussing. She challenged their representation and historical inaccuracies.

Individual and Collective Action Participants also created opportunities to engage and expose themselves to a variety of perspectives and worldviews outside of the core training modules. Supervisors were requested most frequently for additional support and direction to literature. For example, Maria added a second supervisor from another department, enriching her experience due to the new disciplinary exposure provided. However, the legitimisation of a doctoral training structure largely upheld by the rigour of one-to-one instruction is problematic. Firstly, increasing pressure for academics to

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publish and attract funding, amidst rising student enrolment places the lone supervisor with decreasing time for doctoral training (Connell, 2019). Further, supervisors are also subject to their own academic limitations. Rebecca noted hesitation from academics she encountered to engage in or attempt to learn new material outside of their ‘expertise’ or specialisation. While some individual supervisors focus on superseding hegemonic forms of representation, many still operate within such processes that frame knowledge through existing hierarchical structures. Collective practices were often perceived as the most important part of participants’ training: Nikki notes the importance of a group of people who came together over the course of her PhD, who were interested in and reflecting on similar issues … they did talk about issues of representation, of challenging their ways of thinking, but not everyone [in her cohort] was involved’.

Similarly, Rebecca also felt that community is essential for training: She would meet up with other students who shared interdisciplinary research and expertise, with room for debates about representation … it helped to build up long-term relationships of critical engagement…

Maria used both formal and informal methods to try to embed positive collective practices she experienced within the core curriculum: ‘Maria noted how mobilising students through existing PhD representation structures enabled department-wide changes.’ These stories exemplify the importance of university supported reflective spaces that allow emerging researchers to interrogate their position as ‘knowledge-makers’ and engage with a wide range of perspectives outside of existing hierarchies of knowledge. Emphasis should be placed on identifying supportive faculty members and building collaborative relationships, as the drive to utilise research as a force of social change appeared to find its deeper potential through collective action.

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Projections for Doctoral Training Whilst participants reflected on the benefits of positive practices, overwhelmingly all were concerned about the researchers produced through their experience of doctoral training: ‘Mary reflected on the future of research, “I don’t want to sound dramatic or anything” but if research continues to be done in the fragmented, individualistic way of the training programme, then it can become very superficial.’ Rebecca was also worried that certain perspectives would be perpetuated: ‘perhaps by not formalising engagement on a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches, the same “patterns will continue to be sort of ossified and replicated”.’ Nikki’s experience also highlighted this problem: ‘Nikki noted a conversation with another PhD student who was stating things that were essentially anti-Black. ‘What does it mean to complete a rigorous researcher training programme, but not to have critically engaged with their own perspectives and worldviews?’ Participants related their concerns to the racialised and masculinised worldviews perpetuated through the symbolic powers within HE structures (Dillabough, 2009). Despite the ubiquity of critique from theorists addressing such issues, doctoral training programmes seem to have evaded reflecting on both hierarchies of knowledge and ‘regimes of representation’. Given their position at the start of a researcher’s trajectory in knowledge production, this is of great concern. The diverse research topics of doctoral programmes mean the practical impulse is to avoid too many compulsory training courses, but we caution against leaving hegemonic modes of thinking unchallenged. Rebecca highlighted the importance of including established academics to challenge inscribed ways of thinking: Academics might be experts in one area, but do not always seem willing to engage where they aren’t experts … she thought that part of researcher, and academic training more broadly should include reading groups on things such as Critical race, Postcolonial, Marxist, Feminist and Queer theory led by colleagues who are experts so they can learn from each other.

The project to ensure inclusion as part of doctoral training programmes requires repeated and systematic engagement from academics. Whilst

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this is an important first step, there were still concerns even about the knowledge included in critical perspectives: Maria felt positive about the work of her department’s decolonise movement in broadening the intellectual knowledge that students were engaging with, but critically noted the tendency for these movements to cite authors who write in English, or are popular enough to be translated.

Dismantling regimes of representation requires alternative practices of deconstruction that build new interactions across disciplinary boundaries. Maria emphasised the importance of involving scholars with advanced fluency in languages such as Arabic, Chinese, Farsi, et cetera, as they often have an excellent command of other schools of thought. Such an integration across disciplines has the potential not only to dismantle, but also to create new ways of thinking and seeing. In a similar vein, greater reflection on the representation of different identities and positionalities conducting research and leading training is essential: Annie sees a particular paradox within pushing for representation within the academy… She notes positively that her own focus on Postcolonial and Black theory have been taken up by her supervisor who had not previously engaged with this work. She also noted her own experiences of teaching, and of the positive impact it had upon younger students of colour and more broadly, as doing her own work in a critical way forced people to think about it, even if it was in a small way.

Maria also noted substantial changes in her department driven by an impetus to hire a more ‘diverse’ faculty to contribute to training of the next generation of researchers. Significantly, both noted that the mere presence of particular bodies is not indicative of any radical project. Radicalism, in this case is the combination of a plurality of bodies, alongside a shared commitment to flatten hierarchies and engage in critical reflection on the various authorities afforded by one’s position in HE.

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Conclusion Participants experienced higher education as a contested site of knowledge production that often upheld racialised and masculinised worldviews despite the ubiquity of postcolonial, feminist and decolonial critique. Through participants’ experiences we also understand how the researchers’ body is conceptualised, seen and contrasted against a historically contingent notion of the ‘knowledge-maker’. Such challenges highlight existing and unfinished struggles against ‘regimes of representation.’ Whilst HE in the UK has historically been exclusionary, doctoral students still expect and demand a form of inclusion that repudiates the founding elitism of the university. Considering this, we must question if it is theoretically and pragmatically possible to do representation ‘right’ in an unequal structure. If not, is the political project then to dismantle such assumptions of the natural hierarchy of the institution, and what might the role of doctoral training be in such a process? In the context of HE in ‘crisis’ (Bacevic, 2019), changes in funding structures and metrics-driven cultures alongside shifting student demographics are radically changing the doctoral experience. In light of these shifts, it is increasingly important to understand how this may shape the production of new knowledge-makers. There is insufficient attention on the wider socio-political meaning of the doctoral training programme, and the ‘professionalisation’ of individuals instructed in regimes of thought and representation. This lack of wider-industry reflection hampers the ability of apprentice researchers to consider the impact of the theories, methodologies, and wider meanings their research may produce. Perhaps our contemporary understanding of the apprentice learner needs to be adjusted to reflect the various epistemic privileges that the student brings into the university. Formalising collaborative spaces and building pockets of collective action that seek to question hegemonic knowledge may be a first step. This political potential of doctoral training programmes may counteract the isolating and individualising effects of the existing ‘regimes of representation’. As a symbolic entrance, the doctoral training programme represents an ideal starting point to engage with the concept of representation

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in a manner that produces reflective ‘knowledge-makers’ who are more able to navigate the paradoxes inherent in the politics of knowledge production. Yet this is only a starting point, as the shifting political climate and market logics impinge upon the social purpose of researcher training. This signals the need for additional investigation into this increasingly significant topic. We see the concept of representation, not only as a key pedagogical feature, but also as an analytical tool to deconstruct the internal struggles for meaning, recognition, integrity and ideological relevance within the university. Acknowledgements  We extend our tremendous gratitude the participants who generously gave their time and expertise to this project, as well as our ‘critical friends’, mentors and colleagues who provided invaluable suggestions and guidance. We also thank one anonymous reviewer for their insightful and helpful feedback.

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Illich, I. (1978). Disabling professions. India International Centre Quarterly, 5(1), 23–32. Keet, A. (2014). Epistemic ‘othering’ and the decolonisation of knowledge. Africa Insight, 44(1), 23–37. Lindsay, G. M., & Schwind, J. K. (2016). Narrative inquiry: Experience matters. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 48(1), 14–20. Meghji, A. (2019). White power, racialized regimes of truth, and (in)validity. Sentio, 1(1), 36–41. Montgomery, C. (2010). Understanding the international student experience. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Park, C. (2005). New variant PhD: The changing nature of the doctorate in the UK. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 27(2), 189–207. Pásztor, A., & Wakeling, P. (2018). All PhDs are equal but … institutional and social stratification in access to the doctorate. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 7(39), 982–997. Puwar, N. (2004). Space Invaders: Race, Gender and Bodies Out of Place. Oxford: Berg Publishers. Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education (QAA). (2015). Characteristics statement: Doctoral degree. UK quality code for higher education – Part A: Setting and maintaining academic standards. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.qaa.ac.uk/docs/qaa/quality-code/doctoral-degree-characteristics-15.pdf?sfvrsn=50aef981_10 Russell Group of Universities (Russell Group). (2017). Profile. Retrieved November 2019, from https://russellgroup.ac.uk/media/5524/rg_text_ june2017_updated.pdf Shewarega Hussen, T. (2019, August 29). ‘All that you walk on to get there:’ How to centre feminist ways of knowing. GenderIT.org. Retrieved November 2019, from https://bit.ly/2lJxszb Shillam, R. (2018). Black/academia. In G.  K. Bhambra, D.  Gebriel, & K.  Nişancıoğlu (Eds.), Decolonising the university (pp.  53–63). London: Pluto Press. Stockfelt, S. (2011). Slave to the white leaders on paper? The PhD expedition. In S.  Trahar (Ed.), The doctorate: International stories of the UK experience (Discussions in education series) (pp.  16–21). Retrieved November 2019, from https://dera.ioe.ac.uk/12986/7/8137_Redacted.pdf Trahar, S. (2011). Changing landscapes, shifting identities in higher education: Narratives of academics in the UK. Research in Education, 86(1), 46–60.

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Vostal, F. (2016). Accelerating academia: The changing structure of academic time (Palgrave studies in science, knowledge and policy). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Wakeling, P. (2016). Measuring doctoral student diversity: Socio-economic background. Swindon: Research Councils UK. Retrieved November 2019, from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1d3a/e8421c5f9c300a2044e790128 cd910264c6a.pdf Wambui, J. (2013). An introduction to feminist research. Retrieved November 2019, from http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/bitstream/handle/11295/84523/ Wambui_An%20introduction%20to%20feminist%20research.pdf?sequenc e=1&isAllowed=y Williams, P., Bath, S., Arday, J., & Lewis, C. (2019, September). The broken pipeline – barriers to Black PhD students accessing Research Council funding. Leading Routes. Retrieved November 2019, from https://leadingroutes. org/mdocs-posts/the-broken-pipeline-barriers-to-black-studentsaccessing-research-council-funding

4 Killing the Indigene: Interrogating the Support of First Nations’ Diversity in the Modern University Sandy O’Sullivan

As the bold first part of the title suggests, this chapter extends beyond an interrogation of support for First Nations’.1 Peoples in the modern university, by presenting a reckoning of how the academy fails to comprehend, accommodate or grow ideas around diversity. It considers how this failure adds to the erasure of Indigenous Peoples’ unique scholarly contributions, examining the fallout as Indigenous scholars attempt to reshape the structures of higher education into a serviceable and agentic space. With an ongoing challenge to colonial incursion, many First Nations’ Communities and Peoples have centred education as an anchor to greater agency and self-determination. The paradox for many Indigenous scholars is that engagement in the mainstream academy can lead to persistent labour in correcting stereotypes from archaic scholarship (Bunda, Zipin, & Brennan, 2012). Further, ongoing participation in a system that reproduces colonial structures and strictures of identity risks diminishing understandings of the diversity of the First Nations’ experience at their S. O’Sullivan (*) University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_4

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own hands. What this looks like, how this is being enacted, and how we can respond is suggested through the following histories, practices and challenges. Central to challenging reductive stereotypes is the location and agency of Indigenous scholars, supported to enact and empower these challenges (Clark, Kleiman, Spanierman, Isaac, & Poolokasingham, 2014). But can the university system genuinely accommodate this level of agency? And, can it comprehend and support the complexity of Indigenous Peoples in a way that sufficiently allows acknowledgement and growth beyond parity?

Killing the Indigene The nineteenth and twentieth century North American directive to ‘kill the Indian, save the man’ (Altaha, 2017) intentionally constituted cultural genocide with mechanisms directly resulting in ongoing violence, cultural erasure, and death. The tool through which the directive was enacted and measured was education. Implemented across North America and then in other forms across the colonised globe, multiple government policies reinforced education as a space of punishment through restrictive learning and actual violent acts (Zalcman, 2016). Specifically, as a set of actions that forcibly removed cultural understandings and learnings, these policies replaced them with homogenising colonial indoctrination, reinforcing to Indigenous Peoples that education is both destructive and dangerous to culture and people. Through an erasure of cultural experiences and normalising led by academic measurements framed through the colonial project, these policies aimed to destroy their unique and diverse contribution (Daniels-Mayes, Harwood, & Murray, 2019). In doing so, it not only deeply affected the individuals and Communities forced through it, but stunted the idea of scholarship in a place of learning. So, if a system makes and perpetuates a problem, why would Indigenous Peoples use it to edify and grow their own aspirations? For these reasons, the current higher education imperative encouraging homogenous knowledge acquisition must be examined for how it continues a reductive approach to inclusion, through its failure to

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provide mechanisms of support for genuinely diverse experiences and aspirations. In challenging practices that can result in an assimilationist approach to the Indigenous learner, this chapter will examine these problematic directives, as well as explore the scholarly potential to centre First Nations’ learning, Knowledge(s) and strategies to reassert the diverse experiences and needs of both First Nations’ learners and their Communities.

Resistance, Inclusion and Diversity Over the last few decades, as we2 have grown our numbers in the academy, there have been substantial inroads in higher education and leadership, led from within our communities. In spite of the remarkable work of leading Indigenous scholars to challenge, co-opt and reframe the experience, and grow our individual diverse needs and requirements, this work continues to operate within a space of resistance (Bodkin-Andrews & Carlson, 2016; Patfield, Gore, Fray, & Gruppetta, 2019). The resistance is well established and growing, through—for instance—the substantial work completed by Indigenous scholar Maggie Walters, that challenges simplistic notions of success by replacing them with better understandings of the intention and desires of First Nations’ Peoples engaged in education, as well as the barriers to this success, and the failures of the academy to comprehend our contribution (Walter, 2015). The work being accomplished by First Nations’ scholars across this space is substantial and far-reaching, with networks and facilitations that are slowly changing the face of higher education in Australia and across the First Nations’ world, yet resistance is required not only in challenging the right to be included, but in the right to determine the structures that frame our inclusion. In part, this is because inclusion of First Nations’ Peoples in the academy exists within a space where a deficit model of inclusion is applied, and where resistance to disruptions of the academic status quo is central to the ongoing integrity of the university system: we aren’t the ones resisting change. The work of multiple national networks of leading Indigenous scholars has led this work and effected change. From the National Aboriginal and

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Torres Strait Islander Higher Education Consortium (NATSIHEC) to the National Indigenous Higher Education Network (NIHEN) to the earlier Indigenous Higher Education Advisory Council (IHEAC) to National Indigenous Research and Knowledges Network (NIRAKN), there have been hundreds of Indigenous leaders and scholars who have laid the groundwork for change in the university system. Their work has wrought multiple research and reporting, effected change across individual universities, and grown the Indigenous labour force of the academy. Yet, we are still required to operate within a system that is not made for, or of us.

Policy Frameworks in Action In accordance with their policies and government funding requirements, many Australian universities are working with Indigenous networks and other frameworks to actively support engagement with First Nations’ academics, students and communities. The Universities Australia Indigenous Strategy (2017) provides some standardisation of these expectations. The strategy was developed with, and by, Indigenous policy makers, as a mechanism to increase practical opportunities and representation in the academy. It has been adopted across the member organisations that constitute nearly all Australian universities (O’Sullivan, 2019b). There are also modifications of imported systems like the UK model of Athena SWAN (Scientific Women’s Academic Network) and its Australian iteration, SAGE (Science in Australia Gender Equity). These mechanisms focus on diversity targets and correcting gender parity across underrepresented disciplines. The ten principles of Athena SWAN provide a lens into the way that policy can support in a silo, but still fail to address endemic issues of disadvantage or of opportunity for growth within the sector. Each measure assumes that the only level of inequity is in relation to gender, with the final marker indicating that measures are entirely open to interpretation and measurement by the institution through suggesting that: ‘All Individuals have identities shaped by several different factors. We commit to considering the intersection of gender and other factors wherever possible’ (Advance HE, 2019).

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For more than a decade this framework has been deployed in the UK alongside measures such as the Race Equality Charter. Though, as Bhopal and Henderson suggest, assessments of the framework still focus on the more clearly reportable silos of gender equity (2019). In the recent internal review of SAGE, this issue and the introduction of intersectionality as an opportunity piggy-backed onto the framework was deemed problematic and difficult to compel or assess (SAGE, 2019, p. 27). In the Australian iteration, universities seeking SAGE accreditation have applied the framework to incorporate specific measures that include support for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) academics (SAGE, 2019) and other measures of diversity. Even as the recognition of inequity and imbalance in representation beyond gender is acknowledged in the Australian iteration, and in action across the UK and other countries that have adopted the measures, from a First Nations’ perspective, there are two key issues not addressed. The first is how to move beyond correcting silo-ed disadvantage in relation to gender and academic success, when these silos are of the university’s own making. The second is that a framework that fails to acknowledge the contribution and growth through diversity, beyond correction and externally required parity is problematic (Portolés, 2017). What are the advantages of diversity to the university and scholarship in general, beyond simply being diverse? Through a process of self-assessment, what is the capacity for universities to grow from diversity? Universities engaged in SAGE, reporting to Universities Australia on their Indigenous Strategy measures, and in much of the other Indigenous participation reporting rely on measures of success framed within participation in the existing system. But what policy will transform our participation if the existing system is the problem?

Queering Universities For queer Indigenous scholars in particular, a reckoning has begun of the impact and opportunity that supporting diversity in universities can provide. I have joined Indigenous scholars writing across queer scholarship (O’Sullivan, 2015, 2019a), like Corrinne Sullivan and Madi Day (2019),

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Alison Whittaker (2015, 2017), and Maddee Clark (2014), to provide challenges to the silos of gender, sexuality, and Indigenous identity, and in the way that First Nations’ identities and expectations are understood across the academy. But what work does the rest of the academy do to understand us, include us, and to grow and learn from us beyond their obsolete visions of our layered alterity? And, how can it respond to our resistance to externally imposed homogenisations of our cultural groups? The academy’s failure to manage the multiplicity of these identities is played out in Sullivan and Day’s (2019) work on the fall-out of failing to include and find a place for, and retain Indigenous queer students. It’s found in the work of Alison Whittaker who writes on the conflations, separations and stereotypes of gender, sexuality and Indigenous identity (2015, 2017). It is also found in Clark et al.’s frustrations at the promotion of homogenised and whitewashed colonial values, and on maintaining an imagined fictionalised ‘authenticity’ (2014), and in my own work in understanding externally-set boundaries and expectations of these heteronormative fictions (2015, 2019a). Through this, and more work nationally and internationally (Cameron, 2005), there is an increasing body of knowledge on the strength of diversity in scholarship allowing a more complex understanding of Indigenous Peoples. Yet, in these same texts, and across these same authors, we are still often required to engage in challenges to the status quo, to affirm ideas of diversity, and speak back to the structural barriers to inclusion. And, while our voice provides a level of agency to the discussion, is it our responsibility to argue for individual and systemic change? How does it change the structure of the academy to include and listen to the voices of queer Indigenous people? How does it support growth for a university in supporting gender-diverse representation? Most studies that promote diverse inclusion, and most of the material developed by universities for Athena SWAN (or SAGE in Australia) accreditation, have focused on equity through providing a more accurate representation of the world (Botella, Rueda, López-Iñesta, & Marzal, 2019). While this may be true, if the path of equity is achieved as slowly as predicted (Portolés, 2017), what does it suggest for the intervening decades before this is achieved. And what of the intersecting areas of advantage and disadvantage? Problematically the notion of strength through diverse

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inclusion often draws from the idea that you can bring elements of a person to build a stronger experience. The reframing of Crenshaw’s powerful treatise of intersectionality brings this into sharp relief, where a term focused on understanding compounding disadvantage of Women of Colour in a system that does not accommodate them, has become co-­ opted to describe strength in diversity, without the complex understanding of the disadvantage within the system (Crenshaw, 1989).

Queering the Academy In 2019, the Forum for Indigenous Research Excellence (FIRE) at Macquarie University hosted a symposium on Indigenous Futurism(s), a term coined by one of the keynote speakers, Anishinaabe scholar, Grace Dillon. Dillon’s work has framed strategies for considering what may be otherwise called speculative fiction, as a space for First Nations’ writers to explore and understand our world. All of the aforementioned queer Indigenous scholars—and more—participated in the day and it was— without specifically alerting the audience to the fact—very queer in form. In spite of many of us working across education rather than literatures, we came together to talk about speculation and story as a way of configuring a future over which we realise agency on our own terms (Dillon, 2016). The reason for this, and the impetus behind our discipline shift can be found in the aspirational rather than corrective work that can be accomplished through promoting imagined futures. In the extremes that Dillon frames, a writer makes a world drawn from cultural and engaged experiences, and controls the narrative and structures of that world as both experiment and deliberation (Dillon, 2016). In the present reality of higher education, Indigenous scholars are often required to consider the structures imposed under the colonial project and are fighting uphill battles to effect change to a system that is not of our making (Bodkin-­ Andrews & Carlson, 2016). In one discipline, we make and have agency, in the other we correct and damage control. Women, queer, and gender-diverse people, apart from being less heard or empowered in the academy (Sullivan & Day, 2019) are even further disadvantaged by anything that compounds our alterity, through race,

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disability, culture, or religion. For queerly diverse First Nations’ Peoples, the act of being queer can provide challenges to expectations within the academy that is confronting and unexpected to the system (Sullivan & Day, 2019). Indigenous scholar, Oscar Monaghan, frames historical queer spaces as failing to include, yet still benefitting from the ongoing act of colonisation (2015). Using Jasbir Puar’s ‘homonationalism’, Monaghan deploys the idea of ‘settler homonationalism’, a framing that suggests a hierarchical system in which queerness is more or less normalised, and where queer Indigenous people are excluded through compounding alterity (Monaghan, 2015) or, as Crenshaw would frame it, intersectionality (1989). For queer allies there remains a risk that failing to understand complex differentiations in these intersections can either co-opt or erase queer First Nations peoples’ experiences. When Aileen Moreton-Robinson’s laid out her central thesis ‘Talkin’ Up to the White Woman’ (2000), she suggested that feminism(s) co-opted a reductive idea of Indigeneity to prove a point. In the same way, allies must take care in making assumptions and conflations about queer First Nations’ experiences, and listen to our truths and stories. While the ally space is important, many Indigenous scholars are moving beyond challenges to silos and stereotypes, and instead addressing their inaccuracy, and locating solidarity and unique methods that effect change, like those seen at the Indigenous Futurisms conference. It is also through story and individual experience that we understand the damage caused and opportunity provided in challenging the way that universities other and control queer First Nations’ Peoples. Alison Whittaker writes of how externally imposed ideas of a reductive Indigenous identity affected them as a young university student, informing their experiences through an inaccurate reconfiguring of who they were and where they came from (2017). In building these stories of the experience of difference within the academy, we see not only the challenges, but also strategies, in particular in methods that consider pathways formed from calling-out and resetting colonial expectations.

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Diversity, Equality or Change? In 2019, I keynoted at a conference in Perth, Australia, framed as ‘Gender and Diversity in Music and Art’. For several decades before this, the conference had been called ‘Women in Music’, and had a history of challenging male domination across the field. Some decades ago, I attended this conference as a young music scholar, and heard of how gender equity was necessary and that we would one day achieve parity. In those days, I identified as a woman, now I have come to understand that I am a transgender/non-binary person. I understood that the conference changing from ‘women’ to ‘gender diverse’ would support understandings of the position of women and gender-diverse people in music and art, and certainly expected that it would go beyond challenging a lack of representation. The conference also went beyond simply finding a place for gender-­ diverse people to locate their voice in music and art, or in challenges to the continuing lack of representation from women in a discipline still dominated by men. The final plenary drew together elements of gender diversity where participants framed diversity of gender as a means to understand diverse bodies and representations. For example, one participant framed the discussion on girls and boys’ choirs, in relation to what constitutes a ‘correct’ girl’s and boy’s voice. Even within the binary of men and women, the plenary explored the limits that are formed around bodily and individual expectations; and on genuine diversity (Green, 2019). If the conference had continued to be called ‘Women in Music and Art’, it may not have engaged these ideas that extended beyond a binary producing deficit, and into a better understanding of how gender operates.

Systemic Change Multiple studies have focused on individual and institutional benefits, but few discuss institutional transformation or the unique aspects that diversity bring to scholarship and the academy at large (Bhakta, 2019; Clark, 2014). If altering the system is required to effect greater

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participation from First Nations’ scholars, then it is not only about a willingness to dismantle a dysfunctional system and replace it with an equitable one, the difficulty lies in the structure itself. Until a system acknowledges inequity and is willing to be torn down, it cannot truly effect change. But with the best of intentions, universities in Australia and around the world, are stuck in a space where reputation is about demonstrating sustained success, rather than recognizing and addressing complex inequities. To take this further, inequity and balance can only be maintained by those in power, and it can also only be challenged by those who make, enforce and sustain policy. The SAGE internal report that problematised these challenges, recognised the difficulty of not just enforcing, but even understanding how to make systems more equitable (SAGE, 2019). Similarly, universities that focus wholly on disadvantage and on correcting of Indigenous pathways to success using, rather than challenging, their existing system, can also present challenges to an Indigenous learner. Rather than engaging a strengths-based approach to find their place, they can become inculcated in a sense of their own disempowerment (Bodkin-­ Andrews & Carlson, 2016). Building power comes from understanding and challenging the power structures rather than embracing only the journey of dispossession. Combined with a system that cannot comprehend, accommodate or grow ideas around diversity, universities remain dangerous places for Indigenous people. Networks that centre the conversation on Indigenous-led imperatives, informed by cultural connectedness and meaning for First Nations’ communities, will ultimately deliver a more robust challenge (Universities Australia, 2017). Understanding growth and change in the academy, requires a review of the role that the academy historically played in containment. Extremes such as ‘Kill the Indian, Save the Man’ are easy targets for identifying the horror of colonial education, but universities have long been engaged in categorisations that affected every part of Indigenous Peoples’ lives (O’Sullivan, 2019b). From deficit taxonomies in physical anthropology, to the removed distance of scholars claiming ‘their’ Indigenous tribe and authoring secret-sacred information, colonial higher education has been authored by those engaged in scholarship, with an impact on communities far-reaching and frequently managed from outside of First Nations’

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Communities. Beyond the agenda being set by the largely non-­Indigenous scholar, this resulted in erasures in terms of gender, sexuality and across any other form of diversity that could not be comprehended in the existing scholarship (Cameron, 2005). If you only look to what you comprehend, and you reduce that frame, how complex can the histories that the academy delivered be? Indeed, these categorisations frequently reduce the capacity for scholarship, and they serve no helpful function to Communities that clearly in a time where communities are more agentic, require research to be meaningful and edifying. The answer is always that to truly grow change in the academy, First Nations’ scholars must be front and centre, across disciplines and in numbers that effect change (Universities Australia, 2017).

Who Can Effect Change? This chapter, so far, has suggested that inequity should be challenged, and proposes that challenging inequity alone is not going to make a place for the diverse representation of First Nations’ Peoples. Importantly, apart from the discussion of Indigenous Futurisms, no single strategy is proposed. This is strategic, scholarship presents an idea of excellence and pushing boundaries, through either the specificity of a grading system or, conversely, through unique theses that effect change and growth. But they are measured and engaged in ways that still assess and examine according to an agreed-upon formula, from publication to funding to accreditation, universities comply and conform. A large part of the Athena SWAN framework proposes that equity will deliver success when parity is attained. It fails to recognise that Crenshaw’s (1989) compounding inequity model can only be challenged systemically, rather than by elevating those experiencing disadvantage, until they, too, are in a place to reproduce these same ideas of excellence. Policy challenges require an entirely different way for university systems to operate, where they grow from challenges, and do not resist them in order to retain their traditional and global integrity. Can universities support diversity in thought and participation, while maintaining their institutional position?

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Readers who have made it this far into the chapter likely work or study in the university system, and are invested in how universities operate to address disadvantage. These readers could consider their own part in challenging the system in which they work or think. How is their own scholarship enriched by First Nations’ contributions, how does it change when they are faced with different ways of thinking about the world or their discipline? Do they rely on the structures and benefits of the university to an extent that makes it difficult to challenge them? If, dear reader, you are a non-Indigenous person, imagine that the same challenges that you face, are faced by us as First Nations’ scholars. Imagine what it means to be regularly implicated in the reproduction of the colonial project through simply engaging in a system in which we have a right to participate. Many of us do so fully cognizant of our role in the structure and through knowing that participation is key. There are many leading scholars who have challenged the system through their persistence, and in their ongoing networking and labour, on efforts to cohort-build and in finding common ground. For those who are allies in this work, they could consider the role they play in not only supporting our challenge, but in promoting who we are as Indigenous scholars, and in recognising the unique contributions we make.

Notes 1. First Nations’ Person/People(s), Indigenous Person/People(s), and Indigene are used interchangeably to group multiple communities that form the original inhabitants of colonised countries. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander is used to describe First Nations’ Peoples of the country now known as Australia. All terms are capitalised in order to reflect the short-form for a proper noun suggested in Australian Government style guides (O’Sullivan, 2019a). 2. ‘We’ and ‘our’ are used to signal the author as a First Nations’ scholar (O’Sullivan, 2019a).

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References Advance HE. (2019). Athena SWAN charter. Retrieved February 2020, from https://www.advance-he.ac.uk/charters/athena-swan-charter Altaha, N. (2017). Kill the Indian, save the man: Native American historical trauma in college students. Metamorphosis. Retrieved February 2020, from https://metamorphosis.coplac.org/index.php/metamorphosis/article/view/67 Bhakta, A. (2019). ‘Which door should I go through?’ (In) visible intersections of race and disability in the academy. Area. Retrieved February 2020, from https://doi.org/10.1111/area.12554 Bhopal, K., & Henderson, H. (2019). Competing inequalities: Gender versus race in higher education institutions in the UK. Educational Review, 1–17. Retrieved February 2020, from https://doi.org/10.1080/0013191 1.2019.1642305 Bodkin-Andrews, G., & Carlson, B. (2016). The legacy of racism and Indigenous Australian identity within education. Race Ethnicity and Education, 19(4), 784–807. Botella, C., Rueda, S., López-Iñesta, E., & Marzal, P. (2019). Gender diversity in STEM disciplines: A multiple factor problem. Entropy, 21(1), 30. Retrieved February 2020, from https://doi.org/10.3390/e21010030 Bunda, T., Zipin, L., & Brennan, M. (2012). Negotiating university ‘equity‘ from Indigenous standpoints: A shaky bridge. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16(9), 941–957. Cameron, M. (2005). Two-spirited Aboriginal people: Continuing cultural appropriation by non-Aboriginal society. Canadian Woman Studies, 24(2–3), 123–127. Clark, M. (2014). Against authenticity CAL-connections: Queer Indigenous identities. Overland, 215(Winter), 30–36. Clark, D. A., Kleiman, S., Spanierman, L. B., Isaac, P., & Poolokasingham, G. (2014). ‘Do you live in a teepee?’ Aboriginal students’ experiences with racial microaggressions in Canada. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 7(2), 112–125. Crenshaw, K. W. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1, 139–167. Retrieved February 2020, from http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/ vol1989/iss1/8

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Daniels-Mayes, S., Harwood, V., & Murray, N. (2019). On settler notions of social justice: The importance of disrupting and displacing colonising narratives. In K. Freebody, S. Goodwin, & H. Proctor (Eds.), Higher education, pedagogy and social justice (pp. 37–54). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. Dillon, G. L. (2016). Introduction: Indigenous futurisms, Bimaashi Biidaas mose, flying and walking towards you. Extrapolation, 57(1–2), 1–6. Green, P. (2019, August 16). In summary: Gender Diversity in Music and Art Conference, Perth. Resonate Magazine. Retrieved February 2020, from https://www.australianmusiccentre.com.au/article/in-summar ygender-diversity-in-music-and-art-conference-perth Monaghan, O. (2015). Dual imperatives: Decolonising the queer, and queering the decolonial. In D. Hodge (Ed.), Colouring the rainbow: Blak queer and trans perspectives, life stories and essays by first nations people of Australia (pp. 195–207). Mile End: Wakefield Press. Moreton-Robinson, A. (2000). Talkin’ up to the White Woman: Indigenous women and feminism. Brisbane, QLD: University of Queensland Press. O’Sullivan, S. (2015). Stranger in a strange land: Aspiration, uniform and the fine edges of identity. In D. Hodge (Ed.), Colouring the rainbow: Black queer and trans perspectives, life stories and essays by first nations people of Australia (pp. 208–222). Mile End: Wakefield Press. O’Sullivan, S. (2019a). A lived experience of Aboriginal knowledges and perspectives: How cultural wisdom saved my life. In J. Higgs (Ed.), Practice wisdom: Values and interpretations (pp. 107–112). Leiden: Brill Sense. O’Sullivan, S. (2019b). Practice futures for Indigenous agency: Our gaps, our leaps. In J. Higgs, S. Cork, & D. Horsfall (Eds.), Challenging future practice possibilities (pp. 91–100). Rotterdam: Brill Sense. Patfield, S., Gore, J., Fray, L., & Gruppetta, M. (2019). The untold story of middle-class Indigenous Australian school students who aspire to university. Critical Studies in Education, 1–16. Retrieved February 2020, from https:// doi.org/10.1080/17508487.2019.1572022 Portolés, C. M. (2017). Science from women’s lives. Better science? How gendered studies improve science and lives. Mètode Science Studies Journal, 7, 105–111. Science in Australia Gender Equity (SAGE). (2019). Putting gender on your agenda: Evaluating the introduction of Athena SWAN into Australia. Retrieved February 2020, from https://www.sciencegenderequity.org.au/wp-content/ uploads/2018/12/SAGE_Report_44pp_SCREEN.pdf

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Sullivan, C., & Day, M. (2019). Queer(y)ing Indigenous Australian higher education student spaces. The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 1–8. Retrieved February 2020, from https://doi.org/10.1017/jie.2019.19 Universities Australia. (2017). Indigenous strategy 2017–2020. Canberra: Universities Australia. Walter, M. (2015). The vexed link between social capital and social mobility for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The Australian Journal of Social Issues, 50(1), 69–88. Whittaker, A. (2015). The border made of mirrors. In D. Hodge (Ed.), Colouring the rainbow: Blak queer and trans perspectives, life stories and essays by first nations people of Australia (pp. 21–34). Mile End, SA: Wakefield Press. Whittaker, A. (2017, January 26). Queerness and Indigenous cultures: One world, many lives. Archer Magazine. Retrieved February 2020, from https:// archermagazine.com.au/2017/01/queerness-indigenous-culturesaboriginal-australia/ Zalcman, D. (2016). ‘Kill the Indian, save the man’: On the painful legacy of Canada’s residential schools. World Policy Journal, 33(3), 72–85.

5 Refugees in Neoliberal Universities Aura Lounasmaa

Introduction In 2015, myself and colleagues from the University of East London began to teach a university course in the Calais Jungle, northern France. The Calais Jungle was known for its squalor, violence, and its ‘lacks’: lack of food, sanitation, health services, warmth, shelter, safety, protection, and rights (Calais Writers, 2017). The rationale for offering this course was grounded in arguments about the humanitarian necessity for education and higher education as a human right (Squire & Zaman, 2020). The course was loosely located in social sciences disciplines and took a ‘Life Story’ approach, designed to evoke students’ lived experiences, alongside biographical narratives that illuminate socio-political discourses, to make sense of, and communicate more widely, their understanding of Europe they found themselves in (Hall, Lounasmaa, & Squire, 2019). This course finished in October 2016 when the French authorities finally received A. Lounasmaa (*) University of East London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_5

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permission from the courts to dismantle the camp and relocate all refugees to other areas of France. Since the camp was bulldozed, it has become illegal to put up or indeed offer shelter in the Calais Jungle camp area. Separate to the Life Stories course taught in the Calais Jungle between 2015–2016, the University of East London, together with the Central European University in Budapest and University of Vienna, received funding from the Erasmus+ programme in 2017 to run preparatory courses in each of the three countries for refugees hoping to study in university. The Erasmus+ programme is funded by the European Union and designed to support education, training, youth and sport in Europe. The project for which we received funding, the Open Learning Initiative (OLIve), is funded until year 2021. The OLIve programmes are required to include language tuition, academic tutoring and support to university applications, but each partner is expected to tailor their specific courses to the needs of the particular students and the higher education (HE) systems of their country. In University of East London, the course is also informed by the experiences of the Life Stories course, and the conversations, collaborations and testimonies with and of the students, partners and participants from Calais. When starting the OLIve course at the University of East London, I was relatively new to UK academic institutions and still learning how its hierarchies, formal procedures and systems operated. The OLIve weekend and OLIve Up courses were also something that had never been tried in most universities and hence no procedures or best practices existed. I had to quickly learn UK-based immigration law and how it impacts higher education institutions; institutional procedures for introducing and validating new programmes; health and safety and other facilities management policies; the internal funding systems of universities; external metrics around university rankings and impact measures; media relations; and dozens of more skills, tasks and roles I did not expect when accepting the role. Three main issues came to the fore while trying to navigate these systems and create meaningful opportunities for refugee students who do not fit the existing structures and expectations around being a student: (1) a spreading of border control issues and politics into educational settings; (2) universities’ internal bureaucracy; and (3) the impact of

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neo-liberalisation of universities. I will discuss these three points briefly in relation to the OLIve courses and offer some insights on what measures we have so far found helpful in navigating them and in supporting the inclusion of forced migrant students in higher education. The main issue here is how a student-centred pedagogy can be designed so that it simultaneously values student experiences and knowledge, and challenges the restrictive boundaries put in place by the ordering, bureaucratic and neoliberal agendas which rule UK universities. I will begin by explaining the impact of the border regimes on refugee students and institutions trying to support them. I will then discuss some of the barriers created by the heavy bureaucratic and administrative loads, and the ways in which marketisation and neoliberal agendas frame the current education system. With these barriers in mind, I will discuss how creative, participatory pedagogies and the valuing of students as participants, the holders of knowledge and creative experts, can help create educational and participatory spaces where knowledge production can coexist with a critical widening of the current HE agenda. Life Stories, as introduced in our previous course in the Calais Jungle, are part of this pedagogical and collaborative strategy. In addition, the approach reaches further to reject some of the hierarchies of what counts as knowledge and education, and to question the role of experts and researchers in the process. The Magna Charta Universitatum (Observatory Magna Charta Universitatum, 1988), signed by more than 800 European universities, states that in order to ‘fulfil its vocation [a university] transcends geographical and political frontiers’ and that it must ‘ensure that its students’ freedoms are safeguarded’. Evidence suggests that Brexit, the agreement on withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, as well as the rise of a populist political discourse across Europe and the US, are part of the wider cultural backlash against policies of tolerance and diversity that have been introduced in Western societies since the 1970s (Inglehart & Norris, 2016). Brexit follows from earlier exclusionary political developments such as several immigration acts in the UK, which amount to what Yuval-Davis, Wemyss, and Cassidy (2017) call ‘everyday bordering’. In practice, this means that a university is liable for large fines and a possible loss of license to operate if they are found to provide

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education to those who do not have the legal right to study in the UK. The Immigration Acts of 2014 and 2016 stipulate that any institution or private person that employs, accepts as a student or a client for publicly funded services, including health care and education, rents accommodation to a person who is not in the country ‘legally’, faces personal criminal liability in the form of fines as high as £10,000. Universities also risk losing their license to sponsor student visas for applicants outside of the European Economic Area (EEA) if found in violation of current policies, as happened to the London Metropolitan University in 2012 (Meikle, 2012). In this way the state has shifted the responsibility of border control from the border agencies to public and private actors, such as universities. The consequences of this legislation spread far beyond migrant populations. As the current legislation regarding the right to work or study in the UK is very complex, a person or an institution is likely to deny services or employment to a person they fear might be; or perhaps one who ‘looks like’ an ‘illegal’ immigrant. In addition, asylum seekers are not eligible for state funding and hence the current fees of over £9000 per annum are prohibitive. Similarly, language barriers, missing certificates from previous education, lack of recognised procedures for validating and assessing prior learning incurred outside of the UK, difficulties in finding accurate information and the above mentioned issues regarding immigration status and right to study, mean that very few asylum seekers and refugees are able to make it to university in the UK (Murray, 2017). Nevertheless, many universities in the UK are providing scholarships for asylum seeker and refugee students, and make campuses more welcoming to forced migrants by turning themselves into Universities of Sanctuary.1 The networks, knowledge and support demonstrate a great deal of interest across the sector in supporting refugees in higher education by some institutions and by a significant proportion of their staff. In this chapter I will concentrate on the Open Learning Initiative as it offers a unique perspective into the gaps that exist in the university sector in their provision of support for forced migrants, or indeed, for any other students who are not easily able to navigate the expense and the demands of the neoliberal universities. The OLIve course has only been offered to those with established refugee status; in Hungary due to legal necessity and in Austria due to practicalities. However, in the UK the asylum

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system means many people wait for their decision for several years, during which time studying is high on many people’s agenda and the programme is open to those without refugee status. With no right to work and limited access to public funds, occupying oneself with education and making efforts to upskill with a view of potential integration after receiving refugee status, asylum seekers value education highly. Establishing the right to study is a priority for us when advising the students and trying to plan pathways into education with them. Article 26 Network,2 in collaboration with immigration lawyers from Coram, have written a 15-page document summarising the main eligibility criteria and potential issues and exceptions. Universities have evolved from their early incarnations as cradles of knowledge production into large bureaucratic machines. A programme validation requires a lengthy internal procedure with three sets of validation documents at different stages of the process, and a consultation with an external examiner. This procedure also comes with a cost, which needs to be justified to the university’s finance team. In addition, universities are asked to produce internal and external metrics and impact studies on programmes, student success, widening participation, research impact and various other metrics. Success is often measured in terms of an imagined, White, British student, whose grades are expected to follow a pattern of attendance and who, at completion of his degree will be able to compete for graduate jobs with equal chance with his peers. Refugee students’ experiences are difficult to place within these metrics. Right from understanding how to get started in their studies to defining what success looks like, the students attending the OLIve courses fall between the measures of impact. In the UK there is a move, inspired by South African students (New Text, 2016), to decolonise the universities and dismantle these racial and class assumptions which largely govern the bureaucratic systems. This process is meaningless without looking at the assumption of profit-making which these systems uphold. UK-based universities have become private enterprises which need to make a profit through student fees and private partnerships. Fee-paying students shop for best universities and courses using external metrics regarding student retention and salary after graduation (Office for Students, 2018). One result of this marketisation of the university is an

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increased precarity of its workforce, both academic and administrative, affecting women and those in care-giving roles disproportionally (Ivancheva, Lynch, & Keating, 2019). The negative effect on students and applicants—competition for places, grade inflation, lack of graduate employment opportunities—are also most urgently felt by students of black and minority background, working class students, and students who may require additional support. Universities draft customer charters for their students, and teaching staff are increasingly under pressure to maximise student numbers rather than support student diversity. The will exists with academics and administrative teams to support students from different backgrounds, including refugees, but the spaces for doing so are diminishing. It is through our passion to bring the focus of universities back to their mission of education and knowledge production that we have found solutions for creating a programme like OLIve, which doesn’t easily fit the existing structures. Constant engagement with external organisations, such as civil society partners, national media, student organisations and other bodies also help keep the focus on the need for a programme such as OLIve, and create a further internal incentive for universities to extend their provision to those who are currently left outside of the system. Universities can thus be motivated to support student diversity by high profile media attention, and in some cases, national awards and recognition, which is in turn employed in marketing strategies to attract new students/paying customers. Some of the metrics universities are measured on, such as widening participation, can also be successfully employed to construct a narrative that convinces management bodies of the rationale for this engagement. Those universities that are unable to compete in categories measuring research excellence or graduate destinations are especially keen to highlight their success in the categories measuring student diversity and support.3 Harnessed by civic, public and media support and a widening access agenda, the University of East London circumnavigated some of the barriers to engaging forced migrants. Instead of enrolling students onto existing programmes, the university provided students with visitor access to the library, IT systems, university buildings, and to the many events and support services.

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It is important to share best practices and experiences from a programme such as OLIve, so that other opportunities can be provided, and institutional policies changed to make universities more inclusive. Yet, this requires us to consider, how such dissemination should be done and by whom. Talking about a programme such as OLIve cannot be done without reference to students: their needs, their ambitions and their lived experiences. The difficulty and the ethical objection to narrating the experiences of ‘the other’ in this way or to pertaining to represent her has always created an ethical dilemma for me (Esin & Lounasmaa, 2020). I am reluctant to complete an ethics application and turn my students into objects of study. As an educator my first responsibility is for my students. Speaking and publishing about the course will always involve speaking and publishing the words and the experiences of my students. As an academic, the dissemination of our best practices also comes with specific rewards, such as career progression and public promotion. Yet, without sharing the knowledge we have accumulated, we are reducing the potential of a course like OLIve to sustain more systematic changes in the sector, including how the current metrics turn students into customers and value success in monetary terms only. Courses like OLIve can also help us rethink our pedagogies in line with decolonising our teaching and our institutions. When the course first launched in 2017, it was the first of its kind, bridging existing education and information gaps refugees had between their previous educational experiences and the UK system. Now there are at least 5 other pre-sessional courses in the UK, out of which at least three are inspired by the OLIve course. As a director of the OLIve course for refugees and asylum seekers, and as an educator in the highly classed and racialized UK HE system, I have struggled to balance questions of voice, agency and expertise with questions of coloniality, discrimination and exclusion in education. Refugee and minority students, who face barriers to higher education and whose experiences and expertise is devalued, wish to enter these spaces of privilege and fit in. Recognising that these spaces often exclude these students and perpetuate systems of discrimination, I wish to change and challenge them. One challenge I have employed is encouraging students to become authors and experts in their knowledge. This has meant working collaboratively with artists, such as the poet Sonia Quintero and theatre-maker

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Devika Ranjan, yoga practitioners OMPowerment,4 refugee workshop leaders and students; to co-create space, co-narrate stories and develop with new, critical knowledge. In April 2019 an article co-authored with 22 students of the course was published in the Forced Migration Review (Lounasmaa, Esenowo, et  al., 2019), highlighting the issues students themselves wanted educators and policymakers to hear. Students and practitioners on the course have also written poetry, created performances, and written and spoken in other venues and platforms about our experiences. Where, in these processes, does agency, subjectivity, power, authorship and expertise lie? Who gains recognition from playing their part, and whose voice is valued? How can these problems be narrated in the process of co-creation? The solutions I have tried to implement are closely linked to the pedagogy we have employed in the OLIve course. The UK has seen an expansive interest in decolonising teaching practices in the last two years, inspired by the South African student movements such as Rhodes Must Fall/Fees Must Fall. As always with such fashionable moves, some universities quickly turn this to a new marketing strategy and dilute its potential to make real change.5 However, the principles can offer some ways to put students and their experiences at the centre of both teaching and dissemination, and value them as the agents of change and the narrators of their own experiences. As the coordinator of the course I oversee the teaching programme and teach very little myself. I include conversations with students into the schedule, and usually include a session on reading Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970) together. In this session, early in the programme, I draw students’ attention to the problematic hierarchies in the UK HE system, and invite them to think about the OLIve course differently. I ask them to tell all of the teachers and lecturers what they wish to learn, and I ask them to think about what they already know, and us, the instructors do not. I also ask them to think about how they can learn from each other, and finally, how we create a space for learning together. For some, decolonising and critiquing the existing system is not a priority—they may fear that if the current systems of hierarchy get dismantled, the education they receive will no longer give them the prestige that came with that hierarchy. Yet, some of the most popular sessions on the course are poetry, drama and yoga. The creative programmes are an

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important part of the course, as they offer a different way to engage with education and are at the core of creating a space, that amidst the hostility of the society allows a short respite. Life Stories are still offered through the programme, even though the course is run differently from the one in Calais. The experience of trauma, both the ones that brought the students to the UK, and the ongoing trauma induced by the immigration policies are present in every classroom. While students want to do well in their International English Language Testing System (IELTS) exams, the ongoing struggle often makes it impossible to concentrate. Their experiences are constantly at the centre and resurface at different times. How students choose to speak about this varies greatly. Students are asked to present on any topic they wish at the end of the course. Many choose topics that are academic, or of professional interest to them. Some present on the events of their country, as the need to speak about their experiences is so great. We have made great efforts to reduce the number of questions to our students that could cause such distress. The application form asks what other languages students speak but not the country of origin or nationality, as sometimes this in itself can be an unanswerable question. We never request in writing information about a person’s immigration status, as it can be difficult or dangerous to enclose. When asking students to do writing or speaking exercises, we avoid questions about family or particular memories. We ask them to write about their favourite city (many choose London) instead. All this is to allow those, who so wish, to forget the rest. Yet Life Stories and trauma come back at different times: when writing university applications and outlining one’s past, for example. Student feedback is one place where the student voice is prioritised. One student noted in her feedback that she joined the course: ‘because I am bored and need somewhere to go’. As she completed the course, she noted the quality of teaching and the range of topics covered, and when finishing, she stated: ‘This course brought energy and make me focus and believe in myself that I can still get education.’ Dina Nayeri (2019) in her book The Ungrateful Refugee speaks about the requirement of the refugee to be grateful for every little piece of sympathy or bread they receive, for as long as they remain a refugee. In some cases, this can be for the rest of their lives, or even their children’s lives,

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while others manage to ‘blend in’ and leave the label behind. The feedback from our students is 90% positive, often celebratory. While I would like to think that the experience has been overall positive, and of course do not doubt my students’ views in principle, the positive feedback must be placed in the context of the hostility of the world outside and the expectation of refugees to show gratefulness to anyone who shows them kindness. Many feel victimised by the UK immigration policies, and when co-writing about education, this was communicated strongly by students. Yet, the requirement for gratefulness resides alongside the violence of the UK’s immigration system and the current HE provisions that value students for their current and future financial contributions. When thinking about the student voice and the right to narrate, I have invited students to write together with me about the course, instead of being the only voice. An article written together with the course director, IT-instructor and students of OLIve Weekend course 5 was published in the Forced Migration Review (2019). In inviting students to collaborate on projects as authors, artists and co-designers, I offer them different standpoints to narrate from. I hope to move away from tokenising refugees as only valued for repeating their trauma/resilience/victimhood/ transformation by encouraging them to choose a position and identity for themselves. I have also invited students to write on our blog, about anything they wish to discuss, but none have so far. I realise this is because the ‘write anything’ guidance I offered is too wide a remit for most students, and they would like to have more guidance and support in finding the ‘correct’ content or way to write. The students worry about their grammar and spelling and don’t want to expose any weakness, and also want to check the topic, as they find it unbelievable that their existing expertise on any given topic could be considered ‘enough’. In contrast, there are others who are already political writers and activists in their own circles and choose different platforms to write on. Many have written about the fact that refugee is not a stable identity category, but rather a legal definition some are forced to use for a period of time. Some refugees do choose the refugee identity and state it loudly in order to ground themselves daily, such as Majid Adin, who uses his art to tell refugee stories and advocate for others.6

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Finally, because the course is rather well known in the UK, I often get requests from interested partners to come and deliver content to the programme. In these exchanges I always consider the diverse background of the persons and institutions offering the content, discuss the principles of mutual respect and student diversity, and strive to make both the content and the teaching style as varied as possible. Contributors often include alumni of the course, art practitioners and students, as well as NGO experts and professors. Most students are highly motivated to apply for university and want to receive quality instruction in academic English and academic skills without compromising on the standard of education. In the current climate, a university may be simultaneously acting as a humanitarian institution, a neoliberal space aiming to maximise profits, and a border guard acting on behalf of the state to monitor and control those without full citizenship rights. In this policy environment, institutions are challenging the cultural backlash and trying to make university education available to students regardless of their background. Scholarships have the power to provide full access of individual students into the system, and even allow them to rise into the position of privilege the UK universities aim to create and uphold through its hierarchical and bureaucratic systems. We are aiming to challenge the structures further through programmes such as OLIve. These programmes are invaluable for the students who succeed against the numerous barriers put before them. The strategies adopted in the OLIve programme include opening up of the academic space to those who are traditionally excluded because of immigration status or capacity to pay fees. The pedagogies adopted also play a crucial role in supporting inclusion of these non-traditional students: engaging a student-centred pedagogy which seeks to harness the life experience of students through adopting a ‘Life Story’ pedagogical approach. The approach aims to evoke students’ lived experiences alongside biographical narratives that illuminate socio-political discourses to make sense of, and communicate more widely, their understanding of the Europe they found themselves in (Hall et al., 2019). A second strategy involves not ‘officially’ enrolling students on a validated university programme (which may mean having to enact a form of border control); and not formally validating the course, but instead providing students with visitor access to the library, IT systems, university buildings and

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even to the many events and support services. A third strategy involves sharing some of the good practice inclusive pedagogies that we employ in OLIve, so that other institutions might adopt similar programmes. This has meant co-writing and co-disseminating works about the course with students and other facilitators, thus distributing agency, subjectivity, power, authorship and expertise. A fourth strategy involves considering the diversity of the teaching and facilitation team to offer a diversity of experience and support. Most of these strategies can be integrated into other teaching and learning programmes in higher education and in doing so extend the curriculum and the student population. Without systematic change that puts students’ learning and support needs as well as academic freedom and knowledge production at its core, these initiatives will remain limited and continue to reinforce existing hierarchies and exclusions. Hence, for the institutions, and the individual actors within them, the goal of supporting these extraordinary students must be accompanied by the wider political goal of challenging the hostile environment and neoliberalisation in and out of classrooms, so that not only the extraordinary, but also the ordinary students get the chance to succeed. This will help us continue with widening access to refugee students, and importantly, will also improve the experience and outcomes of university education to all those who are currently trying to succeed against the impossible standards set for success with a narrow demographic in sight.

Notes 1. For more information on scholarships, please see Student Action for Refugees resources: http://www.star-network.org.uk/index.php/resources/ equal_access_scholarships; and for information on Universities of Sanctuary Network, see https://universities.cityofsanctuary.org 2. For more information, please see Helena Kennedy Foundation http:// article26.hkf.org.uk 3. See for example Times Higher Education and Guardian University Awards, where universities compete for one-off recognition for student support of widening participation.

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4. For more information about the OMPowerment project, please see https://ompower.org 5. One Russell Group university notorious for its lack of inclusion advertised for a new position to manage the ‘business of decolonising the university’ in 2019. The job advertisement was published on https://www. jobs.ac.uk/ and withdrawn after criticism on social media. 6. Adin is one of the authors of the book, Voices from the Jungle (Calais Writers, 2017), the animator of the music video of the Rocket Man by Elton John, which portrays a refugee journey into London, and a resident at the UNHCR pavilion at the 2019 Venice Biennale.

References Calais Writers. (2017). Voices from the ‘Jungle’. London: Pluto Books. Esin, C., & Lounasmaa, A. (2020). Narrative and ethical (in)action: creating spaces of resistance with refugee-storytellers in the Calais ‘Jungle’ camp. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 23(4), 391–403. Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Herder and Herder. Hall, T., Lounasmaa, A., & Squire, C. (2019). From margin to centre? Practicing new forms of European politics and citizenship in the Calais ‘Jungle’. In C. Cantat, E. Sevinin, E. Maczynska, & T. Birey (Eds.), Challenging the political across borders: Migrants’ and solidarity struggles. Budapest, Hungary: Central European University. Retrieved December 2019, from https://cps.ceu.edu/publications/ books/challenging-political-across-borders-migrants-and-solidarity-struggles Inglehart, R., & Norris, P. (2016). Trump, Brexit, and the rise of populism: Economic have-nots and cultural backlash. Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) Faculty Research Working Paper Series. No. RWP16-026. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.hks.harvard.edu/publications/trumpbrexit-and-rise-populism-economic-have-nots-and-cultural-backlash Ivancheva, M., Lynch, K., & Keating, K. (2019). Precarity, gender and care in the neoliberal academy. Gender, Work and Organization, 26(4), 448–462. Lounasmaa, A., & Esenowo, I. with OLIve Students. (2019). ‘Education is key to life’: The importance of education from the perspective of displaced learners. Forced Migration Review Special Edition on Education, 60, 40–43. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.fmreview.org/sites/fmr/files/ FMRdownloads/en/education-displacement/OLIve.pdf

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Meikle, J. (2012, August 30). London Metropolitan University visa licence revoked: Q&A. The Guardian. Retrieved December 2019, from https:// www.theguardian.com/education/2012/aug/30/london-metropolitanuniversity-visa-revoked Murray, R. (2017, May 17). Reject the exclusion of forced migrants from higher education. OpenDemocracy. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www. opendemocracy.net/en/reject-exclusion-of-forced-migrants-from-highereducation/ Nayeri, D. (2019). The ungrateful refugee. London: Canongate. New Text. (2016). Publi[c]action [Kindle edition]. Retrieved January 2020, from https://www.amazon.co.uk/PUBLICA-C-TION-New-Text-ebook/dp/ B0799PYLLP/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=publica%5Bc%5Dtion&qi d=1578401243&sr=8-1 Observatory Magna Charta Universitatum. (1988). Magna Charta Universitatum. Bologna: Observatory Magna Charta Universitatum. Retrieved November 2019, from http://www.magna-charta.org/resources/files/the-magna-charta/ english Office for Students (OfS). (2018). The teaching excellence and student outcomes framework (TEF). A short guide to the 2018 awards. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/media/5ff81204-14f4-4e718b48-91f46247c49b/tef_short_guide_2018.pdf Squire, C., & Zaman, T. (2020). The ‘Jungle’ is here; the jungle is outside: processes of reciprocity, coalition, commoning and association in the Calais refugee camp’s university. In J. Bhaba (Ed.), A better future: the role of higher education for displaced and marginalized people. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yuval-Davis, N., Wemyss, G., & Cassidy, K. (2017). Everyday bordering, belonging and the reorientation of British immigration. Sociology, 52(2), 228–244.

