Spanish Word Formation: Productive derivational morphology in the modern lexis 0415041430, 9780203388426, 9780415041430

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Croom Helm Romance Linguistics Series

Editorial statement Routledge publish the Croom Helm Romance Linguistics Series under the editorship of Martin Harris (University of Essex) and Nigel Vincent (University of Manchester). Romance Philology and General Linguistics have followed sometimes converging sometimes diverging paths over the last century and a half. With the present series we wish to recognise and promote the mutual interaction of the two disciplines. The focus is deliberately wide, seeking to encompass not only work in the phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax and lexis of the Romance languages, but also studies in the history of Romance linguistics and linguistic thought in the Romance cultural area. Some of the volumes will be devoted to particular aspects of individual languages, some will be comparative in nature; some will adopt a synchronic and some a diachronic slant; some will concentrate on linguistic struc­ tures and some will investigate the sociocultural dimensions of language and language use in the Romance-speaking territories. Yet all will endorse the view that a General Lingustics that ignores the always rich and often unique data of Romance is as impoverished as a Romance Philology that turns its back on the insights of linguistics theory. The editors and publishers wish to draw this series to the attention of Romance scholars, who are invited to submit manuscripts or book-proposals that are in line with the objectives of the series to: Professor Martin Harris, Vice-Chancellor, University of Essex, Wivenhoe Park, Colchester, C04 3SQ, UK; or to Professor Nigel Vincent, Department of Linguistics, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 3PL, UK; or to Jonathan Price, Lingui !tics Editor, Routledge, 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UI..

Series Editors: Martin Harris, University of Essex and Nigel Vincent, University of Manchester

Structures and Transformations

Christopher J. Pountain Studies in the Romance Verb

Nigel Vincent and Martin Harris Weakening Processes in the History of Spanish Consonants

Raymond Harris-Northall Spanish Word Formation

M. P. Lang Tense and Text

Dulcie Engel

Spanish Word Formation

Spanish Word Formation Productive derivational morphology in the modern lexis M.F. Lang

o-v.L()o

t:
. "'

Franc\•

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cl':.

London and New York

F"Jrst published 1990 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge a division of Routledge, Taylor & Francis 270 Madison Ave,NewYorkNY 10016 Reprinted 1998, 2002 (twice) Transferred to Digital Printing 2006

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group © 1990 M. F. Lang 'IYPeset in 10/11 English Tunes, Compugraphic by Mayhew TYpesetting, Bristol All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Lang, M.P. (Mervyn Francis)

Spanish word formation : productive derivational

morphology in the modem lexis. - (Croom Helm

romance linguistic series)

1. Spanish language. Words I. Title

468.1

ISBN 0-415-04143-0

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Lang, M.P. (Mervyn F.) Spanish word formation : productive derivational morphology in the modem lexis I M.F. Lang. p. em. - (Croom Helm romance linguistics series)

Bibliography: p.

Includes index.

ISBN 0-415-04143-0

1. Spanish language - Morphology. 2. Spanish language - Word formation.

I. Title.

ll. Series.

PC417l. L36 1989 465 - dc20 89-10400

Preface

Part I The theoretical and historical framework

xt

1

3

3

11

1 Introduction 1.1 Approaches to word formation 1.2 Morphology and word formation types 1.3 The literature of Spanish word formation 1. 4 The phonological conditions 1. 5 Rules and constraints 1. 6 Rival systems and procedures 1. 7 Lexical creativity and style

25

32

35

38

2 Some recent theories of lexical morphology 2.1 Post generative theory - Halle 2.2 Aronoff's conditions and restraints 2.3 Level ordered morphology 2. 4 Extended morphology- hypothesis, conditions, blocking

42

42

45

50 55

Part n Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish

63

3 Compounding

65

65

72

15 78

81

85

88

3.1 Compound types and criteria 3.2 Orthographic noun compounds 3.3 Verb-noun complements 3. 4 Compound adjectives 3. 5 Syntagmatic compounds - binominals 3. 6 Prepositional link syntagmas 3. 7 Noun + adjective syntagmas

21

vii

Contents 4 Emotive suffixation 4.1 Types and structure 4.2 Diminutives 4.3 Augmentatives 4. 4 Pejoratives

91

91

101

109

117

5 Non-emotive suffixation 5.1 Classification and structure 5.2 Nominalisation 5.3 Deadjectival nominalisation 5. 4 Deverbal nominalisation 5.5 Back formation

123

123

131

136

140

146

6 Adjectivlsatlon and adverbiallsation 6.1 Denominal adjectivisation 6.2 Deverbal adjectivisation 6.3 Adjectives from adjectives 6. 4 Adverbialisation

150

151

155

159

161

7 Verballsation 7.1 Typology and structure 7.2 Taxonomy of suffixes 7.3 Verbs from verbs

163

163

164

167

8 Prefixation 8.1 Characteristics and function 8.2 Prefixes of negation 8.3 Locative prefixes 8. 4 Temporal prefixes 8.5 Prefixes of quantity and dimension 8. 6 Prefixes of intensification 8. 7 Prefixoids

168

168

170

174

177

178

179

181

9 Miscellaneous procedures 9.1 Parasynthesis 9.2 Gender derivation 9.3 Gentilic derivation 9. 4 Acronyms 9.5 Blends 9. 6 Clipping

185

185

188

191

196

198

200

Conclusion

202

viii

Contents Appendices

209 209 213

Lexical glossary

240

Notes

248

Bibliography

259 259 260

Appendix 1. Illustrative texts Appendix 2. Word formation in context

Journalistic and literary sources

Linguistic bibliography

Index

267

ix

The cultural fennent of present-day democratic Spain is as apparent in the changing shape of the language as it is in other spheres . It is particularly gratifying to be able to offer this study of Spanish word fonnation in a period of dynamic lexical innovation and creativity . Although the context of the work is current peninsular Spanish, it would be a great failing if attention were not also giv n to South American Spanish which, all in all , represents the Spanish of the future . It is hoped that the study is found not totally lacking in this regard . Without the patience of an interested group of mentors , coun­ sellors, and devil's advocates, this study would have languished without completion . I am especially indebted to the Series Editors for their faith and encouragement, to their perceptive readers , and to my colleagues Joaquim Llisterri and Santiago Alcoba of the Univer­ sidad Aut6noma of Barcelona, as well as to Malcolm Marsh of Salford University who at various stages read the manuscript and made invaluable suggestions for its improvement. Needless to say, any remaining shortcomings which the reader may find in the treat­ ment of this particularly complex and contentious area of linguistic analysis are indubitably my own . Mervyn Lang

xi

Part I

The theoretical and historical framework

1.1 Approaches to word formation As a branch of linguistic science, word formation is concerned with analysing and understanding the mechanisms by which the lexis is created and renewed. These mechanisms are mainly morphological, involving the combination of words and their subunits in various ways, although word creation may also involve other procedures such as borrowing words from other languages, the formation of new terms through the combining of initial letters of the names of institutions, generally known as acronymy, or the subtraction of units from words in processes known as back formation or clipping. The data with which word formation is concerned is to be found not only in the existing lexis of the language as recorded in the dictionary, but also in the neologistic terminology of science, technology, commerce, the mass media, in the creative language of modern literature, and in the colloquial and innovatory language of contemporary speech. In handling these sources of data, the approach may be diachronic, looking back to the etymological sources of word forming pro­ cedures and examining the dominant morphological patterns of the past; or it may be synchronic, referring to present-day tendencies which will determine the features of the vocabulary in the immediate future. It may be illuminating to combine these approaches as Marchand (1969), for example, has done to a certain extent in his exhaustive account of English word formation. Whether diachronic, synchronic, or both combined, a variety of criteria has to be applied in attempting to account adequately for the many regularities as well as the real or apparent irregularities which characterise the pro­ cedures of word formation . Etymological analysis can show which patterns are due to Greek or Latin sources and how word forming units evolved in meaning and function in the evolution of Castilian. Morphological criteria will be applied- in describing the actual permissible combinations of units, and these in turn are invariably 3

The theoretical and historical framework governed by the dominant sound features of the language requiring the application of the principles of phonology. Semantic considera­ tions have to be taken into account in explaining relationships between word components and the result of their combination with regard to meaning. Since the final result of these procedures is a new term which will require immediate or eventual entry in the dictionary, then lexicographical implications ensue. So word forma­ tion involves aspects of all the major divisions of linguistic analysis, making it a particularly complex area of study and bringing together many critical problems of present-day linguistic theory. Different schools of linguistics, while exploiting all such criteria, have tended to favour one or another at particular times. In the pre­ twentieth century diachronic focus, attention was concentrated on the striking transformations of the lexis over the centuries, and in particular on the way in which the vocabulary seemed to be struc­ tured in historical layers through successive periods of different ethnic influences. 1 Thus the constituent parts of the vocabulary of Spanish were perceived as being Latin, Greek, and Arabic words, as in the Arabic series in al- (algarroba, alguacil, al.filer, etc.), or word parts as in the latin suffix -tas (sinceritas, futilitas, gravitas, etc. ) which yielded the long Spanish abstract noun of quality series in -dad (sinceridad, futilidad, gravedad, etc. ). These historical criteria were reflected in the dictionary where the current forms of the entries were explained by their etymological origins, as exemplified in the Vox dictionary (1964): cuadragesimo naranja flameo monetario

(Latin quadragesimu)

(Arabic naranchi)

(Latin flammeu)

(Latin monetariu)

Although three of these items show compositional morphological structure the emphasis in the entry is on the etymology rather than on the structure. In the same way, in specific studies of word forma­ tion applied to individual languages, great attention is always paid to etymology, as for example in Tekavcic 's account of Italian deriva­ tional morphology, where the Latin and Greek sources of the components are given priority in the descriptions (Tekavcic: 1972). This emphasis is seen in the strongly diachronic approach of tradi­ tional studies of Spanish word formation as well as in the treatment of derivational morphology in traditional grammars. So, for exam­ ple, the comprehensive pedagogical grammar of Ragucci (1963) which distinguishes itself by the close attention given to an aspect of language often skirted in grammars, deals with it in a chapter headed: 4

Introduction Breves nociones de Etimolog(a. -Formacion de las palabras. -Derivacion, composicion y parastntesis. -Palabras primitivas y derivadas; simples, compuestas y parasinteticas. -Andlisis etimolOgico. In this approach , etymology and word formation are thus regarded as one, with suffixes and prefixes classified on an etymological basis (castellanos, Iatinos, griegos) . Similarly, the distinction of Latin, Greek, and Castilian is basic to the Spanish Academy ' s approach, as shown in the Gramdtica de Ia Lengua Espalfola of 1 93 1 . In the early twentieth century , the advent of Saussurian linguistics marked a change in emphasis away from the historical account of language to a synchronic descriptive approach , studying the systems and rules of the internal mechanisms of language, independently of the historical or ethno-cultural environment. Here, however, word formation was not in the forefront of interest; on the one hand it combined diachrony and synchrony which the new linguists were keen to keep separate, and on the other it was concerned with productive procedures going beyond synchrony and looking towards the future state of the language by way of lexical change and innova­ tion . In the post-Saussurian period , interest concentrated not on the word but on the minimal segments of speech as represented by the morpheme and the phoneme and analysed without close regard to their combination into larger units , and the very status of the word was questioned as a useful unit of analysis . 2 Just as the advent of Chomskian linguistics from the late 1 950s marked a dramatic innovation in general linguistic theory , it even­ tually did so also in the treatment of word formation . Although initially transformational-generative grammar was concerned with syntax in its attempts to explain the creativity and competence of the native speaker in producing and understanding an infinite number of new sentences, the problems posed by the plethora of structure models which emerged led to a new interest in the word, especially in its function as the lexical insertion component in deep structure and its syntactic relationship with the rest of the sentence . At the same time, by stressing the creative rather than the prescriptive aspect of the grammar, transformationalism could no more overlook the ability of the native speaker to speak and understand new words than it could the ability to construct and understand new sentences . As well as an innate grammatical faculty , the native speaker was perceived to be endowed with an inherent lexical competence, which is the basis of the lexicon and of neologistic terminology not yet recorded in the dictionary . In this way , from being marginal, word formation has come to play a central role in general linguistic

5

The theoretical and historical framework theory , and under the label of 'derivational' or 'lexical' morphology become the raw material of a wealth of modern theories evolving from transformational-generativism. 3 In the later development of transformational-generative gramma r, word formation ceased to be isolated from phrase structure and sentence formation. Indeed, 'the development of transformational or transformational-generative grammar from its beginnings up to the present can be seen, among other ways, as a progressive refinement of the structure of the lexical component' (Scalise 1984: 1). Follow­ ing the tenets of post Chomskian syntactic theory, the procedures involved in forming words were taken as being analogous to those involved in forming new sentences. The form of complex words was seen as itself containing syntactic structure, the derivative or compound being no more than a surface representation of this, a sort of graphic shortcut. Stemming from this, linguists enthusiastically applied transformational analysis to the lexis in an attempt to explain word formation on some logical basis. An example of this is the prolific work of Guilbert in French, both in the study of individual lexical subj ect areas and in the dictionary as a whole. 4 In Spanish this might be exemplified as follows, where a) = derivative lexeme and b) = underlying syntactic structure: a) portaaviones antenista Ia destrucci6n de Ia ciudad Ia fragilidad del vidrio

b) el el se el

barco transporta aviones hombre instala antenas destruye Ia ciudad vidrio es muy fraigil

