State Building and Political Movements in Argentina, 1860-1916 9780804780926

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STATE BUILDING AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN ARGENTINA, r860-1916

State Building and Political Movements in Argentina:J I860-I9I6 David Rock

STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS STANFORD, CALIFORNIA 2002

Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 2002 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University

ISBN o-8047-4466-I

(cloth: alk. paper)

Original Printing 2002 Last figure below indicates year of this printing: II

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07

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Designed by Eleanor Mennick Typeset by Bookmatters in I0/12.5 Sabon

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For William Rock

Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction I.

IX

I

The Age of Mitre

II

The Contest for the Provinces The Contest for Buenos Aires Rebellion in the West External Consolidation: Uruguay and Paraguay Internal Resistance The Presidential Election of I868 Epilogue

I4 21 30 36 42 48 53

2. From the Caudillos to Federalization The Fall of Caudillaje The League of Governors Immigrants and Gauchos in Buenos Aires Buenos Aires: Alsinistas and Mitristas The Road to Federalization Epilogue

3· Order, Progress, and Revolt The Roca Administration Liberals, Clerics, and Women The Rise and Fall of Juarez Celman Epilogue

4· The Restoration of Roca and Its Challengers The Challenge of the Radicals Politics in the Late I89os Popular Politics: The Boundary and Debt-Conversion Questions Epilogue

s6 s8 64 72 8r 88 roo 102 103 109 rr6 141 144 145 163 173 r8o

CONTENTS

Vlll

5. The Fall of the Oligarchy The Oligarchic Power Structure The Fall of Roca Reform and Its Aftermath Epilogue

Generalizations and Synthesis

182 183 192 201 214 216

Notes Bibliography Index Map of the "Argentine Confederation," ca. I 8 5o

Xll

Acknowledgments

Research for this book began in 1992 thanks to a generous grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The work started out as a project comparing state formation in Argentina and Uruguay. In that form, the study produced some lively discussion and eventually some satisfying published work. The grant funded extensive additional research on Argentina, which ultimately led to this book. The research took place not only in Argentina but also in Britain, France, Spain, and the USA. I was fortunate to be able to contract several graduate students to forage for new data in some unusual locations. I had additional funding from the Academic Senate of the University of California at Santa Barbara. In 1999-2000, I spent a privileged sabbatical year at St. John's College, Cambridge, where I began my university career more than thirty years earlier. Many people helped me to carry out the research and to complete this book. Fernando L6pez-Alves proved an exceptionally gifted collaborator for the work on Argentina and Uruguay. Barbara Herr Harthorn gave me sound advice and much practical assistance in preparing the application for the grant. She and her colleagues led by Randi Glick at the Interdisciplinary Humanities Center at UC Santa Barbara ably administered the grant, helping to achieve maximum benefits. Former graduate students in the Department of History, UC Santa Barbara, acted as research assistants. Erik Ching worked at the National Archives, Washington, D.C. Alistair Hattingh provided some missing data from Argentina. Karen Mead worked in the foreign ministry archives of France and Spain. Fernando Rocchi assembled copious materials in Rome, and collected some additional materials in the Public Record Office, London. My work benefited enormously from this· team of outstanding young scholars. As has been the case for many years, my work has had the unstinting support of my colleagues and the staff members of the Department of History at UC Santa Barbara. I had some very helpful assistance too from library colleagues in Santa Barbara in obtaining IX

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

X

newspapers on microfilm and copies of some rare dissertations. I acknowledge the value of the Baring Archive in London and thank John Orbach, the chief archivist. I was fortunate to have access to the ongoing work of several outstanding younger Argentine scholars. They generously sent me chapters, articles, and papers, which influenced my approach to some of the issues discussed in this book. The scholars included Paula Alonso, Ariel de la Fuente, Gustavo Paz, and Fernando Rocchi. Anthony McFarlane and Guy Thomson invited me to participate in projects, which provided opportunities to write up in a preliminary form some of the ideas of this book. Richard J. Walter wrote a generously complimentary report on the book manuscript on behalf of Stanford University Press. My thanks to Ruth Steinberg, whose copyediting skills helped me to produce the final draft of the manuscript. In Cambridge, I thank Peter Linehan for sponsoring my visit to St. John's College and the Master and Fellows of the college for their exceptional hospitality. My wife and I will never forget Merton Cottage with its beautiful garden, where we lived during my sabbatical year. I enjoyed participating in the weekly seminar of the Centre of Latin American Studies at Cambridge University, along with David A. Brading, Charles Jones, and David Lehmann. Throughout my career, my father, William Rock, and my late mother, Elsie Rock, have been sources of great inspiration. In passing through adolescence as I wrote this book, my sons Edward and Charles contributed to the variety in my life. My wife, Rosalind Rock, read and commented extensively on my manuscript in spite of illness. Hers is the strongest influence on the finished work. DAVID ROCK