6 A Critical-Relational Approach to Community Development That Increases Well-Being, Learning Outcomes and Retention of International Students Athena Lathouras

Introduction The University of the Sunshine Coast (USC) is Australia’s newest public university, located in one of the country’s fastest growing regions. The university’s vision is to grow its international standing and be an asset for the regional communities in which it is situated. Gaining full university status in 1999, it has plans for continual growth and development; a key strategy is to attract international students and provide them with a high-­quality educational experience (University of the Sunshine Coast, 2019, p. 3). The internationalisation of student bodies at universities is a global trend, and Australia is the third largest provider of international education services in English-speaking Organisation for Economic Co-operation

A. Lathouras (*) University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_6

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and Development (OECD) countries (Productivity Commission, 2015). In 2017, the Australian economy was boosted with export income derived from international education activity valued at $30.8 billion (Australian Government, 2018), being the third largest export behind iron ore and coal (Universities Australia, 2019). In a market-based higher education system, the utilitarian notion of bolstering universities’ budgets through the upfront fees paid by international students could be considered a sound fiscal strategy. However, commercial imperatives should be held in concert with the responsibility to ensure the educational opportunities provided are guided by situated ethics. Applying such an ethical framework to the university context requires applying principles of fairness and equity, and for universities to work to remove a range of barriers for international students’ educational success. In 2013–2015, I conducted a four-semester participatory action research project which explored how a critical-relational approach to community development might increase the well-being, learning outcomes, and retention of international social work students. The need for the project arose when international students reported they faced significant barriers which affected their educational outcomes. Observing and hearing the impact of these barriers was the catalyst to respond more ethically to students’ specific needs. The two-year action research project set out to explore what an experience of university more like a ‘community’ could do to foster students’ emotional well-being, assist them in achieving their learning goals, and therefore, support their retention. I theorised that a university more like a ‘community’ is one that supports academic, cultural, emotional, and social connectedness needs. The project’s impact resulted in the creation of a peer support program (called Dialogue Circles) which provided a community-oriented and inclusive co-learning environment for students and supported cross-­ cultural tutorial classroom practices. These processes not only supported students’ well-being and educational goals, but also supported the university’s goal to reduce attrition. After implementation of the two-year project, the attrition rate of international Master of Social Work (Qualifying) (MSWQ) students dropped from 31.5% to 8.3% (i.e. from highest national range to below national average) (University of the

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Sunshine Coast Strategic Information and Analysis Unit [USC SIAU], 2020). Because of the efficacy of the action research project, the work endures today. The findings from the formal research project have been embedded institutionally. This has allowed the number of international students accepted into the MSWQ program to steadily grow. In 2013, 17% of the MSWQ cohort held international student visas, and in 2019 that figure was 60%—78 students out of the total 128 enrolled (USC SIAU, 2020). The work continues to improve outcomes as formal evaluations provide further ideas about how to modify the program based on the needs of the current students each year. In 2018, the attrition rate for MSWQ international students dropped again to 2.2% (USC SIAU, 2020).

Locating the Project in Context In 2013, the USC social work program saw an exponential increase in enrolments of students holding international visas into the MSWQ program. This increase can be attributed to three structural drivers at the social policy level. The first two were key recommendations adopted from the Strategic Review of the Student Visa Program (Australian Government, 2011). The Australian government created a newly streamlined student visa process with less stringent eligibility criteria. It also became possible for international students graduating from Australian universities with Bachelor and Master by Coursework degrees to be eligible to apply for a two-year post-study work rights visa. A third structural driver was that the occupation ‘social worker’ was listed on the Department of Home Affairs’ ‘skilled occupation list’ as acceptable for immigration to Australia (Australian Government, 2019). Despite their engagement as genuine students (that is, people genuinely attempting to satisfy the terms of their student visa), many MSWQ students were struggling to achieve their learning goals. The scope of barriers students faced were derived from three main sources. First, issues associated with our regional context: for example, difficulties finding affordable accommodation; poor public transport infrastructure making class attendance problematic; and higher than average unemployment

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making job seeking difficult. Second, challenges based on students’ previous experience of educational pedagogy, and coping with different methods in the Western context; as well as the high level of academic skills master’s degree students are required to have, to grasp complex theory and writing when often English is not their first language. Third, realities associated with studying a two-year professional degree and its required 1000-hours of work integrated learning in social services agencies, when students have a limited understanding of Australian people and welfare systems. These factors resulted in high stress, poor well-being, and high attrition. Some students failed numerous courses and returned home demoralised without a degree. This was devastating for students who had invested so much to come to Australia to pursue educational goals, and whose families had such high expectations and hopes for them. Many others were forced to repeat courses, extend visas, and incur additional fees and associated living costs. Given that fees for a MSWQ degree are approximately 50,000 AUD, it goes without saying that the stakes were, and remain, very high for individuals who have a dream of a Western education.

Conceptual Framework for the Project  Critical-Relational Approach A to Community Development The project drew from key ideas in the critical community development tradition. Community development is based on social solidarity, and personal and collective well-being. It can provide a lens through which existing societal structures and practices can be scrutinized in order to find more egalitarian, supportive, and sustainable alternatives, or as Shaw (2007) argues, ‘the world as it could be’. A social learning agenda of community development includes Paulo Freire’s critical consciousness through dialogue (Westoby, 2014, p. 45), which is a process of learning

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to perceive social, political and economic contradictions and to take action against the oppressive element of these realities (Freire, 1970). Ledwith’s (2011) ‘critical’ approach to community development draws on Freire’s (1970) transformative theory of lived reality where dialogue, based on relations of trust, mutuality and respect, forms the basis of praxis. Ledwith (2011, p. 70) posits that storytelling holds the potential for radical change in everyday. Practitioners facilitate processes of imagined ‘counternarratives’, reconstructing the original stories in new ways, so group members can explore how they can influence new directions and futures through action (Ledwith, 2011, p. 71). Moreover, through dialogical ‘cultural circles’ (Brookfield & Holst, 2010, p. 178) this form of critical pedagogy involves processes beginning with personal empowerment and extending to critical collective action. This approach draws from popular education theory, which is a form of adult education that encourages learners to examine their lives critically and take action to change conditions. Indeed, Westoby, Lathouras, and Shevellar (2019) argue that the goal of popular education is to develop people’s capacity for social change through a collective and participatory problem-solving, reflection, and critical analysis of social problems.

 niversities Being Sites for Developing a Sense U of ‘Community’ Research conducted by Nistor et al. (2015, p. 261) found that collaborative learning that places emphasis on valuing the effects of group cohesion is vital for creating a sense of community in a university setting. They identified that the four essential characteristics for building a sense of community are: (1) the ‘Spirit’ of the group or a feeling of intimacy and belonging amongst members; (2) ‘Influence/Trust’, where members have the ability to reciprocally influence each other, and a group’s authority to make decisions based on basic principles and group norms; (3) ‘Fulfilment of Needs’ where communities emerge from certain common needs and people become members because they think they can reciprocally satisfy their needs in the community; and (4) a ‘Shared Emotional

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Connection’ when members share experiences and their community becomes stronger the closer they get. Research by Carter, Hollinsworth, Raciti, and Gilbey (2018) with Australian Aboriginal students on academic ‘place-making’ is akin to characteristics described above on developing a sense of community. Place-making is where universities focus on the relational aspects of place, particularly social transactions that enable learning. The authors argue that universities help to create a sense of belonging, through place-­ attachment and place-identity and this supports students’ persistence with the many academic and non-academic forces that threaten progression and success. Specifically writing about academic staff and their relationships with students, Carter et al.’s (2018) research findings highlighted a crucial element for maintaining motivation and a sense of academic achievement for minority students through ‘pedagogical caring’ which involves ‘seeking the very best for each and every student’ (Carter et al., 2018, p. 245). However, they also highlight universities’ relentless moves towards neoliberalist measurement of teacher performativity and reducing individual academic autonomy in the design and delivery of teaching, which might pose an existential threat to the capacity to form and sustain quality staff-student relationships, and thus pedagogical caring. To conclude, the themes of pedagogical caring and building a sense of community through a tried and tested community development methodology were at the heart of this action research study. It was my desire to find more egalitarian, supportive and sustainable alternatives to international students’ education compared to what existed prior to the research project’s commencement. This meant drawing on a number of existing traditions for community development and to explore their veracity in the university context.

Methodology: Participatory Action Research The research methodology adopted aligns philosophically with the overall community development approach of the project. Participatory Action Research (PAR) utilises an emergent process that enables data collection, analysis and theory to stand in reciprocal relationship with one another

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(Dick, 1994). Participatory knowledge generation took place through four iterative cycles or phases across two years or four university semesters, and involves, what Stringer (2007, p. 19) argues, is small-scale theorising for specific problems in specific situations. Moreover, Banks et al. (2013) argue that community-based participatory research methodology aims to mobilise the local knowledge of people based in communities of place, identity and interest. This research approach is established on a commitment of sharing power and resources, and working towards beneficial outcomes for all participants, especially ‘communities’ (Banks et al., 2013). See below, a summary of the research design in Table 6.1.

Phase 1: Preparation To implement Phase 1 of the project, I applied the participatory development practice theory of moving from my own ‘private concern’ (about student well-being and attrition) into ‘public action’ (Kelly & Westoby, 2018, p. 89). At our university it is possible for social work students to undertake a 500-hour research-oriented placement to meet the requirements for one of their two work-integrated-learning (WIL) placements. I Table 6.1  Project design Project phase

Group activities

1. Preparation

Forming the research team to hold processes utilising CD theory. ‘Dialogical circles’ Surveys; with international In-depth interviews. students.

2. Intervention iterations: Semester 2, 2013; Semester 1, 2014; Semester 2, 2014; Semester 1, 2015. 3. Intervention: Semester 1, 2015.

4. Reflection

‘Dialogical circles’ with international students; critical pedagogy project with tutors. N/A

Data collection methods

Pre- and post-surveys and two focus groups with tutors; a focus group and in-depth interviews with international and domestic students. N/A

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formed a participatory action group with two social work students who had completed a community development (CD) course and so understood CD theory. Because they too could see the inequities facing international students in the wider social work program, they were keen to join the project. In the participatory development method, mezzo work, work with groups needs to be relatively small and participatory to ensure quality relationships amongst members (Kelly & Westoby, 2018, p.  90). This phase saw us work together on the research design, data collection and analysis, as well as co-facilitating the wider groupwork and pastoral care processes with international students. Ethics approval was gained, the project was advertised through social work classes, participants recruited, and consent was obtained. The two social work WILs students joined with me for the first semester-­long iteration, and to maintain the veracity of the participatory action group structure, new research students on their WIL placements joined the research team for each subsequent iteration of the project over the two years. Over the four semesters of the intervention, data collection included administering a survey tool at the end of each semester and conducting in-depth interviews. Reflection on findings from each iteration/phase informed specific areas of focus for the next phase of the project.

About the International Student-Participants Over the two-year action research project, 43 MSWQ international students participated in the project. In the first phases of the project our main cohorts were from South Asia, predominantly India and Nepal. Since then, we have had people enrol from East Asia, as well as small numbers of others from African, Middle Eastern and South American countries. Their undergraduate qualifications varied but typically included nursing, business, social work, politics and economics.

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Processes and Findings  hase 2: Intervention—Dialogical Circles and Issues P to Which We Responded In Semester 2, 2013, we recruited 27 students into the project. Based on Freire’s (1970) theory, weekly dialogical ‘cultural circles’ were held with students. This type of circle work fosters trusting relationships amongst members, in this case between international students and researchers. Consistent with community development practice the agenda for the weekly sessions was set by the international students and included issues such as coping with academic study and university life, and a wide variety of issues about living in Australia. Two examples below illustrate typical responses to a survey about some of the issues that students faced in their first six months at university. These quotes highlight challenges around settlement and academic skills in a Western setting: The first six months is very hard and the timing to access extra support [provided by Student Services] is too hard. We are suffering from leaving our country, very emotional, and settling ourselves in a new country and also in the university life. This takes at least six months to get a balance and settle before we can use the supports from uni. (Respondent 1, second year MSWQ international student) The feedback of my first assignment was that I needed to gain the skill of analysis. However, I had no idea how I can gain a skill of analysis. … the difficult thing was to think about things critically in a second language. (Respondent 6, second year MSWQ international student)

Student-participants also came to understand the bottom-up nature of the dialogue circles process. At first, they thought these sessions would be about getting ‘information’ from us, top-down fashion. However, as researchers and facilitators we encouraged a co-learning environment where we elicited issues of concern and encouraged students to help each other with ideas about what had worked or could work for them. This process also helped them build trusting relationships and develop confidence.

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I must say that this support is very important for those students who are new in Australian education system. It could not be possible for me to pass all the subjects without this group. Overall, the dialogue session helped a lot to develop our confidence level in various ways. (Respondent 20, first year MSWQ international student) During the dialogue session, [the facilitator] provided a safe place to discuss a topic … These processes helped me to think of a topic deeply and was really helpful for me to understand. I could not get through the semester one without the help. (Respondent 11, first year MSWQ international student)

During the following semester (Semester 1, 2014) a total of 39 students participated in the project. Our faculty executive dean provided modest funding for facilitation of the dialogue circles and because the two research placement students had concluded their WIL placement, and graduated, I was able to employ one of them to facilitate the dialogue circles for the remaining semesters of the project. At this time, we observed that the male students were less engaged than their female colleagues and felt that an all-female research team could be a contributing factor. We consequently engaged a male social work student to join the research team for his WIL social work placement. He set out to specifically build relationships with the male international students. This resulted in male students attending dialogue circles more regularly and engaging in a range of recreational activities together, including starting a cricket team at USC. Two issues were explored in detail during this phase: students’ experience of loneliness due to social isolation; and their struggle to gain paid employment on the Sunshine Coast. We responded to the first issue by taking some of the group activities off campus and creating connections with the wider Sunshine Coast community. To examine the second issue in more detail, we conducted four in-depth interviews with students to dig deeper into their struggles with gaining and keeping paid employment. Although a small sample, the data obtained was enlightening about the degree of effort students had to go to. For these people the average time to get a job was 2–3 months after submitting between 25 and 100 applications. Not having an Australian driver’s licence was also

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problematic and eventually the students had to gain licences to be successful in obtaining work in our geographically sprawling region. Living on the Sunshine Coast with a higher than average unemployment rate, and with many casualised employment situations because of seasonal tourism in the region, also meant that finding stable work was problematic. Additionally, with few hours per week of paid employment and in less skilled roles, the lower levels of take-home pay meant the students struggled to cover their living expenses and high student fees. I got my first job at a resort cleaning … This job has been great, but I was only contracted to back fill a position and its due to end soon. It’s not likely the contract will get renewed. (Respondent 3, third year BSW international student) I need to be very careful with my budget and when it comes to buying groceries and other required living expenses. I have to buy a lot of homebrand products. (Respondent 1, first year MSWQ international student)

Students generally gained employment through word-of-mouth, rather than responding to job advertisements on websites. This highlighted how building relationships amongst the student body, with both domestic and international students, was very important. The best way to get a job on the Sunshine Coast is to try to get involved with as many things as possible. If you can do this then you get to know people and they are able to link you up with positions or notify you of any positions available. (Respondent 4, second year MSWQ international student)

Our findings also informed structural practices within USC because we had collected enough data to provide the university with evidence-­ based suggestions for intervention. I assisted the international office in assessing applications from prospective students into the program, and for students with insufficient social sciences in their previous education, we established a bridging course to better prepare them for MSWQ courses. The university also raised the IELTs requirements for admissions into social work, which meant students’ English writing, speaking, reading and listening better aligned with the requirements for the master’s program. These changes enable each new cohort of incoming students to

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be better equipped to manage the demands of master-level education at an Australian university. During the following semester, Semester 2, 2014, a total of 43 students were involved in the project and student feedback and evaluation of the dialogue circles was proving the community development approach was meeting a strong need. We achieved virtually full attendance of all enrolled international students at every weekly session. During this phase, it was identified that students often felt excluded in tutorials, were afraid to speak up, and were not learning. For example: In a tutorial class I felt very shame and discomfort to ask questions or clarify my doubt because I felt guilt and my language, accent and structure. But in dialogue sessions, it is a very safe place for international student. (Respondent 8, first year MSWQ student)

Sadly, the pace of learning in formal learning contexts for some international students meant they felt like they were a drain on the tutorial class process. For example: [The dialogue sessions were helpful based on] the idea of having discussions on areas that were complex, and then trying to explain them in simpler terms outside the classroom so you grasp the concepts in a relaxed setting and you’re free to ask as many questions as you like. Whereas in class you feel like you’re dragging people behind when you ask questions. (Respondent 14, second year MSWQ student)

This finding prompted a third intervention.

Phase 3: Intervention—Critical Pedagogy Project (CCP) In Semester 1, 2015, seven tutors were recruited from the social work faculty and a community of practice was established with the aim to better support their teaching and processes for inclusion in the cross-cultural classroom. The literature suggested that a range of innovative and creative teaching strategies were needed to better facilitate students’ engagement

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with the social work curricular and critical pedagogical approaches can foster an inclusive form of education. A pre-research survey was administered to gain a sense of the teaching challenges that were faced in a cross-cultural classroom. The need to ensure inclusion amongst a diverse student body was suggested by tutor-participants: The biggest challenge is teaching across all kinds of diversity … how can I include everyone? (Tutor, 1) There are … cultural mis-matches … it is difficult to convey concepts to students who come from much more communitarian cultures. (Tutor, 7)

In response, we established a site on USC’s Learning Management Site (Blackboard) through which we provided both weekly themed readings on critical pedagogies (e.g. Cultural Biography, Democracy, Embodying Theory, the Student Eyes) and teaching resources. Teaching activities were designed to foster both a sense of ‘community’ and to encourage more active and engaged learning processes for all students within tutorial classroom. Tutors were encouraged to experiment with these activities and to record reflections on the processes, which they reported during two focus groups. Seven tutor-participants attended the focus groups. Survey results and focus group data based on the experiences of the seven tutors showed an increase in their confidence to teach more inclusively and all agreed that the project improved their teaching. The research engaged academics in a reflective process about our own teaching to increase our awareness and capacity to teach in culturally relevant and ways that are inclusive-of-difference. (Tutor, 3) Students were more engaged … knew they had support to ask the questions … They never ‘disappeared’ from the classroom. (Tutor, 6)

Data collected from students on their experience of these tutorials also provided positive feedback about their ability to build relationships with others and their ability to learn. International students felt like they were included in the classroom.

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Our tutor held a meeting for international students before the first lecture and welcomed us. This definitely removed my anxiety. Thanks to her attitude, gradually I got confidence. (International Student 7) Activities helped me make strong friendships with domestic students, enabling me to overcome a range of barriers as a new international student. (International Student 6)

A ‘cultural biography’ pedagogy (Reitmanova, 2011) is one that deals with culture, power and social relations; it enables students from diverse cultural backgrounds to build relationships and to break down barriers in the classroom. In line with this pedagogical approach we encouraged tutors to facilitate exercises such as ‘cross-cultural speed dating’ and ‘cross-cultural milling’ to foster cross-cultural relationship-building. The knowledge my tutor shared and the support she was always willing to give … it made us (international students) feel ‘at home’ in the class. (International Student 10) I am beginning to feel part of something and included; [my tutor] contributed a true sense of community, safety and trust for the whole cohort. (Domestic Student 11)

Other processes used by tutors were dialogical in nature. They enabled student conversations that foster an exchange of ideas and encouraged critical thinking. For example, the peer-instruction exercise ‘Convince your Neighbour’, invites students to share critical understandings of concepts from readings and lectures. Also, critical debates can help students to identify assumptions they hold, and to generate new perspectives about issues. Tutors also encouraged students to take on ‘teaching’ or facilitating roles, and to work with other students in a co-learning environment. It is exciting to be a part of bringing other people’s ideas/visions out into the open, and then working with them to create ideas for their assessment. (Domestic Student 6)

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Community development philosophy in the tutorial space emphasises collective practice, and when one believes in a democratic society, one provides a setting for education that is democratic. To foster democracy, tutors were encouraged to develop a ‘collaborative engagement’ model (Butchart, Handfield, & Restall, 2009) that is crafted through student and teacher reflection, participation and action. For example, together, students and tutors created a working agreement and then co-created a learning and teaching space that nurtures a co-learning community. Both tutors and students held each other accountable to these agreements. [My tutor] pursued and was willing to change the content of the subject to suit our needs and provided useful feedback. (Domestic Student 5)

Moreover, this is a form of education that Harrison and Ip (2013, p.  232) suggest ensures that every student’s entitlements have been ‘designed in from the outset’, as opposed to ‘integration’ which implies assisting students to assimilate into existing practices and structures. This approach marries the ‘top-down’ curriculum scaffolding with ‘bottom­up’ tutorial exercises that seek a range of student input, elicits existing knowledge and builds upon this knowledge. In essence, the process becomes one of a knowledge-exchange. [My tutor] presents herself as a lecturer who is willing to not only teach but to also learn from students’ participation. (Domestic Student 7) In adopting the principle of learning ‘with’, as opposed to teaching ‘at’ … I recognised how power can be an obstacle to better understanding; and that through listening, reflecting and sitting with uncertainty, doors can open. This learning process strongly reflects the ethos of community development practice. (Domestic Student 14)

Inclusion can also be linked to authentic assessment processes, which engage students and foster deep learning when they have been internally motivated to learn to satisfy their own interest or curiosity (Hart, Hammer, Collins, & Chardon, 2011). Tutors were encouraged to re-­ think how they assess knowledge to enable more authentic or embedded assessment pieces. In response, one tutor teaching critical social policy

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analysis set an assessment where students could choose a social policy about which they were passionate. Typically, social policy can appear to be a dry subject matter, however, students’ interest in their chosen social policy meant they were highly motivated to share their learning with others in the class. Moreover, everyone benefitted from the co-learning environment about a range of social policies, as each student shared their policy research from their diverse contexts/areas of interest. Students drew from a range of theory to analyse a social policy they really cared about. This inclusive practice was empowering as they expressed their unique perspectives. (Tutor 2)

To conclude the reporting of findings, significantly, the overall impact on international students’ well-being, learning and retention has been very positive. Many graduating students have received their Permanent Residency and are working as social workers. Children and family have been brought to Australia on spousal visas and new lives are being built. As an educator it has been satisfying to witness students gain a sense of agency as emerging social workers. An unsolicited email from a graduating international student summed it up: It was really tough for me to live here without seeing my baby. In my first semester I never expected that I would complete this degree, but your international student support team helped me a lot. Sometimes we feel that we are the wanderers without family, good jobs, [our religious] festivals and so on. So, in that situation a person like you, who was there to console us, that was the greatest blessing and support for us. Thank you so much for all your support and guidance. (International MSWQ Graduate)

Discussion While many issues could be examined, two main issues are foregrounded in this discussion: the importance of taking an equity stance as an ethical response to context; and developing a sense of community to ensure inclusion.

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Equity and Ethics This project highlighted that the choices international students make often result in high stress and poor well-being. Applying principles of fairness and equity, where the university proactively works to remove a range of barriers for international students was found to be crucial to our international students’ educational success. The research outcomes proved that community development practices are an effective response to international students’ high stress, poor well-­ being and high attrition. This approach was couched within the ethical framework of situated ethics (Banks, 2016). From a position of situated ethics, I placed the narratives of international students’ struggles in a broader social, political and cultural context. These included the internationalisation of student bodies and associated economic imperatives driving universities decision-making, as well as region-specific challenges (such as higher than average unemployment, lack of affordable accommodation and lack of public transport). Further, a commitment to situated ethics and equity resonates with Devlin’s (2011) work about how to conceptualise the success of students from low socio-economic status backgrounds in Australian higher education. She discusses the socio-cultural capabilities relevant to the specific context of a university and argues that socio-cultural incongruence must be bridged. This means the university does not require students fit into their existing cultures, but rather the university adapts to better fit the needs of an increasingly diverse student body. The bottom-up or student-­ led community development approach matches Devlin’s concept of being a bridge for socio-cultural incongruence.

Developing a Sense of Community to Ensure Inclusion The study found that some students felt excluded or worse, a drain on the group, within tutorials. Yet envisioning that a university could look more like a ‘community’ which supports students’ academic, cultural, emotional, and social connectedness needs, stemmed from the community development literature. Correspondingly, Yan and Pei (2018) highlight

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that cultural and academic adaption requires students to have a sense of belonging and the key role universities play to foster social inclusion. In the action research project, a social learning agenda of community development (Westoby, 2014, p. 45) helped students to perceive social, political and economic contradictions (as opposed to blaming themselves, or feeling they were at fault) and to take action against the oppressive element of these realities. The community development method addressed the students’ need to build trusting relationships, at first amongst international students in the dialogue circles and then subsequently across the wider cohort with domestic students in tutorial groups. That the project was driven by the expressed needs and aspirations of students was crucial to ensuring the ‘bottom up’ nature of the practice. This provided a strong sense of student ownership of the processes and ensured their motivation. Significantly, the generative nature of community development practice is that participants will have developed skills, resources and connections with others to engage in a range of endeavours without a paid worker’s involvement in the long-term (Lathouras, 2010). This too has proven to be applicable in the university context, as a number of projects or activities have been subsequently instigated by students themselves. Nepali students held a candlelight ceremony and fundraisers on campus for the disaster victims of the 2015 Nepali Earthquake. In 2017, a semi-­ formal student group formed, Diversity Connect, which is making connections with international students across the entire USC campus. It holds regular activities such as beach BBQs and celebrations for Diversity Week.

Conclusion Like many universities, USC aims to attract international students as a key strategy for its growth. This chapter has argued that by adopting a situated ethics approach, a university can take ethical responsibility for its students in a wider, more relational sense. Drawing on a stance of equity, the project outlined in this chapter endures beyond the formal research project. Funds are sought each year from a central department of the

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university to continue the dialogue circles, now known as Peer Support Groups. Moreover, the investment in a community development social worker to facilitate the weekly peer support processes seems like a very modest cost compared with the income derived from students’ fees. For example, in 2019 the ongoing project received 24,000 AUD to employ peer support facilitators. Annual workshops during USC’s Learning and Teaching Week provide theoretical knowledge and collegial support for educators to experiment with actions in line with a critical tradition of community development, to foster inclusion and a sense of community in the cross-cultural classroom. Together these activities foster an ethical stance to resist the worst elements of the commodified education system. Acknowledgement  I am grateful for the support of colleagues who have contributed to the project: Carey Shaw, Kezi Holmquest, Sam Glazier, Natalie Alexander, Sindhu Pauly, Kerry Greene, Mandula Barta and Phillipa Wiley.

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Butchart, S., Handfield, T., & Restall, G. (2009). Using peer instruction to teach philosophy, logic and critical thinking. Teaching Philosophy, 32(1), 1–40. Carter, J., Hollinsworth, D., Raciti, M., & Gilbey, K. (2018). Academic ‘place-­ making’: Fostering attachment, belonging and identity for Indigenous students in Australian universities. Teaching in Higher Education, 23(2), 243–260. Devlin, M. (2011). Bridging socio-cultural incongruity: Conceptualising the success of students from low socio-economic status backgrounds in Australian higher education. Studies in Higher Education, 38(6), 939–949. Dick, B. (1994). Approaching an action research thesis: An overview. Chapel Hill, QLD: Interchange. Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Harrison, G., & Ip, R. (2013). Extending the terrain of inclusive education in the classroom to the field: International students on placement. Social Work Education, 32(2), 230–243. Hart, C., Hammer, S., Collins, P., & Chardon, T. (2011). The real deal: Using authentic assessment to promote student engagement in the first and second years of a Regional Law Program. Legal Education Review, 21(1), 97–121. Kelly, A., & Westoby, P. (2018). Participatory development practice: Using traditional and contemporary frameworks. Warwickshire: Practical Action. Lathouras, A. (2010). Developmental community work  – A method. In A. Ingamells, A. Lathouras, R. Wiseman, P. Westoby, & F. Caniglia (Eds.), Community development practice stories, method and meaning (pp.  11–28). Illinois: Common Ground. Ledwith, M. (2011). Community development: A critical approach (2nd ed.). Bristol: Policy Press. Nistor, N., Daxecker, I., Stanciu, D., & Diekamp, O. (2015). Sense of community in academic communities of practice: Predictors and effects. Higher Education, 69, 257–273. Productivity Commission. (2015). International education services. Research paper. Canberra, Australia: Commonwealth of Australia. Reitmanova, S. (2011). Cross-cultural undergraduate medical education in North America: Theoretical concepts and educational approaches. Teaching and Learning in Medicine, 23(2), 197–203. Shaw, M. (2007). Community development and the politics of community. Community Development Journal, 43(1), 24–36. Stringer, E. (2007). Action research (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Universities Australia. (2019). Data snapshot 2019. Retrieved January 2020, from https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/ 2019/06/Data-snapshot-2019-FINAL.pdf

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University of the Sunshine Coast (USC). (2019). USC Strategic Plan 2019–2022. Retrieved January 2020, from https://www.usc.edu.au/explore/vision/strategy-quality-and-planning/strategic-plan-2019-2022 University of the Sunshine Coast, Strategic Information and Analysis Unit (USC SIAU). (2020). Attrition rates by year, citizenship and enrolment type. Sippy Downs, QLD: USC SIAU. Westoby, P. (2014). Theorising the practice of community development: A South African perspective. Surrey: Ashgate. Westoby, P., Lathouras, A., & Shevellar, L. (2019). Radicalising community development within social work through popular education – A participatory action research project. British Journal of Social Work, 49, 2207–2225. Yan, L., & Pei, S. (2018). ‘Home away from home’? How International students handle difficult and negative experiences in American higher education. Journal of International Students, 8(1), 453–472.

Part III Engendering Gender Diversity in Higher Education

7 Thriving in the Academy: Culturally Responsive Mentoring for Black Women’s Early Career Success Tamara Bertrand Jones, Jesse R. Ford, Devona F. Pierre, and Denise Davis-Maye

The culture of the academy can be toxic for Black women. Thompson and Louque (2005) describe this culture as one of ‘arrogance’ with significant implications for Black faculty recruitment, job satisfaction, retention, and advancement. They contend that racism is at the core of the culture

T. Bertrand Jones (*) Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA e-mail: [email protected] J. R. Ford University of North Carolina Greensboro, Greensboro, NC, USA e-mail: [email protected] D. F. Pierre University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA e-mail: [email protected] D. Davis-Maye Alabama State University, Montgomery, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_7

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of arrogance, and that to create supportive environments for Black and other faculty of color, we must contend with racism (Thompson & Louque, 2005). The longstanding discussion around the presentation of racism in the academy reinforces that racist practices are not just emphasized by racially tense campus incidents or student responses to Black women in the classroom, but by the very policies and practices which limit opportunity to Black women faculty and scholars (Museus, Ledesma, & Parker, 2015). Other scholars have identified the myriad ways in which the academy’s toxicity is problematic for Black women by citing alienation, marginality, isolation, invisibility, cultural taxation and general over-work—as both reflections and impacts of racism in the academy (Overstreet, 2019; Stanley, 2006; Thomas, 2019; Thompson & Louque, 2005; Turner, González, & Wood, 2008). Even though many of these challenges faced by Black women are mirrored in the experiences of other minoritized groups, they represent broader systemic issues that further illuminate the oppressive nature of the academy. In this chapter we will examine the consequences of the academy’s culture for Black women. As a counter to this culture, we present the ways that culturally responsive mentoring is employed by Sisters of the Academy Institute, an organization developed to create a network of Black women in academia, to help Black women thrive in the academy despite this challenging culture.

Culture of the Academy The very idea of ‘the academy’ invokes societal insulation and ivory towers (Barnett, 2014). Further in these images, we recognize the academy’s unconscious integration of the cultural mores of society at large. As such, in the same way broader society marginalizes and oppresses Black women, so does the academic enterprise. Disciplinary culture notwithstanding, the structural and cultural exclusivity of the academy has three dire, interrelated consequences for Black women, including (1) absence of a critical mass of Black women in academe, (2) insufficient culturally relevant socialization to academe, and (3) ignorance of long-standing master narratives in research and scholarship.

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Today, Black faculty make up less than 6% of all university faculty in the U.S. For Black women, this number drops to less than 3% (NCES, 2018). Black women in graduate school also face a similar reality, with less than 11% of all doctoral degrees being awarded to Black women graduates yearly (NCES, 2019). Johnson-Bailey and Cervero (2004) suggested that the academy does not have enough Black professors to serve every Black emerging scholar. This disparity is critical for the academy, and Black women especially, in a number of ways. Few Black women in high-ranking positions in academia means that Black women are less likely to engage in teaching, advising, and committee-work than White women or male faculty (Gregory, 2001; Patton, 2009; Stanley, 2006). As a result, these women often experience conflict in protecting one’s time from service (Thomas & Hollenshead, 2001), which can have detrimental effects on the tenure and promotion processes (Moses, 1997; Stanley, 2006). For example, because of their marginalization and lack of mentoring, Gregory (2001) found that Black women faculty were the least familiar demographic with the tenure process. In attempting to explain this problem for faculty of color more broadly, researchers have critiqued several widely accepted hypotheses, including the so-called ‘pipeline problem’ (Villalpando & Bernal, 2002). Indeed, fewer Black women in academia produces fewer students taught, mentored, and socialized by Black women, and students can leave higher education and never meaningfully engage with a Black woman faculty member; the same cannot be said of other racial/ethnic groups. This not only applies to students, but many departments and programs do not have Black women in faculty, thus hindering faculty colleagues from meaningful engagement with Black women and their work. The absence of engagement can have detrimental repercussions for when Black women are hired. For example, in a department with little or no diversity, Black women faculty are viewed as diversity experts. Stanley (2006) suggested that some women use this assigned duty as a way to open new lines of research, effect change, and influence decision making. However, these faculty often know that if they do not contribute, the ‘diversity voice’ gets lost (Stanley, 2006). We discuss the greater impact this can have on scholarship in a later section of this chapter.

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Even more detrimental than the effect on students or faculty colleagues, are the effects on other Black women. Scholars have highlighted the need for establishing networks for Black women to be successful in the academy (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-Lampkin, 2013; Fries-Britt & Kelly, 2005; Patton, 2009; West & Bertrand Jones, 2019). Often women must extend their networks beyond their own institutions to access other Black women to create a community (Jean-Marie & Brooks, 2011), and to support the socialization of emerging Black academics.

Insufficient Culturally Relevant Socialization in Academe Socialization is defined as the process through which a new member to a community learns to embrace the values, skills, roles, norms, procedures, and knowledge needed for membership in a given society, group, or organization (Gardner, 2008; Weidman, Twale, & Stein, 2001). Likewise, ineffective socialization contributes to feelings of not belonging, isolation, and departure from academia (Gardner, 2008). For many early career scholars, the decision to persist is often linked to the level of socialization in the early stages of entering the academy. For many early career scholars, their challenges in academia can be traced to their graduate school experiences. Weidman et al. (2001) defined graduate student socialization as having three core components: knowledge acquisition, investment, and involvement. Jointly, these three elements are crucial to the development of a professional identity for early career faculty members. Knowledge acquisition includes both cognitive knowledge and developing awareness around the professional role being sought. Investment acknowledges the personal commitment, time, and resources used upon enrolling in a graduate program. The third core element, involvement, explores the participation of graduate students in professional roles in a particular field or practice. Many institutions have formal and informal ways that this socialization process is enacted, resulting in an emphasis on the discipline-based

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knowledge and skills (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-Lampkin, 2013). Unfortunately, the unstated, undocumented aspects of academia remain largely a mystery for emerging scholars (Stanley, 2006). Taken further, attention to intersectional identities of race and gender, particularly for Black women, is further marginalized in the socialization process. The few Black women faculty on campuses further compounds this issue for Black women early career scholars. Meanwhile, the socialization experiences of Black women early career scholars remain unexplored in research. The omission of race and gender from traditional socialization models only underscores the lack of attention the academy has given to Black women’s experiences in academe. In 2001, Linda Tillman documented (1) lack of socialization to faculty life, (2) lack of meaningful mentoring, and (3) inability to articulate a viable and sustainable research agenda as barriers for successful promotion and tenure of Black women. Existing literature on the experiences of Black women in the professoriate often diminishes their graduate student and other life experience (McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, 2015). The absence of their lived experiences posits Black women as empty vessels entering graduate programs, not as women who have a host of cultural and historical lived experiences prior to graduate school. Yet, attention to their racial and gendered identities is critical for Black women early career scholars (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-Lampkin, 2013), and until the Sisters of the Academy Institute Research BootCamp in 2005, there were no formal programs that combined intersectionality of identity and socialization for these women. The Research BootCamp represents a culturally relevant socialization program (Ford & Bertrand Jones, 2017) designed for and by Black women (Davis & Sutherland, 2008). The research interests of Research BootCamp participants revolve around the experiences of Black girls and women. Unfortunately, during the socialization process in academia, many Black women are discouraged from conducting research on Black people or Black issues. Not receiving validation of their research interests from doctoral advisors and committees can cause students to question their proposed topics and even doubt their preparation to do ‘quality’ research. Regrettably, many

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Black women have been casualties of the master-narrative perpetuation in research, and to confirm Tillman’s findings, they have had difficulty articulating a research agenda that is meaningful to them personally and professionally.

Long-Standing Master-Narratives in Academe A master narrative in the academy is often the standard for what is an acceptable or valuable contribution to a discipline’s discourse. More specifically, master narratives maintain the voices, power, and influence of White culture. Stanley posited, ‘There is a master narrative operating in academia that often defines and limits what is valued as scholarship and who is entitled to create scholarship’ (2007, p. 14). Stanley continued that whilst women and people of color have had little influence on shaping master narratives, they have contributed ‘counter narratives that act to deconstruct the master narratives’ and provide ‘multiple and conflicting models of understanding social and cultural identities’ (Stanley, 2007, p. 14). Such counter narratives represent ‘alternate lenses of analyses and interpretations of experiences frequently question and criticize master narratives’ (Stanley, 2007, p. 14). Examples of master narratives in educational research include an over-inflation of the merits of quantitative research as neutral, rigorous, credible, and valid. The implication is that quantitative research is more valuable than qualitative and researchers who engage in quantitative research are more valuable than those who do not. Related to this master narrative is the idea that faculty should publish in top-tier journals. Yet, as Stanley (2007) points out, these journals typically support the research paradigms that reinforce the master narrative. Many areas of diversity, while important to higher education and necessary, are not looked upon favorably as research foci (Stanley, 2006) and thus are not considered integral to the master narrative. Likewise, conducting research on race and/or gender can result for Black women faculty in not receiving validation from their peers (Ponjuan, Conley, & Trower, 2011). Furthermore, Turner and Myers (2000) found that research on racial/ethnic issues, by racial/ethnic faculty, was not

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considered legitimate or important work, especially if the research was not published in mainstream journals reviewed and read by White faculty. Unfortunately, these publications are not weighted as heavily when promotion and tenure are considered, regardless of peer-review and prestige associated with the ethnic journal. For Black women, this disregard of the relevant scholarship creates a conflicting scenario. For Black women who focus their scholarly pursuits on race and gender issues, these topics can be difficult to publish in journals recognized by ‘mainstream’ academy as top-tier. The challenges are often linked to the academy’s position on qualitative inquiry which is dismissed due to the perceived lack of rigor by those who contribute to the dominant narrative. Yet, intersectional research that is focused on race, gender, or class often challenges existing master narratives and broadens conversations so that others can participate (Dillard, 2019). Citing critical race theorists, Stanley (2007) argued that ‘the experiences faculty members of color in academia seem to indicate that there is an interlocking system of privilege that favors master narratives’ (p. 15). Black women scholars are persistently outsiders within a context which never accepts their value. As such, Black women traverse the academy, simultaneously with veils to hide their vulnerabilities in this environment that devalues them, and capes to champion their worth—their own and others who share their likeness—forever changed. Their differences heighten their awareness as it relates to patterns of inequality that may be more difficult for established insiders to see (Collins, 1986). The historical recurrence of inequality permeates all sectors of the academy and situates Black women experiences as insignificant. In an effort to change the master narrative and provide support for Black women, an organization was founded to undergird and assist with the resistance of the Black women in the academy.

Sisters of the Academy Institute In 2001, the book Sisters of the Academy: Emergent Black Women Scholars in Higher Education was published to highlight Black women who persisted through the ‘ivory tower’ of academia by obtaining doctoral

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degrees. As a result of this work, the Sisters of the Academy (SOTA) Institute was founded on March 7th, 2001 as an organization committed to scholarship through collaboration for Black women in the academy. SOTA was intentioned to fill a void by creating a supportive network and mentorship for Black women pursuing undergraduate, masters and doctoral degrees; for academic women pursuing tenure and promotion; as well as for professional women outside of academe. SOTA is committed to impacting Black people, schools, and communities by the group’s outreach activities, through fostering research and scholarship collaboration, and by building supportive networks for Black women in higher education and beyond. Because of the challenges Black women in academia experience, SOTA developed activities that assist in creating a network of Black women and equipping them with knowledge, skills, and values that facilitate success in their chosen environments. SOTA has accepted the challenge of increasing the numbers of Black women in academia through an organizational foundation that includes developing mentoring relationships with graduate students, junior and senior scholars, and administrators; focusing on research, scholarly publications, and professional development. The Research BootCamp® was designed to support the research of graduate students, and to help junior faculty in preparation of manuscripts for submission to peer-reviewed journals. We believe these goals will increase the completion rates of graduate students pursuing terminal degrees and improve the likelihood that Black women will get tenure and promotion by assisting in the development of their scholarship. We will accomplish these goals by engaging senior scholars in administrative positions in social sciences, STEM and liberal arts to act as mentors for junior faculty and administrators, while junior faculty members mentor graduate students at the Research BootCamp. Furthermore, having examined efforts of other organizations adopting similar goals, the Research BootCamp is the first of its kind (Davis, Chaney, Edwards, Thompson-Rogers, & Gines, 2012).

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The Research Bootcamp® Structure The Research BootCamp is an intensive, one-week program, held bi-­ annually. It is designed to assist Black women doctoral students, post-­ doctoral scholars, and junior faculty members in developing the skills necessary for success in the academy. Since the start of the program in 2005, 149 women have participated in the Research BootCamp. At Research BootCamp, each participant is paired with a Senior Scholar Mentor, a tenured Black woman faculty or retired faculty, who provides one-on-one coaching and mentoring throughout the week. At the beginning of the BootCamp, Senior Scholar Mentors meet with their protégés to determine individual goals for the week. Daily individual meetings allow for progress updates and further guidance. Senior Scholars also present seminars on research methodology, publishing, and life management within academia, among other topics. Participants are organized into three levels, (1) Level One—Proposal Docs, (2) Level Two—Data Docs, and (3) Junior Scholars—early career faculty or recent doctoral graduates. Level One—Proposal Docs are participants who have successfully completed comprehensive examinations and are preparing dissertations or research proposals. Mentors for this group focus on the development of literature reviews, research question(s), and research design. Level Two—Data Docs have successfully defended their research proposals and may be in the process of collecting data or have completed data collection for their research projects. Mentors for this group focus on how to organize data, provide guidance to data analysis, and assist participants with reporting of research findings. One of the greatest challenges for new faculty members is how to establish a research agenda in a timely manner in order to meet expectations for tenure and promotion. As such, the Junior Scholar group focuses on organizing completed dissertations into manuscripts and establishing a comprehensive program of research that will support the tenure process. Mentors for this group also focus on the development of manuscripts to be submitted for publication in peer-reviewed journals. At the end of each Research BootCamp focus groups are conducted with participants. These discussions focus on evaluative aspects of the

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BootCamp experience, and explore implications of race, gender, socialization, and other topics on the participants’ experiences in academia. Previous research on the Research BootCamp has identified the benefits of the program, including the ways the program structure develops a community of Black women scholars, (Davis & Sutherland, 2008) builds confidence through research development, and helps women develop a strategic plan for success in the academy (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-­ Lampkin, 2013). One component of the effectiveness of the Research BootCamp’s structure is the mentoring that participants receive. In this section, we position the model of culturally responsive mentoring as core to the benefits that participants receive from the Research BootCamp program that help offset the consequences of the academy’s toxicity.

 he Research Bootcamp: A Model T for Culturally Responsive Mentoring Mentoring is often seen as a magic bullet, a cure for all that ails minoritized or underrepresented populations. Millions of dollars are spent each year starting, maintaining, and evaluating mentoring initiatives across all sectors. Academia seems particularly sold on the value that mentoring has for improving both student and faculty outcomes (Crisp, Baker, Griffin, Lunsford, & Pifer, 2017). We do not argue that mentoring is effective, particularly for faculty of color (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-Lampkin, 2013; Jean-Marie & Brooks, 2011, add others here on mentoring). However, we believe that the Research BootCamp’s model of Culturally Responsive Mentoring is distinct and impactful because it includes tenets relevant to culturally sensitive processes and relationships, as follows: • Mentors and protégés recognize that mentoring is both a relational process and an outcome of a relationship. • Mentors and protégés adopt a network approach to mentoring, recognizing that ‘It takes a village’. • Mentors and protégés center the lived experiences of both individuals, recognizing that each may be privileged in some situations.

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• Mentors and protégés communicate openly and authentically. • Mentors and protégés assess honestly any areas of (mis)understanding and knowledge gaps. Each of these components combined create an ethos of the mentoring process and relationships that undergird the individual experiences at the Research BootCamp. We describe each tenet and include data from focus groups with participants as illustrative examples of that tenet. Mentors and protégés recognize that mentoring is both a relational process and an outcome of a relationship. When asked why she attended the Research BootCamp, one junior scholar described how to her program faculty she looked as though she had everything together, but she did not. She explained: I had been floundering. I mean, I’d been working, but without direction. And, you know, we had had discussions about how, in my program, I came with funding, which was a blessing and a curse, I think. And so since I had funding, I think they [program faculty] thought she’s good, right. We don’t really have to put too much into her. And then my interests really didn’t align with anyone’s on the faculty. So, I became stuck. I became stuck…

She described how she met a SOTA member who encouraged her to attend the Research BootCamp. … so she encouraged me to come to this one. And I really wanted to make some connections. I needed mentorship desperately, and I needed to be in the midst of sister scholars desperately. So that’s why I came. She said that that’s what this would be, and I trusted her, and that’s what it has been. And so that’s why I came.

Mentors and protégés adopt a network approach to mentoring, recognizing that ‘mentoring takes a village’. This reference to a village comes from an African proverb which positions the success of a child as a communal effort; much like the success of Black women in academia being a meaningful collaboration with other Black women (Burt, Williams, & Palmer, 2019). Finding or establishing a community within higher education is another component which contributes to the success

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of early career Black women in higher education. Nash and colleagues (in press) discussed the critical friends group and how these groups provide supportive feedback and the opportunity to discuss and exchange ideas. These peer mentoring relationships contribute to community development and offer a supportive network. In the quote below one doctoral student expressed appreciation for the accountability provided by the different levels of interaction with senior scholar mentors. She found it especially meaningful how a senior scholar mentor, not her assigned mentor, expressed concern for her well-being. My mentor held, held us accountable and went beyond the scope of what was happening, in terms of the research to say ‘How are you doing?… What are you eating tonight? Can I take you to get something to eat?’ … being able to meet with other Senior Scholars; that time … for other Senior Scholars, who although Dr. [Senior Scholar Mentor] wasn’t my mentor met with me and then the day after checked on me.

Mentors and protégés center the lived experiences of both individuals, recognizing that one may be privileged in some situations. All of the participants—doctoral students, junior and senior scholars— come together to create a counterspace for Black women that unapologetically centers race and gender (West & Bertrand Jones, 2019), that supports them as they navigate and mitigate the effects of the oppressive academy. Similarly, in previous research on the Research BootCamp, participants described the ways that being in a space created for Black women by Black women allowed them a certain level of freedom and ‘emotional safety’ (Bertrand Jones, Wu, Patterson, & Pierre, 2016). Here one junior scholar described the ways that being in a common space with other Black women nurtured her and other women. She elaborated: … maybe I’m not articulating it as well as I would like, but it’s just so profound how this can be an unapologetic exclusive space. It just boosts the affirmation. It boosts the nurturing, and it does not diminish the very real, proven—and I put this in my evaluation, that we are dealing with, we are being mentored by, we are being surrounded by, we are being these experts that have proven strategies. We’re not talking to people whom just somebody told them what to say.

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We’re talking to people who actually live and experience it, continue to evolve in it, and it’s just been, again, most holistic, and it just keeps coming back to me. But the fact that it’s an exclusive space, where African American womanhood is acknowledged and celebrated all around, is just profound. And it just enhances all of this for me, particularly as I exist in this space, in the profession where there is not many of me at all.

Mentors and protégés communicate openly and authentically. Another junior scholar admitted her need for mentorship by Black women was the main motivation for her attending the Research BootCamp. She explained the difference as she saw it between Black people who conducted research on Black issues, and those who did not. In this distinction, she felt more compelled to be herself around scholars whose interests overlapped with hers. There was a sense of freedom to be herself, ‘scars’ and all. She acknowledged: I attended because I knew that I needed mentorship and I want to find mentors that look like me and had interests similar to mine. Not just look like me, but have the same kind of passion and heart for our people because there are folks around me who look like me, but their research interests are very different. They don’t want to include the issues of ethnicity or issues that plagues our communities in their research. They are just researchers not ethnic researchers. So I just wanted to have the opportunity and I knew that I need a place where I can be fully me to grow because I feel like if I have to arm myself to kinda get those tools, I would not have allowed them to penetrate. I needed a place where I can kinda fall apart, where I could say, okay I have a scar, you can see my scar and speak to it. ‘Ok girl here is a scar, but here is how you can clean it up.’ I needed that kinda space. And you know I trusted that this would be that space and indeed, it has been for me.

Mentors and protégés assess honestly the areas of (mis)understanding and knowledge gaps. The Research BootCamp offers an open and honest dialogue regarding the necessity for decoding the ‘hidden curriculum’ (Bertrand Jones & Osborne-Lampkin, 2013). Many times, participants were not aware of nor understood about the inner workings of academe. Some had never had an honest critique from Black scholars about their work, and were unaware of the significant gaps in their work.

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A doctoral student described her initial reaction to the critique she received and how her thinking shifted after receiving the feedback: … you know we met with our mentors and after they roughed us up a little bit more, I say rough, not physically roughed us up, but roughed up our research agendas. It was back to the drawing board, so the first night, I was really frustrated, because I came in thinking, Oh, I got this research together! I’m ready! They’re just going to help me tweak it here and there.’ And so, the first Monday when we did the presentations it was like, ‘Oh, I have to redo this whole proposal. It, it’s not making sense. Things are not clicking.’ And, you know, just based off the feedback, it was like, ‘I have a long ways to go!’ So, immediately, kind of my mindset shifted, and that was kind of frustrating, but at the same time, they were just holding me accountable to my research to make sure that it was quality and to make sure that people understood my purpose for doing it.

Conclusion Using a culturally responsive mentoring model, the Research BootCamp disrupts the toxic culture of academia by mitigating the consequences of this culture for Black women. It challenges the lack of critical mass of Black women faculty in higher education. For example, some women may be isolated at their home institutions, however, when they attend the Research BootCamp, they are surrounded by Black women at their academic level and higher. They become part of a community of scholars with wide experience, knowledge, and expertise. For those scholars who pursue research on race or gender, particularly on Black women and girls, they not only receive the validation needed, but also the constructive critique that can be used to strengthen their work. The mentoring networks provide social support, create outlets for professional development, build research capacity, and influence socialization to the academy (Bertrand Jones et al., 2016). This support increases the likelihood of exposure to collaborative research opportunities, and the development of social relationships with women who not only share a common profession but can also relate to challenges these early career scholars face related to race and gender.

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In turn, these women have experienced culturally responsive socialization and become modelers, and even change agents, at their institutions. Black women require access to mentors and colleagues who understand the conditions and trauma they experience in the academy. At the Research BootCamp, they are surrounded by Black women. This environment creates opportunities to observe Black women scholars mentoring and advising other Black women scholars. These observations then become the impetus for the ways they enact their mentor/protégé relationships. Often, they embrace the village approach when mentoring their own students and figure out ways to honestly assess knowledge gaps with their protégés. Early career scholars benefit from common spaces that focus on in-­ depth examinations of the academy at the intersections of identity and career trajectory. Specifically, Black women preparing for the professoriate are primed for success when they engage in explicit dialogue on the ways bias influences hiring practices, opportunities for research, and tenure/promotion. The skills, tools, and language attained are used to become confident and competent researchers that contest the master narratives seen as standard within the academy. Overall, these strategies seek to disrupt the toxic culture of the academy and create space for more Black women to thrive.

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8 Women and Leadership: Strategies of Gender Inclusion in Institutions of Higher Education in India Karuna Chanana

Background The absence of women in senior jobs, decision-making bodies, and in the executive boards is attracting a lot of attention (Desai, 2012). In India it is now mandatory for all corporate organizations to promote gender diversity and to include at least 30% women on their executive boards. However, the absence of women leaders and gender diversity in the Indian universities (‘university’ is used interchangeably with ‘higher education institution’ and ‘academy’ in this chapter) has not been systematically addressed and is not enshrined in national policy, even though the same gender barriers exist in the academy as they do in the corporate sector. Despite that the number of women postgraduate students in engineering, medicine and management has increased, their higher levels of This is a substantially revised and updated version of the paper published as: Chanana, K. (2013). Leadership for women’s equality and empowerment in higher education. India International Centre Quarterly, 39(3/4), 81–94.

K. Chanana (*) Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_8

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education do not translate into corresponding positions of authority and leadership within the university (Chanana, 2018). Whilst they have entered higher education in larger numbers, most of them are clustered as assistant professors or equivalent lower-ranked roles. Women do not move on to higher research or scientific careers, faculty positions and leadership roles. In fact, the higher the level of academic position in India, the lower the proportion of women. Thus, women experience both inclusion and exclusion simultaneously. In contrast, most decision-making positions such as membership of executive, academic and administrative committees in Indian universities are held by men. The reasons why women academics stagnate and remain relatively disadvantaged when it comes to promotions and leadership positions has been conceptualised over the years, leading some academics to suggest that gendered organisational cultures act as critical systemic barriers to women’s success, as does the ‘gendered construction of leadership’ (Blackmore, 1999; Brooks, 1997; Manfredi, 2017). In this chapter, I argue that women only institutions in which women hold all the leadership positions are excellent examples of women being capable leaders. Further, the key enablers for women’s career promotion and retention include: the rotation of leadership especially chair of departments, membership of decision-making committees, mentorship support from start of career, and government-led support for women to enter senior management positions. I specifically suggest that these initiatives were successfully integrated into the Capacity Building of Women Managers in Higher Education (CBWM) programme that was run in India between 2003–2013. I write through the lens of my own experience as a facilitator throughout the CBWM programme. I facilitated the Sensitization, Awareness and Motivation or SAM workshop that was one of two major initiatives within the CBWM. I draw from personal commentaries shared by the participants of these workshops. I approached some of them to provide written reflections, as key informants of their lived experiences, of successfully engaging with the SAM workshop programme. This chapter explores the potentialities of government supported initiatives, led by women academic leaders, to support gender equity in Indian universities.

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Women in the Universities Several explanations have been offered for inequalities in career patterns of women and men, including that women move up slowly because they face a ‘chilly climate’ in universities (Chanana, 2016, p. 12); they generally enter the profession at lower academic levels and stay there even when their academic profile fits within the ‘hypothetical’ paradigm of a male professional; and women find it hard to navigate ‘the greasy pole’, ‘the slippery floor’, the ‘glass ceiling’ and ‘the man-centred’ masculinist universities (Chanana, 2016). Such patterns of inequality demonstrate that the negative effect on women’s academic careers is not due to lack of capability (Chanana, 2013). The functioning of universities and the place of women in them has been re-examined from a feminist perspective and the notion that universities as social constructions are gender blind, not gender neutral. In particular, it has been mooted that the construction of academic excellence is masculinised (Manfredi, 2017) and that the reality of academic life for women is different from the ideal academic (Chanana, 2013). Women in the academy have been described as ‘ambivalent academics’, ‘outsiders and the disadvantaged’, ‘the others’ or ‘double deviants’ (Bagilhole, 1994, p. 15). They are doubly deviant because not only are they working in the male dominated world, but they are also expecting equal rewards (Acker & Webber, 2006). Acker and Webber describe women’s position in academia as ‘liminal’ in the process of becoming something else, ‘outsiders within … unable to be just “be”: they must always be something’ (2006, p. 486). Male academics regularly see men in positions of leadership, decision-­ making and authority. They also find tutelage and sponsorship of male professors who are their role models and mentors, and enlist them into the ‘old boys’ networks’, which has a positive impact on the self-esteem and confidence of younger men academics (Diezmann & Grieshaber, 2010). They are also better placed to gain research experience; to get invited to conferences, publications and to network (Black, Crimmins, Dwyer, & Lister, 2020). All-male networks are effective at lobbying and facilitate exchange of critical information. For example, in February

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2019, three women students of Yale University filed a class action suit against the school and nine all male fraternities—their complaint was about being denied the social, economic and professional benefits enjoyed by men as members of the alumni networks that help them get good jobs (Associated Press, 2019). The male networks are also the platforms for converting informal visibility to formal visibility (Ardener, 1986), and for securing memberships of important committees and leadership roles (Chanana, 2003). However, networking is less available for women (Chanana, 2003; Diezmann & Grieshaber, 2010). The next section of the chapter will offer an analysis of the status of higher education in India and of women faculty in Indian universities, as presented in the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) (Department of Higher Education, Government of India [DHEGI], 2018).