In terms of transformational-generativism these represent surface realisations of transpositions from verb to noun structures. This approach may be specious in seeing everything in terms of deep structure and tending to be over-preoccupied with the verb and noun phrase relationship which fascinated the post Chomskian linguists . It tends, for example, to overlook other types of syntactic links in word formation, such as noun-noun (antenista) or adjective-noun (fragilidad ) structures and more seriously fails to allow for the semantic drift which characterises many derivations, apparent in the examples below: chupalamparas burlete caradura madreselva

=

= = =

*persona o aparato que chupa lamparas *una burla que es pequeiia *una cara que es dura *una madre de Ia selva, que habita Ia selva

These shortcomings of transformationalism applied to the lexis have been pointed out by Scalise and others. 5 On the other hand, the transformational treatment can often be enlightening , especially with 6

Introduction regard to the syntactic dimension, both from the point of view of insertion of the complex word in sentence structure, and with regard to the relationship between lexical constituents. For example, it has been shown that transitivity and intransitivity are important in dever­ bal formations: a) localizar - localizable desdefiar - desdefiable abatir - abatible

b) morir - *morible

desmayar - *desmayable

florecer - *florecible

The formations of a) are acceptable because the condition of tran­ sitivity of the verb base is observed, whereas in b) the formations are ill-formed since the bases do not satisfy the transitivity tequire­ ment of -ablel-ible attachment. The consideration of the possible underlying or deep structure implicit in a complex lexical structure can illuminate the nature of the relationship between the constituents: trotar lavar girar reposar

+ + + +

mundo vajilla sol cabeza

-

trotamundos

lavavajillas

girasol

reposacabezas

Formally, the above structures are identical V + N - N, but the syntactic relationship between the constituents show formations of different types: -

compound

deep structure

syntactic type

trotamundos

Ia persona trota por el mundo

el aparato lava Ia vajilla Ia flor gira al sol Ia cabeza reposa

prepositional

lavavajillas girasol reposacabezas

verb-object

prepositional

subject-verb

This allows analysis of types of verb-noun complements, leading to the pertinent observation that only the syntactic type represented by lavavajillas is synchronically productive. Suffixes likewise may be analysed according to their syntactic rela­ tionship with the base as revealed in deep structure:

derivative

deep structure

syntactic type

montafiero polvera Brasilefio actualizar

Ia persona escala montafias en eso se guardan polvos aquel vive en el Brasil hacer actual

verb-object

prepositional

prepositional

causative

Syntactic analysis of this kind can be used in helping to establish conditions in which particular concatenations of lexemes, or lexemes and derivational morphemes are likely to occur. They complement

7

The theoretical and historical framework the more obvious morphological parsing of the type [Adj + nominal suffix -eza) - abstract noun (diestro - destreza) and help to define and constrain where necessary specific word-formation rules. Where transformations fall short is in not explaining the non­ realisation of forms which morphologically are perfectly feasible: ese hombre instala antenas ese hombre instala persianas ese hombre instala cortinas

- es un antenista - es un persianista - es un *cortinista

Here we come up against the ' overgenerating' properties of transfor­ mations which if logically pursued would lead to the formation of incongruous or unacceptable structures, repeatedly so since it is a characteristic of word formation that its paradigms are highly irregular and incomplete. Nevertheless, to discard the transforma­ tional approach completely would be to ignore a useful albeit in certain respects deficient analytical method in the study of this complex area of language study. What is clear, as emphasised both in the transformational approach and in earlier considerations of word-formation, is that one of its main features is that it often involves a change of grammatical class between the primitive and the derivative: a) primitive alquilar campana indemnizar redondo

derivative

change of class

alquiladizo campaniforme indemnizaci6n redondez

verb noun verb adjective

-

adjective adjective noun noun

On the other hand, b) illustrates the many instances where no change of grammatical class in involved, with the derivation respecting the category of the primitive: b) capa + gorra plano charlar vino + cultor

capigorra extraplano charlotear vinicultor

noun adjective verb noun

-

noun adjective verb noun

The predominant pattern being a), the syntactic analysis based on change of grammatical class offers a convenient model of categorisa­ tion for the discussion of the principal word-forming patterns, with a broad division into class-changing types and non-class-changing types as in b). This approach also pays attention to the external syntax of the derivative or the compound in terms of its collocation in phrase or sentence structure, in addition to the fundamental consideration of the internal structure of the kind illustrated in a) and b) above. The lexical realisation of this inherent syntagmatic 8

Introduction structure is achieved through morphological rules of attachment, phonologically conditioned, producing complex words through affix­ ation or compounding from base primitives . From the 1970s, objections to the inadequacies of the transforma­ tional generative approach led to proposals removing word formation from structural grammar and dealing with it purely within the framework of the lexis, itself viewed as an important subcomponent of the basic grammar. This has produced lexicological and lexico­ graphical conclusions , where the native speakers are considered to be endowed both with syntagmatic awareness and lexical compet­ ence, enabling them to intuitively apply natively acquired lexical morphological rules in forming new vocabulary , without incurring in incongruity or contravening the morphological, phonological , or semantic characteristics of the language. This lexical competence would be accounted for in two places; firstly , in the basic grammar which should indicate conditions and rules for forming words; secondly in the lexicon, where the entries should be marked with indications of the possibility of items forming complex units, and the likely syntactic behaviour of such formations when inserted into structure. This would involve considerable reappraisal of the lexicon, the nature of which would have to be reconsidered. 6 This has been accompanied by the development of generative phonology, applied to derivation as well as to inflectional morpho­ logy , for example to aspects of Spanish derivation by Harris (1969) , Martinez Celdran ( 1 975) , Alvarez Garcia (1979) , and others, seeking to demonstrate that the patterns of formation are more regular than had been hitherto supposed, and that the lexicon is not the ragbag of oddities it is sometimes considered to be. For example, the following derivations show at least a minimum degree of paradigmatic regularity : a) primitive generar seducir recibir dividir

noun derivation

generaci6n seducci6n recepci6n divisi6n

agentive

generador seductor receptor divisor

adjective

generativo

seductivo

receptivo

divisivo

However , the paradigmacity of these examples falls short of complete regularity , as is apparent in b) , where the logical but unrealised derivations are marked by * : b ) generar seducir recibir divididor

generaci6n *seducici6n *recibici6n *dividici6n

generador *seducidor *recibidor7 *divididor

generativo *seducitivo *recibitivo *dividitivo

9

The theoretical and historical framework The paradigms of a) above, which are the actually realised ones, as opposed to those which are incorrect, veer from complete regular morphology ; the derivations involve the appearance of new stems (recib- - recep-, divid- - divis-) , the substitution of an unvoiced consonant by a voiced one ([0) - [k] in [seducir - seduccionJ) and a dental replaced by a sibilant ([d) - [s] in dividir - division) . In addition, the theme vowel element ([a] for the first conjugation as in generar - generacion and [i] for the second or third conjugation as in [ inhibir - inhibicion]) is missing. These considerable morpho­ logical oddities are explained by Harris and others of the generative phonology school as being basically regular, through the elaboration of a series of complex phonological rules ([0] - [k] in verbs in -ucir, [d) - [s] in verbs in -idir, suppression of the theme vowel in parti­ cular morphological environments, etc . ) . 8 On this basis a large amount of the irregularity of the lexis may be viewed as apparent rather than real . However, in a later phase of theorisation and postula­ tion of hypotheses, the generative phonologists were held to have gone to extremes , especially as regards derivational morphology , since the logical consequence of all-embracing phonological rules, if suffi­ ciently sophisticated, would generate, say, noche - noctumo, leche - 14cteo, or maifana - matutino, when in reality these adjectives are not derived directly from their related nouns, but from their different Latin bases . In general, the efforts of the generative phonologists have striven to endow word formation patterns with a high degree of regu­ larity on the evidence of the lexicon, to the detriment of synchronic patterns of formation as evidenced in neologising and in the innovative language of the modem sciences, commerce, and the mass media. Nevertheless, the contribution of generative phonology has been positive enough in making it possible to speak seriously of the 'rules of formation', applying more widely than the basic morphological rules hitherto invoked. These 'rules' , which are basically designed to predict correctly the feasibility of new formations, are based on the syntactic, morphophonological and semantic theories developed in the post-transformational-generative period. They are more complex than previously advanced rules of formation which tended to be restricted to morphological and etymological observations . The elaboration of such rules, appropriately circumscribed by semantic, phonological, and syntactic restraints, has involved a series of postulations and hypotheses which may be tested in individual languages in the search for universal principles. Some of these hypotheses will be reviewed later in this section, within the context of recent theories of morphology, and will be referred to as appropriate in the descriptive section on Spanish word formation which constitutes the main part of this work.

10

Introduction 1.2 Morphology and word formation types Traditionally , word fonnation has been conveniently divided into compounding and derivation. The fonner is based on combinations of independent lexemes , whose derivation involves the combination of words into complex morphological structures : a) components clara + boya fin + secular destrozar + voces fibra + vidrio

formation

b) anti- + catarral falda + -ero hierba + -ajo aero- + moza

anticatarral

faldero

hierbajo

aeromoza

claraboya

finisecular

destrozavoces

fibravidrio

The formations of a) are examples of compounding, based on independent lexical units . Those of b) are derivations because one of the components (anti-, -ero, -ajo, aero-) cannot stand on its own as an independent lexeme, even if it bears significant semantic content (aero- immediately suggests something to do with air, -ajo suggests something unpleasant or unattractive) . In either case we are dealing with morphological procedures - the conjoining of individual morphemes or groups of morphemes into larger units fonning complex lexemes. This basic procedure of morphological attachment has led word fonnation often to be dealt with as purely a question of morphology rather than of lexicology , as for example in the account of Narvaez (1970) whose monograph on word formation is actually entitled An Outline of Spanish Morphology. A morpheme may be defined as a 'minimal distinctive unit of grammar' , a subunit of the 'word' , which in grammatical tenns cannot be meaningfully further subdivided. 9 Different kinds of morphemes may be distinguished in word structure: a) cachondo

aburrimos separado canten

b) cachondez

aburrimiento separable cantar(n

Whereas the italicised morphemes of a) are morphemes of inflection, representing g rammatical concepts such as gender (cachondo, as opposed to cachonda) , person (aburrimos as opposed to aburrls) , time or tense (separado as opposed to separando) , or mood (canten as opposed to cantan) , the italicised endings of b) are derivational morphemes , suffixes effecting a semantic change on the primitive 11

The theoretical and historical framework and, in the examples given, also effecting a change of syntactic class (adjective to noun in cachondo -+ cachondez, verb to noun in abur­ rir-+ aburrimiento, verb to adjective in separar -+ separable, and verb to adjective in cantar-+ caniarin) . The element common to a) and b) (cachond-, aburr-, separ-, and cant-) is variously known as the lexical morpheme or the stem, remaining constant in the inflec­ tional paradigm or derivational series: cachond-: cachondo, cachonda, cachondeo, cachondez, cachondear canto, cantar, cantarin, cantante, cantautor, canturrear,

cant-: cantamaiianas, cantico, cantable, cantasen

aburr-: aburro, aburrieron, aburrimiento, aburridamente, abur­

rici6n separarais, separable, separata, separatismo, separa7 separ-: ci6n, separatista, separaremos, separativo, separada­ mente This morphemic structure of the word is fundamental to the analysis of the procedures of word formation. Indeed some lexical morpho­ logists have argued that the lexicon should reflect this morphemic structure of the word by listing all lexical and derivational morphemes together with rules for their concatenation into lexemes, thus allowing for the fact that no published lexicon can possibly list all terms actually in use, let alone terms which are likely to be created. 10 A contrary view, promoted notably by Aronoff, is that such an approach gives too much power to morphemes in the generation of the lexis, when in fact the starting point for new formations is the lexeme itself rather than its component parts. Whereas in English a morpheme-based approach may work satisfac­ torily, since words and morphemes coincide much of the time, a word-based system seems more appropriate to the Romance languages, and to Spanish in particular, where morphemes and words very often do not coincide: a) pan tren porr6n haz

b) nadar

gordo

casal

espesor

The items of a) are monomorphemic, with the morpheme corres­ ponding to the word, whereas in b) the items are polymorphemic, with the word corresponding to a complex structure of lexical plus inflectional or derivational morpheme (nad- + -ar, gord- + -o, cas­ + -al, espes- + -or ) . Given the dominant vowel-ending structure of Spanish words, the pattern of b) is far more frequent than that of

12

Introduction a) and so as a general principle it may be accepted that words and morphemes do not normally coincide, although they may well do so as in a). While derivations based on b) may immediately start from the stem (i.e. nad-, gord-, cas-, espes-, giving, say, nadador, gordinflon, casero, or espesote) , it is apparent that the true source of the derivation is the base lexeme (nadar, gordo, casa, espeso) and not the lexical morpheme itself. Derivations on a) are of course generated on the complete word (tren - trenecito, porron ­ porronazo, haz - hacinar, pan - panadero) . In either case it is the word itself rather than any of its morphemic components which produces the derivation. 1 1 In terms of bound and free, a distinction normally made to differentiate those morphemes such as prefixes and suffixes which function meaningfully only when combined with other (lexical) morphemes and those which function independently ( pan, haz, porron . . .) most Spanish words are made up of bound morphemes (lexical morpheme + prefix or suffix) rather than of combinations of free and bound (i.e. word + affix as in lfder ­ liderato or mal - maldad ) . Derivation involves the combination of words or lexical morphemes + affix, whereas compounding is the grouping of words, corresponding either to free morphemes or to lexical morphemes: a) dicho hebra honra cuna

-

antedicho enhebrar deshonra cuneta

b) casa fibra bal6n nieve

-

casatienda fibravidrio baloncesto quitanieves

In a) lexical morphemes are combined with affixes to produce derivation, whereas in b) lexical or free morphemes are combined with each other to produce compounds. In prefixation, however, free morphemes may be attached to other free morphemes or lexical morphemes, producing an equivocal case between derivation and compounding: a) honra dicho expedir ver

-

deshonra antedicho reexpedici6n prever

b) decir parado sabor estar

-

contradecir malparado sinsabor bienestar

Whereas the prefix elements of a) have no meaningful existence outside their attachment to lexical morphemes (des-, ante-, re-, pre-) , those of b) may be used independently in syntactic structure (contra, mal, sin, bien) . So some types of prefixation may be viewed as instances of compounding, depending on the approach of individual analysts.

