Stories in red and black: pictorial histories of the Aztecs and Mixtecs 9780292708761, 9780292791848, 9780292719897

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Stories in Red and Black

Stories 1n Red

fs Pictorial Histories of the Aztecs and Mixtecs

Elizabeth Hill Boone

ha p> University of Texas Press, Austin

Copyright © 2000 by the University of Texas Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First edition, 2000 Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to Permissions, University of Texas Press, Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819.

© The paper used in this book meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) (Permanence of Paper).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Boone, Elizabeth Hill. Storics in red and black : pictorial histories of the Aztecs and Mixtecs / Elizabeth Hill Boone. — Ist ed.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-292-70876-9 (hardcover : alk. paper)

1. Manuscripts, Nahuatl. 2. Aztec painting. 3. Nahuatl language—Writing. 4. Manuscripts, Mixtec. 5. Mixtec art. 6. Mixtec language—Writing. I. Title. Fi219.54.A98 B66 2000

972’ .o1—ddc21 99-6214 Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Millard Meiss Publication Fund of the College Art Association.

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Parr, In thi in tlapall, the black, the red, these are the writings, the paintings, the books, knowledge. Nahuatl metaphor, adapted from Sahagun, bk. 10, ch. 29

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Contents

Preface Xl Chapter 1 Configuring the Past I Chapter2 History and Historians 13

Chapter3 Writing in Images 28 Chapter 4 Structures of History 64 Chapter 5 Mixtec Genealogical Histories 87 Chapter6 = Lienzos and Tiras from

Oaxaca and Southern Puebla 125

Chapter7 Stories of Migration, Conquest, and Consolidation in the Central Valleys 162

Chapter 8 Aztec Altepetl Annals 197 Chapter9 — Histories with a Purpose 238

Notes 251 Bibliography 267 Index 285

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ustrations Ill |

Figures 1. Formula for calculating the variance of a sample, 37 24. Mixtec place signs, 52

2. Instructions for operating a hot air dryer, 37 25. Aztec place signs, 53 3. Pictorial representations and ideograms related to 26. Expressions of birth, marriage, and parentage, 56

conquest and war, 33 27. Expressions of death, 57

4. Pictorial representations of material things, 34 28. Accession of rulers, 58 5. Ideograms for “day” and a painter painting a div- 29. Speech and meetings, s9

inatory almanac, 35 30. Natural and climatic phenomena, 60 6. Name sign of Ahuitzotl, 36 31. Reading order of six Mixtec screenfolds, 62 7. Mixtec and Aztec place signs of Yucu Dzaa or 32. Musical notation: stanza 2, Dumbarton Oaks

Tututepec, 36 Concerto, 66

8. Place sign of Chiyo Ca’nu, 37 33. Labanotation: excerpt of “Gentleman in Black”

9. Place sign of Culhuacan, 37 trom The Green Table, 67

10. Phonetic indicators used in Aztec place signs, 37 34. Annals history, Codex Mexicanus 71-72, 68

u. Name signs for Spaniards, 38 35. “Time Tee” of the College of William and 12. Day signs in Mixtec and Aztec manuscripts, 40 Mary, 70 13. Year signs in Mixtec and Aztec manuscripts, 47 36. Calvin and Hobbes comic strip, by Bull

14. Signs for quantities, 43 Watterson, 71

15. Males in the Mixtec and Aztec codices, 44 37. Codex Selden 6, 73 16. Females in the Mixtec and Aztec codices, 44 38. Codex Selden 7, 74 17. Aged persons in the Mixtec and Aztec codices, 45 39. Codex Selden 8, 76 18. Dead persons in the Mixtec and Aztec codices, 45 40. The Feuillet system of dance notation, recording

19. Indications of rank, occupation, and status, 46 © The Pastoral? 77

20. Indications of ethnicity, 47 41. Chart of the route of Napoleon’s army to and

21. Mixtec name signs, 48 from Moscow, 78

22. Aztec name signs of the Mexica rulers, 49 42. Codex Xolotl map 1, 80 23. Foundation elements for Mixtec and Aztec place 43. Time-geographic model of the activities of a

signs, 50 family over a single day, 82

Xx ILLUSTRATIONS

44. Lienzo of Zacatepec I, 83 85. Diagram of the ruler lists on the Lienzo of

45. Codex Boturini 13, 85 Thuitlan, 140

46. Codex Vienna Obverse 52, 90 86. Lienzo Seler II, 143 47. Codex Vienna Obverse 52b—sra, 91 87. Lienzo of Philadelphia, 144

48. Codex Vienna Obverse 49d, 91 88. Diagram of the Selden Roll, 146 49. Codex Vienna Obverse 48, 92 89. Lienzo of Tequixtepec I, 147 50. Codex Vienna Obverse 42bed, 93 90. Lienzo of Tlapiltepec, 148 51. Codex Vienna Obverse 38c—37abc, 95 g1. The origin stories in the Lienzo of

52. Codex Vienna Obverse 18ab—17) pleas aut Dp ample—although Caso (1971: 346-347) has suggested CF. TS Cae NZ

instead that the year was named for the last day of the eo Bae

last “month,” before the five useless days. Among the ————Aztecs and Mixtecs, these year bearer signs were Rab- g (a 3

bit, Reed, Flint, and House (Fig. 13). Among the Tla- \ panec and Cuicatec, the year signs were Deer, Grass, RSE Movement, and Wind.’ The year signs, like the day en signs, repeated serially, as did the numbers 1 through 13 that accompanied them, so that the year 1 Rabbit was EA followed by 2 Reed, 3 Flint, 4 House, 5 Rabbit, 6 Reed,

and so forth.*? This great cycle, created by the correspondence of the 260 days of the sacred count and

the 365 days of the vague year, contained fifty-two years i (or four year signs X 13 numbers), after which 1 Rab- Or)

bit would come around again, and the year count oD AS would then continue again with 2 Reed. The Aztecs ? called the years xzhuitl, which means both year and tur- son e

ean

quoise, and when they represented an unnamed year, Bi .

Cours: a

42 WRITING IN IMAGES (Fig. 13a); they either attached the year name to it or Reed, day 1 Crocodile (combining the first number, the embraced the year sign in the arms of the A-O (Smith first year sign, and the first day sign), appears twenty 1973a: 22). The Aztecs enclosed the year name in a rect- times in the Vienna Obverse and 1s frequent in other angular cartouche, one that was almost always painted manuscripts; it has been identified as a metaphor for blue or turquoise (Fig. 13b). Some variation to this beginnings, especially the beginning of royal dynasties. rectangular cartouche was allowed, however, for the The year 13 Rabbit, day 2 Deer, appears eight times in painter of the Tira de Tepechpan (Fig. 127) enclosed the Vienna Obverse; it, too, 1s associated with beginthe year names in circular cartouches of different col- nings, as well as with actions, place signs, and ators.*! Similarly, the painter who designed the cosmo- tendants of the archetypal priest Lord 2 Dog. Other gram on page 1 of the Codex Fejérvary-Mayer painted metaphorical dates are 5 Flint, 5 Flint; 7 Flint, 7 Flint; circular cartouches with yellow frames around the four 1 Rabbit, 1 Rabbit; 9 Rabbit, 5 Wind; etc. Most, if not

year bearers. all, of the year and day date combinations in the Vienna

The vast majority of dates appear in the pictorial his- Obverse are metaphorical rather than chronological. tories in order to place an event firmly in time. They Many are associated with particular place signs, either signal to the reader when an action or activity occurred. being the date of their founding or combining the day But both Aztec and Mixtec histories also contain dates names of their founding couples (or both at the same that are so wrapped in strong associative meaning that time). When these nonchronological dates appear in these metaphorical signals dominate the temporal ones. the historical manuscripts, they are functioning not The Aztecs, probably the commoners as well as the in- as factually secure temporal markers but as signals of tellectuals, associated the year 1 Flint with great begin- larger metaphorical messages.*? nings. This year, 1 Flint, was the year the Mexica left Calendrical Correlation. Although scholars are still Aztlan to begin their long and arduous migration; this debating which is the first “month” of the Aztec year 1 Flint year initiates the year count, so that in the Codex and when this year began, there is agreement about the Mexicanus (Fig. 142) the Mexica are depicted actually general correlation of the Mexica and Spanish calenstepping up on the ribbon of time, which begins when dars. Tenochtitlan fell on August 13, 1521, 1n the Julian they leave Aztlan. On 1 Flint years the Mexica also calendar; this was the day 1 Serpent in the year 3 House seated their first monarch, Acamapichtli, and their third (Caso 1971: 346-347). That year in the Mixteca was monarch, Itzcoatl, who established the empire (Boone 2 House (Smith 1973a: 22), however, for there is a 1992: 152—153). The year 1 Flint is the date used in the 40-day difference between the year bearers of the two Codex Xolotl to mark the founding of polities, where counts (the Mixtec 2 House is 40 days before the Mexit functions less as an actual year than as a signal that the ica 3 House). The Aztec year 2 Reed (the time of the polity is being founded (Figs. 42, 120). The year 1 Rab- New Fire ceremony and the beginning of the Aztec bit carried strong, but dire, associations. It was the year cycle) was the Mixtec year 1 Reed (the beginning of of the great famine of 1454, when droughts and pests their cycle). Several scholars have proposed even more had destroyed the crops and many of the people in Cen- variation in the year counts employed throughout Central Mexico perished or sold themselves into slavery in tral Mexico in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, sayorder to survive. The year name 1 Rabbit came thus to ing that as many as thirteen different year counts were carry this meaning, and one finds that 1 Rabbit years simultaneously in operation, including separate ones in are often associated with droughts or famine in the his- the neighboring cities of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, Textories. The years absorbed meaning from the outstand- coco, Cuitlahuac, and Culhuacan (which allegedly had

ing events or individuals linked to them. two different ones). I am not convinced by these proThis is even more true in the Mixteca, where certain posals, however, and elsewhere have argued against day and year combinations carry metaphoric meaning them; certainly, one does not see such variation in the that outweighed any chronological import. Two dates pictorial codices.*° in particular appear frequently in the Codex Vienna Amounts. For amounts of things—but not for date Obverse, where the painter describes how the Mixteca numbers—the Post-Classic Mexican painters drew was created and geographically arranged. The year 1 upon a slightly larger repertoire of signs. In the Codex

PICTORIAL CONVENTIONS 43

Selden (3a), the painter took advantage of a symbol very much like a corn cob to represent 20 (Fig. 14d). characteristically used among the Maya and Zapotec Aztec painters indicated amounts of 400 witha stylized (among other peoples): a bar to represent 5. He ex- feather and 8,000 with a bag of incense (Fig. 14ef ).*° plained the preparation of twenty sacred bundles by All these numerical symbols only appear occasionally painting four bars to indicate the amount of 20 (Caso in the historical codices when the painters must ind11964a: 29, 76; Pohl 1994b: 28). This use of the Maya cate great quantities of a thing, as, for example, in the and Zapotec bar ts relatively rare in the Mexican picto- Codex Telleriano-Remensis (39r), where the painter rials, however.** I do not know of an instance where an records that 20,000 victims were sacrificed at the dedAztec painter used it. Instead the painters of the central ication to the Templo Mayor. Most of the time there valleys usually linked five disks together with an under- was no need in the painted histories to record large line, or occasionally they would link five strokes with a quantities of people or objects. One finds these symbridge (this especially in cadastral registers, where it bols much more frequently in economic and cadastral may represent a postconquest variation on the linked documents.

disks [Fig. 14ab]). The scribes never used bars, flags, feathers, or 1n-

For quantities of 20, Mexican painters usually used cense pouches with dates or day names, which bebanners, stringing the banners together to reach higher longed to a different conceptual category, at least numbers. For example, in explaining how the Mexica among the Mixtecs. The painter of the Codex Selden, ruler Cuitlahuac died after eighty days in office, the for example, may have used four bars to indicate an painter of the Codex Aubin attached banners to four amount of twenty bundles, but when he identified the blue disks symbolizing 20 * 4 days (Fig. 14¢). In what Tilantongo heir, Lord 2 Rain, with his personal name seems to be a regional variation of this, the painters of of 20 Jaguar, the painter drew twenty separate black such ‘Texcocan manuscripts as the Codex Xolotl and disks (Selden 6b). Apparently Aztec and Mixtec manuMapa Quinatzin replaced the banner with something

ab

Fig.14. Signs for quantities: ab, 5; c, 4 X 20 days; d, 5 X 20 days; e, 400; f, 8,000. Drawings by John Montgomery. Sources: a, Osuna 16v; b, Kingsborough 207r; c, Aubin 7sr; d, Quinatzin 1; ef, Mendoza.

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44 WRITING IN IMAGES

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abcd

Fig. 15. Males in the Mixtec (ab) and Aztec (ed) codices. Drawings by John Montgomery. Sources: ab, ZoucheNuttall 63a, 74d; c, Boturini 1; d, Mendoza 6rr.

script painters used only disks when they indicated terize them as having a particular rank, status, or occu-

numbers in names and dates.*° pation (elder, ruler, warrior, priest, etc.) or a particular Duration. Occasionally in the historical codices, the ethnicity. Moreover, most of the individuals appearing painters wanted to indicate the passage of a quantifi- in the historical codices were named—with personal able amount of time, although they did not necessarily names or calendrical names or sometimes both. want to give beginning and ending dates. In these in- Gender. Males and females are distinguished by their stances they used the symbols for “day” and “year,” re- hair and costume (Figs. 15, 16). Males usually wear their peating them, employing the conventions for amounts, hair shoulder-length or shorter, usually with bangs. or some combination of the two to yield amounts. The Both males and females can wear earrings, necklaces, Mapa Sigiienza painter recorded the number of years and nose ornaments, but only men wear lip plugs. Men the Mexica lingered in different locations during their always wear loincloths, usually white, that are tied in migration by painting the appropriate number of blue the front and have panels hanging down (Fig. 15). Aldisks near the place signs. The painter of the Codex though these loincloths are not always visible, usually Aubin (72v) indicated that Moctezuma Ilhuicamina one sees the panels hanging beneath other garments ruled for twenty-nine years by depicting nine mosaic (such as the hip cloth or tunic) or jutting out between

disks of turquoise and a tenth disk with a banner the knees in seated figures, or one sees the loincloth

attached. band around the waist. Aztec, but not Mixtec, men usually wear a distinctive cotton cloak that was knotted

Deena Over Gus shoulder (the ti/matl; Fig. 1scd); it and the

loincloth were the fundamental garments of the Aztec Persons, whether human or supernatural, were identi- man. Both Aztec and Mixtec men often have decorafied in the codices according to different levels of spe- tive bands around their calf muscles but are otherwise cificity. Their character or nature was usually indicated bare-legged. through their physical features, costume, or pose. The Women wear their hair longer: down to the middle manuscript painters always identified individuals as be- of the back when it hangs loose. Usually, however, ing male or female, and they additionally could charac- women’s hair either is gathered in a low bun at the nape Fig. 16. Females in the Mixtec (ab) and Aztec (ed) codices. Drawings by John Montgomery. Sources: a, Bodley 3b;

b, Zouche-Nuttall 9a; c, Boturini 1; d, Mendoza 61r. -

Tan. 2 Zk We

idee Se ae ST ati T/ Ow ¥ } _\ LIPS 2OOW ies == wa Mh= y| yok. P Gi (Fe =:

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:a

PICTORIAL CONVENTIONS 45

, Sill Uy A } I-QI : KF © S sect P ye 4

of the neck or is twisted or braided into two separate en RIT ANN th pK a We

cords that are pulled from the nape of the neck around fo) : wo \ Le o Bs ib the sides of(Fig. the 16acd). head toThe theresult forehead fOr: AeGES ra NS : Ny intertwined is thatwhere womenthey of- &are AN CO]a oN

| ee | =e aS & aan’ t\

ten look like they have two horns of hair emerging from > l L/) a afm near their temples. In some Mixtec depictions, these (tS 4 NN cae CRE ies

cords of hair are laced with brightly colored ribbons ee . ae (Fig. 16a). Women always wear a long, ankle-length

skirt, bodices covered by a /uipil a tunic Sake their po re aa , Fig. 17. Aged persons in the(like Mixtec (a) and Aztec (b)

withue closed sides under the arm; Fig.by 16cd) or a quech; codices. Drawings John Montgomery.

a 52 Vienna 49a; b, Mendoza 6rr. times with the points in the front and back; Fig. 16b).*”

guemitl (like a poncho, open under the arms, some- ,

Sources: a,

These same clothes and hairstyle continue to be worn

in traditional communities today. Both males and fe- child-bearing experience; then she is shown without males can be shorn or barefoot, and both wear a vast her clothes (but with jewelry and headdress), with pen-

array of headdresses. dent breasts and folds of skin over her abdomen, the reMen sit on the ground or a raised surface with their sult of her prior pregnancies. This marking may be legs bent at the knees in front of them (Fig. 15). In Mix- more related to the events being described than to her tec manuscripts women usually sit this way, too. Very actual condition, however.*° occasionally Mixtec women sit with their legs bent be- Old age carries its own marking and its own meanneath them, in a manner that has been called the “Az- ing (Fig. 17). Aged individuals are shown toothless or tec women’s pose.” Since Aztec women uniformly sit with one snaggly tooth, their lower lips sagging. They this way in the codices, this pose is considered a marker might also have scraggly hair and, in Aztec manufor Valley of Mexico influence on a codex (Fig. 16c).*8 scripts, wrinkles on their face. Age marking can indeed Age. The individuals are almost always represented refer to old age, but more often it carries the respectas adults, neither particularly young or old. Infants and ful meaning of an elder or an esteemed one. In Mixchildren only figure in the histories if they are actively tec manuscripts, as Smith (1973a: 32) points out, only pictured being born or are being held by their mothers priests, special advisors, and mythological persons are as part of the presentation of a dynastic founding; and marked as aged. The primordial couples in Aztec and in these relatively rare cases they appear as small, un- Mixtec manuscripts are always aged. Death is signaled clothed adults.*? Occasionally the history calls for a by an individual having closed eyes or being wrapped woman to be marked as being mature and nominally of as a funerary bundle (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Dead persons in the Mixtec (ab) and Aztec (cde) codices. Drawings by John Montgomery. Sources: ab, Bodley 3c, 4c; c, Tepechpan 12; de, Mendoza 2v, 4v.

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46 WRITING IN IMAGES Rank, Occupation, and Temporary Status. Certain A special type of priest, the sacrificer or yahui, appears ranks, occupations, and temporary states of being were in Mixtec codices configured as a fire serpent and turtle

pictorially identified in the codices. Generally rulers, combination (Fig. 19f ). priests, and sacrificial victims are so designated, and oc- Sacrificial victims are characterized by the white

casionally warriors are. banners they carry, the distinctive white headband they Aztec rulers usually wear a pointed turquoise dia- wear, and a black line painted horizontally across their dem (the xzhuztzollz), sit on a woven mat or throne, and eyes (Fig. 19h). In Aztec manuscripts the headband 1s

have a speech scroll issuing from the mouth to signal embellished with balls of eagle down and the body 1s they are a “speaker” or tlatoani (Fig. 19a). Mixtec rulers covered with white chalk.** are not usually distinguished from other lords, except Warriors, when they are distinguished, carry weapthat two Mixtec rulers, Lords 8 Deer and 4 Wind, went ons, wear short tunics that represent their quilted cotto great efforts to gain a Mexican symbol of office, the ton armor, and have their hair cut and bound up in the turquoise nose ornament that identified a lineage head, warrior’s topknot (Figs. 3b, 19g).** High-status warwhich they subsequently wore as a symbol of this rank riors are further identified by their elaborate costumes:

(Fig. r9c).*! full body suits of brightly colored feathers, great head-

Priests are identified in both Aztec and Mixtec cod1- dresses or zoomorphic helmets, and intricate standards ces by their costuming, accoutering, and body color- attached to the back, which together signal rank. ‘These ation. Specifically, priests wear a short fringed tunic, military distinctions appear especially in manuscripts carry on their backs a distinctive gourd for holding to- of the Aztec realm, where the warrior’s occupation was bacco, and usually have black skin (from applications an established career. They tend to be absent in the of ashes); often they are marked as aged (Fig. 19de).*” Mixtec histories, which show rulers conventionally goFig. 19. Indications of rank, occupation, and status: a, Aztec ruler; b, Aztec ruler identified as the cisuacoatl; c, Mixtec lord wearing the turquoise nose ornament; d, Aztec priest wearing a.vcolli with a tobacco gourd on his back and carrying a long-handled incense burner and incense pouch; e, Mixtec priest wearing a xzcolli; f£, Mixtec yahui priest sacrificer; g, Aztec warriors; h, Mixtec sacrificial victim. Drawings by John Montgomery. Sources: abdg, Mendoza 3V, 2V, 63r, 644; c, Zouche-Nuttall 75; e, Bodley 7c; f, Vienna 8c; h, Selden sd.

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2 Soa

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PICTORIAL CONVENTIONS 47

lartucostume. \f 4) | ie (> CA F apm ing to war or doing battle without changing their regu- Q, Ve a

Although most occupations are not separately spe- AN Ze}

cified in the pictorial histories, the titles of a few 1m- i~ r" GE tog portant offices are occasionally notedexample, in Aztec manu// Shs AJay . -ripts by the use of glyphs. For the title of y XG scripts by the use of glyphs. For example, the title o LY} \\ SS See

the ciuacoatl (woman serpent), who was the empire’s Lud second administrator (after the emperor), was ren- a b

(Fig. 19b).*° . ; :| :eo " 7G 2 | ) AND NIM ‘ : ,Sean Mini‘eae a “4 A SSK

dered as a glyph of a serpent with a female head

Ethnicity. Ethnicities, too, could be distinguished by en Pp A physical features and costuming. One of the most dra- ee PD Th

matic markings identifies the so-called “Stone Men,” an a : \

who apparently were earlier (Classic period) inhabi- Moni 4 - |\ tants of the Mixteca and whose defeat ledHH, to the rise 5 MA ee .)) YM of the dynasties recorded in the Codices Bodley and a —— —

Zouche-Nuttall; the Stone Men are characterized by eee d

: :fo: hile : C) Ager. ode eh

aa, : ~ = + mt e eo OR mind * ~~” -" Ss ‘ aad . nae

Fig. 34. Annals history from 4 Reed (1483) to 2 Rabbit (1494), Codex Mexicanus 71-72. Photographs courtesy of

throne and 1s identified by his name sign, a water beast ticipants in the story—those who do the deeds or who (combining the elements of a rodent and water). The are affected by the events—are not highlighted. Rulnext year, in 8 Reed, the historian recorded the dedica- ers and other important persons will be pictured and

tion of the newly renovated Templo Mayor. named, to be sure, but ordinary humans are absent unMoving to the next page, the annalist uses a com- less they have been placed there to symbolize the acbination of conventions and pictorial representations tions they perform, such as the Matlatzinca and Mexto record a series of natural disasters. In 10 House, the ica warriors. To discover the subject or protagonist of convention for “movement” surrounded by angular the history, we must look for the entity that is involved shapes and rubble indicates that an earthquake rocked in all these events. That entity is not an individual perthe land. Then in 11 Rabbit the painter describes a dev- son or a family but the community as a corporate body. astating hailstorm that was so severe that the fish in the Just as Labanotation records the movements of the diflake died: we see the heavy clouds, the fierce rain and ferent parts of a human body over time, the Aztec anlarge hailstones, and the fish floating belly up. Disaster nals record the varied events that affect the community, struck again in 12 Reed, where a descending footprint, the altepetl, over time. Altepetl, the Nahuatl word for a grasshopper, and a maize plant together describe how community kingdom or city-state, translates into a plague of grasshoppers swarmed down to devour the Spanish as pueblo, and like pueblo, it carries the meaning crops. Finally, in 13 Flint, the image of the sun (drawn of a place (a town or city and its surrounding lands) ina European manner, it is true) signals a drought that and a people.

parched the land.° The place where all this action occurs is not usually

In these annals, history is structured around time, specified because the events are assumed to take place the events arranged as pictures and conventions around in the altepetl whose history it is. The exceptions are the year count, and often directly linked to specific years events that involve other altepetl or other places, and in by a line. The events are clearly presented, but the par- those cases, the other polities are named. Conquests,

TIME-LINE PRESENTATIONS 69

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the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

for example, where Aztec armies were victorious over are marked according to forty-year intervals, so that near or distant peoples, are always accompanied by the each loop of the time line equals eighty years. conquered place signs, because the identity of the con- The anonymous college historian represents the quered polity 1s a fundamental part of the event. founding of the college as the momentous event it was, These features of the Aztec annals might seem to an event from which the entire history stems. He or form a unique genre for writing history pictographi- she depicted it larger than the other events and dated it cally, one that is particular to the Mexica and their precisely to 1693. The royal charter that established the contemporaries. This is not the case, however. Other college is represented by the picture of the two British historians in other times and places have solved the monarchs, William and Mary, sitting on their thrones. problem of painting a history in a similar way. A com- The abbreviations “QM” and “KW” are their name parison with other painted annals forms can help to tags (equivalent to name glyphs), which identify them

put the Aztec features in sharper perspective. conventionally as Queen Mary and King William in The same structural features we noted in the Aztec case there would be any confusion. Soon thereafter, annals characterize the painted history of the College the painter notes that the first building was constructed of William and Mary, which was crafted on the occa- IN 1695-1697. sion of the college’s 300th anniversary and printed on As in the Aztec annals, significant events in the coltee shirts (Fig. 35). The alumni office billed it as the lege’s history are recorded by conventionalized depicWilliam and Mary “Time Tee.” The story of the col- tions of persons or by iconic images. Important carly lege begins in the lower left, then runs to the right, up events include Benjamin Franklin’s honorary degree, and to the left, and so on in a boustrophedon pattern George Washington’s chancellorship, and the first law that carries the story to its grand finish at the top. Al- degree. Crossed rifles (equivalent to the Aztec conventhough all the vears are not individually named, they tion for war) signal that the college was occupied by Federal troops during the Civil War, when Union sol-