India: Diverse and Multicultural Contexts India is a diverse country. It is marked by tremendous diversity, difference and inequality. There are various overlapping parameters of diversity in India, such as region, language, culture, religion, caste, tribe, class, language, rural/urban differences, disability and transgender. This diversity makes the socio-cultural environment varied and diverse, and gender is a critical variable in this diversity. India is divided into 29 states and seven union territories (the latter have partial or no legislature and are federally administered); 122 major languages and 1599 other languages; and multiple castes and tribes. The Indian Constitution provides positive discrimination or affirmative action in favour of certain disadvantaged sections, including the Scheduled Castes (SC) or Dalits (oppressed), Scheduled Tribes (ST) or Adivasis (original inhabitants) and Other Backward Castes (OBC) (Deane, 2009). The Constitution provides preferential treatment, known as reservations, for admission and recruitment in higher education, and

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jobs in the public sector. This policy of reservations has become a continuous process with provincial and federal governments extending to sections previously excluded (Business Today, 2019). Yet, there is no separate reservation for women in any category.

Higher Education in India All Indian Survey of Higher Education 2017–2018 identified 903 universities and 39,050 colleges in India in 2017–2018 (DHEGI, 2018). Out of the 903 universities, 343 (38%) were privately managed, 357 universities were located in rural areas, and 15 were women’s universities. Estimated enrolment in higher education institutions in 2017–2018 was 36.6 million with the proportion of women at 47.6%. Enrolment in distance education comprised 11% of total enrolment and women had a slightly lower percentage here at 40.9% (DHEGI, 2018). Women constituted 42% of 1.2 million academics in higher education, however, most women were assistant professors (42.5%) or associate professors (36.6%), and only 26.9% of women were professors (DHEGI, 2018). It is also significant that 65.4% of demonstrator/tutor roles, which also tend to be contractual and temporary, were held by women. The absence of women scientists in top research and faculty positions is going to be given some attention by the federally funded Department of Science and Technology (DST). It has decided to start a pilot project to rank institutes of science, technology, engineering, mathematics and medicine on some parameters of gender equality among women faculty and scientists from the next academic year. To begin with, twenty institutes will be included in this pilot project and the ranking will be done jointly by DST and the British Council. Yet, this project covers a minuscule of elite, exclusive and specialised institutes excluding the vast majority of women faculty in humanities, social sciences and arts and in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) subjects in universities and colleges which need to be gender inclusive (Dua, 2020).

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What Keeps Women Out A British Council Study on women in higher education management in South Asian Universities, which includes India, states the following: A gender imbalance in leadership and managerial roles at universities is not unique to India. It is common in other countries as well. Policymakers acknowledge the need for gender equality for more women entering leadership positions in higher education. But if the past is any guide, the male bias inherent in the structures of universities is too deep rooted and widespread to let this happen easily. (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2013, p. 18)

Stereotypes translated into systemic barriers, endemic in Indian organizations and institutions, act to keep women in relatively junior positions in professions and work situations (Manfredi, 2017). Manfredi (2017) identifies that invisible barriers such as the gendered construction of leadership and cognitive bias both position and evaluate women less favourably than men, preventing their career advancement. Cognitive bias is reinforced by a male dominated culture of ‘endemically homosocial gentleman’s club’, where ‘there is gendered division of labour and gendered academic rules and these together construct the definition of gendered academic excellence’ (Fisher & Kinsey, 2014, p. 44). Other dominant invisible barriers include familial and personal commitments, limiting self-perceptions, gendered socialization constraints, and stereotypes. These then become more visible gendered barriers, such as less professional mobility, limited mentorship and a paucity of networks, resulting in women being paid less than men (Schipani, Dworkin, Kwolek-Folland, & Maurer, 2009). The absence of women members on academic, executive and administrative committees and bodies becomes a barrier to their career ascendancy, and potentially to the career ascendancy of other women wishing to join or be promoted in the organisation (Chanana, 2003). Most recruitment and promotion panels are dominated by men who often ask gender biased questions, such as whether the applicant is married, has family responsibilities, and what childcare support or provision is in place (Chanana, 2003). As for participants on such selection panels, even a

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gentle reminder about gender bias in questions can make some male members defensive (Chanana, 2003). As a strategy to stop male panellists from asking gendered questions from women candidates, I asked the same questions of the men candidates. Leadership styles are also social constructions based on traditionally masculine characteristics. According to Bartel (2018) men are portrayed as strong and competitive, while women are considered collaborative with higher levels of emotional intelligence. Therefore, even when the skills and performance levels of male and female employees are similar, rates of promotion favour men (Vempati, 2019). Not only is leadership too narrowly defined and based on male parameters, but notions of merit are also socially constructed (Manfredi, 2017). Consequently, Burkinshaw and White (2017) propose that instead of focusing on women’s agency or fixing the women through supporting women’s agency, the focus should be on fixing the systemic structural barriers within universities. Societal perceptions about women’s role in the private domain still negatively determine perceptions of working women. Anecdotally, I am often addressed as Mr. in emails, letters and communications from women and men employees in financial and other similar organisations even though I have a feminine first name. Additionally, I am addressed as Mrs. even though they know that I am a professor. My experience is borne out in research which has found that men are significantly less likely to address a woman professor or doctor by her professional title than they are to introduce a male professional using his title. A female chief physician in a hospital was explaining to the patient his diagnosis and after some time, to her surprise, he asked: ‘Thank you, that’s all right. But when will the chief physician be here?’ (U. Chanana, personal communication, January 18, 2019). ‘Differential formality in speaker introductions may amplify isolation, marginalization, and professional discomfiture expressed by women faculty in academic medicine’ (Files et al., 2017, n. p.).Whilst these features identify how and why the academy is highly gendered, it is important also to consider the strategies that have been or can be adopted in Indian universities, to support gender equity and the full inclusion and success of women academics.

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What Enables Women to Move Up The key enablers for women’s career promotion and retention include having women only institutions, a rotation of leadership and committee roles, mentorship schemes, government-led gender mix policies and job sharing for senior management positions. To address an absence of research on women leaders and gender desegregated data or statistics on leadership and managerial positions in the universities in India, Indiresan, Chanana, and Rohini (1995) examined women in leadership positions and their visibility in the Indian academy. The study was conducted in early 1990s, using survey and focus group discussions. Fifty-nine women and fourteen men returned questionnaires. The study found that women occupied a significant proportion of leadership roles and were performing well within women’s universities only. Secondly, the rotation of appointments of professors to committee and faculty chairs or heads, who adopted the role for a fixed period of two or three years, provided an opportunity to women faculty to gain leadership experience and visibility. The rotation of leadership supported the neutralization of gender bias and is an important dimension of gender inequality. However, in this study by Indiresan et al. (1995), 26% of women survey respondents and no male respondents commenced their work in universities in lower grade positions such as teachers, assistant teachers, guest lecturers; and frequent job changes were also a much more common feature of women’s career paths (26.2% compared to one male). Therefore, whilst a system of rotation for women professors to gain leadership experience and visibility enhances women’s academic careers in India, they are less likely to become professors in the first place, because they are employed as junior level academics when they join the academy. Networking is identified as a critical strategy for women academics’ career progress (Ramsay, 2000). Ramsay identifies how many Australian academies, supported by their university Presidents, promote networking of senior or near senior women. She specifically comments that ‘there is senior level recognition in Australian higher education that it is in the best interests of our universities … to take energetic and focussed action to achieve a more equal representation of women at the senior management and leadership levels’ (Ramsay, 2000, p. 15).

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Another strategy to support the inclusion and success of women faculty is the adoption of a gender mix policy, which has been successfully introduced in Swedish universities. Sweden increased the representation of women in management positions in universities between 1990–2010 by implementing a gender mix policy where the government instructed universities to attract both women and men candidates for the position of Vice Chancellors (Peterson, 2011). Additionally, the process of recruitment had to be transparent and explanations about how gender equality aspects were considered for appointments had to be provided. Finally, funds were linked to achieving gender equality targets (Peterson, 2011). Furthermore, universities were required to provide data to the government on the gender of students, teachers, professors, deans, heads of departments and researchers, and were required to set targets to incrementally increase the proportion of women professors (Peterson, 2011). On occasion, the governments also set the targets. Peterson (2011) claimed that the gender mix policy brought about a structural change that supported a fairer gender balance in the Swedish universities. Job sharing of senior management positions has also proven to be successful as an enabler for women to achieve leadership roles (Watton, Stables, & Kempster, 2019). Job sharing means two or more people sharing a full-time senior position. Unlike part-time work, job sharing retains all the benefits of a full-time job, though it offers a more flexible arrangement of time. However, we need to be mindful that the opportunity for job share is provided to males, females and gender diverse people because there is criticism that job sharing may become synonymous with feminised and part time work (Watton et al., 2019). As a result, job sharing may begin to attract lesser pay and prestige, and promote discrimination. It is thus essential to develop fully considered and clearly defined policies and processes to address issues related to gender inequality in recruitment and promotion. Other enablers of women’s inclusion and success as faculty include training and development, support and mentorship, and international networks and mobility (Morley & Crossouard, 2014). An Indian-based case study discussed below offers an example of a mix of the enablers presented above.

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 Programme for the Capacity Building A of Women Managers in Indian Higher Education Armaity Desai, the second woman chairperson of the University Grants Commission (UGC) from February 1995 to April 1999, in collaboration with the Commonwealth Secretariat (CS) in London, initiated The Capacity Building of Women Managers in Higher Education (CBWM) programme. The CBWM conducted workshops between 2003–2013 across different regions of India. Even after her retirement from academia, Armaity Desai continued to lead the programme as the chair of the UGC constituted committee (Desai, 2012). However, in 2014, the initiative lost the support of the UGC, and although officially it merged with women’s study, it was essentially discontinued. The CBWM was based on the premise that there are insufficient numbers of qualified women in leadership roles in higher educational institutions, and that this is due to structural and organisational barriers that prevent women from achieving leadership access and success (Desai, 2012). Furthermore, women must be provided the opportunity to both perceive and overcome systemic gender barriers and glass ceiling in the academy (Desai, 2012). Relatedly, women’s changed aspirations will propel and empower them to move beyond their comfort zones to take on more leadership and management responsibility. Therefore, the focus of the workshops facilitated by the CBWM was dual: it aimed to work with and on institutions and individual women. The CBWM was focused on the management and administration of higher educational institutions and on empowering women to claim their place beyond the glass ceiling of academia. It sought to enable women to adopt and enact management roles, to understand issues of leadership and governance, and how they can operate and make changes to the system. It also sought to establish national and regional networks of women academics so that they could become confident members of the national and international academic community. The programme was also designed so that Indian women professors could identify existing (often gendered) structures of power within the academy and negative

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impacts of these on educational careers in order to motivate them to take action to overcome the barriers. Women participants were recruited through recommendations by the heads of departments within academic institutions and Vice Chancellors (Desai, 2012).

The Training Programme The CBWM recruited participants from across all disciplines and all regions of India. The programme was also inclusive of women from diverse castes, tribes, religions, classes, and of women from rural/urban and tribal locations (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). There were two series of workshops. The first series was called the Sensitization, Awareness and Motivation or SAM workshop; the second series was called Training of Trainers Workshops or ToTs (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). Selected participants from SAM workshops were invited to engage in ToTs, and these women then became SAM trainers. Five modules within the SAM and ToTs workshops focused on: (1) perspectives of women’s studies, (2) governance, (3) academic leadership, (4) personal and professional roles, (5) and research. A total of 140 SAM workshops were run, which supported 7452 women faculty (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). The ToTs supported local faculty members as SAM Trainers who administered the programme in their local locations. The next section of this chapter will focus specifically on the SAM workshops which brought together many women who had never before left their homes or towns, and also had had no academic interaction or exposure outside of their institutions. It is therefore considered that the SAM workshops had maximum impact (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013).

 utcomes of the Sensitization, Awareness O and Motivation Series The SAM programme sought to support women: in identifying barriers to the success of academic women in India, in gaining leadership roles, and also in empowering them by enhancing their self-confidence; and

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through doing so, enabled them to aspire to and seek out positions of leadership. The series was successful in building a collaborative network across India through inter-institutional and inter-regional collaboration (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). It also helped decrease individual, institutional and regional isolation of women academics, and removed the divide between teaching and management in the thinking of women academics (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). Since undertaking the SAM series, several participants have reached very high leadership positions (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013). However, more specific and nuanced outcomes are presented in the case studies I cite below. What appears to be most striking is that several participants describe how their self-view and aspirations about their academic career had changed as a result of engaging in the SAM programme. Case 1 Professor Shrimati Das, a humanities teacher in an undergraduate (UG) college, has recently (1 August 2019) taken over a prestigious and a high-profile post of the Director of Gurudev Tagore Indian Cultural Centre in Mexico City. This is one among 33 such centers set up by the Indian Government in Indian Embassies, designed to promote Indian culture in host countries. She has been given the diplomatic rank of First Secretary in the Indian Foreign service ranking. An English language teacher, a multilingual translator, a polyglot, a classical dancer, author of books on culture and international women philosophers, recipient of several awards and a much-travelled scholar, she has attributed much of her success to the SAM series. I want to contribute to your CBWM writing as this is where it all began for me. In the CBWM I was exposed to the entire gamut of Higher Education scenario and its complex functioning, by the highly motivated and experienced Resource Persons who also brought me face to face with my capacitated self. SAM has empowered me, enabled me, enlightened me about the capacity of women in all domains and in HE particularly.

It was understood that in order to facilitate women’s capacity building and for them to create opportunities for other women and for themselves, they had to have the self-confidence and willingness to open up with the co-participants, to understand that they had the capacity to

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work beyond the classroom, and contribute to their own professional development in order to achieve career success. Case 2 Dr. Sharmishtha Chatterjee was an English language and literature teacher and an assistant professor in humanities in an UG college when she attended SAM. Later she became an assistant professor at a university in a metropolitan location. Since then she has become an associate professor and Head of the Department and is hoping to be promoted to a full professor soon. She is active in administrative and senior committees and is often the first woman member in her institution. She is also a member of an apex organisation, Sahitya Academy, established by the federal government to promote literature in Indian regional languages. She had this to say about SAM: When I was invited to participate in a SAM workshop in 2007, I expected it to be another seminar we routinely attended. Though the first two days of the workshop seemed to befuddle me through games, energizers, chart making and impromptu speech making, it sank in that these were a means to an end. I was also surprised at my transformation. I was talking about my own self both in personal and professional spheres. I was busy interacting, connecting, overcoming inhibitions, putting forward opinions in a platform elsewhere denied to me. One of the greatest gifts of SAM workshop was the network which it left in its wake. I gained confidence and took giant strides in decision-making. I realized I could become an able administrator too. And as a SAM Trainer, I went to many workshops and mentored women faculty participants. I have since written, published, organized, taught, trained, motivated, counselled, advised with a never before effectiveness. I have faced interviews with greater command and determination. I am grateful to the SAM movement which has enabled me to take up leadership roles.

Several faculty members reported that they had started using the interactive methodology of the workshops in the classroom to achieve better learning and communication outcomes. There were others who were already active teachers and researchers, had a good record of publishing and undertaking research projects when they attended the workshop. Case 3 Dr. B. Geetha Bojan, an economics teacher in a UG college, was due to retire from state government service as associate professor of economics and was unsure about what her next career might be. After attend-

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ing SAM, she decided to become an academic administrator. She became the Principal of a private UG college, and subsequently became a professor at a private university. Now she hopes to become a Vice Chancellor. In her words: The prospect of becoming a Principal was not an attractive option at that point of time. At this juncture I attended SAM workshop which gave me a new perspective about the need for women to be in administrative positions. I became aware that there were very few women at the higher echelons of administration and leadership and that an administrator has the power to bring about change. The prospect of becoming a Principal all of a sudden became very bright and beckoning! The change in attitude which happened in my case should happen to every faculty member and Principal. The change in my perspective is due to attending SAM and ToTs workshops.

Working in a small city or in a town with a secure job in a government institution can allow women to stay in their comfort zone from which they do not want to move. Women may need to be coaxed out of their comfort zone in order to achieve a reorientation which may in turn support higher self-efficacy and aspiration. Case 4 Dr. Suganda Ramamoorthi, a social science teacher and an associate professor in a renowned UG college, came to a metropolitan location for the first time to attend a SAM workshop. She describes her experience below: In 2005, I attended the SAM workshop and stayed away from home for six days, leaving my small children. I was feeling guilty. But to my surprise I did not actually miss my family. On the contrary, I realized that my role was not limited to my family and teaching in college. I found a new world unfolding in front of me. I realized that women can and need to actively participate in broader academic life. From a time when travelling alone was unthinkable, I started travelling far and wide as a SAM Trainer. I realized the need for women to be mentors and to be in decision-making bodies. I applied for the post of Controller of Examination1 in a specialised central university in a metropolitan area. I accepted the challenge to work in a male dominated university offering the so called male centric courses. Before 2005, I would not have dreamt in my wildest dreams that I would take up a position outside of my college and the city. After joining the university, I realised that my apprehensions were quite

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unfounded, as I successfully performed in this leadership position due to my ToTs training.

Networking as a strategy to claim one’s space in the university system was a critical outcome of the SAM programme. One SAM participant identified the importance of networking and challenging barriers as a result of her programme experience. Case 5 Professor Mini Thomas is a computer scientist and since 2016, the first and still today the only woman Director of a federally funded autonomous National Institute of Technology, among the top 60 such technical and science research institutions in India. According to her: I became a full professor in January 2002 and was eligible to be the Head of the Department. However, another male professor was made the Head. I did not protest since I was used to accepting what was given to me. I was also satisfied academically, having set up the first of its kind computer lab and starting a new M. Tech programme. Attending the SAM workshop in 2003 changed my perspective about taking things lying down. In 2005, when the Department Headship was again to be decided, I learned about the ordinance regarding the rotation of Headships by the Academic Council (AC) was going to be changed to deprive me of the headship and appoint another male professor junior to me. I mobilized enough support from the Vice Chancellor, the AC and Executive Council members and the Teachers’ Association so that the proposal to change the ordinance was shelved. And I was given the Headship. The advantages of networking that I learnt from SAM and also the confidence to reclaim what was due to me helped me in becoming proactive in my professional development. I am now a part of the international community of professional scholars.

Ranjana Aggarwal, a chemistry professor, became a very active SAM trainer and supporter. She was fully convinced of the aims of the workshop and realised the importance of administration and being visible. Case 6 She is a chemistry professor in a regional university. She has become the director of a national institute of high repute, namely, The National Institute of Science, Technology and Development Studies (NISTADS). The institution is under the Council of Scientific and Industrial research (CSIR). She is the first woman director. She secured her appointment

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through open selection and her position was approved by the Indian Prime Minister, who is President of the CSIR. She explains the impact of SAM on her career success: In 2006, I received an invite to attend a SAM workshop. I thought that I had been invited by mistake and called the director to enquire. My logic was that I am a woman; itself a sufficient condition to be sensitive towards other women, and secondly, as a chemistry professor, I thought that science is gender neutral. But on her persuasion, I attended the workshop and the experience changed my perspective totally, not only about the gender issues but also towards importance of social sciences in higher education. Though I was trained at the best of the European laboratories and was doing excellent research, bringing in funds for projects, publishing well, but still I was an introvert and hesitant to share my achievements with the scientific community. SAM gave me that confidence and taught me the importance of visibility, networking and mentoring. My changed approach led to the recognition of my research work by national and international platforms in the form of awards and fellowships. Further, SAM inspired me to aspire for administrative positions and be active in decision making bodies and I became active in them. I can say without hesitation that SAM has been an integral component of my personal and professional growth.

Reclaiming one’s due place in academia, balancing personal and professional lives and becoming a confident and visible member of the national and international academic community are some of the most tangible outcomes of the SAM series. Professor Renu Bhardwaj describes her holistic professional development. Case 7 On getting nominated by the Vice-Chancellor to attend the SAM workshop in 2003, I wondered what will be there for me as a Botanist and Environmentalist. This theme seemed to be suitable for social scientists. Nonetheless, I attended. After a day or so I realized its importance and was happy that I came. I could interact with faculty members from across d­ isciplines. I understood common issues and problems of women in academia on which we can unite, and also network. Here my vision broadened, and I came out of the narrow thinking that scientist’s work is confined to a laboratory. Since then I have done more and better quality research, more effective teaching, published nationally and internationally, undertaken research projects while actively par-

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ticipating in academic governance and leadership. I regularly attend national and international conferences, seminars and workshops. I work in collaborations with many national and international institutions. I have also received a national award. I was the first woman Controller of Examinations along with being a member of other important committees. Currently (in August 2019) I am also Dean, Life Sciences; Member, Senate and Syndicate. The last two are apex academic and executive bodies of the university. In a nutshell, SAM totally oriented me to excel in university administration and research besides balancing my personal and professional life better. I would say that the impact of SAM was holistic.

The Way Forward and Upward! Support from the top management and leadership in academia is critical to make universities gender inclusive and to remove systemic barriers so that women can adopt senior leadership positions. Additionally, support from the government is critical for the HE sector to remove gender barriers, in the same way that is being done in the corporate sector in India and has been achieved in Sweden. Again, it is imperative to have clearly defined policies and processes which should be fair to everyone and address any issues related to gender inequality in recruitment and promotion. Additionally, there should be equal opportunities and performance standards for everyone instead of judgment because of one’s gender (A. Kumar, personal communication, January 20, 2019). More specifically, for women to be fully included in the Indian academy they should be represented in all decision-making bodies (statutory and non-­statutory) and be part of the recruitment committees for Vice Chancellors and other high administrative positions (Chanana, 2016). An increase of women in these roles can transform the whole institution: A combination of leadership styles ‘in higher education leadership is vital because when women leaders work with women and men, staff and faculty positive transformation is likely to occur due to diversified experiences and ideas rather than those of gender homogeneous leaders’ (Eliadis, 2018, p. 6). For this reason, positive action is required to tackle women’s underrepresentation in senior leadership roles. For example, if candidates are

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equally qualified when applying for these roles, give preference to women as the underrepresented group. Positive action can also include publication of disaggregated gender data (for faculty, administration personnel, students and relevant others at universities). For this to be monitored, the development of multi-­ pronged orientation and training programmes for top administration and women faculty are needed (for early and mid-career staff). These programmes should identify visible and invisible institutional and systemic gender barriers, and work on overcoming the gendered hierarchical structures. The ultimate aim is to make universities gender inclusive, so that full inclusion and career success is not in any way determined or influenced by gender.

Conclusion The impact of the Sensitization, Awareness and Motivation or SAM workshops has been multifaceted (Indiresan & Sharma, 2013) and surpassed the expectations of many of us who were involved in the initial designing and implementation of the programme. No doubt the impact has been varied, yet the positive feedback and responses of several participants identified above indicate that the programme has made a significant difference and empowered many women faculty to extend their comfort zones and work to aspire to managerial and administrative positions. Within the SAM series of workshops, women participants were invited to see the gendered power structures within the academy, and the negative impact on their careers. Through consciousness raising, the women identified that their relative lack of career success was not due to their own failing or limitations, but because of structural inequities. This supported them to build a sense of self-efficacy and confidence. With greater self-confidence and feeling of empowerment, many participants of the SAM workshops identified that they could and should play a larger role within their institutions. Teaching, research, administration and management began to be viewed as integral to their role as faculty, and many

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participants began to use administration roles to claim their legitimate space in the leadership of universities, and subsequently mentor other women faculty to do the same. The outcome of the interventions described above was that women participants began to challenge the perceptions which excluded them from the academe and to ensure that they become inclusive. At the same time, they became aware that they must be sensitive to complex social contexts in which they are located and to their multiple identities, and how diversity is converted to difference leading to inequality within the university system. They began to understand the university structures, processes and their ideological underpinnings, and began to formulate strategies to change the system to claim their space within it and to make it gender inclusive.

Note 1. Controller of Examination is a position of high status and power. He/she has the responsibility of registering students for examinations, conduct of examinations, evaluation and declaration of results, award of degrees and certificates. Since the examinations are centralized, the colleges which are affiliated with the university also come under the jurisdiction of the office of the Controller of Examinations that usually covers around 100,000 students. In addition, determining equivalence of academic qualifications and degrees of foreign students is also the responsibility of this officer. This position has been held by men in most universities except in women’s universities.

References Acker, S., & Webber, M. (2006). Women working in academe: Approach with care. In C. Skelton, B. Francis, & L. Smulyan (Eds.), The Sage handbook of gender and education (pp. 486–496). London: Sage. Ardener, S. (1986). The representation of women in academic models. In L.  Dube, E.  Leacock, & S.  Ardener (Eds.), Visibility and power: Essays on women in society and development (pp. 3–14). Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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Associated Press. (2019, February 14). Students sue to open Yale fraternities to women. The Times of India, p. 20. Bagilhole, B. (1994). Being different is a very difficult row to hoe: Survival strategies of women academics. In S.  Davies, S.  Lubelska, & J.  Quinn (Eds.), Changing the subject: Women in higher education (pp. 15–28). London: Taylor and Francis. Bartel, S. (2018, May 9). Pushing for gender equality in higher ed leadership. EducationDIVE. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.educationdive.com/news/pushing-for-gender-equality-in-higher-ed-leadership/ 523147/ Black, A., Crimmins, G., Dwyer, R., & Lister V. (2020). Engendering belonging: Thoughtful gatherings with/in online and virtual spaces. Gender in Education. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2019.1680808 Blackmore, J. (1999). Troubling women: Feminism, leadership and educational change. Feminist educational thinking series. Buckingham: Open University Press. Brooks, A. (1997). Academic women (The society for research into higher education). Buckingham: Open University Press. Burkinshaw, P., & White, K. (2017). Fixing the women or the universities: Women in HE leadership. Administrative Sciences, 7(30), 1–14. Business Today. (2019, January 8). In-depth: Who is eligible for the new reservation quota for general category? BusinessToday.In. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.businesstoday.in/current/economy-politics/indepth-who-is-eligible-for-the-new-reservation-quota-for-general-category/ story/308062.html Chanana, K. (2003). Visibility, gender and the careers of women faculty in an Indian university. McGill Journal of Education, 38(3), 381–390. Chanana, K. (2013). Leadership for women’s equality and empowerment in higher education. India International Centre Quarterly, 39(3/4), 81–94. Chanana, K. (2016). Gender representation in higher education: Going beyond numbers. In N. V. Varghese & G. Malik (Eds.), India higher education report 2015 (pp. 113–133). London and New York: Routledge. Chanana, K. (2018). Gendered subject choices: Unequal access and participation of Indian women in higher education. In K.  Kumar (Ed.), Routledge handbook of education in India: Debates, practices and policies (pp. 216–227). London and New York: Routledge. Deane, T. (2009). A commentary on the positive discrimination policy of India. Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal, 12(1), 28–52.

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Department of Higher Education, Government of India (DHEGI). (2018). All India survey of higher education 2017–18. New Delhi: Ministry of Human Resource Development, Department of Higher Education, Government of India. Desai, A. S. (2012). Transforming higher education for gender equality: Capacity building of women managers in higher education. In A.  S. Kolaskar & M.  Dash (Eds.), Women and society: The road to change (pp.  60–84). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Diezmann, C., & Grieshaber, S. (2010). Gender equity in the professoriate: A cohort study of new women professors in Australia. In M. Devlin, J. Nagy & A. Lichtenberg (Eds.), Research and development in higher education: Reshaping higher education (pp.  223–234). Refereed papers from the 33rd Higher Education Research and Development Society of Australasia (HERDSA) Annual International Conference. 6–9 July 2010, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. Milperra, Australia: HERDSA. Dua, V. (2020, January 16). Top institutes will now be graded on gender equality. The Times of India, p. 8. Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). (2013). Higher education in South Asia: Trends in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. A custom research report for the British Council. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.britishcouncil.in/sites/default/files/sapd_british_council_ south_he_report.pdf Eliadis, A. (2018). Women and leadership in higher education. Fielding Graduate University. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/328149983_Women_and_Leadership_in_Higher_ Education_Systems Files, J.  A., Mayer, A.  P., Ko, M.  G., Friedrich, P., Jenkins, M., Bryan, M. J., … Duston, T. (2017). Speaker introductions at internal medicine grand rounds: Forms of address reveal gender bias. Journal of Women’s Health, 26(5), 413–419. Fisher, V., & Kinsey, S. (2014). Behind closed doors! Homosocial desire and the academic boys club. Gender Management International Journal, 29(1), 44–64. Indiresan, J., Chanana, K., & Rohini, R. (1995). Perceptions of educational administrators in institutions of higher education: A report. New Delhi: National Institute for Educational Planning and Administration and Zakir Husain Centre for Educational Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.

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Indiresan, J., & Sharma, A. (2013). Capacity building of women in higher education: Evaluation of process and impact on the participants of the Sensitivity, Awareness and Motivation (SAM) and Training of Trainers (TOTs) workshops. Report. Vol. 1. New Delhi, India: University Grants Commission. Manfredi, S. (2017). Increasing gender diversity in senior roles in higher education: Who is afraid of positive action? Administrative Sciences, 7(2). Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.mdpi.com/2076-3387/7/2/19/htm Morley, L., & Crossouard, B. (2014). Women in higher education leadership in South Asia: Rejection, refusal, reluctance, revisioning. Centre for Higher Education & Equity Research, University of Sussex. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.britishcouncil.org/sites/default/files/morley_crossouard_final_report_22_dec2014.pdf Peterson, H. (2011). The gender mix policy – Addressing gender inequality in higher education management. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 33(6), 619–628. Ramsay, E. (2000, September). Gender employment equity for women in Australian universities – recent research and current strategies. Keynote address delivered at the Second European Conference for Women in Higher Education, Zurich, Switzerland. Schipani, C. A., Dworkin, T. M., Kwolek-Folland, A., & Maurer, V. G. (2009). Pathways for women to obtain positions of organizational leadership: The significance of mentoring and networking. Duke Journal of Gender Law and Policy, 16(8), 89–136. Vempati, R. (2019, March 6). Diversity in selection panels helps cos to reduce biases. The Times of India. Retrieved January 2020, from https://timesofindia. indiatimes.com/business/india-business/diversity-in-selection-panels-helpscos-to-reduce-biases/articleshow/68273142.cms Watton, E., Stables, S., & Kempster, S. (2019). How job sharing can lead to more women achieving senior leadership roles in higher education: A UK study. Social Sciences, 8(7), 1–18.

9 Mainstreaming Gender into the Quality Assurance of Higher Education Programs Tània Verge

Introduction Pick a course of any undergraduate or graduate degree of whichever university and count the number of women-authored and men-authored works listed in the syllabus.1 Most likely the reference list looks too male (and White), as also tends to be the case of handbooks and journal articles, which significantly underrepresent the contributions made by women (and non-White) scholars (Atchison, 2017; Dion, Sumner, & Mitchell, 2018). Now count how many gender topics the course syllabus includes and assess the extent to which they are examined in a cross-­ cutting way, not as a specific ‘women/gender week’ lesson. Probably not many, as critical omissions of gender are pervasive in the teaching of all disciplines (Burgos & Josephson, 2014; Foster, Kerr, Hopkins, Byrne, & Ahall, 2013; Graves, Hoshino-Browne, & Lui, 2017; North, 2010;

T. Verge (*) Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_9

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Verdonk, Mans, & Lagro-Janssen, 2006). Why should we be concerned about such gender gaps? Firstly, by rendering women (and non-White) scholars’ contributions invisible, the idea of academic authority and knowledge conveyed is one in which (White) men symbolize expertise, depriving most students of role models like them. Secondly, the exclusion of some authors significantly correlates with an exclusion of some topics, such as topics that traditionally marginalized groups can illuminate or questions which are largely ignored by mainstream scholarship. These include the gender (and race) biases underpinning canonical explanations of social, political or economic phenomena as well as of medical, scientific or technological issues. Thirdly, providing knowledge based on disembodied—that is, genderless and raceless—individuals, institutions or organizations fails to take into account the different roles and diverse needs ascribed to, or imposed upon, women and men in specific social, cultural, economic and political contexts. Gender-blind courses and, more generally, gender-blind curricula leave unattended the diversity of expectations and needs among the population, which enables the reproduction of inequalities and discrimination, and may even put people’s lives at risk, particularly women’s, as the following examples illustrate. Women’s heart-disease symptoms are misread by physicians because the male body is still studied as the norm (Mehta et al., 2016) and women also have a higher probability of dying in car accidents because crash-test dummies are based on the average male height and weight (Kahane, 2013). Sexually abused women have a hard time in being believed in court (Belknap, 2010) and austerity policies yield a much higher impact on women’s wellbeing, as cuts in social spending reinforce the provision of care by families (Karamessini & Rubery, 2012). Literature written by women fall under the category ‘women’s literature’ but works written by men are never classified as ‘men’s literature’ (Zancan, 1998). Higher education institutions must thus face the responsibility they endure in the reproduction of such inequalities, since they continue to train gender-blind physicians, engineers, judges, lawyers, economists and literary critics, to name a few occupations. This chapter therefore argues that engendering higher education programs is a core intervention to

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support inclusion both inside and outside universities. It presents the policy innovation adopted in the Catalan university system wherein gender has been mainstreamed into the assessments of university degrees, thereby bringing gender back into evaluation work. After discussing the tension between quality assurance processes and gender equality goals, we proceed to outline how the policy innovation examined here was adopted. Next, we present the new quality assurance gender indicators along with the supporting measures aimed at establishing an effective implementation of this new practice. The chapter also reflects on potential implementation hurdles and the transferability of this intervention to other contexts.

 he Potential of Quality Assurance T for Enhancing Inclusiveness in Higher Education Quality assurance has been viewed with suspicion by feminist scholars who acknowledge the neoliberal, competitive and marketization dynamics it often introduces to universities (Morley, 2003). Furthermore, conceptual frameworks of quality assurance often build on representations of ‘disembodied, cognitive, socially decontextualized’ teachers, managers and learners (Morley, 2005, p. 412; see also Luke, 1997, p. 438), which allows male organizational cultures underpinning higher education institutions to go unnoticed with regards to human resources, research or teaching policies and practices. Hitherto, quality assurance processes have presented a strong disconnection with the gender equality and diversity agenda, failing to monitor the implementation of the calls for mainstreaming gender into the curriculum included in national equality and university laws (Eurydice, 2019; Grünberg, 2011). Quality assurance agencies have also ignored that the incorporation of a gender equality perspective is a long-standing international policy strategy encompassing ‘all policies at all levels and at all stages’ (Council of Europe, 1998; see also Commission of the European Communities, 1996; United Nations, 1995), including evaluation. For example, the European-wide

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quality assurance criteria make no mention of gender (ENQA, 2015; INQAAHE, 2016) and the Athena SWAN charter only includes diversity in the curriculum in its golden award but not in the silver and bronze awards (ECU, 2018).2 Nonetheless, as Bustelo (2017, p.  85) highlights, a gender-sensitive evaluation is needed for upholding the gender mainstreaming strategy across the policy cycle. In this vein, quality assurance ‘can be used strategically for a politics of transformation’ in the interests of gender equality, enabling the introduction of formal procedures that render visible gender inequalities and that stimulate change (Luke, 1997, p.  434). Indeed, quality assurance standards define the content that is evaluated, and can therefore establish the inclusion or exclusion of central, politically valued dimensions of practice and units of measurement (Patton, 2002, p. 99). What is not measured is rarely implemented, and even more rarely sustained. In addition, while gender justice arguments do not necessarily resonate with university policy actors whose worldview fundamentally draws on the purportedly neutral principles of objectivity and meritocracy (Verge, Ferrer-Fons, & González, 2018), quality assurance inevitably does. Therefore, effecting change in this domain has the potential to instill a system-level change across higher education institutions, as quality assurance constitutes a binding evaluation mechanism. Interrogating institutional missions and practice ‘to detect where, when, and how’ gender equality goals faded away across the policy cycle (Bustelo, 2017, p. 85) has the potential to contribute to the monitoring of the implementation of equity agendas within higher education institutions (Martin, 2009, p. 252). It is also worth noting that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development highlights that the principles guiding follow-­up and review processes at all levels should be gender-sensitive (United Nations, 2015). An alternative reading of quality assurance can thus entail its re-articulation for social and gender justice (Luke, 1997), exposing that quality and equality are inextricably linked. Far from being narrowed to counting women (e.g., access, graduation and employability rates), to effectively embed equity in monitoring practice, quality assurance should pay further attention to processes and practices at universities that produce or that fail to redress gender inequalities and gaps. In brief, embedding a gender perspective in quality assurance work would

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allow gender equality to be ‘repositioned at the center of debate, policy, and practice’, instill an institutional self-redefinition around equity issues (Luke, 1997, p.  445), and create new discursive spaces for previously ignored issues (Morley, 2005, p. 419). In this way, quality assurance and evaluation can thus be reclaimed as a ‘political activity’ (Sielbeck-Bowen, Brisolara, Seigart, Tischler, & Whitmore, 2002, p.  4) by practitioners, academics, and support staff who work towards social, racial, gender and ability equality. Lastly, it is worth noting that a gender-blind university teaching is letting down students. Engendering the curricula is a long-standing vindication of the student body. Already over a decade ago, in the context of the creation of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), the European Students’ Union cogently remarked that ‘gender specific knowledge cannot be outsourced in specific lectures on “gender” but has to be integrated into the average courses and seminars’, and it claimed that ‘the definition of employability must include awareness regarding gender stereotypes and gender-based discrimination’. It also denounced that ‘the academic society is male dominated and often forgets women and their contributions in history, which leads to the perception of a constant and even historical lack of role models. Such a perception may lead to the belief of female of not being suited for these fields’ (ESU, 2008, n.p.).

The Policy Innovation in Context In Spain all university degrees are externally evaluated throughout their life cycle, with validation (ex-ante assessment of degree proposals), monitoring (follow-up of implementation and results) and accreditation (assessment of whether the degree has been carried out according to the initial project) processes. Since university policy is a shared competence within a devolved territorial architecture, some regions have established their own quality assurance agency to perform the evaluation work. In line with Europe-wide gender-blind criteria, both the central-level and the regional quality assurance agencies ignored gender equality concerns and disregarded the explicit albeit soft mandates found in both equality

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and university laws to incorporate gender equality as a value of universities and to promote its teaching in a cross-cutting way in all areas of knowledge.3 This, in turn, has allowed universities to ignore the call for a curricular gender reform. Additionally, even though engendering teaching is a strategic axis of the gender action plan that all Spanish universities are statutorily required to have, in practice the corresponding measures have been poorly implemented due to resistance from both the faculty and managerial staff (Verge et  al., 2018). Indeed, universities’ equality units, along with feminist teaching staff, are generally the sole actors striving to engender the curriculum through the organization of extracurricular activities for students and the provision of gender training for faculty (Verge & Cabruja, 2017). Yet, due to their relatively peripheral location within universities, such actions have limited impact. Drawing lessons from such a policy failure, gender-equality entrepreneurs within Catalan universities strategized to overcome two main deficits that could not be addressed at each single institution. These deficits are the lack of strong mandates concerning the gender-sensitivity of the higher education curriculum, and the absence of binding and robust monitoring and evaluation tools (see Verge, 2019). Firstly, feminist academics and women’s organizations joined with women MPs to include specific measures affecting universities in the Law on Effective Equality of Women and Men (Act 17/2015). Article 28 of Act 17/2015 establishes that undergraduate and postgraduate programs must mainstream gender in all knowledge areas, and gender-specific courses or modules must be created in the core curriculum (that is, not as optional courses, as is typically the case). Universities must also guarantee that the teaching staff is adequately trained in gender mainstreaming and women’s studies. Most crucially, a gender equality perspective must be incorporated into quality assurance processes. Secondly, universities’ equality units worked collaboratively to communicate to higher education actors the new formal rules and to expose the extent to which the gender dimension was absent in the undergraduate and graduate programs of all Catalan-speaking universities (Verge & Cabruja, 2017). Thirdly, gender-equality university bodies called upon the Catalan University Quality Assurance Agency (Agència per a la Qualitat del Sistema Universitari de Catalunya, AQU Catalunya) to materialize the provision included in the above-mentioned Equality

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Law and requested its presence as an ex officio member of the Women and Science Committee of the Inter-University Council of Catalonia (Consell Interuniversitari de Catalunya, CIC). This non-standing committee, established in 2005, performs the roles of both agenda-setting and oversight of the gender equality policies of universities. The directors of universities’ equality units meet with key stakeholders three times per year to monitor the progress of gender mainstreaming in universities. These meetings include senior officials from departments and agencies responsible for the higher education policy of the Catalan government and representatives of the Catalan Women’s Institute. AQU Catalunya set up a task force made up of gender experts—feminist academics recommended by the directors of universities’ equality units—and quality assurance experts, two strands of expertise also found in the coordination team.4 The recommendations of this working group were compiled in the document General framework for incorporating the gender perspective in higher education teaching (AQU Catalunya, 2019a), which was approved by the agency’s Institutional Evaluation and Programs Committee. Subsequently, the agency revised the evaluation guidelines that university degrees must comply with to meet the various quality assurance standards (AQU Catalunya, 2019b) discussed in the next section and established an implementation calendar. Starting in January 2020, all new degrees will need to incorporate a gender perspective (ex-­ ante assessment). For standing programs, the engendered quality assurance scheme will come into force in March 2020 for modifications, and in 2021 for accreditations. In its immediate application, non-compliance with gender indicators will not entail the non-fulfilment of a given quality assurance standard. However, a program’s favorable accreditation for that standard will be conditioned to the adoption of adequate measures to redress the shortcomings identified (AQU Catalunya, 2019b). While gender studies and, more generally, gender equality policies are increasingly under attack by conservative and religious social and political groups across the world (Verloo, 2018), the Catalan case brings some hope to gender-focused campaigns. Also, AQU Catalunya’s privileged position within international arenas for co-operation in the area of quality assurance may facilitate the diffusion of this policy innovation to other contexts. This facilitation may be supported because Catalunya has

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hosted the Secretariat of the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE) since October 2013, has representatives on the executive board of the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA) and on the steering committee of the European Quality Assurance Forum (EQAF).

( E)Quality Assurance for an Inclusive Higher Education A gender-inclusive curriculum is ‘one consciously designed to recognize and acknowledge the evidence that males and females are likely to bring in a similar, but also different, cultural baggage to their learning experience and that societies are deeply gendered at micro and macro levels’ (Grünberg, 2011, p. 7). This entails problematizing the over-­generalization of a studied phenomenon on the basis of men’s experiences; paying attention to the differences within men’s and women’s groups; avoiding both partial interpretations based on men as the norm, and essentialist views that omit the inherent diversity of the subjects ‘women’ and ‘men’—in terms of class, race, ableness or sexual orientation and gender identity, among other markers of identity; and overcoming explanations based on gender stereotypes. Yet, a gender-sensitive curriculum also encompasses several aspects beyond course content. It includes producing gender-­ balanced reference lists in the syllabi, providing role models to both male and female students, and making women’s contributions visible. As for the learning environment, a gender-sensitive approach enables staff to become sensitive to gendered dynamics underlying students’ class participation or teacher-student interactions, as well as the potential gender biases introduced by teaching and assessment methods. As has been discussed in the introduction of this chapter, the integration of the gender dimension into the higher education curriculum is as much a matter of equality as it is a matter of quality, thereby impinging on quality assurance. Yet, such combination is not free of tension, as gender indicators are often subject to technicalization and depoliticization through checklists that may lead to the ‘gender washing’ of policies (Kunz

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& Prügl, 2019). While gender equality concerns coincide with other mainstream goals (like quality), in order to prevent ‘strategic framing’ from limiting the transformative potential of gender equality reforms (Bacchi & Eveline, 2010) extant quality assurance paradigms must be substantially reoriented. This is what the General framework for the incorporating the gender perspective in higher education teaching (AQU Catalunya, 2019a) does, underscoring that gender-blind curricula do not exist in a vacuum. It problematizes and politicizes the neutrality of the curriculum, the references listed in the syllabi, and the learning environment itself. In doing so, it provides a sample of gender biases unveiled by relevant research for each of the five areas of knowledge that cluster university programs (Arts and Humanities, Social Sciences and Law, Science, Life Sciences, and Engineering and Architecture). Moreover, the General framework (AQU Catalunya, 2019a) stresses that engendering the curriculum must be coupled with the transformation of the gendered norms and practices that (re)produce gender inequality at universities, including the institutions’ and the faculties’ or schools’5 planning and organization, human resources, and curricular design policies. Engendering quality assurance processes can thus not only improve the attention paid to gender in the curriculum but also contribute to building fairer higher education institutions. While this general framework employs a pedagogical approach and provides a gender audit through which the above-mentioned aspects can be self-assessed by faculties or schools, the revised Guide to the accreditation of recognised bachelor’s and master’s degree programs (AQU Catalunya, 2019b) lists the gender indicators for which officially recognized university degrees will have to provide evidence on their performance. These new indicators have been incorporated across the existing six quality assurance standards, as Table 9.1 summarizes. Regarding the first standard, namely quality of the training program (as stipulated in the Act 15/2017 on the effective equality of women and men), gender indicators must pay attention to: gender gaps in the student body of each degree program, differences in profiles of female and male students, and actions undertaken by the faculty or school to increase the number of students of the underrepresented sex. This standard also measures the availability of courses that are gender-specific or that include

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Table 9.1  Gender indicators across quality assurance standards 1. Quality of the training program

2. Relevance of public information

• Male and female students enlisted in the program. • Actions undertaken to increase enrolment of students from underrepresented groups. • Gender differences in student profiles: part-time/full-time, cutting marks, etc. • Number and type of modules/courses that incorporate a gender perspective or are gender specific. • Extra supply of gender-specific courses (e.g. minors). • Training is provided on how to conduct gender-sensitive research. • Teaching materials are gender-sensitive. • Actions undertaken to make women’s contributions to the discipline visible and to problematize the gender structure of the profession. 3. Efficacy of the program’s internal quality assurance system • Existence of mechanisms to guarantee and supervise the inclusion of a gender perspective in course guides and teaching materials. • Gender mainstreaming is applied to the design, monitoring and modifications of the faculty or school’s programs. • The staff responsible for the program’s internal quality assurance system has received training on gender mainstreaming. • The internal quality assurance system incorporates a gender perspective (gender equality goals and actions are detailed, gender-sensitive indicators are used in monitoring reports, etc.).

• Public availability of sex-­ disaggregated data. • Program marketing materials (e.g. leaflets) and websites are free from gender stereotypes and use inclusive images and language. • Course guides make explicit the gender competences and gender-­ sensitive learning outcomes included. • The institution’s gender equality policies are publicized (gender action plans, protocols against sexual harassment, etc.).

4. Suitability of teaching staff for the training program • Gender differences in faculty staff profiles. • Gender differences in teaching load (number/type of courses and credits). • Gender biases are taken into consideration when assessing staff performance (in student evaluations, in recruitment and promotion, etc.). • Proportion of the program’s faculty staff who have gender-­ equality training and/or have participated in gender-equality training sessions provided by the university. • Number of gender-sensitive teaching innovation projects that the faculty staff participate in. (continued)

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Table 9.1 (continued) 1. Quality of the training program

2. Relevance of public information

5. Effectiveness of learning support systems • Sex-disaggregated data on international mobility of students. • Sex-disaggregated data on international mobility of faculty staff. • Gender-equality training provided to administrative staff. • Adequacy of the number and type of library resources related to the discipline that are devoted to gender mainstreaming or gender studies. • Existence of non-sexist signage in faculty or school premises (toilets, changing rooms, etc.).

6. Quality of program (learning) outcomes • Gender differences in student retention and graduation rates. • Gender differences in number of years needed to graduate. • Gender differences in student employability rates after graduation. • Gender differences in student satisfaction with programs. • Students’ satisfaction with the presence of a gender perspective in programs.

Source: AQU Catalunya (2019b)

a gender perspective, and the training provided to students on how to conduct gender-sensitive research.6 Programs will also have to demonstrate that teaching materials are gender-sensitive (gender-balanced reference lists, use of inclusive and non-sexist images and texts, etc.), and that women’s contributions to the discipline are made visible (through seminars, lectures, awards, etc.). Likewise, performance in this standard examines the actions undertaken by the faculty or school to problematize the gender structure of the profession—like the gender pay gap or implicit gender biases. The second standard, the gender dimension relevant to public information, will be assessed against the public availability of sex-­disaggregated data as well as by publicizing the institution’s gender equality policy (including its gender action plan and other measures to prevent and manage conducts related to sexual harassment). Simultaneously, faculty or schools will have to report on the measures adopted to guarantee that the program’s marketing materials (leaflets, website, etc.) are free from gender stereotypes. Most crucially, this standard assesses the extent to which course guides make explicit references to gender competences and learning outcomes. To this effect, the general framework puts emphasis on the

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application of the gender competence to all courses across disciplines, suggesting a cross-cutting competence that programs may tailor to their needs, namely ‘to develop the ability to assess inequality on the grounds of sex and gender, to design solutions’ (AQU Catalunya, 2019a, p. 15). This should be understood from a ‘gender+ perspective’ that considers the intersection of various axes of inequality like race, class, ableness and sexual orientation (Lombardo, Meier, & Verloo, 2017). Examples of learning outcomes by discipline are also listed in the General framework in order to illustrate how a gender-sensitive teaching involves using ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ as key analytical and explanatory variables. The third standard deals with the efficacy of the program’s internal quality assurance system. This standard pays attention to the mechanisms put in place by the faculty or school to ensure that gender mainstreaming is implemented in course guides and teaching materials, and that it is effectively monitored. More generally, the faculty or school must provide evidence on how the faculty or school’s internal quality assurance system as a whole incorporates a gender perspective, making sure that gender is routinely mainstreamed in the design, monitoring and evaluation of programs; and that the staff responsible for such processes has received adequate gender-equality training. Therefore, the new gender indicators of this standard tackle decision-making processes with a view to transforming the apparently gender-neutral institutional and organizational logics that yield gendered effects within universities (see Valian, 2004). The suitability of staff for the training program is the object of the fourth standard. The faculty or school will have to provide data on gender differences and biases in the profiles of staff members (age, permanent/ non-permanent position, etc.), on teaching load (for example, the number and type of credits), on student evaluations, and on performance assessments made by recruitment and promotion committees. This calls attention to the often subtle gender power relations and the accumulation of disadvantages by female faculty staff. Implicit gender biases underpin teaching performance evaluations (see Boring, 2017) and, disguised in meritocratic norms, selection processes are often blighted by

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gender stereotypes that discriminate against women’s access to and promotion in the academia (Steinpreis, Anders, & Ritzke, 1999). The share of faculty staff with gender-equality training and participation in teaching innovation projects that seek to further a gender perspective will also be assessed. Certainly, the faculty staff are the ultimate implementers of teaching policies, so they need to be incentivized to acquire the gender competence themselves. In this vein, the Inter-University Council of Catalonia, as per initiative of its Women and Science Committee, set up in 2019 an award that recognizes gender-sensitive teaching innovation projects with 20,000€. Winning teams must devote this amount to furthering teaching innovation in this area. The fifth standard centers on the effectiveness of learning support systems. Besides assessing the gendered patterns of international mobility of students and staff, it looks at the incorporation of a gender perspective in non-curricular activities, such as tutoring programs, career guidance activities, and internship agreements. Other indicators relate to gender-­ equality training for administrative staff due to the relevant role they play in supporting the organization and implementation of programs. The faculties and schools are also required to assess the adequacy of library resources devoted to gender mainstreaming or to gender studies, as the revision of courses needs to be accompanied by the availability of sufficient resources for both the professoriate and the students. The existence of non-sexist signage in the faculty or school premises will also be assessed, stimulating a broader reflection on the inclusivity of the learning environment. The sixth and final standard relates to the quality of the programs’ learning outcomes. This includes an assessment of how gender affects students’ retention, graduation and employability rates, and satisfaction with their programs. Furthermore, students’ satisfaction with the presence of a gender perspective in their program is also to be measured. In this vein, a new question asking those completing their degree about the extent to which they have received a gender-sensitive teaching is expected to be included in the survey carried out by AQU Catalunya on a periodical basis.

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Conclusions A gender-blind university teaching is letting down both society and students. Its quality is severely at stake when it does not prepare students for gender diversity. Universities must prepare students to consider and address the diverse needs of the population, the inherent heterogeneity of the subjects ‘women’ and ‘men’, and the identification and problematization of dominant gendered socialization patterns. Guaranteeing that higher education institutions afford students an educational experience that stimulates their critical thinking through the provision of societally relevant competences and skills cannot then be relegated to the isolated efforts of a few socially committed scholars or universities’ equality units. Unquestionably, the task falls under the purview of quality assurance. The policy innovation introduced in the Catalan university system demonstrates that coupling quality with equality entails that gender indicators must be mainstreamed across all quality assurance standards. After all, the curricula of programs are designed and implemented by institutions where the principles of objectivity, neutrality and merit have rendered invisible, and where gendered dynamics underpin all processes and practices. An alternative reading of quality assurance, one that overcomes its own gender blindness, can thus help reintroduce the gender equality goals that have faded away during the implementation stage, thanks to its prescribing nature for all higher education institutions. Having been layered into an already institutionalized compliance and oversight regime, this reform provides a strong institutional incentive to enact gender change. Therefore, an engendered quality assurance has the potential to instill an equity-focused system-level transformation that affects all universities of a given context. Such policy innovation was prompted in Catalonia by gender-equality entrepreneurs who grouped together to change the legislative framework and pushed the quality assurance agency to materialize the normative mandate into a tangible output that is premised on a ‘transformative’ and not just a ‘tinkering’ approach to gender mainstreaming (Rees, 1998).

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The effective enactment of this new framework will be dependent on the provision of adequate gender-equality training to both administration personnel and teaching staff. Finally, the policy intervention described above may be transferred to other contexts. While not all domestic normative frameworks may mandate the application of a gender perspective to quality assurance, university and/or equality laws tend to call for the need to bring back gender into the curriculum. Also, as has already been noted, the incorporation of gender mainstreaming to all policies— including education, across all phases of the policy cycle—including evaluation, is a long-standing international policy strategy to eradicate gender inequality. It is about time.

Notes 1. Provided that the syllabus includes complete names and not just the initials of authors, to obtain the gender and race breakdown of the reference list you can use the Gender Balance Assessment Tool created by Prof Jane Lawrence Sumner (University of Minnesota), which can be retrieved from https://jlsumner.shinyapps.io/syllabustool/ 2. Established and managed by the UK Equality Challenge Unit in 2005 to further gender equality in universities, it has expanded to other countries like Ireland, Australia and New Zealand. 3. See Act 1/2004 on protection measures against gender-based violence (article 4.7); Act 3/2007 on the effective equality of women and men (article 25); Act 4/2007 on universities (preamble); Decree 1393/2007 which regulates official university degrees; Act 14/2011 on science, technology and innovation (13th additional provision). 4. The author of this chapter was the gender expert of the coordination team. 5. It refers to an organisational unit of a university, for example, Faculty of Social Sciences, School of Engineering Studies. 6. See the portal of the European Commission (Horizon 2020) on responsible research and innovation: https://ec.europa.eu/programmes/horizon2020/en/h2020-section/responsible-research-innovation

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Kunz, R., & Prügl, E. (2019). Introduction: Gender experts and gender expertise. European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2(1), 3–21. Lombardo, E., Meier, P., & Verloo, M. (2017). Policymaking from a gender+ equality perspective. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 38(1), 1–19. Luke, C. (1997). Quality assurance and women in higher education. Higher Education, 33(4), 433–451. Martin, M. (2009). On the relationship of external quality assurance and equity: Can they converge on national policy agendas? Quality in Higher Education, 15(3), 251–262. Mehta, L. S., Beckie, T. M., DeVon, H. A., Grines, C. L., Krumholz, H. M., Johnson, M. N., … Wenger, N. K. (2016). Acute myocardial infarction in Women: A scientific statement from the American Heart Association. Circulation, 133(9), 916–947. Morley, L. (2003). Quality and power in higher education. Buckingham: Open University Press. Morley, L. (2005). Opportunity or exploitation? Women and quality assurance in higher education. Gender and Education, 17(4), 411–429. North, L. (2010). The gender ‘problem’ in Australian journalism education. Australian Journalism Review, 32(2), 103–115. Patton, M.  Q. (2002). Feminist, yes, but is it evaluation? New Directions for Evaluation, 96(Winter), 97–108. Rees, T. (1998). Mainstreaming equality in the European Union: Education, training and labour market policies. London: Routledge. Sielbeck-Bowen, K., Brisolara, S., Seigart, D., Tischler, C., & Whitmore, E. (2002). Exploring feminist evaluation: The ground from which we rise. New Directions for Evaluation, 96, 3–8. Steinpreis, R. E., Anders, K. A., & Ritzke, D. (1999). The impact of gender on the review of the curricula vitae of job applicants and tenure candidates: A national empirical study. Sex Roles, 41(7–8), 509–528. United Nations (UN). (1995). Beijing declaration and platform for action: The fourth world conference on women. Retrieved December 2019, from https:// beijing20.unwomen.org/~/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/csw/ pfa_e_final_web.pdf United Nations (UN). (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development. Retrieved December 2019, from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/transformingourworld/publication Valian, V. (2004). Beyond gender schemas: Improving the advancement of women in academia. NWSA Journal, 16(1), 207–220.