13

'/he theoretical and historical framework In addition to compounding and derivation through suffixes and prefixes, Spanish is characterised by the frequency of parasynthesis, involving the simultaneous prefixation and suffixation of the base lexeme:

prefix

lexeme

suffix

derivative

endesaa-

flaco alma naranja dueiio

-ecer -ado -ado -ar

enflaquecer desalmado anaranjado adueiiar

In such cases there is no temporal gradation in the derivation, which would otherwise involve unrealised forms such as *jlaquecer, *desalma, *naranjado, or *aduefto. The high frequency in Spanish of parasynthetic formations stands in contradiction to a prevalent theory of generative morphology which maintains that complex 12 derivations may only be built up step by step. Bound morphemes preposed to the primitive are prefixes, and those postposed are suffixes. Additionally, Spanish affixes are conventionally considered to include infixes, elements which appear internally in the derivational structure:

primitive tirar pintar morder cantar

derivative tirotear pintarrajear mordisquear canturrear

infix -ote

-ajo

-isco

-urro

The status of these intercalated elements, whose form usually corresponds to that of conventional emotive suffixes, is controversial because of their irregular phonology, the difficulty of deciding whether they are cases of infixation or of sequential suffixation, and the doubt as regards their categorisation as morphemes on the grounds of their sometimes minimal semantic content. These aspects will be further discussed in section 7 . 3 !3 The concatenation of morphemes into derivatives follows basic rules of order which, if contravened, produces ill-formed results. The following basic schemes are normal:

+ lexeme prefix lexeme + suffix + lexeme + suffix prefix

lexeme + infix

+ suffix

maldecir

golpismo

trasnochador

humareda

Contravention of these order patterns produces ill-formed results, as in the following examples:

14

Introduction lexeme suffix prefix infix Compounds

+ + + +

*sonantemal

*adacabeza

*autodoracopia

*urrocantear

prefix lexeme suffix + lexeme lexeme + suffix

may

form

new

lexemes

which

themselves

act

as

primitives for further derivation, giving the possible orders: compound + suffix prefix + compound prefix + compound + suffix

cuentacorrentista

supervinicultor

archivanaglorioso

Some controversy exists as to whether compounding takes place before or after suffixation, and this will be discussed in a later section. 14 Problems arise in predicting the order of morphemes in cases of reiterative affixation, with accumulations of derivational morphemes:

derivative

containerizaci6n capitalistorra gobemabilidad desenfrenadamente

structure

container + -izar + -ci6n capital + -ista + -orra gobemar + -able + -dad des- + en- + frenar + -ado + -mente

Here, there is syntactic control of the morpheme order - for example, nominalisation of a verb requires the nominalising suffix to be postposed to the verb morpheme (-cion after -izar in containeriza­ cion) ; nominalising of adjectives also requires the nominalising suffix to be final (-dad after -able in gobernabilidad ) . Emotive suffixes are final to non-emotives (-orra after -ista in capitalistorra). The adver­ bial -mente, conventionally regarded as an inflectional suffix, will always be final (after -ado in desenfrenmklmente) , even to emotive suffixes (as in regularcitamente) . In many other cases, the reason for the ordering of the sequence of morphemes of a particular group (suffixes or prefixes) is not entirely clear, but certain sequences dominate as opposed to others; for example re- + de- as opposed to de- + re- (redespachar, redoblar, redescubrir) or arro- + aco­ as opposed to -aco + -arro (bicharraco, pajarraco, tiparraco) . These problems of ordering of morphemes of the same class in derivation are as yet incompletely understood; they will be referred to where appropriate in the descriptive section of this study. Many derivational morphemes have variable forms, sometimes phonologically determined, at others lexically imposed by convention or etymology:

15

The theoretical and historical framework a) innecesario descosido igualito detenci6n

b) imbatible disculpar despacito inversi6n

in-lim­

des-/dis­

-ito/-cito

-ci6n/-si6n

These are instances of allomorphy, with a) and b) representing different forms of the same morpheme. Some analyses maintain that just as inflectional morphology involves allomorphy of the stem (cf. vengolvine, ten(a/tuvo) , it is also to be found in derivational stems as well as in derivational morphemes: a) elegir afligir prescribir

b) elecci6n aflicci6n prescripci6n

eleg-/elec­ aflig-/aflic­ prescrib-/prescip-

Some recent theory lays great stress on the 'rules of allomorphy' in order to explain alternations of this kind; these rules are said to be applied after the basic morphological procedure of attachment and designed to generate the correct output for entry in the lexicon.15 The standard distinction between inflectional morphology and derivational (or lexical) morphology is controversial at the present time, with some linguists taking the view that inflection and deriva­ tion are basically the same process and can be grouped meaningfully in a theory of extended morphology and thus form one unit in the base component of grammar. 16 The usual arguments for seeing them as separate procedures are that derivation, unlike inflection, may change the syntactic class of a word (detener V - detenci6n N) : derivation occurs at an earlier stage than inflection (campo ­ campesino - campesinos but not campo - campos ­ *camposesinos) : derivational processes may reapply whereas inflec­ tional morphemes may not (reparar - reparable - reparabilidad ­ and, most importantly, derivation is not fully productive whereas inflectional processes are:

irreparabilidod ) ,

- guapeza grande - grandeza pobre - pobreza - *lenteza Iento

a) guapo

b) insistir percibir dimitir inserir

-

insistimos

percibimos

dimitimos

inserimos

In the above examples, a) represents a paradigmatic derivation on common bisyllabic adjectives of quality which are commonly nominalised in -eza; however the paradigm is incomplete since many adjectives, even if sharing the morphological shape of the examples given, cannot be nominalised in this way and require other suffixes in the transposition to noun:

16

gordo - gordura

habil - habilidad

tonto - tonterla

On the other hand, all third conjugation verbs have a first person plural present tense indicative in -imos, as illustrated in b) and no -ir verb contravenes the paradigm. Counter arguments to this, representing the view that derivation should be grouped with inflection within an extended theory of morphology, emphasise the similarities rather than the differences between the two processes. The argument of the predictability and completeness of inflection might be challenged by examples of the following type: a) cabe yergo vamos arreciar placer

b)

quepa

irguieron

fuimos

*arreciamos

*plazco

The examples of a) are existing and correct forms of verbs, as present tense paradigms or infinitives; b) lists corresponding inflected forms which are either morphologically and phonologically remote from those of a) and therefore cannot be considered to be in any way logically derived, or in the case of arreciar and placer, non-occurring forms since these verbs are defective and appear only in the third person. Thus Spanish inflectional morphology shows a high degree of irregularity, notably in the verb system and in parti­ cular in the paradigms of the preterite, and even presents paradigmatic gaps, usually cited as a characteristic of lexical morphology. In this sense there is some overlap between inflection and derivation, although it is certainly true that the latter is much less regular or predictable. A second objection to the distinction between inflectional and derivational morphology is that a number of suffixes seem to cut across divisions and act in both functions: a) merecer asomar menear escupir

b) encruelecer

liderar

boicotear

descolorir

The final morphemes of a) have a grammatical function in marking the infinitive mode; in b) while they also mark the infinitive mode, additionally they appear to convert a primitive noun or adjective (cruel, lfder, boicot, color) to a verb and so bring about a change

17

The theoretical and historical framework of syntactic class in a manner characteristic of derivation. Moreover, some morphemes which traditionally have always been treated as inflections, included as such in basic grammars, in fact behave more like derivative suffixes: a) discutido - discutidfsimo parecido - parecidlsimo tnismo caro

- mismisimo - carisimo

b) incansable desairado asombroso creciente

-

incansablemente desairadamente asombrosamente crecientemente

The morphological alterations of a) and b) have nothing to do with the usual properties of inflectional suffixes of indicating number, tense, person or mood; -mente effects a change of syntactic class from adjective to adverb, while -(simo changes the semantics of the primitive by intensifying it in the manner of augmentative suffixa­ tion. The similarity between -fsimo and -mente has to do with their high productivity - they can be added to limitless adjectival bases to a degree reminiscent of the ease of attachment of the plural morpheme -s/-es to any noun. But their syntactic effect places them functionally with derivative morphemes. Conversely, a number of derivative suffixes are so productive as to approach the predictability of the inflectional morphemes: a) localizar

elegir reemplazar lavar

localizable lavable elegible reemplazable

b) competir nacionalar repartir agotar

-

competidor nacionalizador repartidor agotador

The suffixes -able and -dor are examples of outstandingly productive derivational morphemes whose formations are prolific and highly predictable. Moreover, as has already been illustrated, derivation, while showing many gaps in the generation of parallel series, does nevertheless often appear with paradigmatic tendencies in the manner of inflectional morphology: ejecutar contener durar percibir

ejecutable contenible durable perceptible

ejecutivo contentivo durativo perceptivo

ejecutor contentor durador perceptor

ejecuci6n contenci6n duraci6n percepci6n

Although within these examples there is much derivational irregularity of stem and of juncture, a pattern of formation clearly exists. The problem is that to extend this pattern to further verbs would soon produce inconsistencies, particularly by way of lexical gaps where the derivation is not realised or is realised in an unex­ pected form:

18

Introduction defender

defensible

defensivo

describir digerir decidir

descriptible digerible

descriptivo digestivo decisivo

defensor

defensa descripci6n digesti6n decisi6n

Hence the paradigm of derivation is incomplete, even if it does show a degree of paradigmacity resembling that of inflectional morphology. An interesting case in Spanish of inflection/derivation overlap is where standard inflectional morphemes of gender (-ol-a) are used in a semantic function similar to derivation: b) catednitico/catednitica

a) huerto/huerta peso/pesa hoyo/hoya anillo/anilla

presidente/presidenta

ayudante/ayudanta

oficial/oficiala

Whereas in b) the (-a) final morpheme is used to indicate gender, here specifically that of sex in occupational terminology, in a) it is used to mark differences in dimension between the primitive and the derivative, in a manner not unlike augmentation using emotive suffixes. As in the case of the verb derivations referred to above, this is a case of inflection and derivation sharing the same morphemes. So far, frequent reference has been made to the primitive or base from which a derivation is generated. There are different types of base: a) derivative vanagloria vanagloriarse archipropagandlstico escenificar

base

vana, gloria vanagloria propagandlstico escena

type of base

simple

compound

derived

simple

Thus there are simple bases, which are those which generate the first and often final stage in a derivation, and derived or compound bases which are subject to further derivation. Both simple and derived bases are reduced to stems where required in order to enter into a complex form: a) base cadena regular

b)

stem caden­ regul-

c)

derivative

encadenar

regulable

mezquino

mezquin­

mezquindad

escenificar

escenific-

escenificaci6n

A broad division has already been established between com­ pounding and derivation. Compounding may be subdivided into the

19

'Ihe theoretical and historical framework orthographic type, with the free morphemes graphically conjoined, and the syntagmatic type where the components have attained seman­ tic coherence without orthographic fusion: b) seguro multirriesgo discoteca rodante patria potestad casa de huespedes

a) sabihondo huecograbado sordomudo hierbabuena

Both a) and b) can be further subdivided according to the syntactic relationship between the elements. Prefixation represents a fairly homogeneous area of derivation, but suffixation is more complex. An important subdivision of the latter is the emotive category embracing a wide repertoire of diminutive, augmentative and pejorative suffixes, used with great prolificness in Spanish. The other suffixes, numbering hundreds, may be broadly categorised as non-emotive, although many of these overlap in func­ tion with the emotives. An important subdivision of the non-emotives is between those which are class changing (syntactically hetero­ geneous) and those which are class retaining (syntactically homo­ geneous): a) encarcelar claraboya cristiano campana

-

encarcelamiento claraboyoso cristianismo campaniforme

golpe kil6metro -

b) azul chiquillo

azulino chiquilleria golpismo kilometraje

The suffixes of a) are said to be heterogeneous, changing verbs to nouns, adjectives to nouns, and nouns to adjectives, whereas those of b) do not change the grammatical class of the base. In Spanish, an important derivational role is played by a type of morphological procedure which, unlike prefixation, suffixation, or compounding, does not syllabically expand the base. This is back formation, otherwise termed zero suffixation, a common procedure in deriving nouns from verbs; at times it clashes with suffixation, at other times it supplants it:

verb

tratar mejorar deteriorar desarmar

noun

trato mejora deterioro desarme

Back formation appears to be advancing at the present time, and the reasons for this as well as the types which occur will be discussed in the relevant descriptive section of this study.