Santa Barbara, May zoor

Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being improved by free and equal discussion. Until then, there is nothing for them but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne if they are so fortunate to find one. -John Stuart Mill, On Liberty

Map of the "Argentine Confederation," adapted by Steven Brown from a map published ca. 1850 by John Tallis and Co.

Introduction

After I86o, two consecutive political movements in Argentina created the national state commonly known as the oligarchy. As the head of the first movement, Bartolome Mitre embodied the oligarchic state in its formative stage, during the era of "national organization" of the I86os. As an architect of the Partido Autonomista Nacional, Julio A. Roca led the second movement. He dominated the oligarchy in its mature form from his election as president in I88o until the eclipse of his movement in I908. The standard objection to the oligarchy was that it eliminated political freedom and created a regime akin to despotism. An early twentieth-century critic described the regime as a "dictatorship in a Phrygian cap." He meant that it disguised its authoritarian traits in artifacts like the cap of liberty adopted during the French Revolution. 1 In its favor, the supporters of the oligarchy claimed that the regime created exceptional prosperity. In the late I88os one apologist averred that "never perhaps in world history has such change been achieved so rapidly in the same region. Political unity has kindled prosperity as if by magic." 2 The methods and achievements of the national state builders headed by Mitre and Roca are the main themes of this study. The work examines the civil wars of the I86os and early I87os, and the period of national state consolidation ending with the establishment of Buenos Aires as the national capital in I 8 So. A subsequent section describes politics in the I 8 8os ending in the rebellion of I89o. The last two chapters analyze the long transition from oligarchy to representative democracy between the early I89os and the presidential election of I9I6. Numerous subordinate figures adumbrate the text. They include the so-called caudillos, the political and military leaders associated with specific provinces, of the period I860-75· The careers of men like Angel Vicente Penaloza of La Rioja and Ricardo Lopez Jordan of Entre Rios illustrate caudillaje in its dying phase as the caudillos approached extinction. General Justo Jose de Urquiza first won renown for destroying the I

2

INTRODUCTION

regime ofJuan Manuel de Rosas in 1852. In the 186os Urquiza exemplified the important transition from the provincial caudillo to the provincial governor serving on behalf of the nascent central power. The leading architects of state consolidation and development followed the caudillos. In the 187os Nicolas Avellaneda preceded Roca in creating the web of ties in the provinces that strengthened the nation-state. In the late 188os Miguel Juarez Celman intensified the economic growth of the provinces but led the country into near-bankruptcy. Jose Figueroa Alcorta played a decisive role in the fall of Roca in 1908. The leading players in Buenos Aires besides Mitre were masters of political machines and rhetoricians of popular democracy. They included Adolfo Alsina, the leader of the Autonomistas in the 186os and 187os. Then followed Leandro N. Alem and Hipolito Irigoyen, the leaders of Radicalismo in the 189os. Between 1901 and 1906, Carlos Pellegrini, a former supporter of the oligarchy, paved the way for the democratic reform of 1912 instituted by President Roque Saenz Peiia. The study discusses many popular interests, groups, or causes, although its main concern lies with "high," or elite, politics. The approach reflects political conditions in Argentina during this period. The popular forms of politics from the independence period disappeared around 1875 on the fall of Federalism and the caudillos. In most of the country, popular politics remained dormant until the late 189os. The Liberals who replaced the federalists sought to build the national state and to recast society in radical terms. Their program commanded very little popular support. Liberalism therefore failed to put down popular roots and developed in Argentina as an exceptionally elitist movement. 3 Consequently, the focus lies on the methods employed by liberal leaders to construct national political coalitions. The study examines relations between presidents on one side and Congress and the provincial governors on the other. Below the governors stood the lesser components of the coalition, such as justices of the peace, chiefs of police, and local prefects. As this hierarchy formed, its members exchanged favors and benefits. The president dispensed patronage in the form of subsidies and jobs. The provincial governors and their subordinates procured the election of senators and deputies to sustain the president in Buenos Aires. The system derived from the ideas of Argentine liberal intellectuals from earlier in the nineteenth century. They had been explicitly opposed to popular democracy. Their notions of representation commonly referred to the inclusion of the regional and provincial gentry in a federal system of government. Their concept of democracy indicated local and not popular representation. "We want a true federation," proclaimed Esteban Echeverria, "because we want democracy, which is none other than the federal organization of the Provinces and the Republic. " 4 As a study mainly concerned with the building and defending of coalitions,