70 STRUCTURES OF HISTORY

PLT ee

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*" sain He Couees _

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the change in location. taining to the same subject. We can call them eventThis William and Mary annals history is close con- oriented histories. The Romans called them res gestae, Se)“deeds Bar ey {Bed HOW ARE THINGS GOING ? ra Ms | Pipe but they are more complex both in their imagery and te. ne E] me YOR ee CALMIN, oo “9 “

in their stories. Bill Watterson, author of the Calvin and E; os | WL ve Me iat

Hobbes comic strip, has organized a simple story in al ea: < =A three distinct scenes, separated from each other by a RP 4 aH * va BEG vertical line (Fig. 36). Each scene has its own internal : esa

72 STRUCTURES OF HISTORY

Hobbes have moved away from the mailbox and are a place ringed by clouds (Smith 1983a: 252-255). The crossing what we then assume is a yard, garden, or date attached to Jaltepec’s place sign tells us that 10 Eawoods. The place is not specified; instead, it 1s charac- gle’s victory occurred on the day 4 Wind in the year terized visually in the same way that desert areas in Az- 4 House. Immediately thereafter the story shifts to a tec migration histories might be pictorially described. new scene in a new place: Lord 2 Rain, 20 Jaguar, apTime 1s not treated at all except as sequence and except pears at a cave containing sacred objects. From other for the sense that one scene follows the other without sources, we can surmise that he was responsible for this much delay. Precise time is not an issue for this story. attack on Anute, although the Selden historian does In the Codex Selden, the Mixtec historian is telling not tell us this directly. In any case, Lord 2 Rain does a very different and much more complex story, but he not again figure in the story told in the Selden. tells 1t in roughly the same manner as a series of events The narrative then returns to 6 Monkey, the daugh(Figs. 37, 38, 39). The codex recounts the dynastic his- ter. Accompanied by the old priest 10 Lizard (6c), tory of the ruling family of Magdalena Jaltepec, known 6 Monkey meets with the wizard or sorcerer named as Anute in pre-Columbian times, a Mixtec town in 6 Vulture, who advises her to go into hiding, his words southern Mexico on the edge of the Aztec empire. By rolling from his mouth in speech scrolls. Lady 6 Monreading a section of it, the three pages covering the life key follows his advice and pictorially dives into the of Lady 6 Monkey, we can see clearly how the Mixtec earth, which is identified by the square of wavy diaevent-oriented histories present the past as a sequence monds and circles that reflect the scales of the earth of events. The codex reads from bottom to top, back crocodile. Footprints direct her into the earth and back and forth in a boustrophedon pattern, with red guide- out. These three events—the consultation, her hiding, lines to separate the registers and establish the stream and her emergence—flow into each other to span the of events. There are no vertical lines to separate the 1n- entirety of register c. dividual scenes, which often flow into adjacent ones, The uppermost register (d) of page 6 pictures her and some scenes continue upward from one register to and Lord 11 Wind in a conference with the supernat-

the next. ural Lady 9 Grass, who resides at Skull Place (ChalcaLady 6 Monkey’s life begins at the bottom right tongo). Speech scrolls from the mouth of 9 Grass unite of page 6 (Fig. 37), with the conventional image of 6 Monkey and 11 Wind as betrothed. The date of this her birth, seated with a red umbilical cord attached to conference and engagement appears on the register beher rump from a yellow placenta. Her calendar name, low, attached by a line to Skull Place; the day 1s 6 Liz6 Monkey, floats above her, while her personal name, ard in the year 5 Reed. The offerings the couple have Serpent Quechquemitl, covers her chest and shoulders. brought to 9 Grass follow on the top register and onto Her birth is one event, but she also faces and is there- the first register of page 7 (Fig. 38). Then, on the day fore in conference with an old man, a priest (by his cos- 1o Wind in the year 10 Reed, seven individuals — tume) who has the calendrical name to Lizard and the including the engaged couple, 9 Grass, and perhaps personal name of Jeweled Axe.” The time that has the priest 10 Lizard—dance around a man playing a elapsed between 6 Monkey’s birth and this conference slit gong drum. What follows next 1s the actual maris not specified. In the second register (register b), the riage of 11 Wind and 6 Monkey, who are shown bathaction shifts to 6 Monkey’s father, 10 Eagle, who 1s ing together (a convention for marriage) in the year 12 actively engaged in defending Jaltepec from the attack House, the day 7 Flower (7a). Gifts—likely the male of Lord 3 Lizard, whose invasion 1s indicated by the and female costumes of rule—follow in register b. The footprints on the road under him. Both 10 Eagle and individual scenes of betrothal, dancing, and marital 3 Lizard carry the shields and obsidian clubs of war, but bathing might seem part of the same marriage cere10 Eagle has 3 Lizard by the hair and has clearly de- mony, except that the dates tell us that these separate feated him. Jaltepec, or Anute (Place of Sand), is events took place over a seven-year period. identified by pictorial elements in the place sign (the The narrative shifts again in register b to a scene scroll of sand and the mouth element that carries the at Anute where the old priest 10 Lizard holds gold phonetic reading of “a”), and it is visually described as and jade before Lords 2 Flower and 3 Crocodile and

EVENT SERIES OR RES GESTAE PRESENTATIONS 73

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Fig. 37. Codex Selden 6, a Mixtec res gestae history recording the life of Lady 6 Monkey. The page traces her stor from her birth to her betrothal to Lord 11 Wind:

a Birth of Lady 6 Monkey; she confers with 1o d (ys Reed do Lizard) 6 Monkey and Lord 11 Wind

Lizard. are betrothed by Lady 9 Grass at Skull Place (Chal-

b (y4 House d4 Wind) 6 Monkey’s father 10 Eagle catongo); offerings follow.

defends :Anute; 2 Rain visits cave shrine.MS. , Arch. Selden. A.2. The Bodleian Library, Oxford,

¢ 10 Lizard and 6 Monkey confer with 6 Vulture, who advises her to go into hiding; she does so and then emerges later.

hal ’ ae :

74 STRUCTURES OF HISTORY

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CARTOGRAPHIC PRESENTATIONS 81

Tenayuca, the large place sign below (west of ) Lake In such cartographic histories, time is the most amTexcoco, where Xolotl sits surrounded by his son, wife, biguous element. It 1s present in the sequences of the and six vassals in a scene that signals he has taken pos- actions, especially in cases where the sequence is clear, session of the valley and established his polity there. as when footprints carry the story from one place and Since taking possession of this land has also involved event to another. It can also be established more prewalking its boundaries literally or figuratively, another cisely by the addition of dates or duration markers to series of footprints carries the ruler from Tenayuca various events, but this is done sparingly in the Aztec down to the bottom of the map and then to the right histories. Usually the historian chose this format bein a counterclockwise circuit from place sign to place cause space was more important for the story than sign that frames the map. We see the traces of this cir- time. Too, the cartographic form excels in its ability cuit especially well on the upper part of the map where to show contemporaneous events. The Codex Xolotl the edge is less worn. The story effectively told on this painter can explain how Xolotl traveled east to visit an map is of the Chichimec arrival, exploration, and settle- old Toltec ruin while Nopaltzin was rambling south to

ment under the ruler Xolotl. explore the valley and still inform the reader about the Such a map-based history is an ideal form for repre- already settled people then living in the region. In consenting migrations, where the principal story is the trast, it is virtually impossible in a cartographic history movement of people across the land, for the carto- to portray or even signal a series of events that occurred graphic form excels at showing actions taking place in over time in the same place. Unless the story moves different locations. History flows much like it does in from place to place, time is shallow. Maps, in and of an event-oriented story, in that the narrative moves themselves, present all their data at once, so any temfrom event to event, except that in a cartography the poral dimension in a cartographic history is always at events are tied to real space, and the story moves from war with the governing spatial dimensions. place to place. Geography 1s the all-governing factor, This difficulty of representing the passage of time for all the events have to be adjusted to fit visually in the over geographic space has been a particular challenge space left available by the features of the map. Some to human geographers who study the human use of events are indicated conventionally—such as the foot- space and wish to develop theories of human time alprints that mark travel or the combination of foot- location as well. The Swedish geographer Torsten Haprints and a conventionalized eye to indicate reconnoi- gerstrand approached this challenge by developing a tering—whereas other events appear as discrete scenes. time-geographic model of human paths in time-space. When the historian relies on scenes to portray events, His approach views each individual’s activities as formhe or she is forced to abandon the spatial field of the ing a life path that can be plotted both spatially and

map and to substitute another spatial projection en- temporally. tirely. This is because each scene automatically has its The model for tracking this path is founded on own internal space: the space that the human figures or a two-dimensional map, to which Hagerstrand has other forms themselves occupy, together with the space added the dimension of time as a vertical element that exists between these forms. We can think of this (Fig. 43).'? An individual’s daily activities, from home, internal space of the scenes as experiential space, which to office, to shops, and back to home can thus be plotnecessarily is at a different scale than the universal space ted, not just in space but also in time. As Alfred Gell of the map. Thus the scene of Xolotl surrounded by his cogently explains, this model has allowed Hagerstrand vassals at Tenayuca occupies a relatively large part of and his colleagues to show “the population as a netthe map because it is a complex scene with many ac- work of individual ‘paths’ in time and space. Paths are tors. Although in universal terms the event took place always inclined upwards relative to the place, to reflect in one spot, it has come to occupy space on the map the fact that movement in space is time-consuming. that would otherwise be devoted to the geography of Vertical lines indicate stationary objects or temporarthe land west of Lake Texcoco. In this case, as with any ily stationary people or things. Spatial relationships are scene, the historian chose to sacrifice geographic space projected on the horizontal plane, temporal relation-

for experiential space. ships, interactions, etc., on the vertical plane. Using this

82 STRUCTURES OF HISTORY

kind of cartographic convention, it is possible to indi- on a hide or paper surface, is that it 1s essentially a cate social occasions involving the interaction between three-dimensional model that must be rendered on pamany individual paths as ‘bundles’, and spatial loca- per in two dimensions. Thus the map comes to be reptions such as houses, schools or factories, as ‘stations’ resented as a flat surface having depth but no signifibetween which paths move and crisscross one another” cant height, and its percerved depth depends on our Gell 1992: 193). The model works well in revealin ability to read diagonals as receding into space accordspatial and temporal relationships. Its drawback, for us ing to the principles of linear perspective. This innovawho are concerned with representing time and space tive attempt to weld time and space points up the pro-

5y§5P

OO found difficulty of doing so with paint on paper. Fig. 43. Time-geographic model tracing the activities of a Swedish family over a single day. From Times,

Spaces, and Places by Don Parkes and Nigel Thrift, Blended Structures fig. 6.6. Copyright John Wiley & Sons Limited. Re-

produced with permission. Many Mexican pictorial histories are more a blend of structures than they are classic examples of one type or

Ko another. Annals sometimes assume some of the charac-

1 —> teristics of event-oriented histories, when the painters

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94 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

teca (the volcanoes Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl are 2 Deer (35a). The important ancestors Lord 1 Flower perhaps included on page 39a, for example). Some and Lady 13 Flower (who had been born from the tree) communities that lie close to each other appear close are pictured in a scene of marriage and offering, imto each other in this list, which suggests that the array mediately followed by the appearance of their daughmay be geographically ordered, as one might scan a ter 9 Crocodile. She marries a Lord 5 Wind (9 Wind horizon (Byland and Pohl 1994: 65), but too few of the serves as a matchmaker), and together the couple place signs have been securely identified to say defini- makes offerings, still at Apoala. This ritual act produces tively. We do note on page 42be (Fig. 50) a clustering a series of humans, plants, animals, stones, and huof Red and White Bundle, Tilantongo (with Ascending man qualities (35b—34d; Furst 1977: 206; Jansen 1982, Serpent), Hill That Opens/Insect, Enclosure of Reeds, 1:90—91, 113-119). Although Lord 5 Wind and 9 Lady and Hill of Flints, which are the locations of founda- 9 Crocodile are directly responsible for creating these tion rituals pictured on Zouche-Nuttall 15-19 (Byland elements, 9 Wind remains the force that has guided and Pohl 1994: 43). Nearby Jaltepec (Anute, Place of their actions. Sand) appears in the Vienna on page 42d (Fig. 50). The Having orchestrated the creation of deities, andate accompanying Jaltepec, year 8 Rabbit day 2 Grass, cestors, human conditions, and things humans use, reflects or 1s reflected by the calendrical names of the 9 Wind turns his attention to the realm of ritual. Now, pair who founded the Jaltepec dynasty, Lady 8 Rabbit once again, he participates directly. He makes offerings and Lord 2 Grass (Jansen 1982, 1: 221; Smith 1994: 128- to the aged couple Lady 1 Eagle and Lord 1 Grass, who

129 n. 4). sit in the river at Apoala, an act that leads to a gatherFollowing the impressive listing of polities, 9 Wind ing of 28 deities (34d—32c). On pages 32d—31 he drills

turns his attention to populating this geographic new fire, brandishes sacred plants, and thereby estabworld. A new date (year 13 Rabbit day 2 Deer) signals lishes temples and sweatbaths. Then in another cerethe beginning of this episode (Fig. 51), where ritual mony elaborately presented, he and the prototypical items and the repeated date (13 Rabbit 2 Deer) intro- priest-shaman 2 Dog pierce each other’s ears and the duce a conference between the culture hero 9 Wind ears of the 44 deities who follow (all wear a distinctive and twelve anthropomorphic stones and plants (the eagle-down ear plug). At this time the deities receive spirits or forces of the earth and vegetation) and the their insignia (Furst 1978c: 176) or personal names two black priests (7 Eagle and 7 Rain); most of these (Jansen 1982, 1:168—171), which are painted beside earth and plant spirits and the priests appeared earlier them. Three other ceremonies follow: the first related with the smaller tree scene on page 50. With this meet- to rain and the maize crop, the second associated with ing, Lord 9 Wind sets into motion the crucial tree birth pulque preparation and drinking (and presided over by event that follows (Fig. 51). There, on page 37b, a large 2 Dog), and the third pertaining to the use of mushtree rising from a plain of smoking copal balls (identi- rooms (presided over by 9 Wind with the assistance of cal to the tree and location on Vienna 50) 1s cut open other deities). Then six deities usher in the rising sun by the black painted priests (7 Eagle and 7 Rain). From (23). The place sign of Apoala (a river enclosing a hand a split between its spreading limbs emerges a male, a fe- holding feathers), which appears at the onset of these male, and $1 other figures, three of whom are known to ceremonies, locates them all at Apoala.'*

be lineage ancestors. The place of this tree birth has These twenty-six pages devoted to the works of been identified as Apoala, the small polity important to 9 Wind thus tell how he descended from the heavthe Mixtecs as a place of origin. The chroniclers Fran- ens bringing rulership to the Mixteca. He then carried cisco de Burgoa and Antonio de los Reyes both record the waters and sky to establish places on the dry land,

that the ancestors of the Mixtec lords were born from and he set into motion the birth of royal ancestors a tree or trees at Apoala. A modern Mixtec legend also and supernaturals. Next, he established sacred architells of a man who impregnated a tree that then gave tecture, activated the deities with their insignia or

birth to a supernatural hero.’” names, and, with their assistance, crafted important More humans and natural features are created next, ceremonies. When all these tasks were completed, the the episode introduced by the date year 13 Rabbit day sun rose.

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year dates of their birth. They never marry, for the 9 Flower.*? The Bodley also follows daughter 6 Wind Bodley does not indicate their wives. The next scene to her marriage with 11 Wind; this marriage will beexplains why. At the Enclosure of the Quetzal, 9 Move- come important for the story because 6 Wind’s husment and 3 Water are sacrificed; the date that intro- band later married Lady 6 Monkey of Jaltepec (Anute), duces this scene fixes the event to year 9 (10) Rabbit 8 Deer’s rival. The Bodley additionally includes an ex-

day 8 Death.** tra son, 9 Movement, not mentioned in the other

I liately tl | t I h th Jices, and sl I C jile’s t

mmediately the reader notices how much the codices, and shows how 5 Crocodile’s two sons were Bodley presentation differs from that in the Zouche- sacrificed. Nuttall. The Bodley puts 5 Crocodile’s second wife A new date, year 10 House day 6 Deer, introduces (ir Water) first, making her the mother of his first s Crocodile’s second marriage, to Lady 9 Eagle “Gargroup of children,** and it adds many more narrative land of Cacao Flowers.” Behind her, footprints that elements to the story. The Bodley informs us about lead from her parents’ names show her to be the 11 Water’s previous union and about her son or step- daughter of Lord 8 Rain “War Eagle” and Lady 11 Flint son 8 Flower, who will figure in the action episodes “Gray Feathered Ornament,” who appear only as calenwith 5 Crocodile’s sons 8 Deer, 12 Movement, and drical and personal names; their town, Stone Mouth

104 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

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10 11 12 7 (yto House d6 Deer) 5 Crocodile marries Lady 11 Second daughter, 12 Grass, born (y4 House); she

9 Eagle. marries 3 Reed of Hill of the Wasp.

follow. ; ; Stone Mouth Hill Water.

7a She is child of Lord 8 Rain and Lady 11 Flint of 12 (ys Rabbit do Dog) Death of Lord 5 Crocodile.

The Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Mex. D. 1. Fac8 First son, 8 Deer,aeborn (y12 Reed), his titles fo ; simile reproduction courtesy of Sociedad Mexicana 9 Second son, 9 Flower, born (y3 Reed). 10 First daughter [9 Monkey] born (y[12] Flint); she marries 8 Crocodile of Skull Frieze.

de Antropologia, Mexico City.

106 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

Hill Water is just below in the bottom register. The The Bodley adds other extra information: it includes first child of this union is Lord 8 Deer “Jaguar Claw,” children not mentioned in the other manuscripts, tied by his umbilical cord to his birth year, 12 Reed and it reports when and how they were killed (as were (A.D. 1063). The images that follow—a shining feather, 5 Crocodile’s sons 9 Movement and 3 Water); it also rea rain god head surrounded by 18 disks, and an eagle — cords the death of 5 Crocodile. Additionally, it assigns

are his titles.2° Next the second child, Lord 9 Flower titles to the notable half-brothers 12 Movement and “Copal Ball Arrow,” is born, followed by the third 8 Deer, who will figure so prominently in the action child, Lady 9 Monkey “Smoke Jeweled Quetzal” (who episodes that follow. is barely visible in the fold between the images); her The Bodley switches 5 Crocodile’s first and second birth scene is conflated with her marriage scene, for wives but does not switch the children accordingly. It she is pictured married to Lord 8 Crocodile “Bloody presents 11 Water as the mother of 12 Movement, and Coyote” of Chalcatongo (the skull frieze). The fourth 9 Eagle as the mother of 8 Deer, when the Zouchechild, Lady 12 Grass “Hand Gold Arrows” is then born; Nuttall (26, 42) and Vienna Reverse (6—7c) agree on she marries 3 Reed “Smoke Face” of Insect or Hull of the opposite. This may have been a simple error, but

the Wasp. other differences between the Zouche-Nuttall and Having described the births and lives of Lord 5 Bodley are attributable to the different story lines the Crocodile’s children, the Bodley next represents 5 Croc- manuscripts are following. After telling 5 Crocodile’s

odile’s death. Following the date year 5 Rabbit day and 8 Deer’s stories, the Bodley follows the line of 9 Dog, Lord 5 Crocodile is wrapped as a funerary 8 Deer’s firstborn son, 6 House, the child of 8 Deer’s bundle. This is one of the relatively few deaths re- second wife and the son who inherited the throne of corded in the Mixtec dynastic histories, which usually Tilantongo. In contrast, the Zouche-Nuttall follows ignore deaths unless the individuals were sacrificed or the line of 8 Deer’s son by his first wife, Lord 4 Dog,

otherwise killed.*7 who was to rule Teozacoalco. The Bodley traces the T1On the next page (9e), the narrative continues with lantongo line, whereas the Zouche-Nuttall here traces his heir, Lord 8 Deer. The Bodley devotes all of pages the line for Teozacoalco. 9 and 10 to 8 Deer’s exploits (discussed below) and Each manuscript shows its own biases about its subthen turns to his marital unions and offspring, which ject matter and the story it intends to tell, and each has occupy all of pages 11 and 12 as well as the bottom reg- its own stylistic features. The Bodley has a tight preister of pages 13 and 14. The Bodley presents 8 Deer’s sentational style and keeps to strict rules. Its low hor1five wives and many children in the same detail as it did zontal registers mean that the pictorial information with 5 Crocodile’s family, after which it explains the cir- must appear in an unfailing sequence, one feature after cumstances of 8 Deer’s violent death. The story then another, without pictorial elaboration. Dates generally continues with 8 Deer’s firstborn son, 6 House “Jaguar introduce the events they date. The Zouche-Nuttall, in Descending from the Sky,” the product of his second contrast, has a looser presentational style. The wider,

marriage. vertical registers allow the painter to achieve a more

The Bodley painter clearly does not like to leave fluid presentation; within a wide register, there may loose ends hanging. In the Bodley, all the wives come still be a horizontal back-and-forth boustrophedon with their histories, including the identities of their reading order to the material, but it is not so clearly inparents and towns, any previous marriages, and any dicated as in the Bodley. The Zouche-Nuttall has more offspring. The marital future of all the rulers’ children space in which the figures function, which allows the is recorded. ‘The Bodley is so consistent in showing the painter to set the scene architecturally or geographimarriages of all the rulers’ offspring, not just the heir, cally. None of the Bodley marriage scenes are located that the absence of a marriage statement can be taken within palaces and qualified by the presentation of as a statement that the individual did not marry. In chocolate cups. Together the manuscripts illustrate the contrast, the Zouche-Nuttall introduces wives without range of styles for presenting full genealogies. Such a past or a hometown specified, and it leaves the future major Mixtec screenfolds as the Selden and Vienna Re-

of most resulting children untold. verse fall within this range.

DYNASTIC CONFLICT 107

Ruler Lists . Ce.