20

Introduction Word formation may involve procedures which are non­ morphemic, notably acronymy by which terms are created by using the initial letters or syllables of company and institutional names, clipping, the elision of final or initial syllables, and blending, where separate words are blended regardless of their morphemic structure: acronymy clipping blending

ministerio de obras publicas colegio Maria Isabel

MOPU cole Maribel

These procedures are characteristic of particular registers, such as the language of journalism, young people, or commerce, particularly prominent in the neological texis and representing a modern alter­ native to traditional morphological procedures. In the descriptive part of this study all the procedures indicated so far will be discussed with regard to their morphological structure, accepting the basic premise of a distinction between inflectional and derivational morphology, but paying attention to overlaps and contradictions where appropriate. Before embarking on this descrip­ tion, however, it will be necessary to return to some of the basic morphological and typological aspects referred to hitherto, in so far as the most recent generative approaches have suggested new frameworks for analysis.

1.3 The literature of Spanish word formation Although it is customary to decry the lack of attention given to word formation in general and to Spanish word formation in particular, the latter has received closer study than is sometimes claimed . Already in the fundamental grammar of Antonio de Nebrija ( 1 492) derivation is dealt with in a morphological framework and the procedures classified according to the grammatical categories of the primitive, referred to as primogenitos, producing denominativos, verbales, participales, and adverbiales. In this way, Nebrija shows awareness of the syntactic role of derivation in changing grammatical class, identifying moreover the important morphological procedure of back formation which was already a feature of the language. The contribution of Nebrija to this area of study is his perception of word formation as an important aspect of the grammar of the language and his outline of the principal morphological procedures involved. 17 Alemany Bolufer, in his Tratado de Ia Formacion de Palabras ( 1 920) , owes much of his approach to Nebrija. He pays due attention to the nature of the bases on which derivations are constructed, following the customary distinction between primary derivatives, formed from simple stems, and secondary derivatives, formed from

21

The theoretical and historical framework stems which are already derived. His approach is strongly diachronic, concerned with comparing the present shape of the Spanish texis with the Latin or Greek terms from which they are descended. The phonology of derivation is given some attention in the categorisation of suffixes as dtonos, parox(tonos, and proparox£­ tonos. Other than the main division into composition and derivation, Alemany Bolufer doesn't attempt further distinctions , grouping, for example emotive and non-emotive suffixes together under a general alphabetical listing. His main advance on Nebrija is to provide affixes with some semantic categorisation based on the shift in mean­ ing between base and derivative output. The Spanish Academy in its 1932 Gramdtica, devoted a full chapter to word formation , headed Derivacion, Composicion, y Paras(ntesis, placing much emphasis on etymological distinctions between Latin- and Greek-forming elements and those said to be purely Castilian. Derivation is subdivided into nominal and verbal, with an alphabetical listing of final morphemes with etymological and semantic characterisation, but no distinction between noun and adjective formatives or even between emotives and non-emotives. The stress-orientated phonological distinctions of Alemany Bolufer are maintained. Verb derivation is treated separately , with listings of verb-forming suffixes, with stylistic (e. g . erudito) or syntactic label­ ling (e. g. incoativo) . Composition is divided into the orthographic type and the syntagmatic group here termed composiciOn imperfecta (examples of which are ojo de buey, pata de gallo) . Subsequently, word formation was marginated from the Academy Grammar , possibly following the view that it was more a matter of lexicology than morphology . In the Esbozo ( 1 973), it is only briefly dealt with under the heading of Morfemas Derivativos and Composi­ cion. In this instance, the emotive suffixes are treated as a separate group, while a distinction is observed between endocentric compounds , retaining literally the sense of the base components, as in sordomudo, and exocentric compounds , where the derivative deviates from the sense of its constituent parts, as in hierbabuena. Dubiously, a distinction is also made between composicion propia, said to show a syntactic relationship between the components (vanagloria adjective + noun relationship), and composicion impropia, said to be exclusivamente formaciones lexicas, without syntactic structure, as in bocamina . The aspect of word formation which has received most attention is suffixation, in particular the problem of categorising the extensive repertoire of morphemes involved. Malkiel especially has scrutinised various groups of suffixes, such as those which nominalise adjectives (-ura, -ez, -dad, -dumbre) , concentrating on the relationship between =

22

Introduction such rival suffixes , and attempting to understand the reasons for selection of particular suffixes by particular bases . Meanwhile, the historical approach , followed , for example in Menendez Pidal 's Gramdtica ( 1 904) has not lost its advocates, tracing the evolution of the Spanish suffix system from Vulgar Latin, and characterising Castilian derivational morphology by contrasting it with parallel developments in the other Romance languages. It has been shown, for instance, how suffixes may change their syntactic function over the centuries (a verb suffix may become nominal) , how they may develop semantically from monosemy to polysemy, and how they may change their grammatical properties such as gender or number. This approach is basically lexical , concerned with the evolution of the vocabulary rather than with the role of word formation within a general theory of morphology . 19 A modern review of word formation is provided by Narvaez's Morphology ( 1 970) , based on a personally assembled corpus of examples, much of it neologistic and idiosyncratic to South America. Here, affixation is divided into 'modificative' , by which is meant emotive, and 'transformative ' , applied to prefixation and suffixation, but with no distinction between class-changing and class-retaining morphemes . Affixes are listed alphabetically and characterised by semantic labels such as resemblance, abundance, or location . Compounds are categorised according to the number of composi­ tional elements - two, as in tragaluz or more than two as in tentem­ pie. A drawback of this useful taxonomy is that no allowance is made for the oddity or regional character of the many examples, nor are the conditions for possible formations in creative language considered. The advent of transformational-generative theory marked the beginning of a series of studies and monographs on individual aspects of word formation in Spanish, with the general aim of apply­ ing transformational ideas to the structure of the complex word. Since the transformationalists examined sentence structure in terms of alternations of verb-and-noun based syntax ( Juan capturo al fugitivo - Ia captura del fugitivo por Juan) , it is logical that nominalisation, i . e . the verb-noun transformation of the lexical inser­ tion , should attract attention . Thus Sableski Falk in Nominalisations ( 1 968) applies transformational-generative principles to what she terms ' fact nominalisations ' (el publico aprecia Ia actuacion - el aprecio de Ia actuacion por el publico) , and 'abstract nominalisa­ tions' (el pdjaro canta - el cantar del pajaro) . The syntactic nature of suffixation is emphasised through seeking paraphrasal equivalents to standard noun abstracts, leading to the conclusion that manner nominalisations and fact nominalisations are fundamentally different

23

The theoretical and historical framework because they show different underlying syntactic structures . The problematic area of suffix productivity is tackled by Monge ( 1 970) with regard to noun abstracts such as -ado, -miento, and -aje. Here, the suffixes -azo and -on , generally classified as emotive, are taken as denominal abstract and regional variation is emphasised in the characterisation. The emotive suffixes of diminution, augmentation and pejoration are so important in Spanish as to merit separate consideration . The diachronic approach is pursued both by Gonzalez Olle ( 1 958) and Nanez ( 1 973), the former concentrating on early Castilian and the latter painting a wider canvas through the Golden Age to modern times and considering regional usage. The account of Gooch, taxonomic and based on a corpus of individually assembled examples from modern authors, is more synchronic and attentive to shades of meaning and psycholinguistic motivation. None of these studies is particularly concerned with morphology or with postulating rules of formation and constraints . A generative framework is supplied by Jaeggli ( 1980) in his analysis of a group of diminutive suffixes , concluding that the syllabic structure of the base is all important in the creative use of the suffixes reviewed. The phonological principles underlying most word formation procedures and their interaction with morphology have led to some morphophonological analyses of complex terms in the lexicon. So Harris in his general study of Spanish phonology illustrates the crucial role of the thematic vowel in deverbal nominalisation and asserts generative properties for derivational as well as for inflec­ tional morphology . These principles are more specifically applied to Spanish by Martinez Celdran ( 1 975) whose transformational­ generative analysis uses the techniques of morphophonology in order to formulate rules conditioned by constraints. Representing the more recent tendency to remove word formation from the transformational analysis and to deal with it within the lexical component of gramma r, Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978) advocates a word-based rather than morpheme-based lexical grammar, while accepting the importance of morphophonological motivation and insisting that 'el analisis implica un vaiven pendular entre los diferentes niveles gramaticales (f6nico, lexico, y sintactico) para explicar los procedimientos y esquemas lexicogenesicos' . This approach has recently been pursued enthusiastically for Catalan by Cabre and Rigau ( 1986) whose declared aim is to explain the structure of the lexis through derivational morphology , starting from the fundamental belief in the lexical competence of the native

24

Introduction speaker and the possibility of formulating rules which would be incorporated into the lexicon through rigorous feature-marking of lexical and derivational morphemes . This concern with word forma­ tion in the lexical component is also fundamental to the study of a group of deverbal suffixes by Heinz ( 1 982) in which the author seeks to determine the properties of the stems which facilitate paradigmatic derivational series . The descriptive section of the present study seeks to link the general theoretical principles presented in the first part of this introduction with the specific treatments of aspects of Spanish derivational morphology covered in the literature reviewed above.

1 .4 The phonological conditions Central to the operation of word formation processes are the conditions in which they take place, since every morphological operation involves a phonological alteration of the base. These transformations may be regular as in a) or seemingly irregular as in b) : phonological

a) responder veneer editorial romper

-

respond6n invencible editorialista rompehuelgas

b)

pan agua falda came

-

-+

panadero acuatizar faldicorto camicero

In a) suffixes are attached to the bases or their stems and conjoined in a morphologically regular way , with predictable morphological and phonological results, whereas in b) the morphology , superficially at least, seems irregular in that the output of the derivation is not as simple as in a) so, *pandero, *agilizar, *faldacorto, *camero. In these latter examples, the morphophonology is adjusted in various ways to produce the final output: b) pan [pan agua

-+ panadero -+ panaoero] - acuatizar

[a-ywa -+ akwati8ar]

falda [ faloa came [kame

-+ faldicorto - faloikorto] -+ carnicero -+ karni8ero]

insertion of [ao] separating stem and suffix conversion of sonorant [ 'Y) to obstruent [k] desonorisation of intervocalic conso­ nant [ 'Y] and insertion of obstruent [ t] before infinitive morpheme insertion of [i] between [d) and [k) insertion of [i8] between stem and suffix

Although the examples of a) are clearly regular, the types illustrated

25

The theoretical and historical framework by b) are by no means unusual, and some of the changes they illustrate, for example the insertion of vowels to separate potentially uncongenial obstruent clusters or the insertion of the non-sonorant [ 8] between base and suffix, are common enough to have to be taken into account in a theory of lexical morphology which seeks to be thorough . In order to account for those items falling into the category of b) above, transformational-generativism elaborated a theory of generative phonology , applied initially to inflections and later to lexical morphology . This permitted the formulation of phonological rules which accounted for the generation of apparently irregular forms such as those of b) and other types of formation even further removed from regular morphology such as pardlisis - paralizar, extinguir - extincion, or even hierro - ferreterfa items etymologically and morphologically related, but requiring severe phonological adjustment to explain the derivation vis-d-vis the primitive. All of these phonological adjustments involve the juncture or boundary between the morphemes which are to be combined, referred to as juncture modifications or morpheme boundary adjustments . The nature of these boundary adjustments has fascinated the lexical morphologists, who have identified some of the principal types. Most importantly , as Harris ( 1983) has demonstrated, many derivational ' irregularities' are explainable through the particular nature of the structure of the Spanish syllable. For example, a straightforward alteration of tosco - *toscdad, respecting the fundamental phonological rule of dropping the final vowel, here [ o] and attaching the suffix , here -dad, produces a derivative, toscdad where the second syllable is introduced by an unacceptable cluster of two obstruents [k8] . To avoid this , a vowel [e) is inserted between base and suffix, and this represents a rule for derivations of this shape. 19 Many boundary adjustments of this kind are a question of allomorphy , either of the base, or of the affix: -

base allomorphy

conceb-ible I concep-ci6n distingu-ible I distin-ci6n constreii-ir I constric-ci6n coc-ido I coc-ci6n

affix allomorphy

par-adero I herv-idero

in-equfvoco I im-borrable

co-autor I com-patriota

dis-contento I des-uso

Whereas affix allomorphy is largely predictable and determined by the morphological shape of the base, base allomorphy of the type shown above may seem to be haphazard and can only be reduced to rules by complex phonological formulae of the type provided by Harris ( 1969) . Phonological analysis shows that the shape of the base is an important restriction on the free application of the basic

26

Introduction morphological procedures . For example, the selection of the allomorphic variant -sion (as opposed to cion , acion , icion) in denominal verbal abstracts depends on bases with stems terminating in dental obstruents , as in dividir - divisiOn or disentir - disen­ sion . 20 The selection of the allomorphic variant -ecito, as opposed to -ito, depends on disyllabic bases terminating in [e) or in final stressed syllables ending in [n] or [r] as in modre - modrecita or monton - montoncito. Likewise the selection of the allomorphic variants -ez, -eza in deadjectival nominalisations is contingent on the syllabic length of the base, as in raro - rareza (two syllables) , but escaso - escasez (three syllables) . 21 The attempt to explain apparent irregularities of this kind has led to the postulation of ' readjustment' rules, operating after the basic morphophonological rules of attachment but before lexical insertion in order to determine the final form of the derivative. Aronoff subdivides these readjustment rules into rules of allomorphy, apply­ ing to phenomena of the type illustrated above, and rules of trunca­ tion, applying to cases where suffixation requires elimination of a previously existing suffix: -

