Spirit Servant: Narratives of Shikigami and Onmyodo Developments

Citation preview

SPIRIT SERVANT: NARRATIVES OF SHIKIGAMI AND ONMYŌDŌ DEVELOPMENTS

PANG CAROLYN (B.A. (Hons.), NUS)

A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF JAPANESE STUDIES NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgements are more than a list of names; it is recognition of those who have been crucial in making this thesis possible and gratitude to all the important people in my life who have always inspired and supported me during my research. Mentors are a crucial beacon to guide me when I felt lost during times of confusion. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Scot Hislop for his insightful advice, infinite patience and constant concern for my wellbeing. Despite the inevitable stress and frustrations, my studies have always been a journey of great enjoyment because of his continual support. I am immensely indebted to Dr Lim Beng Choo for her constant emotional support and much-needed guidance. I always find strength in her gentle and motherly concern to strive on. I want to thank Professor Komine Kazuaki and Professor Masuo Shinichirō who warmly welcomed me to participate in their lectures and study groups at Rikkyo University and provided valuable advice for my research. My sincere thanks to all the professors of the Department of Japanese Studies who have in different ways shaped my ideas, inspired new ways of thinking and fueled my passion for further studies. My family means the world to me for they give me the strength to pursue my dreams and make it through life. All my achievements are because of their firm support. To my parents who give me much freedom, I am constantly thankful that you are my parents. To my eldest sister, Fiona, for being a role model in life and bringing two wonderful children into this world. To my elder sister, Jane, for always being there and being the most honest critic of my thesis. To my brother, Richard, for having faith in me and simply for being who he is. To my niece, Sharleen and godson, James, for giving me emotional strength. To all my relatives, for being here for me.

i

Friends are my treasured travel companions on this crazy adventure that we call life. Let us continue to have fun together on this unpredictable life journey. To Karen Feng, for making my life in Tokyo wonderful and memorable. To Yuen Shumin, for being a wonderful buddy in study, tutorship, travel, fashion... in summary, everything! To Kam Thiam Huat, for devotedly connecting all the JS batches. You are the unsung hero of the department. To my long-time close friends, Kah Yen, Su Lynn, Jau Chern and Chien Tee, for more than a decade of precious friendship and caring support. To Letitia, Clarence, Serene, Esther, Karl and Susan for all their valuable support, advices and companionship. To all JS students, for making my life in NUS full of fond and cherished memories. I owe much thanks to the Japanese Studies administration staff for making my school life so much more enjoyable. To Ms Lee Bee Ling, for her good-natured accommodation of my random moments and appreciation of my wacky antics. To Ms Sheila Tang, for her generous sharing of snack rations to ensure my continued existence in the department. To Mr Tan Kay Hoe, for patiently answering all my questions and making my study at NUS easier. In my course of research, I have benefitted from two grants. The Research Scholarship from the National University of Singapore greatly made my graduate studies financially easier. The Monbukagakusho scholarship from the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs was essential for advancing my research for this thesis in Tokyo at Rikkyo University. Acknowledgements are not meant as an ending note to list one’s appreciation for people who have helped to make this thesis possible but a reminder of important things in life. I hope I will continue to have the love and support of all the abovementioned people in my ongoing journey in life and research.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ i Table of Contents ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- iii Summary ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v List of Figures -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii Glossary --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- viii

Chapter 1

Introduction ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1

1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyōdō ----------------------------------------- 3 1.2 Methodological and Theoretical Issues ---------------------------------------- 5 1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters ------------------------- 10 1.4 A Note about Semantics and Terminology ----------------------------------- 12

Chapter 2

Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ------------------------------------------- 16

2.1 Shikigami as a Metaphorical Reference to Shikisen ------------------------ 17 2.2 Shikigami as a Representation of Human Cognitive Power --------------- 20 2.3 Shikigami as a Type of Utilizable Energy ------------------------------------ 23 2.4 Shikigami as a Magical Curse ------------------------------------------------- 25 2.5 Shikigami as a Supernatural Being -------------------------------------------- 27

Chapter 3

Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity -------------- 32

3.1 Metonymy of Shikisen: Makura-no sōshi ------------------------------------ 34 3.2 Cause of Illnesses and Troubles: Shōyūki ------------------------------------ 38

iii

3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki -------------------------------- 41

Chapter 4

Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ------------------------------------------------ 49

4.1 Analytical Spy and Physical Materiality: Ōkagami ------------------------ 51 4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku monogatari-shū ----------------------------------------------------------------- 54 4.3 Deadly Curse and Retaliation Spells: Uji-shui monogatari --------------- 61

Chapter 5

Shift in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ------------ 70

5.1 Loss of Control and Indiscriminate Harm: Zokukojidan ------------------- 71 5.2 Bridge Augury and Twelve Guardian Deities: Genpeijōsuiki ------------- 77

Chapter 6

Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? -------------------- 86

6.1 Adoption of Shikigami Narratives by Onmyōdō Institutions---------------88

Bibliography ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 93 Appendix 1. Shikigami Narratives ------------------------------------------------------ 104

iv

SUMMARY

Despite its significant influence on the early history and religious practices of Japan, Onmyōdō is a much-neglected strain of study in the Japanese fields of religious and historical research due to its Sino-centric origins and position as an occult practice. In this thesis, my interest lies in highlighting the role of Onmyōdō in early Japanese history through a literary analysis of one of its emblems, the shikigami, while at the same time, emphasizing the complex relationship between religion, literature and history. Onmyōdō (陰陽道) which is literally translated as Way of Yin and Yang or Japanese Yin Yang Theory, is a religious practice based on Chinese Taoism employing Yin Yang theory and Theory of the Five Elements, and was particularly influential during the Heian period. In view of the syncretic nature of most Japanese religions, shikigami has the extraordinary position of being easily identified as the emblem of Onmyōdō. However, its common identification in contemporary times as a spirit servant controlled by the practitioners of Onmyōdō, the onmyōji, is a marked change from its early manifestation in Japanese classical literature as an amorphous augury tool. I use the changing literary descriptions of shikigami to trace the historical developments of Onmyōdō. Using passages from such texts as Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki, Shin-sarugakuki, Ōkagami, Konjaku monogatari-shū, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and Genpeijōsuiki, I identify a gradual change in literary descriptions of shikigami that paralleled the historical developments in Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious practice through the centuries from the mid-Heian to early Muromachi period (early eleventh to early fifteenth century period). The development of textual creations of shikigami in tandem with changes in Onmyōdō reflects a symbiotic relationship

v

between religion, literature and history. The subsequent adoption of later literary descriptions of shikigami by the contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō such as Seimei Shrine in Kyoto and Abe no Seimei Shrine in Osaka reveals mutual influences between literature and religion and suggests the importance of literature in shaping the way religious institutions construct their religious identity and practices.

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Shikigami statue ----------------------------------------------------------------- 90 Figure 2 Small-scale model of Ichijō-modori Bridge -------------------------------- 90 Figure 3 Hand-phone strap on sale at Seimei Shrine -------------------------------- 90

vii

GLOSSARY

The translations and explanations given here are mine. kijin

鬼神

Demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with superhuman powers. (It is also read as kishin or onigami.)

Onmyōdō

陰陽道

Way of Yin and Yang, Japanese Yin Yang Theory. (It is also read as Inyōdō or Onyōdō.)

onmyōji

陰陽師

Master or diviner of Yin and Yang, yin-yang master. (It is also read as onyōji.)

Onmyō-ryō

陰陽寮

Onyō Bureau, Bureau of Yin and Yang.

onyō

陰陽

Theory of Yin and Yang. (It is also read as inyō.)

shikigami

式神,

Frequently identified as a spirit servant to onmyōji. (It

識神,

is also read as shikijin.) The three different Chinese

職神

characters of 式神, 識神, 職神 are used to refer to shikigami.

shikisen

式占

A form of augury that employs a complex system of mathematical calculations to match the dates and times with the symbolic astrological signs on an augury instrument called chokuban (式盤) to derive the results. (It is also read as chokusen.)

shinshō

神将

Guardian deities or warrior gods.

viii

_________________ CHAPTER ONE

_________________ INTRODUCTION

1

CHAPTER 1. Introduction

The image of Onmyōdō (陰陽道, Way of Yin and Yang) as a superstitious occult practice with Sino-centric origins has led to the tendency to occlude Onmyōdō from mainstream scholarship and overlook its deep ties with Japanese historical developments and its role in early Japanese social, cultural and religious history. Through a study of literary descriptions of one of its emblems, shikigami, I seek to highlight the significance of Onmyōdō in Japanese religiosity and early history and emphasize the complex relationship between religion, literature and history. Onmyōdō is a religious practice with a philosophical system based on Chinese yinyang thought and Theory of the Five Elements ( 五行説 , gogyō setsu) that had developed independently in Japan. This system of beliefs requires a strict observance of certain rites and taboos, and revolves around the use of augury and astrologyastronomy calculations to foretell disasters and counter misfortune. A rudimentary understanding of the religious structure and historical developments of Onmyōdō can be found in a study of shikigami due to its position as an emblem of the Onmyōdō tradition, specifically aspects concerning thaumaturgy. My research does not concern itself with the ontological question about the existence of shikigami but focuses on how Onmyōdō developments affected what Japanese society believed and conceived shikigami to represent. Another focus of my research is on the corresponding effects of such metaphorical conceptions of shikigami on related Japanese classical literature of the early eleventh century to early fifteenth century period. The time frame and topics of analysis in this thesis may appear over-extensive but it is precisely my intent to trace the process where textual constructions of shikigami were directed by developments in Onmyōdō and use this

2

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

study of the relationship between literature and history to rework the traditional scholarly perception of literary narratives as an insignificant and unreliable source of social and cultural study.

1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyōdō With the introduction of Chinese yin-yang thought and importation of specialists of divination and calendar from Paekche 1 and books on Taoist arts of invisibility and magic from the sixth century 2 , the history of Onmyōdō became intrinsically tied with Japanese history. The arrival of Chinese Taoism and Yin Yang Theory signaled a new development in Japanese religions as they subsequently synthesized with early Shintoism that utilized Chinese geomancy and the yin-yang system while mutually influencing Esoteric Buddhism and Shugendō. 3 The earliest reference to the existence of Onmyōdō is found in one of the oldest historical texts of Japan, Nihon-shoki (日本書紀, 720) where Kanroku (観勒), a monk from Kudara (百 済, a kingdom in ancient Korea), was recorded as presenting related texts such as calendar-making, astrology and magical arts to the Japanese court in 602. 4 The bureaucratization of the practice of Onmyōdō began with the establishment of the Onmyō-ryō (陰陽寮, Onyō Bureau), an office of Yin Yang, during the reign of Emperor Tenji (天智天皇, r. 668-671).5 The Onmyō-ryō was clearly positioned as a

1

Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, eds., The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 11. 2 Felicia G. Bock, trans. and annotate., Classical Learning and Taoist Practices in Early Japan with a Translation of Books XVI and XX of the Engi-Shiki (Arizona: Arizona State University Center for Asian Studies, 1985), 1-2. 3 Joseph M. Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 67. 4 Murayama Shūichi, “Nihon no onmyōdō to abe no seimei,” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. 853 Tokushū: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6. (June 2002): 14. 5 Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 4.

3

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

state institution under the Taihō-ritsuryō ( 大 宝 律 令 , Taihō code) in 701 6 and underwent reorganization under the Yōrō-ritsuryō (養老律令, Yōrō code) in 718.7 Onmyōdō flourished as it was established as part of the state apparatus under the Onmyō-ryō where its practitioners served the court and imperial family. The close association of Onmyō-ryō with the imperial family and the use of Onmyōdō rituals for both preventive and curative purposes among the Heian aristocrats served to support and legitimize the spread of Onmyōdō practices. By the tenth century, Onmyōdō, which literarily means, “The Way of Yin and Yang”, became a widespread term and court officials serving in the Onmyō-ryō were commonly known as onmyōji (陰陽師), which is literally translated as onyō master or yin-yang master.8 Allan Grapard notes that the “director [of the Onmyō-ryō] himself was responsible for astronomy and the calendar, while he also observed and interpreted climatic phenomena. In the advent of any abnormalities (異, i) in the natural cycles, he reported secretly to the emperor.” 9 The influence of Onmyōdō extended to the conferred ability of court onmyōji to report directly to the emperor in the event of any unusual astrological observations that might portend harm for the country, yin-yang procedures that could affect the selection of the heir apparent to the throne and even the changing of era names (年号, nengō).10 The importance placed on Onmyōdō could be seen in Kuchizusami (口遊), an influential textbook by Minamoto no Tamenori (源為憲, ? - 1011) who had written it in 970 for the eldest son of 6

Yamashita Katsuaki, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onmyōdō (Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 1996), 26. Allan G. Grapard, “Religious practices,” in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 547 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 8 Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka, 24. 9 Grapard, “Religious practices,” 548. 10 Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 57. 7

4

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Fujiwara no Tamemitsu (藤原為光), Matsuo-gimi (松雄君).11 Kuchizusami became widely used as a learning guide for young Heian aristocrats and heavily influenced late Heian educational compendia. The encyclopedic guide listed various information under nineteen categories that had titles such as “Geography”, “Animals” and “Periods within the Year.”12 Prognostication was given particular emphasis under the major categories of “Onmyōdō”, “Heavenly Phenomenon” and “Medicine”. 13 The influence of Onmyōdō was such that it became a required subject of learning for Heian aristocrats. Although Onmyōdō found its origins in Chinese Taoism and yinyang thought, the rapid indigenization of Chinese cultural and religious influences during the Heian period resulted in significant developments away from its Chinese roots to create a new philosophical system that was distinctly Japanese. However, the lack of official doctrines and definitive exegesis within the Onmyōdō tradition makes it difficult to study this complex and diverse system of beliefs.

1.2 Methodological and Theoretical Issues The ambiguity of Onmyōdō extends to its emblem, the shikigami where most available materials hint at its multifarious abilities but none explain it. It is as though shikigami had long existed as an axiomatic part of Onmyōdō tradition such that it rendered any explanations redundant. When faced with such an ambiguous figure, it is easy to realize the immediate problem of scope in its discussion. The challenge of scope comes in two directions; one with the risk of running into reductionism and stereotyping while ignoring evolutionary changes through the centuries. The other

11

Shively and McCullough, The Cambridge History of Japan, 348. Ibid., 349-350. 13 Ibid. 12

5

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

suffers from the problem of meandering through a confusing bedlam of historical changes in time without offering a clear, coherent explanation. The second retrospective approach of studying shikigami from a comparative analysis of meanings through the centuries arose from the existence of a broad library of folk literature, diary records and anthologies of historical, court and military tales. In my initial research on shikigami, I took the first approach of studying its characteristics as offered in Japanese tales, much as most Japanese scholars have attempted. Yet, instead of deciphering this elusive entity, I found myself increasingly intrigued by what its function is and what it pertains to the early Heian literati who read the tales and even within the practice of Onmyōdō itself. If we simply look at the characteristics of shikigami, there is a tendency to subsume it under the category of supernatural beings without considering the deeper historical impact of its existence, its significance in Japanese thought and role in Onmyōdō tradition. The concept of shikigami was initially created because it serves a need and I attempt to find out what that need was in my thesis. As such, I took the second approach of studying shikigami through a comparative analysis of its textual constructions and the historical developments of Onmyōdō to allow for a clear understanding of the concept of shikigami. Through this, I hope to illustrate the close relationship between literary narratives and the historical context. Although there is a lack of official doctrines pertaining to shikigami in the Onmyōdō tradition, it is this lack that allowed for the instrumental involvement of literature in the construction of shikigami. Saitō Hideki, a scholar committed to the study of Japanese folklore, asserts that the myth of shikigami was not transmitted by onmyōji but was most likely a fictional knowledge (fikushonaru na ninshiki) initiated

6

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

by society. 14 This concept of the myth of shikigami as a societal creation instead of institutional prescription will be further examined in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 where I will trace the developments of shikigami descriptions with an overview of the historical developments of Onmyōdō. Due to an apparent lack of official documents that define shikigami and consistent details from the diverse practice of Onmyōdō itself, I referred to related Japanese classical literature to allow for an understanding of what my thesis is discussing. There are numerous tales about Onmyōdō in Japanese classical texts that range from early eighth century to fifteenth century period. The texts of Mumyōshō (無名抄), Tsukikarima-shū (月刈藻集), Nagatobon heike monogatari (長門本平家物 語 ), Hōjōkudaiki ( 北 条 九 代 記 ), Kokonchomon-jū ( 古 今 著 聞 集 ), Ochikubo monogatari ( 落 窪 物 語 ), Makura-no sōshi ( 枕 草 子 ), Shōyūki ( 小 右 記 ), Shinsarugakuki, (新猿楽記), Ōkagami (大鏡), Konjaku monogatari-shū (今昔物語集), Uji-shui monogatari (宇治拾遺物語), Hosshin-shū (発心集), Kojidan (古事談), Zokukojidan (続古事談), Genpeijōsuiki (源平盛衰記) and Mineaiki (峯相記) are some examples of literary works which include tales about Onmyōdō. In my thesis, I have chosen tales with the most prominent depictions of shikigami in my study. As there are alternative ways to refer to shikigami, such as mono (物, spirits of animals, objects or other lower beings) or kijin (鬼神, demon gods) and different Chinese characters are often employed in different texts which have ambiguous meanings that may not relate to shikigami, tales that do not refer directly to them are not selected for analysis in my thesis. I have specifically selected ten excerpts with prominent

14

Saitō Hideki, Abe no seimei: onmyō no dassha-nari (Kyoto: Mineruvä Shobō, 2004), 157.

7

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

depictions of shikigami from the works of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki, Shin-sarugakuki, Ōkagami,

Konjaku

monogatari-shū,

Uji-shui

monogatari,

Zokukojidan

and

Genpeijōsuiki for analysis. As my interests lie in examining the symbolism of shikigami, what it reflects about early Japanese society and its relationship with the historical developments of Onmyōdō, I take a chronological approach towards the analysis of texts to show how literary descriptions of shikigami transmuted and acquired new attributes from the early eleventh century to early fifteenth century period. I do not attempt to construct a meta-narrative to explain the impetus behind the construction of tales about shikigami. Instead, my intent is to highlight the embeddedness of shikigami tales in the social context of their production. It is also my intent to emphasize the symbiotic relationship between the developments of shikigami tales and Onmyōdō to show the intricate relationship between religion, literature and history. The disciplines of religious studies, literature and history have long suffered from an anachronistic categorization into autonomous spheres of study that neglected to understand or reconcile the interrelation among them. Such subjective exclusion tends to overlook the underlying patterns of cultural practices and social expressions for which a cross-disciplinary approach is necessary for a more comprehensive understanding. Recent scholarship has acknowledged this problem of rigid classification based on disciplines and is shifting towards a cross-disciplinary approach to bridge the gap among the separated fields of religion, literature and history. In tune with this cross-disciplinary development, Karen Winstead’s study of medieval English martyr legends acknowledges that legends are ahistorical and unreliable as historical sources since their “purpose was not to record what had

8

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

happened but rather to celebrate patterns of holiness that gave shape to history [italics are my own].”15 Legends reveal underlying cultural and religious patterns that provide a new perspective to the study of the past while reaffirming the subjectiveness of literature. My study of shikigami myths through an interweave of related literary tales and historical diary records attempts to extract patterns of thought and highlight the function of literary narratives as providing alternative perspectives to “official” historical narratives. I follow David Bialock’s idea of the “symbolic discourse of texts” 16 which focuses on the representative and performative functions of literary texts and recognizes the “embeddedness of texts in the material conditions of their production (including their graphic form) and the ways in which they intersect with a variety of doctrinal, ritual and symbolic practices.”17 Bialock highlights the problem of the separation of literature from history due to the refutation of literary texts as a source of cultural practices and social ideologies. The misleading idea of historical “documents” as the only reliable source of “facts” and “evidence” tends to inhibit the use of literary sources in historical studies. As literary texts are regarded as rooted in the social environment of their production, the recognition of their symbolic function would allow for a better assessment of their role in representing cultural and social practices and their effect on certain ideologies, “irrespective of their historicity or factual accuracy.”18 I attempt to present a more complex picture of Japan’s ancient period where lines of cultural and religious influence were fluid and multilateral 15

Karen A. Winstead, ed. and trans., Chaste Passions: Medieval English Virgin Martyr Legends (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2000), 2. 16 David T. Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories: Narrative, Ritual, and Royal Authority from The Chronicles of Japan to The Tale of Heike (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2007), 34. 17 Ibid., 9. 18 Ibid.

9

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

rather than a single direct, top-down trajectory. The assumption that the agents of literary creations were only the aristocratic class would unduly discredit the contribution of other classes and defeat my purpose in validating the symbolic value of literary narratives. In order to avoid such a prescriptive assumption, my reference to the participants in the textual constructions of shikigami in this thesis refers to the literate class, which in other words refers to anyone who had access to literary materials and immediate participation in the creation of literary texts.