; Quetzal Feathers,’ who came from Net-Mouth. In addition to their inheriting son, this couple had a daugh-

Ruler lists can be considered a subset of genealogies. ter, 12 Dog, who married Lord 2 House of Platform of Where the full genealogy presents all or most of the Tail (2). By placing the extra information (the informarulers’ offspring as part of the narrative sequence and tion not directly germane to the inheriting line) to the might include other information to flesh out the gene- side, the painter has kept the line of rule intact.*° alogical picture, the ruler list omits all these distrac- These horizontal ruler lists in the Becker IH, Egertions or places them to the side so that the narrative can ton, and Muro seem to represent a variation from the concentrate on the inheriting child. This yields a se- more typical, and more detailed, presentation of gequence of ruling couples, an unbroken sequence that nealogies found in manuscripts like the Bodley and carries with it the understanding that the husband of Zouche-Nuttall. Other variations of the horizontal any succeeding couple is the rightful heir of the pre- ruler list (e.g., in the Codex Baranda and Lienzo of ceding couple. The wives usually come from elsewhere, Tequixtepec) are discussed more fully in Chapter 6, as and occasionally their hometown and parentage are are the vertical ruler lists included in at least a dozen given. In the Mixtec screenfolds, these lists take the lienzos and tiras that come from Oaxaca and Puebla. form of a horizontal row running either left to right or right to left. When ruler lists are painted on lienzos

and vertical tiras, as discussed in Chapter 6, they usu- Dynastic Conflict: The Stories of

ally appear as a vertical column (usually running bottom to top). Lady 6 Monkey and Lord 8 Deer

The Becker II, Egerton (or Sanchez Solis), and Muro all have the sequence of couples arranged hori- The flow of genealogical information in many of the zontally.?° The Muro traces a single sequence from Mixtec histories is augmented and interrupted by ep1right to left, whereas the Becker II and Egerton read sodes 1n the lives of the rulers and their families. These left to right, their stories beginning with one or more episodes are not merely embellishments on the genemythological origin scenes and continuing with the alogies; rather, they were included in the histories to succession of ruling couples presented in two parallel explain adjustments in the lines of rule or expansions registers. For example, the Becker II (including the and contractions in the territories ruled. They are the Hamburg Fragment that belongs at the front of 1t) be- product of disputes between and among families, and, gins with two ancient ancestors emerging from place as such, they include rituals, diplomatic parlays, consigns.’ It proceeds in two registers with two parallel quests, and other elements of dynastic intrigue. When, genealogies and then continues, after the break be- for example, the line of rule of a polity was in danger tween the Hamburg Fragment and the Becker I of failing, the pictorial histories include in their narraproper, with only one ruling line (in the lower register; tives the actions taken by those who effected the shift Fig. 60). Its line of rulers 1s presentationally unbroken, to a new line. Conflicts about dynastic succession usubecause the painter has moved the secondary informa- ally arose when the primogeniture inheritance pattern tion to the side and has left 1t uncolored. The Becker II yielded no clear heir. The pictorials show these disnotes the origin of the wives by drawing their home- putes and their resolution, sometimes briefly and at towns above or behind them, linked to them by lines other times in great detail. and footprints. Ascending footprints inform us about Codices such as the Vienna Reverse hardly mention the marital fates of some of the daughters, whose own the fact of a dispute and its resolution. The Vienna marriage statements are relegated to the top register. Reverse painter gives just enough information to reThus, in Figure 60, we note that Lord 4 Movement call the situation and its outcome to the manuscript’s “Flaming Sky” married Lady 13 Death “Sun Quetzal interpreters. Other codices, such as the ColombinoFeathers,” who came from Warband Hill. Their inher- Becker and the Zouche-Nuttall Reverse, however, exiting son, 3 Death “Jaguar Descending from the Sky,” plain the many details in a lengthy presentation, so then married another woman named 8 (?) Eagle “Sun

108 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

their stories become more like biographies of individ- aided in his ventures by his brother and especially by

ual rulers than dynastic histories. his half-brother 12 Movement “Bloody Jaguar,” who One principal story, told in part by most of the was to be his companion in arms throughout the latmajor screenfolds, concerns the conflict between the ter’s life. The ambitious 8 Deer built his domain by families of Tilantongo, Jaltepec, and Red and White conquering lands, vanquishing his foes and rivals, and Bundle, a conflict that resolved itself by rearranging the marrying their wives, sisters, or daughters, their geneearlier alliances and shifting the lines of rule. The story alogical lines thus continuing through his. Lord 8 Deer features Lady 6 Monkey “Serpent Quechquemutl” of eventually met a violent end, killed, so the Colombino Jaltepec and her husband 11 Wind “Bloody Jaguar” of (16b) suggests, by or on the orders of 6 Monkey’s son Red and White Bundle, whom I have already discussed 4 Wind “Fire Serpent.” Lord 4 Wind then married two in Chapter 4 as the rulers of Jaltepec. Its leading pro- of 8 Deer’s daughters in order that the conqueror’s tagonist is 8 Deer “Jaguar Claw,” the son of the high blood would run through his own children, repeating priest of ‘Tilantongo (5 Crocodile “Raingod Sun”), the pattern 8 Deer had followed. This 8 Deer story who was not ordinarily in line for the throne but nev- takes on the importance it does because the authority ertheless achieved the rule of Tilantongo after the last of the later rulers of these major polities rested on these heir of the first dynasty died suddenly. Lord 8 Deer was events. Fig. 60. Codex Becker II 1-2. Detail of the ruler list. Descending footprints tell where the wives originated; ascending footprints tell the fate of the daughters (from Nowotny 1964). Reproduced courtesy of Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, Graz.

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DYNASTIC CONFLICT 109

Since no one manuscript tells the whole of the story, 5 Crocodile, was a priest rather than a ruler.** The I will base my discussion on the sparse but straight- Zouche-Nuttall Reverse (42—43) begins its account forward version painted on two pages in the Bodley with 8 Deer’s family tree (Fig. 58) and several conquests Obverse, amplified by passages from the Selden, in which the young 8 Deer participated, perhaps assistZouche-Nuttall Reverse, Colombino-Becker, and Bod- ing his half-brother 12 Movement, who was eighteen ley Reverse. I choose the Bodley over the Colombino- years his senior. The Bodley does not include these Becker and Zouche-Nuttall Reverse as the base docu- conquests but begins its 8 Deer story with two regisment because the latter two include more detail than is ters of rituals and other conquests that prepare 8 Deer possible to explain in a book of this kind. Additionally, for the great accomplishments that follow. the Zouche-Nuttall, which has already been repro- Having previously shown 8 Deer’s genealogical ties duced in an inexpensive and readily available facsimile on pages 7 and 8, the Bodley (9e) opens its account of (1975), is a garbled text (Troike n.d.). The Colombino- his deeds in the year 3 Flint day 4 Rain (A.D. 1080), Becker is a problematic manuscript to use as a base for when 8 Deer was seventeen (Fig. 61, lower left).** It discussion because it is incomplete and has a compli- shows Lord 8 Deer emerging from a cave and going dicated order and because sometime after it was painted rectly to another cave, this one characterized by smoke someone scratched out almost all the animal figures, and stars and with a container of jades inside it. Caso including those that comprise day signs, helmets, and (1960b: 38) identified it as the Cave of Smoke and place signs; these losses have made it difficult to iden- Heaven “where the jade of the god known as 3 Reed tify all the characters and places.*! I am also motivated was to be found”; the date 3 Reed is painted beside the by the desire to make the Bodley more easily accessible cave. Footprints then carry 8 Deer to visit the rul-

by publishing two more of its pages. ing couple of Black Top Mountain with Face; they are Lady 4 Rabbit “Quetzal Jewel” (who is the great aunt of the Tilantongo heir and the paternal aunt of Lady

Preparation for Rule: 6 Monkey) and her husband, Lord 10 Flower “Bow

Tail.” Although we do notYears know the exact Lord5 with 8 Deer’s Early . _ reason a for this visit, 8 Deer goes inside the earth at this site and

The 8 Deer story is set within the larger context of appears sitting before a temple with a cult bundle; a the failure of Tilantongo’s first dynasty. Lord 8 Deer cradle above him seems to hold something like a serof Tilantongo, Lady 6 Monkey of Jaltepec, and her pent head.*° Given 8 Deer’s dynastic ambitions that brothers were perhaps all vying with the presumed heir follow, I suggest that he is here visiting and perform(2 Rain “Oconanfa” or “20 Jaguar”) for the Tilantongo ing a ritual at the polity’s ancestral temple, probably lothrone.** The Codex Selden records a series of strikes cated in a cave. The next day (5 Flower), 8 Deer visits against 6 Monkey’s family at Jaltepec (discussed in the place Caso (1960b: 38) has called Bound Bundles, Chapter 4, Figs. 37, 38, 39). First her three older broth- where he sits before another cult bundle at a temple ers were killed and sacrificed (sd—6a); then her father with stars, to which is attached the calendrical name of 10 Eagle was attacked by 3 Lizard, who may have been the sun god 1 Death. Here he may be paying homage sent by 2 Rain (2 Rain appears in the adjacent scene on to ancestors again or consulting the oracle 1 Death.*° 6b); finally 6 Monkey was forced into hiding (6c). Al- The next year (year 4 House day 6 Serpent) 8 Deer though the Selden 1s not explicit on this point, the at- visits the place Mountain with Face and River, pictured tacks may have come from 2 Rain and his father in in the lower right corner of Figure 61. There he plays order to preempt any claims 6 Monkey and her broth- the ball game with the Venus deity 1 Movement (picers might advance. Although the Tilantongo and Jalte- tured in register d), whom he apparently convinces to pec lines habitually intermarried, 6 Monkey then broke help him attack the River of Precious Stone. That atwith this tradition and became betrothed to 11 Wind of tack occurs on the same day (6 Serpent).*” Another date

Red and White Bundle (6d). two years later (year 6 Reed day 13 Flower) introduces Meanwhile, 8 Deer was growing up in Tilantongo. two more victories, when 8 Deer conquers Hill of FeHe was not himself in line for rule, because his father, line /Heaven and Temple of Knot (9—10d). These early

ITO MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

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stead characterizes the meeting as the moment when meeting. The Colombino (3— 4a) presentation makes Lady 9 Grass blesses the engagement of 6 Monkey to it clear that 8 Deer received objects of rulership from u1 Wind (Figs. 37, 38). The Zouche-Nuttall and Colom- 9 Grass at this time, for 8 Deer will later carry these obbino include 8 Deer and 6 Monkey (but not 11 Wind) jects to Tututepec.*’ The meeting thus granted 8 Deer and add others. In the Zouche-Nuttall (Fig. 62), Lady authority to rule, at the same time that it joined the 9 Grass sits in her Skull temple gesturing before the de- houses of Jaltepec and Red and White Bundle (by beceased body of Lord 3 Lizard “Flint Necklace,” a dis- trothing 6 Monkey and 1 Wind).

)2)y

tant relative of 8 Deer and 6 Monkey, who is costumed

es : y ( se 8 Deer’s Rule of Tututepec

as a yahui priest.** Present are 6 Monkey (who 1s called

by her second name, “Warband Quechquemitl”) and 8 Deer, now twenty-one and dressed as an eagle priest. This same year (6 Reed) the Bodley shows 8 Deer conLord 3 Lizard’s funeral may have occasioned the actual quering the place River of the Mouth and Flames and

112 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

15 16 17 18 13

8 7 C =: 1Z34 14

2

10 11

1G

Fig. 61. Codex Bodley 9-10. The deeds of Lord 8 Deer (from Caso 1960b):

1 (y3 Flint d4 Rain) Lord 8 Deer emerges from a 11 8 Deer seated as ruler of Tututepec. cave and goes to Cave of Smoke and Heaven / 12 (y[6]Flint, d8 Jaguar) Animal brings word,

3 Reed. 8 Deer offers quail in sacrifice, and four travelers,

2 8 Deer visits Lady 4 Rabbit and Lord 10 Flower including 4 Jaguar, arrive from Place of Reeds.

of Black Top Mountain with Face. 13 (y [6 Flint]) 8 Deer conquers Hill of the Moon 3 8 Deer 1s inside earth performing ritual in a cave. and takes ruler 3 Lizard captive. 4 8 Deer visits Bound Bundles and sits before celes- 14 (y7 House di Wind) 8 Deer brings 3 Lizard to

tial temple of Lord 1 Death. Place of Reeds and presents him to 4 Jaguar for 5 (y4 House do Serpent) At Mountain with Face sacrifice, then 8 Deer gets his nose pierced and River, 8 Deer plays ball game with 1 Move- (becomes a tecuhtl).

ment (Venus deity). 15 8 Deer establishes his rule at Tilantongo. 6 (Same day 6 Serpent) 8 Deer and 1 Movement at- 16 (y8 Rabbit d4 Wind) 8 Deer journeys on warpath

tack River of Precious Stone. to celestial home of the sun god 1 Death (yo Reed 7 (y6 Reed d13 Flower) 8 Deer conquers Hill of d4 Crocodile); 8 Deer goes into a cradle (?). Feline / Heaven and Temple of Knot. 17 8 Deer emerges and appears at Bound Bundles.

Flames. 3

8 (y6 Reed do Serpent) 8 Deer makes offering to 18 (y12 Rabbit, d7 Flower) 8 Deer makes offering to

Lady 9 Grass at Skull Place. Lord 13 Rabbit of Bound Bundles. 9 (y6 Deer conquers River of Oxford, Mouth andMS. 7 ( ) Reed) I The8 Bodleian Library, Mex. D. 1.

Facsimile reproduction courtesy of Sociedad Mexicana 10 8 Deer2 visits Lord 1 Death and Lady 11 Serpent of ; ms : dehim Antropologia, Mexico City. Apoala; they grant rule of Tututepec.

DYNASTIC CONFLICT 113

8 Deer Fig. 62. Codex Zouche-Nuttall 44abc. The meeting

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Ls % ce ark ee ad { diction. This. moment, when 8 Deer and 4 Jaguar seem Sean 7 a fa a : : : SY aa arthtr a Vw War ¢ x V4 ‘bes to peer into the celestial opening, is clearly the climax AGE a= Ro] teye 5pe| The waneBodley Wy of(Fig. the adventure.*” - Je) Oo 61) characteristically omits all of

off "to | | 8 Deer’s companions and the details of the journey; it

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Economica.

: relatives Lady 4 Rabbitand andFondo Lord 1odeFlower and:went chea Drucku. Verlagsanstalt | presumably into their ancestral shrine. Cultura In this underFig. 69. Codex Becker 4. In the Colombino-Becker version of the sun god episode, Lord 1 Death (seated on left) directs 8 Deer and 4 Jaguar to peer into an opening in a celestial band, while 12 Movement stands ageressively (vight).

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DYNASTIC CONFLICT IT9

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4 Fig. 73. Codex Bodley 14de. The murder and funeral of 8 Deer. Beginning in the lower register, 8 Deer aims his bow at a parrot linked to the personal and calendrical names of his wife 6 Eagle; in the next scene he is sacrificed at the place identified in the upper register as Hill with Arm and Cacaxtli and Maguey Plain. In the upper left, 8 Deer’s father-in-law (8 Crocodile from Skull Frieze, father of 6 Eagle) presides over the placement of 8 Deer’s funerary bundle. The Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Mex. D. 1.

row at a parrot on a tree in a river (Fig. 73). The Bod- Tilantongo throne. The Zouche-Nuttall, in contrast, ley artist has linked the event to 8 Deer’s second wife, stresses the primacy of the son of 8 Deer’s first wife 6 Eagle “Jaguar Spiderweb,” by attaching her personal (4 Dog, the child of 13 Serpent), who inherited the doand calendrical names to the parrot.°? This may be a main of Teozacoalco. simple hunting scene, or 1t may indicate 8 Deer’s attack

: : Origins, cc Lineage, Tress: ” : dand>Deeds

on a place of that name. If the latter is true, the attack

fails, for 8 Deer is immediately sacrificed by two men— Gry -

9 Wind and to Jaguar “Red Grass”—at the place Hill Pa 1 +

with Arm and Cacaxtli and Maguey Plain. Eleven days of the Ru Ine Families

later, 8 Deer’s funerary bundle is placed in the darkened enclosure that is his tomb; Lady 6 Eagle’s father, Lord 8 Deer’s story, and its extensions into the lives Lord 8 Crocodile “Bloody Coyote” of Chalcatongo,”° of Lady 6 Monkey and Lord 11 Wind, stands out as a presides over the funeral. Lord 8 Deer’s life over, the central feature of Mixtec recorded history. Events that

Bodley continues to the next generation, with the belong to this story are explained in most of the marriage of 8 Deer’s first son (6 House “Descending major Mixtec pictorials, such as the Bodley Obverse Jaguar”), the child of his second marriage (to Lady and Reverse, the Selden, the Zouche-Nuttall, and the 6 Eagle). In its selection of events in 8 Deer’s life and its Colombino-Becker. Even the Vienna Reverse, which genealogical presentation, the Bodley Obverse stresses almost never includes nongenealogical material, interthe primacy of 8 Deer’s firstborn son 6 House (the rupts its lineage reckoning to note the deaths of 2 Rain, child of 8 Deer’s second marriage), who inherited the 5 Crocodile, and 8 Deer and to mention 8 Deer’s titles.

ORIGINS, LINEAGE, AND DEEDS OF THE RULING FAMILIES 123

The Colombino-Becker and the Zouche-Nuttall Re- Many of these Mixtec rulers also looked to the story verse are almost totally devoted to this story. Since the of Lord 4 Wind, the son of Lady 6 Monkey whom preservation of the story is not likely to be a simple fac- 8 Deer captured but did not kill. Lord 4 Wind seems to tor of luck, we must recognize it as a fundamentally im- have had a part in 8 Deer’s own murder, and as Mary

portant narrative in Mixtec royal history. Elizabeth Smith (personal communication 1997) notes, Jansen (1990: 104) and others have described the during his long life, he seems to have devoted his ener8 Deer story as figuring prominently in the reordering gies to dismantling and diluting the holdings of 8 Deer of Mixtec society following the primordial conflict (Troike 1974: 362-364, 474). Lord 4 Wind, like 8 Deer (called by modern writers the “War of Heaven”) be- before him, sought the title of tecuhtl or lineage head tween the Stone People and the lords from Apoala. In and underwent the ceremony whereby 4 Jaguar pierced this scenario the Stone People represent the earlier his nose for the nose ornament that signaled this status. inhabitants of the Mixteca, while the lords of Apoala He also conquered territories, married four times, 1n(functionally equivalent to those who emerged from cluding unions with two of 8 Deer’s daughters, and saw the tree at Apoala) are the later, Mixtec people, whose that his brother married two other of 8 Deer’s daughhistory then follows. The War of Heaven is presented, ters. Smith points out that he was probably responsible

in part, in two early sections of the Zouche-Nuttall for establishing the competing genealogy of Teoza-

Obverse and in the Bodley Reverse. coalco, as well as that of Zacatepec on the coast and a Building on this approach, Pohl (1994a, 1994b) and town in the Tlaxiaco area featured in the lost Codex Byland and Pohl (1994) link the War of Heaven to the Lopez Ruiz (Smith 1998: 91-92). His story follows collapse of specific Classic-period sites in the Mixteca, 8 Deer’s in the Colombino-Becker. His story and that and they tie the 8 Deer story to the readjustment of of his paternal ancestors 1s also featured in great detail alliances and marriage patterns that accompanied the in the Bodley Reverse, just as his mother’s ancestry 1s rise of the new Post-Classic Mixtec dynasties. Pohl has recounted in the Selden.

argued that an old rivalry between Red and White The Mixtec histories did not only reflect on these Bundle (the domain of 11 Wind) and Tilantongo (the tales of heroic and villainous action by early rulers, domain gained by 8 Deer)—a rivalry that began with however; they reached much further, to tell of the prithe War of Heaven—is finally resolved when 8 Deer mordial origins of Mixtec society. Manuscripts like the conquers Red and White Bundle and kills its heirs; Vienna Obverse preserve the features of what must then Red and White Bundle drops from the pictorial have been a general, pan-Mixtec origin story, probably record. This is very likely the case. But the murder of told in variations by the different polities. Its narrative 8 Deer’s rivals also functions to secure him the throne of creation stresses the sets of primordial ancestors

of Tilantongo. who bring cultural and natural features into being, the

Tilantongo, although not a particularly large polity, birth of gods and ancestors from trees and the earth, had the most prestigious of all the royal lineages. It was the descent from the heavens of culture heroes and anthe lineage into which the other ruling families wanted cestors who bring emblems of rule, and the ritual act of to marry, and it seems to have been the lineage that was organizing the land and bringing “polity” to place. indeed diffused widely through the Mixtec nobility. These themes of the Vienna Obverse selectively make Lord 8 Deer killed many of his enemies, married five their appearance in the dynastic histories. Most of the

times (into different families), and fathered a good histories include one or more of the themes to exnumber of children who themselves came to rule the plain how individual dynasties originated and came to individual polities that 8 Deer had managed to gather control a polity. Manuscripts like the Bodley, Vienna under his control. The result was that at the time of the Reverse, Zouche-Nuttall Obverse, and Selden all start Spanish conquest, most of the Mixtec rulers were de- their narratives with origin statements, no matter how scended in some way from Lord 8 Deer. They looked brief. They explain how the polity and dynasty figure to the 8 Deer story, and recalled it, in order to explain in with “the primordial ordering of time and space” both their own genealogical situation and their rights (Jansen 1990: 104). They demonstrate the local origins to the domains they governed.

124 MIXTEC GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES

of the ancestors, and they document the important role of supernatural participation in shaping the dynasties. Growing out of the origin episodes and the tales of

dynastic intrigue, the genealogies carry the stories of the Mixtec royal families forward in time. In doing this they explain, for example, how a ruler living at the time a manuscript was painted 1s related to the great rulers

of the past, and potentially to his or her contemporaries who also trace their lines to the great figures of the past. Although the genealogies do not contain the same kind of action as the episodes of dynastic intrigue and conquest, they are filled with instances of alliance

building through marriage, and they record what are, after all, the most critical events for royal power: the unions, offspring, and lines of descent. Genealogically speaking, for example, it does not matter who killed 12 Movement and the others of 8 Deer’s rivals; it does not even matter that they were killed at all. What mat-

ters is that they left behind no inheriting offspring, which means that rule followed through 8 Deer and his children. The genealogical reckonings track the crucial

inheritance patterns of a family, building on the stories of local origin, supernatural patronage, personal achievement, and conquest.

L°°

1enzos and ‘[iras from Oaxaca and Southern Puebla

Lienzos (or sheets) and tiras (or rolls) form a subset of ras concentrate on presenting the first two elements — the historical genre from Oaxaca and southern Puebla. the origin of the polity and the line of rule—whereas They are clearly related to the genealogical histories the lienzos tie these features to a delineated territory. painted by Mixtec artists on hide screenfolds, for they The peoples who painted their histories on tiras and refer to some of the same places, they include some of lienzos spoke Mixtec, Nahuatl, Popoloca, Chocho, and the same actors and events, and they are historical ex- a host of other languages. Although the extant res gespressions of people who share the same general culture. tae screentolds were all painted by Mixtec speakers, the The protagonists in their stories have Mixtec calendri- roll and sheet histories clearly had a much wider range cal and personal names, and the artists were generally in the sixteenth century. Examples come from most working in the Mixtec painting style. Moreover, they parts of central and southern Mexico. function, like the screenfolds, to support the claims to Structurally, too, the lienzos and tiras differ from land and power of the ruling families of relatively small the screenfold histories. Whereas the screenfolds keep

community kingdoms. strictly to an event-oriented presentational mode, with But the lienzos and tiras from southern Mexico are the march of successive events held in check by red distinct from the screenfold histories discussed in guidelines, the lienzos and tiras can use both res gestae Chapter 5 in being less biographical in their stories, and cartographic presentations. They are also compowhich focus more on the description and inheritance sitionally looser than the screenfolds, with stories that of territory and less on the individual action of an array can flow freely across the rolls and sheets. Eschewof nobles. Their dramas are less crowded with auxiliary ing the tight and crowded composition of the screenhuman players, and they detail fewer events that lead fold histories, their artists emphasize visually the main to or resolve interpolity conflicts. Instead, the lienzos events, the beginning, and the endings. The lienzos, esand tiras present, more broadly, the history of a polity. pecially, allow one, and even force one, to view the They view the polity itself as an entity that 1s composed whole of a story in a single glance. of three features: a mythic past and foundation, a line or lines of successively inheriting rulers, and a territory with established geographical limits. As a whole, the ti-

126 LIENZOS AND TIRAS FROM OAXACA AND SOUTHERN PUEBLA

separate the parts. All the informational units have a

Structure spatial relationship to each other: the space around the events functions to separate them either in time or in Lienzos and tiras are not organized as pages. In the location. This abundance of space means that relatively Mixtec screenfolds, the physical fact of the page gov- less information is concentrated on the surface of the erns the presentation of information. Red lines divide tira and lienzo than on the res gestae screenfold. Because the pages into registers, and the painter crowds his epi- there is less information for the reader to absorb, the sodes to fit the confines of the registers and the borders reader absorbs it more readily. The reader can then asof the pages. Usually figures do not cross the internal similate the full narrative, with its beginning, middle, folds of facing pages that would be seen together when and end. More so than the screenfolds, many of these the screenfold 1s open; rare is the figure that spans an lienzos and tiras are structured so that their pictorial external page break.’ The page and the register work stories culminate in a definite ending, an ending that together to constrain the reader to follow the succes- then provides the rationale for the units that comsion of scenes 1n a strict linear order. None of this is the prise it. case with tiras or lienzos, which have no preestablished Although the tiras usually maintain a loose res gestae page breaks. The artist of the tira has the whole roll to structure throughout, the lienzos usually shift from a manipulate as a picture plane; the artist of the lienzo res gestae form to a cartographic one. The tiras begin has the whole broad sheet. Information can flow across with events leading to the founding of a polity and ofthe sheet and along the roll, occupying, or not, all the ten then continue to present the line or lines of rule. space: sometimes the painters span the full width of The lienzos usually also begin this way and embrace the the roll or fill a large area of the lienzo, and other times ruler lists, but they end with a map that defines that

they reduce the story to a thin ribbon of events. polity geographically. When the events pertaining to The absence of page breaks also encourages the the founding ofa polity occur at different places, which reader to open these documents completely and to they often do, the succession of event to event occaview the whole of the presentation at a single moment. sions a move from place to place, so place and time The lienzos were obviously unfolded in their entirety constantly change while the res gestae narrative continto be seen and read, and I suspect the tiras were, too. ues. In the lienzos, however, once the map is reached, This means, of course, that the readers had the entire place becomes stable, and any events must accommostory before them (with the major episodes empha- date themselves to the map or ignore it. In the Lienzo sized visually) while they read the individual episodes of Zacatepec (Fig. 44.), as we saw in Chapter 4, they do that composed this story. Thus they were able simulta- both: some events are tied to the map while others are neously to note the details of the episodes and to un- independent of it. derstand how these episodes functioned within the Most of the lienzos and tiras also have a specialized larger picture. The stories told on tiras and lienzos thus kind of res gestae, where location does not change at all. have a coherency and a narrative completeness that the This is the ruler list, the linear presentation of the purely res gestae and annals forms do not; they are also couples who successively rule a polity. Each couple can more compositionally pictorial and less indexical or hi- be understood as an event, and their succession is the eroglyphic than the other forms. The lienzo, with its figurative string that links the events together. Ruler spatial breadth, readily accepts and, indeed, almost calls lists add temporal duration to the foundation events

for a diagrammatic presentation. and maps they append. Compared with the Mixtec screenfolds, one finds an The map itself is a diagram of the territory on which abundance of empty space in the lienzos and tiras. The the events occur or to which the events pertain. Time compositions are more open, more loosely arranged, seems shallow in these cartographs. The geographic and there is more space between the parts and epi- features and boundaries of the territory all pertain to sodes. Where the Mixtec screenfold relies on graphic the same polity at one point in time, and if events are conventions to distinguish one scene or informational painted at the various locations, the map figuratively unit from the next, the lienzos and tiras deploy space to wants to pull them into a vague contemporaneity.