-

-

allomorphy

truncation

- mlt-ico mito diploma - diplom-atico elefante - elefant-iasico

eufemismo - eufem-istico - ident-ico identidad Pirineo - piren-aico

In this analysis the variations of -ico in a) are said to be allomorphic since they attach directly to a base, requiring only the elision of a final vowel in the primitive, ([o] , [a] , [e) ) , whereas the examples of b) are said to be truncation procedures because the immediate base for -ico attachment is obtained by elision of an existing derivational morpheme (-ismo, -dad, -eo) . The concept of truncation is useful in explaining many Spanish derivatives which otherwise could not be said to be regularly derived. 22 An important feature of boundary adjustment in Spanish deriva­ tional morphology is the theme vowel principle in deverbal nominalisation: a) aislar contratar lavar matar

-

aislamiento contrataci6n lavadora matadero

c) hervir hundir medir escurrir

-

hervidero hundimiento medici6n escurridor

b) comer beber barrer mover

-

comedero bebedero barredura movedizo

27

The theoretical and historical framework The theme vowel is the conjugationally determined vowel segment which appears in the derivative between stem and suffix - [a] for first conjugation, [e) for second conjugation and [i] for third conjugation . This produces allomorphy of the suffix, so that the suffix -dero, for example, appears with the variants -adero, -edero, -idero, depending on the conjugation of the verb to whose stem it becomes attached. Not all suffixes show the same degree of allomor­ phy , however: -miento, for instance, offers only -amiento , for the first conjugation, and -imiento for both second and third (cf: veneer - vencimiento, aburrir - aburrimiento) . Another oddity is the frequent absence of the theme vowel where it might normally be expected: 23 obtener intervenir cocer elegir

-

obtenci6n

intervenci6n

cocci6n

elecci6n

In addition to the theme vowel requirement, deverbal nominalisa­ tion often involves phonological modification of the final consonant of the base stem: 24 nadar pedir deponer saludar

-

nataci6n

petici6n

deposici6n

salutaci6n

These 'irregularities ' have challenged the generative phonologists, who have striven to harness them to predictable patterns. On the other hand, the complexity of the morphophonology of the theme vowel mainly applies to deverbal nominalisation in -cion/-sion, since elsewhere, for example in nominalisations in -dero and -miento it operates according to a regular pattern. The most obvious function of the theme vowel appears to be the avoidance of consonantal clusters which contravene the phonotactic principles which govern the possible combinations of consonants, but the consistency of this is contradicted by some of the idiosyncrasies exemplified above. 25 Some of the complications of the -cion/-sion allomorphy are found also outside deverbal nominalisation, for example in the variants of deadjectival -dad , where vowel intercalation also occurs: contrario perspicaz c6mico babil Again,

28

-

contrariedad

perspicuidad

comicidad

habilidad

phonological

considerations

are

involved,

requiring

Introduction specification of the different types of bases requiring different types of boundary adjustment. 26 The boundary adjustments between lexemes in compounding and between base and suffix, or prefix and base, are imposed by the basic phonological shape of Spanish word structure which is dominantly vowel + consonant + vowel . The derivative is pressed into this shape, even if it means contravening elementary principles of morphology . Spanish suffixes are invariably vowel commencing, requiring deletion of atonic final vowels in the base: verde amargo treinta pasota

+ + + +

-oso -ura -ena -ismo

-

verdoso

amargura

treintena

pasotismo

In prefixation, adjacent vowels at the boundary are both retained if each is different, otherwise they may or may not be integrated, depending on the degree of lexicalisation felt by the speaker: a) ayer est tico hist6rico experto

- anteayer - anties tico -+ prehist6rico - semiexperto

b) higienico electoral espectador intensivo

-+ -+

antihigienico pre-electoral telespectador semi-intensivo

In b) above only telespectador shows orthographic fusion and phonetic synaeresis in [e) at boundary ; in the other examples adja­ cent [i] s are orthographically retained although they may be phonetically reduced in rapid speech . In compounding , vocalic boun­ dary reduction is inconsistent since both integration and retention are found: tele porta boca guarda

+ + + +

araiia aviones abajo almac n

-

telaraiia

portaaviones

bocabajo

guardaalmacen

Here, as in prefixation, the problem is more orthographic than phonological since at normal speed of speech synaeresis of adjacent identical vowels applies , even if graphically the vowels are kept separated . 27 A type of boundary adjustment peculiar to Spanish compounding is the supplanting in many formations of a final unstressed [a] and [o] by [i] , as in : carro cara cacha claro

+ coche

- carricoche

+ Contento - caricontento

+ porra + vidente

- cachiporra

- clarividente

29

The theoretical and historical framework This operates extensively throughout the lexis. Various interpreta­ tions have been advanced regarding the role of [i] here, such as its 'conjunctive' function, but while this seems semantically plausible in designations where dual function is involved (paraphrased as es un coche y es un carro, es una col y es una jlor, etc . ) , in other cases , particularly the compound adjective strain, there is no obvious semantic or phonological justification - *clarovidente, for example, does not contravene any basic syllable structure or phonotactic rules of the language. 28 It is clear from these examples and others that the general princi­ ple of final unstressed vowel deletion in compounding and in deriva­ tion does not operate consistently . Such boundary problems and occurrences of phonological adjustment in the process of attachment of morphemes have been most closely analysed for the diminutive suffixes where boundary adjustment may either syllabically increase the derivative morphemes (-ito - -ecito - -ececito) or intercalate consonantal phonemes (-ito -+ -cito) . Infixing is a further problem of boundaries since suffixes are sometimes not appended directly to bases but separated from them by infixes or intercalated segments as in dormir -+ dormilOn or gordo -+ gordinflon . Other common boundary adjustments include nasal assimilation which occurs in prefixation when attaching the negative prefix in­ before liquids, as in in- + legal - ilegal, nasal bilabialisation before a bilabial commencing base as in in- + batible -+ imbatible, and the explicit orthographic marking of multivibrant [r] in both derivation and compounding: 29 mata inguarda contra

+ ratos

- matarratos

+ repetible - irrepetible

+ ropa -+ guardarropa + reforma - contrarreforma

A further complication of a phonological nature arising in Spanish word formation is the question of the retention or monophthongisa­ tion of radical change diphthongs: a) bueno suerte tiemo puerta

-+ bonito

-+ suertecilla -+ temura

-+ portezuela

b) bueno - buenazo

suerte -+ sortear

tiema -+ tiemamente

puerta - puertezuela

Whereas in inflection, the radical change principle is always observed, in derivation the monophthong single vowel form is sometimes reverted to and sometimes not. There is no consistency in this, since in the examples quoted above both the items of a) and those of b) are subject to the same stress shift from tonic to atonic

30

Introduction in the initial syllable of the derivative. In many cases there appears to be free choice ( puerta - portezuelalpuertezuela) although stan­ dard usage may prefer one or the other (here, portezuela) . In com­ pounding, the radical change is preserved, since the components retain their original stress : a) diente tierra tiempo pueblo

-

mondadientes empujatierras pasatiempos alborotapueblos

b) diente tierra tiempo pueblo

-

dentista

terrestre

temporero

poblacho

In a) the entry of the noun into compound structure does not affect the radical change syllable, whereas the entry of the nouns in b) into suffixed derivatives reverts the radical change syllable to the Latin monophthong . The examples of b) illustrate an overlap between derivation and inflection in that both procedures involve radical change; however, the overlap is incomplete, since in derivation this principle is not always adhered to and indeed popular usage is increasingly resistant to it. 30 With regard to stress , the phonology of the base is alternately respected and modified . In compounding, the stress positions of the individual components is respected, although this may require orthographic adjustment in the manner of the principles of standard inflectional morphology : guardar cortar guardar

+ + +

humo - guardahumo

ufias - cortaufias

tren - guardatren

In suffixation, on the other hand, the derivational morpheme is invariably stress shifting (in productive morphology) requiring removal of a graphic accent in bases where appropriate: 31 ingles papa mallorquin rinc6n

-

inglesote

papaito

mallorquinada

rinconera

The retention of final consonant phonemes in the base will likewise require the usual orthographic changes characteristic of inflectional morphology : fresco lengua vago cerveza doce

-

fresquito lengiieta vaguedad cervecerfa dozavo

c g g z c

-

qu

gii

gu

c

z

31

1he theoretical and historical framework The above are the main features of phonological regularities and irregularities in Spanish word formation. Some of the problems involved will be taken up again later when discussing recent deriva­ tional morphological theory and referred to where appropriate in the descriptive section of this study .

1.5 Rules and constraints Even the most productive patterns of word formation are subject to constraints, so that a bare rule of morphological attachment of base and affix sooner or later is likely to be contradicted by the unaccept­ ability of an apparently feasible formation. For example, Spanish emotive suffixation is highly productive, yet even here it is difficult to predict accurately the acceptability of a derivation which may be morphologically correctly formed: a) papel papel papel papel

-

papelito papel6n papelote papelucho

b) papel papel papel papel

-

papelazo

papelfn

papelico

papeluco

While the derivations of a) are standard emotive expansions of the base papel, those of b) appear more dubious or at least not standard. Yet it is possible that in particular situations or contexts the less familiar derivations of b) , which are morphologically well-formed, could be acceptable; it is difficult to predict confidently their accept­ ability or unacceptability simply from their form. Again, -ito is the most productive of all emotive suffixes : a) risa Marcos rubio sill6n

-

risita Marquitos rubito silloncito

b) peor vino prisa docena

-

peorcito

vinito

prisita

docenita

The derivations of a) are standard and immediately recognisable as acceptable, whereas those of b) may seem odd, unless justified by quotation in context, as in c) : c) El fondo de mar tiene fama de humedo, y la humedad es lo peorcito. 32 Se quedaban muy bien en los saraos ofreciendo un vinito de moras hecho en casa. Papa insiste en que a ver si pares de prisita , que esta muriendo de suefio. Rara era Ia semana que no ponfan media docenita de bombas al presidente de Ia republica.

32

Introduction In view of this uncertainty and the defectiveness of paradigmatic derivational series , theorists have increasingly queried the entire concept of word formation rules , suggesting that instead it might be better to refer to derivational constraints which inhibit the spon­ taneous application of basic morphological rules . One solution is to express rules in terms of both positive and negative conditions . This leads unfortunately to word formation rules of extreme complexity which may detract from their usefulness. Instead of merely express­ ing basic morphological information such as [base + base) = compound, [base + suffix) = derivative, rules are expected to incorporate any phonological peculiarities of boundary or of stress , provide some indication o f the order o f morphemes i n accumulations in complex structure, and mark both bases and suffixes with syntac­ tic and subcategorisation features ( + or - latinate, + or - animate, + or - transitivity in verbs , + or - countability in nouns etc.) in order to judge the acceptability of a potential formation when inserted into phrase or sentence structure. Emphasis should be placed not only on the positive conditions of formation, but also on the negative ones, expressed in the elaboration of a series of negative hypotheses such as the concept that derivation is not morpheme­ based but rather word-based, that a phrase may not act as the base of a formation, or that inflection may not occur within compounding . These and other conditions will be further discussed in the section on recent theory below and considered for validity in the description of specific Spanish word forming patterns . 33 While giving due regard to the constraints which apply in Spanish as much as in other languages, and the fundamental differences between inflectional and derivational morphology , it may also be observed that in Spanish these restrictions and distinctions appear less marked than in languages with which it tends to be compared . Many observers have commented on the flexibility of Spanish derivational morphology , especially on its strong tendency towards synthetic affix structure as opposed to analytical or compound struc­ ture. In the words of Rivad6, an early commentator on neologisms in the Academy Dictionary , Nuestra lengua posee un vigor derivativo poderoso . . . Las lenguas romances son mas ricas en derivaciones que las otras y Ia castellana es Ia mas rica entre sus hermanas en este sentido. 34 Similarly , Manuel Seco speaks of ' Ia vitalidad y fecundidad que Ia sufijaci6n y Ia composici6n conservan en nuestra lengua. ' 35 These inherently strong derivational tendencies of Spanish can be con­ veniently illustrated by direct comparison with English , and with a sister Romance language, French, themselves highly inflecting types

33

The theoretical and historical framework of language but whose word formation mechanisms can at times appear inhibited when contrasted with Spanish, particularly with regard to suffixation :

English fist dagger stab N punch fistful grasp V stab V sword hilt

Spanish puiio puiial puiialada puiietazo puiiado empuiiar apuiialar empuiiadura

English orange orange tree orange grove orangeade orange coloured orange seller blow with an orange small orange

Spanish naranja naranjo naranjal naranjada anaranjado naranjero naranjazo naranjito

In the above examples, where English prefers different etymologies or a compound phrase, Spanish generates its lexis through the derivational expansion of the base ( puno, naranja) . In this way , Spanish may be considered to have synthetic rather than analytic lexical structures. This same feature is revealed in a random comparison with French, with which Spanish might be expected to have greater lexical affinity than with English:

French coup de pied petit ami mal de mer salle a manger belle-mere coup a Ia porte

Spanish patada amiguito mareo comedor madrastra aldabonazo

French tete coup de tete incliner Ia tete chef d 'emeute tete du lit de tete grosse

Spanish cabeza cabezazo cabecear cabecilla cabecera cabezudo

Again, where Spanish prefers generation of a new lexeme on the one base, French prefers phrasal structures (especially noun + preposi­ tion + noun) to designate the same concept. This strong derivational productivity of Spanish is the basis of contemporary lexical innovation. At a time when the language is undergoing rapid lexical as well as structural change as a result of the scientific and technological revolution of the twentieth century , existing vocabulary has to be replenished and adapted to the new needs. An obvious way to respond to this need is to resort to imported foreign terminology , a practice by no means inimical to the traditions of the Spanish texis which has easily absorbed arabisms, italianisms , gallicisms, and latterly an abundance of anglicisms. Today , in the post-transicion years and with democracy apparently consolidated, the language is shaking off the cultural strait-jacket in which it was constrained for decades , and the resulting changes are most immediately apparent in the lexis and in neologistic 34

Introduction creativity . The role of anglicisms in this process has been widely commented upon, yet the recourse to lexical borrowings has been stronger in Latin America with its greater exposure to a variety of foreign cultures than in Spain itself. In the language of sport, for example, where the tendency to borrow is very strong, it has been demonstrated that in the peninsula at least Spanish has remained fairly faithful to its own native creative lexical procedures based on derivation and compounding, and that any foreign terminology which is accepted is quickly subjected to the native derivational morphology , apparent, for example in the expansions of the borrow­ ing gol to golear, goleador, goleada, golecillos, go/On, golazo, golucho etc . 36 Thus paradigmatic tendencies in Spanish derivation are strong, although still constrained by conditions and phonological idiosyn­ crasies which inhibit total spontaneous morphological flexibility . In the history of the language, the present day is a critical era for examining the nature of these rules and constraints, given the rapidity of recent social , political, economic , and cultural change which has motivated lexical innovation and challenged established speech patterns.