INTRODUCTION

3

the discussion extends beyond popular representation, long the staple subject of debate on the oligarchy. Although the regime sought to silence the popular voice, the prevailing low level of political mobilization- popular indifference, as contemporaries called it- made this task easy. An excessive focus on popular participation under the oligarchy runs the risk of over-subscribing to the interpretation of the populist critics of the regime after 1900. They reduced the regime to a conspiracy of the rich to repress popular rights and to monopolize political power for personal gain. The populist critique had a simplistic and anachronistic quality. It assumed a strong popular voice existed that required forcible suppression. The critique took for granted that high levels of political participation could be achieved in a sparsely populated and largely undeveloped society. 5 This work develops recent scholarship by adopting a broader chronological and geographical range. It carries the discussion of regional politics back to r 86o and that of politics in the city of Buenos Aires forward beyond r88o. 6 The book has a more pronounced national focus than most previous work, placing the same emphasis on the provinces as on Buenos Aires.? In the r8sos and r86os, Buenos Aires and the other provinces frequently clashed in civil war. In the r87os and later decades a national coalition formed, controlled by Roca and his allies. From around 1900, with the rapid growth of the cities led by Buenos Aires, the regime became obsolescent. Political change loomed, as the ruling elite split between supporters and opponents of popular government. Power ebbed and flowed between Buenos Aires and the other provinces. 8 The r8 sos and r86os marked the rising influence of the politicians of Buenos Aires, led by Mitre. Their standing declined in the r87os. At that time, the coalition of the provinces known as the League of Governors, and later as the Partido Autonomista Nacional, formed. The PAN enlisted part of the Buenos Aires elite, but its foundations lay in the other provinces, led by Cordoba. By the r88os the power exercised formally and institutionally by the provinces became detached from economic power in Buenos Aires. The state became, to quote a recent definition, "dominated to a degree out of all proportion to their economic weight by politicians from the backward interior, yet capable of fulfilling the aspirations vested in it by the [elite of Buenos Aires]." 9 As the present work exemplifies, until around 1910 the landed interest of Buenos Aires exercised little direct political power, either through the national state or locally in the province of Buenos Aires. 10 Merchants and financiers dominated Mitrismo. Autonomismo, the great rival of Mitrismo in Buenos Aires, had a stronger rural component, but in that political movement also, local officials led by the justices of the peace exercised greater direct power than landowners. The Argentine oligarchy was both liberal and conservative. The liberal side