STORIES OF POLITY IN THE TIRAS 127

Only by assigning specific dates to the events or by rangements are also known. Since inheritance was showing a clear linear sequence for the events, can the through primogeniture, the reader understands that historian distance these events temporally from each the list presents the ruling male and his wife, then the other. The diagram fights with the event sequence over eldest (inheriting) son and his wife, then that son’s elthe primacy of space or time. Equally, however, the dia- dest (inheriting) son and his wife, and so forth (Smith grammatic map projects territory as an entity that en- in Smith and Parmenter 1991: 19, 35). These lists figudures unchanged through time. The map of Zacatepec ratively spring from the founding, although the paintthus presents the territory as unchanged from the time ers do not always render this link pictorially. These its founder entered the area to the time his grandson ruler lists function to carry the polity through time and defeated the last of the enemy neighbors. When the to codify the system of land tenure that is based on linlienzo was brought forth in an 1892 land suit (Smith eage and inheritance.” 1973a: 89), the map still purported the same stable The Codex Baranda (Fig. 74), for example, 1s a horiboundaries. The map that dominates most lienzos de- zontal tira (37 cm X 228 cm) that follows two paralscribes and fixes territory as a spatial entity that existed lel lines of rulers (who appear in rectangular palaces) as one moment in the past, but it also carries this spa- from their ancient beginnings through into the 1560s, tial projection into the future, attesting, thereby, to the with the last ruler dressed in Spanish attire.* The

endurance of that territory. painter placed the auxiliary information, including the

ae registers.

coming of the Spaniards, in the space between the two

Stories of P olity in the Tiras ome ruler lists are more common than horizontal ones, being included in at least a dozen manuscripts

Although the tiras and lienzos share many of the same (tiras and lienzos both) that come from Oaxaca and formal and narrative features, the tiras do not usually Puebla.* The Codex Tulane (Fig. 75), for example, is a include a map or conceptual rendering of territory. In- vertically oriented tira (373.5 cm X 22 cm) that reads stead, they concentrate, like the screenfolds, on record- from bottom to top along the length of the hide strip. ing the origins of a community kingdom and the dura- It opens with a series of origin episodes (employing tion of its ruling line. These are the two principal mythological places and ceremonial sites, metaphoric

elements of most tiras. dates, and supernaturals).° After the origin scenes, it The foundational stories often themselves have two presents a fifteen-generation ruler list for the town of parts: the first being the mythic past and the second be- Chila, the successive rulers stacked one above the other

ing the foundation itself. The mythic part of the story with their wives opposite them. This list gives way for can begin in the deep past with the first emergence a group scene (dubbed by Donald Robertson [1982 | of supernaturals from rocks, trees, or the sky, and can the “campfire scene”) in which the first king of Acatlan trace pilgrimages and sacred rites that bring the polity is confirmed as ruler.° There follows another fifteeninto being. We saw this kind of history in the opening generation ruler list, this one for the town of Acatlan passages of several screenfolds, notably the Bodley Ob- (Fig. 75). This ruler list occupies the right side of the verse and Reverse, the Zouche-Nuttall Obverse, and roll, while a second column of couples on the left side the Selden. The mythic past can also be closer at hand, contains the parents of the Acatlan rulers’ brides.

beginning when the polity’s soon-to-be founder re- Mary Elizabeth Smith (in Smith and Parmenter ceives emblems of office and the authority to rule. We 1991: 20, 32) has suggested that vertical ruler lists, such saw this kind of history in the opening passages of the as are found in the Codex Tulane and in many lienzos, Lienzo of Zacatepec. The founding itself is just that. It represent a native adaptation to a colonial administrarecords the act of founding the polity as a political unit. tive requirement. Noting that the vertical ruler lists are

The marriage pairs, or ruler lists, bring the founding only found in colonial manuscripts, she argues that to the present (when the manuscript was painted). such documents may have been a conscious effort on Usually the list is formed of stacked pairs reading from the part of the manuscript painters to prove that the bottom to top (Smith 1973a: 10), but horizontal ar- last ruler was descended in a direct line, “por linea

128 LIENZOS AND TIRAS FROM OAXACA AND SOUTHERN PUEBLA

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.— Fig. 74. Codex Baranda, which opens with an origin account and continues with parallel lines of rulers. CNCA.recta,” from the founding ancestors, and that there secular, one that usually begins when ancient ancestors were no competitors to the throne. ‘The phrase “por li- or supernaturals emerge into the living world or when nea recta” appears often in colonial litigation, describ- they assign rulership to royal mortals. Then the manuing a necessary condition for valid rule. Although the scripts channel this past through the descent line of the implication is that these vertical ruler lists are a colonial rulers. This union of place, history, and rule thus invention, they might also be a preconquest form that formed a kind of community charter, such that many was emphasized over other presentations to fit colonial towns in Oaxaca and southern Puebla relied on their needs. The vertical column achieves this admirably, for lienzos to function as community land titles throughit presents an unbroken and singular line of rule, with out the colonial period and into the nineteenth century no outside interlopers, and it carefully omits other po- (Smith 1973a: 162), some even into the twentieth cen-

tential claimants. tury (Parmenter 1982: 46-48).

Thus, there are usually three main parts to the historics recorded in the lienzos: the story of divine or hu-

aeof at man action thatand brings a;polity into being, the listing of Stories Polity ee pomt 8» ue | ; successive rulers, the map that defines;the:territory a: ;TWIT - 1and1e] aXe :;

Territor y in the Lienzos in question. These represent the social and geographic elements—the shared past founded in the sacred, the The lienzos ground the narrative content of the tiras to line of rule, and the land—that compose a community a map of territory. The stories they tell are about land kingdom. Since the first two parts also characterize the

and polity, which 1s to say, they record how land is ter- tiras, it is the lenzos’ cartographic component that ritory, and how it becomes polity by being tied to a sa- most distinguishes them from other genres. cred past, a history, and a chain of human rulers who The map graphically organizes and presents knowlcontrol it. As Smith (1973a: 169) has pointed out, over edge about the territory. It represents pictorially or and above any specific reason a lienzo was painted, conventionally not what is seen but what 1s understood these maps “were prepared for one general purpose: to to be. It emphasizes certain features and not others, protect the lands of the community and of the native and by so doing it signals to the reader what the histonobility.” These manuscripts achieve this purpose by rian considered important. Usually a circuit of place naming features of the landscape and organizing them signs delineates the boundary of the territory. As we in such a way as to demarcate a specific territory. They saw with the Lienzo of Zacatepec (Fig. 44), these place join this territory to a past that can be both mythic and signs may be sites of habitation or geographic features.

” -.o & ol :t.| .BS .=i=a 50¢60 STORIES OF POLITY AND TERRITORY IN THE LIENZOS 129

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sometime andactual other major features are located (itey GersOC: LOGS A ea,a4 Re “¢ accorroads, y their geoor: - situatic ees oeey19 COO SSE,

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Lienzos physically unite this map with foundation AE ea aR

, —_— ‘ a a ee I : wS : See ; : sat Te-s Als od 2 aoeNear ; 4 = nd se c AL fo Se the map, as in the Lienzo of Ihuitlan. Vhe ruler list and oT i ce } ESS ey ee eee

events and ruler lists in different ways. The foundation 4 Pye Mik ; i >, DX) LS . =f By

events and ruler lists can be located beside the map and : aa A Qa ede Bee ¥ ay € largely separate from it, as in the Mapa de Teozacoalco. =. Oni ae I, Aer E OF aX bs Or these narrative elements can be placed fully within Y ve me WAN LDF We Se Ba

the representation of place can also be blended, to- ps x Lf

:~Be ' : :2:GBAOEGOQD ‘a am : ae) rage §= NEOCS pO ~ ~ hy =< SPBaQ ise ee ae Pose BE .Fig. re 7 eee pees. que aay) ee Be ae 75. Codex ‘Tulane ruleris list for Gierers Ken ey (2 / Nee. Se . Detail ; : of;theBaines IAca-Vid C3 aNS Es gether forming a historical presentation that 1s less car- D pagies EBV wes a A AGS

tographic or res gestae than it 1s diagrammatic. Such 1s Biri cn SRKO@O Sea:

tlan (right column) with the parents of the wives 4, ne is Rea VE;eG > . aks , is we prees pen Lege Pewe WN” EePRESS a a Poy SY ; 2)YRS NESam Toei a

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: nnn eee

STORIES OF POLITY AND TERRITORY IN THE LIENZOS 131

the waters consistently flow from east to west; on the ings, with arched doorways and crosses on the top, southern (right) side of the map, they originate in the conventionally locate ‘Teozacoalco’s smjetos or subject hills. Cutting irregularly through the land of Teoza- towns.” A shallow bulge at the top of the cartographic coalco, roads are conventionally depicted as brown circle represents the territory of Elotepec, a town forribbons marked by footprints and, now that horses merly subject to Teozacoalco. Mundy (1996: 112) sughave arrived, with hooftprints. Most of these roads lead gests that the mapa artist was copying here an old map to and from ‘Teozacoalco proper, represented in the that had originally embraced Elotepec but was since recenter left of the circle by its square plaza flanked on vised to omit the former sayeto; the painter simply copits eastern side by a tall church and shorter bell tower ied both boundaries. and on its southern side by a building and courtyard Ruler Lists. Three ruler lists are associated with this complex that the Spanish gloss identifies as the ruler’s territorial map, two in columns that rise along the left

palace. side of the sheet (Fig. 78) and one that grows from In ‘Teozacoalco’s hinterlands, thirteen small build- Teozacoalco’s civic center inside the map (Fig. 79).

Fig. 77. Map of the polity of Teozacoalco on the Mapa de Teozacoalco. Photograph courtesy of the Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

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f anit ad :OG Te =bad acre .. Sian if “ >| :bas i J foee 2 | Fig. 86. Lienzo Seler HW. Within a cartographic rectangle that defines territory, ruler lists rise upward from place signs; the principal event of foundation ts pictured in the lower center, surrounded by the circle of place signs. Photograph courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin—Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum ftir Volkerkunde.

172) suggests that all the columns read bottom to top and Lady 1 Eagle in the lienzo to the same pair who ap-

in the usual manner. pear as ancestral founders at Apoala in the ZoucheSeveral of the places in the lower half of the lienzo Nuttall (16b) and Vienna Obverse (34d—33a, 16a). This are identical to those that appear in the Vienna Obverse suggests to Smith (1998: 165) that the lower half of the when the Mixteca is being created. Specifically, Caso lienzo 1s devoted to the actions of ancient ancestors and

(1964b) identified Stones and Checkered Stones with the upper half to the ruling dynasty of Corn Plant the Checkerboard Hill in the Vienna Obverse (45a, 21) Place. The other people in the lienzo are not known to and Cobweb Valley with the same place sign in the V1- be mentioned in extant Mixtec pictorials, which shows enna Obverse (42b, 7b).?* He also likened Lord 1 Grass the document to have a local perspective.

144 LIENZOS AND TIRAS FROM OAXACA AND SOUTHERN PUEBLA

1 ai - Uniting Lineage with Place

The Lienzo of Philadelphia may be less a carto- ino Lj th Pl

graphic history than a diagrammatic one, and, indeed, Smith does not see it as a map at all. If the place signs, The Mapa de ‘Teozacoalco, the Lienzo of Thuitlan, and once they are securely identified, are found not to have the Lienzo of Philadelphia represent three different so-

a cartographic relation with each other, we will have lutions to the problem faced by history painters who only a diagram of events rather than a diagram that 1s wanted to unite lineages with place. These solutions also a map. All the places save Serpent Hill are sites of also reflect different views, on the part of the painters, events. The painter has gathered the points of origin about what kinds of documents these were. ‘The Teozaon the left and has placed the new polities on the right, coalco painter runs his columns of rulers beside his with clear lines linking them. The Lienzo of Yolotepec map, keeping the two independent until toward the (Caso 1958b) 1s another diagrammatic history, where end when he relocates the ruler list to Teozacoalco people, events, and time flow from point to point proper. He sees the map and the ruler list as essentially

across the face of the sheet. separate entities. The Ihuitlan painter fills the entire Fig. 87. Lienzo of Philadelphia. Individuals leave the place signs on the left and travel to those on the right; at Corn Plant Place, twenty-four generations of rulers rise upward from the place sign. Photograph courtesy of the University of Pennsylvania Museum (neg. #58-19821).

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2 J Py ed rey * . ied = ee A dae SR BPO qibinne t js

Fig. 90. Lienzo of Tlapiltepec. Reproduced with permission of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Canada.

SUPERNATURAL ORIGINS AND RITUALS OF FOUNDATION 149

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: (CC LY) a 49 )F FEE Se i! Foundation Wwe A¢omer ay OE DPE Wor ar? Bt|:

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Coa A Z ey , qaae; i Bae a ©; Cexee ‘ ‘ ones Origin stories ”oom i BY Leggs, Ay | Nb |ot

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— ye |) C é ps e/ ee ve om 4 oN?

Aicomoztoc C Ae ID PGS LeaLAgsiy=&)=i)Ly- ee < |IatRatns { aN CFR FS Gis Fig. 91. The origin stories presented in the lower left quarter of the Lienzo of Tlapiltepec; both stories begin in the lower left corner. Drawing by Nicholas Johnson.

150 LIENZOS AND TIRAS FROM OAXACA AND SOUTHERN PUEBLA

E S N WwW Successors, the

Sky Skull Checkerboard River 12 Flints Hill

ANTE QEES =] Ore Sos Same eee & Lord 9 Reed TEENS Ve BTS |, OSBRE) Zo Mee Re SSeras Ce;FASS == pes ae = fe CU:oem) oP ©We

emerges from eer ——s = : a aC. its - a ; 25 e +a

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and ee

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d{/ < 3 H/ & \o, 4 me G a \ ERS -: / 5) alli ] % Ate =4 “>: ate Oe) : %Gee RS iy Je ar ~:2i em iL=SS5 it dlel)= |eren — y|-—_—_—_—— ——_——— JQwt WY “le¥E AN SSANY aN :iDY V4 @ Hepes ‘adNE “AC fi > [83 e), aN=T— Qi=A4 ife VA cl sJ—J =; =| he Any ; RS 2 # = ai = we™ =f ——— > ey We FE

SS \

on top of the place sign. The Selden Roll shows the cult imommlife J

bundle of 9 Wind, now holding the arrow or spear that ‘ ¥ Foe, See |

one. of the priests firmly situated on a (Bsume. A Rs = a ; ae “as -hasOfbrought, © Ream ae maw

; ~ —~ . . % . uf] : ae \

; iqyehold “10the: drilling U \b7, San WSS WW }

- L/ Ay fA

top the scene carrying anotherZ| cult bundle. = | EX ti AN Ui -atThethe;date teof1sos oa Oe" 5 : ORE Fe z year 10 House day 4 Lizard. The same Perk is 7 IN [h = ao drills a new fire. The fourth priest, 13 Lizard, arrives We Ne : N ERGN Jd

participants fireAe in the Lienzo fh. OS, I | , \ZER Food i < as rar eedrill atin apg onsofaTlapiltepec: == Wr ——omber priest 10 House bases tne start prior to setting it in the f ES. eS Ss & Ue

ground (here the staff is like the red quincunxa stafts ir Nee tN,‘ AX

ss

aS / = )

II = SIC cD een CAD OV? | é O Fre | (ay ss ae BRaEL S3hy) 4 SE Hye 5 156 LIENZOS AND TIRAS FROM OAXACA AND SOUTHERN PUEBLA

~/ [Sy Gee«; ,DOS yx * Ue Geo) ic Az i aw de___ ore?

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SEQ —--————_ } Lifes)( i ) MX eet} eS =Ic : ASSIA Cay we AES Ss. , . Ne é oo acoc 3 GAS DO ae ae “ ene 7. oo ==: were ar (0 OT me ; EF ns fy [J /\ Om ? (te iG , woe is >, () Ne Ro

Fig. 100. The foundation scene in the Selden Roll. Above the elaborate place sign is the cult bundle of 9 Wind (year 10 House day 4 Lizard); three priests participate in the fire drilling (to the left), while the fourth (upper left) brings another cult bundle. The Bodleian Library, Oxtord, MS. Arch. Selden. A. 72.

that mark foundation rituals in the Zouche-Nuttall ing life-sustaining waters to the area (Fig. 102). To the [1s—19, 21-22]), while priest 13 Lizard actually drills the left of the fire drilling, a Raingod priest or supernatural fire. Priests 9 Vulture and 4 Monkey are represented named 7 House shakes the severed head of another rain only by their day names on either side of the drilling; god until water sprinkles out of the neck. Below this a

the date above them is the same year 10 House day man named 4 Crocodile—characterized by a beard,

4 Lizard of the Selden Roll. turquoise diadem, and warrior’s topknot—has cut in Around this climactic scene in both manuscripts are half a great serpent, from which water now flows. ‘The other elements that contribute to the foundation. The males appear to be bringing rain and groundwater reSelden Roll presents what I suggest is the act of bring- spectively to the area. Although the Tlapiltepec lienzo

SUPERNATURAL ORIGINS AND RITUALS OF FOUNDATION 1§7

Fire drilling (y10 House d4 Lizard and y3 House d2 Wind)

Y Be, Sky 9 Vulture %) o~.

fz(be AeA | ) aS) ea gg }ec 13 Lizard v 10 House (\ eee | ae Pies)

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A a TN ANIM OCALA NE tet D if ee epi aay Eee & fe. / \ my fe aeOe HeORM 5 ‘ , may & ibo att oh za he af ee + ; IrySy fF aSeep, ; ag ¥ anryah5.) as ari Shy| \\ ‘ eo4 fig Sade hier , SE eaen VA ee Yass 4 i i iy! Pope | SEN Bhs avi ae / pa oy %) o\PSeng, i 77 “Fi >[oP yi ** ' a/2| affe: |! if tsOeoaWs i):aie: a? ‘e FR | 5 aa we © 3 J a) 1 sis ay Bt NG j Nas ys. » Se H AR , ae | * va Res | i We ye | Gs TAT et bh emer: toe

hay ie £14 % a i elfiY\ 4At mmeieee H ( ;;Be ; : 1Wal: hit1 “% i Lhe &A Ss? :ie.. ehe“4 Baht beefs ; iy | B49 mae ic' ;Yip ON ih igsae ht f 3 f;

'at,NIK {EAL A“} WM aBla ae ,4Aan) ae pene mmc Aeact: Sn): eeA i cP , eA eeEebah tee \ aePaeed et:rn xi.4 ore Seaaee ) 7 (Sedn vie ns21 Rf Nein. a: O . { 7h g spent os-a ; teOI Ll ele. aa ; e eh)" i Blache ! Pe sud €he #ea Fig. 105. Mapa Sigiienza. CNCA.-INAH.-MEX; reproduced with permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.

sign and commands a crowd of Aztecs to go forth, its the people were forced to move when a great tree broke fulsome speech carried by the waves of speech scrolls in two (see Chapter 8). that roll from its mouth. The migratory path begins After the migrating leaders are named, the migrathere as a narrow ribbon punctuated by footprints. As tion proceeds anonymously along the footprinted path the leaders of the tribe actually set off on the journey, from site to site, each site identified by its place sign. they are individually identified by name glyphs. The The footprints establish the direction of the path and, amount of space available on the line of the journcy al- in the absence of walking figures, also provide the aclows the artist to present five men first and then ten tion. The reader knows to assume that all the Aztecs more below that.’ The first stop along the migration and their leaders are following this path. Most sites are recorded here 1s Aztacoalco (the place sign combines a accompanied by a number of small blue disks, which water bird, olla, and water), where the painter records indicate the number of years the Aztecs paused in each that the Aztecs constructed a temple and bound the place. Year bundles at some sites signal the closing of years once more (Orozco y Berra 1960, 3:122). The other fifty-two-year cycles. The migratory path leads large tree at this place may refer to an episode where around the upper right quadrant in a roughly counterclockwise direction to the lower right; then it doubles

168 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

back and undulates along the bottom of the sheet be- When the Aztecs finally arrive at Chapultepec on the fore it rises to the top of the sheet and crosses to the far left side of the sheet, they have entered the lakeside upper left, where it doubles back again and drops down around Lake Texcoco (Fig. 107). There is a fundamento Chapultepec (Grasshopper Hill), situated promi- tal shift in the pictorial account here. Their story takes

nently in the left side of the sheet. on more detail, the presentation of information beFew eventful moments occur along this path to re- comes less purely toponymic and more geographic and lieve the monotony of movement from place to place. pictorial, and most of the figures appear upside down, At the top of the right side, a funerary bundle records which means that the reader is required either to turn one leader’s death at Mizquiyahuayla (Round Forest of the sheet around or to move to the other side 1n order Mesquites), where the Aztecs also celebrated the close to follow the story easily. The singular route of the miof another cycle (Orozco y Berra 1960, 3:126). The m1- gration also now diverges into three separate paths. gratory path diverges only once, at the bottom of the ‘Tribal leaders again make their presence known by beright side, where Huitzilihuitl leaves Cuauhtepec ([?] ing named and shown in action. Eagle Tree) along a path that leads up to Cuauhmatla Below Chapultepec, the lake itself is not toponymi(Eagle Hunting Net). Chicomoztoc (Seven Caves) ap- cally named but 1s pictorially described as a marshy pears along the route in the upper midpoint of the swamp, dotted with reeds and rushes and cut by straight sheet as a hill with a dark circular cave inside and seven blue canals. One large canal drops down from the base disks above; there the Aztecs pass cight years. of Chapultepec; another runs parallel to it on the right, Fig. 106. The Aztecs’ departure from Aztlan on the Mapa Sigitenza. CNCA.-INAH.-MEX; reproduced with permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.

co [oe Os Toe Jo RO SE ee git fe : : , Ee = : eS to f - Ry > iat a 3 Ra hee tea ; . it— Za * eee -{ = : x Lp 5 ™

Pon axe, aN fs aa ©) & SS § Yo A oF : ie; ve 8 f ) = ? oy Nie Pasa gate Se tees OI: ts y 4, :;etae Pe»i : ‘fr. aJEaro be)BL ee >:Moe :ate ; aor :eezSn eds al BO siMeee Goo E> Lvcites 5 cece sb ie OES ee. ox, ae mls . -"% % 2 24 Pe s et ae 3 ‘ Ses ra 7 - y : ‘ Et 4 y A 4 » 1 " # . me , 4

: ; ¥ =: ‘ i _— :
Mf Spec / Ne ‘ Ps a

a Rtyo RT, fey é&>oeie From here the Aztecs’ path continues past several

‘ z . ; em — pet

; club) »oktns pee REL *,, Chere, oecteRe Pihae >|‘|ea {7 sa shield cliald.= AY Zp:' ee ea ee 26@00 8 Vie | BPRS (the and attached. The lastPe feweeplaces agree be e® rs . rice Lf vs PROG

more place signs, two of which have symbols of war wd a | vA ta a ae sie 25 wr |

with those in the other histories: after Iztacalco (Place , | We As 6 Se of the Salt House), the daughter of one leader gives >» ro SaaS, ee TE birth at a place thereafter named Mixiuhcan (Place of aise gs | agli SNS

an in} . ,cia: ‘' ete i ‘ dS + (veg iA - ; me.

Childbirth), and a sweatbath is built at the place then r af | \ ' sh RINSE sleek a eed ae

known as Temazcaltitlan (Sweatbath; Duran 1994: ey] ul ; | ie (oF

40-41). When the Aztecs finally reach Tenochtitlan 231; ee \\ age is 1 ae we

(Fig. 110), the event of foundation is pictured without eee a \ js f / fy ayy LR,Gs ScURE a 5 SS Pet ; ma ee If 1 Ke) aeoeik2 AN ! 1 a Oa Sees aby: Vite 22 \eae AN }SEY \ }DSN EN 3 Deg 14) |j4,3At :: re Th \\ JOA j Ne (La) { Wo Za. eseae) dee Sean aS, Aas f i Soman yi j iy ° \w : \ ; ; HO AY

Y‘V\\\ a \ ne stil \ i Awne AL\ Se Wriesl mea: AR Ae {FI (ea Sin j -usuiersf hy rows » .ATT a . *3

ENN } . . ger | 4 Y pe 24 fo ae ti 5 ar 2 a P | }J f ° | Ny Z ; ! 4 ‘ 1 a -t ] AY ‘ ‘

’ 48% + —8=>) o-§—et LF Se . bu» j fet i is Soin hinen 4 Bie , ie

Fig. 110. The founding of Tenochtitlan on the Mapa Sigtienza (inverted for clarity). CNCA.-INAH.-MEX; reproduced with permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.

tableau), the artist is able to summarize and condense its position in the middle of Lake Texcoco would also much of the history so that he can expand the pictorial prove to be one of its chief advantages in commerce narrative in experiential space when more detail should and in war. The history painter of the Mapa Sigiienza

be included. wanted his readers to understand just where Tenochti-

= we ‘ (= - ww eq

By using two different spatial systems, one itinerary tlan was with respect to its neighbors, so he positions and the other geographic, as the foundation of the pic- the second half of the migration story in geographic torial history, the painter 1s differentiating what 1s im- space. portant in the two parts of the migration story. In the Several other Aztec cartographic histories use this first half of the story, 1t was important to tell that the combination of itinerary and geographic space, as do Aztecs left Aztlan and traveled from one place to an- such Mixtec and Coixtlahuaca documents as the Lienzo other. The geographic location of Aztlan is unimpor- of Zacatepec, Lienzo of Tlapiltepec, and Selden Roll. tant to the painted story, as are the locations of the All these histories record the journey of their protagostops along the migration. What 1s necessary to the his- nists from some origin point to the territory in questory painter 1s the sequence of the towns on the route. tion, which is then graphically described. In the first Once the Aztecs arrive in the Valley of Mexico, how- part of these stories, geography is less important than ever, geography becomes a real factor, because the geo- the sequence of places, so the itinerary format efhgraphic situation of the various lakeside towns was an ciently addresses the needs of the narrative. When geintegral part of the story about the Aztec rise to power. ography does become important in the second part of As Tenochtitlan grew to greatness in the years to come, these stories, the narrative requires a cartographic ex-

THE CARTOGRAPHIC HISTORIES OF CUAUHTINCHAN 173

pression of the territory. The narratives thus begin by 32v—-33r of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca. Cuauhmoving in res gestae fashion through undefined space tinchan Map 2 echoes the Mapa Sigiienza, whereas the and then, when the homeland is reached, move from two smaller maps may be related as prototype to copy. one specific location to another on the map.