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10 Success for LGBT College and University Students Kristen A. Renn

In many world regions, the climate for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people has improved in the last three decades (Flores & Park, 2018). Civil and human rights campaigns in a number of nations have improved the legal status of LGBT people and both mainstream and social media provide examples of successful LGBT people in public and private life (Ayoub & Garretson, 2017). Though not universal, people minoritized by their sexual and/or gender identities have seen advances in social attitudes and acceptance. Yet there is still ample evidence that LGBT students in college and university1 face challenging campus environments that can interfere with their learning, development, wellbeing, and success. In the face of this evidence of negative impact there are also reasons to believe that LGBT college students are thriving. In this chapter I will describe campus climate and then, from a strengths-based perspective, describe positive attributes that contribute to LGBT college student thriving. K. A. Renn (*) Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_10

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LGBT Campus Climate Evidence suggests that the climate for LGBT college students has improved in many regions of the world over the last decade, but there is still ample reason to believe that LGBT students face challenges to their learning, development, and success. In the US, a landmark 2003 study of LGBT2 campus climate (Rankin, 2003) established a baseline for national studies of LGBT student experiences; in summary, Rankin reported widespread negative findings. By the time of a follow up study (Rankin, Weber, Blumenfeld, & Frazer, 2010) the climate had improved somewhat but the 5000 students, faculty, and staff who responded to the survey reported campus environments where LGBQ people commonly experienced harassment and discrimination, transgender people more so, and LGBT people of color even more than white respondents. A 2018 national report (Greathouse et  al., 2018) aggregated data from several studies, including Rankin et al.’s (2010) study. The national report indicated that only half of queer-spectrum3 students believed that their campus is welcoming, compared to two-thirds of heterosexual students; for trans-spectrum students, the percentage was lower: 40% said the campus was welcoming compared to 65% of cisgender students (Greathouse et al., 2018). For community college students, for whom the classroom may be the most salient aspect of the college experience, classroom climate in particular plays a role in perceptions of campus climate overall (Garvey, Taylor, & Rankin, 2015; Nguyen, Brazelton, Renn, & Woodford, 2018). Campus climate studies consist of efforts to measure the relative supportiveness and/or hostility of a given college or university vis-à-vis LGBT students, faculty, and staff. These studies build on a tradition in the US of measuring campus climate for women and for racial and ethnic minorities. Often they include a survey that asks respondents to rate various aspects of campus, and sometimes they also include follow up focus groups and interviews. These studies are somewhat common on individual campuses in the US and fairly rare in other contexts,4 though a few published examples provide some context for understanding the experiences of LGBT students. In a multi-campus study Ellis (2009) found

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that in spite of efforts to enact an equality agenda in tertiary education in the UK, homophobia contributes to students feeling that campuses are not safe spaces. A dissertation (Barry, 2014) conducted at one South African university showed that heterosexual students’ attitudes toward gays and lesbians ‘tended toward acceptance’ (p. 57), but remained well in the middle of the range (50–60 on a scale of 20 [extremely negative] to 100 [extremely positive]). Attitudes differed by sex, race, rural versus urban upbringing, and religiosity of the survey respondent. The University of Western Australia conducted an LGBT student experience survey (Dau & Strauss, 2016) and found ‘Participants perceive campus climate to be hostile towards trans students and comparatively friendly towards gay men’ (p. v). These examples represent three forms of inquiry into LGBT campus climate (multi-campus student survey, dissertation study of attitudes toward LGBT people, and single-campus climate study) and contain results that reflect some regional differences in the attitudes and behaviors that LGBT students encounter when they go to college. There is abundant evidence that having another marginalized identity in addition to sexual orientation or gender identity magnifies negative campus climate. LGBT students who are first-generation in college, who are students of color, or who have disabilities, for example, report more negative campus climate than LGBT students who are white, are not first in their family to go to college, or who do not report a disability (Blockett, 2017; Duran, 2018; Duran & Pérez, 2017; Garvey et  al., 2015; Greathouse et al., 2018; Rankin et al., 2010; Woodford, Joslin, Pitcher, & Renn, 2017). Transgender students of any sexual orientation, race, or other identity experience more negative climate compared to cisgender students in the same categories (Garvey et al., 2015; Greathouse et al., 2018; Rankin et al., 2010). And gender non-conformity comes at a price for classroom climate for LGBT students (Garvey & Rankin, 2015). Although many people ask how many LGBT college and university students there are in a specific region, a nation, or around the world, there are few accurate statistics on this population. One survey in the US asks, ‘Do you personally identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender?’, to which 4.5% of respondents say yes (Williams Institute, 2019). Assuming a college-going rate about the same as non-LGBT people, then approximately four to five percent of postsecondary students may

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identify as LGBT. About 650 postsecondary institutions in the US use the Common Application and/or the Universal College Application, both of which provide an opportunity for transgender students to more accurately indicate their sex and gender identity, though neither application includes a required field for sexual orientation (Jaschik, 2019). Some institutions in the US have begun offering students an option to self-­ identify their sexual orientation and gender identities, often on admissions applications (see Chan, 2015), but the practice is not yet common and there are no aggregated data available from institutions. In many regions of the world it would be unwise or unsafe to self-identify one’s LGBT identity to one’s institution, so it is unlikely that any data will be available in the foreseeable future. Even without knowing the number and location of LGBT postsecondary students, it seems clear given the evidence about their experience with campus climate that understanding how to facilitate their success on campus is an important goal.

LGBT Student Success Academic and well-being outcomes for LGBT students vary in important ways from their cisgender, heterosexual peers. Some research has linked these differences directly to campus climate, while other studies provide broad descriptive findings showing these differences. Overall, the picture remains discouraging but there are some encouraging findings that suggest strategies for improving LGBT student outcomes.

Academic Experiences and Outcomes Academic outcomes for LGBT students feature a paradox, with a number of factors at play. Evidence shows that LGBT students are more likely than non-LGBT peers to take time off from school (that is, to ‘stopout’) and to rate their academic performance lower (Garvey, Squire, Stachler, & Rankin, 2018; Greathouse et al., 2018; Mathies et al., 2019; Rankin et  al., 2016). Yet they are also more likely under some conditions to engage in the kinds of activities called ‘high-impact practices’ that bring

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them into close relationship with faculty and peers, such as undergraduate research, study abroad, and service-learning—all of which are known to have a positive influence on student persistence (Greathouse et  al., 2018; Kilgo, Linley, Renn, & Woodford, 2019). The overall picture of academic outcomes for LGBT students is complex, in some areas more negative than it is for their non-LGBT peers and in some areas more positive. In a project that synthesized findings across four national surveys5 that were not specific to LGBT students, but which included sexual orientation and gender identity demographic questions, researchers were able to analyze data on over 66,000 LGBQ students and 6600 transgender students at 918 postsecondary institutions (Greathouse et al., 2018). They found that queer-spectrum and trans-spectrum students were more likely than their peers to skip class or go to class unprepared, to turn in an assignment late, or to fail one or more college courses. Twenty-eight percent of queer-spectrum students considered dropping out compared to 17% of heterosexual students, and 38% of trans-­ spectrum students considered dropping out compared to 18% of non-­ transgender students (Greathouse et al., 2018, pp. 16–17). In some areas of academic engagement, however, LGBT students appear to thrive in comparison to their non-LGBT peers. As noted above, they may be more likely to engage in high-impact practices, and the student-­faculty interaction that occurs through high-impact practices has a disproportionately positive effect on LGBQ and gender-variant students (BrckaLorenz, Garvey, Hurtado, & Latopolski, 2017; Garvey, BrckaLorenz, Latopolski, & Hurtado, 2018). They are more likely to contribute to a class discussion, take writing intensive courses, undertake research projects as part of coursework, and have academic experiences with a diversity focus (Greathouse et al., 2018). Faculty interactions in and out of class can provide a buffering effect against negative experiences in other aspects of LGBT students’ lives (Linley et al., 2016). The concept of ‘micro-climates’ such as academic disciplines (Vaccaro, 2012) is helpful in understanding some differences among LGBT student experiences. Campus climate is not a monolith, and students may find more or less support in various micro-climates within an institution. Greathouse et  al. (2018) reported that queer- and trans-spectrum students were disproportionately overrepresented in arts and humanities

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and the social sciences, and underrepresented in business, engineering, and the health professions. Climate in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields has been found to be chilly for students and faculty (Hughes, 2018; Linley, Renn, & Woodford, 2018; Patridge, Barthelemy, & Rankin, 2014), but it is relatively warmer in humanities and social sciences (Brown, Clarke, Gortmaker, & Robinson-Keilig, 2004). In most studies, the link between campus climate and academic outcomes is implied, not direct, but one study has directly linked them for queer-spectrum students (Garvey, Squire, et al., 2018). Using students’ self-rating of academic success as the outcome,6 researchers were able to explain a quarter of the variance in academic success for queer-spectrum students through three measures of campus climate. The campus climate factors affecting academic success were comfort with campus climate, perceptions of campus climate, and perceptions of institutional action. Students who had more positive associations in each category rated their academic success higher, providing evidence of a link between climate and academic success. Using a rating of satisfaction with academic success, rather than an external factor such as Grade Point Average or persistence, allows for a holistic assessment of academic success though it lacks objectivity per se. The finding that students who rated their administration as more supportive also reported higher academic success is important evidence to support years of recommendations that anti-discrimination policies and supportive programming matter to LGBT students (see Pitcher, Camacho, Renn, & Woodford, 2018; Rankin, 2003; Rankin et al., 2010; Renn, 2010).

LGBT Student Well-Being Research on health and well-being of LGBT students is a topic of longstanding interest. It is rooted in the history of considering sexual orientations other than heterosexual as disordered (see Dilley, 2002a, 2002b), and in continued evidence that people minoritized by sexual orientation and/or gender identities are more likely than others to experience depression and other negative health consequences (Greathouse et al., 2018). An anti-deficit approach to understanding minoritized students counters

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a narrative of victimization and enables a holistic perspective on LGBT student thriving. Yet it is also important to consider how discriminatory and hostile environments pose a real threat to mental and physical health and well-being of LGBT students. LGBT college students are over three times more likely than non-­ LGBT peers to rate their own emotional health as below average or in the lowest 10%, and they are more likely to be depressed or to have attempted suicide (Greathouse et  al., 2018). Campus climate has been directly linked to LGBT student well-being (Kulick, Wernick, Woodford, & Renn, 2017; Woodford et al., 2018), with evidence that students experiencing more negative climates are more likely to be depressed and to smoke cigarettes (Ylioja, Cochran, Woodford, & Renn, 2018). Overall, queer-spectrum and trans-spectrum students are more likely to smoke tobacco and marijuana (Greathouse et al., 2018), and substance use is related to a negative campus climate (Winberg et al., 2019). It is difficult to consider the host of negative health and well-being outcomes without falling into a deficit mindset regarding LGBT students; that is, when considering the overall picture of well-being for LGBT students, it is important to know the very real negative outcomes, but it is equally important to keep in mind that being LGBT does not cause depression or substance use. Minority stress theory (Meyer, 1995) is a helpful frame. In short, this theory posits that the very nature of being in a minoritized group exposes individuals to stressors that manifest in health and well-being; everyday microaggressions and macro-level civil rights and public policy present to people in minoritized groups a constant stream of indignities, harassment, discrimination, and violence (actual or threatened) that accumulates as minority stress (Kelleher, 2009; Meyer, 1995; Toomey, Ryan, Diaz, & Russell, 2018). The effects of minority stress often amplify for LGBT students through lack of access to physical and mental healthcare that is attuned to their needs (Woodford, Joslin, & Renn, 2016). Viewing LGBT student academics, health, and well-being through the lens of minority stress theory points to the environment, not the individual, as the source of negative outcomes (Woodford et al., 2016).

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Thriving and Success Another theory that re-frames LGBT student experiences is thriving. Even while outcomes overall are not as positive for LGBT students as for their peers, many LGBT students thrive and achieve a great deal of academic and other success. Laurie Schreiner (2010) introduced the concept of a ‘thriving quotient’ to describe students who are ‘fully engaged intellectually, socially, and emotionally in the college experience’ (p.  4). Identities can be directly related to activities of thriving, and thriving explains in part how students express agency in coping with sometimes hostile environments. Researchers in the National Study of LGBT Student Success (Hill, Kilgo, Shea, Nguyen, Lange, Renn, & Woodford, 2020) demonstrated how LGBT students thrive across the three dimensions—academic, interpersonal, and intrapersonal—of the Schreiner thriving framework. Students who thrive have some common characteristics. They are likely to use a ‘positive explanatory style,’ which ‘enables a person to come to grips with difficult situations more readily’ (Schreiner, 2010, p. 6). They value relationships with peers, faculty, and other mentors. They are able to explore and express multiple aspects of their identities, and they engage in academic, social, and/or extra-­curricular activities that affirm LGBT identities. Recall the positive finding that trans-spectrum and queer-spectrum students may participate more in high-impact practices that increase their interactions with faculty, and the disproportionately positive influence of these interactions on the academic engagement of LGBT students (BrckaLorenz et  al., 2017; Garvey, BrckaLorenz, et  al., 2018). These and other faculty interactions, including those in instructional settings, may serve as buffers against the negative effects of campus climate as well (Garvey et al., 2015; Hill et al., 2020; Linley et al., 2018). Positive faculty-student interactions in and out of class can foster micro-­climates of support in otherwise less supportive environments (Vaccaro, 2012). Campus policies, programs and services can also contribute to the positive campus climate and the well-being that is related to it. Through signaling acceptance of LGBT people, providing spaces where LGBT

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students can come together, reducing administrative and physical obstacles to gender inclusion, and by providing recourse when harassment or discrimination occur—campus policies, programs and services can make a real difference in the experiences of LGBT students (Pitcher et  al., 2018: Woodford, Kulick, Garvey, Sinco, & Hong, 2018). Straight-­ forward procedures for name changes in university records, for example, or gender-inclusive facilities (for example, housing, washrooms and locker rooms, can reduce minority stress placed on transgender students and may reduce harassment and discrimination against them.

Strategies to Support LGBT Student Success Given the knowledge about LGBT student experiences and outcomes there are ways to frame strategies for supporting students around reducing minority stress and increasing student thriving. Faculty and university staff are in positions to create environments in which all students, including those minoritized by gender and sexual orientation, can thrive. Shifting the campus climate through specific actions, policies and language is possible.

 onduct a Campus Audit and Process Map C the Experiences of LGBT Students Auditing and process mapping are strategies to identify policies, practices and procedures that result in an unfriendly campus climate, microaggressions, invalidation, and hostility toward LGBT students. A campus audit and mapping process entails looking at every interaction students have with the institution, from pre-application through post-graduation, from the perspectives of LGBT+ students. A typical process entails bringing together staff responsible for designing these interactions: admissions, new student orientation, housing, academic advising, student affairs, LGBT+ resource center (if a campus has one), registrar, health providers and health educators, development and alumnx relations, and so forth. Staff then map the kinds of interactions (online, in person, email, paper)

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students have with their functional areas and examine the documents, websites, forms, policies, procedures, and practices that LGBT+ students encounter, with an eye for how, when, and where LGBT+ students will have a different experience from their non-LGBT+ peers. Examples of differences include when a non-binary transgender student must choose from binary sex or gender options, or when LGBT+ must out themselves to housing or health providers to obtain necessary services. Throughout the audit, it is important to pay attention to how a student whose sexual orientation and/or gender identities change during their time at an institution. How does a graduate change their name on their diploma? How does a current student indicate a new name, which may not yet be their legal name, on course lists and in learning management systems? If processes for reporting anti-LGBT+ bias are explained only during new student orientation, how does a student learn about these processes later, once they realize that they need to know? Students themselves may be best positioned to identify these kinds of moments. On some campuses, it makes sense to involve LGBT+ students in the initial auditing process; on other campuses staff prefer to do the initial round and then involve students once the more obvious instances of inequity have been identified.

 evelop Deadlines for Addressing Issues Uncovered D in the Audit/Process Mapping Some of the issues may be able to be resolved immediately, while others might take time to address through changing policies or amending physical spaces. For example, existing single-user washrooms could be designated as gender-inclusive with temporary signage while permanent signage is on order and additional inclusive facilities are created. Adding non-binary gender markers to online student forms might be fairly simple, while changes to campus databases to let students list their pronouns might take longer. Students engaged in process mapping might indicate that they have never heard of a campus service that in fact already exists; publicizing existing programs and services could be a relatively easy fix.

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For those resolutions that will take some time, setting clear deadlines and responsible persons is critical, as is following up to ensure follow through.

Engage Faculty and Instructors There is no question that interactions with faculty matter to LGBT students, and instructors are in a position to set classroom climate, provide an inclusive curriculum, and respond to students in ways that affirm their identities. Regardless of the course topic, instructors can model respect for transgender students by providing a confidential opportunity to correct their names on a course roster, using their pronouns (as identified by the student), and avoiding ‘outing’ students by using incorrect names. Including LGBT curriculum provides ways for students to engage intellectually with material related to their identities and helps non-LGBT students broaden their perspectives. Addressing microaggressions or harassment that happen in class is an important step, as is ensuring that LGBT students are not isolated during group work. Knowing the specific resources the campus has for LGBT students is another way for faculty to be supportive. Being able to refer a student to an LGBT campus resource center, a particular physician or counselor at health services, or a faith community that is open and affirming of LGBT people, can help students build networks of support for thriving. The research findings that LGBT students benefit disproportionately from participation in high impact practices with faculty suggest that active recruiting of minoritized students could be a powerful lever for improving outcomes.

Staff Training The landscape of sexual orientation and gender identity has changed a great deal in the last few decades. Students come to college already identifying as LGBT and expecting programs and services. They explore gender in new ways. They use unfamiliar terms for their sexuality or gender identity. Even for staff who are inclined to advocate for LGBT students and support their success, it can be hard to stay current. Other staff—not

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hostile to LGBT students but not yet actively advocating for them—may not have the information they need to provide services and programs in inclusive ways; the recent trend in US student affairs field toward introducing oneself including one’s pronouns (‘Hi, I’m Kristen. My pronouns are she, her, hers.’) may seem baffling until one understands that this practice is intended to interrupt assumptions that everyone is cisgender and provide opportunities for anyone, regardless of gender, to let others know what pronouns to use about them. Staff may benefit from training in respectful, appropriate terminology, pronoun usage, and from creating accessible and inclusive programs and facilities. Conducting training in a non-judgmental way that does not belittle colleagues who are not as well informed is an important way to build campus awareness and buy-in for shifting the culture to promote LGBT student success. LGBT speakers bureaus7 are a fairly common approach to providing training for staff and enhancing academic courses, without putting LGBT staff or students in those work or class settings in the position of representing all LGBT people.

Summary LGBT students are thriving in spite of challenges to their academic and personal well-being. The efforts of many campuses to improve campus climate overall and/or to create buffers against negative climate mean that LGBT students have increasing opportunities to thrive. The ongoing negative academic and well-being outcomes indicate that there is much more work to do in this area and provide motivation to address campus climate through audits and process maps, policy and procedure change, and faculty and staff engagement.

Notes 1. College, university, postsecondary and tertiary are all terms used with the word students to identify people enrolled in educational institutions beyond secondary level. In the US, the terms college students and university students mean the same thing; often a literature search will yield more

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returns using ‘college students.’ In other countries, college specifically refers to an institution that does not grant degrees bachelor’s level and above, sometimes called community or technical college. In this chapter, I use college student and university student interchangeably to indicate any student in an educational institution higher than secondary level. 2. Terms for people minoritized by gender identity and sexual orientation vary over time and region. Throughout this chapter I will use the terms that the original author used. 3. The term queer has historically been used in a derogatory way. It has been reclaimed in some regions, particularly in the English-speaking Global North, as a sign of empowerment and pride (Jagose, 1996). In this chapter I use it when the sources from which I am citing use it. In the case of the study cited here, the term ‘queer-spectrum’ was used to encompass sexual orientations including lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, and others that are not strictly heterosexual. 4. A number of factors contribute to this difference, including: US campuses typically have administrative offices charged with managing out-of-class environments for students; attrition from higher education is about 40% in the US, and campuses have identified sense of belonging and climate as factors in retention; a tradition of studying campus climate for women and for racial/ethnic minorities has spread to other identities (for example, LGBT, students with disabilities, international students). See Hart and Fellabaum (2008) for a discussion of campus climate studies. 5. The National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) 2017; Undergraduate Student Experience at the Research University (SERU) 2017; American College Health Association-National College Health Assessment (ACHA) 2016; and four surveys from the Higher Education Research Institute (HERI) 2016. This analysis was made possible by the recent inclusion of sexual orientation and gender identity on these surveys that are distributed to thousands of college students each year. 6. They used Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1983) seven-item, Liker-type Academic and Intellectual Development sub-scale from their Institutional Integration Scale. Sample items include ‘I am performing up to my full academic potential,’ ‘I am satisfied with the extent of my intellectual development since enrolling at [institution],’ and ‘My interest in ideas and intellectual matters has increased since coming to [institution]’ (Garvey, Squire, et al., 2018, Table 1).

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7. The Consortium of Higher Education LGBT Resource Professionals offers several program examples and guidelines for speakers bureaus at http://architect.lgbtcampus.org/peer_education_and_speakers_bureau. Also see speakers bureau examples from Iowa State (https://center.dso. iastate.edu/programs/panels), State University of New  York at Albany (https://www.albany.edu/lgbt/38104.php), and Ohio State (https://mcc. osu.edu/education-and-training/lgbtq-education-dialogues-programs/).

References Ayoub, P. M., & Garretson, J. (2017). Getting the message out: Media context and global changes in attitudes toward homosexuality. Comparative Political Studies, 50(8), 1055–1085. Barry, H. M. (2014). Heterosexual students’ attitudes towards gays and lesbians: An Eastern Cape university survey. Doctoral dissertation, University of Fort Hare, Alice. Blockett, R. A. (2017). ‘I think it’s very much placed on us’: Black queer men laboring to forge community at a predominantly White and (hetero)cisnormative research institution. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 30(8), 800–816. BrckaLorenz, A., Garvey, J. C., Hurtado, S. S., & Latopolski, K. (2017). High-­ impact practices and student–faculty interactions for gender-variant students. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 10(4), 350–365. Brown, R.  D., Clarke, B., Gortmaker, V., & Robinson-Keilig, R. (2004). Assessing the campus climate for gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) students using a multiple perspectives approach. Journal of College Student Development, 45(1), 8–26. Chan, A. (2015, August 6). Applying to a UC campus? Now you can choose among six gender identities  – if you want to. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-ucgender-20150806-story.html Dau, D., & Strauss, P. (2016). The experience of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans students at the University of Western Australia: Research report 2016. Crawley, WA: Equity and Diversity, The University of Western Australia. Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.hr.uwa.edu.au/equity/sexualities/ studylgbtstudents

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Dilley, P. (2002a). Queer man on campus: A history of non-heterosexual college men, 1945–2000. New York, NY: Routledge. Dilley, P. (2002b). 20th century postsecondary practices and policies to control gay students. The Review of Higher Education, 25(4), 409–431. Duran, A. (2018). Queer and of color: A systematic literature review on queer students of color in higher education scholarship. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 12(4), 390–400. Duran, A., & Pérez, D., II. (2017). Queering la familia: A phenomenological study reconceptualizing familial capital for queer Latino men. Journal of College Student Development, 58(8), 1149–1165. Ellis, S. J. (2009). Diversity and inclusivity at university: A survey of the experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) students in the UK. Higher Education, 57(6), 723–739. Flores, A. R., & Park, A. (2018). Polarized progress: Social acceptance of LGBT people in 141 countries, 1981 to 2014. Los Angeles, CA: The Williams Institute, University of California (UCLA) School of Law. Retrieved December 2019, from https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/ uploads/Polarized-Progress-April-2018.pdf Garvey, J. C., BrckaLorenz, A., Latopolski, K., & Hurtado, S. S. (2018). High-­ impact practices and student–faculty interactions for students across sexual orientations. Journal of College Student Development, 59(2), 210–226. Garvey, J. C., & Rankin, S. R. (2015). Making the grade? Classroom climate for LGBTQ students across gender conformity. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice, 52(2), 190–203. Garvey, J. C., Squire, D. D., Stachler, B., & Rankin, S. (2018). The impact of campus climate on queer-spectrum student academic success. Journal of LGBT Youth, 15(2), 89–105. Garvey, J. C., Taylor, J. L., & Rankin, S. (2015). An examination of campus climate for LGBTQ community college students. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 39(6), 527–541. Greathouse, M., BrckaLorenz, A., Hoban, M., Huesman, R., Jr., Rankin, S., & Stolzenberg, E. B. (2018). Queer-spectrum and trans-spectrum student experiences in American higher education: The analyses of national survey findings. New Brunswick, NJ: Tyler Clementi Center, Rutgers University. Retrieved December 2019, from https://tcc-j2made.s3.amazonaws.com/ uploads/2018/09/White-Paper-Final.pdf Hart, J., & Fellabaum, J. (2008). Analyzing campus climate studies: Seeking to define and understand. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 1(4), 222–234.

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Hill, R. L., Kilgo, C. A., Shea, H. D., Nguyen, D. J., Lange, A. C., Renn, K. A., & Woodford, M. R. (published online April 21, 2020). How LGBTQ+students thrive in college. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice. https://doi. org/10.1080/19496591.2020.1738241. Hughes, B.  E. (2018). Coming out in STEM: Factors affecting retention of sexual minority STEM students. Science Advances, 4(3), eaao6373. Retrieved December 2019, from https://advances.sciencemag.org/content/ advances/4/3/eaao6373.full.pdf Jagose, A. (1996). Queer theory: An introduction. New  York, NY: New  York University Press. Jaschik, S. (2019, April 26). Beyond male/female. Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/04/26/ common-application-and-universal-college-application-move-beyond-giving-applicants Kelleher, C. (2009). Minority stress and health: Implications for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) young people. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 22(4), 373–379. Kilgo, C.  A., Linley, J.  L., Renn, K.  A., & Woodford, M.  R. (2019). High-­ impact for whom? The influence of environment and identity on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer college students’ participation in high-impact activities. Journal of College Student Development, 60(4), 421–436. Kulick, A., Wernick, L. J., Woodford, M. R., & Renn, K. (2017). Heterosexism, depression, and campus engagement among LGBTQ college students: Intersectional differences and opportunities for healing. Journal of Homosexuality, 64(8), 1125–1141. Linley, J. L., Nguyen, D., Brazelton, G. B., Becker, B., Renn, K. A., & Woodford, M. (2016). Faculty as sources of support for LGBTQ college students. College Teaching, 64(2), 55–63. Linley, J. L., Renn, K. A., & Woodford, M. R. (2018). Examining the academic microsystems of LGBTQ STEM majors. Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, 24(1), 1–16. Mathies, N., Coleman, T., McKie, R. M., Woodford, M. R., Courtice, E. L., Travers, R., & Renn, K. A. (2019). Hearing ‘that’s so gay’ and ‘no homo’ on academic outcomes for LGBQ + college students. Journal of LGBT Youth, 16(3), 255–277. Meyer, I. H. (1995). Minority stress and mental health in gay men. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 36(1), 38–56.

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Nguyen, D.  J., Brazelton, G.  B., Renn, K.  A., & Woodford, M.  R. (2018). Exploring the influence of LGBTQ+ student services resources on student success at community colleges: A mixed methods analysis. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 42(11), 783–796. Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (1983). Predicting voluntary freshman year persistence/withdrawal behavior in a residential university: A path analytic validation of Tinto’s model. Journal of Educational Psychology, 75(2), 215–226. Patridge, E. V., Barthelemy, R. S., & Rankin, S. R. (2014). Factors impacting the academic climate for LGBQ STEM faculty. Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, 20(1), 75–98. Pitcher, E. N., Camacho, T., Renn, K. A., & Woodford, M. R. (2018). Affirming policies, programs, and supportive services: Understanding organizational supports promoting LGBTQ+ college student success. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 11(2), 117–132. Rankin, S. (2003). Campus climate for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people: A national perspective. New York, NY: National Gay and Lesbian Task Force Policy Institute. Rankin, S., Merson, D., Garvey, J. C., Sorgen, C. H., Menon, I., Loya, K., & Oseguera, L. (2016). The influence of climate on the academic and athletic success of student-athletes: Results from a multi-institutional national study. The Journal of Higher Education, 87(5), 701–730. Rankin, S. R., Weber, G., Blumenfeld, W., & Frazer, S. (2010). 2010 State of higher education for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. Charlotte, NC: Campus Pride. Renn, K. A. (2010). LGBT and queer research in higher education: State and status of the field. Educational Researcher, 39(2), 132–141. Schreiner, L. A. (2010). The ‘thriving quotient’: A new vision for student success. About Campus, 15(2), 2–10. Toomey, R. B., Ryan, C., Diaz, R. M., & Russell, S. T. (2018). Coping with sexual orientation–related minority stress. Journal of Homosexuality, 65(4), 484–500. Vaccaro, A. M. (2012). Campus microclimates for LGBT faculty, staff, and students: An exploration of the intersections of social identity and campus roles. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice, 49(4), 429–446. Williams Institute. (2019, January). LGBT demographic data interactive. Los Angeles, CA: Williams Institute, University of California (UCLA) School of Law. Retrieved December 2019, from https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/ visualization/lgbt-stats/?topic=LGBT#density

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Winberg, C., Coleman, T., Woodford, M.  R., McKie, R.  M., Travers, R., & Renn, K. A. (2019). Hearing ‘That’s so gay’ and ‘No homo’ on campus and substance use among sexual minority students. Journal of Homosexuality, 66(10), 1472–1494. Woodford, M. R., Joslin, J. Y., Pitcher, E. N., & Renn, K. A. (2017). A mixed-­ methods inquiry into trans∗ environmental microaggressions on college campuses: Experiences and outcomes. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 26(1–2), 95–111. Woodford, M.  R., Joslin, J.  Y., & Renn, K.  A. (2016). LGBTQ students on campus: Fostering inclusion through research, policy, and practice. In P. A. Pasque, N. Ortega, J. C. Burkhardt, & M. P. Ting (Eds.), Transforming understandings of diversity in higher education: Demography, democracy and discourse (pp. 57–80). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Woodford, M. R., Kulick, A., Garvey, J. C., Sinco, B. R., & Hong, J. S. (2018). LGBTQ policies and resources on campus and the experiences and psychological well-being of sexual minority college students: Advancing research on structural inclusion. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 5(4), 445–456. Woodford, M. R., Weber, G., Nicolazzo, Z., Hunt, R., Kulick, A., Coleman, T., … Renn, K. A. (2018). Depression and attempted suicide among LGBTQ college students: Fostering resilience to the effects of heterosexism and cisgenderism on campus. Journal of College Student Development, 59(4), 421–438. Ylioja, T., Cochran, G., Woodford, M.  R., & Renn, K.  A. (2018). Frequent experience of LGBQ microaggression on campus associated with smoking among sexual minority college students. Nicotine and Tobacco Research, 20(3), 340–346.

11 Trans Inclusive Higher Education: Strategies to Support Trans, Non-Binary and Gender Diverse Students and Staff Stephanie Mckendry and Matson Lawrence

Introduction There is increasing evidence to suggest that trans and gender diverse people face significant challenges and barriers to participation in higher education (HE), both as learners and as members of staff. Our TransEDU research upon which this chapter is based, found that 86% of trans students and staff from colleges and universities in Scotland had encountered barriers to their learning or work that they directly attributed to their trans or gender diverse status (Lawrence & Mckendry, 2019; Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a). Despite explicit protections from discrimination under the Equality Act 2010, the systemic inequalities faced by trans students and staff are far-reaching across interpersonal, administrative and structural spheres (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a). The ignorance, hostility and systemic alienation experienced are catalysed and compounded by wider systems of transphobia, homophobia, misogyny S. Mckendry (*) • M. Lawrence University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_11

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and gendered socio-cultural norms, and subsequently institutionally reproduced through campus cultures, systems and processes. While the tensions of ‘doing equalities’ in HE are subject to invaluable critique in relation to women, to LGBQ+ and racialised people (see Ahmed, 2012, 2017; Taylor, 2018), there has been less focus on the specific experiences of trans people and the measures institutions and individuals can implement to better support them. Our research suggested that doing this ‘diversity work’ (Ahmed, 2012) to advance trans equalities and address barriers often fell to individual trans students and staff at significant personal cost; allied to the emotional labour (Hochschild, 2003; Taylor, 2013), time investment and ‘outness’ this necessitated. Meanwhile, individual practitioners and academics often lacked workload capacity and/or the knowledge, confidence, and intra- and inter-­ institutional connections to engage in meaningful actions to tangibly advance trans equalities.1 This chapter will explore two strategies with the potential to subvert these current patterns in the trans equalities work: (1) to reduce isolation, raise awareness, and empower non-trans students and staff to be allies through the creation of champion groups or networks that take forward the inclusion work across institutions and the HE sector; and (2) the designation of a trained and well-publicised named contact within institutions for trans and gender diverse people. Emerging as examples of best practice from our TransEDU empirical research in Scotland, both examples were discussed as positive solutions by individuals with lived experience and appear to mitigate or dilute a range of the barriers faced. The chapter will take a case study approach, outlining the effective employment of these networks, and examining ways in which they may be adapted for use in a variety of institutional settings within and beyond HE.

A Note on Terms In this chapter, and in our research more broadly, we use the term ‘trans’ to denote lived experiences and identities where there are differences between gender assigned at birth and the lived and embodied gender of individuals, as subjectivities and systems that experience or recognise

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dissonances between gendered selfhood and embodied experience (Lawrence & Taylor, 2019). We use the term ‘gender diverse’ to denote lived experiences and identities that fall outside of binary understanding of gender, encapsulating non-binary, genderqueer, genderfluid, and agender identities and ways of being. With ever-changing understandings and articulations of trans experience and gender diversity, our employment of these terms and the above brief definitions are not intended to be prescriptive, fixed nor definitive.

 ransEDU: Researching the Experiences T of Trans and Gender Diverse Students and Staff The empirical and practice-based examples underlying this chapter are drawn from the TransEDU action research project we conducted between 2016 and 2018. Funded by the Scottish Funding Council and based at the University of Strathclyde, our research examined the experiences of and current provision for trans and gender diverse applicants, students and staff in further and higher education in Scotland. Having identified a lack of empirical evidence to assist colleges and universities to fulfil their statutory and ethical duties in relation to trans and gender diverse prospective and current students and staff, our research represented the first study to specifically gather evidence on the experiences of and barriers faced by trans and gender diverse people in the post-secondary education sectors. While the empirical research was conducted in Scotland, there are distinct resonances between the TransEDU findings, and findings from research conducted with trans and gender diverse people—and indeed LGBT+ people more broadly—in HE in England (ECU, 2009; NUS, 2015; Stonewall, 2018) and the United States (Beemyn, 2019; Nicolazzo, 2017). In 2016, we commenced empirical research with trans and gender diverse people who were prospective, current, or recent (within the preceding 5  years) students and staff in colleges and universities across Scotland. This involved an online survey and in-depth qualitative

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interviews. Participants were recruited via colleges, universities, student unions, trade unions, LGBT+ and trans organisations, and social media. The online survey gathered 157 valid responses, and we interviewed 20 trans and gender diverse students and staff members. The surveys included open response questions which produced a rich data set. This, alongside transcribed interview data were coded and thematically analysed. Survey respondents were aged between 16 and 60 years with the largest group (71%, n = 88) in the 16–25 years of age category. Respondents demonstrated having a range of intersecting experiences and characteristics in addition to their trans or gender diverse status. Over 90% (n = 113) of respondents identified their sexual and/or romantic identity as non-­ heterosexual, including queer, lesbian, gay, bisexual and asexual. 7% of participants (n  =  9) were Black, Asian, of dual heritage or of another minority ethnic heritage, which is a higher proportion of respondents from minoritised ethnic groups than the general Scottish population (4% in the 2011 Scotland Census). 45% of participants (n = 55) declared a disability or long term health condition, which is again higher than the general Scottish adult population (19%). 30% of respondents (n = 37) identified as working class; and a small number of respondents were also carers, care experienced, D/deaf, and intersex. Total of 26% of participants self-identified as non-binary (n = 32), 25% as men (n = 31), 21% as women (n  =  26), 12% as ‘fluid or variable’ (n  =  15), 7% as ‘other’ (n = 9), and 2% as ‘none’ (n = 3) in the gender diverse category. Thus, in order to be comprehensive in policy and implementation, the broadest spectrum of gender diversity must be considered. While still essential, focusing work solely on trans women and trans men to the exclusion of gender diverse people is likely to be ineffective in advancing trans equalities and gender equalities more broadly. Our survey found that 86% of students and staff surveyed faced barriers to their learning or work in direct relation to their trans and/or gender diverse status: The biggest challenge concerned peer relationships with colleagues and fellow students, with many experiencing ignorance and hostility. There were also numerous issues around the provision of gender neutral facilities, and navigating administrative processes. Research participants often had very

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low expectations and many felt unsafe or unwelcome within classroom and wider campus environments. The survey indicated that 35% (n = 44) of survey respondents had withdrawn from a course at college or university before completion. 24% (n  =  27) of those answering the survey from a university perspective had withdrawn—this is a higher proportion than general withdrawal rates for undergraduate study in Scotland, which was 7.9% in 2014/15. The most common reason given for both withdrawal from study and extended absences from study or work was mental health issues (57%; n = 33). Disclosure of trans status to institutions, such as for the purpose of seeking advice or support, emerged as significant issue. The survey indicated that 23% (n = 29) of students and staff feel entirely unable to speak to their institution about matters relating to their trans status, with a further 33% (n = 41) feeling only ‘a little’ able to do so. (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a, pp. 1–2)

In addition to empirical research with trans and gender diverse people, we engaged with a broad range of academics and education practitioners across the UK and Ireland through hosting of open meetings, delivering workshops and training, conference presentations and knowledge-­ exchange activities in order to gain insight into current practice and to further understand the mechanisms of institutional (in)equalities from the perspectives of those ‘on the ground’. Alongside generation of empirical evidence, the aim of the TransEDU project was to develop outputs and practical tools to assist individual staff members and institutions more broadly in enhancing their understanding of and provision for trans and gender diverse students and colleagues. Accordingly, we developed the TransEDU website (www.trans.ac.uk) to host open-access guidance, training materials, videos, case studies, research findings, and recommendations for improving policy, provision and practice. The empirical research concluded in 2017, and the resource development concluded in spring 2018.

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Legal and Policy Context As public bodies, UK higher education institutions are subject to the Equality Act 2010. The Act prohibits direct and indirect discrimination on the grounds of nine ‘protected characteristics’, which includes the characteristic of ‘gender reassignment’, described as: A person has the protected characteristic of gender reassignment if the person is proposing to undergo, is undergoing or has undergone a process (or part of a process) for the purpose of reassigning the person’s sex by changing physiological or other attributes of sex.

This legal definitional category of ‘gender reassignment’ is not without its controversies, however, as the focus on ‘physiological aspects of sex’ is argued to be overly biologically determinist and overlooks trans and gender diverse people who do not—or indeed cannot—access medical interventions (Hines, 2010). As such, technical guidance for the further and higher education sectors issued by the Equality and Human Rights Commission states that ‘gender reassignment’ should be understood as a ‘personal process … rather than a medical process’ (EHRC, 2014, p. 22), meaning that trans and gender diverse people not engaged in medical interventions ought to be covered by the Act and within institutional equalities work. These interpretations are important for students and staff in HE, as institutions seek to determine to whom the legal protections set out by the Equality Act 2010 apply (or not), particularly—as evidenced in our respondent sample—as many identify as gender diverse. It is our argument that statutory duties must be just one aspect of institutional responses and that, particularly considering the empirical evidence that points to uneven and negative experiences, institutions must also consider their ethical duties toward trans and gender diverse learners and staff. UK HE institutions are also subject to Public Sector Equality Duties (PSED) aligned with the Equality Act 2010, with Specific Duties applicable to the devolved UK states subject to the Act (i.e. Scotland, England and Wales). The PSED mandates public sector bodies to: ‘eliminate unlawful discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct prohibited by the Equality Act 2010; advance equality of

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opportunity between people who share a protected characteristic and people who do not share it; and foster good relations between people who share a protected characteristic and those who do not’ (EHRC, 2019). In Scotland, where our research took place, the Specific Duties mandate public bodies including universities to publish reports on compliance with the Equality Act 2010, including work to ‘mainstream’ equalities across all areas of the institution. However, in practice, the Equality and Human Rights Commission for Scotland (EHRC) has expressed concern about the current function and effectiveness of the PSED and Specific Duties, noting ‘limited evidence of change for people with protected characteristics’ between 2013 and 2017 (EHRC, 2018, p. 52). The Gender Recognition Act (GRA) 2004 provides the legal pathway for trans people to change their gender marker on official documents such as their birth certificate and tax records via the issuing of a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). However, the gender marker can be changed on many other forms of formal documentation such as UK passports, driving licences, work records and student records without a GRC (Lawrence & Mckendry, 2019). The GRA 2004 is currently subject to review in England, Wales and Scotland, as the process for obtaining a GRC has been characterised as unduly burdensome, costly, invasive and pathologising by the Scottish Government (2018), UK Government (GEO, 2018), academics (Hines, 2010; Lawrence & Taylor, 2019), and LGBT+ activists (Stonewall, 2018). Under the GRA 2004, there is also currently no legal provision for gender diverse people as there is no third gender category, unlike in countries such as India, Pakistan, New Zealand, Australia, and select states/provinces in the US and Canada. Despite the lack of legal recognition, in response to evidenced need among student and staff groups, increasing numbers of UK HE institutions are providing third gender categories in student and staff records, as is the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA). In terms of policy and practice in UK higher education, despite the legal obligations outlined above, the mainstay of trans equality work is led and undertaken by individual students and staff members with lived experience, individual staff members who are allies, individual students and student groups, LGBT+ networks, LGBT+ and trans charities, and third sector organisations. In Scotland, the LGBT Charter Mark

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administered by third-sector organisation LGBT Youth Scotland is gaining traction in HE, and increasing numbers of individual departments and institutions are seeking to gain ‘Bronze’, ‘Silver’ and ‘Gold’ status achieved via programmes of staff training, policy development, events, and awareness-raising. Based on recommendations of the TransEDU research, the Scottish Funding Council (SFC) introduced new requirements for Scottish colleges and universities (see Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a) that included measures to advance equality for trans and gender diverse students and staff via its Outcome Agreement process (see SFC, 2018a, 2018b). The majority of HE institutions across the UK are engaged in the Athena SWAN programme designed to advance gender equality and women’s equality, the application for which as of 2018 included a compulsory reporting section on advancing trans equality (Tzanakou & Pearce, 2019). Critique can be directed toward the opt-in nature of many of these activities, and toward the reality that such (unrewarded) labour is often undertaken by those already marginalised in academia—women, trans and gender diverse people, people of colour, disabled people, LGB+ people, precarious and early career colleagues, and so on.

 trategies to Improve Support for Trans S and Gender Diverse Students and Staff As with other under-represented and systemically disadvantaged groups, it is vital that those with lived experience are at the centre of discussions and decisions about support strategies. The voices and views of trans and gender diverse people should be sought out and amplified by institutions. However, our TransEDU research demonstrated that often individuals were expected or even relied upon to champion their cause and to undertake the trans equality work that is the responsibility of the institution, for example, via policy development, events, training, and by changing processes and practices (again not dissimilar to other equality strands). This was unfair and burdensome; for some, such a public role could even be dangerous. Furthermore, many trans and gender diverse students and

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staff members felt they could not disclose their trans status and gender diverse identities, let alone take on such a role to advocate for the inclusion of themselves and others. For example, Sebastian, one of our interviewees, felt entirely unable to speak about his trans status at college: ‘It feels rather like something that should be hidden. So no, I feel like I have no one at college I can talk to about this’. Taylor was similarly unable to speak to their employer about their non-binary status: ‘I never spoke about the fact that I don’t necessarily identify with my gender assigned at birth, or if there was any other gender that I’d rather identify with, publicly; I never even broached this topic’. Indeed, as we wrote in the project findings (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a, p. 13). Many participants had been actively involved in campaigns and educational activities to raise awareness of trans issues and support needs but felt that this should not rely on individuals from within the community. Joshua, for example, had a positive experience coming out to his fellow nursing students and was encouraged to give a lecture to raise awareness for health professionals after having identified issues with the course content—this was not embedded within future curricula, however, and he felt the onus remained on him as a trans student: ‘It was just so draining, and I kept trying to make more stuff happen and felt like it was all on me to do it… I just can’t get up and do this all the time. I need someone else to take responsibility because it shouldn’t be my responsibility’.

This was mirrored in staff experiences, ‘My organisation had no idea how to deal with my situation and had to learn through me as to how things should be done’ (survey respondent). Many respondents were happy to be part of campaigns and initiatives to raise awareness and educate, but did not wish to necessarily lead these, and wanted such activities to be embedded within general policies and training provision (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a, p. 13). It is, therefore, necessary to find means to promote inclusion, improve general awareness and knowledge of gender diversity, combat isolation, and create and empower allies without reliance on individuals. Ownership of that agenda and activity must be embedded, with leadership from the top downwards, and responsibility extending beyond professional

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Equality and Diversity staff. We created a ‘champions approach’ to trans inclusion in HE as part of a development project funded by AdvanceHE, which focuses on possible actions across different elements of an institution. The model proposes development of action plans in the five key areas of learning and teaching, research, student experience, human resources and student unions; and across the five themes of policy; people, processes, celebration, visibility, and awareness raising (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2018).

Networks/Champion Groups/Communities of Practice Networks or Champions Groups have been established effectively within institutions across the UK and globally to support any number of specific groups, such as disabled people, women and LGBT+ people. Networks can provide supportive spaces for colleagues who share particular experiences or characteristics to come together to support one another, and to challenge exclusionary practices within their organisation. Stonewall (2019) has long advocated for the impact of LGBT+ networks as transformative within workplaces and institutions; arguing they can provide peer support, raise awareness of inclusion, and act as a critical friend to the organisation—thus creating a more inclusive environment. Networks can thus be an effective strategy to support the inclusion of trans people in higher education, both as members of staff and as learners. We discovered vibrant examples of networks during our research, initially through desk-based searches of support for LGBT+ staff and students in higher education with follow-up email contacts to confirm details. For example, the University of Glasgow (2019) established its LGBT+ Network for staff and postgraduate students in 2007. The group meet regularly for networking and social events, inform the university with respect to equality and diversity, and provide a safe space for peers to discuss LGBT+ issues. The LGBT+ Staff Network at the University of Bristol is one of several within the institution. Led by a committee of ten volunteers, the network publishes a monthly newsletter, arranges monthly

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social events and advocates for enhanced inclusion for trans and gender diverse people (University of Bristol LGBT+ Staff Network, 2019). As with many student unions or student associations, the University of Bristol Students’ Union (2016) manages a Trans Students’ Network to provide support and contact for trans and gender diverse learners in the institution in a similar way to staff networks. Led by a network chair, the group aims to provide a safe space for individuals to socialise and discuss issues, encourages and facilitates community action and student campaigns. The advantages of participation for trans and gender diverse individuals are manifold. Networks provide a safe and supportive community to socialise and engage with in what could be perceived as a potentially hostile environment. They can be a sanctuary where people are able to be themselves, offer insight and support to others, receive professional advice and guidance from colleagues who may have relevant experience. As a collective, networks can provide a stronger voice than individuals, advocating for change within organisations. For trans people, they offer safety and the potential amplification of trans and gender diverse voices within the broader umbrella of LGBT+ organisations, thus avoiding some of the visibility and burden described by our research participants, who felt they were expected to champion their cause alone. In order to be effective, however, LGBT+ networks must be genuinely supportive, aware and inclusive of trans and non-binary people. There is strength within the wider community and an overlap in needs, experiences and identities; but without careful consideration, the T+ element can feel somewhat tacked on or ignored. As Thomas, one of our research participants expressed it: I think it would be helpful if a lot more LGBT+ societies did focus on the T, not exclusively, but didn’t make trans people feel like they have to be like, can we steer the conversation back to us…. I think LGBT+ societies need to do a bit more, cater to everyone who comes under that spectrum. (Lawrence & Mckendry, 2019, p. 118)

Another challenge is to avoid the burden of organisation falling on those with lived experience. It is obviously important that networks are

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owned and led by their members, but sufficient resourcing and institutional support must be available to ensure those involved gain as much as they invest. Additionally to networks for those with lived experience, successful support can be developed through the creation of champions groups or communities of practice for allies, and those who work in student or staff support, or equality and diversity. These networks can be particularly effective when they reach beyond individual institutions, empowering people who often work alone or in small teams within their own organisation or lead change as an individual. The ability to compare notes, share challenges and victories, unburden frustrations with others in similar roles or with a shared advocacy goal can be rejuvenating. The concept of communities of practice was developed by Lave and Wenger (Lave, 1991; Lave & Wenger, 1998) and refers to groups of people who share a concern for something they do and, through regular interaction, learn to do it better (Wenger-Trayner & Wenger-Trayner, 2015). The TransEDU research project was always intended to be action-­ orientated, with tangible and practical outcomes. One such outcome, indeed an explicit goal of the project, was the establishment of a community of practice for those who are involved in the provision of support for trans and gender diverse people within further and higher education or who wish to enhance support as an ally. The group has volunteer members from colleges and universities across Scotland; the funding body and related organisations with co-chairs and secretarial support is drawn from participants. Meetings are held three times a year for which venue and catering is provided by a different institution each time. Attendance fluctuates, with a core group of around ten individuals, and a wider mailing list of close to fifty members. The group has been effective in discussing, devising and implementing support strategies in a number of ways. The first strategy has been to create a forum to share practice; where new institutional policies are subject to peer feedback, queries and difficulties are discussed, and contemporary issues related to trans inclusion considered. Further activities are planned in the coming academic year: each meeting will focus on a specific theme and include presentations by invited speakers and organisations. Discussions will include the intersection of faith and gender identity,

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sports and sports facilities, and trans inclusion within the curriculum. The group is also keen to use its collective voice to amplify shared or sector-wide issues, respond to public consultations on gender recognition processes, and, for example, advocate for more inclusive gender options on shared application systems. Organising the community of practice has been relatively straightforward, and attracts members from all levels of institutions. However, not all members have access to funding to support their travel and hosting costs. It has, therefore, been important to vary the location of meetings to allow as many people to attend as possible and to facilitate remote access using technology. Networks have the potential to provide impactful peer support and advocacy for those with lived experience, and for staff members and allies who wish to enhance trans inclusion. Networks can empower individuals and facilitate collective action, create safe spaces for discussion, and encourage collaborative campaigns and research.

Named Contact Higher education institutions can often seem large and daunting places. While there may be effective support mechanisms in place supported by friendly and empathic staff members and strong institutional knowledge of the needs of diverse groups of learners, it can still be difficult to navigate that system from the outside. Learners or applicants can be passed from department to department, not knowing where to turn for help with a particular query, they can be fearful of making themselves known. This is especially true for trans and gender diverse people. Our research found that 23% of participants felt entirely unable to discuss issues related to their trans status or gender identity with their college or university officials, and a further 33% felt able to discuss it only ‘a little’ (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017a). Moreover, 50% of respondents did not know whether their institution had an existing policy to support trans people. It seems likely there would be great reluctance to approach staff within an institution given these circumstances. Students may be concerned about the awareness of gender diversity held by the staff member

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they contact; anxious, perhaps, of their reaction or worried about confidentiality. A named individual who can support people to navigate university processes and act as a friendly first point of contact would likely overcome many of the barriers that prevent people coming forward for the support to which they are entitled. The provision of named contacts has been successful in supporting other groups, most noticeably learners with experience of the care system. Those who have spent time in local authority care, whether foster care, adoption or some other form of supervision, predominantly as a result of neglect or abuse, are currently under-represented in HE.  As Harrison (2019a) points out, care experienced people have potentially the lowest participation of any identifiable group. Current estimates suggest just 6% of care leavers (a subset of care experienced individuals defined by having spent three years in care and remaining so on their 16th birthday) enter HE in England by their 19th birthday; and around 25% engage with HE at some point over their whole life course (Harrison, 2019b); with no reliable data for the wider care experienced group available. The equivalent figure for the broader population of young people across the UK is 43% (UCAS, 2017). Care experienced people are more likely to have faced educational disruption and may lack the family and social networks that support many other individuals into and through university. In order to raise awareness of the issues and improve outcomes for care experienced people, the charity Buttle UK launched its Quality Mark for universities in 2016 (Buttle UK, 2019). To gain the award, institutions had to offer a minimum level of support which included the provision of a named contact. By 2014, when Buttle UK discontinued the scheme in recognition of the mainstreaming of provision, 199 universities and colleges were holders of the Quality Mark. Since then, Become, the charity for children in care and care leavers, has developed the Propel website (https://propel.org.uk/UK) for care experienced applicants, detailing the named contact and support available at institutions throughout the UK. Within our own institution, the two named contacts for care experienced people liaise with those who declare care experience during application to offer individualised advice and support through the application process and during their studies. They also promote their support as a

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named contact for those who are estranged from their families; a group not officially entitled to local authority support but who are likely to suffer the same barriers to HE. Whilst retention has remained an issue for both groups, close contact, support and advocacy by the named contact has facilitated students to remain on their courses, access support from disability and learning support departments, obtain additional funding and tap into mentoring, tutoring and employability support. During interviews with our research participants, we explicitly asked if they thought a named contact for trans and gender diverse staff and students would be useful. The response was universally positive; all interviewees believed such provision would enhance the experience of individuals and promote inclusion in education. Liam, for example, spoke of the ‘Trans Advisor’ at his institution being a source of information and support: ‘Am I allowed to use the guy’s toilet—because at high school I wasn’t?’ I’d be shooting from the sixth floor to the second because I had to use the toilet—I don’t know if I can use the man’s one yet. And he was like ‘They’re all cubicles anyway—crack on … just whatever you feel comfortable with, use that’. ‘Thank you!’

Michael felt his institution was on the ‘right track’ with increased training and awareness amongst staff but it could improve by letting people know: … that there are people that they can talk to about the issues that they face. And then provide clear guidance: If you have this issue, this is the person you can talk to, and this is where you can find them…

There are examples of such provision in universities and colleges in the UK. City of Glasgow College, for example, introduced a named contact for trans and gender diverse students in 2016–2017 within Student Services, after becoming aware such students had a higher risk of withdrawal (City of Glasgow College, 2017; Mckendry & Lawrence, 2017b). Alongside provision for all students, the named contact has increased knowledge of issues and challenges faced by trans students, offering

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personalised, one-to-one support to help individuals build confidence and navigate the academic, emotional and social challenges of their college life. This, alongside guidance on more administrative and practical issues, such as changing names on student records systems, has proven effective in humanising a vast, urban college for trans students. At the University of Strathclyde, we will be launching our version of a named contact for students in the 2019/2020 academic year. An overwhelming positive response to our request for volunteers amongst those working within student-facing services means that we will have as named contacts representatives from the library, student business, disability and wellbeing, international student support and the careers service. A generic email address, website with photos and biographies, and promotional materials will advertise the named contacts to all students. With a staff member from the Equality and Diversity Office responsible for monitoring the email account and initially meeting with people, queries will be passed to the most relevant person to take forward. Impact will be evaluated in several ways: firstly, by monitoring the level of interest and engagement from students; secondly, by feedback from those who use the service by way of anonymous online surveys and more formal interviews. One concern regarding the arrangements is whether the friendly, informal nature of named contacts is lost where more than one person is involved in support. It is hoped, however, that such an approach allows an interconnection between services, raised awareness of the need for trans inclusion across the institution, and better support for individuals with lived experience. There are challenges to implementation that are worth consideration at the outset. The role of named contact is likely to be appended to an existing, and thus expanded, remit; potentially adding time and emotional pressure to busy workloads. Sufficient resourcing, workload allocation and training must be offered to the named contact to avoid burnout. The burden of support is placed on individuals, which can risk the sense that the work of those individuals is enough to meet the need; that the institution is doing all it can and should do to facilitate inclusion for trans and gender diverse people by that alone. The provision of a named contact should only ever be part of a broader package of support, training and awareness raising. Finally, thought should be given to the most

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appropriate model for each institution. For smaller institutions, it may be best to recruit and train one named contact, for larger ones or those with multiple campuses, a network may be more effective. Separate named contacts for staff and prospective staff may be required, since their needs, challenges, circumstances and entitlements are likely to differ from those of students. Done well, named contacts are effective champions and allies. This has been the case with named contact support for care experienced students, which recent research from Scotland suggests is of particular significance to them (O’Neill, Harrison, Fowler, & Connelly, 2019). Named contacts promote inclusion and diversity, facilitate activity throughout the wider institution, and provide tailored support to trans and gender diverse individuals. Through the experience, they can become passionate and knowledgeable advocates for trans inclusion, able to collate and use real-life examples and case studies to develop training, and champion improved support for students and staff.