1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters Shikigami is not a common folk belief figure of worship like kitsune (狐, foxes) or deified individual with historical origins like Kitano cult’s Sugawara no Michizane (菅原道真, 845 - 903) but an esoteric figure of imagination existing mainly in classical literature and diary records. Thus, we need to establish a fundamental understanding of it before embarking on further discussion. The investigation of the characteristics of shikigami has already been attempted by a few Japanese scholars in their research on Onmyōdō. I will trace this image of shikigami that has been formed by prevalent conceptions held by contemporary scholarship in Japan in Chapter 2. The over-reliance on classical literature without further attempt to examine the historical and religious implications of shikigami is a common tendency among many Japanese scholars. This tendency often fails to transcend a superficial interpretation of what shikigami signifies. Furthermore, the scholars’ use of different periods of comparison results in differing and sometimes, conflicting definitions of what shikigami is. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are an attempt to rectify these problems where I will

10

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

proceed with a descriptive analysis of shikigami based on specific Japanese tales and diary records as what most Japanese scholars had done previously, but I situate my analysis of the texts within a historical context dictated by the developments of Onmyōdō. The encounter with shikigami in my research reveals a close connection between textual constructions of shikigami and the historical developments of Onmyōdō where descriptions of shikigami in literary texts and historical diaries adjusted to the new circumstances when changes in Onmyōdō took place. This continual textual construction of shikigami was a fluid and active process that was surprisingly sensitive to the changes in Onmyōdō and nuances of social expectations. I will show in Chapter 3 how early records of shikigami presented it as a metaphoric reference to an augury tool. In Chapter 4, I will show how later texts described shikigami as possessing material physicality and developing anthropomorphic characteristics. Chapter 5 is a continued discussion of the literary developments of shikigami where I attempt to highlight its transformation from a spirit servant bound to its master onmyōji to an uncontrollable element that appears of its own free will as a reflection of the shifting influences of Onmyōdō. The intent for studying the tales of shikigami goes beyond establishing a definition for this ambiguous figure to uncovering the influences behind its textual creation and presenting the relationship between literary descriptions of religious icons and the historical context. To understand what shikigami denotes is in other words, to identify the rationalization process behind textual constructions of this Onmyōdō emblem. The ambiguity of shikigami has led to the coining of the epithet “spirit servant” by several Japanese and English language scholars as a simple description of shikigami, of which I have

11

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

employed as part of the main title of this thesis. The term “spirit servant” is particularly suited to my intention of positing the questionable functions of shikigami narratives as shown in the title of the concluding chapter, “Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?” which presents a rhetorical question that reiterates the main concern of this thesis: To whom does it serve in actuality? Although the common understanding is that shikigami acts as a spirit helper to onmyōji, a deeper probe into the circumstances surrounding the construction of its myths and the subsequent adoption of this “fictional knowledge” by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō question the functions of shikigami narratives. It also highlights the issue of whether its existence was meant to serve the intentions of the institution of its belonging, its literary creators or the readers.

1.4 A Note about Semantics and Terminology As some of the main terms used in this thesis have various readings and embody complex ideas, it is necessary to make a note here about semantics and terminology to allow for a clear understanding of what is being discussed in this thesis. The Japanese language has a complex linguistic system with Chinese characters having various pronunciations and meanings based on their on and kun readings. As such, there are alternative readings for Onmyōdō (陰陽道), such as Onyōdō and Inyōdō, while yin-yang masters are referred to as onmyōji (陰陽師) or onyōji. A special mention has to be made here about the complexity and controversy embodied in the term “Onmyōdō”. In his book, David Bialock highlights two points concerning the controversy in scholarship about Onmyōdō. The first is the conventional method of employing a hierarchical emphasis between foreign and indigenous which

12

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

effectively translates to the comparison of elite versus popular tendencies. Under this conventional scholarship, “yin-yang refers in effect to two rather different sets of practices: one that was gradually disseminated to Japan by populations of immigrants arriving from the continent and a second based on a textual tradition that was transmitted directly to the court.”19 This deliberate separation has led some scholars to adopt “the term yin-yang thought (in’yō shisō) to distinguish between the intellectual system of correlative cosmology based on the yin-yang five agents cycles (in’yō gogyō), which had an elaborate textual tradition, and the term on’yōdō20 to refer to magical techniques (jujutsu) used in geomancy, purification, and other ritual practices.”21 The second point is the recent scholarship approach of studying Onmyōdō from the perspective of cultural hybridity that “even when the tension between popular and elite tendencies is stressed, as is the case for Masuo Shin’ichirō, the popular tends to be treated as a dissonant rather than a merely indigenous voice, which participates in the same hybrid culture that is shared by the elites.” 22 Yamashita Katsuaki points out the same complexity embodied in the term inyō (陰陽, also read as onyō, Yin Yang) where early Heian records showed that two broad concepts existed when referring to inyō. One concept referred to a superior form of philosophy distilled from the combination of different thoughts and the second referred to the skills possessed by the onmyōji serving in the Onmyō-ryō.23 As the later Heian period saw an increasing diversification of the duties of onmyōji from augury to include 19

Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 35. This is an alternative reading of Onmyōdō which David Bialock had used in his book. I retained the same reading employed by Bialock to ensure that the meanings intended by him through the use of this word will not be lost. 21 Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 35. 22 Ibid., 36. 23 Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka, 23. 20

13

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

other forms of rituals and purification rites, concepts about inyō expanded and developed further variations.24 Another mention to be made here is the complexity embodied in the concept of “shikigami”. The various readings of shiki, shiki-no-kami and shiki-jin, and different Chinese characters of 式神, 識神 and 職神 are used to refer to shikigami. The single Chinese character, 式 is sometimes used to represent shikigami. In the Japanese dictionary, Nihon kokugo daijiten, shikigami is described as a kijin (鬼神, demon god) who is commanded by the yin-yang masters of Onmyōdō and possesses the ability to freely morph and perform marvelous magic. 25 Another Japanese dictionary, Kōjien gives the same explanations of shikigami as being under the commands of onmyōji and having shape-shifting and magical abilities but described it as a seirei (精霊, spirit, ghost or genie) instead. 26 The use of terms referring to different types of supernatural entities to define shikigami arose from the ambiguity of shikigami and lack of information about its origins. As I will show in Chapter 2, there are many different definitions for shikigami of which the dictionaries of Nihon kokugo daijiten and Kōjien have presented the most common definition of shikigami. For the purpose of clarity, I will refer to Japanese Yin Yang Theory as Onmyōdō and the focus of my research, shikigami as shikigami. In places where scholars or literary texts use alternatives readings, I retain the same terms employed by them but highlight the differences using brackets { }. Japanese and Chinese names are given in their native forms with family or clan names preceding given names. I retain the original calendar dates and imperial year names recorded in Japanese 24

Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka, 23. Seisen-ban: nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 2, ed. Shōgakukan kokugo jiten henshūbu. (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2006), 248. 26 Kōjien, 6th ed., ed. Shinmura Izuru (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008), 1205. 25

14

CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

literary texts but supplement it with corresponding dates based on the Gregorian calendar for easy reference. I consulted Kōjien (6th ed. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008), Kokushi daijiten (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1979-97) and Nihon kokugo daijiten (2nd ed., vol. 6. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001) for the verification of Japanese terms, names and dates. For the translation of Japanese official titles, I generally follow the translations listed in Helen Craig. McCullough and William H. McCullough’s A Tale of Flowering Fortunes. I referred to Nihon koten-bungaku daijiten (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1998) for the verification of periods of production of cited texts. I referred to Zuixin hanyu dacidian (Selangor: United Publishing House (M) SDN.BHD., 1997), Zhongguo fangshu dacidian (Guangdong: Zhongshan University Publishing, 1991) and A Chinese-English Dictionary (Revised Edition) (Peking: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 1997) for the verification of Chinese terms.

15

_________________ CHAPTER TWO

_________________ PREVALENT CONCEPTIONS OF SHIKIGAMI IN CONTEMPORARY SCHOLARSHIP

16

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship

An overview of literature about shikigami shows variations in the way it is described through the centuries, which has consequently resulted in different understandings about this entity in contemporary Japanese scholarship. As Japanese scholars have employed different literary texts and time periods for analysis, this has produced varied and sometimes contradictory definitions of the shikigami. In this chapter, I present definitions from Japanese classical texts and scholarship on Onmyōdō to allow for a broad understanding of current interpretations of shikigami. The purpose here is to show that the various definitions are due to different conceptions of shikigami in contemporary scholarship which has neglected to take into account the changing significance of shikigami through the centuries. From the study of contemporary research on Onmyōdō, I have categorized the various definitions of shikigami offered by Japanese scholars into five main ideas: A metaphorical reference to shikisen ( 式占 , chokusen, a form of augury based on complex calculations involving dates, times and astrological signs), a representation of human cognitive power, a type of utilizable energy, a magical curse and lastly, a supernatural being.

2.1 Shikigami as a Metaphorical Reference to Shikisen Japanese scholars such as Suzuki Ikkei, Murayama Shūichi, Toyoshima Yasukuni, Suwa Haruo and Saitō Rei have suggested an association of shikigami with the augury tool of shikisen in view of the primary duties of the onmyōji as a master of divination since the Heian period. Suwa Haruo points out that it was stated in the eighth century book of codes, Yōrō-ritsuryō (養老律令) which set the regulations and

17

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

duties of the Onmyō-ryō, that one of the Onmyō-ryō’s duties was senzei (占筮). This is a form of augury using augury sticks and principles based on the Book of Changes (易经, I-Ching).1 Court onmyōji were regarded as responsible for the tasks of augury and predictions which subsequently augmented their image as diviners. During the Heian period, an onmyōji was often consulted in the event of a ke (怪, 恠, strange occurrence), where he used shikisen to determine if the unusual occurrence held further implications. Onmyōji specialized in shikisen, particularly the rikujin-shikisen (六壬式占), a type of complex augury calculation that was said to have been introduced into Japan during the late sixth to early seventh century. Shikisen was widely used by practitioners of Onmyōdō in the Nara period until the mid-sixteenth century where it was replaced by ekisen (易占), a type of augury calculation derived from the Book of Changes.2 During the shikisen session, a specific device called the chokuban ( 式 盤 ), an elaborate instrument comprising of two attached rotating panels, with one round panel called tenban (天盤, Heaven panel), placed on top of a square panel called jiban (地盤, Earth panel) 3 , was used. Both panels have twelve cardinal points; with the cardinal points in the Heaven panel being referred to as the jūni-gatsushō (十二月将, twelve guardians of the months) and the cardinal points on the Earth panel being named the jūni-shi (十二支, twelve signs of the East Asian zodiac). 4 The Heaven panel is usually rotated during augury calculations. In order to derive the final meaning of the reading, the jūni-gatsushō and

1

Suwa Haruo, Abe no seimei densetsu (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 2000), 73. Yamashita Katsuaki, ed., Abe no seimei to onmyōdō (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, 2004), 64-66. 3 I have translated the explanations according to the descriptions provided in Suzuki Ikkei’s paper, “Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite,” Shūkyō gakuron-shū 20 (April 1998): 49-60. 4 The translation is mine. 2

18

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

the jūni-shi have to be carefully coordinated through mathematical calculations to match the dates and times with the symbolic astrological signs. Onmyōji would then use the result to ascertain if the ke had any detrimental effects and advise what actions should be taken to alleviate them. Suzuki Ikkei sees ke as an important factor in the association of shikigami with shikisen, taking examples from historical diaries such as Teishinkōki (貞信公記, 907-948), Midōkanpakuki (御堂関白記, 995-1021) and Shōyūki (小右記, 978-1032) to illustrate the broad and varied definitions of ke. Ke might first appear as commonplace, nondescript occurrences such as a crow dropping its excrement on someone, and it required a knowing eye to recognize the deeper implications behind such incidences. Suzuki emphasizes that ke is a sign of forthcoming calamity, not the disaster itself, and shikigami acts as the trigger to bring attention to ke while shikisen works to interpret the signs given by ke and unveil the meanings in it. 5 The close relationship with shikisen positions shikigami as a personified embodiment of an onmyōji’s ability in identifying the ke and his remarkable powers of prediction.6 With the comment that shikigami (式神) shares the same first Chinese character as shikisen (式占), Suzuki claims that shikigami is actually a “shiki-no-kami” (式の神) or “kami of the shikisen” (god of the shikisen). 7 The idea of shikigami as a deified representation of shikisen is supported by Murayama Shūichi who argues that the chokuban was regarded as a sacred spiritual object (shinsei misare-reibutsu) which

5

Suzuki, “Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite,” 60. Ibid., 61. Suzuki will repeat this same idea in his 2001 paper on shikigami, “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai.” Shūkyō gakuron-shū 21 (March 2001): 29, where he gives a further description of it being an animistic element. 7 Ibid., 61-62. 6

19

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

shaped ideas of shikigami as a spiritual entity. 8 Murayama also points out that the two shikigami which Abe no Seimei ( 安倍晴明, 911-1005), a famous onmyōji who served six emperors from Emperor Suzaku (朱雀天皇, r.930-46) to Emperor Ichijō (一条天皇, r.986-1011), was fabled to command is a symbolic representation of the chokuban’s Heaven and Earth panels. 9 Suwa gives more details about the close relationship between shikigami and shikisen by explaining that the twelve shinshō (神 将 , guardian deities or warrior gods) which legends claimed Abe no Seimei commanded, were likely based on the twelve cardinal points on the chokuban’s Earth panel that relate to the jūni-shi.10 Although jūni-shi do not possess a clear identity, they were given characteristics of divinity in Onmyōdō and existed as shugojin (守護 神, guardian gods or protector spirits) that were often invoked during rites. 11 The established status of onmyōji as a diviner since the Heian period and the prevalent use of shikisen and chokuban during augury sessions by onmyōji lead some Japanese scholars to propose that shikigami was initially perceived as a physical personification of the onmyōji’s mastery over shikisen and uncanny powers of prediction, which resulted in the deification of shikisen through the shikigami and the use of 式 to represent shikigami (式神) in reference to shikisen (式占).12

2.2 Shikigami as a Representation of Human Cognitive Power

8

Murayama, “Nihon no onmyōdō to abe no seimei,” 16. Ibid. 10 Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 74. 11 Ibid., 75. 12 Japanese scholars, such as Suzuki Ikkei, Murayama Shūichi, Toyoshima Yasukuni, Suwa Haruo and Saitō Rei have suggested in their research on Onmyōdō that shikigami is a deified personification of shikisen. 9

20

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Suzuki provides another perspective of shikigami where he views the interchangeable use of the Chinese character, 識 (shiki, consciousness) with 式 in reference to shikigami (式神, 識神) in late Heian literary texts as a reflection of human cognition. He provided several examples of “shikigami” (識神) in Buddhist texts, such as Bosatsushotaikei ( 菩 薩 処 胎 経 ), which defined it as an anthropomorphic realization of the active psychological or mental state (shiki, 識).13 Suzuki is one of the few Japanese scholars in the field of Onmyōdō research to attempt the study of the origins of shikigami and his early efforts to identify the source of shikigami take the approach of examining examples from Konjaku mongatari-shū (今昔物語集, 1120) and Uji-shui monogatari (宇治拾遺物語, 12131221) and using the religious backdrop of the two anthologies of tales to present the idea that shikigami was conceived from a Buddhist term describing a physical manifestation of the psychological state.14 In a 2001 paper, Suzuki seeks to expound his definition of shikigami by relating it to Buddhist concepts of consciousness and Japanese beliefs in spirit possession such as tsuki-mono (憑き物, spirits of animals, objects or other lower beings that possess humans).15 His reference to Buddhist ideas of consciousness is meant to reveal the abstract and psychological aspects of shikigami while the comparison with Japanese spirit possession is intended to identify the physical and behavioral aspects. To establish the origins of shikigami, Suzuki did an etymological examination of the meanings embodied in the different Chinese characters used to represent shikigami. He listed and grouped the different Chinese characters used in Japanese 13

Suzuki, “Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite,” 54. Ibid., 53-4. 15 Suzuki, “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai,” 25-39. 14

21

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

classical texts and concluded that the Chinese character, 式 was initially used in the early Heian period but was later inter-changeably used with 識 in reference to shikigami (式神, 識神).16 As mentioned in an earlier section, Suzuki is one of the few Japanese scholars who speculates that the use of 式 for shikigami (式神) was initially intended as a metaphorical allusion to onmyōji’s mastery over shikisen (式占).17 After a study of the religious background of Konjaku mongatari-shū and comparisons with Buddhist texts to examine the meanings behind 識, Suzuki surmises that despite referring to the same entity in Onmyōdō, the use of 識神 to represent shikigami suggests that it is later viewed as a form of anima rather than augury abilities. Suzuki proposes that 識神 is a collateral existence produced by the active psyche which possesses autonomous control over the consciousness (識, shiki).18 The concept of shikigami as a type of spontaneous energy or vital force produced by the active psyche resulted in an anthropomorphic treatment of it which meant that the symbolic role of shikigami as the indispensable aid to onmyōji is in effect, a narration of the onmyōji’s personified will and consciousness. 19 Suzuki claims that shikigami’s position as a metonymy of the onmyōji’s will, consciousness and knowledge explains why descriptions of shikigami in classical Japanese literary texts often portrayed it as invisible to human eyes. 20 In this context, he interprets the encounter between Abe no Seimei and the Harima onmyōji, Chitoku (智徳) in “The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei

16

Suzuki, “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai,” 28-29. Ibid. 18 Ibid., 36. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 17

22

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

under Tadayuki, Tale 16” 21 of Konjaku mongatari-shū, as a competition of mental strength rather than magic skills.

22

He argues that shikigami is a literary

representation of Chitoku’s will and psychological intention to assess Seimei’s capabilities. When Chitoku faced Seimei, competitive desire overtook him and weakened his state of mind, causing him to lose sight of his original intention. As such, he lost control over his will, his “shikigami”, which allowed Seimei to overcome and “conceal” his shikigami. In other words, Seimei and Chitoku’s battle of wits is actually a struggle of control over one’s own will and desire. Suzuki’s concept of shikigami as a form of human cognitive power is a fascinating interpretation that highlights a psychological approach towards the study of shikigami and suggests a possible influence of Buddhism on Onmyōdō philosophical ideas since the late Heian period.

2.3 Shikigami as a Type of Utilizable Energy The concept of shikigami as a form of energy that can be tapped from existing natural elements is derived from literary descriptions of onmyōji conjuring shikigami from specific objects or animals. Examples of shikigami as a form of utilizable energy can be found in Toyoshima Yasukuni’s detailed glossary of Onmyōdō terms that describes shikigami as a “kakyū-no-reitekisonzai” (下級の霊的存在, low-ranking spiritual existence) that is commanded by onmyōji and usually conjured from humanshape items made from paper or grass, or animals such as dogs or foxes.23 In Suwa’s 21

The translation is mine. The original title is “Abe no seimei, tadayuki ni shitagaite michi wo naraukoto dai-jūroku” (安倍晴明随忠行習道語第十六). A synopsis and discussion of the tale is provided in Chapter 4. 22 Suzuki, “Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite,” 54. 23 Toyoshima Yasukuni, “Shikigami,” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. Tokushū 853: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 137.

23

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

examination of the historical context behind the legends of Abe no Seimei, he takes literary examples from texts such as Shin-sarugakuki (新猿楽記, 1052), Ōkagami (大 鏡, mid-eleventh to early twelfth century), Uji-shui monogatari and Genpeijōsuiki (源 平 盛 衰 記 , end fourteenth to early fifteenth century), to classify shikigami characteristics. He then uses the classification of shikigami characteristics to identify two main traits; the first trait refers to magic that utilizes the innate powers of objects to carry out tasks and the second is that of the role of a “kakyū-no-kenzoku-shin” (下 級の眷属神, lower-ranking deities attached to Buddhist divinities). 24 Suwa gives literary examples of Seimei using a leaf to kill a toad or controlling a piece of paper to do his bidding as indicative of the employment of an object’s inner powers to perform tasks 25 and defined shikigami as magic that allows onmyōji to draw on the innate powers of objects and command divine powers to do his bidding. 26 He refers to the Tai-na (大儺, annual court purification rite) ceremonial procedures described in Engishiki (延喜式, a collection of Engi-era rules and regulations that was compiled in 927) and the usage of specific objects such as reed arrows and bows, staffs and shields made from peachwood as suggestive of the prevalent Heian beliefs in the innate powers of certain objects and the employment of such objects in ritual tasks. 27 Felicia Bock’s explanations of the ritual instruments listed in Engi-shiki echoes Suwa’s idea by elaborating that the “bows and staffs of peachwood demonstrate the Chinese belief in the efficacy of the wood of the peach tree for warding off evil.” 28 The construction of shikigami was influenced by the idea of ki (気), a Taoist concept that refers to an 24

Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 79. Ibid. 26 Ibid., 90. 27 Ibid., 80-2. 28 Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 83. 25

24

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

inner life-force or essence which is believed to exist everywhere and in everything from animate to inanimate objects. The inherent essence in objects can be utilized by magic spells and the process that involves the utilization of this innate energy and its resulting effect is termed “shikigami”. The onmyōji is dependent on objects that possess the energy, such as a leaf or paper, and magical incantations to summon the powers existing within the relevant objects, which implies that shikigami is seen as a naturally-existing energy instead of internal magical prowess cultivated through individual spiritual practice. This animistic view of shikigami as an external form of energy that onmyōji can utilize runs into the problem of identifying the nature of energy that it originated from. However, an examination of the deeper significance behind this animistic definition suggests that shikigami is actually a means through which the onmyōji controls the innate energy in natural elements with magical incantations. The concept of shikigami as a type of magic spell to control objects imparts a magico-religious aura to Onmyōdō.