Cuauhtinchan Map 2

The Cartographic Histories This great panel of native paper (c. log cm X 204 cm)

is topically parallel and structurally similar to the Mapa

of Cuauhtinchan Sigiienza (Figs. 111, 112). By this I mean that it tells the

story of the migration of the Cuahtinchantlaca (the This same juxtaposition of itinerary and map 1s seen people of Cuauhtinchan) from their point of origin to in some of the Cuauhtinchan pictorials. A group of six the founding of Cuauhtinchan. In this case, the point cartographic histories have come down to us from the of origin is Chicomoztoc, and the journey takes the altepetl of Cuauhtinchan, located just south of the mod- people to the important civic and religious center of ern city of Puebla and just southeast of the ancient city Cholula (functioning as a narrative equivalent to Chaof Cholula.'* The altepetl was ethnically diverse, but pultepec) and then on to Cuauhtinchan. Like the Mapa Nahuatl was the dominant language, and its people Sigiienza, Cuauhtinchan Map 2 begins as an itinerary were politically and culturally affiliated with the Aztecs, but ends as a map. The journey from Chicomoztoc to who conquered Cuauhtinchan in the fifteenth century. Cholula follows along an undulating path past a series Three of the Cuauhtinchan pictorials (Cuauhtinchan of places. Then, once the people reach Cholula and apMaps 1, 2, and 3) are large sheets of native paper that proach the territory around Cuauhtinchan, the account exist as independent entities. A fourth document is a shifts to a map-based format where Cuauhtinchan’s sheet of European paper backed by native paper, called foundation is presented in the middle of a cartographic the Mapa Pintado en Papel Europeo e Aforrado en el rectangle framed by a circuit of boundaries. In its strucIndiano; it is now bound in the same volume with the ture and the overall outlines of the story, the map is a Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, although it was painted Cuauhtinchan equivalent of the Mixtec Lienzo of Zaprior to the Historia earlier in the sixteenth century. catepec, the Corxtlahuaca Valley Selden Roll, and the The fifth and sixth of Cuauhtinchan’s cartographic his- Mexica Mapa Sigiienza. It 1s a migration-to-foundation tories were painted as part of the Historia Tolteca- story where the tour format of the journey yields to a Chichimeca (c. 1545-1565), where they provide carto- tableau presentation of the founding. graphic relief to the annals structure of the volume; the The Cuauhtinchan migration begins in the upper Historia in which these maps are embedded blends pic- left corner at Chicomoztoc where Chichimec leaders torial segments and alphabetic texts to tell the history emerge to follow a winding route—almost a horizonof Cuauhtinchan from its migratory origins through tal boustrophedon— down to the bottom of the sheet, its founding and up to 1544, where it breaks off. then back up, then down and up again until Cholula is All of the six cartographic histories focus on the early reached in the middle of the map. The yellow footperiod of Cuauhtinchan’s history, the time when the printed path bifurcates about a third of the way into people were migrating to the area and founding their the journey, so that two paths eventually reach Chopolity. They yield special insights when studied as a lula. The altepetl of Cholula is represented by the argroup because they all pertain to the same polity and chitecture of its palace, presented here as four onepeople and they are thus all part of the same histor1- story structures and a central temple-pyramid around a cal tradition. There is a fair amount of overlap in their courtyard, flanked on the sides by two auxiliary buildnarratives, but each document still tells a slightly dif- ings (Fig. 113). The right of the sheet is given over to ferent part of Cuauhtinchan’s larger history and from a the map of the Cuauhtinchan-Tepeaca area delimited slightly different perspective. I will focus on Cuauhtin- by the same yellow footprinted path that winds its way chan Map 2, the Mapa Pintado, and the map of Cuauh- counterclockwise around the territory, beginning and tinchan’s founding and boundaries that spans pages ending at Cholula.

174- STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

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which splits off to the left, goes more directly to Cho-

four also bear on their back the tobacco pouches of lula; it 1s the road that continues to carry the day signs. priests. The one female warrior in their midst wears an It enters Cholula from the top just after the day 6 Rain, elaborate back device and carries a shield and a baton in arriving on 7 Flower. The other road 1s the more cirthe form of a severed leg.'? Fourteen Chichimecs are cuitous; it is the road that leads past Chapultepec and pictured coming forth.'° The first, shown seated, 1s the Tenochtitlan and the two volcanoes, winding back on only one with a name sign; he 1s Coatzin (Serpent), de-

THE CARTOGRAPHIC HISTORIES OF CUAUHTINCHAN 177

itself several times. It 1s the road that enters Cholula in the lower right corner), and the Tentzon mountain

coming up from the bottom of the map.’” range along the lower border. The great Atoyac river By the time the Chichimecs arrive at Cholula, system runs down from Tlaxcala, past Cholula, and twenty days have passed since they were first called then along the base of the Tentzon range to flow off the forth at Chicomoztoc. The emergence and journey has bottom edge of the sheet.'? On the left, the volcanoes occupied a full suite of the twenty day signs, beginning Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl are part of the ambiguwith Crocodile and ending with Flower. I stress this ous space of the itinerary, but they are still placed on because I believe this twenty-day count is functioning the sheet as if they were part of the geographic setting metaphorically here to represent a full and complete of the Cholula-Cuauhtinchan area. amount of time. The migratory action begins on the The range of hills that runs left to right in the center first day of the day count, 1 Crocodile, the day that of the cartograph embraces the new town of Cuauhmarks so many other supernatural births, descents, and tinchan, whose place sign is rendered here as an eagle emergences. This is not to say that the Chichimecs, tak- and a jaguar facing each other inside a cave. Although ing the shorter route, could not have actually reached the Cuauhtinchan map is badly damaged here, one can Cholula in twenty days, but that the twenty days that still see some of the seated men and women gathering run from 1 Crocodile to 7 Flower are highly symbolic. at the founding. Around this large territory, a meanThey represent the initial run of the day count as well dering path links a great number of place signs (most as the complete cycle of the day signs, and they meta- as yet unidentified) like a circuit, one that begins at phorically signal the beginning and completion of the Cholula and ends there as well. This is not Cuauhtinmost fundamental unit of time. Too, the emergence chan’s boundary line. Instead, traces of a cartographic from Chicomoztoc and the ensuing rituals are sym- rectangle inside the undulating frame suggest the polbolic as events that initiate the process of Cuauhtin- ity’s borders. Footprints and black lines dotted with

chan’s creation. footprints describe paths of movement within the area Once the Chichimecs arrive at Cholula, the Historia as well as political and family connections. Tolteca-Chichimeca tells how they help the Toltecs Cuauhtinchan Map 2 1s quintessentially a migrationhandily defeat their enemies, for which the Toltecs to-foundation history, sharing narrative elements and grant the Chichimecs the right to found new altepetl in its structure with other such pictorials. The founders the area. The battle is represented in the Cuauhtinchan emerge from a place of origin—here it 1s Chicomozmap by the bow and arrow and the shield and sacrificial toc, whereas elsewhere it is Aztlan (Mapa Sigiienza) or banner painted near the day sign 7 Flower (Fig. 113). In the heavens and Chicomoztoc (Selden Roll and related the plaza of Cholula’s palace, the sacrifice by two Chi- manuscripts) —to follow an itinerary, moving from site chimecs of a quail, serpent, grasshopper, and butterfly to site through ambiguous space to the founding. As in

is probably related to their founding of new towns.'® the Selden Roll and others, the emergence begins on Cuauhtinchan Map 2 then turns to a cartographic the metaphoric day 1 Crocodile; in Cuauhtinchan Map rendering of the area east of Cholula, oriented with 2, 1t culminates nineteen days later once all the twenty north at the top (Fig. 115). The itinerary space of the day signs have run their course. As in the Selden Roll, migration gives way to a map of the region, where the too, individuals have traveled to the point of origin in major features of the land are now fixed geographically. order to draw out the migrants. Then when the travelFrom this point forward the events are pictured as tak- ers near their new territory and real space becomes iming place in an actual landscape, and the focus is on the portant for the narrative, the historian shifts the format site of Cuauhtinchan, situated just to the right of the to a cartograph to describe the founding events as occenter of the sheet (and secondarily to the founding of curring in geographic space. This is also the case in other polities). The geography of the area encompasses such other founding documents as the Mapa Sigiienza, Cholula on the western edge, then Tlaxcala and the Selden Roll, and even the Lienzo of Zacatepec. mountain of Malinche to the north (above Cholula), In the Cuauhtinchan map, Cholula functions as the the peak of snow-capped Orizaba (in the upper right pivot of the story, the link between the tour of the jourcorner), the city of Corxtlahuaca (the hill of serpents ney and the tableau of the founding, and it is the place

178 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

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Fig. 115. The map on the right side of Cuauhtinchan Map 2. Photograph of the 1892 copy. CNCA.-INAH.-MEX; reproduced with permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.

where the Chichimecs are given permission to found both are also sites of political transformation, where new altepetl. In this way, it functions visually like Cha- the wanderers arrive from their journeys, serve the ear-

pultepec in the Mapa Sigtienza but thematically like lier settled people who live there, and are repaid by beCulhuacan. Both Cholula and Culhuacan are places long ing granted their own lands to settle. invested with political authority. For the newcomers,

THE CARTOGRAPHIC HISTORIES OF CUAUHTINCHAN 179

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a Seed Ss ereaSeegee ay Bo! ae SB *, peaa, be2eae of Sane | ee oeom ti ee ee‘Emhi Zed i ; Se Abs Fig. 118. Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding, Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca 32v—33r. Photograph courtesy of the Biblhhotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

repeats about two-thirds of the content, but it adds other data.?° Both documents treat the second half of Cuauhtinchan’s migration-to-foundation story, taking

| Paeeeen up the narrative once the Chichimecs and their Toltec allies have actually entered the immediate area of aCuauhtinchan Cuauhtinchan and directing their lenses on the actual Circuit C process of founding. Thus, Cholula is omitted, and the

Circuit B $29 :

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geography pertains to the local area of Cuauhtinchan.

The two histories present the Chichimecs’ arrival in the

: area, their establishment of boundaries, their conquests of competing polities, and their founding of Cuauhtinchan. Both differ from the itinerary-to-map format of Cuauhtinchan Map 2 because they employ Fig. 119. Diagram of the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s the itinerary itself to define territory.

Founding. Drawing by John Montgomery. The Mapa Pintado diagrams three interlocking circuits of toponyms (Fig. 117). Circuit A is a route of travel, which begins on the left of the map, immed1-

THE CARTOGRAPHIC HISTORIES OF CUAUHTINCHAN 181

ately bifurcates, and continues at the top and bottom of Maguey Cactus, and Place of Unripe Corn, repreto the right side of the page. Circuit B 1s a set of bound- sented by the eagle, the split hill, the maguey cactus, aries for Cuauhtinchan beginning in the upper left cor- and the corn stalk with tender ear (Leibsohn 1993: 347, ner and running counterclockwise, and Circuit C is a 387 n. 88; 1994: 177, 184). The foundation date is the loose series of conquered places (less a true circuit than year 8 Reed. Below and to the right, the seven polities a collection of places that appear in the same relative of Circuit C are shown in defeat: arrows fly, and the position). In the center of these circuits is the place named rulers appear as bloody severed heads. sign of Cuauhtinchan presented at the moment of its The Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding in the Histofounding. Although the Mapa Pintado (Fig. 117) con- ria (Figs. 118, 119) tells the same founding story but

tains all three circuits, the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s adds details. To describe the ritual, it shows MoquiFounding (Fig. 119) omits the initial route of travel huix seated in a house/palace on the left of Cuauhtin-

that 1s Circuit A. chan’s place sign and also drilling a new fire above the The story, told more completely by the Mapa Pin- right, while Teuhctlecozauhqui sits below facing his tado, begins on the left side of the page (Figs. 116, 117). new Toltec wife. Footprints from the left have brought

There the two Toltec heroes Quetzalteueyac (Quetzal these two founders here, just as other footprints have Plume from Lips) and Icxicohuatl (Serpent Foot) con- brought three other Chichimec lords to settle three verse in a meeting with two lords (described as Chichi- other polities below Cuauhtinchan.?? mecs in the Historia). The group separates, one travel- In both of these pictorial accounts of Cuauhtining the top route and the other the bottom route until chan’s founding, and especially in the Mapa Pintado, the paths of Circuit A meet again on the right side of the reading order and thus the historical sequence of the page, where the two Toltecs meet in conversation the narrative is ambiguous. It is impossible to tell solely with two other Chichimecs: one is a Cuauhtinchan- from the cartographic presentations which circuits and tlaca (pictured on the top, with the cactus name sign), routes, and which actions, are to be read before the and the other is from Totomihuacan (pictured below, others. The alphabetic text of the Historia Toltecawith a banners name sign).?' Not only has this route Chichimeca, which follows the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s brought the Chichimecs into the area, but it has also Founding, lists the boundaries first, then tells how the delimited part of the boundaries of the neighboring founders entered their altepetl and laid waste to the polity of Totomihuacan, for the lower route of Cir- land (Leibsohn 1993: 347-349). The order of reality, cuit A duplicates one side of Totomihuacan’s border. however, might well have been different, for the people The founding of Totomihuacan is pictured as an aside could logically have drilled the fire and established the in the lower left corner of the map where the founder town before they defined their boundaries. Colonial appears with a cult bundle and a bow and arrow next prose accounts of foundation rituals usually put the to the Totomihuacan’s place sign (the hill with the walking of the boundaries last, just before the celebra-

basket). tory feast (Boone n.d.). The point here 1s that the his-

The rest of the narrative concentrates on Cuauhtin- torian, by not specifying the reading order, has left it chan and is replicated in the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s up to the reader. This creates a competition between Founding. Footprints that begin near the upper left the several circuits and actions that ask to be read first, corner of Circuit B and continue in a counterclock- or at least not last. One feels this especially in the Mapa wise direction define the boundaries of Cuauhtinchan Pintado, where an extra circuit is crowded on the sheet as a cartographic rectangle. Other footprints carry the and where the footprints and place signs are so amCuauhtinchantlaca into the interior of this territory, biguously spaced that the paths of movement are difhwhere the founders Moquiuix (with black stripe across cult to follow. Here the place signs and routes come cheek) and Teuhctlecozauhqui (the serpent head) are equally to the fore and vie for prominence. pictured just below Cuauhtinchan (Fig. 116). Cuauh- Leibsohn (1994: 166-170) points out that cartotinchan’s place sign is elaborated here to include sev- graphic histories “simultaneously deploy itinerary and eral of the polity’s appellatives: Home of the Eagle tableau [and]... hold the two systems in tension, mak(Cuauhtinchan), Place Where the Hill Is Broken, Place ing no attempt to reconcile the incongruities.” This ob-

182 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

servation is particularly apt for the Mapa Pintado and tial projection of territory as the a priori foundation the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding, which blend the for the narrative. The Codex Xolotl, Mapa Tlotzin, and circuit and map formats even more so than do Cuauh- Mapa Quinatzin are named for the first three Texcocan tinchan Map 2 and some of the others. In these foun- rulers. The Codex Xolotl is a group of ten amatl sheets dation histories, toponyms alone describe the physical that together form nine sequential segments of Texcoregion, and their placement is based less on geography can history (sheets 9 and 10 are joined to create a single than on the requirements of design that put them in se- large map). The Mapa Tlotzin is a relatively short hide quential order, regularly spaced, together on the sheet tira, and the Mapa Quinatzin 1s three amatl sheets, two (Robertson 1959: 180). The place signs do not so much still connected to each other.

form a map as they create a set of itineraries. There 1s The documents cover Texcocan history from the no sense of a preexisting geography into which the Chi- time when the earliest founders, as wandering Chichimecs stepped, as there 1s on the right side of Cuauh- chimecs, entered the Valley of Mexico, and they carry tinchan Map 2. Instead, as Leibsohn (1995: 269) has the stories up into the fifteenth and mid-sixteenth cen-

noted, the toponyms exist only because the Chichi- turies.?* There is no recounting of a long migration mecs came to these places. In these two cartographic from Chicomoztoc or Aztlan, however. The narratives histories, more than most others, the actions of the might refer obliquely to the migration, but they all beprotagonists cause the land to be revealed. gin once this journey 1s largely behind and the people Of these three cartographic histories from Cuauh- near their destination. Nor do the stories culminate tinchan, Cuauhtinchan Map 2 is the most extensive with the founding of the altepetl, as do the maps perboth in its narrative and in the area it covers geographi- taining to Cuauhtinchan. The foundation of Texcoco 1s

cally. It and the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca are the included, to be sure, but it serves as a stage in the poonly Cuauhtinchan histories to relate the Chichimecs’ litical development of the polity, a point from which emergence from Chicomoztoc and subsequent journey the histories progress. The Codex Xolotl recounts Texto Cholula prior to coming to Cuauhtinchan. The area cocan history up to Nezahualcoyotl (Fasting Coyote) it represents stretches from Chapultepec and Tenochti- in the early fifteenth century. The Mapa Quinatzin tlan in the Valley of Mexico, to Tlaxcala in the north, takes Texcoco up to the rule of Nezahualpilli (Fasting the distant Peak of Orizaba in the east, and Coixtla- Lord), Nezahualcoyotl’s son, and the Mapa Tlotzin rehuaca toward the southeast. The Mapa Pintado and the cords the continuous rule of Texcocan tlatoque past the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding in the Historia are Spanish conquest and into the 1530s. much more subscribed. As local documents, they con- The narratives in these three cartographic histories centrate on the Chichimec arrival in the immediate are founded on geographic maps. Whereas Cuauhtinvicinity of Cuauhtinchan, the establishment of bound- chan Map 2, the Selden Roll, and the Lienzo of Tlapilaries, conquests of nearby competitors, and the found- tepec open with a distinct itinerary sequence that pre-

ing of altepetl. cedes and leads to a map (which the narrative then enters), the Texcocan pictorials begin with the map it-

; ; self; in this they are similar to the Mapa Pintado and The Texcocan Map-based Histories the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding in the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca. But unlike the latter two, the Tex-

On the other side of the mountain range, in the Valley cocan pictorials do not rely on regularized circuits of of Mexico, Texcocan historians were painting equiva- toponyms to define territory or signal the movement of lent stories about the Acolhuaque (the people of the people across the land (except when Xolotl walks TeAcolhua domain, whose altepetl ultimately paid trib- nayuca’s boundaries). Instead, geographically founded ute to Texcoco). Three of these cartographic histories cartographs cover the full surface of the Codex Xolotl have survived to preserve Texcoco’s pictorial image of and Mapa Tlotzin and part of the Mapa Quinatzin, and its past. This image extends later in time than does the the narrative is then fit onto the preexisting features of past recorded in Cuauhtinchan’s maps, and it is struc- the land. In this respect, the Texcocan maps are similar tured differently, for the Texcocan maps prize the spa- to the Lienzo of Ihuitlan and the right side of Cuauh-

THE TEXCOCAN MAP-BASED HISTORIES 183

tinchan Map 2. The presentation of history accom- Valley of Mexico.** And it treats the genealogical and modates itself largely to the requirements of the map. political situation of this wide network of sites in deThe Texcocan documents are also more diagrammatic tail, crowding the spaces between the geographic feathan the others, in that some situations or relation- tures and toponyms with action and short genealogies. ships are presented more as diagrams than as scenes, Its ten leaves of amate (c. 42 cm X 48 cm) form a series because their authors fit genealogies or ruler lists and a of eight maps on which historical episodes are painted; considerable amount of action between the geographic sheet 8 is a cluster of interwoven vignettes without a

locations. cartographic foundation, and leaves 9 and Io are covered by a single map.?°

Cates Xolod The geographic presentation 1s fairly consistent from map to map (Figs. 42, 120). Toponyms of the principal

The Codex Xolotl is a case in point. It is the fullest of sites and descriptive images of the major natural feathe ‘Texcocan pictorial histories, covering events that tures are arranged roughly as they are on the ground, occurred in a dozen or more polities in and around the and the maps are oriented with east at the top. RunFig. 120. Map 2 of the Codex Xolotl. Photograph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

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184 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

ning parallel to the top is the long line of undulating As explained in Chapter 4, map 1 of the codex mountains that delimits the eastern edge of the Val- (Fig. 42) describes the Chichimec entrance into the ley of Mexico. Below this and running parallel to the valley, under the leadership of Xolotl (the beast Xolotl) mountains is the great system of lakes: Lake Xaltocan and his son Nopaltzin (Nopal Cactus). After reconnoias the loop to the left, Lake Texcoco as the broad body tering the land, Xolotl founds his polity at Tenayuca in the middle, and Lakes Xochimilco and Chalco form- and ritually takes control of the territory by walking its ing the upward curve on the right. The physical reality boundaries. The narrative of map 1 closes with Xolotl of these topographic features 1s abstracted pictorially enthroned at Tenayuca, surrounded by his son, wife, on the map to preserve the shape of the lake and the and six vassals. Map 2 resumes the narrative with Xolotl slopes of the hills. Individual polities, however, are rep- still seated at Tenayuca, his wife behind him (Fig. 121). resented by their toponyms.*° In the lower right, for They and all the other Chichimecs still wear the animal example, the curved hill marks Culhuacan, and the skin clothes of the nomads they have been, and the men Grasshopper Hull identifies Chapultepec. Sites might consistently wear their hair long and carry the Chichiappear or disappear as their importance for the story mec bow and arrow. This costume distinguishes them grows or wanes, but the basic features of the land en- from the already civilized Toltec people living in the dure. The maps provide a stable ground on which the valley, who wear white cotton clothes and whose males

Acolhua play out their roles in the story. cut their hair below the ear. The story follows the rise of Texcocan authority in The historian uses several methods to present the the valley from the arrival of the first Chichimecs under different kinds of information needed by the narrative. the leader Xolotl up to the onset of the Tepanec war in Events are depicted as individual scenes or vignettes, 1427, when Texcoco and Tenochtitlan revolted against which are usually located near their geographic location the imperialist maneuvers of the Tepanecs of Azcapo- on the sheet but otherwise exist in experiential rather tzalco. Of all the Texcocan pictorials, the Codex Xolotl than geographic space. Marriage unions and lines of covers the broadest expanse of territory. Although it descent (forming short genealogies) are specialized focuses on Texcoco, it 1s also concerned with the ac- events that have their own spatial requirements and are tivities of polities like Cholula across the mountains, presented as diagrams, where a husband and wife sit Culhuacan and Chalco in the south, and Tenochtitlan together, usually facing each other, with lines joining across the lake. The affairs of these cities appear as sub- them to their offspring who are shown below. These narratives in the larger story that revolves around Tex- brief genealogical presentations use a space that is ne1-

coco. As Susan Spitler (n.d.b) has pointed out, the ther experiential nor geographic, but rather diagrampurpose of the Codex Xolotl was to legitimize the matic. Like experiential space, it serves to remove the claims of Nezahualcoyotl to the Texcocan throne after presentations from the geographic constraints of the the Tepanecs forced him into exile. The codex does this map. Dotted lines, solid black lines, footprints, and by showing that it was the Texcocan Chichimecs who speech scrolls link people and tie different scenes tooccupied and first took control of the entire Valley of gether, conveying information about association, deMexico, who intermarried with important Toltec fami- scent, and travel. lies and took up the mantle of civilization, and whose When map 2 opens, genealogies illustrate the unions affairs have always been central to valley politics. The and descendants of several of the already civilized underlying theme of the codex is that the Texcocans people in the area, most of whom live in the south (on were the people who originally dominated the valley the right side of the map).?” These families are imporand allowed others to settle there, and that Texcocan tant to the story because they marry into the Chichiroyal blood flows in the veins of the other rulers. It pre- mec lines and thus become part of the civilizing prosents Texcoco as the center of the political history of the cess. Xolotl and his wife are seated at Tenayuca, just valley. More so than other pictorial histories, its story below the lake (Fig. 121); lines of descent connect them is told biographically, with emphasis placed on the spe- to their two daughters below, while their son Nopalcific actions of individual rulers and their families. tzin appears to the left of Tenayuca in a marriage and progeny statement with his own wife.