4

INTRODUCTION

found expression in the Constitution of I 8 53, which committed the country to representative institutions and economic modernization. The term "conservative republic," applied to the regime, referred to the willingness of its leaders to restrict political participation and later to their opposition to social reform. The oligarchy commonly took a liberal stance toward the economy and a conservative position in politics.U Its economic liberalism did not mean doctrinaire laissez-faire. Governments during this period inherited a positive view of state power derived from the Spanish Enlightenment of the late eighteenth century. They practiced state intervention to support foreign investors and created publicly owned assets. 12 The oligarchy's conservatism betrayed none of the reactionary or clerical remnants of the European counterrevolution or the veneration of tradition advanced by Edmund Burke. 13 As the literature on state formation has reiterated, state making meant war making. 14 Argentina proved no exception. In the I86os the civil wars and the war of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay marked stages in the construction of state authority. Financial issues of the type discussed by theorists of state formation underlay the lengthy dispute over "federalization" in Buenos Aires. The boundary issues stressed in the same theoretical or comparative literature appear in this study in several guises. In the I 8 6os the Federalists and the caudillos commonly opposed the nation-state. They asserted the primacy of the provinces before the nation, or enunciated a concept of a shared Spanish American patria based on local societies rather than nation-states. Around the turn of the century, politicians like Estanislao Zeballos exploited boundary disputes to raise popular support. The study refers tangentially to crucial state institutions such as the army, but other important questions related to state formation remain outside the discussion. The omissions include economic development (widely discussed elsewhere), the formation of ministries and other subordinate state institutions, fiscal and land policy, and educationY The "social question," namely relations between the state and labor, represents an important issue in Argentine social and political history from around I895· That subject, too, is of such scope that it requires separate treatment and is not treated here. Likewise, a full discussion of the role and power of the press, with the exception of the late I89os, represents another obvious omission. The Argentine oligarchy led a massive social and economic transformation.16 Government underwent similar profound change. In I 8 6o the Argentine Republic existed, to paraphrase Count Metternich, only as a geographical expression. By I900 the republic had one of the most powerful governments in the Americas. "National organization" began as an idea during the independence struggle of the early nineteenth century. The idea gained impetus from the celebrated group of liberal intellectuals led by Echeverria, Juan B. Alberdi, and Domingo F. Sarmiento. Their campaigns reached a high

INTRODUCTION

5

point in the early I 8 sos. By that time, Alberdi was arguing that every country in America, except Argentina, had a "general government" and a constitution. The Rio de la Plata region had lived under a single government under Spanish rule for two centuries, he noted, and contended, "The innovation of only yesterday is its separation or division." 17 The long-recognized influence of the United States on the intellectuals led to their emphasis on railroads, education, immigrants, and federal organization. Sarmiento saw similarities between the United States and Argentina because of the large reserves of land in both countries. "Why not follow the example of the United States and be confident we can achieve the same results?" he asked. 18 Strong French influence stemmed from the utopian socialists led by Henri Rouvier, Comte de Saint-Simon, who stressed the role of social engineers in building new societies. The Argentine intellectuals imitated the mix of economic liberalism and conservative politics adopted by the French Orleanists. Like Fran48,5I-55,6~72-

74,78-8r,83-9I,94-IOO,I02-5, II2,II?-I8,I2I-27,I44-45,I5I59,I6I,I65-67,I7I-72,I78,r86, 191, 209-15, 218-20, 224, 227-28, 231 Buenos Aires Herald, 69, 88, 98, 140 Burke, Edmund, 4 Burton, Captain Richard F., 41 Bustos, Francisco Vicente, r69 Cabal, Mariano, 68, 73 Cabral, Felipe, 89-90, 99 Cabildos, r ro Calfucura, 91-92 California, r 6

Caminos, Carlos, r 8 8 Campos, General Manuel J., 135-39, 150,226 Campos, Julio, 45 Canada,38 Canada de Gomez, battle of, 3 r Candioti, Marciano, 207 Candioti, Mariano, 157 Carbo, Alejandro, 2rr Carcano, Ramon A., II4, r3r, 207, 2ro Carmen de Areco, 55 Carreno family of La Rioja, 170, 224 Carrefio, Leonidas, 170 Casares, Vicente F., 176 Castellano family of Catamarca, 169, 224 Catamarca, city and province, 14-15, 3I-34,43-45,48,65,I07,I47,r6970,2r2,224 Catedral del Norte (parish in Buenos Aires), r67 Catedral del Sud (parish in Buenos Aires), 30 Catriel, 23, 91-92 Caudillos (and caudillaje), r-2, 12-17, 56-64, IOI, 104, II2, 138,169,215, 222-23 Caxias, Marshal Luis Alves de Lima, 41 Centros de Tiro, 174 Cepeda, battle of, 7, r2, 17, 20-21, ro4, 220 Chaco, 6r Chamber of Deputies, r8 5, 191 Chapperon, Lorenzo (Italian consul), 4143,49, 52-53 Chiefs of Police, 2, 71, r86, 223 Chile, 5, 9, r5, r6, 40, 43-46, 6o-6r, 65,92-93, ro6, rr3, 144,178, 193; frontier dispute of r89os, 173-80, 202, 2r8, 224, 228 Chilecito, ro7 Chivilcoy, 83, 86, 200 Cholera, 48-49, 52, 77, 221 Chumbita, Severo, 3 3 Church. See Anticlericalism Civic Union, 103, 132-38, 141, 144, I48-49,r 55 - 56,194,226-27 Civit family of Mendoza, 66 Clara, Jeronimo E., II4-15, 122 Club Arjentino, 68 Club del Pueblo, 2 7; in Rosario, 68 Club lgualdad, 8r Club Libertad, 2 7