2.4 Shikigami as a Magical Curse Miura Ryū elaborates more on the magico-religious aspect of shikigami by describing it as a form of human-created magical curse. Miura’s idea of shikigami as a magical curse differs from Toyoshima and Suwa’s concept of shikigami as energies inherent in objects that are tapped by onmyōji through the use of spells. Instead, he sees shikigami as the epitome of Onmyōdō magic spells and refers to the tales in Ōkagami, Kojidan ( 古 事 談 , 1212-1215), Konjaku mongatari-shū, Uji-shui monogatari and Genpeijōsuiki in his paper to draw out various facets of shikigami, such as a helper spirit who carries out mundane chores or a fearful kami with killing

25

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

abilities, but he admits that none of the characteristics can be clarified or proven in present-day scholarship. 29 Miura studies the relationship between Onmyōdō and magic by focusing on magic spells in Onmyōdō tradition in his paper with an emphasis on jujutsu (呪術, magic spells and incantations) and juhō (呪法, magic rituals) 30 which he sees as having been influenced by fuko (巫蠱) and the Taoist magic of goraihō (五雷法), a spell that controls supernatural elements such as ghosts and fox spirits. 31 Fuko (巫蠱), or gu (蠱) in Mandarin, is a Chinese poisonous curse that is created by sealing five venomous creatures such as centipede, toad, snake, scorpion and gecko in a sealed jar and letting them devour each other. The sole surviving creature is believed to be the most powerful as it contains the venom of the other creatures and it becomes the gu which is used to carry out spells and cause the victim to be under the control of the spell-caster.32 Hu Xin Sheng explains that the magic of gu is said to employ the use of poisonous insects that have the qualities of evil ghosts and goblins to attack people which reinforced beliefs of its highly poisonous and shape-shifting attributes.33 Chinese folk beliefs have a great variety of gu, such as snakes, dogs, cats, lizards, toads, silkworms and centipedes. These can fly, swim, transform shapes, illuminate, appear and disappear without a trace. 34 During the early Qin period of China, it was believed that victims who suffered from an illness inflicted by a gu attack would be in a state of mental confusion as if possessed by spirits, and gu owners would use magic to command gu to fly into food or drinks

29

Miura Ryū. “Onmyōdo to majinai,” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. 853 Tokushū: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 32-33. 30 Ibid., 32-35. 31 Ibid. 32 Hu Xin Sheng, Zhongguo gudai wushu (Jinan: Shandong Renmin Publishing, 1999), 370. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid.,371-2.

26

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

and bring all kinds of illnesses through the gu till the victim died, or even stealthily shift the victim’s wealth to the gu owners’ houses.35 A more sinister aspect of gu is its ability to allow its owner to control the soul of the dead victim. 36 Miura sees similar characteristics between gu and shikigami. He takes the tale of an onmyōji, Dōma (道 摩) from Kojidan and Uji-shui monogatari, whose act of sealing a curse in an earthen pot to harm Fujiwara no Michinaga ( 藤 原 道 長 , 966-1027) as indicative of gu practices and refers to Genpeijōsuiki to suggest that shikigami could also be gu in human form.37 By relating shikigami to gu magic spells, Miura presents shikigami as a form of malignant human-created curse rather than energy tapped from naturallyexisting elements. Miura’s study of shikigami from the perspective of gu associates magic rituals in Onmyōdō tradition with Chinese magic spells and suggests that the development of Onmyōdō into a magico-religious practice was influenced by Chinese magical practices.

2.5 Shikigami as a Supernatural Being The most common idea of shikigami presented by Japanese scholars is that of a supernatural being under the command of onmyōji. The dictionaries, Nihon kokugo daijiten and Kōjien define shikigami as a supernatural attendant to onmyōji and most Japanese scholars generally identify shikigami as a spirit servant that can be commanded by onmyōji to change forms, carry out multiple tasks or perform unbelievable feats, though different terms are given to denote the type of supernatural being that it is. Some scholars such as Tachibana Kenji, Kato Shizuko, Kawaguchi

35

Hu, Zhongguo gudai wushu, 371-2. Ibid. 37 Miura, “Onmyōdo to majinai,” 33. 36

27

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Hisao, Miki Sumito, Matsuo Satoshi and Nagai Kazuko describe shikigami as a kijin (鬼神, demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with super-human powers) in their annotations of Japanese classical texts. Komine Kazuaki’s annotation of Konjaku monogatari-shū identifies it as a kakyū-shin (下級神 , lower-ranking subordinate deity)38 while Mabuchi Kazuo calls it a seirei (精霊, spirit, ghost or genie). 39 Harima Mitsutoshi’s annotation of Zokukojidan (続古事談, 1219) refers to it as a reijin (霊神, spiritual being or deity that performs striking miracles). 40 Annotations in Japanese classical texts establish shikigami as a supernatural being though it is uncertain as to whether it should be viewed as a spirit (seirei), lower-ranking deity (kakyū-shin, reijin) or demon god (kijin). The difficulties in expressing the complex ideas embodied in shikigami can also be seen in Western translations of Japanese classical texts where scholars such as Helen Craig McCullough refers to it as “spirit”41, Royall Tyler opts for “genie” 42 while D.E. Mills uses “familiar”. 43 Michael Bathgate identifies it as “spirit-familiar” in his discussion of signification in Japanese religion and folklore. 44 Such terms tend to reduce the religious and philosophical symbolism embodied in shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign concepts of “genie” and “spirit-familiar” that can undermine the actual functions and

38

Komine Kazuaki, annotate., Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 36: konjaku monogatari-shū yon (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994), 412. 39 Mabuchi Kazuo, Inagaki Taiichi, and Kunisaki Fumimaro, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon kotenbungaku zenshū 37: konjaku monogatari-shū 3 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001), 284. 40 Harima Mitsutoshi, Iso Mizue, Kobayashi Yasuharu, Tajima Katsuo and Mita Akihiro, eds., Zokukojidan (Tokyo: Ōfū, 2002), 35. 41 Helen Craig McCullough, trans., Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, Fujiwara Michinaga (966-1027) and His Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 81. 42 Royall Tyler, ed. and trans., Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), 85. 43 D. E. Mills, A Collection of Tales from Uji: A Study and Translation of Uji Shūi Monogatari (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 340. 44 Micheal Bathgate, The Fox’s Craft in Japanese Religion and Folklore: Shapeshifters, Transformations, and Duplicities (New York: Routledge, 2004), 131.

28

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

meanings of shikigami by overlooking its particularities and distinct niche in Japanese religious thought. Some Japanese scholars have tried to compare shikigami with other supernatural beings to establish a better understanding of what it is. Using an example of the fourteenth century illustrated scroll painting, Fudōriyaku-engi emaki (不動利益 縁起絵巻), Toyoshima sees the portrayal of shikigami as two diminutive helpers assisting Seimei in a ceremonial purification rite to subdue demons of ailments as similar to the attendant roles of Kongara (矜羯羅) and Seitaka (製多迦), the gohōdōji (護法童子, attendant gods that is commanded by divine protectors of the Buddhist Laws) to Fudōmyōou (不動明王) in Esoteric Buddhism. 45 He then quotes from a Tendai Esoteric Buddhist text, Anchi mitsukuketsu kyōryōchi (安鎮秘口決境領知) to illustrate that both shikigami and gohōdōji share the same essence and functions despite the difference in methodological teachings. 46 Similarly, Suwa compares the role of shikigami as a “kakyū-no-kenzoku-shin” (下級の眷属神, lower-ranking deity attached to Buddhist divinities) as akin to that of a gohōdōji summoned by Buddhist ascetics to perform tasks, though he specifies that shikigami does not possess the responsive element of gohōdōji in that it does not respond to the prayers of the faithful as gohōdōji does. 47 Suwa also highlights that gohōdōji are bequeathed on faithful Buddhist ascetics by Buddhist gods while shikigami are summoned by onmyōji through incantations and hand signs. 48 Suwa explains these differences to be the result of Chinese Taoist yigui (役鬼, servant spirits) being the prototype for

45

Toyoshima, “Shikigami,” 137. Ibid., 138. 47 Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 90. 48 Ibid., 87. 46

29

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

shikigami, where the qualities of possessing both invisible and physical forms, being summoned through incantations and under the commands of their masters were regarded as key influences in the development of shikigami. 49 Despite the difficulty in establishing the category of supernatural being that shikigami belongs to, it can be understood here that shikigami is commonly viewed as a spirit entity that can be summoned by human onmyōji through spells and incantations, rather than bestowed by divinities or attained after a long process of spiritual self-cultivation.

Literary descriptions of shikigami in various texts present a gamut of qualities that range from being an amorphous entity to having a variety of physical forms and abilities such as being able to act as a messenger, perform mundane household chores, aid in ceremonial rituals, give predictions, set curses, spy, assassinate people and vanquish demons. This diversity of literary descriptions resulted in different conceptions of shikigami in contemporary Japanese scholarship on Onmyōdō which I have categorized into five main ideas; a metaphorical reference to shikisen and onmyōji’s prognostic powers, a representation of human will and consciousness, a type of inherent energy in objects that can be utilized through spells, a human-created magical curse and a spirit servant that can be summoned through spells and incantations. The different definitions of shikigami provided by Japanese scholarship arose from the scholars’ absolutist assumption of the immutability of shikigami beliefs and abridgement of time, which overlooks the differing texts and periods of analysis while failing to clarify the significance of shikigami in Onmyōdō tradition and Japanese religious and social thought. Over the next three chapters, I will rectify

49

Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 91-95.

30

CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

this by illustrating how ideas of shikigami evolved in tandem with changing ideas about Onmyōdō. I will also clarify that the variations in descriptions of shikigami characteristics through the centuries suggest shifting ideas about the significance of shikigami.

31

_________________ CHAPTER THREE

_________________ EARLY SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES: THE AMORPHOUS ENTITY

32

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity

In the previous chapter, I highlighted the tendency of Japanese scholars to neglect the time periods and historical context that shaped literary descriptions of shikigami. This resulted in different conceptions and definitions of shikigami in contemporary Japanese scholarship. In the following chapters, I focus on a literary analysis of ten tales from the works, Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki, Shin-sarugakuki, Ōkagami,

Konjaku

monogatari-shū,

Uji-shui

monogatari,

Zokukojidan

and

Genpeijōsuiki, together with historical records, to show how textual constructions of shikigami changed over the early eleventh to early fifteenth century period as a result of historical developments in Onmyōdō. A chronological order of analysis of the selected tales is given in tandem with the corresponding periods of Onmyōdō developments to situate the shikigami within a clear historical context and allow for an understanding of the changing notions of shikigami. Through a study of changing descriptions of shikigami in Japanese classical literature, we are able to derive an understanding of prevalent beliefs about it and by extension, shifting perceptions of Onmyōdō. The close relationship between shikigami narratives and Onmyōdō can be seen in an overview of available literature on shikigami that reveals changes in descriptions about shikigami characteristics as developments in Onmyōdō took place. The early eleventh century text of Makura-no sōshi refers to shikigami as an augury tool of shikisen and the historical diary of Shōyūki suggests that shikigami is a cause of illness. The mid-eleventh century fictional text of Shin-sarugakuki categorizes shikigami as a type of amorphous magical skill while the mid-eleventh to early twelfth century works of Ōkagami and Konjaku monogatari-shū portray shikigami as

33

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

spying agents or supernatural beings with physical forms under the command of onmyōji. The early thirteenth century literature, Uji-shui monogatari casts shikigami as a deadly curse with a physical form that would take effect only when sent by onmyōji. In contrast, another early thirteenth century work, Zokukojidan and the endfourteenth century to early fifteenth century work, Genpeijōsuiki present a sinister transformation in shikigami characteristics where it appeared uncontrolled by onmyōji, with the ability to freely manifest in the open and even cause harm to innocent passersby. This transformation from an amorphous power to a subservient corporeal being to a freewheeling entity offers a thought-provoking hint about historical developments in Onmyōdō that had effected such changes in literary descriptions about its emblem. In this chapter, I examine the early developments of Onmyōdō and the corresponding narratives of shikigami in the texts of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki to show how these early to mid-eleventh century works portray shikigami as a vivification of shikisen powers, a cause of illnesses and an attestation of onmyōji‟s magical prowess in tandem with the historical developments of the Onmyō-ryō into an institution for conducting purification rites and Onmyōdō into a magico-religious practice.

3.1 Metonymy of Shikisen: Makura-no sōshi Heian literature in the form of Japanese language poetry, essays, diaries, historical and court literature presents valuable details about Heian culture and is an indispensible source of information about early shikigami beliefs during the Heian

34

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

period. The mid-Heian work of Makura-no sōshi is one of the few Japanese texts with the earliest mention of shikigami. This text shows that the early prototypical shikigami was perceived to be an augury tool instead of a supernatural force or immanent being. Makura-no sōshi is by Sei Shōnagon (清少納言, 966? - after 1017) and was completed in 1001-1002.1 It is a miscellany of the author‟s observations and thoughts about court life, people, nature, habits and miscellaneous things. It provides one of the earliest records of shikigami. The chapter, “When I first went into court service”2 describes an episode of Empress Teishi (皇后定子, 976-1000) asking Sei Shōnagon if she was fond of her when a sudden loud sneeze from the Table Room interrupted Sei Shōnagon‟s reply. As the sneeze occurred when the author was giving her answer, the empress jested that it was a sign that she was lying to her and left. Sei Shōnagon was greatly dismayed by this episode and bitterly resented the person whose sneeze had cast doubt on the sincerity of her words. Later, during an exchange of letters between Empress Teishi and her, Sei Shōnagon expressed that shikigami could attest to her truthfulness. The below passage is a recount of Sei‟s reply to the empress‟s letter with regards to the sneezing incident:

“I was caught between delight and dismay, and filled again with a fierce resentment at whoever had sneezed the night before. We may judge a flower 1

Helen Craig McCullough, “Aristocratic culture,” in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 445 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 2 The original title is “Miya ni hajimetemarruritarukoro” (宮にはじめてまゐりたるころ). The translated title was taken from Meredith McKinney, trans., Sei Shōnagon: The Pillow Book (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2006), 173.

35

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

by the strength or weakness of its hue – but that red nose bloomed false. And so my flowering heart withers alone To find itself in misjudged misery. „Please take this to Her Majesty to lift her spirits,‟ I said, and added, „The god of divination [式の神, shiki-no-kami] knows all. I stand in great awe of him...‟” 3

The sneezing episode was a minor affair that had so distressed the young, inexperienced Sei Shōnagon such that she found it necessary to evoke shikigami (shiki-no-kami) as proof of her sincerity. In an attempt to convince the empress, Sei Shōnagon referred to shikigami as a vow of her honesty and loyalty and proclaimed her inability to deceive the empress due to the fear that shikigami would easily reveal the deception by reporting to Empress Teishi on the truthfulness of her words and actions. Morris Ivan has an earlier translation in his book, The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon in which he describes shikigami in a different light where the sneeze was supposed to be induced by shikigami who was commanded by someone jealous of the empress‟ attention on Sei Shōnagon and wanted to upset their relationship. 4 Although this is a plausible interpretation of shikigami, Meredith McKinney‟s version shows a more incisive reading of the original text where her explanation of shikigami as a form of augury to distill truth is a more precise translation when we examine the context of Empress Teishi and Sei Shōnagon‟s conversation. Empress Teishi had 3 4

The translation was taken from McKinney, Sei Shōnagon, 173. Refer to Appendix 1 for Morris Ivan‟s translation of the excerpt of the tale.

36

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

referred to tadasu-no-kami (糺の神, god of Tadasu), a sacred augury forest of the Shimogamo Shrine (下鴨神社) that was believed to be able to verify truths, in a letter to Sei Shōnagon after the sneezing incident to tease her about whether she would be able to maintain any lie when faced with the augury of truth. Sei Shōnagon‟s written reply to the empress‟s letter referred to the sneezing incident and the depth of her sincerity by punning on the homophone, hana, which means nose (鼻) or flower (花) and declared that the sneeze caused by the “red nose” that had “bloomed false” was a misleading indication of her sincerity. She then ended the letter with a note about her belief in the divination abilities of the shiki-no-kami (式の神, god of shiki) to reveal the truth of her words in response to Empress Teishi‟s mentioning of the augury tool of truth, tadasu-no-kami in her letter. Sei Shōnagon cleverly used the term, “shiki-nokami” which is another term for shikisen-no-kami (god of the shikisen), to form a parallel reference between the two augury tools of Tadasu (糺) and shikisen (式占), a form of augury that onmyōji specialized in which is based on complex calculations using dates, times and symbolic astrological signs, to emphasize the depth of her honesty to Empress Teishi. This comparison of shikigami with the augury tool of Tadasu suggests that shikigami beliefs among the aristocratic class during the mid-Heian period associated it with an augury tool. This perception of shikigami as an augury tool was likely due to the specialization of onmyōji in the use of shikisen to perform augury predictions5 and the established role of court onmyōji under the Yōrō-ritsuryō (養老律令, Yōrō code) as diviners who served the imperial family and aristocratic class by performing astronomy-astrological calculations and providing augury predictions on their daily 5

Yamashita, Abe no seimei to onmyōdō, 64-66.

37

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

activities. 6 The influence of onmyōji in the Heian imperial court is particularly seen in the routine practice of mono-imi7 (物忌, period of purification) and kata-imi8 (方忌, directional taboos) by the imperial family and aristocratic class in accordance with daily augury predictions by court onmyōji. The acknowledged status of court onmyōji as specialists of augury and their expertise in the use of shikisen might have influenced ideas about shikigami and associated it with an augury tool, such as that expressed in Makura-no sōshi. The mention of shikigami in the interaction between Sei Shōnagon and Empress Teishi and the open use of shikigami as a means of oath-swearing in Makura-no sōshi indicate that shikigami was already a familiar concept that existed in the Heian imperial court during the early eleventh century. The lack of explanations about shikigami in Sei Shōnagon‟s written reply to Empress Teishi was based on the premise of a shared and implicit understanding of what it was. Makura-no sōshi presents a positive image of shikigami as an all-knowing perceptive force that could observe happenings, give reliable reports of events and even distill truth from lies.

3.2 Cause of Illnesses and Troubles: Shōyūki In Shōyūki, we get another perspective of shikigami where it is blamed for the troubles of humans. Shōyūki was a diary of a Heian court official, Fujiwara no Sanesuke (藤原実資, 957-1046) that recorded various events from 978-1032. It is regarded as an important source of historical information about court ceremonies and 6

Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 73. Mono-imi was a practice of a period of purification that can involve avoidance of certain things and food or stopping all forms of contact with the outside world for a certain time period to avert disasters. 8 Kata-imi was a popular practice in the Heian period that was based on the belief that certain compass directions were considered momentarily unlucky at particular times as certain deities will stop there, and should be temporarily avoided. 7

38

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

the political and social environment during the regencies of Fujiwara no Michinaga (藤原道長, 966-1027) and Fujiwara no Yorimichi (藤原頼通, 992-1074). In the entry, “Officials”9 in section “Troubles”10 of chapter 20, “Extraordinary Events, Part 10”11, it was recorded that the Minister of the Left, Fujiwara no Michinaga was troubled with illness by a shikigami in the second year of Chōhō era (長保二年, 1000):

(Chōhō era 2nd year, 5th month) Same year, same month, eighth day, it is said that shikigami was the cause of the Minister of the Left‟s troubles.12

This concise entry was recorded together with numerous brief documentations of illnesses and troubles suffered by the imperial family and aristocrats. Unlike majority of the entries which noted in a simple short sentence that the individual had troubles (悩事, nayamu-koto) or a few entries which attributed the causes of illnesses to common reasons or the mischief of evil demons and vengeance of wrathful spirits, it was stated in this particular entry that shikigami was the cause of the minister‟s ill health. Although this entry did not specify who had commanded a shikigami to curse Fujiwara no Michinaga with illness and trouble, it was most likely attributed to a political rival who had engaged the services of a court onmyōji. Shōyūki highlights a different aspect of shikigami where it is a cause of illnesses and troubles instead of a reference to an augury tool as suggested in Makura-no sōshi. 9

The translation is mine. The original title is “Shinka” (臣下). The translation is mine. The original title is “Go-nayamukoto” (御悩事). 11 The translation is mine. The original title is “Rinji-jū” (臨時十). 12 The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo, eds. Dai-nihon kokiroku: shōyūki jū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1986), 1-2 and 134. 10

39

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

A reason for this added characteristic could probably be due to the people‟s attitudes towards illnesses and their cures in early Japan. Allan Grapard observes that beliefs in the exorcism and “magical” cure of diseases already existed during the Nara period and such treatments were conducted by the Bureau of Medicine that had experts consisting of one hakase (博士, doctor), two masters, and six disciples.13 This association of medical problems with magical cures can also be seen in Shigeta Shinichi‟s study of the relationship between aristocrats and onmyōji during the Heian period in which he describes the process where aristocrats often consulted doctors along with onmyōji and Buddhist monks in the event of illnesses. 14 Traditional medical treatments were still practiced but the belief that diseases caused by the supernatural needed magical cures resulted in a twofold process of medical consultation that involved both medical and magico-religious solutions. Buddhist monks and onmyōji were expected to perform augury to ascertain the cause of difficult illnesses and when the need arose, exorcism to expel the demonic influence. Such belief in the supernatural causes of illnesses crafted the popular practice of augury and medical exorcism involving Buddhist monks or onmyōji. The natural association of thaumaturgy with medical cures can also be found in Senjiryokketsu (占事略決), a guidebook on augury by Abe no Seimei that had a specific category which detailed the type of illnesses and their causes. 15 The association of illnesses with spirit mischief or demonic interferences was likely a result of the high mortality rate and inadequate medical facilities of the period, which called for the employment of magical rites in an attempt to enhance the efficacy of 13

Grapard, “Religious practices,” 548. Shigeta Shinichi, Heian kizoku to onmyōji: abe no seimei no rekishi minzokugaku (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2005), 134. 15 Ibid., 102. 14

40

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

medicinal cures. Some of the rites conducted by onmyōji for curing illnesses or expulsion of spirits responsible for illnesses are taiyaku-sai (大厄祭), kiki-sai (鬼気 祭) and kaijo (解除).