THE TEXCOCAN MAP-BASED HISTORIES 185

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190 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

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FAAS : Stee oees:eePo aa , — eRpEej aml ES 9Vag NAT 5 OErete oe icytM a Fig. 122. Mapa Tlotzin (Third Section, featuring the rulers of Huexotla).

Chichimecs are civilized and bring culture to their The narrative in the Mapa Tlotzin achieves three realm, a theme that also plays itself out in the Codex goals. It establishes the arrival of the Chichimecs and Xolotl. The Texcocan line of rule is another point of the founding of the three major al/tepetl. It recounts the pride. Texcoco 1s the only polity whose ruler list 1s com- civilizing process: both the initial lessons about growplete and brought up to the present. ‘The other polities ing corn and preparing food in the Mesoamerican are frozen in the past. If we are to go solely by the Mapa manner and the later cultivation of the arts. By virtue Tlotzin, Huexotla had four successions only, and Coa- of the extended Texcocan ruler list, it then carries the tlichan but two before their royal lines dropped from unbroken line of Texcocan rulers to the present. notice. Tenochtitlan and Culhuacan are likewise pre-

st ere | Mapa Quinatzin

sented here in a single historical moment, when Hui- :

tzilihuitl was ruling Tenochtitlan and Cocoxtli ruled Culhuacan. The artist presents only Texcoco’s history Similar themes are pursued in the Mapa Quinatzin,

as continuous and ongoing. although this document is less a history per se than a combination of history and exposition about the

THE TEXCOCAN MAP-BASED HISTORIES I9I

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The bottom third of the page shows the Chichi- scenes of cultural instruction in the upper right corner mecs adopting Mesoamerican ways. Quinatzin on the of the Mapa Tlotzin.*” left recetves two Toltec arrivals, one identified in other Page 2 has no parallel in other pictorial documents. sources as a manuscript painter. In the lower center, Architecturally, it presents an ideal palace, with a prinnearly obliterated by wear, Quinatzin’s two successors, cipal receiving hall (top center) and side halls arranged Techotlalatzin and Ixtlilxochitl sit facing each other around a central courtyard. The side rooms are here ocacross a burning funerary bundle; this may be a scene cupied by individuals, pictorial elements, and objects of Quinatzin’s death, but the main point being made 1s that identify the bureaucratic function of these rooms that the Texcocans (now wearing cloth cloaks) have as an armory, treasury, house of song, and so forth. adopted the custom of cremating their dead. Just above The successive ‘Texcocan rulers Nezahualcoyotl (left) them two seated men have brought Toltec weapons and Nezahualpilli (right) sit together in the audience (the atlatl) and the cult bundles of new deities to Tex- hall while fourteen noble vassals gather in the courtcoco, While the woman to their right has brought what yard below. Around the outside of the palace, twenty appears to be domesticated corn. Footprints have car- place signs are arranged almost as a circuit; they repreried them from the ancient polity of Culhuacan, ren- sent the towns subject to Texcoco, the urban centers on

‘ C= : ~ Lore we Lo

dered by its curved hill sign in the lower right corner. the right and top and the rural towns on the left Three other men, representing other ethnicities, arrive (marked by digging sticks). Texcoco’s place sign, a hill on the right. This bottom third of the page parallels the with a stone and vase, appears just above the palace. This page has advanced in time from page 1 to high-

194 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

light the political organization of Texcoco’s extensive times prior to and surrounding the altepetl’s founding, realm under the rules of Nezahualcoyotl and his son and almost all promote the founding as their story’s Nezahualpulli. The page holds an organizational chart central event. A number of documents concentrate on

for the polity. the activities prior to the founding, when the people Page 3 is also without parallel, for it 1s a pictorial ex- migrated into their new homelands from distant places,

planation of the Texcocan legal code, presented as conquered their rivals, and defined their new polities. scenes 1n a loose grid. Along the top row are the lords Such are the Mapa Sigiienza and the three Cuauhtinof Tenochtitlan and Tlacopan, Texcoco’s allies, and a se- chan pictorials, whose narratives open with the miries of seven cities defeated by their combined forces.** gration and culminate in the founding. The Mapa The legal system itself 1s below, with Nezahualcoyotl’s Sigiienza and Cuauhtinchan Map 2 even begin their and Nezahualpillr’s judges sitting on the right and stories at the very points of origin, when the people the individual crimes and punishments presented in emerge from or leave idealized places (Aztlan and rectangular panels to their left. This is not the only Chicomoztoc), whereas the others begin their histories document to speak of Texcoco’s legal code, which was once the migrants are already near their new homes. touted by the chroniclers as being particularly just, but The Texcocan pictorials stand apart from the others it is the only one to present it pictorially. Like the here, for they highlight the founding and refer back to diagram of Texcoco’s political situation, the artist here the migration but use the foundation event as a springcelebrates the altepetl’s advanced legal system. board for the rest of the story. Although opening in the The Mapa Quinatzin, like the Codex Xolotl and the deep past, they carry the story farther into the present Mapa Tlotzin, is a pictorial testimony to Texcoco’s po- than do the others. In this respect, the Texcocan cartolitical and cultural accomplishments. Although it fo- graphic histories are similar to the lienzos of Ihuitlan cuses on different aspects of Texcoco’s past, it agrees and Philadelphia (Figs. 80, 87), which also carry the alwith the other pictorials about the basis of Texcocan tepetl stories ahead from the foundations. The Texcogreatness. All three documents focus on the founda- can Mapa Tlotzin (Fig. 122) is particularly like them in tion of the a/teperl (first Tenayuca and later Texcoco) by grafting ruler lists onto the foundations. the Chichimecs under Xolotl or his successors and on Caves in the Central Mexican pictorials take on a Texcoco’s central position as the source from which the greater importance than they do in the lienzos and tiother Acolhua polities draw their political power. Then ras from Puebla and Oaxaca. Although Chicomoztoc the three pictorials describe the process by which the makes its appearance as a point of origin in the Selden Texcocan Chichimecs became acculturated and civi- Roll and Lienzo of Tlapiltepec (Figs. 95, 97), the place lized in the ways of the Toltecs. The manuscripts are of Seven Caves is more closely associated with the most similar when they treat these aspects of Texcoco’s people of the central valleys who saw it as the place early history, for they diverge thereafter. The Codex from which their ancestors emerged. Its presence in the Xolotl proceeds to elaborate the genealogical ties that Corxtlahuaca manuscripts demonstrates how the histobound the Texcocan royal family to those of other alte- rians of the Coixtlahuaca Valley shared the Central petl and to support Nezahualcoyotl’s right to rule. The Mexican tradition. In the Texcocan pictorials, caves Mapa Tlotzin affirms Texcoco’s unbroken ruler list, also function as icons for the founding of polities, and the Mapa Quinatzin concentrates on Texcoco’s po- where the convention has the founding couple, dressed litical and legal achievements. Together they provide a as Chichimecs, sitting inside a cave facing each other

multifaceted picture of Texcoco as a polity. with a child in between. The three cartographic histories from Texcoco (Codex Xolotl, Mapa Tlotzin, and

. Mapa Quinatzin) all employ this icon; the Codex Xo-

Stories of the Old, Old Past lot! ada to it in year date 1 Flint, the metaphoric founding date among the Nahuas.

The cartographic histories from the central valleys, like Almost all the founding moments require that the their counterparts in southern Puebla and Oaxaca, tell husband and wife both be present, because it is the about the early history of their polities. They treat the couple, not just the man, who founds the polity. This

STORIES OF THE OLD, OLD PAST 195

is true also for the lienzos and tiras in southern Puebla the Mexica and the Cuauhtinchantlaca from their legand Oaxaca and for the Mixtec genealogical histories, endary points of origin to their new homelands across which cannot afford to ignore one side of these impor- lands that are only figuratively present. In the Mapa tant unions. An exception to this is the Mapa Sigiienza Pintado and the Map of Cuauhtinchan’s Founding (Fig. 110), which, like all the other Mexica pictorial his- (Figs. 116, 118), however, the itinerary from place to tories, ignores the females almost entirely. Leibsohn place also establishes the actual boundaries of the pol(personal communication, 1997) notes that the Cuauh- ity; here the circuit of places defines real territory. tinchan paintings also tend to omit the women. In the The other cartographic histories rely on maps of preMapa Tlotzin (Fig. 122), we see the females begin to existing lands as the foundations for their stories. In fade from the ruling couples, first losing their names these, the features of the land are arranged on the sheet and then disappearing altogether. My sense is that the in approximate correspondence to their relative locafemales fall away when genealogy ceases to be so im- tion on the ground. Geographic features, such as lakes, portant and perhaps also because the colonial environ- rivers, and mountain ranges, are generally described ment in which most of these manuscripts were painted pictorially, whereas the cultural features —the cities and undervalued the female contribution to a union.** named sites—are represented by their place signs. We Another feature that stands out in these pictorials 1s see this clearly on the right side of Cuauhtinchan Map 2 the people’s Chichimec past. The manuscripts all ex- (Fig. 115), where the place signs locate polities among plain or suggest the hardships the migrating people en- the rolling hills and system of rivers of the Puebla Valdured to find their new homelands, and many specify ley east of Cholula. This blending of pictorial depiction that the migrants were the vigorous desert nomads and conventional signage creates a geographic foundaknown as Chichimecs. The historians assign them this tion to which the events in the stories can then be tied. label by picturing them dressed in skins with long flow- When the artist places events on this map, he relies ing hair and carrying bows and arrows or hunting bas- on the geographic messages of the map at the same kets, a marked contrast to the white cotton cloaks, san- time that he is forced to violate some of these messages. dals, cut hair, and obsidian clubs of the settled people. Because events in the past took place at specific locaThe Texcocan pictorials focus particularly on the pro- tions, the historian assigns them to those locations on

cess of acculturation, the “civilizing [of] the Chi- the map, relying on the geographic meaning of the chimecs,” to borrow Paul Kirchhoff’s (1948) phrase, map’s space to distinguish events at Tenayuca from whereby the arriving nomads learned civilized, Tol- events at Culhuacan, for example. But in order to pic-

tec ways. ture an event near Tenayuca, the artist must carve space As cartographic histories, their narratives are inter- for that pictorial information out of the map, creating twined with maps. Either their stories are arranged on a pocket of nongeographic space within the geographic maps, or their stories themselves form maps by the plane. When this pocket holds a scene of an event, such telling, or both. Several documents employ both the as a meeting, I refer to it as experiential space, because tour and the tableau (to use Certeau’s terms) in creat- it represents a space that is actively occupied by the ing their narratives. They begin with an itinerary and painted participants. Such is the large space just below

switch to a map. Lake Texcoco on map 2 of the Codex Xolotl (Fig. 121) The itineraries record a series of events that occur at where Xolotl grants lands to three new arrivals; such different places in an otherwise undefined territory, so also is the space on the right side of Cuauhtinchan’s as the narrative moves from event to event, it also Mapa Pintado (Fig. 116) where the two Toltecs meet moves from place to place. Because they are migration two Chichimecs. histories, their stories are themselves about the move- When this pocket of pictorial information holds element of people, and the geographic actuality of the ments that have a logical but not a physical association space through which they move is not as important with each other, as in a marriage and progeny stateas the fact of moving sequentially from point to point. ment or a ruler list, I refer to 1t as diagrammatic space. In this way the first parts of the Mapa Sigiienza and It is less a pictorial reproduction of an event or events Cuauhtinchan Map 2 (Figs. 105, 111) respectively carry than a diagram of an association. The short genealo-

196 STORIES OF MIGRATION, CONQUEST, AND CONSOLIDATION

gies in the Codex Xolotl are essentially graphic visuali- separate maps 1s yet another device to place people and

zations of marital union and descent, just as the ruler events in time. Even by combining all these various lists in the Mapa Tlotzin present royal succession. The strategies to record time, however, it would be exgraphic explanations of Texcoco’s political and legal tremely difficult to lock the events in the Codex Xolotl system on pages 2 and 3 of the Mapa Quinatzin also into a single clock. Events on each sheet float in a vague employ diagrammatic space. In these, a change in place- contemporaneity, with some sinking deeper into the ment signals a change in social meaning but not neces- past and others rising as later; time 1s clearly not the 1s-

sarily a change in either physical location or time. sue. At issue is the land on which these events take Time is the least pronounced element in the carto- place and the relative spatiality of concurrent events in graphic histories. Most rely on sequential time, con- different locations. The Codex Xolotl, like the other veyed by directional movement, sequences of events, cartographic histories from the central valleys, views and defined paths of travel. Duration can be recorded history as a cluster of related actions that take place on by disks or other symbols that stand for the passage of the land. years, and hard dates can be added to individual events, All the cartographic histories, including the lenzos but time still remains somewhat ambiguous. The Mapa from Oaxaca and Puebla, focus first on the geographic Sigiienza (Fig. 105), for example, uses two kinds of tem- identity of the community kingdoms whose histories poral markers: it employs groups of blue disks to mark they relate. They use the spatial projection of territory years of duration, and it pictures year bundles to signal as the ground on which their narratives play out, which the close of 52-year cycles. The two systems fail to cor- means that their narratives are securely located at sperespond, however, for the year bundles suggest that the cific sites. Although time markers are implicitly and exmigration took over 400 years, while the disks give it plicitly embraced in the narratives, spatial relations take less than 200. In either case, these temporal guides in- precedence over temporal ones. Just the opposite is fluence the narrative very little. Most of the events in true, however, with the Aztec annals histories, which the Cuauhtinchan documents remain undated, and the privilege time over space. Mapa Tlotzin is without dates entirely. Cuauhtinchan Map 2 does assign specific day dates to various parts of

the migratory route, but I believe these days are functioning metaphorically. Hard dates sometimes mark the year altepetl are founded. The Codex Xolotl (Figs. 42, 120) employs the great-

est range of temporal markers, and perhaps for this reason its time is the most ambiguous of all the cartographic histories. Lines and footprints that tie genealogies together or track physical movement through space provide sequential time. Thus in map 1 footprints trace Xolotl and his son while they reconnoiter the valley, and in map 2 lines link daughters with the wives

they later become. Implied sequences are also established by the juxtaposition of related events, although there might be no painted line to connect them explicitly. Thus in map 2 Nauhyotl’s defeat is followed on the right by Xolotl’s negotiations with his successor. Groups of blue disks convey duration, measured in units of a year, and precise year dates tie some events to

the fifty-two-year cycle. Other events, such as found-

ings of altepetl and dynasties, however, seem to be dated metaphorically. Ultimately, the sequence of the

Aztec Altepetl Annals Time, so relatively unimportant for the cartographic amate paper rather than hide. The preconquest form, histories, 1s the central and governing feature of annals which is preserved in the least acculturated of the cohistories. Time, as measured by a continuous and se- lonial annals, was usually a long, narrow strip along quential count of the years, is the armature that sup- which the year count would run. With the introduction ports the record of events. Events are painted beside of European paper after the Spanish invasion, indigethe count, often tied specifically to the appropriate nous annals came also to be painted across or down the year with a line. Even the Nahuatl terms for annals fo- pages of this “new” paper, now bound as a book. cus on the element of time. Chimalpahin, whom James The content of these annals embraces both the miLockhart calls the greatest annalist of the early colonial gratory and imperial past. A number of annals trace the

period, used the term xzuhpolhualli (year count, year Aztec story from its very origins at Aztlan through to relation), but the genre was also referred to as xzuhtla- the founding of Tenochtitlan and beyond. Many concuiloll (year writing) and (ce)xiuhamatl (year paper or tinue their record past the coming of the Spaniards and year book; Lockhart 1992: 376). Motolinia used the into the second half of the sixteenth century. The miterm xuhtonalamatl (year day book) when he charac- gratory accounts focus on a succession of place signs terized the annals history as the only Aztec book that that signal subsequent stops along the journey. The recounted the truth, distinguishing it from divinatory imperial records include a range of events that would and religious manuscripts. These terms all begin with have been of interest to the altepetl as a corporate body: the word for year (xhuztl), and they describe the struc- deaths and successions of rulers, the ending/beginning tural basis of the genre rather than its content. By in- of fifty-two-year cycles, conquests, major building procluding the term amatl (paper), they also reflect the grams, great celebrations, and natural and climactic physicality of the annals as books (tiras or screenfolds) phenomena, usually dire, such as earthquakes, eclipses, of paper rather than hide. Molina (1970: 30) translates droughts, and pestilence. Lockhart (1992: 378) has charcoronista as “altepetlacuilo, xiuhtlacuilo” (altepetl writer, acterized these events as “the sort of thing the populace year writer; Lockhart 1992: 587 n. 8), which fuses the would tend to become excited or concerned about and altepetl focus of the documents with their structure. long remember.” Enrique Florescano (1994: 51) has dePhysically the annals exist as histories painted on scribed the content of the annals as “the avatars and ex-

198 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

periences undergone by the [ethnic] group from the Bruce Byland and John Pohl (1994: 233-264), follow-

beginnings of its migration to the present.” ing Emily Rabin, adopted an annals format to organize The annals preserve a very different view of the past and clarify the events of Mixtec history represented in than do the Mixtec res gestae and the cartographic his- the res gestae screenfolds. Indeed, prose sources often tories. These are altepetl stories, concerned with events have a chronological table at the front or back of a pertinent to the community at large, and they view the prose history. The annals format, by focusing on time, world as the people of the altepetl viewed it. In contrast can draw together a multitude of events in different to the Mixtec res gestae histories that focus on the ge- places into a coherent statement.

nealogy, family history, and personal exploits of the The annals history is a particularly Aztec genre of ruling lords, and thus seem to be family-owned histo- painted history. Elites in near and distant parts of the ries, the annals have very little that 1s genealogical or Triple Alliance empire—from Tenochtitlan and Texpersonal in them. Almost never do they include state- coco in the Valley of Mexico to Tlapan in Guerrero— ments of marriage and progeny; wives, siblings, and had annals painted. The Mixtecs, however, did not, offspring are not ordinarily part of the story.' There nor did the people of southern Puebla and the Coixmay be the occasional birth event, usually for the rul- tlahuaca Valley who were heavily Mixtec-influenced. ers of Texcoco (such as Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahual- Clearly the annals are Aztec to the same extent that the pilli),” but it is characterized as an isolated occurrence, ves gestae screenfolds are Mixtec. Elsewhere I have arindependent of mother and father. Rulers usually ap- gued that the annals history is a form developed by the pear in the annals only when they succeed to the throne Mexica to accommodate their official history, one that and when they die, and in these cases they are rendered was then adopted by other elites in the empire wishing

conventionally as seated rulers and funerary bundles to emulate or bind themselves to those in power at (Fig. 34). Conquests are also presented conventionally, Tenochtitlan (Boone 1996). Although it is impossible by a place sign with a burning roof or a shield and to prove this point definitively, we can note that almost spear, or occasionally by two humans fighting; there 1s all the annals that are primarily pictorial either focus rarely a sense of personal victory by one ruler over an- exclusively on the Mexica or concern themselves with other. These are not personal or family stories but sto- Mexica history along with their own (Boone 1996:

ries of the altepetl as a corporate body. 201).* Those that are dedicated to Tenochtitlan hisLand, too, is virtually ignored, for the annals are not tory include the Codices Aubin (and cognates Fonds about territory as such. Usually the location of most Mexicain 40 and 85), Azcatitlan, Boturini, Mendoza, events in an annals account is left unmarked, because it and Mexicanus.* Annals from the Acolhua domain— is assumed to be the place where the document was Codex en Cruz and Tira de Tepechpan—cover Mexica painted. When location 1s given, it comes in the form as well as Acolhua events, as do the annals in the Codex of the place sign. Events do not happen in geographic Telleriano-Remensis and its copy, the Codex Vaticanus space but in temporal space; they are not assigned to A/Rios.° The Codices Moctezuma and Saville comone place or another, but to one time or another. The bine Tenochtitlan history with events in locations that reader may not always be sure where an event took are as yet unidentified (Glass 1975a: 170-171; Cuevas place, but he or she always knows when it did. As Leib- 1929). From Hidalgo to the north, the Codex Hu1sohn (1993: 163) has pointed out, annals are essentially chiapan intersperses ‘Tenochca events with local occurunsuited for showing the establishing of polities and rences, as do the Nahuatl glosses in the Anales de Tula setting of boundaries. She notes that in the Historia (which carry almost all the historical information).° Tolteca-Chichimeca (an annals history that interweaves Even in distant Tlapan in Guerrero, the Codex Azoyu I pictures and prose), the artist had to insert maps into (24) features Tenochtitlan’s place sign, perhaps recordthe account 1n order to present this kind of informa- ing the coming of Aztec dominion over the area (Vega tion. A chief benefit of the annals history is its chrono- Sosa 1991: 83—84). The painters of these manuscripts logical structure, for it organizes all recorded history Were, moreover, working within the Aztec painting into a single sequence and thereby avoids the confu- style (Boone 1996: 182-192); they were clearly thinking sion caused by multiple competing sequences. Thus,

STRUCTURE, TIME, AND SPACE 199

about Tenochtitlan and considered themselves cultur- Huichiapan all preface their annals with calendrical and

ally or politically tied to the capital. religious information. The Tellertano-Remensis opens This tradition of painted annals continued after the with the eighteen monthly feasts and a fragmentary conquest and into the seventeenth century. In fact, all tonalamatl, and the Codex Huichiapan correlates the extant annals postdate the conquest. Beginning in the Otomi and Christian calendars and includes an alphasixteenth century, the tradition also became alphabetic betic history of the Otomi town of Jilotepec before it and continued in this manner as an important indige- begins its Huichiapan annals. The Codex Mexicanus nous prose genre into the eighteenth century (Lockhart contains domuinical calendars, calendrical correlations, 1992: 376-392). A number of mid-sixteenth-century the zodiac, a diagram of humors, a partial tonalamatl, texts in Nahuatl and Spanish are essentially transcrip- and a genealogy before its annals, and ends with antions or readings of pictorial annals covering precon- other fragmentary tonalamatl. The Codex Aubin request history. Such are parts of the Historia de los tains a consistent historical focus, but it appends a ruler Mexicanos por Sus Pinturas, the Relacion de la Ge- list for Tenochtitlan to the end of its annals. In the nealogia y Linaje de los Sehores, and the Origen de Telleriano-Remensis, the annals history is included as los Mexicanos (known collectively as the Juan Cano one part of a cultural encyclopedia, a compendium of Relaciones), the Anales de Cuauhtitlan, and the Ana- information on indigenous life, usually created to inles Hist6ricas de la Naci6n Mexicana (Anales de Tlate- form a Spanish readership. Such compendia of diverse lolco), as well as Alvarado Tezozomoc’s Cronica Mexi- genres, functioning like anthologies of indigenous 1ncayotl and Chimalpahin’s Relaciones, to name some of tellectual culture, form a distinctly colonial genre. the best known.’