Conclusions This chapter has taken a case study approach to discuss effective strategies to support trans and gender diverse students and staff in higher education. Both strategies considered are currently in place in institutions in the UK, with a wealth of anecdotal evidence of their impact and successful implementation in relation to other diversity groups. Empirical evidence from the TransEDU research project also points to the efficacy: research participants described engaging with networks to better integrate into HE, and those who had experience of named contacts spoke warmly of the difference it made to their time at college or university. Robust evaluation of impact is lacking, however, and should be taken forward by universities or organisations supporting inclusion and diversity. Investigation of their effect will allow better understanding of the ways in which trans and gender diverse people can be supported, and the barriers and challenges in implementing strategies. Such insight can help those wishing to institute support strategies to influence stakeholders and persuade senior management of the value, import and impact of

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developing embedded support for trans and gender diverse members of university communities.

Note 1. This of course applies only to students and staff who wish to be allies; a proportion are disengaged from many forms of ‘equalities’ and ‘diversity’ work, such as gender equality, ethnicity equality, etc.

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Part IV Re’class’ifying Academia

12 The Coffee Club: An Initiative to Support Mature and Non-Traditional Higher Education Students in Wales Dawn Mannay and Michael R. M. Ward

Introduction The number of young people from the highest socio-economic groups entering university in the United Kingdom (UK) has effectively been at saturation point for several decades since the Robbins Report (Committee on Higher Education, 1963). The subsequent growth of higher education from the late 1960s onwards created an expansion in youth participation rates from around 15% in the mid-1980s (Chowdry, Crawford, Dearden, Goodman, & Vignoles, 2010) to figures approximately three times higher by 2015 (Department for Business, Information and Skills, 2015). This increase contributed to a broadening of the social base of the

D. Mannay (*) Cardiff University, Cardiff, Wales e-mail: [email protected] M. R. M. Ward Swansea University, Swansea, Wales e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_12

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undergraduate population in terms of both social class and ethnic diversity. In Wales, as elsewhere, higher education is positioned as a gateway to social mobility; and there has been an ideological commitment to ensure access to a wide demographic of participants from a range of social backgrounds (Welsh Assembly Government, 2009). However, entrance to the academy and success within its institutions, particularly elite universities, is highly differentiated. In 2011, the Anatomy of Economic Inequality provided quantitative evidence for the pervasive nature of class-based inequalities in Welsh education, demonstrating that an individual in social housing was approximately ten times less likely to be a graduate compared to those in other types of accommodation (Davies et al., 2011). Similar patterns of educational disadvantage have been reported for other marginalised young people and in 2012 only 6% of care leavers entered university compared to 60% of the general population (Office for Fair Access, n.d.). Arguably, the massification of higher education has enabled some gains for non-traditional students and the Higher Education Funding Council for Wales has invested considerable funding in projects of widening participation (Hill & Hatt, 2012; Saunders, Marshall, Cowe, Payne, & Rogers, 2013; Taylor, Rees, Sloan, & Davies, 2013). The Welsh Government (2013, p. 2) contend that they are ‘committed to opening up higher education to all those with the potential to benefit from it’. Similarly, Universities Wales (2015, p.  2) maintain that Welsh institutions of higher education ‘are a catalyst for social mobility’ and that continued investment is being prioritised to ‘ensure that students, regardless of background, have access to good quality higher education that has the ability to change lives’. Nevertheless, despite moves to bring non-­ traditional students into the academy, ideas of what it means to ‘be a student’ are largely governed by discourses of the traditional, young (aged 18–21), White and middle-class student (Dumangane, 2016; Leathwood & O’Connell, 2003; Morgan, 2015). Therefore in spite of the expansion of higher education in Wales, and the UK more widely, the persistence of striking inequalities in education and employment outcomes means that the promise of university study as a vehicle for social mobility and social justice for all remains

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problematically unfulfilled (Bathmaker et al., 2016; Waller, Ingram, & Ward, 2018). Additionally, while the quality and quantity of university experiences are unequally distributed, students who benefit from parental financial support, social networks and cultural capital are further advantaged over those without (Ingram & Allen, 2019). Educational and institutional policy is often geared around an expectation that working-class and non-traditional students need to ‘fit-in’ with middle-class ways of being (Abrahams & Ingram, 2013); an assumption that positions widening access as a fait accompli. However, universities are crucial sites of identity work where some will feel in place while others will be as a fish out of water (Busher & James, 2018; Maslin, 2016). In particular, non-traditional, mature students face a number of complex psychological and structural barriers to entering higher education and their journeys are often characterised by initial aspirations and later disappointments, when classed, gendered and relational positionings conflict with students’ identities and contribute to their withdrawal from academia (Mannay & Morgan, 2013; Morgan, 2015, 2016; Reay, Crozier, & Clayton, 2010; Rose-Adams, 2013; Waller et  al., 2018). Consequently, it is not enough to chart these difficulties. It is imperative to seek opportunities to create a more inclusive environment so that access is not simply widened at the point of entry; rather universities ensure that mature,1 non-traditional students are supported to complete their undergraduate studies. In this chapter we outline a social intervention in two universities in Wales, the Coffee Club, which was initiated by the authors of this chapter as a safe space where students could build a supportive peer network. The chapter explores the underlying research that actively engaged with students’ subjective perspectives. It then evaluates the Coffee Club in terms of its potential to attend to the barriers faced by mature and non-­ traditional students and improve their experiences of university.

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Making a Case and Facilitating Support As outlined in the introductory section, as well as across the chapters in this book, the barriers faced by mature and non-traditional students in higher education have been well documented. In the context of this research and intervention, across Wales, UK, there are similar patterns of pervasive uneven access to higher education and challenging experiences within universities (Allnatt, 2019; Edwards, 1993; Garland, 1994; Mannay & Morgan, 2013). This evidence base proved useful in considering the potential to create an intervention; however, it was important to establish that this was a problem locally to secure institutional support. Anecdotal conversations with students and colleagues, and the withdrawal of some learners, suggested that mature students faced barriers to progression, and that an exploration of their perspectives was required to facilitate a more supportive university environment. Consequently, a research study was designed to elicit the subjective views of mature students about their experiences in university, including the challenges and barriers they had encountered and their ideas about how support systems could be improved. The sample was drawn from the networks of the researchers and included students who had either completed the first year of their undergraduate degree; or had come through a programme to access higher education and been accepted to university in the following academic year.2 The study3 was designed in relation to the premise of action research as a ‘process of reflective problem solving at the School level’ (Howard & Eckhardt, 2005, p.  32), which allows practitioners to identify an issue of study to determine if and how changes can be implemented to improve processes, procedures and programmes. In this case, it was envisaged that the participants’ interview accounts could form a reflective base, which could potentially inform and improve provision. In 2013, nine mature students that had undertaken or enrolled in a social science degree programme at a university in Wales, UK, took part in the study. The students constituted three groups, participants that had completed their undergraduate degree programme (n = 3), participants that had completed their first year (n = 3), and participants due to enrol

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in the following academic year (n = 3). Ethical approval for the study was provided by the university’s Social Research Ethics Committee. For the first two groups of participants, the interviews explored the experience of their first year as an undergraduate. The third group focused on their expectations, hopes and fears around embarking on a trajectory in higher education (Mannay, Staples, & Edwards, 2017). The researchers had both undertaken their degrees as mature students, making them ‘transient insiders’ (Roberts, 2018). Therefore, it was important to guard against familiarity and the potentially deceptive assumption of shared understanding (Delamont & Atkinson, 1995). Consequently, research drew on visual and creative methods as a tool to fight familiarity and enable participants to represent their subjective experiences of higher education with minimal direction from the researchers. The rationale to draw on creative approaches was based on the authors’ earlier research and other key studies in the field of visual methodologies (see Butler-Kisber, 2010; Kara, 2015; Mannay, 2010, 2016). Sandboxing has been recently adapted from a technique in psychoanalytical practice to a method of creative qualitative inquiry (see Mannay et al., 2017, 2018; Mannay & Turney, 2020). Drawing from the psychoanalytical therapeutic tool, the ‘world technique’ (Lowenfeld, 1939, 1950), sandboxing facilitates participants to metaphorically represent their ideas and experiences. As illustrated in Fig. 12.1, this enabled participants to create three dimensional scenes, pictures, or abstract designs in a tray filled with sand; a range of miniature, realistic and fantasy figures, and everyday objects. Once this creative activity was completed, researcher and participant engaged in an elicitation interview in which participants described what they had produced and explained the subjective meanings attached to each element in the completed sandscene (for further details of the study methodology see Mannay et al., 2017). Participants explained the analogies and metaphors in their sand-­ scenes of their experiences of higher education using their own subjectively contingent schemas; and as expected, these experiences evidenced a number of difficulties. For example, one student used the figure of a dinosaur aligned with a series of identical cats to communicate their feelings of difference and isolation:

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Fig. 12.1  Participant’s sand scene

… and there’d be like two hundred of, two hundred of these very similar people sat there, and me … the dinosaur, because I was much older and then all these very similar people … I was probably just invisible, I don’t think they were all like glaring at me thinking what’s she doing here the odd one out, it was more about, they all were the same and were friends and I was just, just this sort of strange entity in the lecture theatre.

Feeling ‘different’ was a key theme across the students’ accounts and was related not only to age but also to socio-economic status and classed positioning. For example, one student used a ladder, which is a common analogy for social mobility (Walkerdine, 1998); but then blocked her pathway with the figure of a man. The student explained, ‘And, the menacing man is, that I always feel like somebody is going to find out that I shouldn’t be here’. Consequently, while social class is a marker of difference for younger students entering university (see Abrahams & Ingram, 2013; Maslin, 2016), mature students can be doubly disadvantaged as they are often marked out by both class and age. As reported in previous studies (Currie, Harris, & Thiele, 2000; Morgan, 2016), another aspect that was troubling for mature students

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who were parents was negotiating the balance between being a ‘good’ student and a ‘good’ parent. One student used a female figure half buried in sand to illustrate the ways in which she felt overwhelmed by trying to be a mature student mother, she explained, ‘I partially buried her because she’s like in quick sand, because there’s too much for one person to do’. Another participant included figurines of a wizard and witch, commenting: ‘I had to somehow be a magician to keep everyone happy,’ whilst a different student summarised the discussion of their sand scene by reflecting on her concern for her family, ‘I shouldn’t have done this and I shouldn’t be putting everyone through it’. Many of the participants were inwardly struggling with these competing demands on their lives, while at the same time having to mask and disguise negative emotions, conducting a constant form of ‘emotional labour’ (Hargreaves, 1998; Hochschild, 1993; Isenbarger & Zembylas, 2006; Salisbury, 2016). All of the students discussed feeling isolated within the academy, and many articulated the problematic nature of balancing family commitments and work, as well as contending that finding a key person in which they could confide and form a support network was often difficult. The interviews provided an opportunity for participants to discuss their concerns, but this was only a transient encounter with the central aim of research, rather than support. However, these interviews and the data they generated led to the initiation of the Coffee Club.

The Coffee Club: Year One There are limits on what any institution can achieve in relation to the workload of mature students and their family responsibilities outside of university. However, the issues of isolation and the importance of opportunities to build supportive networks on campus are ones that universities can try to address. In response to the interview data, Dawn Mannay set up a Coffee Club for mature students, which ran fortnightly in hourly sessions across the following academic year 2013/2014. The institution supported the initiative by providing a room and refreshments, but the facilitation was not recognised as an official staff role and it did not accrue any specified workload points.4 The Coffee Club was attended by 16

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mature students in total, although not all students attended all of the sessions. Students had an opportunity to build support networks, share problems and solutions, and interact with other students with whom they shared similar characteristics. In this way, the Coffee Club formed a base where students could meet each other and form the type of friendships that traditional students do in university halls and nights out, which are often inaccessible spaces for non-traditional students. The Coffee Club also fostered an open and inclusive space, where students further along in their undergraduate and postgraduate studies and some academic staff, who had also been non-traditional students or who were familiar with the barriers, could drop in and share their experiences. Additionally, concrete difficulties with readings, referencing or questions about how to access services could be brought to the Coffee Club and discussed collaboratively. This relatively simple intervention was not a panacea for all the difficulties that mature students face at university; but it contributed to a step in the right direction. Informal feedback in conversations and emails demonstrated that the Coffee Club had provided a space to build new friendships, that it had been useful, therapeutic; and in some cases helped students to carry on with their studies when they were considering leaving the university. However, it was important to assess the initiative more formally and an evaluation5 was conducted using a simple one-page questionnaire, which was distributed at the end of the semester. After applying for approval from the university’s Social Research Ethics Committee, questionnaires were emailed to students (n = 30) who were registered as mature learners. The questionnaires were returned to the Undergraduate Office to retain the anonymity of the participants. There were eight responses overall and as only 16 students had been directly involved with the Coffee Club, and the mailing took place in the university recess period, the relatively low response rate was to be expected. In response to the question, ‘What were the main barriers you faced as a mature student?’ as in the preliminary study documented above (Mannay et al., 2017), isolation was a key difficulty for mature students as illustrated in the responses below:

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I frequently felt isolated, inept, and lonely. Isolation (I am the only mature student on my course), child care issues, attitudes of younger students, attitudes of some lecturers. Isolation from social activities, all the ‘traditional’ students were partying (it seemed anyway) and I felt excluded from the big social student world.

This isolation was felt subjectively in relation to age difference, and also in interactions with other students and faculty members. However, in its first year, the Coffee Club served as an important mechanism of support for students who felt isolated, and the questionnaire feedback from all respondents noted that they felt supported by the Coffee Club, its members and/or the Coffee Club convener. Response to the question ‘What did you enjoy about the coffee club?’ included the following: The opportunity to chat with others in a similar situation. And of course … the biscuits! I felt part of a team and enjoyed the break from studies, if even for an hour. University life surprised me by being so cold. I often felt anonymous, with virtually all of my Tutors walking straight past me without any acknowledgement, even after several semester’s, so [Coffee Club Convener] made me feel valued as a student and a person. Getting to know other mature students who had entered the academy by a different route to me. The opportunity to speak to people in a similar situation; to build networks and feel less isolated. I enjoyed the informality, and how the group bonded over the year. It was also a place where you could be open and honest about university.

These comments suggest that the Coffee Club was important in building networks and improving the student experience. However, as well as thinking about what was enjoyable, it was also important to consider the wider impact of the Coffee Club, consequently, students were asked: ‘What do you think you gained from attending the coffee club?’ Some of my anxieties and fears were eased by the simple act of sharing them in the informal and confidential setting of the coffee club. Meeting new friends, feeling less lonely and not on my own!

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Attending the coffee club established and consolidated me into a community of support that extended beyond the fortnightly meetings during the semester. The Coffee Club contributed significantly to my socialisation into the academy both in terms of integration with my peers, and allowing ongoing informal support and encouragement from academics. Knowing that we are not alone, and a sense of involvement. Always nice to have a forum for discussion, to know that you are not alone and that others have similar worries. Support of peers and an opportunity to talk through anything that caused anxiety and uncertainty in a friendly environment. It reduced the amount of stress I felt about a number of things (revision, exams) and I have felt more supported as a consequence.

These responses suggest that attending the Coffee Club helped to address feelings of isolation, stress and anxiety. Accordingly, the Coffee Club has offered a forum for talking through difficulties and the opportunity to forge sustained networks. The findings also support the view that peers play an important role in collaborative communities where they become invaluable mediators of knowledge; as ‘knowledgeable others’ who can assist each other in navigating and succeeding in their learning journeys (Sadykova, 2014). The questionnaire was useful in establishing the requirements for and impact of the Coffee Club, and this evidence base was presented in the following academic year to again secure institutional support for the room space and refreshments. The questionnaire also posed some suggestions for moving to weekly rather than fortnightly provision, and for visiting pathway courses to degrees to inform prospective students about the Coffee Club, as well as informing other schools in the university. These recommendations were taken forward in the following academic years.

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The Coffee Club: Moving Forward The Coffee Club has been run in the subsequent academic years on a weekly basis. Attendance has sometimes been 15 students and at other times only one or two; however, the aim of the Coffee Club is to be available as a drop-in session for those who feel it is useful, and it is not prescriptive in terms of who attends and when. It is appreciated that mature students have competing pressures on their times. The facilitator, Mannay, experienced similar difficulties with competing time pressures and the Coffee Club has only been able to continue on a regular basis because of the support of one previous staff member and a number of students who have stepped in to help out. The original remit of the Coffee Club was to support undergraduate mature students, but younger students have also attended where they have felt like a fish out of water because of their social class (Maslin, 2016; Reay et  al., 2010) or international status. Postgraduate students have also called in for coffee and a chat, or where they have a specific query such as when pregnant asking other students how they coped with parenthood and study. Links have also been made with a similar intervention that was set up in a different school, and contact with a feeder course to university for mature students has been maintained so that students are aware of, and can attend, Coffee Club before transferring to undergraduate studies at the main university. The Coffee Club has not been formally evaluated in this time period. Nonetheless, comments from students and the interactions within sessions suggest that the initiative remains effective in its aims. Furthermore, it has received nominations from students in the Enriching Student Life Awards6 every year since its initiation. The effectiveness of the intervention has led to it being adopted at another higher education institute, as documented in the following section.

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 he Coffee Club: Adoption T in a Different University While most mature students have similar needs to their younger counterparts, there are also key differences. One of the main issues is a lack of social support networks that other, more traditional students—White, middle-class, and aged 18–21—enjoy. For example, residing in halls of residents, joining sports societies and nights out all create informal networks for traditional students. These enable traditional students to build friendships and networks, and to share problems and find solutions. However, non-traditional mature students are not always able to access these forms of social interaction, limiting their opportunities to discuss issues with their degree studies or wider aspects of their educational journeys, such as balancing study with work, family life or child care commitments. In October 2016, Michael Ward began working at a different institution of higher education in Wales. After teaching adult learners for a number of years, Ward was aware of the different needs and confidence levels of this student subgroup, and was surprised to discover the lack of support or acknowledgement of these issues within his new department. Given the lack of social opportunities for mature students, Ward piloted a Coffee Club at the new institution. Drawing on the Coffee Club facilitated by Mannay, the initiative aimed to improve the experiences of marginalised students and potentially reduce their lower non-continuation rates. In January 2017, a fortnightly Coffee Club for non-traditional and mature students was established. Using the Universities and Colleges Admissions (UCAS) definition, the category mature student applied to anyone who was over the age of 21 when they started their undergraduate degree or the age of 25 for graduate students. The group also welcomed other non-traditional university students, for example, those who might be the first in their families to go to university, young parents and students from different cultural backgrounds. As in Mannay’s original Coffee Club, a fortnightly informal one hour session was held in an empty classroom at lunchtime with tea, coffee and biscuits provided by the facilitator. The facilitation of this social

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intervention was not deemed part of Ward’s wider commitments and was met with initial surprise by other academics in the department. This pilot scheme worked well, and attendance grew as the semester progressed. Advertising was crucial to informing students and the marketing department helped design recruitment posters, flyers and adverts on flat screen televisions around the college and university. The student experience teams also assisted by sending emails to all undergraduate students and posting messages on the universities learning platform. By the end of the pilot, an established mailing list was compiled and approximately a dozen students were in attendance at each session. In facilitating these one hour pilot sessions, it was noted that they provided a platform for students to make new friendships and a social space for non-traditional and mature students to come together to share experiences and concerns. Feedback from students generated in the pilot phase highlighted how other events which gave students the opportunities to build support networks, such as fresher’s week, were very much geared towards the traditional student. For example, one student commented, ‘Freshers’ events are all about drinking … that really puts me off … the student union, societies, clubs etc. all are based on the premise of students having endless time to attend meetings and parties’. This comment and the wider feedback indicated that there were no alternatives for non-traditional mature students to create these networks; and that a Coffee Club could attend to this gap in provision. The pilot Coffee Club was shortlisted for a university wide inclusivity award, and given its success, it was continued with the Coffee Club running fortnightly sessions during the next academic year, and a plan to remain as long as there was a need. One common theme expressed in the Coffee Club about being a mature student was that ‘university life is designed for 18–21 year olds’, referring to both lecture times and social events. One participant mentioned how they had ‘one hour of lectures a week, plus a two-hour lab class … spread out over four days and there are huge breaks between lectures’. This form of timetabling created difficulties for students committing to part-time work as, rather than saying ‘I’m free Tuesday to Friday’ it becomes a case of ‘I can’t do Tuesday 2  pm–3  pm, Wednesday 1  pm–3  pm’, which restricted the types of jobs available to students. University term dates also differ from primary and secondary

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schools, which was an issue for students with children, as one student commented: ‘it can be difficult to find child care and to pay for it’. Despite its initial success with students forming social networks, attendance dropped to two or three regulars and the future of the Coffee Club became uncertain. It could be argued that the initial sessions had provided networking opportunities, which were then maintained informally by students, in this way the Coffee Club had fulfilled its purpose. Additionally, the department offers a range of many applied subjects, for example, nursing, social work, paramedic sciences, and osteopathy. These subjects tend to attract more mature students or students with more ‘life experience’ (Mallam & Lee, 2017), which could indicate that some of the students targeted by the second Coffee Club were less likely to need a specific social intervention as they did not feel as much of a ‘fish out of water’. Accordingly, the issue of access and experience of mature students is more complex than might first appear, and just like traditional students, not all mature students will experience university in the same ways. Yet, given the concerns about non-completion, future initiatives need to address this complexity, perhaps by offering a Coffee Club for new students and then exploring how to best meet their requirements as they progress with their studies.

Concluding Thoughts Institutions can work to meet the needs of non-traditional students and the Coffee Club initiative was set up in response to the feelings of isolation reported by research participants, offering an opportunity to build a supportive peer network. In this way, the affective accounts of participants were drawn upon to influence institutional practice, aiming to improve student experience for marginalised cohorts, and to engender retention and success in higher education. Nevertheless, although the universities involved have supplied a room and refreshments for the meetings, this initiative has remained an informal arrangement, facilitated without official workload recognition or institutionally ascribed roles. Consequently, the facilitating of the Coffee Club itself and the

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administrative role of setting dates, communicating with the group and answering queries outside of the meetings were undertaken by the authors, and others who volunteered to ‘help out’. The Coffee Club has been successful in its aims, but an over-reliance on key individuals is unsustainable, as without a defined institutional role the meetings could come to an end if the authors move to different positions. This chapter has demonstrated that ideological commitments to ensure access to higher education for a wide demographic of participants from a range of social backgrounds in Wales can be followed by concrete actions that actively engage with the experiences of mature students and allow opportunities to address the barriers that they face and improve rates of retention. The chapter argues that policies of widening access can only be seen as the beginning of institutional commitment; they do not represent a fait accompli, rather there is an onus on institutions to assist non-­ traditional, mature students to form supportive networks, which can engender successful journeys in higher education. The Coffee Club has supported mature and non-traditional students and attempted to improve their experiences ‘one cup of coffee at a time’.7 In writing this chapter we hope that others will consider this model within their institutions, as well as keep exploring further developments and alternative initiatives that can support the complex and diverse needs of mature and non-traditional higher education students. Acknowledgements The authors would like to acknowledge the Cardiff Undergraduate Research Opportunities Programme (CUROP) for funding ‘University Challenge: How can We foster Successful Learning Journeys for Non-traditional Students?’ and the Postgraduate Certificate in University Teaching and Learning team for supporting the subsequent evaluation of the Coffee Club. Victoria Edwards is thanked for her central role as the lead researcher in ‘University Challenge: How can We foster Successful Learning Journeys for Non-traditional Students?’. We are also grateful to students and staff members who have attended and supported the Coffee Club, and the students who took part in the initial research project. In particular we would like to acknowledge those who provided cover in facilitating the initial Coffee Club, without this support it would have been difficult to continue with a sole convener; thank you Victoria Edwards, Melanie Morgan, Chris Higgins, Sikiya

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Adekanye, Tassaneey Khamintaruk Robinson, Ceryn Evans, Jan Stephens and Sara Jones. Additionally, in the 2019/2020 academic year Jennifer Hoolachan has volunteered her time to support the Coffee Club. We would also like to acknowledge Dee Thyer for her support in establishing the second Coffee Club.

Notes 1. Mature students within higher education are stereotypically seen as older students who have returned to university. They have been defined by the Universities and Colleges Admissions (UCAS) as students who are over the age of 21 and who did not go to university after the school and college process (UCAS, 2019). UCAS have stated that mature students could have taken a gap year, perhaps to volunteer or to travel before beginning studies at university. However, according to UCAS, 40% of mature students are over the age of 30, work, have a mortgage, as well as family responsibilities (UCAS, 2019). Mallam and Lee (2017) suggest that mature students can be identified within two groups: older mature students and young mature students, ‘who are deemed “mature age” by the tertiary institution, but whose experiences of university culture complicate this identity’ (Mallam & Lee, 2017). 2. The specific programme to access higher education was the completion of 60 credits at undergraduate level 4. Modules were studied part-time over the course of one academic year. The 60 credits were equivalent to 50% of the undergraduate first year degree programme, so students moving from this pathway to further degree studies only had to enrol for 60 credits rather than the standard 120 credits. This pathway was designed to widen participation and was in its first presentation at the time of the study. 3. The research project, ‘University Challenge: How can we foster successful learning journeys for non-traditional students?’ was funded by the Cardiff Undergraduate Research Opportunities Programme (CUROP). 4. Workload points are allocated for the time spent by staff on particular activities within a workload model. Many universities in the United Kingdom have adopted a Work Allocation Management Model (WAMM). The WAMM is an online system which records the roles and planned activities of academic staff and can be used by Academic Line Managers to assist in planning workloads for the academic year. The WAMM provides a means of recording information which then provides a basis for deci-

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sions about workload planning and allocation. It ensures that key drivers of workload, such as student load, are recorded in a similar way across a university. 5. The evaluation was conducted as part of a research project for the Postgraduate Certificate in University Teaching and Learning. 6. The Enriching Student Life Awards are organised by the Students Union and students are invited to nominate staff who have supported them in the university. The Coffee Club has been nominated via its convener each year following its initiation. 7. This was a phrase used by Victoria Edwards in a social media tweet promoting the Coffee Club at both institutions, which has been included in this chapter with her permission.

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13 Using a Funds of Knowledge Approach to Engage Diverse Cohorts Through Active and Personally Relevant Learning Sally Tazewell

Introduction Many theories and practices of widening participation in the UK focus upon how individuals, often those identified as the most academically successful from within a given area of socio-economic deprivation, can be adorned with social and cultural capital to make them fit the culture of the institutions for which they are guided to aspire. Yet what is missing from these discussions is acknowledgement of the strengths and knowledge such ‘non-traditional’ learners already hold, and how these can be identified and mobilised through socially just processes to become valued within, and contribute to, the higher education (HE) learning environment. A ‘funds of knowledge approach’ to curriculum development and pedagogy (see, for example, Daddow, 2016; Moll, Amanti, Neff, & González, 1992; Subero, Vila, & Esteban-Guitart, 2015) seeks to redress this traditional imbalance, acknowledging the need to understand social, S. Tazewell (*) University Centre Weston, Weston-super-Mare, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_13

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familial and cultural ways of knowing, and use them as a starting point for meaningful and personally relevant dialogues about learning. At times there may be ‘differences or clashes in cultures, values, identities and practices between higher education institutions and non-traditional students’ (Wong & Chiu, 2019, p. 2), and Daddow (2016) advocates for an approach to ‘address the collision between the socio-economic and culturally diverse realities of many students’ lives, and the mono-cultural and class-based institutional structure of the university’ (p.  745). This chapter seeks to reflect one lecturer’s journey to address the symbolic violence which Bourdieu and Passeron (1990) suggest is committed against non-traditional students by the very institutions to which they wish to belong. It offers insights into a small-scale and locally relevant project which draws upon a funds of knowledge approach in order to better hear and value students’ lifeworld experiences and encourage the activation of their agency in applying them to their studies.

Education, Diversity and Social Justice Engaging with education for socially just purposes involves awareness of the dimensions in which students may be advantaged as well as disadvantaged. Atkins and Duckworth (2019) posit that a socially just approach to education seeks to give voice to marginalised communities, show commitment to a common good, recognise the agency of individuals, demonstrate belief in dialogic engagement, promote reflexivity, and consider individual and collective responsibility (pp. 128–141). We must recognise that our increasingly diverse cohorts experience learning environments in highly heterogeneous ways.

The Funds of Knowledge Approach Arising out of the work of Vélez-Ibáñez in the 1980s (González, Moll, & Amanti, 2005), and developed by Moll et al. (1992), the funds of knowledge approach to education was designed to recognise the ‘historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge and skills

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essential for household or individual functioning and wellbeing’ (Moll et al., 1992, p. 132). An approach to higher education based on funds of knowledge is based on the principle that ‘people are competent, they have knowledge and their life experiences have given them that knowledge’ (González et  al., 2005, p. xi). Ríos-Aguilar, Kiyama, Gravitt, and Moll (2011) suggest that funds of knowledge as a process identifies ‘the competence and knowledge embedded in the life experiences of under-­represented students and families’ (p. 164) and seeks to include these funds in university curricula. This approach has been applied to more inclusive and respectful practices with Indigenous populations in Australia (PirbhaiIllich, 2010) and New Zealand (Carr, 2001) and lends itself to the current widening participation work with which UK universities are engaging. The challenge of converting funds of knowledge into something for which academic credit can be gained has been the source of some discussion. For Young, academically ‘powerful’ knowledge is ‘cognitively superior to that needed for daily life. It transcends and liberates (individuals) from their daily experience’ (2013, p. 118), and so is removed from, and capable of removing individuals from their circumstances. However, Young concedes that some disciplines such as geography (and, arguably, many arts and social sciences disciplines), are more likely to foreground content and context over concepts (2013, p. 110) and may therefore act as an extension to students’ daily lives, allowing them to make comparisons and generalisations (2013, p. 111). Subsequently, a funds of knowledge approach has been successfully used to develop ‘powerful knowledge’ across a range of subject areas, including nutrition (Daddow, 2016), teacher training (McDevitt & Kurihara, 2017), and engineering (Sandoval-Taylor, 2005). Ríos-Aguilar et al. (2011) suggest that the following four stages can help to bridge the gap between lifeworld knowledge or ‘community cultural wealth’ (Yosso, 2005), and academically ‘powerful’ knowledge. First, recognition by students that they hold valuable knowledge which can support their success. Second, valuing these funds of knowledge as ‘useful knowledge’ (p.  177) in educational institutions, and increased agency and power-sharing between students and staff to develop a ‘hybrid space’ of learning (Calabrese Barton & Tan, 2009). This stage includes co-construction of knowledge between students and staff as part of a mutually

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beneficial learning community, and valuing lifeworld experiences as relevant to academic engagement (Moll et  al., 1992), so that learning becomes deeper and more meaningful through holding personal relevance. Third, converting funds of knowledge into social or cultural capital, which can gain value through the institution’s ‘exchange rate’ (Calabrese Barton & Tan, 2009) such as staff approval or good grades, offering students the power to ‘interrupt(s) the traditional exchange-­ value process, and shifting what type of knowledge has value’ (Ríos-­ Aguilar et al., 2011, p. 172). Finally, mobilisation must occur for students to want to use these funds of knowledge for themselves in meaningful ways, increasing their capability to work in robust academic ways underpinned by lifeworld experiences (Chiappero-Martinetti & Sabadash, 2014), and increasing their sense of agency. Funds of knowledge research strongly posits that for many students from marginalised communities, developing such hybrid spaces creates opportunities for learning and advancement for both them and their lecturers.

Adaptive Language Habits and Code Switching Daddow (2016) observes that funds of knowledge can ‘surface spontaneously’ when students begin to find their academic voice through linking it with their home voice and offering ‘vernacular literacies in safe and conducive learning environments, in which educators [are] alert to the emergence of cultural assets for learning use’ (p. 749). This aligns with the work of Northedge (2003), which examines the types of language used in different social situations so that students could be sensitised to where their home and academic language requirements sits in relation to each other and types of literary sources such as academic journals. Northedge encourages educators to incrementally introduce the language of ‘specialised discourses emanating from discourse communities’ (2003, p. 19), to extend (not replace) students’ categories of ‘everyday discourses’ as part of a community of learning practice. Northedge (2003) notes how language develops to allow individuals to move from peripheral to more central roles in knowledge communities within a degree programme, thereby supporting students’ academic and social belonging.

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Agency and Autonomy Working from a ‘capabilities’ perspective, Harrison, Davies, Harris, and Waller (2018) suggest that the capacity to engage in autonomous learning is a key strand to student success, and this includes having the financial capacity to access resources for learning. Given the marketization of higher education as a ‘personal’ good (Marginson, 2017), Leathwood and O’Connell note the ‘elision’ from ‘student to learner’, where the learner is constructed as an ‘active consumer of educational services’, taking responsibility for their own learning as ‘independent, autonomous and self-­ directed’ (2003, p.  599). Certainly, the ability to cope with working independently, in a self-directed and self-monitoring way is a common factor in outreach work which seeks to prepare 16–18 year olds for a successful transition to university life (see, for example, Hayton & Bengry-­ Howell, 2016). However, the concept of students needing to work as individuals rather than part of a collective attracts some attention from a funds of knowledge perspective, with Moll et al. viewing such an approach as a ‘white Western cultural construct’ (1992, p. 133) which may detract from the learning experience rather than contribute to it. This Westernised focus on individualist approaches to studying (Leathwood & O’Connell, 2003; Papastylianou & Lampridis, 2016), and an upsurge in flipped classrooms (Reidsema, Hadgraft, & Kavanagh, 2017), blended learning (Otto, 2018) and online courses (Gurley, 2018) can lead to a disconnect for those from more collectivist cultures, including working class cultures, and raises serious questions about student isolation, mental health and sense of un/belonging.

Epistemic Contribution If student confidence and emerging academic voice develop, when they become recognised as knowledge holders, then their participation in learning depends upon the extent to which their ideas and experiences are recognised as relevant and hold value within their learning community. Walker (2019), considers how educational processes which seek to solicit and reflect students’ lifeworld knowledge may be hampered by

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how this knowledge is received/considered by others: The ‘hidden struggle for recognition and respect for classed, “raced” and gendered ways of being’ (Crozier, Reay, & Clayton, 2019) may leave non-traditional learners and their lifeworld experiences feeling marginalised by academic life. This echoes the work of Fricker (2015), who notes that epistemic injustice may be testimonial when the speaker receives a ‘deflated level of credibility’ due to prejudicial assumptions from the hearer, or hermeneutical when the speaker ‘enjoys less than some reasonable level of participation in the generation of shared social meanings’ (Fricker, 2015, as cited in Walker, 2019). Such occurrences minimise opportunities for learners to be recognised as ‘knowledge holders’. Therefore, creating inclusive and enabling HE learning environments which seek out and value the knowledge of all learners is one way of promoting a more epistemically just HE experience that requires a transformative approach to curriculum and pedagogy.

 xperimental Lecture Program: Developing E a Funds of Knowledge Approach Several years ago, I was reflecting with my first-year tutor group at the end of the year as to what had been easier or more enjoyable than expected, and any challenges they had experienced. The overwhelming response was that there was too much reading. It was tempting to respond with a superficial and perhaps flippant comment about how we learn through reading, and therefore it is a bedrock of university studies. But I decided to take the conversation further to consider what and how else they (better) might learn, and to challenge my own understandings and assumptions. The students with whom I was engaging were working towards a vocationally orientated, 2-year foundation degree within the Faculty of Education, Health and Lifestyle at University Centre Weston in summer 2016. There were 15 students in total, 14 identifying as female and 1 as male. They attended university for two compressed study days each week, while on placement in their chosen industry for a further two. McCluskey,

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Weldon, and Smallridge (2019) identify the benefits of a compressed timetable for students who ‘may be juggling the multiplicity of competing demands, deadlines, availabilities and relationships’ (p. 3). Many of the students enrolled in the program also worked part time in the local service industries, to support themselves financially. It was not unusual for students to undertake 10 to 20 hours of paid work per week in addition to studies and a work placement. A significant number also held single or multiple caring responsibilities, some identified as disabled (most frequently with dyslexia, or challenges to their mental wellbeing) which, in line with the characteristics of this institution, could include learning and health differences. All bar one were locally based commuter students, with an age range from early 20s to mid-40s. Almost all were first-­generation students, and just one had come via the more academically rated A level qualifications route, typical of UK university entrants, with the rest having followed a vocational or Access to HE pathway. Many had negative self-stories about prior educational experiences, and were just starting to accept that ‘people like me’ could indeed work successfully at undergraduate level, albeit with a holistic approach needed to counter the ‘debilitating effects on participants’ imaginings of future education’ (McMahon, Harwood, & Hickey-Moody, 2016, p. 1110) caused by such negative previous engagements. Picking up our discussion around enablers and inhibitors to successful university learning the following week (June 2016) we considered the purpose/s of pre-session readings; what is manageable but could still have value; and how we might devise alternative (to reading) preparation tasks in a way that would benefit individual and group learning. The conversation (and subsequent redevelopment of learning activities) required a significant degree of reflection and reflexivity, because the process of reading as study had been so ingrained in me as a student, then school teacher, and more recently as a lecturer. I found it difficult to remove my understanding of curriculum development from my own life experiences, assumptions and preferences in order to conceive of an alternative learning process. I was therefore required to undertake radical inquiry (Clough & Nutbrown, 2012) to move beyond the myopia of my own lifeworld norms and expectations. Eventually, through much dialogue with students and colleagues, we decided that pre-session tasks would be used as

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a ‘bridge’ (González & Moll, 2002) to formal study, to offer an introduction to a given field of knowledge, and act as a provocation to stimulate critical thinking. In acknowledging Zepke’s assertion that ‘learning is lifelong and lifewide … learners inhabit multiple learning spaces simultaneously and can draw inspiration from them’ (2018, p. 61), we began to consider active, creative and personally relevant provocations, starting internally by drawing upon the learners’ own funds of knowledge, rather than starting externally by reading what others had to say. We developed a series of exercises where ‘thinking’ was to be used as study preparation. Students agreed that they would like a task of around 15 to 20 minutes duration, and ideally something that could be completed ‘on the go’, either in their heads or on their phones, about what they thought might be valuable about a module (also known as a course) to their lives or chosen professions. This led to the co-development of an experimental lecture programme which I would deliver to them the following year, in the autumn term of 2016, where each session began with a sharing and discussion of what they had thought about (in relation to the course or module topic), with tasks ranging from listing and ranking exercises based upon their personal and professional experiences, craft activities to express feelings about aspects of their work, and visual or musical provocations to encourage reflection and reflexivity. I was motivated to create something relatable for my students, and so it was decided to retain the key ideas of our subject area and use learning dispositions as a framework for understanding changes and offering a shared language for discussing versions of ‘success’. My approach was also influenced by how learning dispositions/learning powers are conceptualised and valued within New Zealand’s Te Whaariki methodology to education (see, for example, Adderley, 2015; Carr, 2001). The learning dispositions include taking an interest, being involved, persisting with difficulty or uncertainty, communicating with others, and taking responsibility. Over the course of the autumn term, 14 students took part in paper-based questionnaires, an online survey, and a focus group discussion, with a view to answering these questions:

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• To what extent are pre-session tasks useful, and what are they useful for? • How relevant are the learning dispositions to undergraduate studies? • What works in improving learners’ confidence and academic self-stories?

Usefulness of Pre-Session Tasks Responses to the types and uses of pre-session tasks included the pertinent observation that active and personally relevant learning which draws upon students’ funds of knowledge ‘allow a student room to think of their academic voice. A lot of times when we are reading, we tend to only think of the author’s (voice)’. On balance, students felt that the pre-­ session tasks afforded them the opportunity to ‘gather their thoughts’ and ‘consolidate their thinking’, with 83% of participants suggesting that they were more likely to actively engage in lectures when they felt they had something relevant to share. One noted how they did not like it when they were ‘not able to put my own views across about the topic’, and this is worthy of reflection, particularly for courses which engage individuals who may be novice students yet are well experienced and perhaps highly regarded within their chosen profession.

Relevance of Learning Dispositions On the theme of learning dispositions, one student reflected that: ‘even if the subject is hard, if there is interest in the activity it will become easier’, and that the tasks ‘give everyone a chance to include themselves in the sessions’. Academic self-confidence was reported as higher in sessions with active preparation tasks, with 40% of students feeling ‘very’ confident and 60% ‘fairly’ confident, than when compared with sessions requiring pre-­readings, for which 20% of students felt ‘very’ confident and 60% ‘fairly’ confident. When discussing ideas from a non-reading task, 67% of learners felt that they were more confident, with one

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previously very quiet learner noting that they now ‘wanted to be heard’. By devising tasks which had the potential to draw upon exposure to their chosen profession as well as their personal experiences, one student noted that ‘it provides me with the skills to be a life long learner’, with another enjoying the benefits of being able to ‘be creative with exploring my learning’. One student felt that they made the sessions more interesting because they had ‘more background knowledge’, with another expressing their enjoyment at being able to ‘follow the tutor’s thoughts and grapple with understanding’. Being encouraged to take ownership of their learning in a shared and celebratory way became a largely accepted norm, with one student noting that ‘higher education is something that embodies responsibility, being autonomous with pre-session tasks … is paramount’.

Learner Confidence and Self-Stories When considering how to build learner confidence and academic self-­ esteem, participants valued giving ‘everyone a voice’, being able to employ a ‘personal way of recording (to) help people share what they have learnt’ and ‘with people that struggle with reading their self-esteem can be helped with the other resources’. However, some students did miss being directed towards readings in advance, and so future iterations included signposting to these as well. The module attempted to create a ‘personalisable learning journey’, whereby students felt the benefits of belonging to a developing community of practice (Wenger, McDermott, & Synder, 2002), while able to contribute to the knowledge and experiences in class. Lectures would start with a reminder of the pre-session task, and students would be directed into pairs, quads, or larger groups. This was often influenced by group dynamics and the sensitivity of the topic, although sometimes the logistics of the teaching space dictated what was possible. They then shared their ideas or artefacts, with initially fairly formulaic ‘compare and contrast’ stances usually overthrown by a genuine interest in the reasoning or inspiration of others. A reinforced sense of belonging was often generated, with comments around familiar personal or professional

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dilemmas and challenges. I would always work with at least one or two groups, but realised early on that trying to hear everyone at that stage was rushed and superficial, and at times stunted the very conversation they were trying to have. I quickly became better at facilitating these discussions. After some 15 to 20  minutes, I would ask for feedback around what they identified as the key ideas or priorities, sometimes verbally, sometimes through written words or drawn images, and occasionally using online forums. I then used questioning to understand what they understood and linked that to relevant theory. I would rearrange the order of presentation slides, as needed, to address any initial points of interest, confusion or dissent. I would link back to the students’ insights or interests when introducing new readings, policies or research also. The role of ‘fit’ and ‘comfort’ within the group was important to consider also, because it is risky to expose one’s own ideas and experiences (Leibowitz et al., 2010) even if the benefit is the transformation of ‘experience gained’ into ‘real knowledge’ (Lea, 2015, p. 119). Sometimes this could be anticipated based upon personal knowledge of the individuals and where the limits of their comfort zone lay, and I tried to work within this, especially with sensitive topics. However, as graduates and professionals, there is a degree of self-advocacy required, and so I would set perimeters such as the requirement for all to contribute though not necessarily verbally; all to listen respectfully before commenting; or all to complete their part within x minutes so that none dominated, and allow them to negotiate and monitor this within their groupings. What we failed to anticipate was how the time set aside for the ‘thinking about the topic’ at the beginning of each session, some 15–20 minutes, ended up transforming entire course content and pedagogy. By establishing what was already known, assumed or prioritised by students, teaching needed to be responsive, starting from student’s funds of knowledge and experiences, rather than a teacher’s intended learning outcomes. As a teacher I extended the student experience or perspective in order to introduce multiple perspectives, and engaging students in thinking critically about what they were thinking and reading, and how these related to their lifeworld experiences. The students seemed to be motivated by the relevance to their own lives and that of their peers. For instance, one student commented in their questionnaire that ‘interest is of most

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importance (as students) will not complete the task to their full potential nor take it on board if it doesn’t relate to them personally’. Another reflected that these tasks encouraged deeper engagement and criticality as ‘I find myself stopping to question rather than reading for understanding’. Certainly, from a lecturing perspective, there was a noticeable difference in the duration and quality of students’ discussions, with more voices offering a greater variety of ideas than in previous years. The process of converting ‘everyday knowledge’ into ‘powerful knowledge’ was far from linear, and presented many unanticipated challenges. Sometimes, due to inexperience, the tasks set were overly generalised or lacked focus, leading to highly fragmented responses. On occasion my response to students’ ideas bordered upon superficial acknowledgement of what they said in a rush to move into my own teachings, as these offered me a greater degree of certainty. These occasions become less frequent with practise. Equally, I would initially be thrown by discussions which brought out language or ideas which stereotyped or felt discriminatory. Over the years some students had carried a deficit model of disabilities or same-sex relationships, while others had been strongly influenced by racist ideologies. I have learnt to accept that this is how their experiences to date allow them to view the world, and acknowledge discomfort in these discussions. In raising awareness of alternative perspectives, I find it helpful to work in the ‘third person’, drawing on impersonal legislation and industry standards around diversity and inclusion for example, rather than reiterating what a given person thought or said. Students can then learn collectively to reflect on their expected values as industry professionals, and to grapple with the complexities of opinions divergent to their own. Rarely, some would complain that they missed the certainty (and perhaps anonymity) of the readings used in parallel modules. Yet often this reflected an uncertain sense of belonging and academic self-­esteem, so sessions would use activities to promote voice and belonging for a few weeks through small group debates and team tasks, until students started to feel on track again. It was also an uncomfortable process to reflect that my own teachings very much centred around the theories of ‘dead white men’, with little use of key readings or research from women, or from outside of a European or Anglophone perspective. This was not adequate in ‘bridging’ the needs

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and interests of my learners, or indeed the wider world, and so I would write notes to myself after each session as to what else should be incorporated into the topic. By regularly searching for different authors and across different continents, I was better able to link their experiences with a wider literature, creating a more hybrid space; richer and robust. Despite these challenges, over the past few years this has become my preferred way of working; learning with, from and alongside my highly diverse, passionate and articulate, yet undoubtedly ‘non-traditional’ students.

Theoretical Mapping and Ideas for Action Using a funds of knowledge pedagogical approach requires adaptation and responsiveness, and each new cohort brings new experiences on which to draw and extend. However, it must also be a robust and evidence-­ informed process, accommodating pro-active planning and engagement from faculty. I have therefore offered a theoretical mapping and ideas for action in Table 13.1 to guide others in adopting a funds of knowledge approach to teaching and learning in higher education. Example 1  Topic of Diversity Provocation—Students are asked to think of an A to Z list of ways in which people may be different to one another. Emergence—Comparisons are made in small groups to establish similarities and differences. Convergence—Discussions are held around why it might be useful as an emergent professional in their chosen industry to understand shared as well as individual characteristics, and what types of theories, research, policies or practice this relates to. Contextualisation—Theories of diversity are examined, for example, using Mitchell’s taxonomy (2017), and students may then carry out their own research into an element of diversity related to practice. Critical evaluation—Students might apply the ideas of Bronfenbrenner and ecological systems theory (1979) to understand why certain languages, ethnicities, religions, age groups and so forth may be presented as the ‘social norm’ from which others deviate, and reflect on their own comfort in talking about some characteristics more than others.

Work here is designed Valuing lifeworld to elicit relevant experiences as knowledge from the relevant to community or academic cohort the lecturer is engagement (a) working with.

Students’ response to provocation based on lifeworld experiences prior to or during their studies.

Personal experiences begin to link with key ideas within the subject specialism.

Provocation

Emergence

Convergence

Confidence develops when seen as knowledge holders (b)

Exchanging time, dedication and expertise for mutual benefit (b)

Focus

Phase of activity

Funds of knowledge

Everyday/ specialist

Everyday/ subject specialist

Everyday

Language

Table 13.1  Theoretical mapping: Developing a funds of knowledge approach

Transmission

Recognition

N/A

Stages of mobilisation

• What might exist within learners’ experiences, thought processes, reflections or assumptions which has worth as an exploratory ‘bridge’ to this topic? • In what ways and through which mediums could this be expressed? • Is there a sufficient sense of belonging and community to make this a safe and conducive learning environment? • How will their experiences be acknowledged and validated? • What are the areas of theory/policy/research which are most relevant to these students? • How can delivery be flexible to foreground those areas brought up by these students?

Key questions

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Reference: Ríos-Aguilar et al., 2011

Reference: Northedge 2003

References: (a) Moll et al., 1992 (b) Subero et al., 2015 (c) Daddow 2016 (d) Bovill et al., 2019 (e) Harrison et al., 2018

Key theorists/ Agency (d) and movements, et autonomy (e) cetera, considered in light of multiple perspectives.

Mobilization

Stages of mobilisation

Academic

Language

Critical evaluation

Funds of knowledge Conversion

Focus

Contextualisation General ideas become Adaptive language Specialist/ linked with key habits and code academic theorists/ switching (c) movements/ policies/ research.

Phase of activity • How are students’ experiences drawn out and incorporated as further ideas are introduced and developed? • How is a questioning of self and theory encouraged? • What mechanisms exist to support curiosity, reflection and reflexivity? • What is effective in ‘handing over’ the learning process?

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Example 2  Topic of Wellbeing and Mental Health Provocation—Students are asked to think of a song which is significant to them. Emergence—Students play their songs to one another in pairs, then quads, talking about why they are significant. Convergence—Discussions are used to draw out key life events and how they make us feel. Ideas of protective and risk factors begin to be noted, including people, places and artefacts. Contextualisation—Theories of wellbeing, for example, by Maslow (2013) and Roberts (2010), are compared and contrasted, with students encouraged to suggest changes which would make them more appropriate to their own personal or professional lives. Critical evaluation—Research into varying aspects of mental health is presented to ‘specialist groups’ to read and discuss, with students then moving into ‘home’ groups with a specialist from each aspect. Students consider the relevance of each article to their own circumstances based upon when and where it was written, whether it was peer reviewed, how many people/ perspectives it covers and so forth.

Conclusion We are all capable of making small changes within our own spheres of influence to promote a more socially just and inclusive educational experience for those we work with. By embracing a process of radical enquiry in everyday encounters with students, we remain alert to the types of changes that matter to them, offering them the opportunity to better have their voices heard and experiences valued. The funds of knowledge approach and its role in promoting epistemic justice seems pivotal here, as it moves from learner to curriculum rather than the other way around, going on a shared journey of discovery into, through and often far beyond the academic norms and received wisdom of a given curriculum area.

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14 The Impact of Stigma, Placement Instability and Individual Motivation on Successful Transitions in and Through University for Care Experienced Young People Gemma Allnatt

Introduction The term care leavers or young people with care experience captures a wide range of individuals with whom the State holds or has held parental responsibility. While caution is applied to referring to care leavers as a homogenous group it is well evidenced this cohort of young people suffer significant disadvantage in many areas of life. For example, these individuals are more likely to experience mental ill health, substance abuse issues, housing instability and limited employment opportunities (Rees, 2013; Sims-Schouten & Hayden, 2017; Stein, 2006a). In addition, it has been evidenced consistently that the care system as a corporate parent does not go far enough to improve, support and encourage good quality education which has a significant impact on outcomes in adulthood.

G. Allnatt (*) Cardiff University, Cardiff, Wales e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_14

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The White paper Care Matters: Time for Change (2007) outlining guidance on the education of those in care was clear when it stated those in positions of power in local authorities should act in the same as any reasonable parent would do so ensuring young people are reaching their academic potential. By this it is meant that the corporate parent in all its capacity should actively address the persistent academic gap between those in care and the non-experienced counterparts. While blaming a poorly managed and funded care system is commonplace, doing so does not take into account the complex and challenging circumstances in which young people enter the care system. Needless to say, there remains a stubborn problem with increasing the numbers of young people actively pursuing and entering higher education from the care system. Considered to be the most powerful tool in supporting upward social mobility, engagement and success in education can act as a vehicle for improving the future wellbeing of vulnerable groups and is often described as a ‘passport out of poverty’ (McNamara, Harvey, & Andrewartha, 2019, p. 85). There is an emerging interest in the topic of care experienced by young people and equality of access to higher education. All the research shows that their educational needs are still not met adequately despite the issue first being highlighted by Jackson (1987). Research thus far has shown that a number of factors do help the process of getting to university but it still appears that the most successful young people, are the ones for whom serendipitous events and resilience were the factors in securing places in university, and who succeeded against the backdrop of limited support from the very people who were supposed to be helping. There is little knowledge of what works in promoting, encouraging and supporting young people to transition from care into university and through the course to successful graduation.

Research Context The first study to highlight that care experienced children and young people were being failed by both the care and education system was Jackson (1987). Her research demonstrated how those in care were overrepresented in school exclusions and very few were obtaining the General

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Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) qualifications necessary to continue into higher education. At this time, the educational achievement of those in care was not a priority for either social services or education authorities. As Cameron, Connelly and Jackson (2015, p. 26) note, when: ‘the Children Act 1989 came into force there was little interest in the education of children in care. Britain was still a very classed based society and concern for education was mainly a characteristic of middleclass parents.’ Since then a number of changes have been implemented to support and encourage academic success with the introduction of Looked After Children Education (LACE) teams, school based social workers and dedicated safeguarding staff in schools (Cameron et al., 2015). Additionally, through research conducted by Jackson and colleagues (Jackson, Ajayi, & Quigley, 2005) along with the Buttle Trust (Buttle UK, 2015), a number of changes have been made to the higher education application process. For example, the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) forms now allow applicants to identify themselves as a care leaver, which triggers student support services to provide advice and assistance before and during the application and transitioning. Accordingly, it is now accepted that those in care are an extremely vulnerable group, requiring a significant amount of support to ensure they have healthy and prosperous futures (Jackson & Höjer, 2013). Furthermore, failures to address the needs of young people in care are costly for both the individual and the State (Johnson & Mendes, 2014). Consequently, policymakers have recognised that education, and in particular involvement in further and higher education, plays an important role in facilitating young people’s well-being. This includes improving career prospects, earnings, physical and mental health, access to and participation in broader social and community relationships (Mendes, Michell, & Wilson, 2014). However, an interest in exploring the success stories of those leaving care and achieving high levels of academic achievement, has been juxtaposed with mainly negative attitudes and perceptions that young people in care cannot, and will not, succeed academically (Harker, DobelOber, Lawrence, Berridge, & Sinclair, 2003). For example, Berridge (2006), recognised that the conceptualisation of the educational

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underachievement of children looked after was unhelpful, confusing and simplistic. The notion of underachievement failed to take into the account the unique characteristics of being looked after because comparisons were made with general school populations. Similarly, blame for low attainment in care is often directed at the care system, however, there are a number of factors such as socio-economic status, family background and early childhood adversities that can impact on educational attainment (Forrester, 2008). Indeed, recent research has suggested that the care system is not inherently bad, and actually those who enter care can do better than those brought up at home but in difficult circumstances (O’Higgins, Sebba, & Luke, 2015). Two key studies have explicitly focused on higher education and the experiences of care leavers, By Degree’s (2005) and the Young People in Public Care Pathways to Education in Europe (YIPPEE) project (2014). By Degree’s followed three successive cohorts of 50 young people with offers of places at UK universities. They found that young people from care who go to university and complete their studies had post care trajectories, which ‘were much more favourable than those recorded for the vast majority of care leavers’ (Jackson & Cameron, 2014, p. 12). The major cross-national project YIPPEE explored the education of young people in care beyond the legal age of school attendance. The collaboration between the UK, Denmark, Hungary, Spain and Sweden explored the differences and commonalities in the welfare regimes and their response to ensuring those in care in all European states are included in further and higher education to a much greater extent. They concluded that: Childhood adversity need not rule out educational success. Far more young people in care than previously thought have the ability to develop a strong learning identity and access tertiary education if we can give them the opportunity to do so and remove some of the many barriers that present and stand in their way. (Jackson & Cameron, 2014, p. 263)

A recent study conducted by Harrison (2017) drawing on data collected in England has provided a more up to date picture of the current context in which care experienced young people are making the

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transition from care to higher education. The Higher Education: Researching Around Care leavers’ entry and success project (HERACLES) found that there are considerably higher numbers of care experienced young people entering higher education then has been previously reported (Harrison, 2017). A statistical analysis of official data found that 12% of those leaving care entered university in 2014/2015 (Harrison, 2017). While this can be considered a step forward for care experienced young people, demonstrating some improvements in recognition and support, caution must be applied. Simply viewing the increased numbers applying and getting to university as a measure of success does not show how those who do experience the journey, and from what is already known it is not an easy one. Furthermore, Harrison (2017) notes there is a high prevalence of individuals withdrawing from their studies and not returning. Similarly, many young people transitioning from care to higher education were doing so with poor or no support at all from local authorities. The transition to university … resulted in a sense of ‘culture shock which they felt ill-equipped to manage … the sense of being unsupported … abandonment … a sudden awareness of being alone and being expected to manage a series of major changes and transitions. (Harrison, 2017, p. 78)

As discussed in the following section, policy and legislation are key mechanisms to remove barriers and create opportunities for care experienced young people.