3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki The central government‟s decline in power during the mid-tenth century created a tumultuous milieu of social and political disorder. 16 Rebellions from disgruntled and ambitious noblemen such as Taira no Masakado (平将門, ? - 940) and Fujiwara no Sumitomo (藤原純友, ? - 941) were eventually subdued but “difficult social conditions caused by drought, famine, epidemic, and great fires, plus a sudden increase in robbery, murder, and suicide, convinced many people that the end of the present world period, which was anticipated on the basis of Buddhist cosmic history, might be approaching soon.”17 Such a pessimistic world-view led to the rise of the Tendai school that advocated Amida pietism18 and also affected the development of Onmyōdō. The Onmyō-ryō which was under the control of the Central Bureau was originally in-charge of astronomy-astrology and calendrical calculations, supervising the announcement of hours and operation of water clocks. However, the rise in disasters and fear of demonic influences called for a heavier involvement of the Onmyō-ryō in ceremonial rites to purify and subdue harmful elements which led to the development of Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-

16

Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 75. Ibid., 76. 18 Ibid. 17

41

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

religious practice and the increasing role of onmyōji as ritual priests and thaumaturgical sorcerers.19 This gradual transformation of onmyōji from a specialist of yin-yang theory to a diviner with magical skills can be detected in Shin-sarugakuki, a fictional work by the Professor of Literature, Fujiwara no Akihira ( 藤原明衡, 989-1066) that was completed in 1052. Shin-sarugakuki describes the principal occupations of the period in detail and is perceived as the predecessor of the later genre of ōrai-mono (往来物, textbooks). 20 It is regarded as an important literary contribution to the history of Japanese customs, theater and performances with Marian Ury describing this work as presenting the “principal occupations of the time and their vocabulary with encyclopedic thoroughness.” 21 The descriptive commentary about various artisans and performers of the time, illustrates a vivid picture of the social environment in the late Heian period. In the chapter, “The tenth occupation, Onyō” 22 , the abilities of an onmyōji, Kamo no Michiyo (賀茂道世) was recorded in detail as shown in the below translation:

The tenth occupation is an onmyōji by the name of Kamo no Michiyo... who was able to freely summon the twelve guardian deities, call thirty-six types of wild birds to his side, control shikigami, create spells and talisman, open and close the eyes of kijin ( 鬼 神 , demon gods), 19

Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onmyōdō, 39. Marian Ury, “Chinese learning and intellectual life,” in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 385 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 21 Ibid. 22 The translation is mine. The original title is “Jūkiminobu onyō” (十君夫 陰陽). 20

42

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

manipulate human souls... Although he had a human form, he was able to communicate mentally with otherworldly beings.23

The awe over the legendary abilities and magical powers of onmyōji was carefully presented by Fujiwara no Akihira who listed Kamo no Michiyo‟s expert knowledge of augury and formidable command over various elements such as wild beasts, deities, supernatural beings and humans in the tale. The description that Michiyo was able to command shikigami (仕式神, shi shikigami) suggests that this was one of the abilities that a highly skilled onmyōji was expected to possess. The close relationship between the onmyōji and shikigami that is seen here will be reiterated in later tales about onmyōji such that shikigami eventually became an indispensible existence in most legends about Onmyōdō. Makura-no sōshi suggests shikigami was a reference to the augury tool of shikisen and Shōyūki highlights another aspect of shikigami as a cause of illnesses and troubles while the control of shikigami in Shin-sarugakuki tends towards the description of a category of magical skill. We are unable to ascertain the exact function of shikigami but an important hint in this tale reveals it to be an entity that is separate from kijin. The separate categorization of shikigami from deities, kijin, humans, wild beasts and even spells, suggests that it had a more specific purpose that the other entities did not fulfill. Fujiwara no Akihira‟s detailed description of an onmyōji‟s abilities in Shinsarugakuki contained more supernatural elements than the duties stated in Engi-shiki (延喜式), a government manual of three thousand and three hundred codes and 23

The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in Kawaguchi Hisao, trans. and annotate., Shin-sarugakuki (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1983), 132.

43

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

statutes for annual rituals that was completed in 927 upon the orders of Emperor Daigo (醍醐天皇, r. 897-930) and finally authorized and enacted in 967. As observed and succinctly summarized by Felicia Bock, the statutes in Engi-shiki “seem to indicate that the major portion of the work of the Yin-Yang Bureau consisted of observing

heavenly

patterns

(astronomy-astrology),

performing

calendrical

calculations, preparing the annual calendar for the court and administrative offices, operating the water clocks, announcing the hours of dawn and sunset, and conducting the Na festival24, as well as teaching these sciences and arts.”25 There appeared little within the government manual to indicate that onmyōji had the power or authority to command supernatural or spiritual forces 26 though Shin-sarugakuki presented ideas about the expected abilities of onmyōji that included supernatural prowess. The magical abilities that the onmyōji, Kamo no Michiyo was described to possess were likely due to the increasing involvement of onmyōji in ceremonial rituals and purification rites from the late ninth century which led to the development of Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious practice and imparted a thaumaturgical image to onmyōji. Onmyōdō with its practice of Taoist arts and yin-yang thought was originally considered a science and technology under the ritsuryō (律令, imperial statutes, penal and administrative codes) system of technical classification.27 Murayama Shūichi points out that the combination of philosophical yin-yang thought with astronomy-astrology which was regarded as a form of technical natural science (gijutsuteki shizen kagaku) during the early Heian period caused 24

Na (儺) is an annual festival for the exorcism of evil spirits and is still practiced in contemporary Japan. 25 Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 13. 26 Suzuki had given the same observation in his 2001 paper, “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai,” 25. 27 Suzuki, “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai,” 25.

44

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Onmyōdō to be initially recognized as a form of proto-science (原始科学, genshi kagaku) rather than a superstition ( 迷信, meishin). 28 This initial classification of Onmyōdō as a science for the health of both state and individual instead of a magicoreligious practice is further found in Grapard‟s description of the Japanese bureaucratic system where “divination by turtle shell was not assigned to the Bureau of Yin and Yang in Japan, but to the Department of Shrines, where it was performed by the Nakatomi29 and Urabe30 sacerdotal lineages.”31 Yamashita Katsuaki analyzes that Onmyōdō was placed on par with the Tenyaku-ryō (典薬寮, Bureau of Medicine) and regarded as a form of specialized skill and knowledge. 32 The regard for the technical skills of Onmyōdō is particularly seen in the establishment of facilities to educate and train students to become onyō specialists.33 The notable lack of mention of control over shikigami or any supernatural elements in the assigned duties of the Onmyō-ryō underpinned Onmyōdō‟s standing as a science-based system of knowledge in the early Heian period. However, the mid-Heian period saw a change in the duties and characteristics of the Onmyō-ryō as the rise in disasters and fear of demonic influences resulted in the increasing involvement of court onmyōji in ceremonial rituals and harae ( 祓 , purification rites) to suppress such harmful elements.34 The mid-Heian period saw the widespread practice of augury by onmyōji among the aristocratic class as a high sensitivity to strange occurrences and harmful

28

Murayama, “Nihon no onmyōdō to abe no seimei,” 14. Nakatomi ( 中 臣 ) was a sacerdotal lineage for divination which specialized in scapulimancy (divination on deer shoulder blades). 30 Urabe (卜部) was a sacerdotal lineage for divination which specialized in plastromancy (divination on sea turtle shells). 31 Grapard, “Religious practices,” 548. 32 Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onyōdō, 24. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid., 37. 29

45

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

elements called for the habit of consulting onmyōji before the aristocrats embarked on their daily activities. 35 The late ninth to early tenth century saw changes in the original functions of the Onmyō-ryō to include more ritual activities that focused on pollution taboos and purification rites such as spirit exorcisms.36 By the later half of the tenth century, the heavy engagement of the Onmyō-ryō in conducting ceremonial rituals and magical rites gradually cast court onmyōji as ritual priests and thaumaturgical sorcerers.37 The portrayal of onmyōji as a diviner with magical skills and ability to command supernatural elements in Shin-sarugakuki can be found in Yamashita Katsuaki‟s study of Onmyōdō during the Heian period. Yamashita provides three main reasons for the development of Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science into a magico-religious practice that resulted in the thaumaturgical image of onmyōji as sorcerers. The first was due to the original perception of augury to be a sacred task where augurs were viewed with respect due to their status as mediums of deities. 38 The duties of onmyōji as specialists of augury set the conditions for the impartation of a religious tint to Onmyōdō. Yamashita argues that the increasing ruling authority‟s demands for the augury skills of onmyōji and the change in state dictate years after Taihō-ritsuryō (大宝律令, Taihō code) for onmyōji to conduct the Tai-na (大儺, annual court ceremonial rite for purification) indicated the state consent of the magico-religious characteristics of Onmyō-ryō.

39

This also represented an

institutional expansion of the image of onmyōji as sorcerers.40 The second reason

35

Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onyōdō, 7 and 47-8. Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 4-5. 37 Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onyōdō, 39. 38 Ibid., 30. 39 Ibid., 31. 40 Ibid. 36

46

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

came from the social demands for such magical powers and sorcery and the final reason was the active use and mastery of related books on rituals and magic by onmyōji in response to such demands.41 Yamashita sees the development of Onmyōdō into a magico-religious practice through the adoption of ceremonial rituals and magical rites to be a result of a response to state demands for such a change in their role.

42

Such a development in Onmyōdō concomitantly resulted in literary

descriptions of onmyōji possessing magical skills, as seen in Shin-sarugakuki where the onmyōji is described as being able to summon supernatural beings and create spells.

From the literature of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki, a changing description of shikigami from a reference to the shikisen augury to a cause of illnesses and troubles to a form of magical skill can be detected. During the period that these literary works were being produced, there was a change in the duties of onmyōji in the Onmyō-ryō as demands from the state and the aristocratic class called for an increasing involvement of onmyōji in the performance of ceremonial rituals and magical rites to placate and expel harmful influences. The main duties of the onmyōji were astronomy-astrology and calendrical calculations, supervising the announcement of hours and operation of water clocks, preparing the annual calendar and augury. These duties later expanded to include ceremonial rituals and magical rites, which were reflected in textual constructions of shikigami where it was portrayed as an augury tool of truth as well an agent of illness and a type of magical power. In the next chapter, I will show how later period literature presents a more 41 42

Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onyōdō, 31. Ibid., 39.

47

CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

distinct development in shikigami characteristics. As onmyōji became increasingly involved in magical ceremonial rites that cast Onmyōdō as a magico-religious practice, shikigami moved from its original manifestation as an amorphous representation of shikisen augury powers and magic skills to become a figure of supernatural existence with magical skills.

48

_________________ CHAPTER FOUR

_________________ DEVELOPMENTS IN SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES: FROM AUGURY TO ASSASSIN

49

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin

The late Heian period was marked by the declining influence of the aristocratic class with the advent of the feudal Kamakura regime. Throughout the late eleventh century, social developments were strongly influenced by Buddhist ideas of mappō (末法, latter days of the Buddhist Law), a period characterized by irrevocable spiritual decline and political and social turmoil. 1 Allan Grapard points out that during this period,

“...history was not seen anymore as the symbolic manifestation of the will of the kami and their associated buddhas and bodhisattvas, but as a devolutionary process over which human beings had little or no power. Time was conceived of as an inexorable process leading to the final conflagration of all worlds, an event whose date was proposed in several [Buddhist] scriptural sources; the final period of history (mappō) leading to the ultimate conflagration was believed in Japan to begin in the year 1052. It was thought that one of the marks of such a period was political and social unrest, which was precisely the case in Japan at the time.” 2

In face of such inevitability and political conflicts, the desire to regain control over the turmoil resulted in an intensification of ritual activities. The need to increase

1

Mappō (末法) is a Buddhist belief that it is a period of irreversible degeneration and spiritual decline. It is known as the final period of history. 2 Grapard, “Religious practices,” 572.

50

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

the level of efficacy of the rituals called for the service of thaumaturgists believed to possess powers that could enhance the rituals. As the aristocrats were the most active participants in the ritual activities, onmyōji were expected to perform functions that expanded beyond those stated in Engi-shiki. The late Heian period saw the heavy involvement of court onmyōji in ceremonial and purification rites as a result of demands from the imperial family and aristocratic class. As the Onmyō-ryō took on a more significant role in the performance of ceremonial rites for the state, Onmyōdō underwent a gradual transformation from a specialized philosophical proto-science into a magico-religious practice that cast onmyōji as diviners and ritual priests with supernatural powers. Consequently, textual constructions of shikigami were subjected to the same transformation that imbued supernatural abilities into the previously functionally-ambiguous shikigami. In this chapter, I employ tales from the late Heian to early Kamakura literary texts of Ōkagami, Konjaku monogatari-shū and Uji-shui monogatari to show the developments of shikigami from an immaterial tool of augury and magical skill into a supernatural force with physical forms and abilities.

4.1 Analytical Spy and Physical Materiality: Ōkagami With the political rise of Fujiwara no Michinaga as the setting, the mideleventh to early twelfth century literature of Ōkagami recorded historical tales about the emperors and imperial court from the reign of Emperor Montoku (文徳天皇, r.850-858) to Emperor Go-Ichijō (後一条天皇, r. 1016-1036). The excerpt taken from the chapter, “The Sixty-Fifth Reign, Emperor Kazan”3 describes the fateful night in 969 where the emperor was on an incognito journey to become a monk at Kazan-ji 3

The translation was taken from McCullough, Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, 80.

51

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

(花山寺). As he passed by Abe no Seimei’s house along Tsuchimikado (土御門) street, he overheard Seimei announcing a prediction derived from observations of unusual astrological signs about his forthcoming abdication and later, instructing a shikigami to enter the imperial palace. The extract below details the episode where Seimei was commanding the shikigami:

“...“One of you spirits had better go on ahead to the Palace,” Seimei said. And they tell me that an invisible person pushed open the door and answered, “It looks as though His Majesty has just passed the house.” (He may have seen the Emperor’s retreating figure. Seimei’s residence was at the intersection of Tsuchimikado and Machiguchi, so it was on the way.)”4

Unlike the earlier texts of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki which do not mention the exact functions or physical form of shikigami, Ōkagami presents several pertinent elements of its physical abilities. In this tale, shikigami has the ability to accurately identify Emperor Kazan, describe his actions and even analyze the situation after seeing the emperor’s retreating figure. The physical power to move objects such as opening a door, and vocal and analytical abilities to comment highlight the corporeality of shikigami. However, it is shown here that shikigami is still restricted by the physical limitations of distance and materiality as it needed to open the door before it could observe the person’s actions. These physical and

4

McCullough, Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, 81.

52

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

material limitations differ from the earlier amorphous descriptions of shikigami in Makura-no sōshi as the augury tool of shikisen with the fluid ability to know all the happenings in the imperial court. Tachibana Kenji and Kato Shizuko’s annotations of Ōkagami note that the shikigami’s protean powers of transformation (hengenjizai) are controlled by onmyōji which indicate that shikigami did not naturally possess a physical form but its appearance was instead dictated by its onmyōji master.5 In this tale, the author adopted a third person narrative to specifically state that shikigami was an invisible being (me ni ha mienu-mono) that was unseen by normal humans. The author deliberately stated that it is hearsay that shikigami was an “invisible being” which leaves an ambiguous end to the episode and avoids the issue of whether shikigami was visible to the emperor. Abe no Seimei (安倍晴明, 921-1005) was a historical figure who served six emperors as onmyōji. There are numerous legends about his strong magical prowess and control over shikigami and his magical exploits are recorded in many classical literary texts, kabuki and jōruri plays, movies and dramas. Seimei’s position as the epitome of Onmyōdō skills and magical powers is highlighted in this short excerpt where his astrological knowledge and magical expertise are augmented by the supernatural presence of shikigami that served to emphasize his magical powers and easy mastery over supernatural beings. Seimei’s specific command for “one of you spirits” 6 (shikigami hitori) to enter the palace indicates the presence of several shikigami at his bidding. Even though it is not revealed in this tale how many shikigami Seimei possessed, the numerical capacity to possess many shikigami serves 5

Tachibana Kenji and Katō Shizuko, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zen-shū 34: ōkagami (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1996), 47. 6 The translation was taken from McCullough, Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, 81. McCullough had chosen the term “spirits” to refer to shikigami though it does not necessarily reflect what my research is about, or mean that I define shikigami as a spirit.

53

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

to enhance an onmyōji’s capability in manipulating many elements. The portrayal of Seimei’s possession of several shikigami performs as a verification of his prowess and magical abilities. This indication of magical prowess is repeated in another tale in the late Heian work, Konjaku monogatari-shū that will be discussed in the section below.

4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku monogatari-shū Konjaku monogatari-shū is a collection of more than a thousand tales by an anonymous author that consists of thirty-one scrolls with three missing scrolls. It is speculated to be completed in 1120.7 Joseph Kitagawa describes it as “probably the most valuable source regarding the religious beliefs and practices of the masses during the Heian period.”8 The majority of the tales deals with Buddhist philosophical teachings, experiences of divine wonders and karmic causality. Similar tales are recorded in the later work of Uji-shui monogatari. Some of the tales in Konjaku monogatari-shū provide more detailed descriptions of the physical appearances and characteristics of shikigami, especially the tale, “The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under Tadayuki, Tale 16” 9 which records the episode where Seimei was challenged by an old monk, Chitoku (智徳) from Harima (幡磨国).10 When Chitoku arrived at Seimei’s abode on the pretext of paying a visit, he was accompanied by two young pages who Seimei immediately guessed might be shikigami intended as a test of his capability. Seimei decided to conceal the boys with incantations and mudra hand 7

McCullough, “Aristocratic culture,” 445. Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 83. 9 The translation is mine. The original title is “Abe no seimei, tadayuki ni shitagaite michi wo naraukoto daijūroku” (安倍晴明随忠行習道語第十六). Tyler translated it as “The Test” but he had based his translation on a similar tale in Uji-shui monogatari. 10 It was written in Tale 19 in Konjaku monogatari-shū, “Harima-kuni onmyōji chitoku-hōshi katarudai-jūkyū” (幡磨国陰陽師智徳法師語第十九) that the monk’s name was Chitoku. 8

54

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

signs as punishment for the monk’s insolence. When Chitoku left after Seimei asked him to revisit another day, he was alarmed to discover that his pages had disappeared and quickly went back to apologize to Seimei and ask for their return. The episode ended with Chitoku being highly impressed with Seimei`s magical abilities and requesting to become his disciple. Below is an excerpt of the battle of wits between Seimei and Chitoku:

“...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two boys seemed to be genies. 11 Seimei prayed silently that if they were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell and

made

the

appropriate

passes

under

his

sleeves. ...Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly the two boys came running up to their master from somewhere outside. “It’s true, sir,” the monk said, “I did mean to test you. It’s easy to keep genies, but I couldn’t possibly make someone else’s genies disappear. Please let me be your disciple.” Seimei accepted him on the spot.”12

11

“Genie” is a term used by Tyler to represent shikigami though it does not necessarily mean that I choose the same term to describe shikigami or see it as a reflection of what my research is about. 12 The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 85.

55

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

The account of Seimei’s ability to control another onmyōji’s shikigami works to impart a sense of awe of his mastery over supernatural elements. The use of shikigami as a gauge of onmyōji’s power and knowledge is highlighted by Chitoku’s test for Seimei and his strong admiration of Seimei’s ability to manipulate another’s shikigami. The earlier tale in Ōkagami describes shikigami as an “invisible being” with the physical power to open doors and vocal and analytical abilities to report happenings to Seimei. Konjaku monogatari-shū provides a more definite image of shikigami where it is able to take on a physical human form with a degree of realism that can deceive unknowing people into believing that it is real. There are no visible signs to verify the existence of shikigami at first sight and even Seimei who is renowned for his impressive magical skills and knowledge, had to verify his suspicions with the use of incantations and mudra hand signs. From this excerpt, it is shown that chants and hand signs are needed to manipulate shikigami and the knowledge of such magic allows for the control and possession of shikigami. The use of chants and hand signs as a method to control supernatural forces suggests influence from Buddhism or Chinese Taoism. Mitamura Keiko’s study of Taoist hand signs and Buddhist mudras refers to Xuanpu shan lingkui milu ( 玄圃山靈 匮秘錄 , Secret Register of the Numerous Caskets of Mount Mystery Garden, HY 580), a Taoist text that dates back to year 860. She notes that the “purpose of these signs, usually called by the Buddhist appellation yin (seal), was to enable practitioners to move heaven and earth, call down thunder, assemble clouds, walk on water, become invisible, and transform things. Each of them, moreover, went hand in hand with the application of a

56

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

certain talisman (fu) and with the formal chanting of an incantation or spell (zhou).”13 Mitamura also observes that “in general, two main groups of [T]aoist hand signs can be distinguished: those that developed in direct imitation of Buddhist mudras, and those that can be described as uniquely [T]aoist finger techniques. Hand signs deriving from Buddhist mudras include signs signifying “lotus”, “bridge”, “sword” and so on. They are the same in name and execution, yet their specific description in [T]aoist texts makes it clear that they were given an additional significance. Here, unlike in Buddhism, each finger segment was linked with the larger cosmos by being associated with the eight trigrams, seven stars of the Dipper, or twelve zodiac positions.”14 In Ōkagami, Seimei’s exceptional mastery over shikigami is shown by his possession of many shikigami at his command. The ability to manipulate several shikigami suggests an onmyōji’s magical abilities and skillful command over supernatural forces as seen by Chitoku’s deliberate flaunting of his ability to control two shikigami to Seimei. Chitoku’s ability to control several shikigami acts as an indication of his excellent magical skills. The praise for his extraordinary magical powers is extolled in tale 19 of Konjaku monogatari-shū titled “The Tale of Chitoku, the onmyōji from Harima”15 where he is described as using magic to help a group of merchants retrieve their stolen goods from pirates. The ending of tale 19 states that Chitoku was a fearful character due to his ability to effortlessly subdue a gang of vicious pirates but he suffered defeat when he encountered Seimei because he had no 13

Mitamura Keiko, “Daoist Hand Signs and Buddhist Mudras,” in Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, ed. Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 239 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002). 14 Ibid., 236. 15 The translation is mine. The original title is “Harima-kuni onmyōji chitoku-hōshi kataru-dai-jūkyū” (幡磨国陰陽師智徳法師語第十九). Although Royall Tyler had translated the title as “The Spellbound Pirates” in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), his translated title did not reflect the meaning of the original title.