There are also prose annals that use the preconquest

past as background for their principal topical focus Structur C, Time, and Space on the colonial period (e.g., Anales de Tecamachalco [1992]), and others that concern themselves solely with All annals by definition are organized around the con-

the colonial era (e.g., Anales de Tepeaca, Anales de tinuing count of years, but these years can be configTlaxcala [Gibson and Glass 1975: 373-374]). In these ured in several different ways.® The simplest form is a later prose annals especially, Lockhart notes a differ- single strip of sequent years placed side by side or botence between the treatment of the distant past (the pe- tom to top. Most extant annals are variations, however. riod before the annalist began) and the near past (when Their ribbons of years are either broken into shorter the annalist was writing). Prior to the date when the segments to fit on a page of native or European paper, prose annalist actually begins, the entries are sparse and are bent to follow the edges of a page, or are pieced and

brief, but once the account reaches the then present, stacked into neat clusters. Several annals even employ the entries are more detailed, vivid, and personal. Lock- two or more configurations, either because their parts hart (1992: 381) notes that the annalists “seem to have were copied from different sources or because the anrecorded current events as they occurred, year in, year nalists were responding to different narrative needs. out, using their own observations and public knowl- Many of the annals are painted on pages of European edge as the source.” Although such late-sixteenth- and paper, bound as a book. In this situation, the artists early-seventeenth-century pictorial annals as the Co- had to adjust the ribbon of the year count to fit the reldex Mexicanus and Codex Aubin may not have been atively limited space of individual pages. pictorially updated year to year (their painting styles

do not change this often) , they do become increasingly Unbroken Year Count partisan and crowded with details toward the end; new

hands also add pictorial and alphabetic information. The original annals form seems to have structured the Although most extant annals are documents unto year count as an unbroken ribbon of time that runs themselves, several late-sixteenth-century examples are across or up a long strip. Such is the Tira de Tepechpan part of more comprehensive or diverse documents. (Fig. 127), which runs left to right, as well as the Codex The Codices Mexicanus, Telleriano-Remensis, and Saville (Fig. 128; Cuevas 1929) and the first part of the

200 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

Codex Moctezuma, both of which run bottom to top. Another form of preconquest annals organizes the The ‘Tira de Tepechpan and the Codex Saville, coinci- years around the fifty-two-year cycle. Acosta (1979: 282, dentally, describe the years as circles rather than the 289) describes it as a history arranged as a cross. An ex-

usual rectangles.? Although the Codex Mexicanus ample survives as the Codex en Cruz (Fig. 130), an (Fig. 34) 1s painted on pages of native paper bound as amate strip that features three configurations of fittya book, it 1s structurally identical to these annals be- two years, which are each divided into four thirteencause it has a virtually unbroken year count that fully year strips that are arranged like four spokes radiating spans the width of facing pages. I believe this unbroken from a central point (see diagram in Fig. 131). In each annals form to be prototypal because it takes advantage configuration, the years read from the center outward, of the spatial features of the preconquest tira, and all first the spoke on the left, then the one on the bottom, the other forms begin with the strip of years and either on the right, and on the top, in a generally counter-

bend it or break it. clockwise rotation (Dibble 1981: 4-5). The reader Clearly derived from this form are annals that are would presumably rotate the document as he or she painted on pages of European paper and divide the read each thirteen-year section, for all the imagery is ribbon of time artificially into sections that fit, with oriented to be viewed this way. In the Codex en Cruz, margins, on each page. The Codex Aubin, in the impe- the artist has also ruled space for the imagery that rial section (Fig. 129), for example, arranges the year would pertain to each year so that events occurring in count in short strips of five years that read top to bot- each year could be stacked in the narrow column above tom on each page. The migratory section of the Codex the year sign. This dividing of the space for each year 1s Telleriano-Remensis runs strips of ten years left to right not characteristic of any other annals and may not have across its pages.'° In both these cases, the breaks in the been a feature of the usual preconquest form. year count carry no meaning themselves; they simply The Placement of Events in ‘Temporal Space. In these

accommodate the limits of the European page. The annals with unbroken, straight year counts there 1s rel-

time lines remain conceptually intact. atively little space beside the time line for events. This Fig. 127. ‘Tira de Tepechpan 12-13, covering the reign of Axayacatl from 2 Flint (1468) to 2 House (1481). Photo-

o—+ graph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

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STRUCTURE, TIME, AND SPACE 205

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out the individual years across the page. We see this commodates the shape of a page, rather than a tira. We stretched time line throughout the annals of the Codex see this on several pages of the Telleriano-Remensis anHuichiapan (which features two years to a page) and nals (fols. 29r—31r) and throughout the Codex Azoyu I at the ends of the Codex Aubin (one year per page (Fig. 133).'* In the Azoyu I, the Tlapan historian uses a for tols. 48v—67v) and Codex Telleriano-Remensis regional variant of the year count—one that employs (two to four years per page for fols. 32v—4or; see the numbers 2 through 14 and year signs Deer, MaliFig. 151). This stretching out of the unbroken year nalli, Movement, and Wind—and he runs the count count seems to have been a colonial response to the de- around two sides of each amate page, from the lower sire to add more information to the annals, for it ap- right to upper left. This act of framing the page with pears at the ends of colonial annals that earlier followed the year count unifies the space next to the years into a tighter time lines. It does not represent a change in the single panel, one that then may pertain to all the years conceptual structure of the annals, however; it only that make up the frame. This provides the artist with a accords the years more space for the events assigned full panel to fill with one elaborate or several simple im-

to them. ages, but it means that the exact timing of the events 1s

The other mutation takes the continuing year count often unclear. This page frame arrangement may be a and bends it to conform to and follow the edges of a colonial adjustment of the preconquest annals form, page. In a tira format, we see this in the annals section because it clearly accommodates the page format well. '° of the Codex Borbonicus, where the years 4 House to I consider these regularly spaced and bent forms mu13 Rabbit run left to right across the top of the strip, tations of the otherwise unbroken year count, for the only to turn back (where the strip 1s lost) and run right spacing and bending seem not themselves to carry to left from 7 Reed to 2 Reed along the lower edge of meaning. Other configurations of the year count do the strip. In other examples, the bent year count ac-

206 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

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The Codex Aubin, for example, shifts several times. It paints five years (8 Flint to 12 Flint) ina series down the

begins by employing an intentionally broken and clus- page. The annals history finally ends with 12 Flint tered count of years interspersed with events to present (1608), for which no event 1s recorded." the migration (Fig. 138). Then after the founding of Several other colonial annals become looser and lose Tenochtitlan, its years appear as regular strips, five to a their original structure toward the end. They also bepage, emulating an unbroken vear count but adapted come increasingly alphabetic. We see this particularly to the European page (Fig. 129). The vears of the Span- at the end of the Codex Tellertano-Remensis, where ish invasion (1 Reed through 2 Flint) are intentionally the polychrome year signs and images eventually give spaced over several pages to accommodate the many way to boxes drawn in black ink with Spanish notaevents of those extraordinary times, after which the tions and then to alphabetic texts entirely. years return to the earlier pattern of five to a page. Af-

ter 8 Flint (1552), however, the annalist accords each The annals form, with its emphasis on time, is an ideal year its own page, which he fills with as many as ten dit- one for showing continuity. Because its narrative 1s ferent images; then the annalist pairs his last two years usually based in one locale, its story 1s geographically (12 Reed and 13 Flint [1595 and 1596]) on the same page. stable, and the year count can carry the community’s Thereafter, the original artist ceases work, and the an- history forward endlessly in time. All the events are asnals history continues as a Nahuatl text, from 1597 to sumed to take place in the same altepetl unless other1603, When a new painter picks up the old system and wise indicated. The polity’s place sign is not usually

212 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

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ee) ee ry | 7 LS Re ee BIS) ! 0 SS ee wt es Bar ) } i. ating | | Sha ie Bas Li pert 5 se if 3 ‘ 5 oath oA NBS vy ey

Aenea AtClmtngy ga oe ig ee amammeners 5 at Weep oi a Gee fa% igs OT IT ¥ ea ear ei Petre eh i AB ie i aoe :

Re OOO Oy te OR | | PCr. ; J y)\ . | a iTae B ey- |ie) Sree et: Be Sn, E Amey Ne one Pert 5 tyede F { ; a rE Suet. Ph pert SF ee pee a oa

RT Pe P| ! i are ME eehe ee Ges mag. Ble BON ae: if ees pp Wel) POs od (Ae eT ties ; eth Ry eee ee ESP AA E Sy | a a Prices hae

?oe ao | | | , —P ~ ‘ { : : SR :

LTA Aes BOOOC) MORE emt Eee et

ae Ber Ex 2 ; — Ta eres rf asia te ee) { be a ea “. ae

ap = eal : —* RIE Ags oe “ /

Fig. 138. Codex Aubin 7v—8r, covering the stay in Tollan over the years 3 Flint through 9 Reed. Photograph courtesy of the British Museum.

< : ery ot ; 2: Ey PE f Be g f Pat ee ee te ae te ee ee A sh i cr Vial PORT TD EGE Fess : irf :AL ak re AB 5.Aeee oe: ae%a3 aye te Cae ~y eE86 ‘> Wy, | CE oH: =) fit. ‘ es g Be: \o¢3 | ) c|Bas %, Mit | ,;ae Sas ae iea acs , Viajg \iaas | alzee. | seh PST | tay tasof}aay ee, =~ NG ® | RAG AlanisAES Pe : é veg et) og -ia= s ¢,¥|fe4s aa {229 , ee BF: [Tiri 2:ree verf i+

ee: rae ee. = ya = Pi . ‘ ai be 4 a nee SS >. 2 4, Koy cr. 5 Be: mies’, © 4 . Oe FP rug = (sem 3 :3ie‘p—3 3 o geroe . bf fe ehscarpee hatrane ; f_/:

L ble = ty é ore ae a 7 om (om \\fi :Kip ffgp7\ | SRL ose a Na ae pk : we iy cr LA a; &‘iiaT ; 1S LG bas oF €. ay ihe CA b > joa f A A sj ee as, Zt A es | es \ae owe, 7 oy é\\ [ae Reed ¥ ss3 — eC ry ) PPR. fsa ‘ ? f~093 = | See = ni , my {9 Ja AE lee Se: a] : \ mm Tim | fei ; .r?>Pin 0 sae “E 2 (Ax! =Fe : aseeNG 15eeWa yf 5 qLY), \ 1/ es Bea ;. \ os V ZL5] yy, ee ee Se 4 mn ’ ,oes ff . . I Ay an tepa 3 ; ee SS if ok. Sw a ‘ : ee Vw ts = Aer saan p @ Wh Gz , banat ast te! me Eee See NS ~* Ae; —- - ies

/ i pas Bae ye ; fm) fs : ‘ A : agp e's a i REED

*, (vA oS A / pod | Tass % ae AMT ey WA.) 292 11 BE > an Geils * aif

Bae Fa ; LEESON er LB ae eee ms eat

——* Fig. 139. Codex Azcatitlan 12-13, covering the migration past several sites in the years 2 Reed through 10 House; Tollan is in the upper right. Photograph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

ANNALS STORIES 213

given, except in annals like the Codex en Cruz that pre- Stories of the Mexica Migration sent the histories of several altepetl simultaneously and

must therefore employ place signs to keep the stories The migration story recounted in the annals is the story separate. The altepet! manifests itself in the presentation of the Mexica migration. Its features are sufficiently of its founding, but is otherwise implied rather than standardized to suggest that there existed a principal stated. When events, such as conquests, occur in an- narrative that was circulated in several versions. The other location, the place sign 1s given, more to qualify migration accounts in the Azcatitlan, Boturini, and Authe event than to move the narrative to that location. bin seem to belong to one version of the narrative, as Place is never the changing feature in the annals that does Torquemada’s (1975-1979, 1:113—135) alphabetic

time Is. rendering. The Boturini and Aubin manuscripts are so Because place is so relatively unpronounced in an- close that they may well derive from the same (perhaps nals, this narrative form is fundamentally unsuited to distant) prototype. The cartographic redaction in the presenting migrations, where the narrative is the move- Mapa Sigiienza seems to belong to another version, ment of people across the land. This is why so few ex- and the Codex Mexicanus, Tira de Tepechpan, and tant annals (only the Codex Mexicanus and Tira de Te- foundation scene in the Codex Mendoza fit somewhere pechpan) present the migration along an unbroken, in the middle, although the situation 1s far from clear. straight year count. The Aztec annalists addressed this The migration account preserved incompletely in the basic incompatibility by breaking the year counts into Codex Telleriano-Remensis and Vaticanus A/Rios shorter segments, which they could cluster on the tira seems to be from another tradition entirely. A separate or page and alternate with presentations of the migra- study of the different versions is needed. tory stops and activities. In order to accommodate the As the pictorial annals present it, the migration almigratory story, they fused the annals and res gestae ways begins in Aztlan, from where a group of tribes, structures to achieve a dated itinerary, a tour of the usually eight, leaves for the journey to the Valley of

places and events along the journey. Mexico.'° They travel to a series of places, punctuated by Teoculhuacan, Coatepec, and Tollan, and reach the

, Valley of Mexico, where the Mexica are expelled from Annals Stories Chapultepec and their ruler sacrificed at Culhuacan. After living for a time under Culhua control, the Mex-

There are hints that the Aztecs once painted cosmo- ica eventually make their way to Tenochtitlan, where gonic annals, for part of the Historia de los Mexicanos they found the capital. At the beginning of the story por Sus Pinturas seems to derive from one. All existing the annals usually name the migrating tribes; at the pictorial annals, however, begin when the Aztecs leave end, they sometimes name the Mexica tribal leaders. Aztlan or later. Collectively their stories cover the m1- The pictorial annals’ insistence on an Aztlan depargration, the imperial period after the founding of vari- ture might seem to be at odds with several prose acous altepetl, and the changing cultural situation after counts that name Chicomoztoc as the place of origin the arrival of the Spanish up to the seventeenth cen- (e.g., Sahagun 1959-1982, bk. 10:195, 197; Torquetury. Although the colonial years follow the precon- mada 1975-1979, 1:47) and the well-known illustraquest ones in an easy continuity, the migration stories tions in Duran’s history that show tribal couples seated and the imperial stories are usually actualized as dis- in seven caves, followed by the migratory leaders movtinct accounts, with different formats and entirely dif- ing forth out of a cave (Duran 1994: pls. 1-3).!” The ferent kinds of events included in them. Thus, they are first page of the migration story in the Codex Vaticanus best analyzed as separate narratives. Table 1 summarizes A/Rios (66v) also pictures seven tribes coming from

the periods covered by thirteen annals. seven caves and does not mention Aztlan (Fig. 144; Quinones Keber 1995: 197). These sources seem to be saying that the migration began at Chicomoztoc rather than Aztlan, but the situation is not that divisive. True,

214 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

Table 1. CONTENT OF THE AZTEC ANNALS

DOCUMENT MIGRATION IMPERIAL COLONIAL

Aubin Aztlan to founding yes to 1608

Azcatitlan Aztlan to founding yes undated, but includes Bishop Zumarraga (1528+ )

Azoyu no begins 3 Movement to 8 Wind (156s) (1300)

Boturini Aztlan to Culhuacan no no Cruz no begins 1 Rabbit (1402) to 12 House (1569) Huichiapan no begins 2 Reed (1403) to 10 Flint (1528)

Mendoza foundation only to death of no Moctezuma (1521)

Mexicanus Aztlan to founding yes last painted year is 7 Rabbit (1590)

Moctezuma no begins 1419? to 5 Reed (1523) Saville no begins 1407 years break off at 1535 Telleriano-Remensis from Chicomoztoc yes last painted year 1s and Vaticanus A/Rios to founding 5 Rabbit (1562) Tepechpan end of journey yes breaks off at 1590 to founding

Tula no 12 House (1361) to no 3 House (1521)

the Aztecs understood Chicomoztoc generally as a Boturini are stylistically different but 1conographically place of origin, but they claimed Aztlan as their own very close here (Figs. 140, 141). They both feature a homeland. Many prose sources reconcile any difference pyramidal platform with Aztlan’s place sign (a vertical simply by equating the two places; '* Duran (1994: 1o— reed and the symbol for water) and picture a priest ca11, 213) himself explains that the seven caves were in noeing across the lake 1n the direction of Teoculhuacan Aztlan. A few prose annals differentiate the two but in- (the bent hill). Teoculhuacan is always pictured just dicate that the Aztecs left Aztlan and then emerged on the shore opposite Aztlan, as if the two were confrom Chicomoztoc some years later (Historia de los ceptually linked; indeed, the prose sources often give Mexicanos por Sus Pinturas 1979: 42— 433; Chimalpahin Teoculhuacan as a variant name of Aztlan (e.g., Duran 1997: 105). This latter scenario may be what is pictured 1994: 10-11, 213). At Teoculhuacan the Azcatitlan and in the Codex Vaticanus A/Rios, as explained below. Boturini depict Huitzilopochtli as a hummingbird in Departing Aztlan. In the pictorial annals, Aztlan it- a cave giving instructions to the Aztec people. The self is always an island in the middle of a rectangular Codex Mexicanus (Fig. 142) offers a slightly different lake. Usually it features a large hill sign, from one to version of Aztlan’s reed and water place sign, and it nine buildings (including one that is larger and pre- agrees with the Mapa Sigiienza (Fig. 106) 1n including sumably the temple), and one or more of the people a crowd of people being instructed by Huitzilopochth, who reside there. The Codex Azcatitlan and Codex who speaks from the top of a tall tree. The hill sign at

ANNALS STORIES 215

the top of its page is likely the place sign of Teoculhua- Three pictorials feature Chicomoztoc as a significant can. The year of leaving, and the first year of the Aztec site along the migration. The Codex Azcatitlan and Co-

annals, is always 1 Flint.?° dex Mexicanus (Fig. 143) both show the Mexica going Three of the pictorials (Aubin, Azcatitlan, and Bo- to and leaving Chicomoztoc after the Aztlan departurini) immediately specify the eight tribes who left ture, whereas the Codex Vaticanus A/Rios (Fig. 144) (Fig. 141); they list the same tribes in the same order, begins its account here. In each case, the place is visurepresenting them by a house and their place signs (al- ally described as a seven-pocketed cave; in the Codex though the Aubin, which names them alphabetically, Mexicanus, it has a great tree growing up from its cenreverses the order). According to the place signs (con- ter and leafing out behind the year count. The Codex firmed by the glosses in the Aubin and Azcatitlan), the Mexicanus chooses this moment, not earlier, to name tribes are the Matlatzinca (hunting net), Tepaneca the migrating tribes; their seven place signs are at(stone), Chichimeca (bow and arrow), Malinalca (ma- tached to the seven pockets by lines that record their linalli grass), Cuitlahuaca (dung [square and water]), emergence.*? Although the cave occupies the space Xochimilca (flower field), Chalca (jade disk), and Hue- next to three years (12 Flint to 1 Rabbit), 1 Rabbit is xotzinca (little [rump] tree).? The Mexica are curi- probably the date of emergence because it is the last of ously absent from this list, and we must assume that the three years, it falls twenty-six years (half a cycle) afthe list is meant to name the additional groups who left ter Aztlan, and it 1s metaphorically linked to the earth.

with the Mexica. The next year, 2 Reed, 1s marked by tied cords or reeds Also pictured and named at this time are some of the signaling the binding of the years. individual leaders. Again the Aubin and Boturini agree I suggest that the Vaticanus A/Rios (Fig. 144) 1s re(as does Torquemada) in presenting just four teomama cording a similar episode. As a copy of the Telleriano(god bearers) who carry the image and accouterments Remensis, it preserves the painting and texts that are of Huitzilopochtlrs cult as bundles on their backs now missing from its prototype. The painting in the (Fig. 141): they are the priestess Chimalma (Shield), Vaticanus A /Rios depicts seven men dressed as Chichiand the men Apanecatl (Water Banner), Cuauhcoatl mecs, one in each cave, and it follows this emergence (Eagle Serpent), and Tezcacoatl (Mirror Serpent), with the year sign 2 Reed, which means that the caves shown moving off on the journey. The Azcatitlan in- date either to 1 Rabbit or 2 Reed. Moreover, this 2 Reed cludes these four among its larger crowd of eleven. is the same date in absolute terms (A.D. 1195) as in The Mapa Sigiienza, however, pictures and names an the Codex Mexicanus. The glosses in the Vaticanus A / entirely different group of fifteen (Fig. 106), a group Rios (which were also copied from the Tellerianothat includes individuals who appear at Tenochtitlan’s Remensis), however, identify the men with ethnic

founding in the Codex Mendoza. groups associated more with Puebla than the Valley of Following this listing, the Aubin and Boturini both Mexico; this suggests, as Quinones Keber (1995: 204.— recount an episode that separates the Mexica from the 205) insightfully notes, that the original writer was foleight other groups and sends them off alone. The pic- lowing a Pueblan source rather than a Basin of Mexico torials explain how the resting migrants are disturbed source.** If this is the case, the writer (Pedro de los by the breaking of a great tree, an augury, so Huitzi- Rios) took a fragmentary pictorial of the Mexica milopochtli tells them, that the Mexica must leave the gration (Codex Telleriano-Remensis) and annotated it eight additional groups and journey alone. Torque- to pertain to another area (Puebla) with which he was mada (1975-1979, 1:113—-114) also recounts this epi- familiar.

sode, which 1s particular to the Aubin-Boturini narra- All the pictorials except the atypical Telleriano-

tive tradition. Remensis (and its Vaticanus A/Rios copy) include ToThis separation behind them, the Mexica continue Ilan and Coatepec (where the Azcatitlan records Huion the journey. The Codex Aubin and Boturini in- tzilopochtli’s birth). All also present in some detail the clude the same sequence of places and the same years, chain of events when the Mexica were expelled from whereas the others show variant routes and timings. Chapultepec, their ruler was sacrificed, and they became servants to the Culhua.

216 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

agate . : a ~ - “Sagi Ss jie Se = r ~y , 2 = a ‘ ved JZ SZ nee bebo =s of. - >> i A..of , , out LEC VG £3 PRI lata 5s osae Bey: -Te, ee sy~ Snag ae Pe, = Seea ig Vigna

- sii tiaaisaimans Or ns: lal = re Meine La een RR DME

Fig. 143. Codex Mexicanus 22-23. The Aztecs are journeying to Chicomoztoc, where seven tribes emerge in 1 Rabbit (1194). Photograph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

ANNALS STORIES 219

Qe x s < : aR

SOP ANS

SO ‘ z R A> ne Soe Ss 7 Se et +

~ & Pp adLAN Cues &m/ NY — SAQA be. Sas SS BN) SS “y if fs 4 A LA x ~ eS Sate ~ ts > KONG'S Wa fev) & NN a)" Ga j Ca a ms SX N Na Ce , , > WENN gore 8 awe : >t CRG’.«,Pe “yy3 staal Lhe & s \ as 1 x = a EA wD

g NS XS +t reel ~ ~ . Poe Key (x Ni s8 WR ie 4]R S sSY \ N7Wwe} DKK NSF ae Soy3Lae Seye sy |. — — N JAY SESS sya. SD Get) OG iM.

AS ) issO |r sy a3 8'°S SQSA) )X13 Pe) aWy eae i waht tlaS cacetsee Q wt, = 8RE NNa BN Ay f ws Gots i es Be ea ~-a!| SSE 8 Lath Gee Fs - / ee es SSP ASOD 28. Ripe Bee ae Bah. pc PRD og

CNCA.-INAH.-MEX; reproduced with permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia ¢ Historia. pechpan), the founding occupies a large area of expert- altepetl and grounds the following narrative there. In ential or diagrammatic space next to the year count the Tira de Tepechpan, for example, the founding of (Figs. 146, 147), but in those annals that break up the Tepechpan (in the register above the year count) and year count to accommodate events (e.g., C. Aubin, the founding of Tenochtitlan (below the year count C. Azcatitlan), the founding usually fills a page or two and occurring later in time [Fig. 147]) initiate the ¢la(Fig. 148). It and the departure from Aztlan are the toamt lines for these polities. In the Codex Mendoza great events that bracket the migration, sitting like (Fig. 134), the foundation is the event that establishes equivalents on either side of the journey that has trans- Tenochtitlan both as an altepetl and as the historical formed the Mexica from a humble tribe to the people subject of the account. In annals that cover both the destined to control much of Mesoamerica. Both events migration and the imperial story, the founding serves stress place; they ground the journey at the beginning as a fulcrum for the two, culminating the migratory and the end to these two specific sites, which are physi- past and initiating the drive to imperial greatness.

~ & . - wq eq z eq we 7

cally so sumular.*° These are the sites, too, that the an-

. Imperial Annals

nalists often choose to describe pictorially rather than represent glyphically.

Most annals that record the migration continue past Under this term “imperial” are the continuing stories the foundation to record the story of the altepetl. In of the altepetl atter their foundation, both before the these annals the foundation event 1s the base from Triple Alliance empire came into being and after. The which the imperial account proceeds. It identifies the establishment of the empire is not itself marked in

222 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

S ° “dt. r

~ @_“~Pr7:yp ;5»WS ee me P= is s Bi: ; 3p AF nn ' 4 s© 2 “~ oa ya —" /; QO, m4 Bb » + er Saas arsinf. mm —— — GRE I ge ay eee yee eaco Sb @ en: : ae 73 { = L = * . f ~ ty OP ee 5 OSS (>) P~.. 6s ind

E ton 2 ~~ i el AP FO ~ Se Galeenenetiiiees on Ns _ sis FE?

ed tae works . rsSe 5 rre74tae4 \) : : iif oe ; 5 é ga RGN :

A ee Way Ze]{(US (Me | PREY Whyiio, Me, & , WS ; reeae ee wien; 6hFee> aan ae oe 3| NER WS. 7osiSey SR «Gi x /Seg re} 2 ee ante CG, o) Siege 1)blige fi >pee

Mabinaxadte I : Se | SRT re = veel | hee

yeeoh a ae TaeBoD 0. (ile A); =AN Te aa| We ‘hrs6. far 4 Pop UE ERS git y iehe FuSIE \Seleat nages fo 9y=‘ ber CAM NS a3 YC eee: 3Say Micke EYE, © Ochi {oF i OF ry roeBe ar OS re # Ls aa; FAR, -. Se PeCIP} by ry) ie a i"

f PRU VAM ogyii aero ff DPS A Aeowee sbBAe Re SSM yy |ek : feeee Awa ‘aD ing ogee ‘3(OViZe tpl Ma ES VFS Hyg, ae pe Bes fee i eens fir Ten (iS -} s. | ats Lo Et A we bat a hes : i .. “

a SOS eA: || ag Oe eeNS Ay BEI BEeID aig aaa Nia.tyi Pil Be}Ben SS. | f. OD S| AsTe Bek;¢Pieler 4 32 a r Lr ——+peear fe Tos Fig. 147. Tira de Tepechpan 5. Tenochtitlan is founded aes : 2 | 'S 5 eg ee jt ie : te |.eany =

Tita BBE Je SE EN re” OT. GJ Dees Fm 5 5s ea ae fous (S| is: Ment erate ta Pew 7 YC ogege |. 5

‘sal PTC ASTON CLT SAPO ele NA EET

in the year 7 House (1369); five named clan leaders ap- \ \ Es sisalilialadauntids eae Ge Fein, ae pear with their wives. Photograph courtesy of the Bib-

Nationale de France, ag pee eeoe cs > £ ; |1otheque ’ Fig. 148. Codex Aubin 2s5v, the founding °Paris. ° showing y aYV5 6 VV of Tenochtitlan. Photograph courtesy of the British Museum.