1.6 Rival systems and procedures Productivity is not absolute but relative according to the function of each procedure within the overall system. It has often been observed that in Spanish compounding is relatively unproductive, compared to derivation by affixation. Within these broad divisions, some procedures are more productive than others. In compounding, the type represented by a) is much more productive than that of b) : a) mataburros llenacines cortapatillas tragasantos

b) cortocircuito

huecograbado

bullebulle

vaiven

The verb + noun compound type of a) generates more lexemes than either the adjective + noun or verb + verb type illustrated in b) . Suffixation presents a more complex problem because of the exten­ sive repertoire of morphemes involved, with individual suffixes competing with each other within the general system and producing frequent overlaps in function. For example not only is the suffix -cion in competition with other deverbal abstracts such as -miento, -dura or -aje, which are active in the same lexical field and stylistic register, but suffixation itself is in competition with other forma­ tional procedures such as back formation: 35

The theoretical and historical framework a) desannar tratar destapar criar

-

desannamiento tratamiento destapadura crianza

b) desannar tratar destapar criar

-

desanne trato destape crfa

Sometimes the procedure of suffixation may semantically duplicate that of prefixation: a) gusto padre protegido mal

-

gustillo padrazo protegidisimo mallsimo

b) gusto padre protegido malo

-

regusto superpadre hiperprotegido remalo

In a) above, the suffixes, intensificatory or attenuative, have the same effect on the base as the prefixes of b), producing derivatives of equivalent semantic import. Suffixation may also overlap in function with compounding, producing synonymous fonns: a) guardameta portaligas abrelatas guardaalmacen

b) portero liguero abridor almacenero

In these cases the verb-noun complements of a) have suffix equivalents in b), at times sharing a common base (liga , abrir), at others derived from a different lexeme. Such overlaps in function between compounding, prefixation, and suffixation, tend to support the objections of some theorists to the artificiality of the division between these traditionally established main types of formation and argue in favour of them being treated together as the same basic procedure within an extended theory of morphology. 37 Diachronically and synchronically, the vitality of a particular derivational process may vary . This is seen within the suffix system itself where some formatives appear fossilised in a few lexicalised tenns - the prefix cis- or the suffix -dceo, for example, are not synchronically active, while the emotive suffix -ico, once the standard diminutive ending, now shows restricted productivity and is region­ ally circumscribed. Today, certain fonnatives are favoured in the neologistic texis, such as the adjectival suffix -able, the verb infinitive morpheme -ear, or the noun and adjective forming suffix -ista. Modem Spanish is characterised moreover by a proliferation of so­ called cult ' international' affixes of controversial morphological status such as hyper-, electro-, tele-, moto- etc. , which tend to usurp the role of traditional 'Castilian' fonns such as sobre-, so-, or -ecer. So, following the age-old pattern of language change, the derivational

36

Introduction system is far from being static; rather it is in a state of constant flux and evolution, discarding some procedures while promoting others . Today it is the innovative language of technology , the modern sciences, and the mass media which most reliably indicate the way the language is likely to move in the future as far as the development of the lexis is concerned, so that any estimation of the parameters of lexical creativity must today refer to these fields . 38 Suffixation is the most complex area for sorting out levels of productivity , with a multitude of morphemes involved and competi­ tion and overlap among the numerous forms. Various criteria deter­ mine the vitality of one morpheme with regard to another. One is the degree of transparency in the relationship between affix and base . In Spanish the emotive suffixes such as -ito or -azo, the class­ changing 'inflectional ' suffixes -fsimo and -mente, and most prefixes, are highly motivated with a strongly transparent relationship between base and affix - the speaker or writer is more or less aware of the morphological alteration being applied. Other affixes are less productive because the motivation is opaque, with suffixes more integrated to the base in the consciousness of the native speaker. Thus, for example, the nominal abstract -ez in derivations such as robusto -+ robustez has lost much of its motivation , with the terms in which it appears being highly lexicalised; as a consequence it is synchronically unproductive in spite of its strong lexical entry . Another criterion of vitality is the frequency of an affix in the scien­ tific and technological register; repeated use here is a sure sign of synchronic productivity : a) faringe miocardio tfmpano difteria

-+ -+ -+ -+

faringitis miocarditis timpanitis difteritis

b) miedo fiitbol concurso barriga

-+ -+ -+ -+

mieditis

futbolitis

concursitis

barriguitis

The plethora of medical terms using -itis as in a) has extended into non-medical whimsical neologistic formations as in b) . 39 The same tendencies may be found in the expansion of modern neo-classical formatives from the technical lexis, such as radio-, vfdeo-, -ologo, -ita etc . Yet a further indication of vitality is the ease with which a particular affix may be conjoined to a variety of bases . Today the proliferation of -ismo and -ista is reflected in their combinational compatibility not just with noun bases with which they have been traditionally associated, but increasingly with adjectives, place names, proper names, acronyms and even verbs . Compare the stan­ dard -istal-ismo forms of a) with the neologistic formations of b) :

37

1he theoretical and historical framework a) estado detalle piraguas atleta

-

estadista detallista piragiiismo atletismo

b) autostop UCD Suarez Madrid

-

autostopista

ucedista

suarista

madridismo

In a) the bases are standard nouns , whereas in b) derivations are generated either from foreign loans, acronyms , or proper names. The lexical formatives are thus characterised by a process of expansion and recession within an overall morphological system, with each component interlinked within this system. The advance of one affix is likely to involve the decline of another as well as bring­ ing about a shift in balance of the system as a whole. A historical example of this is the advance in South America of the emotive suffixes -ito and -azo accompanied by a decline in use of rival forms such as -illo and -ote. In the descriptive section of this study , the productivity of the various procedures will be an important con­ sideration . For the moment it can be pointed out that Spanish word formation reflects the usual wide spectrum of vitality , varying from highly productive suffixes such as -ito, -able, -azo or -ear, through a medium range of moderately productive procedures such as verb­ noun compounding, prefixation, and the core of standard suffixes, to a number of low yield procedures such as orthographic compounding and fossilised affixation represented by morphemes such as cis-, -dumbre or -ancia. At the same time, the concept of ' fossilised' must be treated with caution, since any affix recorded in the lexicon, however stagnant it may appear, is capable of resuscitation by an imaginative writer or adoption in a technical or scientific register. Moreover, a word forming element may be synchronically consider­ ably more productive than its lexical entries would suggest; the cult suffix -esco, for instance, has relatively few lexical entries but is extremely productive in spontaneous derivation in literary contexts or in whimsical levels of style. Conversely , the large number of entries for, say , the suffix -miento, belie the low productivity of this morpheme in synchronic derivation. 1. 7 Lexical creativity and style

Many new terms created through the procedures of word formation may be criticised by purists and even resisted by lexicographers as being unnecessary , ill-conceived, unharmonious, and otherwise alien to the natural shape and feeling of the language. Often terms are created which merely seem to duplicate words which already exist in the lexis, leading to unnecessary synonymy . It is only in the course of time that academic or official resistance yields and the new

38

Introduction terms may finally be sanctioned by entry in the lexicon. A good example of this is the long resistance of the Spanish Academy to the expansion of deverbal adjectives in -antel- (i)ente, until the twentieth century quite rare, but now highly productive: deprimir galopar degradar florecer

-

deprimente galopante degradante floreciente

una experiencia deprimente la inflaci6n galopante un contacto degradante negocios florecientes

Examples of derivations producing unnecessary synonymy abound in the technical lexis where a lack of interregional agreement on the designation of machinery and machine parts tends to produce different terms in different geographical areas, such as empu­ jatie"as, excavadora, and aplanadora, all labelling the one machine. A particular type of synonymy associated with derivation is the alter­ native suffixation type of which a good example is the expanding adjectival series in -al which tends to duplicate existing terms derived though other suffixes : policia educaci6n te6logo opci6n

-

policiaco educativo teol6gico optativo

-

policial educacional teologal opcional

Deverbal nominal abstracts in particular show much duplication of derivative forms, and many of these are neologistic, of the type ensellamiento for ensellanza or almacenamiento for almacenaje. Although the readiness of individual users of the language to reject existing terminology in favour of innovative creative formations of their own invention or those admiringly imitated from the mass media often goes too far, in most cases the resulting synonymy is only broad rather than exact, since distinctions can usually be made either through semantic nuance, regional variation, or textual collocation. Thus, for example, policfaco and policial can be differentiated by different collocations as in una nove/a policfacal*una novela policial and una redada policiall*una redada policfaca. In the case of the deverbal abstracts -cion, -miento, -dura, anza -aje, one derivation may be more materialised, another archaic, and another more technically marked. Verbs in -ear sometimes seem to duplicate others in -ar derived on the same base: -

,

martillo color clavo barra

-

martillar colorar clavar barrar

-

martillear colorear clavetear barrear

39

The theoretical and historical framework In practice, the -ear form tends to introduce an iterative or attenuative nuance which distinguishes it from the basic -ar form. Thus rather than simply creating superfluous synonymy , derivational morphology in most cases enriches the language by expanding or refining it lexically , semantically , and stylistically . Lexical creativity is as much a tool of expressive writing and speaking as are the variations in the groupings of words to make up different kinds of sentence. Creative writers have always coined words of their own, seeking to free themselves from the restrictions of the established lexicon, and using the lexical devices of com­ pounding and derivation. It has been pointed out that derivational inventiveness was a notable feature of the Spanish Golden Age, with Cervantes, for example, making great play of humoristic formations in -esco. Equally , modem authors are innovative in their ability to create idiosyncratic terms, and a successful novelist such as Cela juggles with derivational procedures to endow his prose with expressiveness . The Spanish Academy , in its dictionary definitions , has frequently resorted to neologistic terms not appearing i n the actual entries . 40 Word formation thus has a creative stylistic dimension. On the one hand, a fondness for derivation may represent a striving for preci­ sion and economy of expression, as in the language of Cela where an ebullient use of suffixation is often made in the interests of economy of expression or in journalistic language where derivations may avoid prosaic alternatives: a) barcos transportadores de gas b) barcos que transportan gas un efecto que tranquiliza un efecto tranquilizador el cine del tercer mundo el cine tercermundista un vuelo que se puede un vuelo pagadero en un mes pagar en un mes The syntagms of a) are derivationally-based synthetic structure alter­ natives for those of b) ; whereas b) might be preferred in a standard general register, a) would be characteristic of a more streamlined style such as the language of advertising . 41 On the other hand, an excess of derivation of this type can produce pretentious prose, and an accumulation of idiosyncratic derivatives is usually considered a feature of bad style, as in this particular example of sports reporting: La izquierda, pese a tener tan fervorosos aficionados como L6pez Raimundo, Sole Tura o Ravent6s, se autodesplaza de esta pugna. El Bar a ha sido durante muchos afios un cierto baluarte anticen­ tralista, caldo de cultivo del catalanismo. Sin embargo, esta

40

Introduction dispersi6n de nombres - mas candidatos que presidenciables - no debe hacer perder Ia visi6n del contexto electoral . ( Cuadernos

para el Didlogo, 3 1 . 1 2 . 77) Here, an excessive use is made of derivatives (autodesplazar, catalanismo, presidenciables, electoral ) in an attempt to lend an elevated tone to a basically banal commentary on football politics . Derivation and compounding lengthen words syllabically and thus assist in achieving an elevated style. Paradoxically , the opposite effect may also be achieved, namely that derivation and compound­ ing are fundamental to the spontaneous utterances of colloquial speech . Thus the dramatist Amiches, depicting the typical characters of districts of Madrid, puts in their mouths lexically complex forms not testified in the dictionary , and Manuel Seco ( 1 970) , in his analysis of this writer comments on ' Ia vitalidad de que disfrutan en el habla popular los distintos morfemas' . 42 Nanez ( 1 973) , in his account of the derivational morphology of the popular press, observes :

anticentralista,

En efecto, lo que hace de Ia derivaci6n un recurso importante es el hecho de verlo empleado por igual en un nivel de lengua popular y literario. Con raz6n dice Werner Beinhauer que 'en Espana, el lenguaje de los iletrados, en punto de expresividad, no s6lo no le va en zaga al de los instruidos, sino que a veces basta Ia supera' . 43 All this is confirmed by an analysis of any present-day popular writer such as Cela, Vazquez Montalban, Marse etc . , who give their protagonists a prodigious derivational inventiveness as part of their individual characterisation . Nanez ( 1982) illustrates this very specifically in basing one of his accounts of derivational morphology on a single short work of Alonso Zamora Vicente. 44 Word formation, then , has an important stylistic dimension which should also be taken into account in any speculation about the condi­ tions in which neologising and derivational procedures take place. Too often, approaches to word formation, whether through traditional philology, transformational grammar, lexical morphology , or genera­ tive phonology , have been conducted in a manner which might be con­ sidered to be linguistically aseptic in its disregard for the word in context rather than in the lexicon or as a unit of morphology ; the environment in which new structures appear has tended to be over­ looked . In the descriptive section which follows , the intention is to pay due regard to these contextual stylistic aspects and where relevant to refer to levels of style and registers where particular formations occur.