57

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

knowledge of the skill to control another onmyōji’s shikigami.16 Despite Chitoku’s fearsome magical powers and excellent control over his own shikigami, he is depicted as inferior to Seimei due to his inability to conceal and manipulate another onmyōji’s shikigami. The fluidity of control over shikigami implies that it is not permanently bound to a particular person whether by spells or mental control. Chitoku’s experience reveals the belief that if one possesses necessary knowledge of the spell, shikigami can be easily manipulated and even captured from another onmyōji. In other words, the control over shikigami can be cultivated and obtained through the possession of the requisite knowledge rather than dependence on heavenly gifts or boons from divinity. This autonomy from divine grants and reliance on specialized knowledge and training conversely caused restrictions to the attainment of such magical knowledge. Masuo Shinichirō argues that Chitoku was unaware of the spell to control another onmyōji’s shikigami due to his status as an onmyōji from Harima (幡磨国), the former name of the southwest area of present-day Hyogo which was regarded as an undeveloped peripheral region outside of the Kyoto capital.

17

Masuo sees

Chitoku’s lack of knowledge of Seimei’s spell as an indication of the difference in the magical skills and characteristics between the commoner onmyōji and court onmyōji belonging to the central state-controlled Onmyō-ryō.18 Under the ritsuryō laws, the hereditary aristocratic families of Abe (安倍)19 and Kamo (賀茂)20 were accorded the

16

Refer to Appendix 1 for the excerpt of this tale. Masuo Shinichirō, “Shodō to sono michi no mono,” in Konjaku monogatari-shū wo yomu, ed. Komine Kazuaki, 208 (Tokyo: Kōbunkan, 2008). 18 Ibid. 19 The Abe ( 安 倍 ) clan was the sacerdotal lineage for Onmyōdō astrological observations and divination. It is also alternatively referred to as Tsuchimikado (土御門). 20 The Kamo (賀茂) clan was the sacerdotal lineage for Onmyōdō calendar calculations. 17

58

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

responsibility of being sacerdotal lineages of Onmyōdō. The ritsuryō state is described by Ian James McMullen as opening the way to the “political ascendency of oligarchic noble lineages”, which resulted in monopolies in the various spheres of politics, religions and culture as certain family lineages were accorded hereditary specialties. 21 As the ecclesiastic practitioners of Onmyōdō were of aristocratic lineages, the possession of texts about Taoism, yin-yang theory and ceremonial rites were primarily controlled by the Abe and Kamo sacerdotal lineages that in effect, prevented commoner onmyōji from accessing such knowledge. This divergence between commoner onmyōji and court onmyōji is represented by Chitoku’s defeat due to his lack of the knowledge of the spells possessed by Seimei. In the later part of the same tale, “The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under Tadayuki, Tale 16”, the command of shikigami and the legendary powers of Seimei are given in more details in the anecdote of his visit to Prelate Kuwanten22 (寛朝僧 正) of the Hirosawa (広沢) area:

“Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a young monk in the prelate’s entourage said he had heard that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he could kill a man easily. “Not easily, no,” Seimei replied. “It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small creature readily enough, but I can’t see any point in doing so. Since I wouldn’t know how to bring it back to life, I’d 21

Ian James McMullen, “The Worship of Confucius in ancient Japan,” in Religion in Japan: Arrows to heaven and earth, eds. Peter Francis Kornicki and Ian James McMullen, 75 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 22 The name is given as “Kuwanten” instead of “Kanchō” in modern Japanese translations of the tale.

59

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

just end up committing a sin.” ...He picked up a blade of grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog. The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The monks looking on turned pale with fear.”23

This anecdote is an accolade to Seimei’s moral character as seen in his reluctance to kill an innocent life for the sake of entertainment. In this account, Seimei admitted that there are limitations on an onmyōji’s power where it is difficult to kill a human with magic despite the possibility of doing so. Yet, this is contradicted by his display of the killing of a frog where a blade of grass was powerful enough to instantly crush the frog. Japanese scholars such as Toyoshima Yasukuni and Suwa Haruo see Seimei’s action of muttering incantations into the blade of grass and using it to do his bidding of killing a frog as indicative of shikigami magic. This transformation of an ordinary object into a powerful weapon with the use of incantations and the ability to manipulate the object according to the onmyōji’s will reiterate earlier literary descriptions of the control of shikigami by onmyōji. The casual creation of shikigami from a piece of grass and the lethal image of shikigami as a deadly murder weapon serve to glorify the extraordinary magical skills of Seimei while suggesting the potential fatal risk of shikigami magic. Seimei’s mastery of shikigami is emphasized in the next section of the tale which states that Seimei was said to employ the use of shikigami for simple household chores and describes the

23

The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83.

60

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

situation in his house where shutters would lower and rise while doors would close when there was no human around.24 The final part of the tale reiterates the corporeality of shikigami in more detail where it is recorded that the descendents of Seimei could hear sounds made by shikigami in Seimei’s original abode, the Tsuchimikado house.25 The suggestion here is that the shikigami possessed by Seimei continued to exist even after the death of their master. Shikigami were said to remain in the head household but did not appear to be inherited by the descendents of Seimei since they could only hear but could not see or control them. Shikigami is not a hereditary substance that can be passed on physically or biologically to another person but specific knowledge is required to possess them. As highlighted by Chitoku’s experience in the earlier part of the tale, it requires the knowledge of the spell before one can control a shikigami which suggests that Seimei’s descendents did not possess the necessary knowledge to control shikigami, a pertinent element that is representative of Onmyōdō magical powers. Despite the underlying suggestion that shikigami were not under the control of Seimei’s descendents, their continued presence in the Abe household denote their presence as guardians of the Abe clan which in return, serve to maintain the legitimacy of the Abe sacerdotal lineage of Onmyōdō.

4.3 Deadly Curse and Retaliation Spells: Uji-shui monogatari The physical forms and abilities of shikigami are described in detail in Ōkagami and Konjaku monogatari-shū which show the development of shikigami from an amorphous augury tool and magic spell into a corporeal figure of 24 25

Refer to Appendix 1 for the excerpt of this tale. Ibid.

61

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

supernatural existence that has the potential to bring lethal harm to small creatures such as a frog. The level of mortal harm that shikigami was believed to be capable of is given in more detail in a tale from the mid-Kamakura work of Uji-shui monogatari in the section below. Uji-shui monogatari is a collection of a hundred and ninetyseven assorted tales said to be completed in the period 1213-1221 by an anonymous compiler. The tales show strong Buddhist influence and about eighty similar tales can be found in Konjaku monogatari-shū. In tale 26 in scroll 2, section 8 titled “Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor Captain’s curse,”26 Seimei witnessed the setting of a shikigami curse on a popular chamberlain and decided to save him. It was later revealed that the curse was initiated by the jealous brother-in-law of the chamberlain who desires for his death. The tale ended with Seimei successfully saving the chamberlain by causing the deadly curse to retaliate and kill the spell-caster instead. Below is an excerpt detailing the episode:

“...The chamberlain had hardly started toward the Great Hall when a passing crow dropped filth on him. “Oh dear,” thought Seimei, “he’s so young and handsome, and so well received by everyone! What a pity that genie got him – because that bird certainly was a genie. Something awful seems to be in store for him!”.... After sunset Seimei kept his arms tight around the chamberlain and laid protective spells. He spent the night in endless, 26

The translation is mine. The original title is “Seimei, Kuraudo no seushau wo fuzuru koto” which Tyler had translated simply as “The Genie” in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002). I thought Tyler’s translation of the title was too succinct and did not fully express the meaning in the original title. Tyler’s use of the term “genie” could also overlook the actual functions and meanings of shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign concept of “genie” on shikigami.

62

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

unintelligible muttering. The fall night was long. At dawn there was a knock on the door, and Seimei had the chamberlain send someone to answer. It was a messenger from the enemy diviner. The chamberlain’s brother-inlaw, who lived in another part of the house, was so jealous of the chamberlain that he had this diviner set a genie on the chamberlain to kill him. Seimei had spotted the genie. “The gentleman was so strongly protected,” the messenger loudly announced, “that the genie came back and killed my master instead!””27

In this episode, the corporeality of shikigami is described to be in the physical form of a crow that set a curse by dropping bird excrement on the chamberlain. The coincidence of a passing bird whose excrement happened to land on the chamberlain is imbued with critical significance due to the association of this unusual happening with the concept of ke (怪), strange occurrences that were believed to signal or even provoke undesirable consequences. The sensitivity to and wariness of ke is explained in Grapard’s study of religious practices during the Heian period which he described as a time of sensitive reactions to heavenly portents where ke observations mirrored political activities.28 An increasing interest in calamities or auspicious signs resulted from an increasing political concern and critique of government. Grapard notes that the period of Emperor Yōzei’s reign (陽成天皇, r.876-884) had the largest number of reports about calamities as well as auspicious signs in the Heian period. This 27 28

The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82-3. Grapard, “Religious practices,” 551.

63

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

“corresponds exactly to the rise to ascendancy of the Fujiwara house and to the regency of Fujiwara no Mototsune [藤原基経, 836-891], a fact which reveals that political worries in Heian Japan were as if symbolically manifested in an increased consciousness of the course of nature in relation to human affairs.” 29 In Grapard’s description of this phenomenon, he explains that the “notable increase in records of natural occurrences interpreted as heavenly warning or blessings is related to the evolution of the goryō [御霊, vengeful spirits]30 belief system, and might be viewed as a manifestation of popular criticism of governmental policies and of the internecine struggles that took place within the aristocracy.” 31 As Grapard plainly puts it, “the more unstable the political world, the more active the multiplexes. As time passed and political concerns grew, ritual activity increased accordingly at all levels of society, and cultic procedures became complex and cumbersome.” 32 His study of the growth of the Kitano cult (北野信仰), which was concerned with exorcising the wrathful spirit of Sugawara no Michizane (菅原道真, 845-903)33, points out that, “aristocratic pangs of conscience, if there were any, might have been laid to rest by individualized ritual, but the fears of the populace were less easy to quell because they were multifaceted: they arose from the belief that the natural world were ethically reactive to human behavior, as well as from what might have been a kind of obscure suspicion

29

Grapard, “Religious practices,” 551. A popular belief in Heian period that originally referred to the spirit of deceased people but later referred to people, especially aristocrats who had suffered unjust deaths and manifested into vengeful spirits to exact revenge. 31 Grapard, “Religious practices,” 551. 32 Ibid., 552. 33 Sugawara no Michizane was the Minister of the Right who was accused by the Fujiwara clan of plotting treason and later, exiled to Kyushu in 901 where he died two years later. After the men who had falsely accused him of treason unexpectedly died of various mysterious causes, including one where a lightning bolt struck the imperial palace and killed four of the wrongdoers, Michizane became divinized as a lightning. The Kitano Shrine and cult was dedicated to the worship and pacification of the vengeful spirit of Michizane after a series of oracles from thaumaturgists. 30

64

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

that the political manipulations of the court were not in accord with its stated ideology.” 34 In view of this, Grapard argues that “cultic behavior” was the only means for the expression of political concerns by the general population due to restrictions on open criticism of the political situation. Ke became a matter of high importance, especially within the aristocratic class since unusual occurrences were believed to portend cautionary signs for the future and possibly influence the general populace’s perception towards the ruling class. As the augury skills of onmyōji were regarded as vital in interpreting the meanings embodied in ke, aristocrats often consulted onmyōji during times of ke occurrences for augury advice on the appropriate action to take to counter the possible negative effects of ke. The close relationship between onmyōji and ke is presented in Uji-shui monogatari where Seimei’s amazing ability to swiftly decipher the significance of ke, represented by the passing crow’s action of dropping excrement on the chamberlain, and immediate identification of the crow as a shikigami curse is understood to be due to his position as an onmyōji and knowledge of the meanings behind unusual happenings. Seimei’s remarkable skills in recognizing and deciphering ke is reiterated in tale 184 in scroll 14, section 10 of Uji-shui monogatari titled “The Hōjō-ji, Minister’s white dog, Seimei and other miraculous events.” 35 The tale describes the incident where Fujiwara no Michinaga was on his daily visit to Hōjō-ji (法成寺) when his favorite pet, a white dog started running around in front of his carriage and adamantly biting the hem of his robe to prevent him from entering the temple precincts.

34

Grapard, “Religious practices,” 562. The translation is mine. The original title is “Midau kanpaku-no on-inu, seimei-ra, kidoku-no koto” (御堂関白御犬、晴明等、奇特事). 35

65

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Michinaga was concerned with this unusual happening and summoned Seimei who used his augury skills to divine the ke presented by the dog’s strange behavior. After a few minutes of augury calculations, Seimei was able to ascertain that a curse was intentionally buried along the road to harm Michinaga and even accurately locate the burial site of the curse. The extraordinary ability of Seimei to recognize and interpret ke due to his augury knowledge is presented in the two tales that also serve to highlight the close relationship between ke and the onmyōji’s role as diviner. The case of the spell-caster who was killed by his own shikigami curse in tale 26, “Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor Captain’s curse,” reveals a symbiotic relationship between onmyōji and shikigami. In this tale, the messenger revealed that the deadly shikigami curse had turned back (式神かえり, shikigami-kaeri) on the enemy onmyōji with fatal results because the young chamberlain was strongly protected by Seimei’s magic spells. Seimei’s action of laying protective spells around the chamberlain and sending the shikigami curse back to the enemy onmyōji is remarkably similar to suso-no-kaeshi (呪詛の返し, retaliatory spell), a ritual to return the curse to the spell-caster that is practiced by the Izanagi-ryū (いざなぎ流).36 This is a sect of Onmyōdō that is still in practice in contemporary Japan in a village located in the Kōchi province in the Shikoku region. Komatsu Kazuhiko’s study of the Izanagi-ryū offers an important insight into the magic spells and rituals of Onmyōdō and allows for a better understanding of Onmyōdō practices. In Komatsu’s description of rituals and curses worked by the kitōshi (祈祷師, thaumaturgists who performs ritual rites and prayers) of the Izanagi-ryū, the suso-no-kaeshi is described to be undertaken with the intention to send back the curse and exact revenge on the spell36

Komatsu Kazuhiko, Hyōrei shinkōron (Tokyo: Kōdansha), 189.

66

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

caster.37 It is believed that if suso-no-kaeshi is used by a stronger opponent, the curse will return and double its effects on the spell-caster. Komatsu mentions that the kitōshi are often reluctant to set curses due to the fear of the harmful power of susono-kaeshi and the fatal retributive effect known as kayari-no-kaze (返りの風) which can have continued negative repercussions on future generations of the kitōshi’s family. 38 In this tale, the shikigami curse was prevented from executing its deadly task on the chamberlain by Seimei’s protective spells which caused it to retaliate and kill its master instead. This retaliatory behavior of the shikigami curse is similar to the effects of suso-no-kaeshi which highlights the symbiotic relationship between onmyōji and shikigami. The mortal defeat of the enemy onmyōji by Seimei due to his inferior magic skills suggests a perilous process of power struggle in Onmyōdō where the level of magic skills that an onmyōji possesses has important life and death consequences, and demonstrates a competitive need in Onmyōdō practice to acquire a high level of magical abilities to guard against the effects of retaliatory spells. The portrayal of shikigami in Uji-shui monogatari as a dangerous curse that is an active participant in family rivalries suggests the influence of Onmyōdō in the daily life of the aristocrats during the Kamakura period. In tale 26, the culprit was the brother-in-law who was jealous of the chamberlain’s popularity and good standing within his wife’s family and engaged an onmyōji to set a shikigami curse on the chamberlain. This involvement of onmyōji and curses in aristocrat rivalries is also seen in tale 184 where the buried curse meant to harm Fujiwara no Michinaga was set by an onmyōji under the instructions of his political rival, the Horikawa Minister of the Left, Lord Akimitsu (堀川左大臣顕光公). The two tales of Uji-shui monogatari 37 38

Komatsu, Hyōrei shinkōron, 189. Ibid., 195.

67

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

illustrate the active involvement of onmyōji and their magic skills in family and political affairs and indicate that other than being diviners and ritual priests for the state, onmyōji were believed to have other roles as spell-casters who served individual aristocrats and whose magic skills were used as a political tool in aristocrat family and political conflicts. The historical developments of the Onmyō-ryō during the mid-Heian period into an institution for conducting ceremonial and purification rites for the state and ruling class gradually transformed Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science into a magico-religious practice and expanded the onmyōji’s role as diviners to include ritual priests with supernatural powers. Textual constructions of shikigami in the late Heian to early Kamakura literary texts of Ōkagami, Konjaku monogatari-shū and Ujishui monogatari reflect this transformation in the nature of Onmyōdō and roles of onmyōji by portraying shikigami as supernatural beings with physical forms and magical skills under the command of onmyōji. Details about the materiality, physical appearances and abilities of shikigami which are not mentioned in the earlier works of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki, are given in the texts which enable a better understanding of shikigami and demonstrate that shikigami has more complex aspects than just being a tool of augury. In Ōkagami, a shikigami is an “invisible being” who possesses physical, vocal and analytical abilities. It manifests in human form with a high degree of realism in Konjaku monogatari-shū and appears as a dangerous crow in Uji-shui monogatari. The control of shikigami is understood to be through incantations and mudra hand signs and the possession of shikigami is exclusive and dependent on specific knowledge of the spell. Uji-shui monogatari reveals a symbiotic relationship between shikigami and its onmyōji master which can

68

CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

result in a fatal backlash on the onmyōji due to retaliatory spells by a stronger opponent. Despite the change of shikigami into a corporeal supernatural being with deadly powers to curse and inflict harm, it is portrayed as a subservient spirit servant under the control of its onmyōji master who is able to dictate its form and decide on the task that it is to perform. In the next chapter, I will show a shift in shikigami narratives that reveal a dark transformation in shikigami characteristics that hint at the declining influence of Onmyōdō.

69

_________________ CHAPTER FIVE

_________________ SHIFT IN SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES: FROM SPIRIT SERVANT TO UNBRIDLED SUPERNATURAL SIGNS

70

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs

In the previous chapters, I have traced the gradual transformation of textual constructions of shikigami from a metaphoric reference to shikisen to include additional characteristics as an anthropomorphic spirit servant that was summoned for various tasks such as espionage purposes or household chores and later, attaining the deadly abilities of inflicting grievous harm and setting curses. The development of shikigami into a physical entity with supernatural powers is identified with the historical changes of Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science to a magicoreligious institution by the late Heian period. Early literary references to shikigami generally situate it under the control of onmyōji where it appears only when summoned and is assigned specific tasks. I will show how literary descriptions of shikigami shifted towards depicting an unbridled supernatural being that is not restrained by onmyōji and able to freely manifest on its own by the mid-Kamakura period in this chapter. Contrary to earlier textual descriptions, the shikigami during the Kamakura period is portrayed as autonomous and not dependent on the presence of its onmyōji master to exist which suggests a decline in the authority of Onmyōdō. This shift in characteristics is particularly demonstrated in two tales recorded in the texts of Zokukojidan (1219 anthology of military tales) and Genpeijōsuiki (end fourteenth to early fifteenth century collection of military tales).

5.1 Loss of Control and Indiscriminate Harm: Zokukojidan

71

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

One of the tales in the Chapter, “Section on Officials” 1 of Zokukojidan describes the fateful downfall of Minamoto no Takaakira (源高明, 914-83), son of Emperor Daigo (醍醐天皇, r.897-930) who became the Minister of the Left in 968. In the tale, Takaakira had just left the imperial palace and was passing by the compound of Shinsen-en (神泉苑) when he came across two tall beings. 2 It was said that he encountered a very serious matter after the two beings called out his name. His illfated encounter is recorded in the below excerpt:

[He observed] as he reached the edge of the beam, two tall beings standing there concealed themselves in the shadows when they heard his approach and revealed themselves when there were no sounds. Takaakira detected the two beings’ intent and purposely made loud sounds with his feet. Just as he passed the beam, the beings called out his name. Immediately after that, Takaakira encountered a grave matter and he was banished from the capital. 3

The historical event of Minamoto no Takaakira’s demotion and exile during the Anna Incident (安和の変) of 969 was deemed to be the unfortunate result of a run-in with shikigami. The Anna Incident was a political conspiracy orchestrated by 1

The translation is mine. The original title is Shinsetsu (臣節). Some versions of modern publications of Zokukojidan stated that there were three beings instead of two. 3 The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in Kawabata Yoshiaki and Araki Hiroshi, annotate., Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 41: kojidan, zokukojidan (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2005), 21-6 and 655. 2

72

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

the Fujiwara clan to eliminate military rivals in Kyoto that occurred in the early spring of Anna Second Year (969). Takaakira was implicated in the plot and exiled to Kyushu for three years before he was allowed to return to the capital where he had already lost his political influence and became committed to a quiet life of study. 4 The Anna Incident was historically significant for removing the political and military rivals of the Hokke (北家, Northern House of the Fujiwara clan) and Minamoto no Mitsunaka (源満仲, 917-997) while setting the stage for the increasing involvement of the warrior class in the politics of the imperial court. 5 The use of shikigami to explain an event marks a desire to attribute Takaakira’s misfortune to an uncontrollable external force. Takaakira did not cause his own downfall because of political ambitions or through any personal act but was instead portrayed as a victim of unforeseen inexorable circumstances. The sense of regret for the fate of a tragic historical figure that was meant for better accomplishments if not for the unexpected shikigami curse is echoed in the later part of the tale. The next part of the tale wrote that a physiogonomist, Kadohira (廉平) was highly impressed with Takaakira’s honorable face, exclaiming that he had not seen such glorious and admirable facial features before. But when he saw Takaakira’s departing figure, he found it lacking of good omen and predicted the banishment. The inclusion of this later part of the tale takes a sympathetic view of Takaakira’s life which was meant to be glorious and exalted but was instead, heavily marked by the unexpected shikigami encounter. The potential for Takaakira to rise further in life was prematurely ended by the shikigami curse which showed a belief in the power of shikigami to alter a person’s destiny. Unlike earlier 4 5

Shively and McCullough, The Cambridge History of Japan, 63. Ibid.