ANNALS STORIES 223

the annals, except under the guise of the conquest Tenochtitlan history almost equally, its point of view is of Azcapotzalco, which is sometimes signaled (e.g., the relatively small altepetl of Tepechpan in the Acolhua C. Azcatitlan 32, C. Mexicanus 61, C. Telleriano- realm; Tenochtitlan seems to be included to elevate TeRemensis 31r). The Aztecs, who did not themselves pechpan visually to a status paralleling that of Tenochhave a term for empire, based their political system on titlan (Boone 1997: 186-187) and also because at least the altepetl and expanded from there (Gibson 1971: one Tepechpan lord married into the Mexica royal fam378-379). I call the Aztec accounts imperial histories to ily. The Codex en Cruz covers slightly more Texcocan distinguish them from the migration stories (and from events than Tenochtitlan ones; it also treats political the dynastic histories of the Mixtecs) and to reflect and kinship relations between the Texcocan court and their emphasis on the conquest of other polities. The the small polities of Tepetlaoztoc and Chiauhtla and setwo major themes that run through the imperial annals lects events that are important to these towns (Dibble are the continuing line of Mexica rulers and the many 1981: 5, 59). Because the Codex en Cruz concentrates on

conquests they achieve. land assignments in Chiauhtla toward the end of its Coverage of Altepetl. Most painted imperial annals, history, Dibble favors Chiauhtla as its place of origin. like the migration accounts, are Mexica stories, con- These Acolhua annals, like the Mexica ones, choose to cerning themselves with events relevant to Tenoch- present some events and omit others according to the titlan, but several cover more than one altepetl and are interests of their own altepetl. less Tenochtitlan-focused. The Codex Mendoza, which Annals from other polities likewise juxtapose or concentrates on conquests, treats the Mexica exclu- blend Tenochca rulers and events with their local ones. sively, as does the wider spectrum of events in the The Codex Huichiapan (from Huichiapan near Tula) Codex Aubin. Other annals, namely the Codices Az- and the Codices Saville (Fig. 128) and Moctezuma (percatitlan, Mexicanus, and Telleriano-Remensis, focus haps both from the Valley of Mexico) are incompletely largely on the Mexica and are soundly Mexica-based, studied and remain poorly understood, but one can but they also include a few events pertinent to their im- see that they present the succession of Tenochtitlan rulportant neighbors in the Valley of Mexico—for ex- ers even while they concentrate on the native rulers ample, the accessions of Tezozomoc of Azcapotzalco and events pertinent to their own altepetl (Caso 1992; and Nezahualcoyotl of Texcoco. In the Codex Azca- Cuevas 1929; Glass 1975a: 170-171). Only the Codex titlan (whose imperial part is not technically an annals Azoyu I from distant Tlapan shuns the rulers of Teaccount but probably derives from one), the artist nochtitlan (Vega Sosa 1991). places notices of Texcoco’s affairs off to the side of the Coverage of Events. Events in the imperial annals are principal stream of Tenochtitlan events. The Codex fairly standardized, although some annals include more Telleriano-Remensis is the broadest of all the extant or fewer and slant them one way or another.’® They are painted annals in its subject focus. As Quihones Keber the kind of occurrence likely to be of interest to the (1984: 99; 1995: 198, tables 14 and 15) points out, it people of acommunity. The most basic elements, after records events in the Valley of Mexico from a Mexica the year count, are the sequent rulers and the binding point of view, but it also pictures the seating of the two of the years or the New Fire ceremony at the turn of principal Texcocan rulers (Nezahualcoyotl and Neza- the fifty-two-year cycle. Even the simplest annals, such hualpilli) as well as rulers and events of several other as the Tira de Tepechpan and Codex Saville, include polities (some unidentified). The only full sequence of these.” The fifty-two-year cycle can be marked in successive rulers, however, is for Tenochtitlan; Tlate- several ways: as a fire drill (C. Telleriano Remensis, lolco’s rulers appear, but only when they do battle C. Mendoza [ Fig. 134]), as a knot of reeds or cord next (twice against the Mexica; 1.¢., 31r, 33Vv, 36V; Quifones to the year count (C. Saville, C. Mexicanus | Fig. 143]), Keber 1995: table 14).*” Despite these inclusions, these or most simply as a knot around the Reed of the year

five annals look at the world from the perspective of sign (C. Mendoza, C. Boturini, Tira de Tepechpan

Tenochtitlan. [Figs. 134, 145]). The Codex en Cruz records the cere-

Two annals take a decidedly Acolhua perspective. mony 1n 1502 by picturing people on a rooftop looking Although the Tira de Tepechpan covers Tepechpan and for the new fire to be drawn (Dibble 1981: 39-40;

224 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

Quinones Keber 1984: 101). Royal succession comes eclipses, a comet, columns of fire, and the like. Events with the pictured funerary bundle of one ruler imme- on the ground range from earthquakes, droughts, devdiately followed by the seating of the next, although astating storms, and floods to plagues of mice and

deaths are often omitted for brevity. grasshoppers. These climatic and ecological events Conquests are the elements next in importance. share the feature that they are potentially harmful to They are included in every extant annals and, overall, people and the subsistence base; the earthquakes must are the most numerous events recorded. This should particularly have frightened people who understood not surprise us, because the Aztec empire was created that the present world would disintegrate in an earthand maintained by conquests (either diplomatic or quake. The disastrous drought and famine of 1 Rabbit military) over neighbors and distant peoples, and Mex- (1454), when so many people in the Valley of Mexico ica tlatoque had to prove themselves with a victory on starved and died, is noted in most of the annals. Astrothe battlefield before their accession to the throne was nomical phenomena are mentioned principally in the fully valid. Since most of the annals pertain to the Mex- Telleriano-Remensis, which counts four eclipses, one ica, the conquests are largely Mexica ones, but local comet, a light in the sky, and a column of smoke to victories take their places in the local stories. Con- the heavens. The Telleriano-Remensis also records the quests dominate all the other events in the Codices Az- most natural disasters, followed by the Codices Mexicatitlan (Fig. 136) and Telleriano-Remensis. In the Co- canus and Aubin. In contrast, the Codex Azcatitlan dex Mendoza (Fig. 135) historical reportage is limited and Tira de Tepechpan omit the natural and climatic to the accession of the Mexica rulers and their claimed phenomena altogether (Quinones Keber 1984: 100). conquests, for the codex was commissioned as a report Clearly, different annalists had different opinions about

to Charles V on the Mexica lords, their successes in which events should be recorded and which ones war, and thus their territories (Boone 1997: 157). should be passed over. Other cultural phenomena included in many of the The Reign of Axayacatl. The nature of the annals annals are significant building programs and their dedi- genre and the variety within it are apparent when their catory ceremonies, the occasional sacrifice, and the es- perspectives on the same period of time are compared. tablishment of trade or tribute relations. Several annals The reign of the Mexica ruler Axayacatl (Water Face), record the impressive dedicatory ceremony that accom- for example, is reported in nearly forty pictorial and alpanied Ahuitzotl’s renovation of the Templo Mayor in phabetic sources. I have chosen to focus on its pictorial 8 Reed (1487), preceded by Tizoc’s renovation a few telling because Axayacatl’s rule was rich with a full years earlier (C. Aubin 38rv, C. Azcatitlan 39, 41; range of events, and his recorded life also features sevC. Mexicanus 71, C. Telleriano-Remensis 38v—39r); the eral personal episodes, events of a biographical nature Telleriano-Remensis also includes the dedication of a that are not usually recorded in the annals. I concentemple in Tlacopan as well as the sacrifice of important trate here on seven pictorial versions of his reign: the war captives on other occasions (40r—42v). The Co- Tira de Tepechpan and the Codices Azcatitlan, Mendex en Cruz records the principal Templo Mayor dedi- doza, Aubin, Mexicanus, Telleriano-Remensis, and en cation as well as the completion of temples in Texcoco Cruz. Although these annals differ in their coverage and Chiauhtla (2b, 2c; Dibble 1981: 20-21, 26-27, and dating of events, most agree on several basic ones, 29-30). The Codices Aubin and Telleriano-Remensis summarized in Table 2. Axayacatl’s reign began in mention when certain trade routes are opened or new 2 Flint—5 Reed (1468-1471) following Moctezuma IIsources of tribute are established, these being for such huicamina’s death and ended with his own death in luxuries as cacao (Fig. 129) and jewelry (C. Telleriano- 2 House—4 Reed (1481-1483).°° The two major events Remensis 33r, 33V, 43r). These kinds of cultural events reported during this time are his conquest of neighare occasionally recorded in the Mixtec screenfolds, boring Tlatelolco and his being badly wounded in the

but the next category is not. battle of Xiquipilco (Incense Bag) during the MatlaThe annals as a historical genre is distinctive in re- tzinca campaign, which most of the annals cover more cording astronomical events and climatic or ecological elaborately than they do other events. The other conphenomena. Noteworthy celestial events include solar quests usually reported are of Cuetlaxtlan (Tanned

ANNALS STORIES 225 Table 2.

THE COVERAGE OF MAJOR EVENTS IN AXAYACATL’S REIGN IN SEVEN ANNALS DEATH OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL

AND CONQUEST

ACCESSION OF OF

DOCUMENT ACCESSION NEZAHUALPILLI TLATELOLCO

Aubin 5 Reed (1471) — 7 House (1473)

Azcatitlan day 1 Water yes day 5 Rain Cruz 2 Flint (1468) 6 Flint (1472) 7 House

Mendoza 4 Rabbit (1470) * — yes

Mexicanus 4 Rabbit — 7 House Telleriano-

OF OF

Remensis 3 House (1469) 6 Flint 7 House

Tepechpan 2 Flint — —

BATTLE DEATH

DOCUMENT XIQUIPILCO EARTHQUAKE ECLIPSE AXAYACATL

Azcatitlan yes — — yes Cruz 12 Rabbit — — 2 House (1481) Aubin 12 Rabbit (1480) 9 Reed (1475) 13 Reed (1479) t Flint (1480)

Mendoza yes — — 2 House Mexicanus 12 Rabbit 9 Reed 13 Reed 4 Reed (1483) Telleriano-

Remensis 12 Rabbit t Flint (1480) 10 Flint (1476) 4 Reed

Tepechpan — — — 2 House *The C. Mendoza records the first full year in office.

Leather), Ocuillan (Caterpillar), and Matlatzinco side of the page, beginning with the ruler’s first full (Hunting Net). During this time, Nezahualpilli suc- year in office and ending with his death year (Boone ceeded Nezahualcoyotl as lord of Texcoco, and there 1992: 36; Berdan and Anawalt 1992, 4.:24-—26). His ac-

was an earthquake and an eclipse. tual seating is stated by the image of Axayacatl enTypically, the Tira de Tepechpan is the most terse throned, whereas his death is signaled only by the end (Fig. 127). It notes only Axayacatl’s accession the same of the count. In front of the tlatoamz, a shield and spears year his predecessor died and his own death when T1- introduce the reader to the thirty-seven conquests that zoc became lord.*' The Codices Mendoza and Azcati- fill this page and the next, in no presently understood tlan offer more information, concentrating on Mexica order. These conquests, and the accession and death of conquests during his reign. In the Codex Mendoza the ruler, are the only events recorded, although the (Fig. 135), Axayacatl’s reign length runs along the left

226 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

conquest of Tlatelolco is presented more elaborately (Fig. 149) 1s the most succinct of the four, for it reprethan the rest. It was a major event in Mexica history sents all the events conventionally and without any picwhen Axayacatl declared war on his brother-in-law and torial elaboration (Lehmann and Kutscher 1981: 23brought Tlatelolco fully under Mexica control. The al- 24, 150-152). It reports the death of Moctezuma and phabetic chroniclers explain how Moquiurx (Drunken seating of Axayacatl in 5 Reed, followed by the conLord) retreated to the top of his own temple, from quest of Xochitlan, the conquest of Tlatelolco, an earthwhere he either was thrown alive or dead, or jumped quake, the conquests of three other polities,?° and an (as the accompanying text states).°? His death fall is eclipse. Axayacatl’s death 1s not pictured (although the what the artist reports here; Moquiuix’s name sign 1s gloss mentions it), but it is implied by the seating of here an iconographic referent to his name—the face of Tizoc in the year 1 Flint.

a pulque god with hair of foam. The Mexicanus (Fig. 150) 1s similar in that it glyphiSharing the same structure but lacking the year cally records both the death and accession of the relecount, the Codex Azcatitlan (Fig. 136) also concentrates vant rulers and, in between, the conquests of six polion Mexica conquests and elaborates the Tlatelolco vic- ties as well as the earthquake and eclipse (Mengin 1952: tory (Barlow and Graulich 1995: 116-119). It begins 452—455).°° Twice, however, it pictures Axayacatl actuwith Axayacatl’s seating on the left, dated here to the ally in battle. The ruler is unnamed but wears his disday 1 Rain in the lower left corner, and it ends with the tinctive Xipe costume when he attacks the Tlatelolco ruler’s death on the far right.** Between these points, temple in 7 House (the temple drawn with a diminuthe conquests run as a straight line left to right, the hill tive Moquiuix on top) and in 12 Rabbit when he is signs slightly overlapping in an implied chronological badly wounded in the leg by the ruler/warrior Tlulorder.** The conquest of Tlatelolco is the second one cuetzpal (Black Lizard) during the conquest of Xiquipictured, where Tlatelolco’s place sign is embellished pilco in the Matlatzinca campaign. with what I suggest is Moquiuix’s name sign (Drunken The Telleriano-Remensis (Fig. 151) likewise employs One, appearing as a vomiting face) and the day of vic- conventions for the deaths and accessions of rulers and tory, § Rain. The pictorial elaboration of this conquest for the earthquake and eclipse, but it becomes more is presented above as a scene that spans the width of pictorial with the conquests (Quifones Keber 199s: the facing pages in what 1s, in effect, a second register. 220-224). For most conquests, the annalist paints the Around Tlatelolco’s great pyramid, Axayacatl and other shield and spears and adds a pictorial description of Mexica warriors in quilted cotton armor (on the left) men fighting. Generally a Mexica warrior (identified defeat the Tlatelolcans, who are shown killed and cut ethnically by Tenochtitlan’s place sign) fights a named into pieces. The dismembered body tumbling down or unnamed enemy who is standing on his place sign.*” the pyramid is identified as Moquiuix by his turquoise The annalist further elaborated the battle of Tlatelolco, diadem among the scattered weapons. On the right, however, by picturing Moquiurx at the base of his great captives wait with bloodied noses, the women also cry- temple and adding Tlatelolco’s three allies around it

ing. In the upper right corner, a third register above (the named lords of Coyoacan [Coyote], Culhuacan and behind the Tlatelolcan losers records the death of [Bent Hill], and Tenayuca [Ramparts]; Fig. 151). MoNezahualcoyotl (Fasting Coyote) and the subsequent quiuix is named by the sign of a pulque bowl. accession of Nezahualpilli (Fasting Prince), lords of The Codex en Cruz (Fig. 152) stands apart from the Texcoco. The Codices Mendoza and Azcatitlan stand others because it is an Acolhua document and naturally out from the other annals, because both group all of the focuses more on the affairs of Texcoco than of Teevents in Axayacatl’s reign together without establish- nochtitlan (Dibble 1981: 13, 20-26). The thirteen-year ing their precise dates. They also focus on conquests, period beginning in 1 Reed opens with the dedication

and they elaborate the defeat of Tlatelolco. of temple pyramids in Texcoco (below) and Tlatelolco In contrast, the Codices Aubin, Mexicanus, Telleri- (above), the latter marked by Tlatelolco’s place sign ano-Remensis, and en Cruz are more typically annalis- (here a pot, mound of earth, teeth). Mexica events are tic in that they assign each event to a specific year and usually accompanied by Tenochtitlan’s place signs they concentrate less on the conquests. The Aubin when they are included. In 2 Flint the annalist presents

ANNALS STORIES 227

the death of Moctezuma and the accession of Axayacatl These seven painted annals agree on the major features above Tenochtitlan’s place sign. Texcocan events follow of Axayacatl’s reign, and they agree on many of the in the next several years, including the dedication of dates (Table 2). They vary most widely in dating Axay-

two temple pyramids and, in 6 Flint, Nezahualcoyotl’s acatl’s accession and death, which suggests that slipdeath and Nezahualpillr’s accession. Because it is un- page may have occurred when the annals were copied derstood that these events occurred in Texcoco, no from their earlier sources or when these sources were place sign 1s added. In 7 House, the conquest of ‘Tlate- themselves made. A slippage of a year or two can easily lolco is signaled by Tlatelolco’s place sign, temple, and happen because one source may note the accession the shield and club war sign. Moquiuix is also present; year, whereas another source notes the first full year in he is pictured during his fall, identified by a name sign office, or the death year as opposed to the last full year

that renders his name phonetically as a mouse trap in office; copyists may then compound the errors (mon) and an eye (4x; Dibble 1981: 22—23).°° In 12 Rab- (Glass 1974: 14-15). Given the four-year range of ac-

bit, the annalist records the battle of Xiquipilco by pic- cession and death dates summarized in Table 2, it 1s turing Axayacatl full figured and dressed in his Xipe surprising that all the annals agree on the dates of the battle costume, and above him the warrior Tlilcuetz- battles of Tlatelolco and Xiquipilco, but, of course, pal (Black Lizard) who wounded him. Three years there is less room for movement with these singular later, after the annalist records Huastec participation events. Three annals report an earthquake and eclipse, at the dedication of a temple pyramid in Tenochtitlan, but in different years, and we have to question whether he records Axayacatl’s death and Tizoc’s succession in these are the same events dated differently or are mul-

2 House. tiple events dated correctly. An investigation of this, Fig. 149. Codex Aubin 37r—37v. The reign of Axayacatl from 5 Reed (1471) through 1 Flint (1480). Photograph courtesy of the British Museum.

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Fig. 154. Tira de Tepechpan 15, covering the arrival of the Spaniards in 1 Reed (1519) through the arrival of Bishop Zumarraga in 8 Rabbit (1526). Photograph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

Aztec ambassadors boarded his ship off the Veracruz burning of the Templo Mayor. Below, the annalist coast. The gifts include, generally from left to right, records the death of Moctezuma, with a spear stabbing a beaded cape, two feather headdresses, two feather into the back of his funerary bundle to explain how he cloaks, five disks of turquoise mosaic (below), a tu- was killed, and, just to the right, the accession of Cuinic, and two shields. Although the Codex Vaticanus tlahuac. Cuitlahuac’s actual death is not pictured, but A/Rios (87r) conventionally records Moctezuma pre- the (nineteen) circles attached to his name sign and to senting a gold and jade necklace to Cortés, the Codex the year 3 House may be an attempt to note the short Mexicanus 1s alone in picturing this first exchange of duration of his (eighty-day) reign. Above 3 House, the

gifts on both sides. annalist records the actual conquest of ‘Tenochtitlan, Above the year 1 Reed, the military conflict begins in and he does so by using the Aztec convention of a shield

earnest, signaled by the Spanish soldier in steel helmet, and weapons, except that it is a Spanish victory sigwith shield, sword, lance, and banner. The next year, naled by a Spanish shield, a Spanish sword and lance, 2 Flint, is marked by a prone smallpox victim and the and a Spanish helmet. The artist has taken Spanish ele-

234 AZTEC ALTEPETL ANNALS

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Fig. 155. Codex Mexicanus 76—77, covering the arrival of the Spaniards in 1 Reed (1519) through the conquest of Tenochtitlan in 3 House (1521). Photograph courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.

ments and used them meaningfully in the traditional below the Aztec warrior’s feet records the quieter deviconographic system. Later conquests, where the Span- astation of smallpox. iards and Nahuas have joined forces, are marked by an After the conquest, the annals continue to report seAztec shield backed by the Spanish steel sword and the lected events that affected religious and political life. Aztec obsidian-edged sword (e.g., 1n 6 Flint [1524]). On the spiritual side, these are principally the arrival of Although the Tepechpan and Mexicanus emphasize the Franciscans, the arrival of Bishop Zumarraga, the slightly different aspects of the Spanish invasion and institution of marriage and baptism, and Zumarraga’s conquest, they and the other painted annals tend to death, although other actions of the friars and secular agree on certain features that characterize the cata- clergy are included occasionally. In the political and sostrophic encounter. There is the initial arrival, the com- cial realm, the annals report the evacuation of Tenoching of Christianity, the destruction of the Templo titlan, Cortés’ appointment of interim governors for Mayor, smallpox, the death of Moctezuma, the quick Tenochtitlan, sometimes the arrival of members of the succession of Cuitlahuac and Cuauhtemoc, and finally first and second Audiencia, and almost always the arCuauhtemoc’s death. Several annals present the burn- rival of the first viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza. Other ing of the Templo Mavor or the siege of Tenochtitlan secular events are also reported in one annals account more pictorially as a relatively large scene of battle (1.e., or another. Aubin, Azcatitlan, Huichiapan, Moctezuma, Vaticanus The annalists incorporated the Spanish world into A/Rios). One sees the violent struggle in the Codex their records by drawing on images from that world to Moctezuma (Fig. 156), for example, where an Aztec represent the alien data and by integrating the images and a Spanish warrior clash against the flaming back- into their traditional system of native pictography. drop of the Templo Mayor. Tenochtitlan’s place sign 1s They took Spanish forms and codified them into iconic to the right of the pyramid’s base, and the spotted head conventions and glyphs that were subjected to the

ANNALS STORIES 235

ees : . a Pe - \ be ag gr pa “ey SB wr

same formal grammar as their own conventions g TELLS OW saree ee ae ys a een ee and EOE OT a Eeeed ao) ac oA o

glyphs. Thus a human with spots becomes in effect the i ie, | RD Ge ee Zé ee “= : ms

glyph for the devastating plague of smallpox in 1520. A ee ie b Ge ae i. Wed: ae Cone ens

Spanish crossed becomes A Va : , 7 beshield 5 eo?and Ay, fs fssword ’e Ze, if > “ the ¢ 4symbol Sg A eisai is eesyAl xeBe heShe Ht jpye

begat cto aac stent acces 1. oe ee See

for the Spanish conquest. Spaniards are identified as es de Prue fier Wis Py 74s ae fe fos I AN

foreigners byoo an iconographic assemblage that includes ERE OR) he. OP IEa} ON: AE Se3 co Py eq HE; ee: a | oe : PT ae t a { 3 a peek es. amwas beard, brimmed hat, tunic, lance, sword, and horse. Weed egal vee fi has hme’ fh 14 y pe 45 _ a a: - cc op aye aler ore > ey le a Ee ee Pad gs % tee} 1 2 @ se ie Ps 4 ip, ‘ AA

, , . SS a Vrach 2 Sores: As oe 2 “eet re , af MEX

Accouterments of Spanish life also become symbols of See ee f ee | Se Se SOT ys

different aspects of Spanish re iy¥%Ao oe afee a) ee Bee ; Yscolonial ‘ Ly culture. a we For 1 Jex‘ nw aeMEO 5 2ooesEeaoe ample, the curved chair and the European crown be- ee of { GSN ONE Roewet 7 Mepis be ‘ i >

= : 7of: Ane am eo] , LLBCAE fat Saas LS 4i,rca % Se Ze BS come the;signs authority and en rule,we theBF Spanish ‘ye Dok ey fe & eesisp Pen; 3 / SEEN equivalent the 2, reed speech scroll, < enene. ie Bw aes .EON 1 a 4 |ofrTof Se onmat, Shy nrcross SS 4and aand Ithe Bfturquoise ou Aal-elie. ee|Log < 7tes “yafe|4coe ;: Pe ied : diadem native tlatoque. The dove, Sy are ane wal dé me .AG

; = ; ) Se ms, yeas NOB NORE Pa fe SCANS

F ae ee a oe 2 RO a ee CA eee oa SON

¥ : s ane Meee a age ee EGa pe pisfyLig SE oe ee Ag2en a mes

ready European conventions for Christianity, readily ro ee OY ; ee conf | Pa F BE transfer to the Aztec annals as icons of the Catholic . es beau NS Ey t SS Be ESTOS

Church. The European banner with two points almost ee i \EBE @ ae 3 Pe: always marrics the cross to represent Spanish political 7 ee Ape: 3 [= 4 mi NWA OS and HPIOUS religious AUC authority. the bishop’s miter f aN | pesfe: > ane Vy. LLikewise, MISC, SHOp § RK E Rae oe heey 794 0? j mane | | "a %i becomes symbol the bishop, as formiter example, the be Ge ip Cie:Vf le gs Raeee fj. ‘csjeeGe LEB t ye a, 4a “IC 5 of vere : whon’s 1 in1O¢ thFBR gotEhe &5ee

: | ae ae Ieze Be eiceeeas ee a Mee Om 4

Codex Mexicanus where a bishop’s miter and indige- EK. NaS m ; pees! Co: | Bishop ) Laos? oh: >,BeinCRSaasy. +e Rates. ; a3ae3eas nous-style footprints leading toCae the year count Io Rots = ee 2RI3 SENSORS Flint (1528) signal Zumiarraga’s arrival. Rr es as Coe . : . ew Fo HAaPee yz aree 5 ge, pee penteLes 4