Policy and Legislation The Children Act 1989 was a landmark piece of legislation covering all aspects of social care for children, demonstrating a commitment on the part of the State to improving the outcomes for young people. The Act led to significant improvements in social work and educational practice aiming to address and improve the educational attainment of children and young people in care (Cameron et al., 2015). Subsequent legislation, including the Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000, Adoption and Children Act 2002, Children Act 2004, Children and Young Persons Act 2008,

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Children and Families Act 2014, have placed a myriad of duties and requirements on local authorities to address the significant attainment gap (Mannay et al., 2017). One of the main principles underpinning all these Statutes is that the educational experience and attainment of children in care should be ‘as close as possible to that of children growing up in their own families’ (Cameron et al., 2015, p. 26). Legislation such as the Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000 (CLCA) acknowledges the unique difficulties those leaving care experience, which limit their opportunities to continue in education past age 16. For example, Stein (2006b) maintains that care leavers are negotiating transitions to adulthood and the responsibilities associated with adulthood at a younger age than most, often with little support. The CLCA aimed to address this accelerated independence by placing a duty on local authorities to provide financial, housing and emotional support to those leaving care, as well as a duty to provide financial security and vacation accommodation for those wishing to progress to university up until their 25th birthday. This was a significant development for those wishing to pursue an academic journey (Cameron et al., 2015). To further embed the notion of education as a priority for social services, the Children Act (2004) placed a duty on local authorities to promote the education achievement of those in care. This addressed some of the concerns outlined in earlier research, suggesting that authorities worked in isolation of each other preventing ‘joined up working’ (Jackson, 1998). The role of the Director of Children’s Services was created to oversee the education and social service functions of local authorities to bridge this divide; and attend to emotional and physical wellbeing, and educational achievement, simultaneously (Harris, 2004). In the Welsh landscape, there has been a policy and legislative commitment to promote and support the educational achievement of those in care in Wales. For example, ‘Towards a Stable Life and Brighter Future’ (Welsh Government, 2007) set out guidance on strengthening educational arrangements, which include the designation of LACE coordinators to oversee education plans and most importantly bridge the gap between education and social services.

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The Social Services and Well Being (Wales) Act 2014 underpins the delivery of improved outcomes for children and their families. This required local authorities to have special regard to the education and training needs of children in care, particularly when making decisions about placements. More recently, the strategy document ‘Raising the ambitions and educational attainment of children who are looked after in Wales’ (Welsh Government, 2016a) has demonstrated a further commitment to improving educational attainment of care experienced children and young people. Another important step towards addressing some of the issues facing those leaving care and improving the numbers of young people remaining in education post-sixteen is the introduction of ‘When I’m Ready’ (Welsh Government, 2016b). The scheme was set up by Welsh Government in 2015 and made legal by the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act under Post 18 Living arrangements. ‘When I’m Ready’ allows for young people to stay in their foster placements beyond the age of eighteen and up until the age of 25 if they are involved in a programme of education or training (Welsh Government, 2016b). Arrangements are organised and planned from the age of 16  in accordance with the Pathway Plan, which sets out the details of support required to ensure smooth transitions from care to adulthood including the support required to choose, apply and enter university. However, despite these positive developments in policy and legislation, it remains important to explore the factors that help or hinder the transition to university from care; to not only shed light on the topic but give a voice to those who have been in State care and are often overlooked in educational contexts. The following section discusses the experiences of two care leavers in higher education. One student, Alice, at the time of interview was beginning her academic journey, and Tom, nearing the end and planning for his graduation. The aim being to highlight the need for continuity in support throughout the academic journey and to ensure all those who are coming into university from care have a positive and fulfilled experience in university.

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Alice and Tom: The Journeys The findings discussed here were drawn from a doctoral study, which considered how support from social services and universities helps those in care to complete their university studies. The study worked with young people (n = 21), exploring their views, experiences and opinions of their journey through the care system and to university. While all of the participants presented unique narratives, there were commonalities that are typically found in the care population; all had suffered traumatic events in their childhood necessitating care of the local authority and they had all overcome significant hurdles to get to university and succeed, often against a backdrop of continuing chaos and turmoil in personal circumstances. This section will discuss two participants’ accounts with the aim of highlighting the challenges faced in both transitioning and staying in university. A focus on the themes of placement stability, determination, motivation and stigma, will be used as a framework to understand how care leavers negotiate their care status within transitions and through higher education. One 19-year-old young woman, referred to by the pseudonym Alice, was at the beginning of her first year of university at the time of the research. Alice was studying at a Welsh university that had received the Buttle Trust Quality mark because of its excellent work in supporting care leavers (Buttle UK, 2015). Alice had lived with her foster carers for four years, in a rural part of Wales. Before this placement, Alice and her sister had lived in four other settings, as well as having experienced an unsuccessful return to her birth father. Alice and her sister were then placed successfully with long term foster carers Mary and Jim. Alice spoke of many happy occasions with Mary and Jim, including family holidays. However, before leaving for university the relationship between Alice and Mary had become strained, which impacted on her transition and her ability to plan for the future. Tom was in his third year at an English university and was on track to graduate at the time of the interview. Tom entered care in his early adolescence and had a number of placement moves. He then lived in

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supported accommodation up until he left for university. His experience through university has highlighted the need for more support for this group of young people to both access and succeed in university.

 lacement Stability: The Role of Foster Care P and Support Services It is widely acknowledged that fostering can be a preferable option, for replicating a stable family environment (Schofield & Beek, 2005). However, children and young people can be moved a significant number of times during their care career, often to the detriment of overall well-­ being including the negative impact on educational welfare (Ward, Skuse, & Munro, 2005). Most young people in the UK will move three times on average during their childhood and adolescence; but those in care can experience this number of moves in just one year (Ward, 2009). Alice had five placement moves through her care career, and although the most frequent placement moves were in her early years of primary school age, she reflected on these moves during the interview, explaining how each of these moves disrupted her education. Alice:

I don’t think I actually finished a whole year in primary school. … I liked school a lot. … I was just sick of moving around.

Achieving permanency for children and young people is rare in part because of the principles enshrined in law and children’s rights that children should be brought up in their birth families as far as possible (Schofield, Beek, & Ward, 2012). Most children will return home when it is deemed appropriate and safe to do so. However, Ward (2009, p. 2) notes that when there are concerns, social workers and courts ‘struggle to acknowledge that for some birth parents providing adequate care in a timeframe that would benefit a child is not possible’ and returning home prematurely can often be more harmful. Although Alice did find a permanent and stable placement in her later teenage years, her childhood and early teenage years were transient, involving movement between temporary and emergency placements and

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a brief return to her birth father. She reflected on the impact this return had on her physical and emotional well-being. Alice:

I was living in an emergency placement on a farm. I loved it because they had loads of animals, but then I had to leave. I went to live with my dad for a while [but] ended up having alopecia at eight years old because of stress, my dad’s girlfriend would shout at me and blame me for pulling it out, but it used to fall out in my hands.

For Cameron et al. (2015) the last placement before leaving care is the most crucial for supporting continuing education; and leaving care is both accelerated and compressed making it difficult and sometimes impossible to stay in education (Stein, 2006a). Alice’s last foster placement was one which she felt able to call home and she achieved a sense of belonging (Biehal, 2014). She changed her surname by deed poll to reflect the foster family name and recalled happy experiences as a family unit, including structure, routine and educational support, which involved ‘homework hour’ every day after school. While Tom was living mostly independently with the support of leaving care social workers, he felt very equipped to deal with the transition to university. Tom:

I was prepared for university I suppose because I had been living mostly alone for about two years … and moving around foster placements sets you up for being careful with your belongings and only keeping things that you really need. So, I didn’t have much stuff to worry about when it came to moving here.

For Alice difficulties emerged with her placement when it came to transitioning to university. While she was the first person in her birth family and foster family to go to university, she received little support in the transition to university, both physically and emotionally. Alice:

They say they are proud of me for going to university … I told them two weeks before I was moving to uni. Mary and Jim told me they couldn’t afford the fuel to take me and my stuff to halls. That was fine because I have my own car, but it would have been nice to have a bit of support. Everyone’s parents are coming down to say hello, to see if they have settled in, they [foster carers] haven’t done anything.

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There was also some confusion around her accommodation status for the holiday period, as the placement was not part of the ‘When I’m Ready’ scheme and plans had not been discussed during meetings with social services before the start of the academic year. There was also no discussion about the possibility of leaving some personal belongings at the placement or if she was able to return there at weekends. Similar to findings from other studies and wider evidence on leaving care, there is often ambiguity and uncertainty about financial and housing entitlements for those leaving care but remaining in education (Cotton, Nash, & Kneale, 2014). Tom’s housing situation while different from Alice cultivated the same concerns and worry of having to leave home to come to university without knowing what living arrangements would be outside term time. Tom:

I knew I would have to give up the flat when I went to university so there was that questioning of whether it was worth uprooting myself to go to university having nowhere to go if I didn’t like it. But the university have been great. In the first and second year I stayed in my halls of residence and I have friends that I have met in university who always invite me to stay with them. I’ve always got somewhere to go.

At the time of interview Alice did not know where she would live during the Christmas holidays and was in discussion about the possibility of remaining in her student accommodation if necessary, a service offered by the university under the Buttle Quality Mark (Buttle UK, 2015). The availability of university accommodation out of term time has proved to be an essential safety net for many care experienced young people offering security and reassurance for those in situations where foster placements or contact with birth family is not an option. Alice was also complimentary of the support she received from the university through a widening participation scheme. ‘Summer University’ provides an opportunity to experience university life including how to navigate the university’s assessment submission process and Learning Management System, before making a decision to accept an offer.

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Alice:

There are taster lectures, you get given assignments to do and put it on Turnitin. They teach you how to use Blackboard and tell you about university life.

At the time of the interview, Alice did not know if her placement with her foster carers would remain ‘open’ for her to return on a formal or informal basis. This type of arrangement would ordinarily have been discussed as part of a pathway plan, but limited contact with social work staff had made it difficult to make concrete decisions before term commenced. This was a cause of unnecessary concern and upset during a time when she felt she should be enjoying and integrating into university life. Alice discussed how she struggled with managing big changes in her life and stated that her current situation was proving to be a significant adjustment. Alice:

I don’t like change … and this is proving to be a big change.

These feelings resonate with the experience of many young people transitioning to university and leaving home for the first time, although for most young people they have strong family ties, which may counteract negative feelings. In contrast, those transitioning from care are often doing so on their own and are often solely reliant on university support services to offer emotional and physical support (Cotton et al., 2014).

Self-Determination, Motivation and Challenging Stigma A comparative study of care leavers and young people who lived at home but received social work support found that those leaving care had a ‘surprising level of motivation to continue their education despite the fact that in doing so they face formidable obstacles and needed an exceptional degree of determination and self-reliance to succeed’ (Cameron, 2013, as cited in Jackson & Cameron, 2014, p.  13). Jackson and Ajayi (2007) maintain that one of the main driving forces in academic success is located in the individual motivations of a young person. Tom had always

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aspired to go university as he knew that having a degree would help him to get the job he wanted in business management. Tom:

I knew that university was the only way I would be able to get a decent enough job in business and to sort myself out in the future. I wanted to experience university too. I wanted to get away from all the bad things that come with being in the care system.

The determination to prove to carers, birth family, teachers and social workers that they are academically capable can be motivational; for Alice, it was her foster carers who did not believe that she would get into university because of difficulties she experienced in college. Alice:

Before they kicked me out, I said I was interested in studying psychology at university and she [foster carer] said ‘what do you know, you can’t even pass your A levels’. I was like ok I’m going to prove you wrong. The next exam I got 56 out of 60, I told her, and she was like ‘I’m really proud’.

The determination to prove others wrong motivated Alice to pass the examinations necessary to apply for university. As Mannay et al. (2017) highlight, there is still a perception grounded in professional assumptions that being ‘looked after’ negates academic success. Such assumptions, while often triggering additional support for learning, have also been associated with ‘pity and (sometimes false) sympathy’ (Mannay et  al., 2017, p. 14). While the intention is to support and recognise the individual learning needs of young people in care, it has been found that allowances given in education such as absences or exclusions from completing homework have downplayed the capabilities of young people to succeed academically. There is also the risk that this approach can limit the opportunities for young people to be academically challenged and realise aspirations. Alice found this to be the case when teachers put her forward for supported learning. Alice:

I disagreed with them about my reading ability. I can read. I am not dim. I can read. I have a small library at home. I have been reading since I was a child.

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The dominant discourse associated with those in care is one characterised by notions of ‘trouble’ and ‘concern’ (Mannay et al., 2017), and an identity that is synonymous with failure often burdens those leaving care, adding additional pressure to otherwise difficult transitions. Alice felt the weight of her care status in the first few weeks of university when her peers were receiving visits to halls of residence from parents. Alice:

Everyone’s parents are coming down to visit them. I have heard nothing from them [foster carers], or seen anything of them. Everyone in my halls has support from their families, I don’t.

Similarly, when asked about the support she had received from her social worker to transition and settle in university she felt the stigma attached to her care identity even more profoundly. Alice:

It’s just going to be really awkward when he [social worker] comes to do his visit and I have to introduce him. Hello friends, this is my social worker. They will not know what to say and probably ask me questions that I don’t want them to know about because I haven’t talked about my past.

Support from social work staff was lacking in Alice’s narrative, reflecting findings from earlier research (Jackson & Ajayi, 2007). For Alice, communicating with her social worker in the first few weeks of starting university was very difficult, which is a concern as the first few weeks are a critical stage in the settling and transitioning phase, where a great deal of support is required (Cotton et al., 2014). Alice wanted to meet with her social worker as she had been told by another care experienced student that she could access additional financial support from the local authority. However, when she contacted the social services department, she discovered that he had left his post and she would be allocated a new social worker. Tom could not recollect having any visits from social services staff while he was at university except for some telephone contact with a personal advisor. He instead utilised the support of the care leaver contact in his university who acted as a point of contact at the beginning of university to organise financial agreements with the local authority. He found that link very helpful.

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Tom:

281

The care leaver contact person in the university has been fantastic, without her help I wouldn’t have got anywhere with the local authority and getting money. She has also sorted money for my graduation ceremony and sorted all my accommodation needs. Social service didn’t seem to care about me when I got to university they haven’t asked about my progress or shown any interest in my studies.

Individual determination and motivation to succeed act as powerful enablers for young people transitioning from care to university (Cotton et  al., 2014). Alice’s circumstances show that despite limited support from foster family and social services, she effectively negotiated transitioning to university from care. Her motivation to succeed academically despite a lack of support from her foster family spurred her on to ‘prove people wrong’.

Conclusion Alice and Tom’s accounts illustrate facilitators and barriers to academic success within state care. It is important to consider the subjective experiences of care experienced by young people in providing an informed evidence base that will drive policy and practice changes. For Cameron et al. (2015, p. 191), it is important that social workers ‘take the long view’ when making decisions about the welfare of a child, ensuring that going to university is a viable option for all and this is openly discussed at the earliest opportunity. For university to be considered a normal part of the trajectory after leaving care, a number of issues still need to be resolved. Of particular concern is the persistent problem with securing long-­ term placement stability and challenging the negative perceptions and attitudes to the academic capabilities of those in care. Information and advice regarding university attendance for individuals from a care background is limited, ambiguous and does not explain the responsibilities of the authorities clearly enough. Sharing ideas and practices amongst professionals will identify what works—such as ‘summer school’ programmes, which have proven to be beneficial for some. It should also be

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noted that those taking on the role of foster carers require specific and targeted training for the provision, support and encouragement of a young person’s educational needs. Alice and Tom’s account of their care and educational experiences have highlighted that a number of areas of service and support need immediate improvement. Alice’s determination to succeed in the face of adversity merely magnifies the fact that there are too few like her emerging from the care system and succeeding academically. For many, the barriers in accessing higher education, and indeed the risks associated in doing so, are just too great. This is unacceptable in a society where good quality employment calls for a good quality of education. Robust mechanisms and support from all stakeholders need to be in place and readily accessible to ensure that young people in foster care are able to access and prosper in higher education because of, and not in spite of, the help that is available. Acknowledgements  I would like to thank all the participants who took part in this study. Without their valuable contribution, this research would not have been possible. I also extend my gratitude to the All Wales Social Care Collaboration Academy (ASCCA) and Cardiff University for funding and sponsoring the project.

References Adoption and Children Act 2002 (c. 38). Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2002/38/contents Ajayi, S., Quigley, M. (2006). ‘By Degrees: Care Leavers in higher education’ in Chase, E, Simon, A, Jackson, S ‘In care and After: a positive perspective’ London: Routledge. Berridge, D. (2006). Theory and explanation in education: Education and looked after children. Child and Family Social Work, 12(1), 1–10. Biehal, N. (2014). A sense of belonging: Meanings of family and home in long-­ term foster care. British Journal of Social Work, 44(4), 955–971. Buttle UK. (2015). Quality mark for care leavers. Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.buttleuk.org/areas-of-focus/quality-mark-for-care-leavers Accessed 22nd May 2020.

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Cameron, C. (2013). Education and self-reliance among care leavers. In S.  Jackson (Ed.), Pathways through education for young people in care: Ideas from research and practice (pp.  206–219). London: British Association for Adoption and Fostering. Cameron, C., Connelly, G., & Jackson, S. (2015). Educating children and young people in care. Learning placements and caring schools. London: Jessica Kingsley. Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000 (c. 35). Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/35/contents Children Act 1989 (c. 41). Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1989/41/contents Children Act 2004 (c. 31). Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2004/31/contents Children and Families Act 2014 (c. 6). Retrieved December 2019, from http:// www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/6/contents/enacted Children and Young Persons Act 2008 (c. 23). Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2008/23/contents Cotton, D., Nash, P., & Kneale, P. (2014). The experience of care leavers in UK higher education. Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 16(3), 5–21. Department for Education and Skills., Care Matters: Time For Change, https:// assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/ attachment_data/file/326311/Care_Matters_-_Time_for_Change.pdf (2007). Accessed on 17th September 2019. Forrester, D. (2008). Is the care system failing children? The Political Quarterly, 79(2), 206–211. Harker, R., Dobel-Ober, D., Lawrence, J., Berridge, D., & Sinclair, R. (2003). Who takes care of education? Looked after children’s perceptions of support for educational progress. Child and Family Social Work, 8(2), 89–100. Harris, B. (2004). Overview of every child matters (2003) and the children act. Pastoral Care in Education, 24(2), 5–6. Harrison, N. (2017). Moving on up: Pathways of care leavers and care-experienced students into and through higher education. National Network for the Education of Care Leavers. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www. nnecl.org/resources/moving-on-up-report?topic=guides-and-toolkits Jackson, S. (1987). The education of children in care. Bristol: University of Bristol. Jackson, S. (1998). High achievers: A study of young people who have been in residential or foster care. Final Report to the Leverhulme Trust. Swansea, Wales: University of Wales.

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Jackson, S., & Ajayi, S. (2007). Foster care and higher education. Adoption and Fostering, 31(1), 62–72. Jackson, S., Ajayi, S., & Quigley, M. (2005). Going to university from care. London: Institute of Education, University of London. Jackson, S., & Cameron, C. (2014). Improving access to further and higher education for young people in public care: European policy and practice. London: Jessica Kingsley. Jackson, S., & Höjer, I. (2013). Prioritising education for children looked after away from home. European Journal of Social Work, 16(1), 1–5. Johnson, G., & Mendes, P. (2014). Taking control and moving on: How young people turn around problematic transitions from out-of-home care. Social Work and Society, 12(1), 1–15. Mannay, D., Evans, R., Staples, E., Hallett, S., Roberts, L., Rees, A., & Andrews, D. (2017). The consequences of being labelled ‘looked-after’: Exploring the educational experiences of looked-after children and young people in Wales. British Educational Research Journal, 43(4), 683–699. McNamara, P., Harvey, A., & Andrewartha, L. (2019). Passports out of poverty: Raising access to higher education for care leavers in Australia. Children and Youth Services Review, 97, 85–93. Mendes, P., Michell, D., & Wilson, J. (2014). Young people transitioning from out-of-home care and access to higher education: A critical review of the literature. Children Australia, 39(4), 243–252. O’Higgins, A., Sebba, J., & Luke, N. (2015). What is the relationship between being in care and the educational outcomes of children? An international systematic review. Rees Centre for Research in Fostering and Education, University of Oxford. Retrieved December 2019, from https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uui d:65cb4f5b-27af-45a2-80d7-7afb597244ab/download_file?file_ format=pdf&safe_filename=ReesCentreReview_EducationalOutcomes. pdf&type_of_work=Report Rees, P. (2013). The mental health, emotional literacy, cognitive ability, literacy attainment and ‘resilience’ of ‘looked after children’: A multidimensional, multiple-rater population based study. British Journal of Clinical Psychology, 52(2), 183–198. Schofield, G., & Beek, M. (2005). Providing a secure base: Parenting children in long term foster family care. Attachment and Human Development, 7(1), 3–25.

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Schofield, G., Beek, M., & Ward, E. (2012). Part of the family: Planning for permanence in long-term family foster care. Children and Youth Services Review, 34(1), 244–253. Sims-Schouten, W., & Hayden, C. (2017). Mental health and wellbeing of care leavers: Making sense of their perspectives. Child and Family Social Work, 22(4), 1480–1487. Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 (anaw 4). Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.legislation.gov.uk/anaw/2014/4/contents Stein, M. (2006a). Research review: Young people leaving care. Child and Family Social Work, 11(3), 273–279. Stein, M. (2006b). Young people aging out of care: The poverty of theory. Children and Youth Services Review, 28(4), 422–434. Ward, H. (2009). Patterns of instability: Moves within the care system, their reasons, contexts and consequences. Children and Youth Services Review, 31(10), 1113–1118. Ward, H., Skuse, T., & Munro, E. (2005). ‘The best of times, the worst of times’: Young people’s views of care and accommodation. Adoption and Fostering, 29(1), 8–17. Welsh Government. (2007). Towards a stable life and a brighter future. Cardiff: Welsh Government. Welsh Government. (2016a). Raising the ambitions and educational attainment of children who are looked after in Wales. Cardiff: Welsh Government. Retrieved December 2019, from https://gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2018-03/strategy-raising-the-ambitions-and-educational-attainmentof-children-who-are-looked-after-in-wales.pdf Welsh Government. (2016b). When I am ready: Good practice guide. Cardiff: Welsh Government. Retrieved December 2019, from https://gov.wales/sites/ default/files/publications/2019-05/when-i-am-ready-good-practice-guidemarch-2016.pdf

15 Murdoch’s Aspirations and Pathways for University (MAP4U) Project: Developing and Supporting Low SES Students’ Aspirations for Higher Education Participation Using School-­Based University Outreach Programs Antoinette Geagea and Judith MacCallum

Rationale Equal opportunity in Australia is mandated and we all expect to share in the wealth of the nation and, as such, we are expected to participate in its growth. Young people in low socio-economic status (SES) areas in the southwest corridor of Perth, Western Australia (WA), also aspire to a good life, education and participation as productive citizens in the social and economic wealth of this country. However, many of these young people are less likely than their peers from a high SES background to

A. Geagea (*) • J. MacCallum Murdoch University, Perth, WA, Australia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_15

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realise these aspirations (Bathmaker et  al. 2016). For many, the very nature of their place of birth, the family they are born into and/or the social class they occupy, precludes them from realising these aspirations. They will have already, or are currently, experiencing social exclusion and lack of access to educational opportunities, a stable job and social mobility (Vinson, Rawsthorne, Beavis, & Ericson, 2015). The Murdoch Aspirations and Pathways for University (MAP4U) Project sought to engage with students in low SES schools through outreach programs that were developed and offered as long-haul, curriculum-­ based activities with university and industry professionals acting as peer and adult facilitators, mentors and role models. Over four years from 2013 to 2016, programmatic research was conducted using pre- and post-program surveys and focus groups to examine the effects of the programs on students’ aspirations for higher education participation. The findings reinforced the proposition that resource-rich, school-based outreach programs build positive school environments where students develop higher education aspirations and use learned strategies to realise their higher education expectations. In this chapter we explain the social and educational context of the project and the interventions undertaken in the schools in this region of Western Australia. The key research findings are presented to demonstrate project impact, and finally we offer explanations and recommendations for future widening participation research.

The Region The southwest corridor of Perth’s metropolitan area is situated approximately 50 kilometers south west of the Perth metropolitan area. It is considered an important area of population growth but also of disparate social and economic conditions. Disadvantage in Australia is complex with strong correlations between intergenerational unemployment, mental health issues, low school attendance, drug use and contact with justice systems (Vinson et  al. 2015). Education participation has short- and long-term effects on young Australians with clear association between an area’s level of disadvantage and the proportion of young people who

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attain or are working towards a bachelor’s degree or higher qualification, from 19% in the most disadvantaged areas (Quintile 1) to 54% in the least disadvantaged (Quintile 5). Data collected in 2014 through the General Social Survey (GSS) identified that people with lower levels of education were less likely to engage with available forms of community support, to feel they could have a say, or to participate in social activities (ABS, 2014). Conversely, people whose parents or guardians held a bachelor’s degree or higher were more likely themselves to gain a bachelor’s degree or higher as their highest qualification, rather than high school certificate. Disadvantage in the Kwinana, Rockingham and Mandurah region exists on two levels. The profile of disadvantage includes multiple factors: low levels of educational attainment, no occupation or unstable occupational histories, on welfare or low income, little or no evidence of personal wealth, and a level of deprivation as identified by the NEST framework1 (Sollis, 2019). Young people targeted in the MAP4U project may fit one or more of the profile characteristics of a low socio-economic family: welfare dependent parents, classified as newly-arrived refugees, live in an unsafe home or lack the resources to satisfy basic needs or identify as Indigenous (although we acknowledge that not all Indigenous students come from low-income families). These young people are also likely to attend low Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA) schools that match the same profile. The project was mandated to develop and fund interventions that would target these students in low-SES schools (details in Table 15.1 below). Table 15.1  Frequency of university education in Kwinana, Rockingham and Mandurah compared to Perth and Australia Population Enrolled at university (%) Attained university qualification (%)

Kwinana Rockingham Mandurah Perth

Australia

38,053 1270 (3.3%) 4248 (11%)

23,401,896 1,160,624 (5%) 4,181,405 (18%)

Adapted from Atlas.id (2016)

121,694 3431 (2.8%) 10,187 (8.4%)

80,813 1947 (2.4%) 7058 (8.7%)

1,911,733 99,132 (5.2%) 355,706 (18.6%)

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Governments have often linked university aspirations and expectations of participation with a discourse of value and benefit of education that may not always be adopted by young people from low-SES backgrounds (Gale, 2015). Archer and Hutchings’ work suggests that working-­class youth are socialised into a belief system that positions higher education as outside the ‘normal and acceptable for people like us’ (2000, p.  557), thus suppressing their educational aspirations and expectations. The project work in the southwest region of Perth sought to put higher education ‘firmly on the radar screen’ of young people in this region, and to influence, improve and increase school completions and higher education participation (Bradley, Noonan, Nugent, & Scales, 2008, p. 40). In turn, higher education attainment would ostensibly positively influence economic outcomes in adulthood (Mayhew, Rockenbach, Bowman, Seifert, & Wolniak, 2016), ameliorate the negative social effects of coming from a low socio-economic background, and allow them a chance of achieving social mobility (Bagguley & Hussain, 2014; Exley, 2016). Education and increased social capital act as protective factors and align directly with the core mandate of the MAP4U project. Central to this mandate was the need for higher education institutions to work with key stakeholders—students, parents, schools and communities within the region to implement targeted, sustained and sustainable authentic learning programs. In particular, there was a need for new and sustainable networks that could build relationships between students, parents, school and higher education institutions, and for these relationships to be strengthened over time.

The Schools The profile of the schools participating in the project and the research included: • Low ICSEA school ranking (seen in studies 1 and 2). • None or very few Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank (ATAR) course options. Many schools in this area provide less access to the ‘core aca-

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demic curriculum subjects that are important for university entry’ (Perry & Southwell, 2013, p. 1); low numbers of specialist teachers at the ATAR level2 for Chemistry, Physics and Mathematics restrict access to academic curriculum for those aspiring to higher education. Low level of arts resources—performing arts theatre, musical instruments, digital media equipment (Ewing, 2018). High rates of school dropout. Non-aspirational school culture where leaders feel their students are unprepared for higher education both academically and in their expectations for it (Chenoweth & Galliher, 2004). Little or no touch points in place that connect school with higher education institutions.

 urdoch’s Aspirations and Pathways M for University Project (MAP4U) The MAP4U project (2013–2016) was committed to the goal of increasing participation, building aspirations and developing learning links for young people to go to university. It targeted under-represented groups who may not have aspired to or considered higher education study as an option. The geographical area that was designated for intervention comprised Rockingham, Kwinana and the Peel/Mandurah region, which in 2012 had a student population of approximately 16,000, distributed across 23 schools. The schools joined Murdoch University in a mutually agreed ‘compact’ that specified outcomes. Key performance indicators (KPIs) identified by both parties helped to guide the financial, material and personnel provisions for the programs each school engaged with each school year or across the four years of the MAP4U project. Key stakeholders included young people, their families, local high schools, VET providers, community partners and universities who committed to a compact with MAP4U project and Murdoch University to achieve the project goals. An advisory group was established to act as an auditor and critical friend to both the schools and the project team to ensure equity in all collaborations.

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Program Characteristics Many students in the MAP4U catchment had previously had limited access and opportunities to participate in educational outreach programs offered by higher education institutions in Perth. The limitations included lack of financial resources; the requirement for students to travel up to 100 kilometres a day to attend activities and events; events and activities only offered during school hours and therefore requiring students to miss classes to attend; and limited offerings via selected universities and technical colleges based in Perth. Thus MAP4U programs as shown in Table 15.2 provided access to financial, social and cultural resources by: • Focusing on delivering most of the programs as school-based interventions. • Offering innovative and authentic learning activities that were mapped directly onto the WA Curriculum with academic outcomes that satisfied subject area requirements for Certificate 2 to Year 12 ATAR level courses. • Providing access to industry and university mentors and role models, and to university-linked peers; and • Facilitating ongoing touch points that provided continued support to commence and navigate information gathering, enrolment and commencement processes with chosen university and at school. Touch points also provided continued support from university mentors and other institutional personnel and teachers in schools. In this chapter, we focus predominantly on task-based programs offered in the Creative Arts Initiative (CAI) that centered on authentic learning activities for students to build their creative arts skills, and interpersonal and communication skills. To make an impact on students’ aspirations and expectations for higher education in low-SES schools, it was important that activities were based on each school’s campus, and offered access to peer mentors and rolemodels as institutional agents (Stanton-­ Salazar, 2011) who could develop students’ real-world technical, academic and interpersonal skills, provide current and relevant information

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Table 15.2   The profile and characteristics of the programs offered in the MAP4U Project from 2013 to 2016 Programs offered

Duration

Film production

4–6 months

Media frenzy

Games art design

Robotics WACE prep days

Campus visits Inspire academy Science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) National Science week Individual pathway planning Parents as career transition support TLC110—Afterschool academic enabling AIME—Australian indigenous mentoring experiences

Profile of participants

Studying at general or ATAR level: Creative arts, Visual arts, Music, Media production. 2, 3 or 5 days Media, in winter Creative arts school break Photography Journalism Radio Digital arts (music, video) 14 weeks Games art across 2 Graphic arts school terms Music Media production Design and technology Aug to Nov in ATAR units: each school Maths, English, biology, year from chemistry, 2013 to 2016 Physics General A or B level subjects: English, Maths, General science All subjects All subjects Science, engineering, English and Maths

Year level: 10 to 12

10 to 12

Years 9 to 12

Years 7 to 12 Year 12

Years 7 to 12 Years 7 to 12 Years 11 and 12

All subjects

Years 7 to 12

All subjects

Years 9 to 11

All subjects

Years 7 to 12

ATAR/general

Year 12

All subjects

Years 7 to 12

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about university offerings and pathways, and build social and cultural networks to meet students’ higher education goals. The activities provided authentic, curriculum-linked learning opportunities that enhanced the classroom experience and allowed students to develop their identity and educational agency. The project also offered school-based, authentic learning activities that were linked with positive school experiences and sought to understand how these experiences could be developed to foster student wellbeing, quality of school life and positive student outcomes (Elmore & Huebner, 2010).

An Example Program Design: Games Art and Design The program was designed to run at participating schools across twelve weekly workshops in class with students currently enrolled in Certificate 2 in Creative Industries. As a collaborative exercise, the schools identified key targets they wished to achieve, such as projected enrolments in Certificate 2 in Creative Industries for Year 11, and for Certificate 3 in Media, that supported the MAP4U objectives for the intervention. At the intervention level, the lesson plans were designed in collaboration with Murdoch University School of Arts academics to integrate university-­ level skill development with direct links to learning outcomes in the Certificate 2 in Creative Industries in the school-level curriculum. The workshops were delivered by an industry-employed tutor who was also teaching at the university. Engaging industry-employed games designers brought authentic, ‘real world’ technical knowledge to the program that could develop students’ industry-ready skills in areas of games design, graphic design, art design and coding. The games produced were built to be considered for industry-ready prototypes. Additional touch points in this program included university campus visits (Uni Days) that were organised to coincide with key workshops and end of program presentations of games developed by students, university tutors and academic mentors. Games that were produced and considered as market-ready were showcased at the University’s Open Day.

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Research and Methodology Establishing Links for the Research A pre-study was carried out to determine the efficacy of school-based participation in arts activities; it examined if Australian high school arts students enjoyed and engaged with school with a high level of perceived school-life satisfaction, and whether being involved in arts activities influenced their level of school satisfaction; and if these two factors together would influence their future aspirations for higher education participation compared to non-arts participating students. School satisfaction was investigated, because it is an important facet of young people’s quality of life over the adolescent period, because changes in school satisfaction have the potential to influence school achievement and future educational trajectories (Eccles & Roeser, 2011), and arts activities participation in school has been shown to have a positive influence on school engagement, identity formation and higher education aspirations (Blomfield & Barber, 2011). Data was used from a self-report survey on three statements, such as ‘school is interesting’, ‘I enjoy school activities’ and ‘I look forward to going to school’, adapted from the Multidimensional Students’ Life Satisfaction Scale (MSLSS), and measured on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all true for me) to 5 (very true for me) (Huebner, 1994). This study found that school satisfaction and educational aspirations declined over time, which supported previous research that found that these declines often aligned with a young person’s psychosocial changes, such as identity exploration and changes in time-­ competing psychosocial priorities (Martin et  al. 2013). Our results indicated significantly less decline in school satisfaction and university aspirations for arts participating students compared to non-arts participating students across the adolescent period (Geagea, MacCallum, Vernon, & Barber, 2017). A summary of three MAP4U studies, their methodology and methods are shown in Table 15.3. Two studies were undertaken between 2014 and 2016 to examine project impact in relation to high school students’ educational aspirations, their engagement with important socialisers, and

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Table 15.3  A summary of the studies using a mixed-method approach research design Study Year

Origin

Method

Sample

1

2014–2015

Murdoch Quantitative: tertiary Latent class apirations growth survey modelling (MTAS) (LCGM)

176 f = 64%

2

2014 & 2016

MTAS

Qualitative: Focus groups

28 f = 58%

3

2014

MTAS

Qualitative: Interviews

4 f = 75%

Variables/themes investigated CAI program participation vs non-participation. University expectations from time 1 to time 3. Discussions with parents, teachers, friends at time 3. Themes include: Post-school transitions, social connections made, interactions experienced, higher education and career knowledge acquired. Themes include: School culture, resource building, student engagement and attendance

exploration of how these proximal agents influenced their education aspirations for higher education participation. The second study examined how students accessed, mobilised and activated resources, embedded in aspiration-developing intervention programs, into viable and valuable social and cultural capital that could inform and support higher education participation as a post-school transitional option. A third study explored how teachers and school leaders saw one program, CAI Film, and their views on its impact on students, parents and teachers at the school. This study was not part of the original research plan, but anecdotal evidence suggesting culture shifts that included raising schools’ aspirations for becoming a higher education gateway for young people from low SES backgrounds in the region, showed this to be a fruitful avenue of inquiry.

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 tudy 1: Cultural Capital at Home, School S and with Peers The first intervention study used the Bio-ecological Systems theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) to examine how higher education aspirations might be influenced by increased access to social and cultural resources from the exo-system during the innovative curriculum creative arts intervention and how these aspirations might influence students’ interactions with their proximal socialisers about higher education participation. Participation-inhibiting conditions identified included lack of access to material, social and staffing resources, and lack of government funding in these schools (Cobbold, 2017). This, in turn, reduces students’ access to accurate, up to date and relevant information about the processes and protocols required to prepare and transition into higher education. These conditions speak directly to large deficits in social and cultural capital in low-SES homes and schools in the southwest corridor of Perth’s metropolitan area. Low levels of social and cultural capital have a negative impact on the development and support of aspirations and expectations for higher education, and as such, widen the gap in participation of low-SES young people over time. Higher education participation is also directly affected by family and school structures in the microsystem that includes the suburb and school that a young person attends, the resources available, and the school culture to support and develop young people’s educational aspirations and expectations for higher education participation. The resources embedded in the programs were hypothesised to help students develop technical, social and interpersonal skills, formulate and strengthen their aspirations, and build their capacity to discuss, plan and develop their post school transitions with their important socialisers. Students from four low SES schools were invited to participate in a creative arts intervention (CAI) program that included creative, digital and multi-media arts activities facilitated by mentors and role models from university and industry. This quantitative study utilised a MAP4U project-specific survey that asked 176 students to respond to statements such as ‘how likely is it that you will go on to university after high school?’ and to report on parent, teacher and peer

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discussions about higher education. The study found that there were positive and significant effects reported for higher education aspirations by CAI participants compared to non-participants over time. Similar positive and significant effects were found for the link between students’ aspirations and their increased discussions about higher education with their parents, teachers and peers as proximal and influential sources of educational, social and cultural capital.

Study 2: Building Social and Cultural Capital Study 2 took a qualitative approach to hear students’ voices on a film program, as a facilitator of interactions between students and program-­ embedded social resources that were considered important sources of information on how students might develop their educational aspirations. Using the lens of bio-ecological systems and social capital frameworks, we examined how an innovative pedagogy program might be useful in transforming curriculum coursework into authentic learning experiences at four low-SES schools in the southwest corridor of Perth, and how the program might have influenced the development of new and existing aspirations among the students. The study proposed a process model where mentors and role models, as embedded social and cultural resources accessed during the program, could be mobilised into capital, and activated as required to aid students’ post-school transitions into higher education. We hypothesised that students in these low-ICSEA schools would learn new creative arts skills and competencies and acquire ‘real world’ information about post-school higher education participation. Focus-group data were collected from twenty-eight participants in the four schools. The findings showed that students gained opportunities to build new, sustained and positive interactions with industry role models and peer mentors, building up their social networks and valuable connections. The authentic learning experiences helped them to develop industry-valued technical and interpersonal skills. Additionally, some girls identified less social anxiety and an increased sense of belonging at school. The data also showed that students began to develop well-­ informed strategies for mobilising educational resources into valuable

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capital. Findings supported the proposition that mobilisation and activation of newly acquired capital was influential in increasing the navigational capacity of students and their socialisers to traverse transitional pathways, leading to various higher education participation.

Study 3: Building an Aspirational School Culture Thus, evidence from the previously discussed research confirmed that the MAP4U project helped to build, develop and support students’ higher education aspirations. A third study was then devised to explore this issue with teachers and school leadership groups in the participating schools. From data collected in 2014 across the four schools (named School A, School B, School C and School D), important school culture shifts were identified. One important shift was the teacher’s need to facilitate, guide and support students’ higher education aspirations, and the need to find ways to procure funding, resources and skill development opportunities that link students in low-SES schools directly with traditional and alternative university entry pathways. Tarwan, a media arts teacher from School D, for example, identified the need for additional Certificate 3 offerings for his students that would challenge them further across the final two years of school, because ‘what they gained on the film set, seriously in Year Eleven probably fulfills most of their Certificate Two requirements’. These schools also recognised that by offering authentic learning experiences that were interesting, industry-ready, and skills-based creative arts courses they could also mitigate attendance and academic disengagement. Theresa, a Head of Department, said she could ‘see the value of it [the program] academically … and attendance wise … was positive on many levels’. She articulated that school attendance was one issue that was addressed by participating in a program: … wasn’t really engaged in school and he didn’t really come to school … but [he was] significantly and positively impacted by participating in the film program, I think for him it gave him a sense of ‘Oh, I can do this!’ … so it’s built him up in his confidence and self-esteem, and his attendance has improved so we just need to work on the academic progress now.

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One emergent theme across the schools related to how parental engagement had increased during and after the programs. For example, Fran from School B said: I think it was just a, just a great experience for everybody. We even had parents come in on the Saturday … to actually watch a couple of their kids… And they stayed back and had a sausage sizzle with the crew and the actors.

At the program’s inception, these changes were unanticipated at the orgranisational level but have since become weaved into the social and cultural fabric of each school.

Student Engagement For many schools in the southwest corridor, class attendance, finding purpose and academic engagement were significant issues, and as such, authentic learning classroom practices were particularly important: ‘especially our cohort—if they can be hands-on…, they’re going to have much higher interest and learn.’ Additionally, School B’s Deputy Principal, Chloe said: … the kids even now, they’re coming and asking for resources for use in English class, which I’ve had to go research … and they wanted to source some of those resources for stage make-up … theatre-theatrical things…

Chloe also suggested that students and teachers identify how skills learned during the program were transferrable into other subject areas, signifying an additional change in the school’s teaching pedagogy. … some of the kids want to make their own film for English now to explain … a book, and … it’s had a huge effect.

Schools’ pedagogical practices were relatedly shown to have changed since taking part in CAI programs, leading to the increased development and delivery of authentic learning experiences. A significant outcome for School B was that, after a full year of intervention, the student higher education matriculation numbers went from zero students entering university to nine traditional and alternative pathway entries.

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The intervention programs sought to develop and build higher educational aspirations and expectations of young people in the region. Significant impact was seen in school satisfaction for the students who participated in arts programs (Geagea et al. 2017), and with regard to how young people talked about their higher education aspirations and expectations with parents, friends and teachers (Geagea, Vernon, & MacCallum, 2019). Findings also identified that young people were able to mobilise the resources embedded within programs to build their stores of capital, and activated this capital as they transitioned out of school (Geagea & MacCallum, 2019). Importantly, students also reported psycho-­social improvements as a direct outcome of their participation in the program. Female participants in School B identified a sense of belonging and reduced levels of negative affect when participating in the program, and attributed these changes to positive, supportive mentorship, and feeling valued and respected as team members and in the school community. Chloe from School B also identified how her students gained a range of psychological benefits: I think emotionally, it gave them a sense of purpose. … and a sense of achievement. A lot of the students got praise as well, which they probably wouldn’t get at home or elsewhere…

Schools’ participation in the MAP4U project and the financial support that the project provided helped to motivate school leaders to become more focused on sourcing increased support to teaching staff, and facilitate institutional collaborations with universities and other HE providers. The school leadership teams began to increasingly develop HE opportunities at the school, see Table 15.4 for additional developments. For eligible, willing and able students, opportunities were made available at and through school to identify and develop pathways to higher education (HE), particularly for high school year 11 and 12 transitioning students who wanted to realise their developing aspirations. Schools also invested time and resources into attracting additional funding and building social networks with institutional agents, community leaders and industry partners that would bring students and these agents together to develop these opportunities.

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Table 15.4  Summary of other significant impacts identified by students and teachers in the research Significant impacts identified by students and teachers in the research • Schools taking a leading role in developing aspiration-building programs. • Increased academic skill-building programs at schools (exam preparation sessions, mentored study sessions: English, Maths, Science). • Increase teachers’ knowledge of higher education pathway offerings. • University-led teachers’ professional development opportunities for skill building in Creative Arts curriculum. • Developed schools’ higher education information-­ seeking culture. • Teacher-student collaborations in external projects. • Developed teachers as higher education advocates and build their capacities to inform and guide the entry processes. • Build connections and collaborations between school leadership groups and university. • University academics invited to sit on School boards to build higher education subject matter expertise • Build connections with non-government and community agencies such as The Smith Family to provide expertise in higher education access, funding pathways and successful transitions for low SES students in the region. • Developing post-program touch points— maintaining newly created links to universities, industry and institutional agents to support schools, students and communities to grow university participation rates in the region.

Impact areas School culture Student development

Teacher development Teacher development

School culture Mentorship Teacher development

Community development Cultural capital activation Community development

Social and cultural resource mobilisation and activation

The project also collaborated with PACTS (Parents as Career Transition Support) (Perkins & Peterson, 2005) to link parents with their children’s transition pathways as supporters, using our proposed process model for accessing, mobilising and activating capital. Young people also learned to use their newly developed networks to activate the capital in the transitioning process (Geagea & MacCallum, 2019).

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 sing the Research to Inform Higher U Education Inclusion A fundamental objective of the MAP4U project was to provide eligible, willing and able students with the access and opportunity to engage with university-style educational activities to instil confidence and nurture aspirations for higher education. Participation also allowed young people to evaluate and measure their suitability for tertiary study notwithstanding their socioeconomic and cultural influences, and to counter previous deleterious experiences that they or their family may have had with education systems and processes. The driving force in the HE/ school/community effects of the MAP4U project was the provision of funded programs and interventions in the schools that allowed students, schools, families and communities to participate and engage with education and educational transitions without imposing additional financial pressures on families and schools in this region. Importantly, the project sought to build pathways that permitted a more seamless transition from school to university for students who participated and succeeded in the programs.

Future Research and Conclusions There are opportunities to extend this research by following up students who have transitioned into a range of higher education sectors—to explore their journeys and learn how MAP4U and its CAI programs may have influenced their transition. With support from the schools, it is possible to develop programs that support inclusion and diversity in higher education. The MAP4U programs were diverse and catered for a range of young people from low SES areas who are underrepresented in higher education. Economic, social and cultural barriers constrain the capacity of these young people to aspire to higher education, stable work lives and the social mobility that it can bring to their lives. The CAI program research found that by mapping program activities to curriculum requirements, students, schools and parents were willing to

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engage in the programs and the associated research contributed a more thorough understanding of the efficacy of outreach programs for students, schools and families in the region. Funding for programs and interventions is crucial, if we are to widen higher education participation for eligible, willing and able people from low socio-economic backgrounds in regions like Kwinana, Rockingham and the Peel regions of Perth’s southwest corridor, and elsewhere in the world.

Notes 1. The NEST framework for wellbeing was based on consultations with 3700 children and young people and specifies characteristics such as needing to be loved and safety, having material basics met, being healthy, learning, participating, and having a positive sense of identity and culture. 2. The Australian Tertiary Admission Rank (ATAR) is the primary criterion for traditional entry into most undergraduate university programs in Australia. ATAR is a number between 0.00 and 99.95 that indicates a student’s academic position relative to all the students in their matriculation group.

References Archer, L., & Hutchings, M. (2000). Bettering yourself ’? Discourses of risk, cost and benefit in ethnically diverse, young working-class non-participants’ constructions of higher education. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 21(4), 555–574. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). (2014). General social survey: Summary results, Australia, 2014. ABS Catalogue No. 4159.0. Canberra: ABS. Atlas.id. (2016). Social atlases: Find the social atlas for your area. Retrieved July 14, 2016, from http://content.id.com.au/social-atlases-australia. Bagguley, P., & Hussain, Y. (2014). Negotiating mobility: South Asian women and higher education. Sociology, 50(1), 43–59. Bathmaker, A. M., Abrahams, J., Waller, R., Ingram, N., Hoare, A., & Bradley, H. (2016). The degree generation: Higher education and social class. In A.-M.  Bathmaker, N.  Ingram, J.  Abrahams, A.  Hoare, R.  Waller, &

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H. Bradley (Eds.), Higher education, social class and social mobility: The degree generation (pp. 1–19). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Blomfield, C.  J., & Barber, B.  L. (2011). Developmental experiences during extracurricular activities and Australian adolescents’ self-concept: Particularly important for youth from disadvantaged schools. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 40(5), 582–594. Bradley, D., Noonan, P., Nugent, H., & Scales, B. (2008). Review of higher education in Australia: Final report. Canberra: Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations. Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. A. (2006). The bioecological model of human development. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology, Vol. I: Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 793–828). Hoboken NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Chenoweth, E., & Galliher, R. V. (2004). Factors influencing college aspirations of rural West Virginia high school students. Journal of Research in Rural Education, 19(2), 1–14. Cobbold, T. (2017). Resource gaps between advantaged & disadvantaged schools among the largest in the world. Education Research brief: Save Our Schools. Retrieved January 2020, from https://saveourschools.com.au/wp-content/ uploads/2018/06/Resource-Gaps-Between-Advantaged-DisadvantagedSchools-Among-the-Largest-in-the-World.pdf Eccles, J. S., & Roeser, R. W. (2011). Schools as developmental contexts during adolescence. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21(1), 225–241. Elmore, G. M., & Huebner, E. S. (2010). Adolescents’ satisfaction with school experiences: Relationships with demographics, attachment relationships, and school engagement behavior. Psychology in the Schools, 47(6), 525–537. Ewing, R. (2018, August). Making a difference in learning through arts-rich pedagogy. Paper presented at the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) Research Conference ‘Teaching practices that make a difference: Insights from research’, Sydney, NSW. Exley, S. (2016). Education and learning. In H. Dean & L. Platt (Eds.), Social advantage and disadvantage. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gale, T. (2015). Widening and expanding participation in Australian higher education: In the absence of sociological imagination. The Australian Educational Researcher, 42(2), 257–271. Geagea, A., & MacCallum, J. (2019). Conversations with young people: Using a creative arts outreach programme to access, mobilise and activate capital to navigate to higher education. The Australian Educational Researcher.

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Retrieved January 2020, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/ s13384-019-00364-w Geagea, A., MacCallum, J., Vernon, L., & Barber, B. L. (2017). Critical links between arts activity participation, school satisfaction and university expectation for Australian high school students. Australian Journal of Educational and Developmental Psychology, 15, 53–65. Geagea, A., Vernon, L., & MacCallum, J. (2019). Creative arts outreach initiatives in schools: Effects on university expectation and discussions with important socialisers. Higher Education Research & Development, 38(2), 250–265. Huebner, E. S. (1994). Preliminary development and validation of a multidimensional life satisfaction scale for children. Psychological Assessment, 6(2), 149–158. Martin, A.  J., Mansour, M., Anderson, M., Gibson, R., Liem, G.  A. D., & Sudmalis, D. (2013). The role of arts participation in students’ academic and nonacademic outcomes: A longitudinal study of school, home, and community factors. Journal of Educational Psychology, 105(3), 709–727. Mayhew, M. J., Rockenbach, A. N., Bowman, N. A., Seifert, T. A., & Wolniak, G. C. (2016). How college affects students, Vol. 3: 21st century evidence that higher education works. San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons. Perkins, D., & Peterson, C. (2005). Supporting young people’s career transition choices: The role of parents: Interim evaluation of the parents as career transition supports (PACTS) program. Melbourne: Brotherhood of St. Laurence. Perry, L. B., & Southwell, L. (2013). Access to academic curriculum in Australian secondary schools: A case study of a highly marketised education system. Journal of Education Policy, 29(4), 467–485. Sollis, K. (2019). Measuring child deprivation and opportunity in Australia: Applying the Nest framework to develop a measure of deprivation and opportunity for children using the longitudinal study of Australian children. Canberra: Australian Research Alliance for Children and Youth. Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2011). A social capital framework for the study of institutional agents and their role in the empowerment of low-status students and youth. Youth & Society, 43(3), 1066–1109. Vinson, T., Rawsthorne, M., Beavis, A., & Ericson, M. (2015). Dropping off the edge 2015: Persistent communal disadvantage in Australia. Melbourne: Jesuit Social Services/Catholic Social Services Australia.

Part V Disabling the Barrier of Dis/Ability in Higher Education

16 Inclusive Higher Education for College Students with Intellectual Disability Lauren Bethune-Dix, Erik W. Carter, Cassandra Hall, Elise McMillan, John Cayton, Tammy Day, Megan Vranicar, Chad Bouchard, Lindsay Krech, Jenny Gustafson, and Emilee Bauer Higher education has become the next horizon for the inclusion of young people with intellectual disability around the world. For more than 50 years, legislation, policy, and research have all aimed toward expanding meaningful access to the numerous learning and social opportunities that exist within early childhood, elementary, and secondary school settings.

L. Bethune-Dix (*) • E. W. Carter • C. Hall • J. Cayton • T. Day • M. Vranicar • C. Bouchard • L. Krech • J. Gustafson • E. Bauer Department of Special Education, Peabody College, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; jenny. [email protected]; [email protected] E. McMillan Vanderbilt Kennedy Center, Vanderbilt University Medical Center, Nashville, TN, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_16

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But as more and more children with intellectual disability have experienced the myriad benefits of an inclusive education throughout their schooling, the natural question is ‘what comes next?’ As their peers without disabilities talk with excitement and anticipation about going to college, young people with intellectual disability also wonder what lies ahead for them after graduation. Indeed, half of all high school students with intellectual disability in the United States now hold the aspiration to attend some form of postsecondary education experience after high school (Lipscomb et al., 2017). Driven by both advocacy and aspirations, the inclusive higher education (IHE) movement has grown swiftly over the last two decades (Grigal, Hart, & Weir, 2013). Nearly 300 colleges and universities across the United States now host programs designed to support the involvement of students with intellectual disability in various aspects of the college experience (e.g. academic courses, career development, social relationships, service opportunities, residential life). Likewise, programs have been launched around the world in countries such as Australia (Gadow & Macdonald, 2019), Canada (Hughson & Uditsky, 2019), Iceland (Stefánsdóttir & Björnsdóttir, 2019), Ireland (Kubiak, Spassiani, Shevlin, & O’Keeffe, 2019), and many others. In the United States, passage of the Higher Education Opportunity Act of 2008 accelerated this expansion nationwide by establishing a new category of higher education program called a Comprehensive Transition Program. It also opened access to federal financial aid and appropriated federal monies to support model demonstration programs within numerous states. In addition, a national technical assistance center (http://www.thinkcollege.net/) has provided critical guidance and support to higher education institutions interested in opening their doors to students with intellectual disability. The growth of this movement has been fueled, in part, by recognition of the substantive benefits that can come from well-supported inclusion. Research indicates that inclusive higher education can have a powerful impact on students with intellectual disability and the campus communities that welcome them. For students with disabilities, college provides a rich context for learning new skills, developing career pathways, becoming self-determined, forging supportive relationships, and coming to see oneself and the world in different ways. Follow-up studies suggest it also

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improves subsequent employment outcomes in early adulthood (Butler, Sheppard-Jones, Whaley, Harrison, & Osness, 2016; Moore & Schelling, 2015). For peers without disabilities, learning and living alongside students with disabilities can shape their attitudes and expectations of people with disabilities, deepen their commitment to inclusion and diversity, equip them to be effective advocates, impact their views of themselves, and teach them valuable skills (Carter et al., 2019; Griffin et al., 2016a). As future employers, coworkers, congregation members, community leaders, and neighbors of people with disabilities, the long-term influence of this impact on peers can be substantial. For higher education faculty, including students with intellectual disability can shape how they plan and deliver instruction, approach their subject matter, and incorporate elements of universal design (Bonati, Chapman, Stenberg, Towers, & Werkhoven, 2019; Jones, Harrison, Harp, & Sheppard-Jones, 2016). Finally, for campus leaders, these programs provide a tangible way to live out their campus’ commitment to inclusive excellence, equity, and diversity. In other words, an investment in inclusive programming transforms rhetoric into reality. Although this movement reflects a natural evolution of longstanding efforts to promote inclusion in all aspects of life, the college context provides a distinctive landscape within which to support experiences among individuals with and without intellectual disability. In this chapter, we provide an overview of an exemplary IHE program at Vanderbilt University, called Next Steps at Vanderbilt. We review core components of high-quality programs and illustrate how each is lived out on our campus. Finally, we offer recommendations for adopting inclusive practices in other institutions intrigued by this burgeoning movement. As we begin, we emphasize two important points. First, IHE programs around the world vary widely in terms of their purpose, scope, design, participants, and impact. As a field, we are still early in our understandings of which configurations are worth replicating. Second, we acknowledge that our own program is in the midst of continual growth. While we are quite proud of where we are right now as a program, we have still not yet arrived at our desired destination.

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Next Steps at Vanderbilt Next Steps at Vanderbilt is an inclusive, four-year program that supports students with intellectual disability to access the breadth of typical undergraduate experiences at Vanderbilt, including coursework, extracurricular activities, service projects, recreational endeavors, internships and employment, and residential experiences. Our mission is to provide students an inclusive, transformational postsecondary education in academics, social and career development, and independent living, while honoring equality, compassion, and excellence in all endeavors. Next Steps was launched as a two-year program in 2010 with an initial cohort of six students. At present, we support 35 students (i.e. entering cohorts of 8–10 students) and boast more than 40 alumni. At the end of the four-­ year program, students receive a certificate of completion instead of a regular diploma. To be admitted to the program, students must (a) be 18–26 years old, (b) have an educational or other diagnosis of an intellectual disability, (c) have completed high school and received a standard or alternate diploma (i.e. occupational or special education), (d) not meet eligibility requirements for admission into a standard college program, and (e) have a strong personal desire to attend college. Although defined in multiple ways, intellectual disability is generally characterized by significant limitations in both intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior (e.g. everyday conceptual, social and practical skills) that originate before the age of 18. Many students also have additional disabilities, including autism, physical disabilities, and speech/language impairments. At the same time, these individuals possess a diverse array of strengths, talents, passions, and positive traits that make them compelling students and enviable friends. Students participate in a rigorous admissions process that includes application materials, campus visits, full-day interviews, and participation in a week-long residential summer institute. Vanderbilt University is a private, research-intensive university with nearly 7000 full-time undergraduate students and almost 6000 graduate students based in Nashville, Tennessee, US. Ranked among the top 20 universities in the United States, Vanderbilt draws students from around

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the country and internationally. To support Vanderbilt’s mission as a ‘center for scholarly research, informed and creative teaching, and service to the community and society at large’, the Next Steps program also works to promote excellence in the areas of (a) scholarship, (b) professional development, and (c) diversity and equity. Externally, program staff work to spur and support the development of other IHE programs across our state and around the country.