73

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

tales that are described in previous chapters, the shikigami here has developed a grim and sinister element where it is not a specific curse that was directed at Takaakira to intentionally cause his downfall but was a residue of a spell that was left in the Shinsen-en compound and degenerated into a freewheeling curse that harms passersby. The below excerpt taken from the same tale gives the reason for the presence of shikigami at Shinsen-en:

“During the time of the Horse Racing festival (競馬, kurabeuma) at Shinsen-en, the shikigami that was buried by an onmyōji has yet to be removed. This spirit is making its presence known. Even now, that area should not be entered,” remarked an onmyōji named Ariyuki.6

The casual appearance of shikigami in the form of two tall beings had a heavy negative effect on passersby such that the onmyōji, Ariyuki cautioned against entering the area that they occupied. An earlier tale in Uji-shui monogatari describes shikigami as under command by an onmyōji to set curses on the victim where the shikigami had no deliberate personal intention to harm people. But the two shikigami that Takaakira encountered were not under any human control and instead, acted on their own without any instructions from their onmyōji master. As Ariyuki explained, the shikigami were merely making their presence known, with disastrous consequences for the unfortunate Takaakira. The change of shikigami from an agent that was commanded to spy and set curses into an uncontrolled force that lingered 6

The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in Kawabata and Araki, Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 41: kojidan, zokukojidan, 21-6 and 655.

74

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

around to wilfully harm innocent passersby is a new development in shikigami characteristics. Instead of having their forms dictated by their onmyōji masters, shikigami can manifest on their own and even emit sounds to make their presence known. The fact that shikigami knew Takaakira’s name indicated that they are aware and have clear knowledge of their surroundings and social environment. This reflected the same characteristics displayed in the earlier texts, Makura-no sōshi where shikigami was believed to know everything that happened, and Ōkagami where it was able to identify the emperor and report his actions to Seimei. Another new development in shikigami characteristics is its diversion from its original task. As explained by Ariyuki in the tale, shikigami was buried in the racing arena at Shinsen-en compound as a protective charm during the Horse Racing Festival. The changing characteristics of a harmful curse that was meant to target a specific person, as in the case of the young chamberlain in Uji-shui monogatari, to bringing capricious harm on an innocent passerby as seen in Takaakira’s demotion, echoed the Japanese belief of tsukumo-gami (付喪神). Inanimate objects are believed to become demonized as tsukumo-gami after a long substantial period of neglect or abandonment. They gain powers such that they are able to plague mischief on humans. The harmful powers of tsukumo-gami are so feared that annual rituals, such as Harikuyō (針供養)7, are conducted to pacify old and used objects to prevent them from becoming demonized and bringing harm on humans. The two shikigami at Shinsen-en were a spell that had been buried and forgotten without an onmyōji to remove or pacify them with some rites. In the same manner as abandoned objects that became tsukumo-gami, the two shikigami became demonized such that they changed 7

This is an annual memorial service (供養会, kuyōkai) held on February 8 or December 8 to give thanks to old or broken needles by piercing them in tofu, konnyaku jelly or wrapping them in paper.

75

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

from their original task of protecting and preventing disasters during the Horse Racing Festival to a destructive element that brought harm on passersby. The protective quality of shikigami changed to a fear of the potential harm that it was capable of. Earlier literary descriptions of shikigami as a supernatural force with allpervasive and insidious magical powers that was still under human control were replaced by depictions of an uncontrolled spirit that could freely harm innocent people without any specific instructions from an onmyōji. The presence of autonomous shikigami that were not bound to the commands of their onmyōji master in Zokukojidan can probably be found in the waning influence of Onmyōdō during the Kamakura period. In 1221, ex-Emperor Go-Toba (後鳥羽天皇, r.1184-98) initiated the Shōkyū or Jōkyū War (承久の乱) in a bid to restore the authority of insei (院政, cloistered rule by retired emperors) which was met with failure and defeat by the Kamakura regime. Joseph Kitagawa pointed out that “although later historians often disparage the action of the Kamakura regime in exiling ex-emperors, one has to remember that the corruption and degeneration of the court was such that the masses did not support the Kyoto forces.”8 Due to the close association with the imperial court and the fact that the sacerdotal families of Abe and Kamo were ecclesiastic aristocrats, the decline in the authority of the imperial family meant that Onmyōdō suffered the same waning in prestige and influence. The increasing popularity of other religions such as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen Buddhism during the Kamakura era also meant that Onmyōdō no longer wielded as much influence as it once did during the golden era of the Kyoto Heian rule. Zokukojidan reflected the declining influence of Onmyōdō in a similar story of loss of 8

Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 92.

76

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

control and immanent danger where the onmyōji no longer appeared to have full control over their own spirit servant, the shikigami.

5.2 Bridge Augury and Twelve Guardian Deities: Genpeijōsuiki The above tale of Takaakira’s fateful encounter with shikigami exhibits a disconcerting change. Unlike the deliberate setting of curses on specific victims, as with the case of the young chamberlain in Uji-shui monogatari, a chance meeting with shikigami could have disastrous outcomes for the unfortunate person. The belief in mappō and the powerlessness of humans to alter the course of history was fostered by the political and social turmoil of the period and translated into a fatalistic sense of inevitability that prompted many aristocrats to resort to intensified ritual activities in the form of the Buddhist practice of sutra-copying to secure a place in paradise after their deaths. 9 Such fatalistic acceptance of the incapacity of humans to control or overturn the course of events is reflected in the loss of control over the behavior of shikigami in Zokukojidan. The onmyōji’s stalwart manipulation over supernatural forces is put into question by the random appearance of the two shikigami at Shinsenen and the warning by onmyōji Ariyuki to avoid the area rather than rectify the situation by removing the shikigami. With the end of the Kamakura region in 1333, a new development took place in textual descriptions of shikigami as seen in the end fourteenth to early fifteenth century work, Genpeijōsuiki, a collection of military tales that consists of forty-eight scrolls. In Scroll 12 titled “The Empress’s Birth” 10, the wife of Taira no Kiyomori (平清盛, 1118-1181), Tokiko (平時子, 1126-1185) went 9

D. Max Moerman, “The Archeology of Anxiety: An Underground History of Heian Religion,” in Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, eds. Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens and Stacie Matsumoto, 245-71 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007). 10 The translation is mine. The original title is “Chūgu o-san” (中宮御産).

77

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

to Ichijō-modori Bridge (一条戻橋) in the Heian capital of Kyoto to consult fortunes using hashi-ura (橋占), a form of augury where fortunes are revealed by listening to the conversation of passersby on the bridge. After arriving at the bridge, a group of twelve children with bobbed hair and of fourteen to fifteen years of age appeared from the west, clapping their hands and uttering a prophecy in unison. They later disappeared into the east. The twelve children were believed to be shikigami as described in the below translated excerpt:

Ichijō-modori Bridge was said to be where in the past, Abe no Seimei, the greatest in the knowledge of astrology and able to command the twelve guardian deities (十二神 将, jūni-shinshō) but as his wife feared the appearance of shikigami, had used incantations to seal the twelve deities (十二神, jūni-shin) under the bridge and summoned them when he needed them. If you consult fortunes at the bridge [using the hashi ura or bridge augury], the shikigami will utter the fortunes through the mouths of passersby.

Hence,

the

twelve

children

must

be

manifestations of the twelve guardian deities! (jūnishinshō no kagen narubeshi).11

11

The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in Matsuo Mashie, annotate., Genpeijōsuiki (ni): daiyichi-go dai-jūkyū-kai haihon, chūsei no bungaku (Tokyo: Miyai Shoten, 1993), 111-12.

78

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Zokukojidan describes shikigami as two tall beings while the shikigami depicted in this tale have the physical form of children. Despite their form as young children, the tale describes the need for Seimei to conceal his shikigami under Ichijōmodori Bridge as his wife feared their appearances. The suggestion of their fearsome appearances was probably due to the creation of images of shikigami which provided a visualization of this supernatural being.12 One of such available images of shikigami is the fourteenth century illustrated picture scroll of Fudōriyaku-engi emaki (不動利 益縁起絵巻), which belongs to the Tokyo National Museum and is listed as an Important Cultural Property of Japan. Fudōriyaku-engi emaki provides an excellent and detailed record of the proceedings of an Onmyōdō ceremonial ritual and features shikigami as two diminutive helpers assisting Seimei in a purification rite to subdue demons of ailments. In the illustrated picture scroll, the two shikigami are depicted as half the size of the human characters with demon-like facial features, bulbous noses, wide gaping mouths, bushy eyebrows and pointed ears. Their unruly, short hair is brown as opposed to the black hair of the human characters and they have claw-like feet and unnatural skin colors of red and pale green that resembled the strange appearances of the five demons of ailments seated in front of the ceremonial table. The two small-size shikigami are barefoot and clad in flowing robes that exposed their arms. One of them is encased in an upper-body armor that resembles scales. The peculiar appearances of shikigami in this emaki allow for an understanding of why it is described as demon-like and fearsome-looking in later texts like Genpeijōsuiki.

12

The idea of the influence of illustrated picture scrolls on textual constructions of shikigami was provided by Professor Komine Kazuaki during my research presentation at one of his graduate study groups on 4 February 2009.

79

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

The image of shikigami portrayed in Fudōriyaku-engi emaki had a strong influence on many later works such as the sixteenth century Nakifudō-engi emaki (泣 不動縁起絵巻), which belongs to the Shōjōke-in (清浄華院) collection. It is a replica of the Fudōriyaku-engi emaki and features shikigami with prominent demon-like features such as bulging eyes, protruding cheekbones, long fangs and skin colors of deep red and green. The two shikigami in the emaki are attired in short robes that exposed their arms and legs, with one of them having animal skin wrapped around its waist. Portrait paintings of Abe no Seimei frequently depict a shikigami attendant kneeling by his feet that has similar demon-like features as Fudōriyaku-engi emaki. One of the oldest portrait paintings of Seimei is the early Muromachi work, Abe no Seimei-kō goshinzō (安倍晴明公御神像) that belongs to the Abe ōji Shrine (阿倍王 子神社) in Osaka. Although the shikigami attendant is attired in an elaborate outfit of patterned green robe with white long pants and straw sandals, it is depicted as smallsized with the same demon-like facial features of big bulging eyes, protruding eyebrow ridge, wide gaping mouth and green skin. The bizarre appearance of shikigami in pictorial works might have influenced literary descriptions of shikigami as having a fearsome appearance. Despite the suggestion of a demon-like and fearsome appearance, the keen interest of Taira no Kiyomori’s wife, Tokiko in seeking their advice through the hashi-ura is a departure from the unfortunate experience of Minamoto no Takaakira in Zokukojidan. Instead of avoiding areas occupied by shikigami as cautioned by the onmyōji Ariyuki in Zokukojidan, Tokiko is depicted as intentionally waiting by Ichijō-modori Bridge for the appearance of shikigami. Shikigami is portrayed in

80

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Genpeijōsuiki as a provider of information about the future rather than destructive effects such as that suffered by Takaakira. Such a positive change in perception towards shikigami can probably be traced to Onmyōdō’s deepening relationship with the warrior class and its rising prominence in the imperial court since the late fourteenth century. The influence of Onmyōdō was affected as the imperial court became increasingly powerless during the Kamakura period but instead of becoming fully displaced by other religions such as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen Buddhism, court onmyōji slowly gained the patronage of the warrior class. The growing relationship between Onmyōdō and the warrior class began in 1207 when the third shogun of the Kamakura bakufu, Minamoto no Sanetomo (源実朝 1192-1219) summoned the court onmyōji, Abe no I-han (安倍維範) in a precedent move to Kamakura to conduct prayer rites against pestilence. 13 This marked the start of court onmyōji heading out of the Kyoto capital to serve in the Kamakura bakufu 14 and the period of 1223 saw a great increase in the number of onmyōji heading to Kamakura.15 The deepening ties between court onmyōji and the warrior class is further seen in the rising position of Abe no Ariyo (安倍有世, 1327-1405) in the imperial court with the aid of the third shogun of the Muromachi bakufu, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (足利義満, 1358-1408). It was recorded that in 1379, Abe no Ariyo was granted the privilege to approach the inner precinct of Seiryō-den (清涼殿), the private quarters of the emperor, which was

13

Murayama Shūichi, Nihon onmyōdō-shi sōsetsu (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1994), 287. Ibid. 15 Nakamura Akiko, “Onmyōdō kanren nenpyō,” in Abe no seimei to onmyōdō, ed. Katsuaki Yamashita, 108 (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, 2004). 14

81

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

a first for an onmyōji. 16 This privilege was granted to Ariyo by the imperial court on the strong recommendation of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu. 17 In 1384, he was the first onmyōji in the Abe clan to rise to the position of third rank in the imperial court18 and promoted to the position of second rank in 1399, although he was not allowed to participate in political affairs. 19 The highest position of the famous Abe no Seimei was conferred at fourth rank. 20 The conferment of the second rank on Ariyo consequently allowed for more court onmyōji to rise to such high positions. One example is Kamo no Arihiro (賀茂在弘) who was promoted to the third rank in 1406, which was a precedent for the Kamo sacerdotal lineage of Onmyōdō. The patronage of the warrior class and the deepened participation of onmyōji in imperial court affairs re-affirmed the status of Onmyōdō. This in turn allowed for a positive textual construction of shikigami in literature of the late fourteenth and fifteenth century period. Matsuo Mashie’s annotation for this tale defines the twelve guardian deities as “divine followers of the Yakushi Nyorai” (Yakushi nyorai no kensoku) and states that they also refer to the “twelve guardian deities of the twelve hours of day and night” (chūya-jūniji no gohō-shin).21 In the tale, the twelve children shikigami were aware of Tokiko’s identity and even hinted at her high status in their prophecy. This awareness of their current surroundings and ability to identify individuals reiterate early beliefs about shikigami being well-informed about everything as expressed in Makura-no

16

Yanagihara Toshiaki, “Muromachi-jidai no onmyōdō,” in Onmyōdō no kōgi, ed. Hayashi Jun and Koike Junichi, 126 (Tokyo: Sagano Shoin, 2002). 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., 124. 19 Nakamura, “Onmyōdō kanren nenpyō,” 109. 20 Ibid. 21 The translation of the terms is mine. Terms were taken from Matsuo, Genpeijōsuiki (ni), 111, annotation 9.

82

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

sōshi, and emphasize shikigami’s possible origin as a metonymy of shikisen. In Chapter 2, I have explained that scholars such as Suzuki, Toyoshima, Suwa and Saitō Rei see shikigami as a physical personification of onmyōji’s mastery over the shikisen (chokusen, 式占). The chokuban (式盤) instrument, which is used during shikisen sessions, has two attached rotating panels called Heaven (天盤, tenban) and Earth (地 盤, jiban). The Heaven panel has twelve cardinal points named jūni-gatsushō (十二月 将, twelve guardians of the months) while the twelve cardinal points on the Earth panel is called jūni-shi (十二支, twelve signs of the Japanese zodiac). 22 Several Japanese scholars assert that the twelve guardian deities (十二神将, jūni-shinshō) commanded by Seimei are actually a reference to the cardinal points of the chokuban’s Heaven and Earth panels. 23 The close association of shikigami with shikisen augury and the chokuban instrument gives a reason for the shikigami’s link with bridge augury (橋占, hashi-ura). The free appearance of shikigami at Ichijōmodori Bridge without any summoning from an onmyōji suggests that the twelve children shikigami in this tale are primarily conceived as a type of bridge augury. This is reminiscent of their early manifestation as the shikisen augury instead of a spirit servant.

In this tale, the author referred back to Abe no Seimei as an explanation for the belief in the existence of shikigami at Ichijō-modori Bridge that gave rise to the practice of hashi-ura. Seimei is regarded as representative of the peak of Onmyōdō influence during the mid-Heian period where it was incorporated into court rituals, 22 23

The translation is mine. Murayama, “Nihon no onmyōdō to abe no seimei,” 16.

83

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

dictated vital functions such as the calculation and creation of the annual calendar, astrological predictions of national concerns and the head of the Onmyō-ryō, onyō-nokami (陰陽頭) could submit imperial edicts to the emperor directly. Court onmyōji advised the daily activities of the imperial family and aristocrats and had an overarching influence in many aspects of Heian life. Onmyōdō had become a significant part of daily life in the Heian period such that the use of shikigami as an oath of truthfulness was a natural flow in the conversation between Sei Shōnagon and Empress Teishi in Makura-no sōshi. As Onmyōdō became increasing involved in magico-religious ceremonial rituals and purification rites from the mid-Heian period, realistic descriptions of shikigami behavior that differed from the ambiguous descriptions in Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki, reinforced its existence as a supernatural being with the physical ability to open doors, have powers of sight and auditory powers of speech, and even possess analytical abilities were given in Ōkagami. From the late Heian period, tales that mention shikigami tend to refer back to Seimei as the focal point of shikigami appearances. Konjaku monogatari-shū and Uji-shui monogatari are prominent examples that give near heroic descriptions of Seimei’s magic abilities. Oftentimes, he is cast as a charismatic epitome of Onmyōdō’s powerful magic and legends about his magical powers and ease of control over shikigami are often celebrated. In the later tales of Zokukojidan and Genpeijōsuiki, the presence of shikigami whose masters no longer existed to command them and who possessed the ability to freely manifest and exert their powers denotes a situation where there was a gradual loss of control over the element that is regarded as the emblem of Onmyōdō. Zokukojidan marks the period where the presence of Onmyōdō was gradually obscured by the rising influence of Pure Land Buddhism and Zen

84

CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Buddhism and the growing powerlessness of the imperial court. Literary descriptions of masterless shikigami in Zokukojidan depict them with the ability to exert harmful powers, as seen in Takaakira’s case where his life was drastically changed by the shikigami encounter. Although Genpeijōsuiki has a more positive image of the shikigami with an undisruptive function as hashi-ura in response to the patronage of Onmyōdō by the warrior class and the rising position of court onmyōji in the imperial court since the fourteenth century, the nostalgic reference to Seimei as the basis for their presence at Ichijō-modori Bridge highlights a remembrance of the peak of Onmyōdō authority during the Heian period and parallels the decline in Onmyōdō influence after the Kamakura period.

85

_________________ CHAPTER SIX

_________________ CONCLUSION: WHO IS THE SPIRIT SERVANT SERVING?

86

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?

As I have mentioned in the Introduction, the title of this final chapter is intended to rhetorically highlight the main aims of this thesis: to understand the function of shikigami narratives and their relationship with the historical developments of Onmyōdō. Through my study of the relationship between literary tales of shikigami and Onmyōdō developments, I attempted to show the interactions between religion, literature and history, and draw attention to the function of literary narratives in projecting perspectives that are usually absent in “official” historical records. An analysis of literary descriptions of shikigami in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 showed the fluidity of this Onmyōdō emblem where its descriptions changed in tandem with developments in Onmyōdō. From its early reference to the onmyōji’s augury skills and mastery over shikisen, literary descriptions of shikigami gradually cast shikigami as a spirit servant that served as an affirmation of the onmyōji’s control over supernatural forces and paralleled the transition of Onmyōdō from an institution of philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious practice during the mid-Heian period. Later period literary descriptions of shikigami became a metaphoric sign of Onmyōdō’s declining influence as represented by the lack of control over the very element that was typically used to acknowledge and establish the power that onmyōji had over supernatural forces. Textual creations of shikigami adjusted and acquired new attributes as changes in Onmyōdō took place. As there was a lack of official doctrines pertaining to shikigami in Onmyōdō tradition, literary narratives that reacted to the developments of Onmyōdō shaped the formations of shikigami instead. These changing descriptions of shikigami in various texts through the centuries consequently

87

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

created a complex and enigmatic figure with multiple meanings that holds different significance for different groups of people. The effect of this was pointed out in Chapter 2 where it was observed that contemporary scholarship on Onmyōdō used different literary texts and periods of comparison which neglected the gradual changes in shikigami narratives and produced different definitions of shikigami while failing to clarify its role in Onmyōdō tradition and Japanese religious and social thought.