INDEX

Club 25 de Mayo, 8I Cocidos, 25, 27, I4I, 220 Codigo Rural, 78 Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires, I74 Colorado River, 94 Colorados (of Uruguay), 36, I90 Communist sympathies, 2 3 I Concentraci6n, 2I3, 230 Concepcion (parish in Buenos Aires), 29 Concepcion del Uruguay, I04 Conchabo, I70-7I Conciliation (of I877), 8, 30, 57, 88-9I, 99-IOI, I07, I33, I4I, I50,220,224 Concordia, 59 Confederation of I853-I862, 6-8, 13, I8-22,25,30,44, I04,2I8 Conflictos y armonias de las razas en America, I I o Congres~2,22, 54,84-85,93,97, Io67, II4, I26-27, I40, I46, I52-53, I55, I58, I63, I69, I76-77, I8o, I82, I84,I88-90,I95-20I,204-5,222, 227-28, 23I Congress of Education, I I4 Conquest of the Desert, 56, 65, 9I-9 5, IOI, I05, 223 Consejo de Higiene. See Health Council Conservative Republic, 4 Conservatives, 9, I83, 203, 208-I4, 229-3I Constant, Benjamin, 5 Constitution (of I853), 4-7, 2I, 22, 35, 72, II4, I34, I96,2I7 Contratistas, I7I Conventillos, 23, 77-78 Convention of Notables, I 84 Convertibility, II7-I8, I24-25, I2930, 225 Cordoba, city and province, 3, 7, I3, I5, 20,24,3I-32,35,42-49,5I,64-65, 7I, 89-9I,96, I05, I07, II4-3I, I40, I47, I5I, I55, I6o, I62, I68, I7I, I85,I88,I93-94,2oo,2o6-7,2I2I3, 2I9, 223-25; diocese, II3 Coronel de Lamarca, Patrona, I I 5 Corrientes, city and province, I5, 37, 48, 56, 59, 6I, 76, 89-90, 96, 99, I05, Io8, I5o, I69, I88, I90,220,224 Carriere della Sera, I73 Cortes Conde, Roberto, I42 Costa, Eduardo, 6o, II6 Costa, Julio, I5I-59, I68, 227

Coup d'etat (of September I852), 6. See also Revolution Crespo family of Entre Rios, I 8 8 Crime rates, 76 Crudos, 25, 27, I4I, 220 Cullen family of Santa Fe, 54, I88 Cullen, Patricio, 68 Curupaitl, battle of, 40-4I, 43, 55, I04, I88 D'Amico, Carlos, II2, II9, I25, I68 Daract family of San Luis, 65 Daract, Juan, I89 Davila family of La Rioja, I88 Daza, Jose Silvana, I07 Del Valle, Aristobalo, 88, I32, I34-37, I54- 5 8, 226-2 7 Del Viso, Antonio, 90, I07 Della Croce (Italian minister), 73, 77 Democracy, I, 2, I03, III, I72, I77, I8I-82,I94,204-6,209,222 Democracy in America, IIO Derqui, Manuel, 89 Derqui, Santiago, 7, I5, I9, 2I, 30 Diaz, Antonio, I47 Diaz, Porfirio, I72 Differential duties, 7 Ducros (French minister), 67-68, 70-7I Echagiie family of Santa Fe, I88 Echenique, Maria Eugenia, n6 Echeverria, Esteban, 2 Economic depression, of I87os, 86-87; of I89os, I3I-46, 226; of I9I3, 208-9 Economic liberalism, 4 Economist, The, I30, I42 Education, 4, 8 El Bracho, Santiago del Estero, 63 El Correa Espaiiol, 8 6 El Diario, I69 El Nacional, I7-20, 25, 35,39-40,43, 48-49, 53-55, 59,63-64,74,79, 82, 8 5 -86, 9 9-Ioi, Io 4 , I24,22o El Obrero, I38 El Pais, I68 El Salvador (college), 74, 86 Election, of I868, 8, 49-53; in Buenos Aires in I86os, 27-29; of I874, 84, 22o;ofi88o,96,224;ofi886, I03, II6-I~II9-2~I25;0fi889,I30, I32;ofi89~ I52;ofi894, I6r;of