41

2

Some recent theories of lexical morphology

2 . 1 Post generative theory - Halle Word formation is at present in the forefront of linguistic theory , since it is viewed as integrating some of the key problems encountered in syntax, semantics , morphology , and phonology . Before proceeding to describe the patterns of Spanish word forma­ tion, it is useful to review such recent approaches and to comment on them in so far as they offer insights into those aspects already considered in the early pages of this section. Post-generative theorists who have contributed to the recognition of lexical morphology as an important and distinct component of g rammar and who have elaborated theories as to its nature, include Halle ( 1973), Aronoff ( 198 1 ) , Selkirk ( 1983) and Scalise (1984). A key concern in the various approaches has been to account for the generative properties of the lexis on the basis of the interaction between the constituent morphemes themselves, rather than seeing them, as the transformationalists tended to do, simply as surface forms of underlying syntactic structure, the lexical output of syntac­ tic transformations. Retained, however, from the transformational generative approach is the emphasis on general linguistic creativity and therefore on lexical competence, and the projection of theorfes into a predictable future state of the lexis. The data to which reference is made includes not only the real existing lexicon, as testified in dictionaries and glossaries, but the potential, hypothetical , or ideal lexicon which might represent the ability of the native speaker to form and understand new words. This ideal lexicon should include listings, descriptions, and classifications of all lexical and derivational morphemes, with morphological, phonological, semantic , and subcategorisation indications referring to the condi­ tions and constraints of morpheme combinations. To this end, the analysis of the lexis should be directed towards identifying which properties of bases , stems, and affixes determine the form and mean­ ing of the derivatives or compounds, by analysing the segmental ,

42

Some recent theories of lexical morphology syntactic, and phonological features of all component parts. These properties, in order to account for the familiar problem of the 'irregularities' of word formation as opposed to the 'regularity' of inflectional morphology must inevitably be complex, paying attention to the nature of the boundaries between constituents . Among the properties to be taken into consideration in formulating the deriva­ tional conditions will be the etymological nature of the base (native, latinate, foreign) , the conjugational category in deverbal derivations (first, second, third) , the animateness or inanimateness of the base and the derivative output (marrano is an animate base with an inanimate output in marranada) , abstraction and materialisation in suffixation (cf. ligar - ligacion is abstraction , but ligar - ligadura is materialisation) , transitivity and inchoativity in bases and derivatives, and a range of semantic labellings of both constituents and complex forms such as collective, locative, agentive, attributive, temporal , etc . These complexities of categorisation are felt to be necessary in order to overcome the shortcomings of the lexicon as it exists at present, considered to be quite inadequate in accounting for the combinatorial possibilities of morphemes as well as being redundant in its listings of items which might be considered to be morphologically predictable . This approach is based o n the belief that the lexicon contains more morphological regularity than is normally allowed, but that this regularity is different from the regularity of inflectional morphology . The nature of this difference has to be researched through close scrutinisation of the procedures of derivation and compounding. Fundamental to this is the concept of well-formedness, as in negro - negrura, as opposed to ill-formedness, as in negro - *negreza , since the unrestrained application of descriptive indications in the real lexicon, of the type -al : sufijo que se une a adjetivos y sustantivos para formar otros sustantivos y adjetivos would have incongruous consequences, such as cancion - *cancional or nariz - *narizal. The order in which the morphemes are attached, in cases where multiple affixation is involved, is seen as crucial to the conditions of well-formedness, and modelled on The Sound Patterns of English ( 1 968) phonological conditions have been adduced to deter­ mine the system of concatenation . Ill-formedness is often the result of filling a lexical gap which logically ought to have been filled but which in practice has been left empty with the paradigm incomplete. Therefore the paradigmatic features of derivational morphology require analysis and research so that the non-occurrence of feasible and logical formations can be accounted for in the rules. 43

7he theoretical and historical framework The departure point for the development of analyses along these lines was Halle's Prolegomena ( 1 973) where, in reaction to the then prevalent transformational approach, a scheme accounting for lexical creativity was proposed within an autonomous morphological compo­ nent of grammar, independent of sentence structure. According to this view, native speakers have access to a repertoire of morphemes (bases, stems, affixes) which they group to form derivatives and compounds following specific word formation rules. These groupings are not made haphazardly but follow a set order; the complex struc­ ture in- + condicion + -a/ + -mente - incondicionalmente cannot be composed with a different concatenation of morphemes such as in- + -al + condici6n + mente. So an important task of word formation rules is to specify the sequence in which the morphemes may be arranged and to exclude ill-formed concatenations. One way to achieve this would be to formulate phonological rules to which word formation rules would have access and to examine the nature of the boundaries between morphemes. Idiosyncrasies of formation, whether phonological (boundary adjustments, allomorphy, trunca­ tion), semantic (polysemy of affixes in different lexical environments - contrast the sense of -aje in pluma - plumaje with that of the same suffix in camion - camionaje) , or paradigmatic oddities of the type retener - retencion, detener - detencion, but sostener ­ sostenimiento, would be accounted for by a special 'filter' through which the forms generated by the rules would pass before entering the dictionary or appearing as lexical insertion in syntactic structure. The main features of the actual rules are the specification of the grammatical class of the base (N in funcionario - funcionariado, Adj in amplio - amplitud, V in caber - cabida), labelling the syntactic class of the derivation (N in funcionariado, Adj in amplitud, N in cabida), and provision of standard semantic informa­ tion in affixation, of the type + collective (-ado in juncionariado) , + abstraction (-tud in amplitud ), + dimension (-ida in cabida) . Halle's proposals were significant in that for the first time a theory of morphology was applied to the lexicon and methods were suggested for handling the problems of 'possible but non existent' morphological structures. The practical application of its principles in specific studies however, especially English, showed up shortcom­ ings of this theory in several respects; the rules were overpowerful, there was excessive reliance on the lexicon in stipulating the grounds of rules, the function of the filter was not sufficiently defined, and the list of morphemes obscured the distinction between lexical morphemes (words) and affix morphemes (prefixes, suffixes, infixes) . The main problem with this approach as far as Spanish is concerned is that it is morpheme-based. This is convenient in the

44

Some recent theories of lexical morphology analysis of English where words and morphemes are identical for table, cover, umbrella for instance are both much of the time words and free (lexical) morphemes, and in verb conjugation the I write, you write, lexical morpheme corresponds with the word he write-s etc, while in compounding and derivation the paradigm offers the same word form: sponsor - sponsorship - sponsoring. But in Spanish, although there are many cases where morpheme and word correspond as, for instance in the series control - controlar - controlador - autocontrol or mujer - mujeriego - mujerona ­ mujeril, the predominant vowel terminating phonology of the texis means that in derivation the lexical morpheme does not correspond to the word, as in diente - dentista - dentudo - dentfjrico or -

-

cabeza - cabeceo - cabecilla - cabecera - cabezudo. 1 2.2 Aronoft''s conditions and restraints

A further objection to Halle's model is his acceptance of the defini­ tion of the morpheme as 'the smallest individually meaningful element in the utterance of a language' , that is to say the morpheme is viewed as the minimal linguistic sign. However, some theorists view the word itself as the minimal sign, certainly in the analysis of syntax, and, in accordance with Aronoff's generative scheme, in lexical morphology as well, on the grounds that many morphemes, including derivational morphemes , bear no meaning when used independently (such as cran in cranberry) or that morphemes have no constant meaning (straw in strawberry as opposed to straw in straw hat) , and indeed many stems have no clear meaning such as the Spanish stems of preferir, referir or diferir. Derivational morphemes, Aronoff points out, may have variable meanings: a) negar partir bonito imprimir

-

renegar repartir rebonito reimprimir

b) llave gallina paraguas vidrio

-

llavero

gallinero

paragiiero

vidriero

In a) above, the same prefix has different meanings in each lexical context (intensificatory , distributional, reiterative) while in b) the suffix -ero is variously locative or agentive. For such reasons, Aronoff rejects the morpheme as the basis of derivational morpho­ logy which, in his view , is clearly and unequivocally motivated by a semantically transparent linguistic unit, namely the word. Terms such as gigante, pantera, or bateria cannot therefore be considered, as Halle 's analysis would have done, as being generated by their stems gig-, pant-, or bat- , which do not have independent semantic status.

45

'/he theoretical and historical framework So Aronoff ' s view of the aim of derivational morphology is that it should define the class of possible words in a language, just as syntax defines the class of possible sentences . Three categories of words must be accounted for - existing words , possible but non­ occurring words, and impossible and non-occurring terms . Because words often have meanings extraneous to that of their morpheme constituents, as in: a) glora perder red luna

-

glorieta imperdible redada luneta

b) noche matar madre tio

+ + + +

buena sano selva vivo

-

Nochebuena matasanos madreselva tiovivo

where neither the derivatives of a) nor the compounds of b) have meanings easily deduced from their constituent parts, derivation rules must be based on the words themselves rather than on their morphemic subdivisions . The words serving as a base for rules must be existing words rather than syntagms or phrases, and the inputs and outputs of the lexical morphology must be members of a major grammatical class (N, Adj , V) . The existence in the lexicon of endless idiosyncrasies ought not to be a barrier to the formulation of rules, since even irregularly formed items have a morphemic struc­ ture which must somehow be accounted for. 2 The basic word formation rule, as postulated by Aronoff, has the following structure: [W)x [Fa]

-

[ [W)x [Fa]

+

Af )y (semantics of y) [Fb]

That is to say that a word of the lexical category x and features a is rewritten as a complex word with internal structure consisting of a base, a morpheme boundary and an affix; the resulting word is a derivative with the grammatical category y and the features b. The ' semantics of y ' tag is expressed as a paraphrase. Applied to some Spanish examples, this formula gives : Adj + -ecer] oscurecer (hacer oscuro) [ + transitive + intransitive + inchoative] (que muestra ... perezoso [pereza) N -+ [ [ pereza] N + -oso]Adj pereza) [ + attributive] [ + abstract) [ hacinar)V ... [ [ hacinar] V + -miento]N ... hacinamiento (accci6n y efecto de hacinar) [ + action [ + transitive] + effect of action) + -ario]Adj tabernario (propio de la [tabernaliN ... l !taberna] tabema) [ + attributive] [ + material] [oscuro]Adj [ + attributive)

-+

[ [oscuro]

-+

-+

46

Some recent theories of lexical morphology Such rules are lexical rules and not syntactic , semantic or phono­ logical ones, although they have to observe syntactic, semantic, and phonological properties of their components . A basic distinction between such rules and those of syntax or phonology is that they are optional - a sentence may be generated without the application of a word formation rule, but it requires syntactic and phonological rules . Further, Aronoff ' s rules underline a distinction between word and affixes, so that a different level is implied for the former (level of the dictionary) while the latter function at the level of word forma­ tion rules. While the former carry categorisation information ( pereza is an abstract noun, hacinar is a transitive verb) , the latter carry ' relational ' information (-ecer is deadjectival, -miento is deverbal) . Whereas Halle lists words and affixes at the same level, Aronoff forms two levels in the lexical component of gramma r. Since Hallt�' s rules were criticised on the grounds of their excessively global or overgenerating power, Aronoff proposed restricting the rules through the specification not only of positive conditions of attachment, such as those of the examples above, but negative conditions as well , which would constrain the basic rules, applicable firstly to the base and secondly to the derivative output. Constraints on the base may be syntactic, so that certain affixes attach only to verbs, others only to nouns and others only to adjec­ tives . Attachment may be affected by subcategorisation features of the base such as + 1 - countability , + 1 - transitivity , + 1 - abstrac­ tion, + 1 - animate etc . The suffix -able, for example, might be marked [ + V , + transitive] since it is amenable to verb stems as long as they are not intransitive, or the suffix -t might be marked

[ + locative, + gentilic, + animate] since it attaches only to place name bases and forms gentilic adjectives or animate gentilic nouns . Semantic conditions affecting the base may be illustrated by the deverbal suffix -able which is particularly amenable to verbs expressing some sort of evaluative judgement as in adorar ­ adorable, despreciar - despreciable, or to verbs which presuppose an agent performing the action of the verb as in regular ­ regulable, or pronunciar - pronunciable. It has already been seen that pejorative suffixes do not attach to bases of positive semantic import (cf. guapo - *guapejo or decente - *decentacho) . A seman­ tic condition of the base which applies in prefixation is that negative affixes cannot attach to bases of negative semantic import, so that any morphological negativisation of, say asqueroso as in *inasqueroso, *desasqueroso, or *malasqueroso is lexically unaccep­ table. The phonological conditions have already been reviewed in this introductory section, in particular with regard to Aronoff 's