6.1 Adoption of Shikigami Narratives by Onmyōdō Institutions Regardless of its ambiguity in Onmyōdō tradition, and position as a “fictional knowledge” that was initiated by society, shikigami narratives are accepted as a fictional “truth” by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō, such as Seimei Shrine (晴明神社) in Kyoto and Abe no Seimei Shrine (安倍晴明神社) in Osaka. The Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei Shrine often refer to shikigami as an accolade to the magical skills of the legendary onmyōji, Abe no Seimei and his impressive control over the supernatural but do not explain the role or purpose of shikigami in present-day Onmyōdō practice. Seimei was popularized in contemporary Japanese mass media by the 2001 movie, “Onmyōji” which sparked a new interest in the practice of Onmyōdō and subsequently resulted in a succession of a 2003 movie sequel, NHK dramas, novels, video and internet games, manga, and anime that have spread overseas to China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. An increasing public and scholastic interest in Onmyōdō since the early 2000s resulted in a series of Japanese scholarly publications, documentaries and exhibitions held in Kyoto and Osaka as well as the recent threeday Onmyōdō symposium held at Columbia University in May 2009.

88

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

As Onmyōdō gains increasing exposure in the mass media, shikigami is often cast as the emblematic representation of Onmyōdō magic and depicted as a powerful supernatural being that can be summoned by magic spells and incantations in Japanese popular culture which in turn, results in the common perception of shikigami as a spirit servant to onmyōji. This definition of shikigami as a spirit servant is supported by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō. Seimei Shrine whose enshrined deity is the aforementioned Seimei, states in its website’s glossary that “shikigami are kijin ((鬼神, demon gods) or shieki-jin (使役神, servant gods) used in Onmyōdō that are invisible to normal humans. Abe no Seimei was adept at controlling shikigami and used them for various tasks that ranged from household chores to ceremonial rites. He was said to have normally sealed his shikigami under Ichijō-modori Bridge as his wife feared their existence.”1 The importance placed on establishing the authenticity of Seimei’s legends is clearly shown in the shrine’s special display of a big stone-carved monument with a shikigami statue (Fig. 1) kneeling beside a small-scale reproduction of Ichijō-modori Bridge (Fig. 2) that was constructed within the shrine compounds and sale of hand-phone straps that are decorated with a small shikigami replica (Fig. 3). Seimei Shrine provides a description for the shikigami statue in its website, “Beside the replica of Ichijōmodori Bridge, there is a stone statue of shikigami which is said to be a seirei (精霊, spirit, ghost or genie) controlled by onmyōji and invisible to human eyes. There are many legends about shikigami. When Seimei was living here, he sealed his shikigami

1

The translation is mine. The original Japanese description was taken from the official website of Seimei Shrine, http://www.seimeijinja.jp/faq/word_02.html (accessed November 28, 2008).

89

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

under Ichijō-modori Bridge as his wife feared them. These shikigami engage in hashiura (橋占, bridge augury).” 2

Fig. 1. Shikigami statue Fig. 2. Small-scale model of Ichijō-modori Bridge The shikigami statue was based on a painting of Abe no Seimei that is owned by Seimei Shrine, and presented as a gift by Kyoto-rakuchū Lions’ Club (京 都 洛 中 ラ イ オ ン ズ ク ラ ブ ) in 2003. 3 (Photographs by the author.)

Fig. 3. Hand-phone strap on sale at Seimei Shrine From left: Front of item, back of item and instructions sheet (Photographs by the author.) Translation of back of item: This “shiki” is a reproduction of the shikigami servant in Abe no Seimei’s portrait painting (owned by Seimei Shrine).

2

The translation is mine. The original Japanese description was taken from Seimei Shrine, http://www.seimeijinja.jp/guide/index.html (accessed July 20, 2009). 3 Seimei Shrine, http://www.seimeijinja.jp/guide/gui_01.html (accessed November 28, 2008).

90

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Abe no Seimei Shrine, which also venerates Seimei and has promoted itself to be the sacred site of his birthplace, explains in its published book of Seimei legends that shikigami are “kijin that follow the commands of onmyōji” and describes their appearance as small-sized and demon-like.4 The Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei Shrine’s emphasis on the magical exploits of Seimei and his mastery over shikigami is understandably meant to enhance the power and charismatic appeal of their figure of veneration, though the utilization of shikigami as a publicity tool unavoidably results in an endorsement and reinforcement of its image widely present in Japanese popular culture as a spirit servant while failing to explain its function in the practice of Onmyōdō. The adoption of shikigami narratives by the Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei Shrine to legitimize the legendary exploits of past figures highlights the effect of shikigami narratives on the way that religious institutions of Onmyōdō construct their religious identity and practices, and illustrates mutual influences between religion and literature.

Since the earliest record in eleventh century texts to twenty-first century mass media, shikigami is generally portrayed as an enigmatic figure that remains intriguing in its position as a formidable supernatural force of unknown origins that is completely obedient to the commands of its human master, the onmyōji. Changing textual constructions of shikigami that have been shaped by the historical developments of Onmyōdō and pictorial influences in the form of emaki, produced different interpretations of what shikigami represents. Such diverse interpretations of

4

Shimura Kunihiro, Abe no seimei kōden (Osaka: Abe Ōji Jinja, 2005), 26.

91

CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

shikigami is made more complex in contemporary times with new forms of influences on shikigami narratives, caused by the increasing exposure of Onmyōdō in mass media and the contribution of new interpretations of shikigami by the Japanese popular culture of anime, manga, novels, games, dramas and movies. My study of shikigami narratives reveals a fluid environment in the interaction between religion, literature and history where textual constructions of shikigami remains an on-going process that is relevant in contemporary times as long as literary narratives continue to reflect social and cultural practices.

92

_________________ SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

_________________

93

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Adolphson, Mikael. “Institutional Diversity and Religious Integration: The Establishment of Temple Networks in the Heian Age.” In Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, edited by Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens and Stacie Matsumoto, 212-44. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007. Adolphson, Mikael, Edward Kamens, and Stacie Matsumoto, eds. Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007. Aramata Hiroshi. Onmyōji. Tokyo: Shueisha, 2002. Asano, Haruji. “Offerings in Daoist Rituals.” In Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, edited by Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 274-94. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002. Atsumi Kaoru, ed. Genpeijōsuiki (zenrokusatsu) dai-ni-satsu (kendaikyū - kendai jūroku). Tokyo: Bensey Publishing, 1978. Bathgate, Micheal. The Fox’s Craft in Japanese Religion and Folklore: Shapeshifters, Transformations, and Duplicities. New York: Routledge, 2004. Bialock, David T. Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories: Narrative, Ritual, and Royal Authority from The Chronicles of Japan to The Tale of Heike. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007. Blacker, Carmen. The Catalpa Bow: A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan. Great Britain: Unwin Hyman, 1986. Bock, Felicia G., trans. and annotator. Classical Learning and Taoist Practices in Early Japan with a Translation of Books XVI and XX of the Engi-Shiki. Phoenix: Arizona State University Center for Asian Studies, 1985. Butler, Lee A. “The Way of Yin and Yang. A Tradition Revived, Sold, Adopted.” Monumenta Nipponica 51 (Summer 1996): 189-217. Endō Katsumi. Kinsei onmyōdō-shi no kenkyū. Shintei zōho han. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu Ōraisha, 1994. Evan-Pritchard, E.E. Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Azande. Abridged version. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976. Finke, Roger. “The Consequences of Religious Competition: Supply-side Explanations for Religious Change.” In Rational Choice Theory and Religion, edited by Lawrence A. Young, 46-65. New York: Routledge, 1997. Grapard, Allan G. “Religious practices.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 51775. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

94

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Harima Mitsutoshi, Iso Mizue, Kobayashi Yasuharu, Tajima Katsuo, and Mita Akihiro, eds. Zokukojidan. Tokyo: Ōfū, 2002. Hasegawa Yasutaka. Osaka abe no seimei jinja: kankei shiryō-shū. Osaka: Abe Ōji Jinja, 2005. Hayashi Jun, and Koike Junichi, eds. Onmyōdō no kōgi. Tokyo: Sagano Shoin, 2002. Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo, eds. Dai-nihon kokiroku: shōyūki jū. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1986. Hu Xin Sheng. Zhongguo gudai wushu. Jinan: Shandong Renmin Publishing, 1999. Hurst, G. Cameron. “Insei.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 576-643. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Iannaccone, Lawrence R. “Rational Choice: Framework For The Scientific Study of Religion.” In Rational Choice Theory and Religion, edited by Lawrence A. Young, 25-45. New York: Routledge, 1997. Ikado Fujio, eds. Seikai shūkyō sōran. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu Ōraisha, 1994. Ikegami Shunichi, ed. Konjaku mongatari-shu 1. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. ———. Konjaku mongatari-shū 3. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. ———. Konjaku mongatari-shū 4. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. ———. Konjaku mongatari-shū 5. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993. Inoue Mitsusada, ed. Nihon rekishi taikei 1: genshi, kodai. Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppan, 1984. Ishikuro Yoshijirō. “Hōkinaiden-kinugyokuto-shū.” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. Tokushū 853: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 105-8. Kawabata Hiroyuki. Makai Kyōto: Abe no seimei to heian-kyō kitan. Kyoto: Mitsumura Suiko Shoin, 2004. Kawabata Yoshiaki, and Araki Hiroshi, annotators. Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 41: kojidan, zokukojidan. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2005. Kawaguchi Hisao, trans. and annotator. Shin-sarugakuki. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1983. Kisala, Robert. “Japanese Religions.” In Nanzen Guide to Japanese Religions, edited by Paul L. Swanson and Clark Chilson, 3-13. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006.

95

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Kitagawa, Joseph M. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. Kobayashi Yasuhara, and Masuko Kazuko, trans. and annotators. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 50: uji-shui monogatari. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1996. Kobe setsuwa kenkyū-kai, ed. Zokukojidan chūkai. 1st ed. Osaka: Wasen Shoin, 1994. Kohn, Livia, and Harold D. Roth, eds. Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002. Koizumi Hiroshi, ed. Koten-bunko dai-ni-hachi-san-satsu, hōbutsu-shū: chūsei koshahon sanshu. Tokyo: Kotenbunko, 1971. ———. Kichō koten-seki zōkan 8, koshōhon: hōbutsu-shū. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1973. Komatsu Kazuhiko. Hyōrei shinkōron. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1994. ———. “Jujutsu no sekai: Onmyōji no noroi-chōbuku.” In Nihon rekishi minzoku ronshū 9: saigi to jujutsu, edited by Yamaori Tetsuo and Miyamoto Kesao, 280314. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994. Komatsu Shigemi, Shinbo Tōru, and Shimatani Shiroyuki, eds. Zokuzoku nihonemaki-taisei 4: hōyake amida-engi; fudōriyaku-engi. Tokyo: Chūōkōronsha, 1995. Komine Kazuaki, and Mori Masato, eds. and trans. Nihon no bungaku, koten-hen: konjaku monogatari-shū. 2 vols. Tokyo: Horupo Shuppan, 1987. Komine Kazuaki, ed. Konjaku monogatari-shū; uji-shui monogatari. Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1991. ———. annotator. Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 36: konjaku monogatari-shū yon. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994. ———. ed. Konjaku monogatari-shū sakuin. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2001. Kornicki, Peter Francis, and Ian James McMullen, eds. Religion in Japan: Arrows to heaven and earth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Kuroda, Toshio. “Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion.” In Religion and Society in Modern Japan, edited by Mark R. Mullins, Shimazono Susumu and Paul J. Swanson, 7-30. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1993. Mabuchi Kazuo, Kunisaki Fumimaro, and Konno Tōru, eds and trans. Nihon kotenbungaku zenshū 23: konjaku monogatari-shū 3. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1974.

96

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Mabuchi Kazuo, Inagaki Taiichi, and Kunisaki Fumimaro, eds. and trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 37: konjaku monogatari-shū 3. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001. Mageo, Jeannette Marie, and Alan Howard, eds. Spirits in Culture, History and Mind. New York: Routledge, 1996. Masuo Shinichirō. “Shodō to sono michi no mono.” In Konjaku monogatari-shū wo yomu, edited by Komine Kazuaki, 187-211. Tokyo: Kōbunkan, 2008. Matsuo Mashie, annotator. Genpeijōsuiki (ni): daiyichi-go dai-jūkyū-kai haihon, chūsei no bungaku. Tokyo: Miyai Shoten, 1993. Matsuo Satoshi, and Nagai Kazuko, eds. and trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 18: makura-no sōshi. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1997. McCullough, Helen Craig, and William H. McCullough. A Tale of Flowering Fortunes: Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period. 2 vols. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980. McCullough, Helen Craig, trans. Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, Fujiwara Michinaga (966-1027) and His Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. ———. “Aristocratic culture.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 390-448. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. McCullough, William H. “The Heian court, 794-1070.” and “The capital and its society.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 20-182. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. McKinney, Meredith, trans. Sei Shōnagon: The Pillow Book. London: Penguin Books, 2006. McMullen, Ian James. “The Worship of Confucius in ancient Japan.” In Religion in Japan: Arrows to heaven and earth, edited by Peter Francis Kornicki and Ian James McMullen, 39-77. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Miki Sumito, and Asami Kazuhiko, eds. Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 42: uji-shūi monogatari: furuhon setsuwa-shū. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1990. Mills, D. E. A Collection of Tales from Uji: A Study and Translation of Uji Shūi Monogatari. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Mitamura, Keiko. “Daoist Hand Signs and Buddhist Mudras.” In Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, edited by Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 235-55. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002.

97

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Mitani Eiichi, Mitani Kuniaki, and Inaga Keiji, trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 17: ochikubo monogatari, Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2000. Miura Ryū. “Onmyōdo to majinai.” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. 853 Tokushū: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67 No. 6 (June 2002): 32-35. Miyamoto Kesao. “Tsukimono no shikō: sono yobi no kenkyū.” In Nihon rekishi minzoku ronshū 9: saigi to jujutsu, edited by Yamaori Tetsuo and Miyamoto Kesao, 238-60. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994. Moerman, D. Max. “The Archeology of Anxiety: An Underground History of Heian Religion.” In Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, edited by Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens and Stacie Matsumoto, 245-71. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007. Morris, Ivan, trans. The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon. London: Penguin Books, 1971. Murayama Shūichi. Nihon onmyōdō-shi sōsetsu. Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1994. ———. “Nihon no onmyōdō to abe no seimei.” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. 853 Tokushū: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6. (June 2002): 13-19. Nakamura Akiko. “Onmyōdō kanren nenpyō.” In Abe no seimei to onmyōdō, edited by Katsuaki Yamashita, 108-9. Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, 2004. Nickerson, Peter. “„Opening the Way‟: Exorcism, Travel, and Soterology in Early Daoist Mortuary Practice and Its Antecedents.” In Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, edited by Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 58-73. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002. Ohashi Shintaro, ed. Kōtei genpeijōsuiki: teigoku bunko daigohen. Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1893. Oka Kazuo, ed. Nihon koten-sen: ōkagami. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1977. Okiura Kazuteru. Onmyōji no genzō: minshū-bunka no henkai wo aruku. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2004. Ōshima Tatehiko, annotator. Shinchō nihon koten-shusei (dai-nana-ichi-kai): uji-shui monogatari. Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1985. Ōwa Iwao. Oni to tennō. Tokyo: Hakusuisha, 1992. Payne, Richard K. “The Ritual Culture of Japan: Symbolism, Ritual, and the Arts.” In Nanzen Guide to Japanese Religions, edited by Paul L. Swanson and Clark Chilson, 235-256. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006.

98

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Potter, David. Prophets and Emperors: Human and Divine Authority from Augustus to Theodosius. London: Harvard University Press, 1994. Pounds, Wayne. “Enchi Fumiko and the Hidden Energy of the Supernatural.” The Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese 24, no. 2 (November 1990): 167-183. Rappaport, Roy A. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Reader, Ian, and George Jr. Tanabe. Practically Religious: Worldly Benefits and the Common Religion of Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998. Reader, Ian. “Folk Religion.” In Nanzen Guide to Japanese Religions, edited by Paul L. Swanson and Clark Chilson, 65-90. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006. Rizō, Takeuchi. “The rise of the warriors.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 644-710. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Saitō Hideki. Abe no seimei: onmyō no dassha-nari. Kyoto: Mineruvä Shobō, 2004. Saitō Rei. Ōchō-jidai no onmyōdō. Tokyo: Meicho Kankōkai, 2007. Sasakawa Rinbū, and Yano Tarō, eds. and trans. Shiryō taisei: shōyūki san. Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki, 1935. Seimei Shrine. Gosaijin abe no seimei kōhiden: heisei-jūni-bone (jun)nen honreki. Kyoto: Tsuchimikado Bunshohensansho, 2007. Sherkat, Darren E. “Embedding Religious Choices: Integrating Preferences and Social Constraints into Rational Choice Theories of Religious Behavior.” In Rational Choice Theory and Religion, edited by Lawrence A. Young. New York: Routledge, 1997. Shigeta Shinichi. Heian kizoku to onmyōji: abe no seimei no rekishi minzokugaku. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2005. ———. Abe no seimei: onmyōji-tachi no heian-jidai. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2006. Shimada Shigenori. “Kudō no kenkyū (3).” In Nihon rekishi minzoku ronshū 9: saigi to jujutsu, edited by Yamaori Tetsuo and Miyamoto Kesao, 238-60. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994. Shimura Kunihiro. Abe no seimei kōden. Osaka: Abe Ōji Jinja, 2005.

99

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Shively, Donald H., and William H. McCullough, eds. The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Smits, Ivo. “The Way of the Literati: Chinese Learning and Literary Practice in MidHeian Japan.” In Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, edited by Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens and Stacie Matsumoto, 105-28. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007. ———. “An early anthropologist? Ōe no Masafusa‟s A record of fox spirits.” In Religion in Japan: Arrows to heaven and earth, edited by Peter Kornicki, Peter Francis and Ian James McMullen, 78-89. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Stark, Rodney. “Bringing Theory Back In.” In Rational Choice Theory and Religion, edited by Lawrence A. Young, 3-23. New York: Routledge, 1997. Suwa Haruo. Abe no seimei densetsu. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 2000. Suzuki Ikkei. “Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite.” Shūkyō gakuron-shū 20 (April 1998): 49-60. ———. “Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai.” Shūkyō gakuron-shū 21 (March 2001): 25-44. ———. Onmyōdo: jujutsu to kishin no seikai. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 2002. Tachibana Kenji, and Katō Shizuko, eds. and trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zen-shū 34: ōkagami, Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1996. Taira Yasuyori, ed. Hōbutsu-shū: koshōhon. Tokyo: Kadogawa Shoten, 1973. Takahara Toyoaki. Seimei densetsu to kibi no onmyōji. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 2001. Takiguchi, Naoko. “Liminal Experiences of Miyako Shamans: Reading a Shaman's Diary.” Asian Folklore Studies 49, no. 1 (1990): 1-38. http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=03852342%281990%2949%3A1%3C1%3ALEOMSR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M. (accessed March 7, 2008). Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in popular beliefs in sixteenth and seventeenth century England. Great Britain: Redwood Press, 1971. Toya Manabu. Onmyōdo towa nanika: nihon rekishi wo jubakusuru shinpi no genri. Tokyo: PHP Kenkyūjo, 2006. Toyoshima Yasukuni. “Shikigami.” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō. Tokushū 853: onmyōji, abe no seimei to sono shūhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 137-8.

100

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Tsuchiya, Masaaki. “Confessions of Sins and Awareness of Self in Taiping jing.” In Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, edited by Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 39-57. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002. Tsukamoto Tetsuzō, ed. Genpeijōsuiki jō. Tokyo: Yūhōdō Shoten, 1927. Tyler, Royall, ed. and trans. Japanese Tales. New York: Pantheon Books, 2002. Ury, Marian. Tales of Times Now Past: Sixty-Two Stories from a Medieval Japanese Collection. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979. ———. “Chinese learning and intellectual life.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 341-89. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Watanabe Tsunaya, and Nishio Kōichi, annotators. Nihon koten-bungaku taikei 27: uji-shui monogatari. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1960. Weinstein, Stanley. “Aristocratic Buddhism.” In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan, edited by Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 449-516. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Whitehouse, Wilfrid, and Yanagisawa Eizo, trans. Ochikubo monogatari or The Tale of the Lady Ochikubo. Tokyo: The Hokuseido Press, 1965. Winstead, Karen A., ed. and trans. Chaste Passions: Medieval English Virgin Martyr Legends. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000. Yamaori Tetsuo, and Miyamoto Kesao, eds. Nihon rekishi minzoku ronshū 9: saigi to jujutsu. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994. Yamashita Katsuaki. Heian-jidai no shūkyōbunka to onmyōdō. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 1996. ———. ed. Abe no seimei to onmyōdō. Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, 2004. Yanagihara Toshiaki. “Muromachi-jidai no onmyōdō.” In Onmyōdō no kōgi, edited by Hayashi Jun and Koike Junichi, 123-140. Tokyo: Sagano Shoin, 2002. Young, Lawrence A. ed. Rational Choice Theory and Religion. New York: Routledge, 1997.

DICTIONARIES: A Chinese-English Dictionary (Revised Edition), ed. Wei Dong Ya. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 1997.