Best Practices in Inclusive Higher Education In this section, we describe six important components of high-quality inclusive higher education programs—person-centered practices, academic coursework, career development, campus life, independent living, and social relationships. As we illustrate the ways in which Next Steps is addressing each area, we are hopeful it will provoke you to consider how each area might be addressed on other campuses.

Person-Centered Practices Individualization should be the hallmark of inclusive higher education programs. Although participating students all share in common a label of intellectual disability, they are anything but homogenous in their goals, expectations, strengths and needs. Moreover, although students should all access a common set of campus experiences, the ways in which they do so should be personalized in line with their preference. In other words, person-centered principles and practices should permeate all aspects of planning, instruction and supports. Being person-centered means placing each student at the center of all decisions, engaging them in decision making, and individually tailoring each student’s college experiences in ways that reflect his or her dreams, preferences, strengths and needs (Shogren, Wehmeyer, & Thompson, 2016). Inclusion happens best one person at a time, and decisions about a person’s college experiences should not be made without knowing a particular student well. Such an approach is aligned both with current values and accumulating research (for

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example, Claes, Van Hove, Vandevelde, van Loon, & Schalock, 2010; Ratti et al., 2016). Within Next Steps, person-centered planning meetings provide the context for making decisions about all aspects of students’ college experiences—academic courses, work experiences, campus involvement, supports, and much more. These meetings involve the respective student, his or her family members and friends, Next Steps staff, and anyone else who brings valuable perspectives on the student or the campus. The meetings take place prior to matriculation into Vanderbilt, toward the end of their sophomore year, and toward the end of their senior year. Using a particular approach called Person-Centered Thinking (Smull, Bourne, & Sanderson, 2009), a facilitator leads participants in a discussion around the student’s (a) likes and dislikes, (b) important aspects of a personally meaningful life, (c) dreams for the future, and (d) goals for their time in college. At the second meeting, the discussion focuses on (a) their experiences during their first two years of college, (b) the things they are pleased about, (c) the things they are concerned about, and (d) their goals for their final two years. During their senior meeting, participants are prepared to discuss life beyond college and the needed supports to be successful. Although staff, family members and friends offer input and feedback, the decisions of students are prioritized above others. Preparing students to lead these meetings (e.g. crafting an agenda, inviting participants, creating and updating personal goals, compiling data on their progress) requires advance preparation. In doing so, students learn valuable self-determination and leadership skills that they can use in other contexts during college and long after graduation. Like any other college student, students enrolled through Next Steps receive ongoing academic advising. Students meet weekly with an advisor to discuss their progress toward personal goals, coursework, career aspirations, independence, and other topics. During these sessions, advisors help students reflect on their campus experiences, problem solve challenges, and plan for future semesters. Such conversations help students further develop skills related to decision making, problem solving, goal setting, self-management, and self-advocacy. Such capacities for self-­ determination equip students to steer their lives and learning in the ways that lead to personally valued outcomes (Shogren & Broussard, 2011).

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They also ensure programs of study are truly individualized and that students are making adequate academic and other progress.

Academic Coursework Rigorous and relevant courses are the core of any college program. A well-­ planned sequence of academic classes certainly prepares students for future professions, but a liberal arts education also equips students to better understand the world around them and to live a more examined life. Vanderbilt offers a wide array of interesting courses in the areas of arts and sciences, engineering, music, and education and human development, as well as courses across ten separate schools (e.g. business, divinity, law, medicine). Best practices in inclusive higher education call for enrollment in classes alongside students without intellectual disability, access to the full range of available offerings, and alignment of courses to a student’s personal, academic, and career goals (Grigal, Hart, & Weir, 2012). Moreover, they encourage faculty to adopt principles of universal design for learning (UDL) that can broaden access to all aspects of a course for all students (Smith & Lowrey, 2017). Through Next Steps, students audit one or two typical Vanderbilt courses each semester. Selection is based on the preferences of students and informed by input from person-centered planning and advising meetings. Since our launch a decade ago, students have already taken hundreds of different courses from more than 150 different Vanderbilt faculty across all schools. In preparation, students learn about their accommodation needs and initiate any requests through the Disability Services office. In addition, an adapted course syllabus (called a ‘learning agreement’) is developed to delineate the ways in which students will participate. The student voice is paramount in the development of an individualized syllabus. Students are expected to arrive on time and prepared for class, participate in class activities and discussions as they are able, exhibit appropriate social behaviors, and complete adapted assignments. For example, a student might submit a video or PowerPoint report rather than writing a 10-page paper, craft a video review rather than giving a 5–10-minute speech, or create a digital visual poster rather than

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completing an exam. In each case, students are demonstrating their knowledge in a format that is most aligned to their strengths and abilities. For some students, we arrange for another classmate to provide occasional support during the class; most students, however, attend independently. Collectively, these supports all ensure students can participate meaningfully in the breadth of learning and social opportunities that exist in each course (Wintle, 2015). Finally, Next Steps staff work closely with the university’s Center for Teaching and Learning to support Vanderbilt faculty in learning how to provide instruction and materials that are accessible to and inclusive of all learners. In this way, our program is helping build the capacity of the university to support an increasingly diverse student body. Students also take three specialized seminars each semester during the first two years of their program within our Career and Community Studies track. These courses are taught by Next Steps staff and provide a deeper dive into topics not already addressed elsewhere in the standard course catalog. Examples include Health and Wellness, Personal Finance, Interpersonal Skills, Living on Your Own, Sexual Awareness, Emotional Regulation, and Food Preparation and Safety. The courses all adopt UDL practices and include frequent opportunities for students to practice critical skills in a supportive context. During their final two years, students instead take an ‘experiential seminar’ each semester. These seminars are akin to a traditional independent study in which students work toward personalized goals that can enhance their independence or community involvement. During the 14-week semester, students work alongside Ambassadors (i.e. peer mentors), graduate students, community members, and/or friends to undertake the learning activities, hands-on experiences, and skill-building activities outlined on their individualized syllabus. Students are expected to self-­ direct their own learning and complete activities as independently as possible. Such seminars can increase students’ capacity to take initiative, abilities to self-manage their own work, and experiences of self-­confidence. Examples include: • Money Management, • Transportation,

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Community Connections, Recreation and Leisure, Civic Engagement, Self-Advocacy, Careers and Jobs, Cooking, Continuing Education, Apartment Living.

Career Development For most postsecondary students, college is a pathway to a future career. In addition to their major and minor coursework, undergraduate students often hold part-time jobs, participate in internships, attend professional workshops, access career services, and receive informal career guidance. For students with intellectual disability, this accent on career development is especially important. In the United States, less than one third (31%) of young adults with intellectual disability are working within four years after exiting high school (Newman, Wagner, Cameto, & Knokey, 2009). In contrast, 61% of students with intellectual disability completing inclusive higher education programs report having paid jobs one year after exit (Papay, Trivedi, Smith, & Grigal, 2017); at Vanderbilt, 91% of graduating students obtain paid employment. Such programs can fundamentally change the employment trajectories of students with disabilities. Through Next Steps, students participate in hands-on work experiences, coursework, and other career development offerings that prepare them for the world of work. Each project aims toward helping students develop a core set of foundational skills (Hart, Boyle, & Jones, 2017) required for success in contemporary workplaces. In their first semester, students explore each of 16 career clusters by sampling on-campus workplaces. In their next two semesters, students complete on-campus internships (i.e. 6–8 hrs/week) in contexts aligned with their chosen career field. Subsequent semesters involve paid or unpaid internships that increase in both hours (i.e. 8–20 hrs/week) and alignment with students’

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evolving career goals. In each work experience, students receive instruction and support from Next Steps staff and/or typical co-workers. For example, students can access job coaching, various technologies, and self-­ management strategies that can enhance their independence (Gilson & Carter, 2016; Green, Cleary, & Cannella-Malone, 2017). Such individualized experiences ensure students develop the job-specific skills, soft skills, and self-understanding needed to find success in the workplace (Scheef, Barrio, Poppen, McMahon, & Miller, 2018). As noted earlier, students also take specialized seminars that address the knowledge and skills they will need to find and maintain meaningful employment. These seminars (e.g. Foundations of Career Development, Steps Toward Employment, Integrating Technology into Career Development, Preparing for the Workforce) augment the hands-on work experiences and address: career assessment, conducting job searches, interviewing, professionalism, and self-determination on the job. Finally, students can access a range of supplemental experiences and supports such as career fairs, workplace tours, career coaching and workshops offered through the Vanderbilt Career Center or other campus organizations and departments.

Campus Life Most undergraduate memories are made beyond the classroom in the midst of everyday college experiences. Higher education institutions usually offer a wide array of activities and programs for students, including first-year orientation programs, student groups, fraternities and sororities, music and arts programs, athletic events, volunteer opportunities, religious programs, recreational activities, study abroad programs, and social-focused gatherings. For example, Vanderbilt University is home to more than 500 different clubs and student organizations. Each provides avenues for students to develop and deepen their interests, forge new relationships around shared interests, and develop lifelong skills. High-­ quality inclusive higher education programs facilitate campus membership and belonging by supporting active involvement in these same activities (Grigal et al., 2012).

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Through Next Steps, students with intellectual disability are encouraged and supported to participate in new experiences that align with their own interests, goals and needs. In their first semester, students participate in freshman orientation events, including Vanderbilt Visions. These inclusive, semester-long orientation groups (i.e. 19 students) meet weekly to explore (a) what college life entails, both academically and socially; (b) the basic skills and university resources that support students’ academic and personal success; (c) approaches for maintaining physical and mental health, and (d) issues related to equity, diversity, and inclusion on campus (Schroeder, Carter, & Simplican, in press). Students also participate in service projects (Manikas, Carter, & Bumble, 2018), attend sporting events, explore hobbies such as art and yoga, access the recreation and wellness center, attend campus events, relax in the student center, and participate in graduation ceremonies. Students might attend these events alone, with Ambassadors, or with other friends from campus. To support this involvement, Next Steps staff assist students in identifying interesting activities, provide relevant instruction, help arrange needed assistance, and work with program leaders to ensure activities are welcoming and sufficiently supported.

Independent Living Most adolescents with intellectual disability (72%) say they want to live on their own in early adulthood (Lipscomb et al., 2017). Although preparation for independent living may not have an explicit emphasis within the core curriculum, most campuses offer an array of experiences that equip students with the skills, knowledge and support they need to live independently after graduation. For example, campuses with residential offerings typically include programming that address healthy living, community building, independence skills, and self-discovery. Likewise, workshops and seminars often address topics such as nutrition, finances, personal organization, political engagement, spirituality, and physical wellness. Other students learn these skills more incidentally simply through living away from home.

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For young adults with intellectual disability, attention to independent living must be more explicit (Carter, Brock, & Trainor, 2014). Through Next Steps, students attend seminars that address topics like sexual awareness, financial literacy, community supports, wellness and emotional regulation, healthy eating, kitchen safety, and food preparation. Such student development efforts can be predictive of improved outcomes in later adulthood (Haber et  al., 2016). In addition, the four semester-long ‘experiential seminars’ provide students with focused and extended opportunities to develop their capacities in important areas of independent living. Finally, we are preparing to launch new integrated housing options that support students with and without intellectual disability to live in community together. Such residential offerings will provide a rich context for students to learn authentic skills in real-life contexts. At present, nearly 100 institutions across the United States offer some form of on- or off-campus housing options.

Social Relationships Efforts to foster strong social relationships with fellow college students should permeate all of the previously mentioned areas. The friendships students develop throughout college can be a source of considerable enjoyment and substantial influence. Through their relationships with peers, students with intellectual disability access an array of emotional and practical supports, develop social capital, learn appropriate social and communication skills, encounter new perspectives on the world, and have fun with others. Moreover, the relationships adolescents develop on campus can contribute to a sense of acceptance, membership and belonging (Carter, Bottema-Beutel, & Brock, 2014). In the absence of active efforts, students with intellectual disability can remain socially isolated even when participating in an inclusive program. Indeed, nearly one third (31%) of young adults with intellectual disability do not spend time with friends outside of school or work on a regular basis (Newman et al., 2009). Therefore, many campuses establish ‘peer mentor’ programs in which students without disabilities are involved in actively supporting the inclusion of their peers with intellectual disability. These programs

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vary widely in terms of the focus of this assistance (e.g. academic tutoring, social support, job coaching, residential support), the commitment peers make (e.g. daily, weekly, sporadically), the ways in which they are selected (e.g. volunteer, program requirements), and the nature of any remuneration (Carter et al., 2019). Within Next Steps, the Ambassadors program is the primary formal avenue through which social connections are encouraged across campus (Griffin et al., 2016b). Each year, more than 120 ’Ambassadors’, a variation on the school’s athletic name, ‘the Commodores’, provide mentoring or support in one or more of the following areas of campus life: (a) academics; (b) daily planning, scheduling, or organizational skills; (c) eating meals together; (d) work or internships; (e) social activities; (f ) exercise; and/or (g) campus activities. Ambassadors spend an average of two hours each week supporting one or more students with intellectual disability, and each student is connected to a circle of 4–8 Ambassadors, depending on their support wants and needs. Informally, students also develop new relationships through shared activities that take place as part of their courses, internships, student organizations and typical campus events. Finally, students receive some instruction on social-related skills and appropriate social media use in their seminars that can help enhance their relationships.

 ecommendations for Inclusive Higher R Education Programs Over the past decade, we have learned quite a bit about the complexities and challenges of establishing a compelling postsecondary education program for young adults with intellectual disability. In this final section, we highlight what we consider to be three key considerations in the development of high-quality, inclusive programs. First, the emphasis must remain on inclusion from the very outset. Program leaders must be careful not to create parallel college experiences that are largely specialized or substantially separate (Carter, 2018; Grigal et  al., 2013). Young adults with intellectual disability consistently say

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they want to be in the center of their communities, not on the margins. The formative experiences of college are just too hard to experience from the peripheries of the campus. Our charge in this inclusive higher education movement is to create access rather than new programs. We must avoid creating college experiences for students with intellectual disability that are functionally separate—sharing a campus in common but intersecting in only superficial ways. This approach reflects only the veneer of inclusion and it does much more than shortchange students with disabilities. Other undergraduate and graduate students miss out on meaningful friendships, new perspectives, and most of all, they cannot learn to lead corporations, communities, congregations, or civic groups well in the future, if their formative training takes place in a learning community that excludes people with disabilities. Second, strong support should be sought from all corners of the campus. A truly inclusive program will eventually reach into every department, program, center and service within an institution. Establishing personal relationships with individuals involved with academic departments, administrative offices (e.g. registrar, admissions, financial aid), general council, residential life, career services, human resources, health services, facilities management, public safety, and disability services is critical. Some of these campus leaders will quickly recognize the value of this burgeoning movement; others may express reluctance or resistance. Communicating a clear vision for the program, identifying available supports, and addressing anticipated challenges can help in securing support. At our university, we developed a document addressing the ways in which Next Steps aligned with and advanced the vision and mission of Vanderbilt University (Next Steps at Vanderbilt, 2018). This document has been widely shared with university administrators as a way of illustrating our reach and impact. Third, program leaders must reflect regularly on the movements they are making, and the outcomes students are attaining. To ensure new programs are growing in the right directions, it can be helpful to establish some guideposts against which progress can be evaluated. For example, Think College has established standards and quality indicators for programs wanting to ensure their work aligns with recommended practices and the very best of what we know works (Grigal et al., 2012). Similarly,

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our program established a set of guiding questions we use to guide our growth at Vanderbilt (see Table 16.1). Each of these indicators help keep us aimed toward excellence, inclusivity, relevance, and sustainability. Likewise, programs should collect data on the experiences and outcomes of participating students with intellectual disability. In addition to common metrics like academic performance, graduation rates, and employment outcomes, programs should consider other areas of potential impact: how are students’ visions for their own lives changing? Are they Table 16.1  Reflection points for developing inclusive higher education for students with intellectual disability Area Aligned Experiences Existing Offerings

Reflection question

Are we designing experiences and processes that align with those of other students at the university? Are we exploring existing learning and social opportunities before starting specialized ones? Inclusive Contexts Are we prioritizing experiences that involve students with and without disabilities in shared activities? Existing Supports Are we considering supports available to any student and working to strengthen those supports? Building Capacity Are we developing the capacity of the university and the broader community to support students enrolled in this program? Individualized Do our practices reflect a student-focused approach that is Approaches individually tailored to meet unique needs? Authentic Do the experiences we provide have clear relevance for Learning life after graduation and are addressed in ways that will last? Evidence-Based Is the instruction and support we provide marked by the Practices highest quality and reflect research-based practices? Developing Are we supporting students in assuming valued roles Leaders across and beyond campus? High Expectations Do our efforts reflect—and communicate—high expectations for students and the university community? Reciprocal Benefits Are we involving other university students in ways that enable them to grow personally and professionally? Forging Networks Are we taking steps to grow strong connections with and among alumni, families, employers, and others? Self-Sustaining Are the movements we are making done in ways that ensure their sustainability over time and with scale? Compelling Stories Are we creating the stories we will be proud and eager to tell, and then telling those stories well and widely?

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experiencing belonging and developing valued relationships? Are they becoming more self-determined, independent, and confident? Are they acquiring new knowledge and skills? Are they forging stronger connections within their communities? And are they meeting their personal and professional goals?

Conclusion For a decade, Next Steps at Vanderbilt has been supporting students with intellectual disability to access a rigorous and relevant college experience that changes their future career and life trajectories. At the same time, we are supporting our university to live out its commitment to be a learning community marked by equity, diversity, and inclusive excellence. We anticipate the next decade will be marked by continued growth, new understandings of what it means to support inclusion well, and a deepening commitment to supporting other higher education institutions to enter into this journey. We invite you to consider how the practices and postures described in this chapter might play out within the campus communities you care most about.

References Bonati, M. L., Chapman, B., Stenberg, J., Towers, L., & Werkhoven, T. (2019). Lecturers’ perspectives on being involved in teaching students with intellectual disability participating in university courses. In P. O’Brien, M. L. Bonati, F. Gadow, & R. Slee (Eds.), People with intellectual disability experiencing university life: Theoretical underpinnings, evidence and lived experience (pp. 205–216). Boston, MA: Brill. Butler, L.  N., Sheppard-Jones, K., Whaley, B., Harrison, B., & Osness, M. (2016). Does participation in higher education make a difference in life outcomes for students with intellectual disability? Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation, 44(3), 295–298. Carter, E. W. (2018). Inclusive higher education and a future of flourishing. In Inclusive higher education: Practices and perspectives from the Southeast

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(pp.  4–13). Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt Kennedy Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities. Carter, E. W., Bottema-Beutel, K., & Brock, M. E. (2014). Social interactions and friendships. In M. Agran, F. Brown, C. Hughes, C. Quirk, & D. Ryndak (Eds.), Equity and full participation for individuals with severe disabilities: A vision for the future (pp. 197–216). Baltimore, MD: Brookes Publishing. Carter, E. W., Brock, M. E., & Trainor, A. A. (2014). Transition assessment and planning for youth with severe intellectual and developmental disabilities. The Journal of Special Education, 47(4), 245–255. Carter, E. W., Gustafson, J. R., Mackay, M. M., Martin, K. P., Parsley, M. V., Graves, J., … Schiro-Geist, C. (2019). Motivations and expectations of peer mentors within inclusive higher education programs for students with intellectual disability. Career Development and Transition for Exceptional Individuals, 42(3), 168–178. Claes, C., Van Hove, G., Vandevelde, S., van Loon, J., & Schalock, R. (2010). Person-centered planning: Analysis of research and effectiveness. Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, 48(6), 432–453. Gadow, F., & Macdonald, J. (2019). Scope, challenges and outcomes of an inclusive tertiary university initiative in Australia. In P. O’Brien, M. L. Bonati, F. Gadow, & R. Slee (Eds.), People with intellectual disability experiencing university life: Theoretical underpinnings, evidence and lived experience (pp. 129–140). Boston, MA: Brill. Gilson, C. B., & Carter, E. W. (2016). Promoting social interactions and job independence for college students with autism or intellectual disability: A pilot study. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 46(11), 3583–3596. Green, J.  C., Cleary, D.  S., & Cannella-Malone, H.  I. (2017). A model for enhancing employment outcomes through postsecondary education. Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation, 46(3), 287–291. Griffin, M. M., Mello, M. P., Glover, C. A., Carter, E. W., & Hodapp, R. (2016a). Supporting students with intellectual disability in postsecondary education: The motivations and experiences of peer mentors. Inclusion, 4(2), 75–88. Griffin, M.  M., Wendel, K.  F., Day, T.  L., & McMillan, E.  D. (2016b). Developing peer supports for college students with intellectual and developmental disabilities. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 29(3), 263–269.

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17 Student Suggestions for Improving Learning at University for Those with Learning Challenges/Disability Susan Grimes

Background Students with disabilities (SWD) in higher education have increased proportionally across Western universities over the past decade (Kilpatrick et al., 2016; Koshy & Seymour, 2015; Newman et al., 2011) due to the widening participation agenda (Gale, 2015). This increase has been supported in Australia through performance indicators (Martin, 1994) with targets aimed to facilitate reaching of the diversity goals (Brett, 2016). Institutions internationally are required by law to accommodate SWD with ‘reasonable adjustments’ (Gabel, Reid, Pearson, Ruiz, & Hume-­ Dawson, 2016; Kilpatrick et al., 2016; Riddell & Weedon, 2014). In this process, students’ needs are rarely used to define eligibility for learning support and accommodations (Ebersold, 2008). Institutions are instead focused on legal compliance resulting in a medico-legal approach to supporting SWD; based on an assumption of individual deficit (Gabel et al., S. Grimes (*) University of Newcastle, Callaghan, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_17

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2016; Strnadová, Hájková, & Květoňová, 2015). In order to receive accommodation, students need to disclose to their institutions and advise what adjustments are required for their disability (Kelepouris, 2014; Lovett, Nelson, & Lindstrom, 2015), despite research showing that many do not know what support is available (Cole & Cawthon, 2015; Couzens et al., 2015; Grimes, Southgate, Scevak, & Buchanan, 2018). Very little research has examined the learning experiences of these students, with the majority of work focused on enablers and barriers for access, and perceptions and satisfaction levels with provided support (Lindsay, Cagliostro, & Carafa, 2018). Other research focuses on the success of postsecondary education disability service programs, and the support and provision process (Madaus et al., 2018). Students with disabilities in higher education are recognised as being less likely to complete their studies and less likely, if they do graduate, to engage in full time employment (Ebersold, 2008; Equity Challenge Unit, 2014). There is recognition that there are SWD who have not institutionally disclosed their disability status and so are not in receipt of accommodations (Grimes, Scevak, Southgate, & Buchanan, 2017), meaning potential problems in terms of study progress and graduation. Non-­ disclosed SWD recognise the usefulness of accommodations even if they do not receive them (Newman & Madaus, 2015). Research has shown students with accommodations are more successful than those without (Denhart, 2008) and that the success is dependent on the level of support provided (Dryer, Henning, Tyson, & Shaw, 2016). This places non-­ disclosed SWD in a vulnerable position in terms of progression and completion of studies. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has recommended higher education institutions internationally need to improve their approach to the inclusion of SWD in order to enhance outcomes for this group (Ebersold, 2008). In their analysis of higher education systems, the OECD recognises two higher education system types: those with a defectorial approach and those with an ecological approach (Ebersold, 2008). The defectorial approach is characterised by a focus on an individual’s impairments and the implications of these in terms of engaging with the particular chosen study pathway within the institution. This results in students needing to prove they can be

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educated with ‘reasonable adjustments’ on the part of the institution. For systems using this approach, diversity is an exception that constrains the higher education institution from regular curriculum implementation for these individuals. SWD are viewed as deficit; responses developed by institutions are to address this individual deficit. An ecological approach concentrates on the capacity of the higher education institution to be accessible and adaptable to the needs of all students (Ebersold, 2008). This approach views diversity as a source of social and economic enrichment and prioritises development of human capital. Disability is viewed as an aspect of diversity with educational quality determined not only by completion of study pathways, but by improvement in future employment and societal participation. Curriculum structures under this approach need to be developed to empower active and reactive learning. For effective learning within higher education for SWD the recommendation of an ecological approach identifies the role of policy, process and curriculum in creating disability, rather than adapting and meeting student need with flexibility. Within this approach SWD, who would be included in the same way any student who does not fit the defined curriculum and the ‘normal’ student profile, would experience difficulty. All students benefit from the inclusive approach through institutional flexibility.

The Research This research was conducted in a regional Australian university that according to European standards would be considered large (Daraio & Daraio, 2014), but by American standards very large (University of Indiana, 2017). The institution has higher than Australian averages proportionally of Aboriginal students and students from lower socio-­ economic backgrounds.

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Method This work sources data from an exploratory survey sent to all enrolled students within the university that was titled ‘Support for Student Learning: Challenges to Learning’. The survey was an anonymous, online survey with institutional ethics approval. To ensure confidentiality, the survey was distributed by the institution’s administration. The survey collected data on demographics; university course and length of study; use of support services, both formal and informal; identification of learning challenges using self-reported disability and acknowledged learning impact; disclosure status; reasons for non-disclosure; and open-ended questions on improving learning at university. Those students who identified as institutionally disclosed, having advised the university of their diagnoses’ impact on university study, were asked to give details of the accommodations received. Those who were not institutionally disclosed were asked to give their reasons for non-disclosure. Given the acknowledged as vague disability categories used in Australian higher education data collection and emphasis on impairment (Brett, 2016), alternative categories were sought. The identification of an existing diagnosis/assessment according to modified Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA, 2015) UK disability classification system was chosen to focus students on existing diagnosis/assessment with impacts on learning. Students identified diagnoses as: learning difficulties (HESA codes 51 and 53: LD), ongoing medical conditions (HESA code 54: OMC); mental health issues (HESA code 55: MHI); and/or physical disabilities (HESA codes 56, 57 and 58: PD). Students then identified with a yes/no question whether the identified diagnoses/assessments impacted on their learning at university. Students who identified a diagnosis/assessment and an impact on learning were said to have a learning challenge, with this term used throughout the survey. This deliberate methodological strategy was devised in response to research identifying that students did not necessarily identify as disabled (Cole & Cawthon, 2015; Grimes et al., 2018; Miskovic & Gabel, 2012) and were likely to deny their diagnoses/assessments if questioned in these terms.

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The two open-ended questions that allowed students to share their suggestions for improving learning were captured with: • What would you need in the university learning environment to help you reach your potential? and • How would you make learning a more positive experience at university? There was no limit to how much could be written in students’ responses.

Analysis The suggestions made by students to improve learning at university were analysed using a descriptive analytical approach, attempting to better understand and describe the phenomenon under focus (Patton, 2015). Reading and re-reading comments enabled identification of common themes and sub-themes (Miles & Huberman, 1994) in terms of solutions that would assist the learning impacts described. Coding identified student comments aligned with themes of institutional resources/processes, such as the disclosure process; provision of support and accommodations; the flexibility of engaging with learning and learning spaces/places; teaching and learning including teacher quality, course design and assessment, and delivery mode; and relationships, including belonging, peer-to-peer and teacher-student relationships. Suggestions were re-coded to affirm the themes chosen. A few comments included the constraints of finance, geographical access, and the impact of other factors external to the institution on ability to engage with learning, however these were not included in the analysis. The data were grouped by disclosure status and comparisons made in an attempt to find any differences in suggestions between institutionally disclosed and non-disclosed students. Similarly, the data were grouped by diagnosis to identify any differences in suggestions according to diagnoses advised.

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 tudents’ Suggestions for Improving S Learning: Results Due to a large survey response this research was focused on the domestic undergraduate participants. There were 2821 domestic undergraduate responses, including 994 who reported a learning impact and who identified their disclosure status. This response included 13.2% of domestic undergraduates at this institution, a very good response rate when compared to other optional and anonymous surveys conducted within Australian universities with response ranges from 5.1% to 15.2% (Luzeckyj, King, Scutter, & Brinkworth, 2011; Mulder & Cashin, 2015). Of these students who were living with a learning challenge: 812 provided suggestions for improving learning at university, 300 institutionally disclosed their disability status, and 512 were non-disclosed students.

Institutional Processes/Resources Suggestions in this theme were grouped into four sub-themes: (1) the institutional disclosure process; (2) accommodation and support provided, both for disclosed SWD and all students; (3) flexibility in course availability; and (4) learning spaces/places. The process for the institutional disclosure process and subsequent negotiation of accommodations was suggested by students to be too difficult, lacking in detail and requiring too much expensive documentation and medical reporting. Where this process had been completed, students reported ongoing need to engage with maintaining access to the proscribed adjustments with impact of this on their learning: I spend more time enabling my education than actually being educated while my peers without a disability just get to learn uninhibited. [#816 LD+OMC+MHI+PD Disclosed PLAN]

Institutional requirements for the receipt of accommodations and support were generally blasted for lack of understanding and the load was placed on students to initiate, negotiate and manage their support

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throughout their enrolment. As the student above identifies, this takes time away from the actual business of learning. For those students who were disclosed, there were comments made about the effectiveness, or otherwise, of accommodation and support. This included noting that information on support available was not apparent to many students living with learning challenges, and that this information came late in their studies: I believe an introductory lecture in first year which addresses depression, anxiety and mental health in general, and the assistance available to students would be extremely useful. I was only made aware of [support plans] this year. Had I known earlier, I would have been in touch with disability services from day one. [#490 MHI Disclosed PLAN]

This theme also revolved around recognition that disability support is not well resourced or funded: Better funding for disability support!!! Give [staff member] and [staff member] a raise and an office with daylight to benefit their mental health! [#781 MHI+PD Disclosed PLAN]

Suggestions on provision of support and accommodations included resources such as counsellors, health professionals and learning support. Many students expressed concern at the paucity of counsellors and other support staff on campus. Easier access to councillors, it was a 2 month wait to see someone when I was suicidal. [#718 OMC+MH Disclosed PLAN]

When accessible, the quality of the service accessed was appreciated by many students, but they noted how difficult it was to access: More health professionals available. The counselling service is very clearly underfunded/understaffed/overworked. You need good continuity of care. Maybe outsource to another service if you can’t fully support the one you have. [#667 OMC+MHI PLAN]

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Difficulty with disclosure process has been identified as a barrier for SWD (Mullins & Preyde, 2013) with lack of information around support available identified as one of the issues (Cole & Cawthon, 2015; Couzens et al., 2015; Grimes et al., 2018). The role of teaching staff in mediating and/or supporting students to manage their learning through the complexity of institutional systems was noted, with suggestions that staff need to be more informed, aware and understanding about the difficulties that students have in dealing with both institutional processes and their learning and assessment. Improvement of empathy through education around particular diagnoses, mental ill health was commonly mentioned, and the knowledge of the impacts on students’ availability and ability to engage with learning were often cited as ways to improve learning for students with mental health issues. For disclosed students, there was more emphasis on improving the information flow to teachers to improve accommodation of the learning impacts of their diagnoses. I would hope that as a student my disability would be flagged with each teacher I was with throughout the course. Therefore each teacher would keep an eye on how written assignment were progressing and if there was an issue have the teacher approach me about how they could help get me over the line. In other words a more empathetic process than disciplinary (sic). [#714 OMC+MHI Disclosed No PLAN]

The importance of staff attitude has been found to be crucial to the success of accommodations for SWD with calls for improved teacher training internationally (Bunbury, 2018; Burgstahler & Moore, 2009). For non-disclosed students with no access to disability support, who describe struggling to effectively learn due to their diagnoses (Grimes, Southgate, Scevak, & Buchanan, 2019), but reluctant to disclose (Grimes et al., 2018), there needs to be different types of learning support available. The ‘adverse circumstances’ system for obtaining extensions was singled out as being highly problematic for students with mental health issues and ongoing medical conditions due to impact on the ability of students to engage with the process to obtain an extension at a time when

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they were ‘unable to get out of bed’. Note that students making these suggestions are non-disclosed and need to apply for consideration whenever their health impacts their ability to engage with assessment and/or attendance requirements: I think the current adverse circumstances system is majorly flawed. The fact that you can’t apply after the dead line has passed is terrible. Sometimes with mental illness you think you’re doing all right or you convince yourself that you’ll just hand in an assignment a day late, but then you just fall into a heap and suddenly you’re trapped in this horrible position where it’s too late to get help. The stress that puts you under when you’re already feeling unwell is enormous and unnecessary. [#723 LD+OMC+MHI Non-disclosed]

In Australia, the two-step process of disclosure and proof-of-disability is recognised as problematic for students (Kilpatrick et al., 2016) leaving many students institutionally non-disclosed with no support (Grimes et al., 2018). The support and accommodation offered by universities is in response to individual impairment and the ability of individuals to negotiate (Kelepouris, 2014; Lovett et al., 2015), with a standard range of supports available (Fossey et al., 2015; Kilpatrick et al., 2016). This is significantly different to the K-12 support experience where responsibility sits with school to provide support, rather than with the students to negotiate what will address the identified deficit (Kelepouris, 2014), a situation recognised internationally as being a problem (Ebersold, 2008). Student suggestions for improvements made here support earlier research findings with requests for improved information provision, better disclosure processes and widely available support for learning. Increased flexibility of course availability was suggested by many. This included the ability to take an ‘enrolment break’ and increased availability of compressed courses. The episodic nature of many mental health issues meant that students found it easier to study for shorter courses: I find compressed courses great for me. I can last a week or two of intensive work and then do a lighter load during the semester. I would like to see more of this and more flexible learning options. E.g. summer school to catch up or get ahead. [#667 OMC+MHI Disclosed PLAN]

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Increased flexibility across semester-based courses was frequently suggested: More flexible study options. I have noticed a lot of teachers don’t put their material online because they want students to attend class but often the material could be easily worked through as an online module which is good for students with disabilities and also those with work/life commitments, trying to maintain balance. [#633 OMC+MHI Disclosed NOPLAN]

Students identified the pressure of trying to complete competing assessments by due dates, inflexible attendance/participation requirements and the negative impact of this on their learning, and suggested: Less pressure. It’s like trying to take a drink of water from a fire hose. [#577 MHI Disclosed PLAN]

Learning spaces/places were mentioned by those with diagnoses of ongoing medical conditions and physical disabilities—more than other learning challenges. Physical barriers to learning have been found to relate to access (Cole & Cawthon, 2015; Tinklin & Hall, 1999) with barriers from the physical environment defined by student impairment (Fuller, Healey, Bradley, & Hall, 2004). Whilst those with physical disabilities detailed shortcomings in the architecture, uncomfortable seating and lack of accommodation of hearing, sight and other physical impacts on learning in their suggestions for improvement, there were many students who noted enhanced use of technology would address most of these problems. Students requested the recording of all lectures, provision of detailed learning pathways as alternatives to lecture attendance, and support for them to continue their learning, no matter what impacts from their diagnoses occurred. In this day and age, all lectures should be recorded—students are paying for content when they pay for units at university and as a student that works fulltime there have been semesters where my only contact has been tutorials for an hour and usually at around the 6pm/7pm mark tutors are either late or keen to wrap up their day. [#777 MHI+PD No PLAN]

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As increasing numbers of students have enrolled in higher education there has been a push towards longer lecture times and shorter, larger tutorials. Students noted that longer lectures mean increased difficulty and pain for those with physical disabilities and the lack, in many courses, of recorded lectures meant that there were no alternatives. Additionally, the move towards less quiet and more multi-use spaces within the library spaces is not helping many students. The following suggestions were echoed by many students: A quiet place to study. All the ‘quiet zones’ are never really quiet. [#648 OMC+MHI Non-disclosed]

Teaching and Learning These suggestions covered many different aspects of the learning environment, including teaching quality, course design and assessment, and delivery mode. When students suggested changes to teaching quality this included improving the understanding of teaching as an activity, the need for explicit design by teachers of engaging learning, teachers’ lack of knowledge of the impact of various diagnoses on learning, the lack of attention to varied ways to learn, and lack of time for development of collegial relationships that would support learning. The need for: More engaging lecturers—I realize this is a complex issue to solve. [#15 LD Non-disclosed]

was evident in many suggestions. This included that lecturers should have teaching qualifications, with the underlying assumption that this would improve course design and delivery. The efforts of teaching staff to explicitly develop better relationships with their students, to spend time supporting learning, and to provide more feedback and support through their teaching was detailed by many:

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… and tutors don’t make the effort to gain a teacher student relationship that should be created to enhance learning. [#324 Female MHI Disclosed No PLAN]

Many students also suggest teachers make clear the ‘why’ of learning as this is important to their ability to engage with learning: Some courses fail to provide scope as to how the information is applied to real world situations. I understand not all information is inducted (sic) specific… But spending more time of ‘why we are learning this’ and ‘this information will assist you with’ will allow me to understand how to approach to material a little faster, instead of having to figure out the why and how myself. [#684 OMC+MHI Non-disclosed]

Suggestions around improving understanding and empathy of staff to the situations of students with various diagnoses, but especially those with mental health diagnoses, were common. There were positive examples given of what improves learning: High quality teaching staff—The most positive experiences I have had with learning at the university has been through highly skilled, and motivated teaching staff. [#61 OMC Disclosed PLAN]

There were also many negative examples: A better understanding from teaching staff relating to learning disabilities. For me a more positive learning experience would be generated, if teaching staff better understood student differences and learning difficulties don’t necessarily mean more work for them and that just because you can’t see someones disability, it doesn’t mean that the disability doesn’t exist. [#86 LD+OMC Disclosed PLAN]

Students also recognised that they might not understand ‘why’ one lecturer was better than another, but they would like more lecturers to be like those who support them:

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I can identify lecturers that have a really good technique in being flexible to a range of differing people (and their personal challenges). But because I’m not a teacher I can’t explain how they do it. It’s something about being assertive (not aggressive or passive) and sympathetic. Listening. Compromising. Understanding perspective and different worldview perceptions. Having an attitude of equality rather than teacher/student hierarchy. [#312 MHI Non-disclosed]

Course design and assessment, including the design and explanation of assessment, was highlighted by many students as causing them problems. Shorter assessments with more feedback was noted as being more appropriate to supporting learning for students with learning challenges. This was often suggested with description of assessments with high weights, including exams, and poor assessment and rubric design. Given the noted lack of tutorial time and peer-to-peer connection, this resulted in students reporting being left to fend for themselves with little to no useful feedback, or time in which to implement feedback. One student noted that what was needed was: Complete restructure of the assessment division and load in courses. I’ve felt I’ve learnt a whole lot more from subjects with loose deadlines and continuous, small weighted assessments as I need to learn the content constantly rather than for a single test or exam. [#349 MHI Non-disclosed]

Students suggested that an increased reliance on high stakes exams was not conducive to learning and increased stress and pressure on those already having difficulty. This was particularly noted by those dealing with the mental health issues of anxiety and depression. Many students noted that scheduling of assessments caused problems for all and that more open scheduling would be beneficial. Students noted that due dates clash across courses within degree programs ‘every semester’: … consider concurrent compulsory course assessment timetabling so that 3 major assessment tasks are not all due within two days of each other (communication between course co-ordinators would be nice!). [#454 MHI Non-disclosed]

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The delivery modes of learning, in terms of face-to-face, online and through lectures or tutorials were all noted by students as requiring improved planning and accommodation. Flexibility was the main requirement with those students, for reasons of ill health or the impact of other responsibilities, who were unable to attend to a more traditional timetable: My degree doesn’t have a lot of flexibility. Most courses are participation marked and they never seem to take into consideration the difficulties this poses to so many of the students. Not only when people are sick etc but people do have a large range of commitments outside on uni some of which they cannot give up like work. It adds yet another stress to our already busy lives. [#220 MHI Non-disclosed]

The multiple ways of learning: face to face, online, distance and self-­ learning, students suggest should be available within each course. This would allow those impacted episodically by their diagnoses to take different learning pathways at different times during their ill health. As a counterpoint to these suggestions, many students requested more face to face learning opportunities within smaller classes. Students saw this as a way to create and improve teacher-student relationships and teacher understanding. They commented that the improvement of teacher-student relationships was important to engagement with, and progress through, the course content. Online delivery was found to be inappropriate and disengaging for many, while others preferred the online learning as an option for dealing with an inability to engage at the time/place of a lecture or tutorial; especially for those with ongoing medical conditions and/or mental health conditions where episodic impacts were most common. Increased diversity in delivery was suggested as essential by many students, particularly in terms of engagement and learning, with comments on the current common means of delivery as excluding many: Some of us are visual and narrative learners and need more supportive understanding of the faculty. I am a pretty switched on person, but with epilepsy and depression find that my mind does not work in the same way as others and feel I am being disadvantaged. Due to these deficits I find that I am a really quick learner when given hands on applications, which is not the way we learn at University. [#714 OMC+MHI Disclosed No PLAN]

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Relationships = Support By far the majority of suggestions made were around relationships students felt were required for improved learning. There were a number of sub-themes evident, including: belonging, opportunities for peer-peer interaction (mentors, study groups, peer tutoring), and the need for increased teacher-student interaction. Improvement of a sense of belonging with a supportive and cohesive cohort was suggested by many students across all diagnosis types. A range of strategies to improve the ability to develop collegial and supportive relationships with their peers and the teaching staff were identified. One student noted: I never used to interact much with others, I think it is important to feel like you belong, I have been making more an effort lately to interact with the other students and its seems to of helped me get a bit more confidence and a sense of belonging. [#541 MHI Non-disclosed]

From non-disclosed students, there were many requests for ways to connect with other students within their cohorts, as well as with those who might be dealing with the same learning challenge. Many disclosed students suggested working with others who had the same diagnosis: Also I would consider a teaming up with another mental health student who is at least one year in advance to offer lived experience assistance as to how they worked out their problems without drawing too much attention to themselves. [#714 OMC+MHI Disclosed No PLAN]

Others were not sure how this should be accomplished, just that it should be, with suggestions that what was needed was: To feel like I belong in my degree and that I’m as smart as everyone else. [#703 OMC+MHI Non-disclosed]

Strategies for developing and supporting peer to peer interaction included increased opportunities for developing study buddies within

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discipline areas, as well as improved cohort interaction both academically and socially. While the motivation for some of these suggestions were directly associated with the particular student’s diagnoses, many were general in nature and noted to be of benefit to all students: I wonder if there could be a group where people doing my course with similar conditions could meet? Then we could talk about how we are going with our studies and encourage each other. I also think activities that encourage people to meet/interact with other people within the course would help. [#611 OMC+MHI Disclosed PLAN]

The usefulness of the peer supported study sessions used by some disciplines at the institution was discussed by many participants with requests for increased sessions and at flexible times due to their perceived usefulness in supporting learning. These sessions would depend on other students being prepared to take what amounts to tutorials for students who are in a year lower than themselves. Students reported these to be very useful for supporting learning. Increased student-teacher interaction was described by students as important for their learning. Students suggested that teachers need to show and sustain support and respect through showing more interest in students’ study and progress. There were many suggestions around improving engagement between teaching academics and students, as well as tutors and students. Students wanted: Constant support from academic staff. All lecturers should be accepting and non judgmental surrounding the learning issues. This could mean that academic staff have training on how to deal with students when they come asking for help. [#212 MHI Non-disclosed]

The problem of large class sizes was raised repeatedly with suggestions like: Decent sized classes and staff actually wanting to help students not staff that only go to have a paycheck at the end of the week. University Officials helping out the academic staff, odd answer but the rationale behind it is that if you

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can’t help the workers out then the students suffer … So if the staff are supported more, more emails would be responded too fast and efficiently (not lost in the pile), more time one on one learning with staff and students. [#199 MHI disclosed NOPLAN]

In summary, the majority of suggestions in this theme were to improve the feeling of belonging of students at university and a range of strategies to support this were detailed involving increased and improved human interactions.

What Needs to Change? All Students Need to Belong Institutions need to recognise and prioritise inclusion of all students, of all diversity. This will present institutions with a significant challenge. Belonging, the most important recognition of individual worth, is a basic human need. For learning to be effective, students suggest they need to be accepted and acknowledged as ‘belonging’ within the learning life of the institution. Improving belonging for all students has been identified as needing further research and focused institutional attention (Murdock-­ Perriera, Boucher, Carter, & Murphy, 2019) with the situation of SWD experience noted as lacking attention on the social aspects of university study (Fleming, Oertle, Plotner, & Hakun, 2017).

 onnection with Peers for Academic C and Social Reasons While many students identified that they developed and used strategies to support peer-to-peer connections, they also identified the role of the institution in encouraging and supporting, at both formal and informal levels, development of these connections for learning and social reasons. Many institutions would argue that they expend much time and money on attempting to support this goal. These students would argue that more

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needs to be done, and that being explicit (connecting students with the same diagnoses or within the same degree cohort) might be one way to achieve closer connections for students dealing with a range of diagnoses with particular academic and social impacts.

Educate Teachers and Peers Given the high proportion of students dealing with mental health issues, institutions could improve training around the impact of these diagnoses on learning and better inform teachers on what they can do to support and accommodate these students. Additionally, the need for peers and teaching/professional staff to have some compassion for the position of SWD, disclosed or non-disclosed, is suggested as important to developing an appropriate learning environment. Improving the teaching skills of teachers and tutors was suggested as necessary to cover the learning needs of different diagnoses.

Flexible, Adaptable Courses Please Courses need to be flexible and adaptable, and students suggested that this would help others with different challenges, including students with work and caring responsibilities. There is currently a shift towards modularisation and micro-accreditation within the sector that aligns well with students’ suggestions for flexibility. It needs to be noted, however, that many students express a desire for human contact, whether face to face or online, and would impact design of courses to include collaboration and consultation through various delivery modes.

Disclosure Makes Students Vulnerable It is recognised that even in an inclusive university system there will be a need for individual accommodation where student impairments are expressed despite inclusive practice (Bunbury, 2018). Institutional disclosure makes students vulnerable. The current system requires students

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to expend a lot of energy and time to maintain their support and accommodations. A change of perspective is needed with much more effort in developing inclusive curriculum and teaching and learning practices, such that disclosure for the majority of students with learning challenges, whether due to disability or otherwise, is not required for them to successfully engage with learning. For those that still need to disclose, a significantly different attitude and process is required that identifies and acknowledges the particular strengths and diversity that these students bring to the university population.

Conclusion The suggestions made by students challenge much that is considered by institutions to be the normal way of learning. They highlight the interplay between student impairments and a university system that was not developed to include them. They express the need to belong; they want to be understood and supported by teaching and professional staff; they would like flexibility in terms of enrolment, access to learning, delivery modes and the assessment schedules required to complete their studies. How will institutions react? Universities are already exploring micro-­ accreditation and modularisation in response to the increasing proportions of students with work responsibilities and changes to professional development needs within industry. This means developing multiple learning pathways (Davis, Randall, & West, 2015). Such changes align with the needs of SWD and will provide the flexibility that they have requested. Support for particular needs, however, requires a deeper consideration of diversity as a positive resource that needs to be included and nurtured so that all students have the opportunity to succeed. Improving the need to belong and be part of a learning community may be the most challenging aspect of suggestions given the shift into mass higher education. On the other hand, mass higher education will only succeed if all students are included and acknowledged within their learning environment.

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Where to Now? Students’ suggestions align with the ecological approach to inclusion in higher education espoused by the OECD (Ebersold, 2008): the suggestions recognise and request improvements in support for all students across pedagogical, social and psychological needs. Students do not want to be seen as ‘different’, as disabled, but as part of the diversity of the higher education student population. This can only occur if institutions recognise disability as diversity and improve their flexibility in terms of curriculum design, more diverse and flexible teaching and delivery options, and improved learning support for all students. Students see the outcome as improved learning and improved academic success. Suggestions made would benefit all students with learning challenges at university and would improve engagement with work opportunities through improved successful study completions.

Limitations This research explored the suggestions of students with learning challenges who were enrolled at one Australian university. Future research across multiple university and postsecondary contexts would be a natural next step. Suggestions from students were not exhaustive in their consideration of the learning environment. Interviewing students with learning challenges would allow exploration of their learning experiences and potentially provide a deeper understanding of the barriers and enablers to their learning; especially those who have chosen institutional non-disclosure. Acknowledgements The study institution supported this work through an equity grant and permission has been given by the university executive to publish these results.

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18 A Case Study of the Educational Experience of Adult Students with Dyslexia Across Five TAFE Institutes in Queensland Jacque Caskey

Introduction This chapter discusses a research project undertaken with 22 adult students and six Disability Support Officers (DSOs) across five Technical and Further Education (TAFE) Institutes in Queensland, Australia. It first offers a rationale for the focus of the study, followed by an overview of literature relating to notions of dyslexia, educational inclusion, and an explanation of the function of TAFE Institutes in Australia. The chapter then briefly outlines the research methodology, methods and aims that were adopted in a study to identify the learning experience and needs of students with dyslexia studying across five TAFE Institutes in Queensland. It thirdly, presents a summary of the research findings, paying particular attention to the ‘Social Identity’ of adult students who have dyslexia, which can serve as a barrier to their full inclusion and learning in higher education (HE). The remaining chapter offers a detailed account of how Disability Support Officers (DSOs) who are employed in the TAFE sector, support the J. Caskey (*) Independent Scholar, Maroochydore, Australia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_18

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learning of students with a disability. DSOs advocate for students with dyslexia and provide specific learning and socio-emotional support. Although advocacy might be operationalised differently in different contexts and by people inhabiting different roles, it is presented in this chapter as a key strategy that can be deployed by most of people engaged in post-compulsory education to support the inclusion of people with disability in higher education. In Australia, people who have dyslexia make up approximately 10% of the population, and approximately 20% of people are affected with dyslexia (Australian Dyslexia Association, 2018a). It is estimated that 1 in 5 adults have some form of dyslexia who attend tertiary educational contexts (ABS, 2016). The success for students with specific learning disabilities have traditionally had relatively poor success rates (Kilpatrick et al. 2016), and three main difficulties with support and services for adult learners with dyslexia. Firstly, the current support models offered to adult students are perceived to be inadequate and it is recommended that the supports need to be further individualised and incorporate social, cultural and educational foci (Mortimore, 2008). Secondly, there is limited opportunity for adult students with dyslexia to voice their experiences of perceived educational and social barriers, or provide suggestions for interventions that might better support them. Finally, the provision of adequate educational support and services is limited. Correspondingly, research identifies that knowledge about learning disabilities, such as dyslexia, is limited in tertiary environments (Pollack, 2005). Indeed, students with dyslexia report that some teachers do not understand the complexities associated with dyslexia and learning disabilities (Tanner, 2010), and believe dyslexia is very much like other learning difficulties, having literacy difficulties (Reid, 2009; Tanner, 2010). As a result, many students with dyslexia slip through the educational net and are left behind their student peers in classrooms/learning (Tanner, 2010). In order to fill the research gap, I undertook a study to identify the experience of 22 adult students with dyslexia attending TAFE Institutes, and the perceptions of the support needs of students with dyslexia attending TAFE by six DSOs across five institutes in South East Queensland, Australia. Before detailing this research project, I first offer an overview of

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relevant literature in the field of dis/ability in higher education by summarising the literature in relation to dyslexia, inclusion, and TAFE Institutes which offer tertiary level education throughout Australia (and which establishes the context of the study).

Dyslexia Dyslexia is a neurological disability which affects the functioning of individuals and is a lifelong disability (Forrester, Longyear, & Hall, 2016). The definition of dyslexia is developed by many researchers and organisations (Australian Dyslexia Association, 2018b; British Dyslexia Association, 2007), and can be a perplexing phenomenon for teachers and practitioners (Elliott, 2014; Tunmer & Greaney, 2010). This chapter will utilise an operational definition of dyslexia: Dyslexia is a difficulty where students have processing differences, often characterised by difficulties in literacy acquisition affecting reading, writing, and spelling. It can also have an impact on cognitive processes such as memory, the speed of processing, time management, coordination, and automaticity. There may be visual and/or phonological difficulties, and there are usually some discrepancies in educational performances. There will be individual differences and individual variation. (Reid, 2009, p. 4)

The seven challenges identified by Reid can create barriers for students’ learning, including, processing difference (which can be mitigated using multisensory intervention strategies); literacy acquisition (such as decoding words when reading, encoding, when writing, and the production of written text); cognitive processing (including processing information, retaining information, and the ability to transfer information); discrepancies in educational performance (students with dyslexia can have difficulties in reasoning, verbal and processing comprehension, or visual perceptual reasoning, carrying knowledge that cannot be formally expressed, even when the student has a high IQ); individual differences (people with dyslexia have unique variations in their abilities and barriers); strengths of individuals (people working with students with dyslexia

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need to identify strategies that can be utilised for the unique difficulties and capacities each person with dyslexia inhabits); and educational and work contexts (some problems can be minimised if contexts are managed). Finally, ensuring that the task and environment are right for people with dyslexia is crucial to their success (Reid, 2009). Despite the myriad of challenges, the barriers to learning faced by adult students with dyslexia can be mitigated when they are fully supported in their learning environment, and when inclusive policies are operationalised (Caskey & Spinks, 2019).

Inclusion Historically, the first Australian Social Inclusion Policy Principles were established in 2009 (Australian Services Union, 2007), for workplaces and social environments, including learning spaces. Inclusion was facilitated in various contexts, such as schools, tertiary education institutions and universities and workplaces (Fitzgibbon & O’Connor, 2002; Forlin, 2002). Inclusion is the term utilised for engaging people who inhabit a diversity of any type, whether it be cultural, racial, religious, age, sex/ gender, sexual orientation, and or disability (Cochran-Smith & Dudley-­ Marling, 2012). Furthermore, inclusion is defined operationally and academically in learning environments (Peer & Reid, 2013), it focuses on creating a suitable learning environment and curricula to meet students’ learning needs, and provides support for students to overcome potential barriers to learning and assessment (Cocks & Thoresen, 2013). Inclusion incorporates the following three principles: • the process of increasing the participation of students in, and reducing their exclusion from, the curricula, cultures and communities; • restructuring the cultures, policies and practices in learning environments so that they respond to the diversity of students in their locality; and • the presence, participation and achievement of all students vulnerable to exclusionary pressures, not only those with impairments or those

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who are categorised as ‘having special educational needs’ (Ainscow, Booth, & Dyson, 2006, p. 6). The implementation of social policy to support the inclusion of people with disability was first implemented in Australia by Premier Nevil Rann in 2002, in South Australia (Redmond, 2015). It was subsequently implemented by Education Queensland in 2005 (Education Queensland, 2019), and has since been incorporated as policy across all Australian states and territories. However, there remains much debate regarding what constitutes inclusion within Australian educational contexts (Graham & Slee, 2007; Walsh, Rutherford, & Sears, 2010). Australian schools and workplace contexts still fail to fully implement policies for students who have disabilities, resulting in difficulties for both students and teachers (Graham & Sweller, 2011; Schwab, Sharma, & Loreman, 2018). In the Australian TAFE sector, inclusion policies are embedded within the Framework for Inclusion and facilitated through Equity and Diversity Policy. The policy requires that all learning environments make ‘reasonable adjustments’ (2010) to support students who have disabilities. However, according to Graham and Slee (2007), inclusive education is not clearly defined and the policy does not describe how inclusion can be operationalised within educational contexts. In addition, Boyle, Topping, and Jindal-Snape (2013) suggest that many teachers are not inclusive in practice. This suggestion was evaluated within the research project described below. In order to understand the context of the study I present in this chapter, I offer a brief description of the TAFE system that operates in Australia.

 ueensland Technical and Further Educational Q (TAFE) Institutes Australian TAFE has approximately 40 TAFE Institutes. Each of these is government-funded by the Australian States, Territories or Federal Governments, though they have experienced funding challenges (Nair &

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Kigotho, 2017; Wheelahan, 2016). There are TAFE Institutes in all states and territories of Australia, including Queensland. There are seven TAFE institutes in Queensland, many of which have multiple campuses (campuses established at different locations). The institutes have various numbers of enrolments, however between 2016–2017 the number of students attending TAFE nationally fell by 6.5%, a significant loss of numbers from 617,000 to 577,000 students within this period (Singhal, 2018). In 2019, there were 121,000 students enrolled in Queensland TAFE institutes (Productivity Commission, 2019). TAFE, a Vocational Education and Training (VET) organisation, is a public provider of training and education. There are numerous vocational programs offered by Queensland TAFE. The programs delivered by TAFE are vocational from Certificate I-IV, Diploma, Advanced Diploma and with some institutes offering Bachelor Degree programs (Good Education Group, 2018; Wheelahan, 2018). There is contention within education sectors, noted in recent literature, regarding the future of vocational education within Australia (Wheelahan, 2018), as reforms and reduction in funding within Australian TAFE between 2012–2018 have impacted the provision of support offered to students with disability. These have particularly disrupted the role of DSOs, who are the main source of support for students with disability needs.

 Case Study of the Educational Experience A of Adult Students with Dyslexia Across Five TAFE Institutes in Queensland I designed and undertook an embedded case-study to explore how adult students with dyslexia can be supported in TAFE contexts. This involved uncovering perceived barriers to the learning and support of adult students with dyslexia in TAFE. The study used a qualitative paradigm and multiple cases to guide this research (Yin, 2003, 2009). Five macro cases (TAFE Institutes) and 28 micro cases (individual participants) were considered. The participants were 22 adult students with dyslexia and six DSOs. I engaged in 28 semi-structured interviews (Miles, Huberman, &

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Saldana, 2014), with adult students with dyslexia and DSOs, for this study. Memos were taken in interviews and researchers’ notes were constructed after each interview, definitions were developed for each organisational case, and final concepts were produced.