I898, I72;ofi904, I92;ofi908,

310

INDEX

Election (continued)

Funes family of Cordoba, ros, r88

198-99;0f191~202-3;0f191~

206-7;ofi9I6,2I2-14 Election fraud, 29, r66-68, 186-87, 192, I99,202-3,207,22I-22,229 Electoral reform, 9, 182-83, 192, 19495,204-6 Elizalde, Rufino, so- sz, 6o, 63 Emisiones clandestinas, 134 Empleomania, 179 Enlightenment, 4 Entre Rios, I, 6, rs, 21, 30,43-46, so3, s6-6r,67-68,72, So, 104-7,140, I52-53,I6I-62,I68-7I,I88,2067,2II,2I8,222,224 Ernizuriz Echaurrea, Fernando, 174 Estrada, Jose M., II4, 132 Extradition, 163-64 Federal Intervention, 64, 90, 153, 1576o, r63, 189,195, I98,2oo,227,231 Federalism (under I 8 53 Constitution), 2, 70, II2 Federalists (also federates), 4, 8, 10, 13r~r9,3I-38,43-45,50-5I,56-s9,

6s-67,70-7I,8o-8r,89,IOI,I07, 2o8,2r8-r9,22I-24,23I;defin~ion

of, 44 Federalization, 4, 8, 13, 22, 25-29, 54, Sr, roo, rr8,221,224 Fernandez Vallin y Alfonso, Constantino, 126 Figueroa Alcorta, Jose, 2, 9, 193 -94; as president in 1906-I9IO, r82-83, 197-201, 203, 229 Flores, General Venancio, 30, 36-37, 40, 44 Florida, II 2 Foreign debt, 130-34, 140-43, 146, I63,177-80,225-26,229 Foreign investment, 123, 130, 141 Formosa, territory of, 176 Fotheringham, Ignacio, 107 Fraile Muerto, 48 France,73, rro, 113,176,217 Freemasons. See Masons French in Argentina, 22, 72, 145 French Revolution of 1789, r, 205; of r83o, 217 Freyre, Rodolfo, r85 Funes de Saa, Antonia, 157

Gainza, Martin de, 67 Garibaldi, Guiseppe, 7, 25-26 Garzon, Eliseo, I sr Garzon, Felix, 206-7 Gastrill, Harrison, 98-99 Gauchos, 8, 13, r6, 21, 26, 34, so- 54, 57, 68-69, 79-81, 98, roo, roS, 2r8, 221-22,224 Gelly y Obes, General Juan, 6r Generation of 1837, 217 Gentry. See Landed gentry Germany (and Germans), 38, 72. See also Swiss Gobernador elector, r66 Godoy family of San Juan, 189-90, 224 Gold premium, r28, 130-31, 138, 14243, 146 Gomez, Agustin, 66, ro8 Gomez, Indalecio, 4 7, 204- 5, 2 r o- II Gonzalez de Virasoro, Elena, r 8 Gonzalez, Joaquin V., 192, 197, 211 Gordon, M., 32, 42-43, 48, p, 54, 219 Gorostiaga family of Santiago del Estero, 148 Gorostiaga, Jose Benjamin, r2o-2r Governors (of provinces), 2, 71, 78, 8990, IOO, 107, IIO-I2, 119, 126, 137, 14~ 151-52, 155, 166-68, I8~ 184, r86,I89,195-97, I99-20I,220,223, 225-26, 229 Grierson, Cecilia, II 6 Groussac, Paul, 89, r66, 210 Gualeyguay, 58, 67-68 Gualeyguaychu, 58, 6o, 222 Guaranteed Banks, Law of, 127, 131, 140,225 Guayama, Santos, 66-67 Giiemes family of Salta, I 5 Guizot, Fran