101

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Dōkyō no daijiten: dōkyō no sekai wo yomu, ed. Sakaide Sachinobu. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu Ōraisha, 1994. Heian-jidai-shi jiten: honhen jō: a-so, eds. Tsunoda Bunei, Kodaigaku-kyōkai, and Kodaigaku-kenkyūjo. Tokyo: Kadogawa Shoten, 1994. Heian-jinmei jiten: chōhō ni-nen, ed. Makino Hirozō. Tokyo: Koka Shoten, 1993. Japanese-English Buddhist Dictionary, eds. R. Huntington, and Murano Senchu. Tokyo: Daitō Publishing Company, 1984. Kyoto dajiten, eds. Sawa Ryūken. Kyoto: Tankosha, 1984. Kōjien, 4th ed., ed. Shinmura Izuru. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1991. Kōjien, 6th ed., ed. Shinmura Izuru. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008. Kokushi daijiten, Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1979-97. Mikkyō jiten: zen, eds. Sawa Ryūken. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1975. Nihon kodai shizoku jiten, ed. Saeki Arikyo. Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1994. Nihon kokugo daijiten, Vol. 9. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1976. Nihon kokugo daijiten, 2nd ed., Vol. 6. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001. Nihon koten-bungaku daijiten, eds. Ōsone, Shōsuke, Hinotani Teruhiko, Horiuchi Hideaki, and Hattori Yukio. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1998. Nihon minzoku shūkyō jiten, eds. Sasaki Kōkan, and Miyada Minoru. Tokyo: Tokyodō Shuppan, 1998. Nihon shūkyō jiten, ed. Ono Yasuhiro. Tokyo: Hirofumidō, 1985. Seisen-ban: nihon kokugo daijiten, 2 vols., ed. Shōgakukan kokugo jiten henshūbu. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2006. Sekai shūkyō jiten. Tokyo: Tamashiki Kaisha, 1953. Shinwaei daijiten, 4th ed., ed. Masuda Tsuna. Tokyo: Kenkyūsha. 1983. Zhongguo fangshu dacidian, eds. Chen Yong Zheng, Gu Jian Qing, Zhang Gui Guang, and Zhang Jie Min. Guangdong: Zhongshan University Publishing, 1991. Zuixin hanyu dacidian. Selangor: United Publishing House (M) SDN.BHD, 1997.

102

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

INTERNET SOURCES: Abe no Seimei Shrine. http://moura.jp/uranai/abeseimeijinja/ (accessed July 11, 2008). Columbia University, Columbia Center for Japanese Religion. “Onmyōdō Symposium 2009.” http://www.columbia-cjr.org/upcoming-events/ommyodosymposium-2009 (accessed May 1, 2009). Seimei Shrine. http://www.seimeijinja.jp/ (accessed March 9, 2008).

103

_________________ APPENDIX ONE

_________________ SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES

104

Text Makura-no sōshi (枕草子 )

Excerpts from text

English translations

Details: Entry 176. Title of diary entry: “宮にはじめてま Title of diary entry: “176: When I first went into court service”3 ゐりたるころ”1 “...薄さ濃さそれにもよらぬはなゆゑ “...I was caught between delight and dismay, and filled に憂き身のほどを見るぞわびしきなほ again with a fierce resentment at whoever had sneezed the night before. こればかり啓しなほさせたまへ。式の 神もおのづから。いとかしこし」と We may judge a flower て、まゐらせて後にも、「うたて、を by the strength or weakness of its hue – りしも、などてさはたありけむ」と、 but that red nose bloomed false. 2 And so my flowering heart withers alone いと嘆かし。” To find itself in misjudged misery. „Please take this to Her Majesty to lift her spirits,‟ I said, and added, „The god of divination knows all. I stand in great awe of him...‟”4 Title of diary entry: “116: When I First Went into Waiting”5 “...My emotions were a jumble of delight and dismay, and once again I wished I could find out who had sneezed on

1

Matsuo Satoshi and Nagai Kazuko, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 18: makura-no sōshi (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1997), 314. Ibid. 3 McKinney, Sei Shōnagon, 173. 4 Ibid. 5 Ivan Morris, trans., The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1971), 191. 2

APPENDIX 1: SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES

Date of completion 1001-1002

105

the previous night. „Please give Her Majesty the following reply,‟ I said, „and help me to make up for the harm that has been done. “A simple sneeze might give the lie To one whose love is small, But sad indeed that she who truly loves, Should suffer from so slight a thing! The curse of God Shiki is of course very terrible.”6 978-1032

Shō yū ki ( 小右記 )

Details: Section (御悩事) of chapter 20, Details: Section, “Troubles” of chapter 20, “Extraordinary Events, Part 10” 9 (臨時十). Title of diary entry: Officials 10 Title of diary entry: “臣下”7 nd th “(長保二年五月) 同年同月ハ日、左府 (Chōhō era 2 year 5 month) Same year, same month, eighth day, it is said that shikigami was the cause of the 所悩式神所致云々事。”8 Minister of the Left‟s troubles.11

1052

6

Shinsarugakuki (新猿楽記 )

Title of tale: “十君夫 陰陽 ”12

“ 十 君 夫 者 、 陰 陽 先 生 、 賀 茂 道 世 The tenth occupation was an onmyōji by the name of 也。... 占覆物者，如見目。推物恠者、 Kamo no Michiyo... who was able to freely summon the 如指掌。進退十二神将、前後卅六禽。 twelve guardian deities, call thirty-six types of wild birds to his side, control shikigami, create spells and talisman,

Morris, The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon, 191. Tokyo daigaku shiryō-hensanjō, Dai-nihon kokiroku: shōyūki jū, 134. 8 Ibid. 9 The translation is mine. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Kawaguchi, Shin-sarugakuki, 132. 7

Title of tale: The tenth occupation, Onyō14

106

仕式神、造符治。開閉鬼神之目、出入 open and close the eyes of kijin (demon god), manipulate able 男女之魂。凡都藍反閉究術、祭紀解除 human souls... Although he had a human form, he was 15 to communicate mentally with otherworldly beings. 致驗。地鎭・謝罪・呪術・厭法等之上 手也。... 所以形雖稟人躰、心通達鬼 神。”13 Mid-11th Ōkagami century to (大鏡 ) early 12th century

14

Details: Scroll 1. Title of tale: “六十五代 花山院師貞” 16

Title of tale: “The Sixty-fifth Reign: Emperor Kazan” 18

“...且、式神一人内裏にまゐれ」と申 ければ、目には見えぬものの、戸をお しあけて、御後をや見まゐらせけむ、 「ただ今、これより過ぎさせおはしま すめり」といらへけりとかや。その 家、土御門町口なれば、御道なりけ り。”17

“... “One of you spirits had better go on ahead to the Palace,” Seimei said. And they tell me that an invisible person pushed open the door and answered, “It looks as though His Majesty has just passed the house.” (He may have seen the Emperor‟s retreating figure. Seimei‟s residence was at the intersection of Tsuchimikado and Machiguchi, so it was on the way.)”19

The translation is mine. Kawaguchi, Shin-sarugakuki, 132. 15 The translation is mine. 16 Tachibana and Katō, Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zen-shū 34: ōkagami, 44. 17 Ibid., 44-47. 18 McCullough, Ōkagami: The Great Mirror, 80. 19 Ibid., 81. 13

107

1120

20

Konjaku monogatarishū (今昔物語集)

Details: Scroll 24, Tale 16. Title of tale: “安倍晴明随忠行習道語第 Title of tale: The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under Tadayuki, Tale 1625 十六”20 1. “...晴明ガ思ハク、「此法師ハ此道 ニ賢キ奴二コソ有ヌレ。其レガ我ヲ試 ムト来タル也。此奴ニ弊ク被試テハ口 惜カリナムカシ。試ニ此法師少シ引キ 掕ゼム。」ト思フ。「此法師ノ共ナル 二人ノ童ハ識神ニ仕テ来タルナリ。若 シ識神ナラバ忽ニ召シ隠セ」ト心ノ内 ニ念ジテ、袖ノ内ニ二ノ手ヲ引入テ、 印ヲ結、密ニ咒ヲ読ム。” 21

1. “...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two boys seemed to be genies. Seimei prayed silently that if they were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell and made the appropriate passes under his sleeves.” 26

2. “...其時ニ晴明ガ...袖ニ手ヲ引入テ、 物ヲ読ム様ニシテ暫ク有ケレバ、外ノ 方ヨリ此童部二人乍ラ走入テ、法師ノ 前ニ出来タリケリ。其ノ時ニ法師ノ云 ク、「誠ニ止事無ク御座ス由ヲ承ハリ テ、「試ミ奉ラム」ト思給へテ、参リ 候ツル也。其ニ、識神ハ古ヨリ仕フ事 ハ安ク候フナリ。人ノ仕タルヲ隠ス事 ハ更ニ可有クモ不候ハ。穴忝。今ヨリ

2. “... Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly the two boys came running up to their master from somewhere outside. “It‟s true, sir,” the monk said, “I did mean to test you. It‟s easy to keep genies, but I couldn‟t possibly make someone else‟s genies disappear. Please let me be your disciple.” Seimei accepted him on the spot.”27

108

Mabuchi Kazuo, Inagaki Taiichi, and Kunisaki Fumimaro, eds. and trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 37: konjaku monogatari-shū 3 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001), 283. This is the same tale as Tale 127 in Uji-shui monogatari. 21 Ibid., 284.

偏ニ御弟子ニテ候ハム」ト云テ、忽ニ 名符ヲ書テナム取セタリケル。”22 3. “...亦、此晴明広沢ノ寛朝僧正ト申 ケル人ノ御房ニ参テ、物申シ承ハリケ ル間、若キ君達僧共有テ、晴明ニ物語 ナドシテ云ク、「其識神ヲ仕ヒ給フナ ルハ。忽ニ人ヲバ殺シ給フラムヤ」 ト。晴明、「道ノ大事ヲ此現ニモ問ヒ 給フカナ」ト云テ、「安クハ否不殺。 少シ力ダニ入テまつら (扌+羕+灬):へ バ必ズ殺シテム。虫ナドヲバ塵許ノ事 セムニ、必ズ殺シツべキニ、生ク様ヲ 不知バ、罪ヲ得ヌベケレバ、由無キ 也」ナド云フ程ニ、庭ヨリ蝦蟆ノ五ツ 六ツ許踊ツヽ、池ノ辺様ニ行ケルヲ、 君達、「然ハ彼レ一ツ殺シ給ヘ。試 ム」ト云ケレバ、晴明、「罪造リ給君 カナ。然ルニテモ、『試ミ給ハム』ト 有レバ」トテ、草ノ葉ヲ摘切テ、物ヲ 読様ニシテ蝦蟆ノ方ヘ投遣タリケレ バ、其ノ草ノ葉蝦蟆ノ上ニ懸ルト見ケ 25

The translation is mine. Tyler, Japanese Tales, 84. 27 Ibid., 85. 22 Mabuchi, Inagaki, and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-shū 3, 285. 28 Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83. 26

3. “Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a young monk in the prelate‟s entourage said he had heard that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he could kill a man easily. “Not easily, no,” Seimei replied. “It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small creature readily enough, but I can‟t see any point in doing so. Since I wouldn‟t know how to bring it back to life, I‟d just end up committing a sin.” ...He picked up a blade of grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog. The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The monks looking on turned pale with fear.”28

109

ル程ニ、蝦蟆ハ真平ニ[missing text] テ 死タリケル。僧共此ヲ見テ、色ヲ失テ ナム恐ヂ怖レケル。”23 4. “...此晴明ハ、家ノ内ニ人無キ時ハ 識神ヲ仕ケルニヤ有ケム、人モ無キ ニ、蔀上ヂ下ス事ナム有ケル。亦、門 モ差ス人モ無カリケルニ、被差ナムド ナム有ケル。此様ニ希有ノ事共多カ リ、トナム語リ伝フル。.... 其孫近ク 成マデ識神ノ音ナドハ聞ケリ。然レ バ、晴明尚只物ニハ非リケリ、トナム 語リ伝へタルトヤ。”24 1120

23

Konjaku monogatarishū (今昔物語集)

Details: Scroll 24, Tale 19. Title of tale: “幡磨国陰陽師智徳法師語 Title of tale: The Tale of Chitoku, the onmyōji from Harima32 第十九” 30 “...然レバ、智徳極テ怖シキ奴ニテ有 ケルニ、晴明ニ会テゾ識神ヲ被隠タリ ケル。然レドモ、其ハ其ノ法ヲ不知バ 不幣。”31

Mabuchi, Inagaki, and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-shū 3, 286-7. Ibid. 29 The translation is mine. 30 Mabuchi, Inagaki and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-shū 3, 291. 31 Ibid., 293. 24

4. It is said that this Abe no Seimei commanded shikigami when there was no one in his house. Curtain blinds will raise and fall of their own and doors will open and shut even when no one is around. Such unusual occurrences were frequent and were passed down by word of mouth. ... Till today, the descendents can still hear the shikigami in the Tsuchimikado house.29

Chitoku was an extremely fearsome fellow but when he met Seimei, his shikigami were concealed by him. This was only because Chitoku had no knowledge of that magic. 33

110

1213-1221

32

Uji-shūi monogatari (宇治拾遺物 語)

Details: Scroll 11:3, Tale 126. Title of tale: “晴明を試みる僧の事”34

Title of tale: “The Test”37

1. “... 晴 明 が 思 ふ や う 、 「 こ の 法 師 は、かしこき者にこそあるめれ。我を 試みんとて来たる者なり。それに悪く 見えては悪かるべし。この法師少し引 きまさぐらん」と思ひて、「供なる童 部は、式神を使ひて来たるなめりか し。式神ならば召し隠せ」と心の中に 念じて、袖の内にて印を結びて、ひそ かに咒を唱ふ。”35

1. “...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two boys seemed to be genies. Seimei prayed silently that if they were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell and made the appropriate passes under his sleeves.” 38

2. “...その折、法師の申すやう、「ま ことに試み申しつるなり。使ふ事はや すく候ふ。人の使ひたるを隠す事は、 さらにかなふべからず候ふ。今より は、ひとくに御弟子になりて候はん」 といひて、懐より名簿引き出でて取ら せけり。” 36

2. “...Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly the two boys came running up to their master from somewhere outside. “It‟s true, sir,” the monk said, “I did mean to test you. It‟s easy to keep genies, but I couldn‟t possibly make someone else‟s genies disappear. Please let me be your disciple.” Seimei accepted him on the spot.”39

111

The translation is mine. Although Royall Tyler had translated the title as “The Spellbound Pirates” in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), his translated title did not accurately reflect the meaning of the original title. 33 The translation is mine. Tyler‟s loose translation of this tale did not include this sentence. 34 Kobayashi Yasuhara, and Masuko Kazuko, trans. and annotate., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zenshū 50: uji-shui monogatari (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1996), 335. 35 Ibid., 335-6. 36 Ibid., 336. 37 Tyler, Japanese Tales, 84. 38 Ibid., 85. 39 Ibid.

1213-1221

112

40 41

Uji-shūi monogatari (宇治拾遺物 語)

Details: Scroll 11: 3, Tale 127. Title of tale: “晴明かへるを殺す事”40 1. “この晴明、ある時、広沢の僧正の 御房に参りて物申し承りける間、若き 僧どもの晴明にいふやう、「式神を使 ひ給ふなるは、たちまちに人をば殺し 給ふや」といひければ、「やすくはえ 殺さじ。力を入れて殺してん」とい ふ。「さて虫なんどをば、少しの事せ んに必ず殺しつべし。さて生くるやう を知らねば、罪を得つべければ、さや うの事よしなし」といふ程に、庭に蛙 の出で来て、五つ六つばかり躍りて池 の方ざまへ行きけるを、「あれ一つ、 さらば殺し給へ。試みん」と僧のいひ ければ、「罪を作り給ふ御坊かな。さ れども試み給へば、殺して見せ奉ら ん」とて、草の葉を摘み切りて、物を 誦むやうにして蛙の方へ投げやりけれ ば、その草の葉の、蛙の上にかかりけ れば、蛙真平にひしげて死にたりけ り。これを見て、僧どもの色変りて、 恐ろしと思ひけり。”41

Title of tale: “One Frog Less”43 1. “Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a young monk in the prelate‟s entourage said he had heard that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he could kill a man easily. “Not easily, no,” Seimei replied. “It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small creature readily enough, but I can‟t see any point in doing so. Since I wouldn‟t know how to bring it back to life, I‟d just end up committing a sin.” ...He picked up a blade of grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog. The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The monks looking on turned pale with fear.”44

Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 337. This is the same tale as Tale 16 in Konjaku monogatari-shū. Ibid.

2. “家の中に人なき折は、この式神を 2. [Seimei] was said to command these shikigami when 使ひけるにや、人もなきに蔀を上げ下 there was no one in his house. Even when nobody was around [in his house], shutters would be raised and lowered し、門をさしなどしけり。”42 and doors would be shut.45 1213-1221

43

Uji shūi monogatari (宇治拾遺物 語)

Details: Scroll 2: 8 Tale 26. Title of tale: “晴明、蔵人少将封ずる Title of tale: Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor Captain‟s curse49 事”46 1. “...蔵人少将とて、まだ若く花やか なる人の、みめまことに清げにて、車 より降りて内に参りたりける程に、こ の少将の上に鳥の飛びて通りけるが、 穢土をしかけけるを、晴明きと見て、 「あれは、世にもあひ、年なども若く て、みめもよき人にこそあんめれ。式 にうてけるにか。この鳥は式神にこそ ありけれ」と思ふに...”47

1. “...The chamberlain had hardly started toward the Great Hall when a passing crow dropped filth on him. “Oh dear,” thought Seimei, “he‟s so young and handsome, and so well received by everyone! What a pity that genie got him – because that bird certainly was a genie. Something awful seems to be in store for him!” 50

Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83. Ibid. 42 Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 337-8. 45 The translation is mine. Tyler did not include this sentence in his translation of the tale. 46 Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 83. 47 Ibid., 83-4. 49 The translation is mine. Tyler had translated the title as “The Genie” (Japanese Tales, 83) which I thought was too succinct and did not fully express the meaning in the original title. Tyler‟s use of the term “genie” could also undermine the actual functions and meanings of shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign concept of “genie” on shikigami. 50 Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82. 44

113

2. “...さてその少将は死なんとしける を、晴明が見つけて夜一夜祈りたりけ れば、そのふせける陰陽師のもとより 人の来て、高やかに「心の惑ひけるま まに、よしなくまもり強かりける人の 御ために仰せをそむかじとて式ふせ て、すでに式神かへりて、おのれ只今 式にうてて死に侍りぬ。すまじかりけ る事をして」といひけるを...”48

1219

48

Zokukojidan (続古事談)

Details: Scroll 2, Tale 8, Entry 44. Title of tale: “臣節”52

Title of tale: Section on Officials54

“...神泉の丑寅の角、冷泉院の未申の すみのついぢのうちに、胸、ついぢの 覆にあたるほどにたけたかきもの、三 人たちて、大臣、さきをふ声をきゝて はうつぶし、をはぬ時はさし出けり。 大臣、その心を得て、しきりにさきを をはしむ。ついぢをすぐるほどに、大 臣の名をよぶ。其後、ほどなく大事い

[He observed] as he reached the edge of the beam, three tall beings standing there concealed themselves in the shadows when they heard his approach and revealed themselves when there were no sounds. Takaakira detected the three beings‟ intent and purposely made loud sounds with his feet. Just as he passed the beam, the beings called out his name. Immediately after that, Takaakira encountered a grave matter and he was banished from the capital. “During the time of the Horse Racing festival at

Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 83-4. Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82-3. 52 Kawabata and Araki, Kojidan, zokukojidan, 655. 54 The translation is mine. 51

2. “.... After sunset Seimei kept his arms tight around the chamberlain and laid protective spells. He spent the night in endless, unintelligible muttering. The fall night was long. At dawn there was a knock on the door, and Seimei had the chamberlain send someone to answer. It was a messenger from the enemy diviner. The chamberlain‟s brother-in-law, who lived in another part of the house, was so jealous of the chamberlain that he had this diviner set a genie on the chamberlain to kill him. Seimei had spotted the genie. “The gentleman was so strongly protected,” the messenger loudly announced, “that the genie came back and killed my master instead!”51

114

できて、左遷せられけり。「神泉の競 馬の時、陰陽、識神を嘱してうづめる を、今に解除せず。その霊ありとなん いひつたへたる。いまもすぐべから ず」とぞ、ありゆきと云陰陽師は申け る。”53 End 14th Genpeijōsuiki century to (源平盛哀記) early 15th century

53

Details: Scroll 10 Title of tale: “中宮御産”56

Title of tale: The Empress‟s Birth 58

“...一条戻橋ト云ハ、昔安部晴明ガ天 文ノ渕源ヲ極テ、十二神将ヲ仕ニケル が、其妻職神ノかたちニ畏ケレバ、彼 十二神ヲ橋ノ下ニ呪シ置テ、用事ノ時 ハ召仕ケリ。是ニテ吉凶ノ橋占ヲ尋問 バ、必職神人ノ口ニ移リテ善悪ヲ示ス ト申ス。サレバ十二人ノ童部トハ、十 二神将ノ化現ナルベシ。”57

Ichijō-modori Bridge was said to be where in the past, Abe no Seimei, the greatest in the knowledge of astrology and able to command the twelve guardian deities (shinshō) but as his wife feared the appearance of shikigami, had used incantations to seal the twelve deities under the bridge and summoned them when he needed them. If you consult fortunes at the bridge [using the bridge augury], the shikigami will utter the fortunes through the mouths of passersby. Hence, the twelve children must be manifestations of the twelve guardian deities!59

Kawabata and Araki, Kojidan, zokukojidan, 655. The translation is mine. 56 Matsuo, Genpeijōsuiki (ni), 111. 57 Ibid., 111-112. 58 The translation is mine. 59 Ibid. 55

Shinsen, the shikigami that was buried by an onmyōji has yet to be removed. This spirit is making its presence known. Even now, that area should not be entered,” remarked an onmyōji named Ariyuki. 55

115