Results In this chapter, all participants and TAFE contexts are anonymised and pseudonyms are employed. A total of 22 participants with dyslexia, 13 females and nine males were interviewed. Participants were all over 18  years of age. There were 14 participants within the age group of 18–24 years of age; three were in the ages of 25–34; one aged within age 35–44 brackets; three participants were in the ages of 45–54; and one participant was over 55 years of age. The main theme that emerged from inductive coding of interview data with adults with dyslexia can be understood by the umbrella term ‘Social Identity’. This term encompasses sub-themes of personal life histories; perceived discrimination; managed emotions and perceived feelings; perceived difference; and disclosure of disability. Adult students with dyslexia perceived themselves as being different from their peers, had challenging personal life histories, and suffered discrimination within schools and families. In addition to discrimination, adult students with dyslexia perceived they had anxiety and stress-related difficulties, with some suffering from depression.

 ersonal Life Histories of Adult Students Who P Have Dyslexia Personal history is the first theme in developing a model for a ‘Social Identity’. Life history describes one’s personal history as a construct of one’s story (Germeten, 2013). Adult students with dyslexia reported that their personal histories had developed in an environment of confusing events and feelings, which had influenced their adult Social Identity.

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Throughout their childhood and youth, adult students with dyslexia reported that they had experienced marginalisation and stigmatisation resulting in them having low self-esteem and emotional turmoil later in life. Me and my brother used to sit at the table to do our times tables and that I was, I could not do it…. (Nicole, aged 45–54) Look everything has been a struggle especially that Eureka moment when I realised that I needed to learn. I mean I could read a baby book, but I was 15; it is not good. (Albert, aged 18–24)

School was also a challenge for participants, with many adolescents leaving school with limited skills. Often adolescents with dyslexia left school with an inability to read and write, and comprehend and accomplish tasks of everyday life. Schooling was so unpleasant for some participants they had blocked out any memories of their schooling. I just used to get called dumb and a retard and things like that…. (Linda, aged 18–25) I was treated very badly at school by my teachers because they did not understand… They thought I was lazy because obviously, they realised I had some sort of intelligence and they just sort of thought I was lazy. … I left in Grade 9 and I could write my name and my address, and that was about it. (Elizabeth, aged over 55 years) I have very little memory of my schooling, to be honest… I must have blocked most of it out. (Florence, aged 18–24)

The child’s personal history illustrated that families were not supportive of some children with dyslexia. It was reported that as children they felt ostracised by their family and marginalised by the family unit. Some adult students stated being treated differently than other siblings or reported physical punishment for failing to perform at the expected level of their schooling.

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Both my other brothers went to a private school, but I just went to public school right the way through. (Victor, age 18–24) So my mum used to hit me and that, and we used to have a spelling test every Friday. … and I could not get it, and I used to just get floggings. (Nicole, aged 45–54)

Children would eventually develop into adults, where personal histories became an element of their Social Identity as adults with dyslexia.

Perceived Discrimination Discrimination was also commonly reported by adult students with dyslexia. Participants described poor treatment from significant others; behaviours that made them feel excluded, and many became victims of bullying, stigmatisation and labelling. According to adults with dyslexia, intimidation was rife and adverse attitudes of others were evident in society (Bartlett, Moody, & Kindersley, 2010). … when you say you’re dyslexic, people think you’re stupid… I go for interviews with them, they talk slow to me, they talk real quiet, it is, I feel like saying, I’m not stupid. (Gavin, aged 45–54) I was soccer captain and went to states for cross country and athletics… I got voted school captain, through a popularity vote, but the teachers said, but no, Victor is not a suitable role model for the other kids, he is not academic; so they said, why don’t you go and be a House Captain like both your brothers. (Victor, aged 18–24)

In this research, participants noted discrimination by professional personnel with whom they were working. The person that was training me told everyone in the hospital that I was dyslexic, and I came up against huge barriers and lots of discrimination. I got 97.3% on my hospital exams, so I basically got the award for theory, but when it came to giving the award out, she gave it to my girlfriend. (Elizabeth, aged over 55 years)

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I even had a mate who was on the committee for employment and he come out and said, ‘do you know why they knocked you back?’ I said, ‘no’, ‘it is because you’re dyslexic’. (Gavin, aged 45–54)

Discrimination in its many forms is identified by other researchers who study people with disability (Tanner, 2010). This study is not an isolated case where adult students with dyslexia were discriminated against. However, it illustrates that discrimination occurs frequently in both educational and workplace contexts.

Managed Emotions and Perceived Feelings Emotions are the perceived feelings reported by adult students with dyslexia. In this research, participants reported high levels of anxiety, and when this occurred, some could not function academically (e.g. not being able to concentrate and spell). I went to the DSO for the anxiety at first, not so much for the disability. … I had a major anxiety attack after the event [TAFE Students design fashion parade]. And before the phone call this morning, I started to get bad anxiety pains in my chest. (Florence, aged 35–44) As soon as the teacher said, ‘oh, you are going to have a test this afternoon.’ … it just spun me right out. I could hardly listen to what; what else was being said. All I was worried about was the test. (Elizabeth, aged over 55)

In addition to the perceptions of anxiety and worry, adult students with dyslexia encountered other embedded emotions. In sociological inference to emotions, these are managed by the individual, who perceives they have an emotional status (Hochschild, 2012). However, in this research, some adult students with dyslexia had not been able to manage their emotions and had experienced a medical crisis. Just pretty much ashamed and worried, and not being able to cope. (John, aged 18–24)

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… [my girlfriend won the academic prize] it shattered me, it took me probably two years to get over that. (Elizabeth, over 55 years of age)

Perceived Difference Participants reported that they perceived themselves as being different from others, and this shaped their adult Social Identity. I knew I was different from the age of two. (Robyn, aged 45–54) I still feel different. I still feel like I don’t fit in. I feel very different, and I am different. (Florence, aged 34–45)

Consequently, many did not want to make their difference public for fear of further discrimination; this was particularly prevalent in relation to disclosing their disability.

Disclosure of Disability The academic term for formally communicating a disability is ‘disclosure’ (Goldberg, Killeen, & O’Day, 2005; Ridley, 2011). The disclosure was reported by adults, using three categories, which were: open, a need-toknow, and non-disclosure. Disclosure is required for students to access learning support or to receive ‘reasonable adjustment’ to their learning and assessment. In this research, two adult students openly disclosed; four did not disclose, and 16 disclosed on a ‘need-to-know’ basis. However, all adult students described reticence in disclosing. I don’t disclose to everyone because I don’t want to be discriminated against in the course. (Anne, aged 34–45) I haven’t in the past, but… They’ll see my scribe sitting next to me and stuff like that, so it’s obvious that I’ve got a disability worker there, if someone asks, I’m willing to tell them. (Max, aged 18–25)

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 isability Support Officers Describe How They D Support Students with Dyslexia The semistructured interview data emerging from the perceptions of six DSOs focused on their role and the support they provide to students with dyslexia. More specifically, they discussed the support they offer students: to become independent learners and advocate for students with disability; register students with Disability Services; and provide reasonable adjustments to support student learning and achievement. The DSO research participants had a variety of qualifications, some with professional qualifications (e.g. bachelor degrees or post-graduate degrees in nursing, social work, education, and IT backgrounds) and others were business managers or administrators and had certificates, diplomas or advanced diplomas in disability, business management or business. All DSOs engaged in this research were members of the Disability Officer Network, which was perceived to provide them with essential skills and knowledge regarding all disabilities and their equity role.

 isability Officers Support Students to Become D Independent Learners and Advocate for Students Disability Officers are employed to develop skills in students who have disabilities and to prepare them for the learning challenges within TAFE and workplaces. Disability Officers also advocate for students with dyslexia to receive disability funding. There are two types of funding available for adult learners with disability. Formal funding is provided by Australian Commonwealth and state governments and at times, informal funding is available and accessed through private or volunteer organisations. Government funds included the state Vocational Education and Training Disability Support Scheme (VDSS). Commonwealth funding is termed officially as the Disabled Australian Apprentices Wage Support Program (DAAWSP) for apprentices (Department of Education Training and Employment, 2014). Also, some government funding for dyslexia is

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in the form of assistive technology, recently the only support available to TAFE students with dyslexia (Caskey, 2017). The young man felt that nobody really cared, that he’s been fobbed off…. (Simone, Bayview College) I had this young man who I believed needed that assessment so he could then qualify to get the DAAWES funding, so I applied to VDDS, and I put down all the symptoms that I felt he had that indicated he needed this and they for some reason decided, and I had written enough that he could go to his GP [General Practitioner], and get the forms, there’s a form that has to be completed by a doctor or a psychologist … and they then were able to get the assessment done which proved that he had diagnosed challenges and got funding and support. (Simone, Bayview College) I’ve been able to have some students properly assessed, having a psychometric educational assessment. In addition, we’ve been able to get VDSS to approve some Irlen assessments … two students with Dyslexia required Irlen glasses which they could not afford. (Simone, Bayview College)

Thus, DSOs are often autonomous advocates for students with disabilities.

Registration of Students with Disability Services Disability Officers recommended that adult students with dyslexia formally disclose their disability in TAFE (which was unsanctioned in formalised guidelines) in order to access disability services and support. All DSOs spoke of the enforced Formal Disclosure. First and foremost, the students have to provide evidence of disability. (Elizabeth, Cityview College)

DSOs were willing to act as an advocate for students at registration to help students with relevant paperwork and assist with questions in interviews. Disability Officers recognised that some adult students with

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dyslexia are hesitant to disclose for fear of discrimination or losing their apprenticeship. TAFE students with any disability must disclose to gain support. [I ask] ‘Have you started your studies, are you a future student?’ … [you] can then narrow it down to the types of services they might like to participate in … put appointments into the counsellor, appointments for disability services… send out some initial paperwork around disability … register them for disability services so that they start thinking about the types of supports that are available. (Emmy, Cityview College) I ask them and if they can’t complete forms. … I fill it out for them. (Simone, Bayview College) A lot won’t identify because the employer is present and they are worried about not getting or continuing their job … out of 50 people, I would say there would be only about 15–20 [who will disclose] … I think there is a big stigma attached. (Mary, Townclose College)

In this research, the DSOs used Reasonable Adjustments (RA) as the formal support provided for adult students who have dyslexia in TAFE. Reasonable Adjustments are strategies and disability supports that were recommended in legislation (Disability Discrimination Act, 1992) and TAFE disability policies. The four categories in TAFE for supporting adult students with disabilities are implementing assistive technology; supporting disclosure of adult students with disabilities; support and servicing of students with Reasonable Adjustments (RA); referring adult students with disabilities to significant others for psychological and social assistance. According to DSOs, many of the students with disabilities come to TAFE and are aware of their learning difficulties due to the many experiences of past failures. Disability Officers noted that adult students with dyslexia are offered supports such as oral exams, tutors, scribes and note-­ takers, interpreters, and technology in classrooms. They also utilised assistive technology in supporting adult students with dyslexia within the Queensland TAFE sector. Assistive technology includes the computer programs used to assist people who have learning difficulties and can enable adult students with dyslexia to read, spell, and to write assignments.

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However, some DSOs reported that it was a challenge for some students to learn to use assistive technology, especially for apprentices who have only a six-week block period at TAFE. Yet, not all DSOs used assistive technology due to the demands of borrowing the equipment from a central location. More recently we have been able to get Vocational Disability Support Scheme (VDSS) to trial a new software program called GHOT IT. It’s been built by people who have struggled with dyslexia or dysgraphia, and we are just in the process of reviewing how that’s gone with the four students who have been allocated to the program. (Simone, Bayview College)

Disability Officers acknowledged recent changes in funding within Queensland TAFEs that they feared would negatively impact the support they offer students with dyslexia. Less funding potentially for part of the client group with the disadvantaged and lower-level courses being offered. (Neils, Meadowview College) It concerns me that losing those lower-level qualifications [courses]; they won’t get the chance to get those building blocks and get up further. (Sally, Cottonvale College)

However, the DSOs often worked outside of office [paid] hours to support students; helping them with assignment writing for assessment. I’ve got mobile phone numbers to call at night if I ever having trouble studying, so she’s just brilliant. (Victor, Townclose College)

Autonomy and Advocacy Much of the work that DSOs describe can be considered as exercising ‘autonomy’ and ‘advocacy’. Autonomy was operationalised through negotiating and navigating with significant others to provide support through funding (macro-social process); with volunteer agencies and to provide funding without formal disclosure; providing ‘out of hours’

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services; accessing funding from volunteer agencies and other disability agencies for adult students diagnosed with dyslexia in TAFE; and negotiating with disability agencies, employers. They also utilised autonomy by providing funding for students and formalising disclosures, in line with unsanctioned TAFE guidelines. When there was no access to funding outside of the VDSS or DAAWSP funding models, DSOs negotiated with agencies and employment venues on behalf of adult students with dyslexia and assisted students with employment through disability agencies.

 dvocacy in TAFE: Micro-Social Implications A of Advocacy At the micro-social level, DSOs support the wellbeing of adult students with dyslexia, respecting them and providing confidentiality for them in TAFE. Disability Officers were discretionary in their professional agency in order to provide adult students with inclusive practices and services. They decoupled the system’s procedures in order to support adult students. Disability Officers also invest in providing support activities, such as tutorials in libraries, assignment assistance, and other services for all students, who are not funded by disability services. The DSO is the ultimate advocate for the adult student with dyslexia, with some Disability Services Tutors providing associated advocacy in TAFE. The positive outcomes of advocacy (in the research project) included: 1. adult students with dyslexia were provided with information by DSOs about their disability rights, using social justice values and principles; 2. in the provision of support and services for adult students’ needs, DSOs exceeded the TAFE role and were decoupling the TAFE role expectations; 3. confidentiality and privacy were utmost in the minds of DSOs, promoting anonymity in TAFE; 4. caring about educational and social outcomes of adult students with dyslexia, was imperative to DSOs;

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5 . moral and ethical values were endorsed by actions of Disability Officers; 6. encouragement was endorsed by DSOs for adult students with dyslexia; 7. Disability Officers campaigned to support and service all students with disabilities within the five TAFE contexts; 8. Disability Officers and adult students with dyslexia became inspired by the relationship between them; which led Disability Officers to promote and provide their goodwill, good deeds, and encouragement. In addition, DSOs had positive relationships with colleagues, students and clients: 1. positive aspects of advocacy: adult students with dyslexia perceived they became increasingly more independent as learners and had success in course outcomes; due to the advocacy and relationships forged in TAFE with DSOs; 2. advocacy of Disability Officers improved adult students’ quality of life, positive educational and social outcomes, and led to career outcomes for adult students, DSOs became pseudo-career counsellors; 3. positive aspects of advocacy provided adult students with dyslexia more self-confidence to take up the next challenge, which was often employment in their chosen field; 4. Disability Officers were discretionary and this enabled them to become the advocate, and to be autonomous with adult students diagnosed with dyslexia transitioning between the TAFE role, advocacy and autonomy in TAFE. Autonomy and advocacy were thus found to be key strategies employed to support the inclusion of students with dyslexia. They also identified the following ways in which academics could likewise support the inclusion and learning of students with dyslexia. Please note that these strategies can be amended depending on access to funds, technical equipment, time, and autonomy over pedagogies employed.

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Planning • Plan all activities and add to an electronic or paper calendar (Caskey, 2014). • Utilise the study recommendations—making dot points. • Make additional time for assignment presentation—to complete on time. • Speak to the employer and lecturers regarding a timeline; do not over-­ load with tasks (e.g. when at university, do a part-time load instead of a full-time program) (Reid, 2009).

Reading • Reading with rulers and highlighting essential sentences/paragraphs, to be used later in assignments. • Double spacing written format in documents, using Arial/Open Dyslexic font. • Mortimore (2008) makes a number of suggestions of reading and revision, including making use of schema theory. Caskey (2014) promotes scrapbook diagrams. • Purchasing the textbook and using Dragon Naturally Speaking© or Text Reader© (Caskey, 2014). • Using Dragon Naturally Speaking© that will read PDF and Word files in full. • Reading texts in chunks (preferably paragraph by paragraph) and taking notes; firstly, reading abstract and conclusion, and further reading the text after knowing the content of the article.

Writing • Mind mapping for chapters and assignments—this can help students clarify the requirements and content of assignments (Mortimore, 2008). • Scaffolding assignments using topics to frame the assignment (Mortimore 2008, p. 101) and tables for learning with the main topics can be utilised (Caskey, 2014). • Creating concept maps (Mortimore, 2008).

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• Repeating and rewriting assignments in mapping books used to write and structure tasks (Caskey, 2014). • Utilising Grammarly© or another similar computer program for spelling and grammar (i.e. not a text reader). • Utilising Dragon Naturally Speaking© or another similar computer program (e.g. reader and a voice to text program). • Using Google© for simple sentences or quick interpretation of grammar and spelling, if writing emails.

Spelling • Using Dragon Naturally Speaking© or Word© (Find and Replace) or Grammarly©, select spelling appropriate for English. • Double-checking words on Google© and in Grammarly© to see the spelling is correct. • Utising word associations with the code, the alphabet for spelling. • Using a hard-copy dictionary. • Using an electronic spell checker. • Using sight words in spelling to correct words and know when to use phonics.

Technological/Human Support • • • •

Dragon Naturally Speaking©; Ghot It©; Google for Dyslexia© (Chrome); Grammarly© (Caskey, 2017; Reid, 2009).

Proofreading • Printing off every page of all documents because many students cannot read online. • Proofreading written paragraphs; using arrows and symbols to highlight where the error has occurred when offering feedback on written

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text, and identifying where sentences and words can be moved or re-­ written (Caskey, 2014; Reid, 2016). In line with the premise of this collection, inclusive education is essential for engagement and learning. The strategies listed above can be utilised to help support students who have various disabilities in higher education.

Conclusion This chapter describes the micro-social focus of both Disability Officers and adult students with dyslexia, as the interaction and the relationship occurring between them emerged in TAFE.  These micro-social factors illustrate the ‘advocacy’ and ‘autonomy’ of DSOs. The research identifies that DSOs exercise professional agency, and advocacy, regardless of their autonomy. Lipsky (2010) noted that advocacy and autonomy can exist independently of each other and that most professionals can operationalise them to a certain degree. The most positive outcomes were the specific practices employed to support adult learners with dyslexia that were not limited to the role of DSOs. Autonomy and advocacy can be operationalised in many different ways by people occupying varying roles in higher education. These features are a mindset rather than a fixed behaviour, and we are all capable of exercising them to a certain degree. I encourage us all, to consider the Social Identity of adult learners with disability in educational policy and practice in higher education.

References Ainscow, M., Booth, T., & Dyson, A. (2006). Inclusion and the standards agenda: Negotiating policy pressures in England. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 10(4–5), 295–308. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). (2016). Disability, ageing and carers, Australia: Summary of findings, 2015. ABS Catalogue No. 4430.0. Canberra: ABS.

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Forlin, C. (2002). Trialing the index for inclusion in Western Australian schools. Retrieved December 2019, from http://www.det.wa.edu.au/inclusiveeducation/detcms/portal/ Forrester, B., Longyear, M., & Hall, M. (2016). Adolescent learning disability, functional neurological management in a 13-year-old female. Functional Neurology, Rehabilitation, and Ergonomics, 6(3), 335. Germeten, S. (2013). Personal narratives in life history research. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 57(6), 612–624. Goldberg, S. G., Killeen, M. B., & O’Day, B. (2005). The disclosure conundrum: How people with psychiatric disabilities navigate employment. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 11(3), 463–500. Good Education Group. (2018). The good universities guide 2018. Melbourne: Good Education Group. Graham, L., & Slee, R. (2007). An illusory interiority: Interrogating the discourse/s of inclusion. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 40(2), 277–293. Graham, L., & Sweller, N. (2011). The inclusion lottery: Who’s in and who’s out? Tracking inclusion and exclusion in New South Wales government schools. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 15(9), 941–953. Hochschild, A. (2012). The managed heart: Commercialization of human feeling. Berkley, CA: University of California Press. Kilpatrick, S., Johns, S., Barnes, R., McClennan, D., Fischer, S., & Magnussen, K. (2016). Exploring the retention and success of students with disability. Perth: Curtin University. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.ncsehe.edu. au/publications/exploring-the-retention-and-performance-of-studentswith-disability/ Lipsky, M. (2010). Dilemmas of the individual in public services (30th anniversary expanded ed.). New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Miles, M., Huberman, M., & Saldana, J. (2014). Qualitative data analysis: A methods sourcebook (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mortimore, T. (2008). Dyslexia and learning style: A practitioners’ handbook (2nd ed.). West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons. Nair, G., & Kigotho, M. (2017, April). Disturbing effects of VET reforms on TAFE teaching units. Paper presented at the 20th Australian Vocational Education and Training Research Association (AVETRA) Conference, Melbourne, Australia. Peer, L., & Reid, G. (Eds.). (2013). Dyslexia – Successful inclusion in the secondary school. Abington: Routledge.

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Part VI Conclusion

19 Inclusion in Practice: Operationalising Principles of Inclusion and Diversity Gail Crimmins

Introduction In this chapter I discuss how the equity principles shared by contributing authors can be operationalised. The principles include learner centredness, cohesive commitment to inclusivity, epistemological equity, and adopting a radical approach to inclusivity in universities. Learner centredness requires that students’ existing situations, identities, capabilities, and interests/priorities are considered in the development and delivery of all curricular. A cohesive commitment to inclusivity requires that equity principles should be shared by every department, program, centre and service within an institution, and all main stakeholders including local government, ‘feeder’ schools, and local industry. Epistemological equity is achieved when a diversity of knowledge, knowing, and knowers are included in all areas of the academy. Finally, a radical approach to supporting inclusivity and diversity in higher education engages legislative or G. Crimmins (*) University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia e-mail: GCrimmin#@usc.edu.au © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7_19

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policy enforcement by a body external to the university such as government or an independent body, and takes the form of affirmative action. By adopting a plasticity methodology, I envision that these principles can be ‘translated’ to both fit the existing shape, and to re-shape, other higher education environment/s. In addition, and notwithstanding the nuanced contexts of each institution (including the micro-climates within each educational environment—Renn, 2020), I invite you to consider how you might adapt these principles to support the inclusion process. I finally discuss the importance of maintaining up to date statistics on the demographic and identity status of staff and students in higher education (HE) to monitor inequity across lines of race, gender, class/socio-­ economic status and dis/ability; an argument established in Chap. 1 (Crimmins, 2020). I extend this position by sharing Gale’s (2015) contention that the porosity of international boundaries requires us to consider equity policy and practice both within and outside of national/ geographical borders. I therefore suggest that our next phase of equity strategy be based on data that has captured the situations (including country of origin, gender identity and sexual orientation, age, race/ethnicity, socio-economic status, and dis/ability) of students and faculty within and across international institutions.

Learner Centredness The most broadly encompassing principle underlying inclusive strategy and equity interventions identified in this collection is learner centredness. Even though contributing authors differ in their geographical and demographic situations, roles within higher education, and specific areas of research and/or practice, they each base their equity strategy on learner centredness. Learner centredness requires that students’ existing situations, identities, capabilities, and interests/priorities are considered in the development and delivery of all curricular. Curricular in this context is understood as the total learning experiences of individuals and can include intentional and unintentional learning opportunities, and formal and informal learning interactions and processes. Focusing on students’ existing situations, capabilities, and aims from the outset eradicates the

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requirement to create parallel learning experiences for particular students or student groups. Learner centredness works on the premise that non-­ traditional learners do not possess a ‘deficit’ identity or situation, or a ‘lesser’ set of skills, knowledges, social or cultural capital; they simply possess a different situation and set of capabilities from most traditional learners. A learner centred response to engaging students in higher education from non-traditional backgrounds is the development of university outreach programs. Geagea and MacCallum (2020) provide an example of a learner centred approach to the development of a series of co-developed curriculum-based outreach programs developed by university, school and industry professionals. The suite facilitated by university and industry professionals bolstered the navigational capacity of students across 23 secondary schools in low socioeconomic (LSES) locations. Navigational capacity refers to the journey from secondary to tertiary education. Geagea and MacCallum’s (2020) research identified that resource-rich, school-based outreach programs can build positive school environments and that participating students can develop higher education aspirations, positive personal development, and stronger social and cultural connections with their parents and carers, teachers and friends as a result of engaging in the outreach initiative. Outreach programs can thus successfully build pathways that permit a more seamless transition from school to university for participating students and helped them realise their successful navigation from secondary to tertiary education. Learner centredness can also be used to create a climate that supports the engagement and learning of students who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI+). Renn (2020) recommends student centred practices for the creation of positive micro-­ climates for LGBT students, and although she does not refer to Queer and Intersex students in her study, I include Q and I students plus a ‘+’ symbol to represent that the suggested interventions can extend to include these community. Learner centred strategy to support the inclusion of LGBTQI+ students include: creating spaces and events for LGBTQI+ students to meet, socialise, and feel accepted; asking all students their preferred name at the beginning of semester and using that name in all interactions with them; ensuring that university buildings (including

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halls of residence) include washrooms and lockers with clear signage that is inclusive to transgender students; including LGBTQI+ scholarship or issues within the learning materials and reading lists to provide ways for students to engage intellectually with material related to their identities, and to help non-LGBTQI+ students broaden their perspectives; ensuring that LGBTQI+ students are not isolated during group work; knowing the specific resources the campus has for LGBTQI+ students and hosting the information on the course/faculty Learning Management System. Finally, Mckendry and Lawrence (2020) recommend that the creation of champion groups or networks to take forward inclusion work across institutions and the HE sector; and the designation of a trained and well-­ publicised named contact within institutions for trans and gender diverse people, are also learner centred interventions that support LGBTQI+ feel safe/r in HE institutions. These above-listed interventions place LGBTQI+ students at the centre of the learning environment and contribute to a culture of inclusivity that might also support other non-­ traditional learners too. Learner centredness incorporates underrepresented groups’ knowledges, interests, and preferred ways of learning in higher education. This means that the university does not require students to fit into their existing cultures, but the university adapts to better fit the needs of an increasingly diverse student body (Lathouras, 2020). Tazewell (2020) demonstrates how learner-focused teachers can create inclusive environments through employing a ‘funds of knowledge’ approach to curriculum design and pedagogy. The process involves recognising that students have knowledge and life-skills, that can be bootstrapped (Pinker, 1995) to academically valued knowledge to generate deeper and more personally meaningful learning in culturally appropriate ways. Similarly, Next Steps, a program specifically designed to meet the needs of adult learners with intellectual disability, operationalise learner-­ centredness through scheduling planning meetings between students and program leaders, to provide the context for making decisions about all aspects of a student’s college experience—academic courses, work experiences, campus involvement, supports, and much more (Bethune-Dix et  al., 2020). Subsequently, once the program of study has been co-­ designed, students meet weekly with an advisor to discuss their progress

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toward personal goals (my emphasis), coursework, career aspirations, independence, and other topics. Such collaborative practice assists students to further develop skills related to decision making, problem solving, goal setting, self-management, and self-advocacy. For Grimes (2020) learner centredness means adopting an ecological approach to all processes within academia. An ecological approach concentrates on the capacity of the higher education institution to be accessible and adaptable to the needs of all students (Ebersold, 2008), views diversity as a source of enrichment, and prioritises development of human capital. More specifically, Grimes (2020) identifies that an ecological approach to curriculum development involves creating opportunities for students to take an ‘enrolment break’, or undertake compressed or intensive courses, to have flexible study options; to access ‘quiet zones’ for study; have staggered assessment submissions; and to not have to complete high stakes assessment items. Finally, students with disabilities (SWD) can be supported to feel more connected and supported in their study by engaging with peers and teaching staff in both formal and informal learning environments (Grimes, 2020). This last intervention— opportunities for students with disability to engage and develop relationships with academic staff—allows staff to become aware of students’ social identities and to encourage SWD to disclose a disability, which improves their likelihood of academic success (Caskey, 2020). Relatedly, being learner-centred requires developing learning processes and assessment practice that suit the preferred learning style of students. According to Tazewell (2020) Westernised curriculum design that requires students to work as individuals rather than part of a collective can lead to a disconnect for those from more collectivist cultures. A learner centred principle may also be operationalised, then, through the development of group-based learning processes and assessments or providing students with the choice to work individually or through groupwork process. Finally, learner-centredness involves creating opportunities for collaboration, discussion and peer-based problem solving both inside and outside of formal learning spaces. For most traditional learners, a sense of belonging or place-making is achieved through residing in halls of residents, joining sports societies, and socialising during nights, which

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generate informal networks in which students share problems and find academic and social solutions (Mannay & Ward, 2020). However, non-­ traditional learners such as international or mature-aged students are not always able to access these forms of social interaction. Operationalising learner centredness might therefore involve developing opportunities/ spaces/places for non-traditional learners to meet each other outside of the formal learning environment or whole of institution social events. The Coffee Club (Mannay & Ward, 2020) is an example of such an initiative which fostered an open, inclusive space where undergraduate students, postgraduate students and some academic staff, who had also been non-traditional students or who were familiar with the barriers, could drop in and share their experiences with each other. Similarly, Lathouras (2020) introduced dialogical ‘cultural circles’ with international students to foster informal discussion, friendship and problem solving. The cultural circles were a weekly gathering between international students and researchers engaged in participatory action research designed to support the learning and well-being of international students. Thus, learner-­ centredness involves creating opportunities for social networks to be developed and sustained. There are therefore various ways in which to engage learner centredness but what is common to the way the principle has been operationalized in the case studies presented in this collection, is that students’ existing situations, identities, capabilities, and interests/priorities form the basis of the development and delivery of both formal and informal curricular. It is perhaps ironic that this collection seeks to critique and address many of the inequities propagated by the individualisation and responsibilisation instigated by neo-liberalist regimes of management in higher education, by seeking to create curriculum that meets the individual situations, knowledges and needs of students. Yet learner centredness does not focus on ‘private troubles’ (Gale, 2015) because individuals’ needs are not considered to be deficit, their knowledge is understood to be a valuable resource, and their situation/s are conceptualised as a context on which to build new learning opportunities.

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Cohesive Commitment to Inclusivity A second principle on which equity strategy and intervention can be built is cohesive commitment to inclusivity by academic and stakeholder organisations and individuals. Several contributing authors identify that strong support for diversity and inclusion should be embedded across all schools and centres in an institution. A truly inclusive program should reach into every department, program, centre and service within an institution (Bethune-Dix et  al., 2020) and extend to all main stakeholders including local government (Allnatt, 2020), schools, parents and local industry (Geagea & MacCallum, 2020). University cohesion and commitment to inclusivity can address the burden of ‘doing equalities’ in HE, a burden which is predominantly adopted by women, LGBQ+ and racialised people, and it is often exhausting and often isolating work (Taylor, 2018). In addition, individual practitioners and academics who undertake equalities work often lack workload capacity and/or the knowledge, confidence, and intra- and inter-institutional connections to engage in meaningful actions to tangibly advance equalities (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2020). It’s vital, therefore, if ‘doing equalities work’ in HE is to be sustained that a whole of institution commitment to inclusivity is established by providing workload and training/professional development to support equity workers in their task and engaging students and staff from across all areas of an institution. A specific intervention to support students who identify as staff includes the creation of champion groups or networks to take forward inclusion work across institutions and the HE sector (Mckendry & Lawrence, 2020). However, upskilling and providing workload (also understood as allocated paid hours within one’s contract) to champions who are well-trained requires a whole of university commitment to equity. Full organisational commitment is also required in order to include students who are refugees because a successful equity intervention involves not ‘officially’ enrolling students on a validated university program (because this entails universities having to enact a form of border control). Not formally validating university courses but running them (and enrolling refugee students into them), such as the OLIve course,

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allows students to enrol into specialised courses and receive visitor access to the library, IT systems, university buildings and even to the many events and support services (Lounasmaa, 2020). This form of ‘stealth activism’ requires all sectors within the university to demonstrate a cohesive and sustained commitment to equity and inclusion. It is crucial that a commitment to inclusivity and diversity is shared by the key stakeholders with whom universities work. To ensure that Next Steps Programs are growing in the desired direction, guideposts are established, against which progress can be evaluated. These guideposts refer to the students’ whole learning journey and involve assessing students’ engagement among alumni, families and employers. The program recognises that inclusivity of education is contingent on the commitment to equity from all stakeholders, and that external organisations need to share a cohesive vision or concept for what inclusive education requires. Without a ‘joined up’ commitment to inclusivity from alumni, families and employers, students cannot experience a consistency of support and guidance. Allnatt’s research (2020) identifies that the educational attainment of adults who are care leavers is as much the responsibility of local authorities as it is universities. Without the continued support of local authorities to provide financial, housing and emotional support to those leaving care and transitioning to higher education, and financial security and vacation accommodation for those attending university up until their 25th birthday, students who are care leavers would face almost insurmountable barriers. In concert, the Children’s Act (2004) identified the need for the Director of Children’s Services to oversee the education and social service functions of local authorities to bridge this divide; and attend to emotional and physical wellbeing, and educational achievement, simultaneously (Harris, 2004). The benefits of a cohesive equity vision and commitment to inclusivity and diversity can therefore address the exhaustion and isolation of ‘doing equities work’ by providing workload and specialised training to support equity workers. It can also be operationalised when IT services, the library, and resource management work with curriculum designers and academics to create opportunities for refugees to ‘unofficially’ but legally access both academic and university support services. Moreover,

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universities are only one organisation which impact students’ learning environment, alumni, family, and employers also need to engage with equity practices in order to realise student inclusion. Finally, it is essential that local authorities work with universities to ensure that care leavers and/or vulnerable others are provided appropriate financial, emotional and social care alongside academic guidance and support, in a coordinated and cohesive manner. Inclusive and diverse learning environments cannot be sustained unless all interested parties, or key stakeholders, work together for the same goal.

Epistemological Equity Epistemological equity, or the inclusion of a diversity of knowledge, knowing and knowers in the academy, is a central principle on which much suggested equity strategy and intervention in this collection is based. The nature of what is considered valuable/worthy/worthwhile/ valid knowledge, ways of knowing, and knowers, determines who is admitted, what is studied, and how ‘the what’ is studied and communicated in the academy. That is, the composition, focus, and activity of academia are related to epistemology. Many of the contributing authors have identified that a narrow, masculinised, Westernised epistemological focus dominates the academy and serves to maintain deeply embedded inequities within the academy (Bertrand Jones, Ford, Pierre, & Davis-­ Maye, 2020; Gordon & Bose, 2020; Lathouras, 2020; Lounasmaa, 2020; Tazewell, 2020; Verge, 2020). In order to be fully inclusive, these authors propose epistemological expansion, also known as epistemological equity. To situate refugees as holders of knowledge, and their lived experience as valuable resources, Lounasmaa (2020) employs Life Stories as part of an inclusive pedagogical and collaborative strategy. Working on, and against, the premise that refugee and minority students’ expertise is devalued, Life Stories are used to provide an opportunity for students to relate their lived experience and understanding to conceptual/theoretical constructs. The process also encourages students to become authors and experts in their knowledge. Relatedly, Lounasmaa (2020) developed a co-authored paper with 22 students engaged in the course, published in

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the Forced Migration Review (Lounasmaa et al., 2019) to highlight the issues students themselves wanted educators and policy makers to hear, and as an exemplar strategy of inclusive education process. Such practice expands what is considered valid or valuable knowledge, knowers, and ways of knowing and communicating knowledge. Verge (2020), as part of mainstreaming gender in the Catalan University system, demonstrates how to ensure women’s epistemic and discipline specific contributions are made visible by producing gender-­ balanced reading lists and highlighting women’s philosophical, theoretical and innovative contributions to disciplines in syllabi. Ensuring that students engage with a balance of experts by providing role models to both male and female students is another gender mainstreaming strategy. Ensuring that women, and their insights and ways of knowing, are mainstreamed within all curricula can contribute to epistemological equity, The Research BootCamp®, a culturally relevant and sensitive mentorship, socialisation and writing program designed by and for Black women, was established to redress the absence of Black women and their knowledge in the academic curricular. The BootCamp® is an intensive, one-­ week program, held bi-annually in which, since the start of the program in 2005, 149 women have participated. Bertrand Jones et  al. (2020) explain that at Research BootCamp, each participant is paired with a Senior Scholar Mentor, a tenured Black woman faculty or retired faculty, who provides one-on-one coaching and mentoring throughout the week. A specific component of epistemic equity is the Research BootCamp’s model of culturally responsive mentoring designed to help offset the consequences of the academy’s toxicity to Black women (Bertrand Jones et al., 2020). Tazewell (2020) describes how the strengths and knowledge that ‘non-­ traditional’ learners already hold can be identified and mobilised through socially just processes to become valued within, and contribute to, the higher education (HE) learning environment. She employs a ‘funds of knowledge approach’ to curriculum development and pedagogy to support epistemological equity and to change traditional power relationships, to allow learning to develop in ways which are contextually relevant. Tazewell (2020) specifically discusses how she employs Ríos-Aguilar, Marquez-Kiyama, Gravitt, and Moll’s (2011) four stage approach to

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bridge the gap between lifeworld knowledge and what is considered academically valuable knowledge. First, she supports students to recognise that they hold valuable knowledge; second, she values students’ funds of knowledge as ‘useful knowledge’; third, she offers students the power to ‘interrupt(s) the traditional exchange-value process, and shift what type of knowledge has value’ by creating co-curricular development opportunities; and fourth, she creates an environment where students can use their funds of knowledge for themselves in meaningful ways. This approach to co-developing knowledge with learners supports the expansion of what is considered valuable knowledge, and who is valued, in academia. Gordon and Bose (2020) illuminate the marginalisation of certain epistemological perspectives in doctoral programs in the UK. In response, they advocate for the need for doctoral programmes to create opportunities to dismantle regimes of representation through practices of deconstruction and to support new interactions across disciplinary boundaries. Citing how some scholars are pushing forward conversations on decolonisation, such as Why is my Curriculum White, Rhodes Must Fall Oxford and Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall, and building on movements in South Africa (Bhambra, Gebriel, & Nişancıoğlu, 2018), Gordon and Bose (2020) highlight that it is possible to challenge omissions in curricula and question the epistemological authority assigned to the Western university as the privileged site of knowledge production (Emejulu, 2017). They finally consider the doctoral program as a site for radicalism in the form of a plurality of bodies, alongside a shared commitment to flatten hierarchies and engage in critical reflection on the various authorities and epistemologies afforded by one’s position in HE. Correspondingly, O’Sullivan (2020) reminds us that to enhance participation and be informed by the insights of First Nations’ scholars we need a radically altered education system, and a willingness to tear down the structures that maintain exclusion. They further note that Indigenous-­ led imperatives, informed by cultural connectedness and meaning for First Nations’ communities are required to challenge existing structures and rebuild new forms of academia. Finally, because inequity and balance can only be maintained by those in power, it is essential for First Nations’

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People and Community be positioned to make, enforce, and sustain higher education policy. To conclude, epistemic equity can be achieved through the inclusion of a diversity of knowledge, ways of knowing, and knowers in the academy. It can be operationalised through employing creative and participatory pedagogy in which knowledge production is co-created and disseminated with students. Epistemological plurality can also be achieved through mainstreaming gender in the curricular; mobilising the funds of knowledge of non-traditional learners; through deconstructing the traditions of knowing and knowledge within doctoral programmes, repositioning First Nations peoples and community in policy making roles, in order to diversify the bodies of knowledge (both literally and metaphorically).

 dopting a Radical Approach to Inclusivity A in Universities A final principle on which much of the suggested equity strategy and interventions rests is the need to take a radical approach to supporting inclusivity and diversity in higher education. Including legislative or policy enforcement by a body external to the university such as government (Verge, 2020) or an independent body (Pilkington, 2020); and affirmative action (Bertrand Jones et  al., 2020; Chanana, 2020; Pilkington, 2020; Tazewell, 2020; Verge, 2020). Pilkington (2020) identifies that a radical approach to inclusivity requires a shift from a ‘liberal’ position to a ‘radical’ perspective on the promotion of equality. A liberal position supports ‘fair procedures’ so that everyone receives the same treatment and ‘justice is seen to be done’ (Noon & Blyton, 1997, p. 177); whereas a radical approach ‘suggests that policy makers should be concerned with the outcome, rather than the process, and should therefore be seeking to ensure a fair distribution of rewards’ (Noon & Blyton, 1997, p.  182). Pilkington (2020) contends that higher education institutions will not create fully inclusive and diverse environments unless they are required to take radical action with

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a focus on equitable outcomes. That is, institutions need to provide evidence that change has occurred, not merely an intent to create change. More specifically, he suggests that ameliorative action needs to include stringent auditing of a university (whether that be the demographic of its staff, students, etc.), which is undertaken by an independent body. Further, the findings from the independent audit need to be transparently reported and used to inform further ameliorative actions. Finally, Pilkington (2020) advises that there is a need to focus on race equality rather than equality in general or other equity agendas. Verge (2020) discusses the coupling of quality assurance with equality, and a close evaluation of the impact of e/quality, to assure the implementation of gender equity in the Catalan university system. The strategy works on the premise that what is not measured is rarely implemented, and even more rarely sustained. Thus, to both create and protect gender mainstreaming strategy for Catalan universities, feminist academics and women’s organizations joined with women politicians to develop the Law on Effective Equality of Women and Men (Act 17/2015). Article 28 of the Act (Act 17/2015) established that undergraduate and postgraduate programs must mainstream gender in all knowledge areas and be incorporated into the core curriculum. It also required universities to guarantee that all teaching staff be adequately trained in the gender mainstreaming process and engage with key scholarship within Women’s Studies. Crucially, the legislation created evaluation guidelines with which university degrees must comply in order to meet various quality assurance standards. Finally, each faculty or school must provide evidence on how their internal quality assurance system incorporates a gender perspective (Verge, 2020). Therefore, mandating gender mainstreaming (through legislation and translated into university quality assurance measures) allows gender equality to be ‘repositioned at the center of debate, policy, and practice’ (Luke, 1997, p. 445). In response to the fact that most decision-making roles such as membership of executive, academic and administrative committees in Indian universities are held by men, Chanana (2020) recommends affirmative strategy, including: an expansion of women only institutions; the rotation of leadership especially chairing of departments; quotas for women as members of decision-making committees; leadership mentorship from

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start of women’s academic careers; and government-led support for women to enter senior management positions. She discusses how these interventions were successfully integrated into the Capacity Building of Women Managers in Higher Education (CBWM) program that was run in India between 2003–2013. The program, which received government funding and support, focused on fixing the systemic structural barriers within universities, and not fixing women academics. Thus, for many of the contributing authors in this collection, a radical approach to supporting inclusivity in higher education requires a focus on ‘results’ not processes, policy enforcement and evaluation by a body external to the university, and affirmative action.

Translating Strategy and Intervention Each of the authors in this edited collection has presented the geographical and educational contexts in which their suggested equity strategies and interventions reside. This is deliberate. Strategy and intervention need to align with particular institutional contexts; and what is possible in one institution depends on what has gone before, the mission of the university, government or education funding body imperatives, as well as the composition of senior academic management, staff and students. One size policy can never fit all. For these reasons strategy and intervention cannot simply be appropriated from one context for use in another. I therefore urge you not to ‘pick and mix’ the interventions discussed in this collection, or directly apply them to a new context without understanding the nuanced context of the organisation in which you work, and without liaising to key stakeholders (including students, academics, and professional staff). Notwithstanding, I have presented above the main principles on which equity strategy and intervention can be built. I therefore invite you to ‘translate’ these principles and adapt them to your institutional environment. By adopting a plastic methodology, I envision principles as porous, malleable and adaptable, and a useful resource for equity activism.

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A plastic methodology situates equity practitioners, policy makers, and academics as ‘actants’ with the capacity to re/shape equity principles into contextually appropriate strategy and intervention. Catherine Malabou’s philosophical concept of plasticity (Malabou, 2010), which has since been adopted/adapted by Jasmine Ulmer (2015), works on the premise that all material, including people, policy statements, discourses, and principles, can produce, as well as receive and change form (Ulmer, 2015). Correspondingly, Bennett (2009) purports that we each have a capacity to be shaped by and to re-shape ideas, principles, and policy. Furthermore, new contexts invariably change the shape or form of the principle we seek to apply. Yet, this process does not bastardise the principle, it simply cultivates a new iteration of it. Principles, from this perspective, are never static or to be reified; they are dynamic and are to be adopted and adapted. The lens of plasticity also allows us to identify waves of change in higher education practice/s which further affords us the opportunity to reject the ‘inevitability’ or the ‘ahistoricity’ of neoliberalist ideas and policy within HE. Removing the notion of inevitability affords us the opportunity to think and practice in other ways. It frees us from fatalism and from repeating or re-rendering the inequitable structures that currently exist in HE. Plasticity thus allows us to hope and strive for other ways of managing equity and diversity. I thus invite you, through adopting a lens of plasticity, to translate the main principles on which the strategy and interventions presented in this collection are based and adapt them to the shape (in order to reshape) your institution or environment. In this context translation is understood to be a creative, empathic, context-informed, practice. I accept (with Ainscow, Booth, & Dyson, 2006) that inclusion is a process, a never-­ ending search to find better ways of responding to diversity, and that there are a range of vehicles available for acting on any issue. I also identify that the principles of inclusion identified in this chapter can be operationalised through various vehicles including the development of a mission and vision statement, policy change, staff recruitment and promotion, outreach programs, liaison with key stakeholders, curriculum development, inclusive pedagogies, and projects that support student and staff relationships. Whilst each principle can be deployed

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individually, I’d advise considering the employment of a combination of the principles because diverse learners and knowledges needs to be at the centre of equity policy and practice; learning occurs in an eco-system which involves local government, industry, families and HE institutions; and radical approaches are required because the odds are already staked in favour of straight, white, male, middle-class, ‘able’ academics an students.

Limitations and Recommendations The basis of the interventions and strategy presented in this collection, is founded on well-established, verifiable statistics that ‘are easy to grasp and to channel into public policy narratives’ (Gale, 2015, p. 262). Additionally, the individual chapters offer specific strategy and interventions that provide evidence of successful approaches to inclusion, engage with the l literature that exists in their field, and provide a geographical and educational context for the inclusion intervention/s that they employ. This contextualisation allows you to consider the strategies included in the collection as historically, socially and culturally contextualised solutions to highly complex issues. Yet, the four main principles on which the interventions and strategy are based can be adopted/adapted to help re-­ shape all HE institutions by supporting the inclusion of a plurality of bodies and bodies of knowledge in the academy. Although it’s not commonplace to include a ‘limitations and recommendations’ section within a volume of essays, I use the following section to acknowledge the limitations of the volume and suggest new lines of inquiry and action to support inclusion and diversity within academia. In the first chapter of this collection I offered an overview of international statistics to demonstrate structural inequity across the international academy along lines of race, gender, class/socio-economic status and dis/ ability. I posited that generating and using large data sets, presented as easy to understand formats such as statistics, can provide accessible information to help researchers, citizens, and politicians to understand and discuss society ‘as a whole’. They also help us to identify who is and who is not included in various levels of academia (Crimmins, 2020). Such

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information can be used to directly address any identified areas of under-representation/s. However, I also cautioned that statistical data is only credible if people accept the limited range of demographic categories that are on offer, and that there are some data sets that are not yet readily available. For instance, we have yet to gather comprehensive data on staff and students who identify as transgender or non-binary; the production of statistics identifying people on the basis of their race or ethnicity is strictly controlled and discouraged under current French and Canadian law (Farkas, 2017); and most statistics on in/equity in HE are based on the Global North. Yet a further limitation is the range of statistics we have available relating to the flow of staff and students across national boundaries. The number of students studying outside their country of origin has increased and continues to increase exponentially (Institute of International Education, 2010). As a result, most universities in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) nations now operate in a global HE field. So to focus on equity at national levels without a consideration of influences beyond the nation, ‘is a failure to recognize how the global plays out in local contexts’ (Gale, 2015, p. 263). This emerging landscape therefore requires transnational organisations, such as universities, to consider and engage equity transnationally. The statistics we gather from now on, and on which we base equity strategy, thus ought to be based on the situations (including country of origin, gender and sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, socio-economic status, and dis/ability) of students and staff within and across international institutions. If we are to support the inclusion of a plurality of bodies and bodies of knowledge in the academy, we must continue to work as equity actants, engage the principles, strategy, and interventions shared within this collection; and encourage (our) university data collection units to capture data that will support us to work transnationally. We must also work as an international community to share data and strategy in order to cultivate an environment where equity policy and practice moves as frequently and smoothly as ‘the flows of people, ideas, information, institutions, capital, and so on, across (state and national) boundaries’ (Gale, 2015, p. 264).

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References Ainscow, M., Booth, T., & Dyson, A. (2006). Improving schools, developing inclusion. London: Routledge. Allnatt, G. (2020). The impact of stigma, placement instability and individual motivation on successful transitions in and through university for care experienced young people. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Bennett, J. (2009). Vibrant matter. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Bertrand Jones, T., Ford, J. R., Pierre, D. F., & Davis-Maye, D. (2020). Thriving in the academy: Culturally responsive mentoring for Black women’s early career success. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Bethune-Dix, L., Carter, E., Hall, C., McMillan, E., Cayton, J., Day, T., … Bauer, E. (2020). Inclusive higher education for college students with intellectual disability. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Bhambra, G. K., Gebriel, D., & Nişancıoğlu, K. (Eds.). (2018). Decolonising the university. London: Pluto Press. Caskey, J. (2020). A case study of the educational experience of adult students with dyslexia across five TAFE Institutes in Queensland. In G.  Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Chanana, K. (2020). Women and leadership: Strategies of gender inclusion in institutions of higher education in India. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Crimmins, G. (2020). Structural inequality in higher education. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Ebersold, S. (2008). Adapting higher education to the needs of disabled students: Developments, challenges and prospects. In Centre for Educational Research and Innovation (Ed.), Higher education to 2030 – Vol. 1: Demography (pp.  221–240). Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD).

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Emejulu, A. (2017, January 12). Another university is possible. Verso. Retrieved November 2019, from http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3044-anotheruniversity-is-possible Farkas, L. (2017). Data collection in the field of ethnicity. Analysis and comparative review of equality data collection practices in the European Union. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Gale, T. (2015). Widening and expanding participation in Australian higher education: In the absence of sociological imagination. Australian Educational Researcher, 42(2), 257–271. Geagea, A., & MacCallum, J. (2020). Murdoch’s Aspirations and Pathways for University (MAP 4U) project: Developing and supporting low SES students’ aspirations for higher education participation using school-based university outreach programs. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Gordon, R., & Bose, L. S. (2020). Reflecting on representation: Exploring critical tensions within doctoral training programmes in the UK. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Grimes, S. (2020). Student suggestions for improving learning at university for those with learning challenges/disability. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Institute of International Education. (2010). Atlas of student mobility. Washington, DC: Institute of International Education. Jackson, S. (1987). The education of children in care. Bristol: University of Bristol. Harris, B. (2004). Overview of every child matters (2003) and the children act. Pastoral Care in Education, 24(2), 5–6. Lathouras, A. (2020). A critical-relational approach to community development that increases well-being, learning outcomes and retention of international students. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Lounasmaa, A., & Esenowo, I. with OLIve Students. (2019). ‘Education is key to life’: The importance of education from the perspective of displaced learners. Forced Migration Review Special Edition on Education, 60, 40–43. Retrieved December 2019, from https://www.fmreview.org/sites/fmr/files/ FMRdownloads/en/education-displacement/OLIve.pdf

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Lounasmaa, A. (2020). Refugees in neoliberal universities. In G.  Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Luke, C. (1997). Quality assurance and women in higher education. Higher Education, 33(4), 433–451. Malabou, C. (2010). Plasticity at the dusk of writing: Dialectic, destruction, deconstruction. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Mannay, D., & Ward, M. R. M. (2020). The Coffee Club: An initiative to support mature and non-traditional higher education students in Wales. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Mckendry, S., & Lawrence, M. (2020). Trans inclusive higher education: Strategies to support trans, non-binary and gender diverse students and staff. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Noon, M., & Blyton, P. (1997). The realities of work. London: Macmillan. Office for Students (OfS). (2019). Annual funding. Retrieved November 2019, from https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/advice-and-guidance/fundingfor-providers/annual-funding O’Sullivan, S. (2020). Killing the Indigene: Interrogating the support of First Nations’ diversity in the modern university. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Pilkington, A. (2020). Promoting race equality and supporting ethnic diversity in the Academy: The UK experience over two decades. In G.  Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Pinker, S. (1995). Language acquisition. Retrieved December 2018, from http:// users.ecs.soton.ac.uk/harnad/Papers/Py104/pinker.langacq.html Renn, K. (2020). Success for LGBT college and university students. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Ríos-Aguilar, C., Marquez-Kiyama, J., Gravitt, M., & Moll, L. (2011). Funds of knowledge for the poor and forms of capital for the rich? A capital approach to examining funds of knowledge. Theory and Research in Education, 9(2), 163–184. Taylor, Y. (2018). Navigating the emotional landscapes of academia: Queer encounters. In Y. Taylor & K. Lahad (Eds.), Feeling academic in the neoliberal

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university: Feminist flights, fights and failures (pp. 61–86). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Tazewell, S. (2020). Using a funds of knowledge approach to engage diverse cohorts through active and personally relevant learning. In G.  Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Ulmer, J. B. (2015). Plasticity: A new materialist approach to policy and methodology. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 47(10), 1096–1109. Verge, T. (2020). Mainstreaming gender into the quality assurance of higher education programs. In G. Crimmins (Ed.), Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy: Higher education, aspiration and inequality. Palgrave Macmillan. Welsh Government. (2016). When I am ready: Good practice guide. Cardiff, Wales: Welsh Government. Retrieved December 2019, from https://gov. wales/sites/default/files/publications/2019-05/when-i-am-ready-good-practice-guide-march-2016.pdf

Index1

A

C

Academic authority, 164 Adapted assignments, 315 Anti-intellectual, 4 Asylum seeker, 88, 89, 91 Athena SWAN, 72, 74, 79, 166, 208

Care leavers, 214, 226, 267, 269, 270, 272–274, 278, 280, 281, 386, 387 Class-based inequalities, 226 Climate, 15, 65, 95, 183–191, 193, 194, 195n4, 381 The Coffee Club, xxxi, 225–240, 241n6, 241n7, 384 Community, xxx, xxxii, 15, 19, 39, 52, 61, 71, 72, 78, 79, 80n1, 99–117, 126, 130, 132–136, 150, 155, 156, 184, 193, 195n1, 209–213, 218, 234, 248–251, 269, 289–291, 301,

B

Black and Minority Ethnic (BME), 30–32, 38–40, 42 Black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME), 6, 8 Boundary setting, 10 Bourdieu, P., 248

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 G. Crimmins (ed.), Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04174-7

401

402 Index

303, 310, 311, 313, 316, 319, 320, 322, 324, 347, 356, 381, 389, 390, 395 Community of practice, 110, 212, 213, 256

International students, xxx, 49, 50, 55, 99–117, 195n4, 216, 384 Intersectionality, 73, 75, 76, 127 L

D

Decolonise, 63, 89 Disability Officers, 364–369, 372 Dyslexia, xxxii, 253, 353–372

Learning disabilities, 340, 354 LGBT, LGBTQI+, 183–194, 195n4, 381, 382 Life Story, 85–87, 93, 95, 387 Low SES (LSES), xxxi, xxxii, 13–15, 287–304, 381

E

Engendering higher education, 164 Equality units, 168, 169, 176 Ethnicity, 5–7, 9, 30, 50, 135, 218n1, 259, 380, 395

M

Master-narrative, 124, 128–129, 137 Metrics, 86, 89–91, 323 Microaggression, 189, 191, 193 Minority stress, 189, 191

F

First Nations, xxx, 69–80, 389, 390 Forced migrant students, 87 Freire, P., 92, 102, 103, 107 Funds of knowledge, xxxi, 247–262, 382, 388–390

O

Open Learning Initiative (OLIve), 86–92, 94–96, 385 P

G

Gender-blind, 143, 164, 167, 171, 176 Gender mainstreaming, 166, 168, 169, 174–177, 388, 391

Participatory Action Research (PAR), 100, 104–106, 384 Pedagogical caring, 104 R

I

Indigenous, 3, 7, 9, 17, 69–76, 78, 80, 249, 289 The individualist turn, 10, 12 Intellectual disability, xxxii, 309–324, 382

Racism, xxix, 4, 29, 30, 39, 40, 42, 58, 123, 124 Reasonable adjustment (RA), 329, 331, 357, 363, 364, 366 Refugees, xxx, 85–96, 97n6, 289, 385–387

 Index  S

T

Sandboxing, 229 School-based outreach programs, 288, 381 Science in Australia Gender Equity (SAGE), 72–74, 78 Social mobility, vii, 11, 19, 226, 230, 268, 288, 290, 303 Socioeconomic status (SES), xxix, 5, 10, 11, 15, 19, 40, 115, 230, 270, 287, 288, 380, 394, 395 Structural inequality, 3 Student-centred pedagogy, xxx, 87, 95 Students with disability/students with disabilities (SWD), 17, 18, 195n4, 310, 311, 317, 322, 329–331, 334, 336, 338, 345–347, 358, 365–367, 369, 383 Student voice, xxxi, 93, 94, 315

Transgender, 3, 77, 144, 184–187, 191–193, 382, 395

403

U

Universal design for learning (UDL), 315, 316 W

Widening participation, vii, 31, 32, 34, 38, 89, 90, 96n3, 226, 247, 249, 277, 288, 329 Women of Colour, 75 Working class, xxxi, 3, 14, 15, 60, 90, 204, 227, 251, 290