47

The theoretical and historical framework interpretation of the role of allomorphy and truncation in the formulation of adjustment rules . Heinz ( 1982) subjected Aronoff's 'universal ' phonological conditions to test in the study of eight Spanish deverbal suffixes (-able, -miento, -ivo, -dor, -cion, -ero, -ura and -izo) and found them wanting in accounting for some of the idiosyncrasies of formations of this type. In particular, they could not explain the non-realisation of the theme vowel in many deverbal nominalisations (cf. ejecutar - ejecutivo - *ejecutativo) or in the generation of irregular -ble forms of the type resolver - resoluble. This led him to refine Aronoff's postulations and introduce concepts such as the 'prosodic principle' , whereby a consonant must precede a vowel-initial suffix and a vowel precede a consonant-initial suffix, as in casa - casero and casar - casadero respectively . In addition, he introduces a ' raising property ' to account for the closing of the theme vowel from [e] to [i] in second conjugation derivations of the type abo"ecer -+ aborrecible and the 'right override rule' whereby certain affixes on the right (suffixes such as -miento and -izo) over­ ride the morphophonological requirements of the base, whereas in other cases the latter impose themselves on the suffixes . What this striving for phonological rule refinements indicates is that generative phonology is really overburdened in accounting for all observable deviations from the most obvious morphophonological rules of stem and affix combination . 3 Other constraints on the base may be morphological . Specifically , the latinate or native (Castilian) character of the base often deter­ mines the viability of a particular formation . The Spanish Academy made much of this distinction in its 1 932 Grammar: Tambien debemos distinguir dos clases de derivaci6n: Ia erudita y Ia vulgar. La primera aiiade los sufijos al vocablo primitivo en su forma latina; Ia segunda, al vocablo castellano. 4 So the suffix -acho, for instance, was said to attach to Castilian rather than to latinate bases . In general, it is the case that the emotive suffixes append to modern autoctonous bases and not to erudite classical bases, while some suffixes such as -uculo (minUsculo, clavfcula, molecula) are associated only with latinate forms, while others may apply to both native and latinate, such as -ivo (abortivo, paliativo) . However, the usefulness of this distinction, highly relevant in classifying English word formation types, is dubious in Spanish where the etymological division of the lexis into Latin/native is generally artificial , since most Castilian forms are in some way latinate, given the sources of the Spanish language. Another morphological condition emphasised by Aronoff and other post-generative theorists is that of adjacency whereby certain affixes

48

Some recent theories of lexical morphology show morphological compatibility with specific phonological shapes of stem, and in particular to the form of the final syllable of the base to which they are attached: a) vidrioso goloso velloso fogoso

-+

vidriosidad golosidad vellosidad fogosidad

b) Berlin Badalona Narb6n Rosell6n

- berlines

- badalones

-+ narbones

- rosellones

In a) , -dad nominalisations appear particularly amenable to adjective bases in -oso, which are unlikely to be nominalised by a rival de­ adjectival nominal such as -ez (carnoso - *carnosez) while the gentilics of -es of b) are amenable to bases in -n (hence Berlfn ­ berlines rather than Berlfn - *berliniano) . In accumulations of suffixes , as has already been shown, some combinations are more feasible than others , such as -ero which combines easily with -ajo

(vino - vinajero) , -azo (agua - aguacero) , -ando (curar ­ curandero) , and -endo (barrer - barrendero) . So concatenations of

morphemes are clearly conditioned by the nature of the final syllables of the bases . Restrictions on the output of word formation rules are both syntac­ tic and semantic . Syntactically , the outputs are derivations which are members of a major grammatical category , so in Spanish suffixation, the following inputs and outputs are possible: N V A N A V N

-+ -

-+ -+

-+ -+ A A -

V

N N N V V V A A A Adv

[[bomb6n] N + -eria] N [ [arrepentir]V + -miento]N [ [torpe]A + -eza] N [en + [moqueta] N + -ar]V [ [dulce]A + -ificar] V [ [ gemir] V + -ote + -ear]V [ [policfa] N + -aco]A [ [llorar] V + -6n] A [ [ verde]A + -usco]A ( [estricto]A + -mente]Adv

bombonerfa arrepentimiento torpeza enmoquetar dulcificar gimotear policfaco llor6n verdusco estrictamente

This allows for a wide variety of combinations , but excludes possible inputs such as Adv - N, Prep - N, or N - Adv . On the other hand, unexpected grammatical inputs do appear throughout the texis, although they may be highly unproductive: Pron - V [ [tti] + -ear] V Pron -+ N [ [yo] Pron + -ismo]N Adv -+ V [ [adelante]Adv + -ar] V

tutear yofsmo adelantar

The semantic constraints derive from the fact that the meaning of the output is a function of that of the constituents, thus:

49

1he theoretical and historical framework plegar decisivo argumento casa + cuna

-

plegable decisivamente argumentista casa cuna

(capaz de ser plegado) (de manera decisiva) (redactor de argumentos) (casa que sirve de cuna)

However, as has already been emphasised, semantic drift frequently takes place between constituents and derivative, leading in time to obscuration of the original semantic motivation. So the paraphrasal tagging of the semantic output as a function of the base is really only fully valid in synchronically productive patterns where the com­ ponents retain their primitive sense, rather than in established lexical forms where the meaning may have veered marginally or widely from that of the composing elements . 2.3 Level ordered morphology

Following Aronoff, generative morphology evolved in the direction of forming morphological rules independently of the other com­ ponents of grammar and seeing them as functioning within the framework of the lexicon rather than in the context of syntactic structure or phonological theory . Inflectional rules, hitherto dealt with in their relationship with generative syntactic structure, were increasingly viewed as germane to derivative processes and thus also to operate in the lexical component of grammar. Hypotheses have evolved particularly around the idea of the lexicon being structured in ordered strata or levels , with each morphological process taking place in a particular stratum . Basic to this is the distinction between stress shifting affixes such as -ity in curious - curiosity or legal ­ legality, and stress neutral affixes such as re- in fomultion - refor­ mation or -ness in polite - politeness. Whereas the former type (class I) attach to both words and stems, the latter (class II) attach only to words . This has led to the postulation of a ' level ordered morphology ' whereby affixes of the latter type (class II) may be attached to bases containing class I affixes, but class I affixes may not attach to those containing class II; so guardedness is well-formed since -ness may attach to words containing the class II suffix -ed, but *guardedity is ill-formed because the class I suffix -ity cannot combine with words containing class II suffixes such as -ed. ' This distinction, effective in explaining a large part of English deriva­ tional morphology , is inappropriate in Spanish where the stress distinction barely exists in synchronic terms . That is to say that all synchronically productive prefixes are stress neutral and all synchronically productive suffixes stress shifting .6

50

Some recent theories of lexical morphology a) verdad sonorizar rapido revista

-+ -+ -+ -+

contraverdad insonorizdr extrarrdpido pornorrevista

b) carcel campe6n

-+ -+ rojo -+ gilipollas -+

carceldrio campeondto rojfzo gilipolldda

In a) , prefixation does not alter the position of the original stress of the base, whereas the suffixation of b) involves a shift in stress from a syllable of the base to the first syllable of the affix. However, the concept of the morphological component ordered in blocks is useful for Spanish, even if the fine distinction in suffix ordering according to stress properties is not valid. These broad blocks consist of compounding , affixation, emotive suffixation, and standard grammatical inflection which may be arranged in a scheme of level ordered morphology . In the general theory , inflection is final to all other morphological processes: a) zarza - zarzamora boya - claraboya

labio -+ labihendido vino - vinicultor

- vozarr6n -+ b) voz fresco -+ frescach6n -+ -+ futuro -+ futurible labihendidos mozo -+ aeromoza - vinicultores - zarzamoras claraboyas

-+ -+

vozarrones frescachona futuribles aeromozas

The compounds of a) show the plural morphemes [ -s] or [ -es] attached after the derivation has taken place, external to the compound and not, for example, after the first constituent and before the second as in *zarzasmora . In b) the affixed derivatives also show that the grammatical inflection, whether plural as in vozarrones or feminine as in frescachona takes place after affix attachment and not internally . This supports the view of the ' weak lexical hypothesists' who emphasise the distinction between derivation and inflection, and insist on the ordering of the latter after the former. However, numerous cases occur in Spanish in contradiction to this , and therefore in favour of the ' strong lexical hypothesis' whereby inflec­ tion and derivation cannot be differentiated on these grounds since inflection does sometimes occur internally rather than externally :

base

amenazador inesperado desacompasado definitivo

inflected base

derivation

amenazadora inesperada desacompasada definitiva

amenazadoramente inesperadamente desacompasadamente definitivamente

This is the well known case of adjective inflection masculine -+ feminine before attachment of the adverbial suffix -mente, where inflection clearly antecedes affixation . Moreover, in juxtaposed binominal compounding, synchronically an extremely prolific lexical procedure, correct normalised usage requires inflection for the plural within the structure, after the first 51

1he theoretical and historical framework constituent and not externally to the right:

base buque + escuela bora + punta libro + revista cafe + teatro

compound

plural

buque escuela bora punta libro revista cafe teatro

buques escuela

horas punta

libros revista

cafes teatro

These examples indicate that the posteriority and externality of inflection depends on graphic synthesis of compound constituents . Yet however weighty the evidence of binominal compounding, inter­ nal inflection of this kind is otherwise not substantial enough to countervene the generality that derivation precedes inflection . In the ordering hypothesis, affixation is held to precede compoun­ ding. So, an affixed term may be subject to compounding morphology , as in:

-+ -+ -+ -+

poder arder empresa veloz

poderoso ardiente empresario velocidad

-+ -+ -+ -+

todopoderoso

aguardiente

empresario actor

velocidad punta

However, in Spanish the opposite procedure is just as common, if not more so:

base fibra ferro agua norte bal6n hoja

+

+ +

+ + +

vidrio carril fuerte Corea cesto lata

compound

affixed compound

fibravidrio ferrocarril aguafuerte Nordcorea baloncesto hojalata

fibravidriero

ferrocarrilero

aguafuertista

nordcoreano

baloncestista

hojalatero

Here, compounds are subject to further derivation through suffixa­ tion. Moreover, Spanish frequently permits the suffixation of syntagms or compound phrases which have not achieved graphic synthesis:

base treinta tercer cafe Estados cuenta

graphic compound + aiios + mundo + teatro + Unidos + corriente

affixed compound treintaiiero tercermundista cafeteatril estadounidense cuentacorrentista

In the above examples, compounding clearly does not precede suffixation, but rather is applied simultaneously . So in Spanish, compounding and derivational rules frequently intermingle, and an 52

Some recent theories of lexical morphology ordering hypothesis would have to be refined to allow for two possibilities which stand in apparent contradiction - namely that compounding often precedes affixation, and in other cases either comes after it or is simultaneous to it. Such intermingling of different types of lexical morphology procedures is a feature especially of the neologistic lexis and therefore is increasing rather than adhering to the basic patterns postulated by the general theory . 7 Emotive suffixes , so dominant in Spanish derivational morphology , present particular ordering difficulties to theorists in that they share properties both with the inflectional morphemes and with deriva­ tional affixes . In particular, they resemble inflectional morphemes in not changing the syntactic class of their base (dedo N - deducho N, verde Adj - verdoso Adj ) , nor do they change the subcategorisation features of their base:

base revolar ratero ambicioso palmada

subcategorisation of base + + + +

reiterative animate attributive contusive

derivative revolotear raterillo ambiciosillo palmadita

subcategorisation of derivative + + + +

reiterative

animate

attributive

contusive

On the other hand, by changing the semantics of the base, marginally or strongly in the case of lexicalisations , and by allowing recursive applications of different emotive suffixes on the same base, they show characteristics in common with derivation :

first derivation

base

marica tonto rico facil

maric6n tontorro ricacho facil6n

second derivation

mariconazo

tontorr6n

ricach6n

faciloncito

However, the emotive suffixes show important differences both with regard to inflection and to derivation as far as ordering in the context of an extended morphological theory is concerned, since they are external to the latter and internal to the former:

base

non-emotive derivation

non-emotive + emotive inflection

Gales agonizar moda nervio

gales agonizante modista nervioso

galesito agonizantillo modistilla nerviosuelo

galesitos agonizantillos modistillas nerviosuelos

In view of such differences and characteristics, it would be reasonable to establish a separate ordering for the emotive suffixes, 53

The theoretical and historical framework after standard non-emotive suffixation and before paradigmatic inflection . They are also external to compounds :

base punto sabio carro tierra

+ agudo + hondo + coche + teniente

compound

emotive derivation

puntiagudo sabihondo carricoche terrateniente

puntiagudillo sabihonduelo carricochecito terratenientuelo

The emotive morphemes in Spanish follow a pattern of internal ordering among themselves: -ete + -6n : -arro + -aco : -acho + -6n

guapet6n, mocet6n, juguet6n

pajarraco, tiparraco , bicharraco

fortach6n, bonach6n, hombrach6n

But these are no more than common patterns on which it would be rash to base conclusions about firm internal ordering ; they will be discussed in more detail in the descriptive section of this account. Prefixing is normally ordered after both suffixation and com­ pounding :

base

derivative/compound

prefixed derivative/

compound

deporte verde espfa Barcelona

deportivo verdecer espionaje barcelonista

antideportivo

reverdecer

contraespionaje

antibarcelonista

In one pattern , however, prefixation may be internal to compound­ ing , where the constituents are not graphically synthesised and are in a ' loose' syntagmatic relationship. This is the series in anti- of the type : brigada antiatracos

capa antirresbaladiza

patrulla antirruidos

pfidora anticonceptiva

In other cases , prefixation and suffixation operate simultaneously in the procedure known as parasynthesis ( pareja - emparejar, piedra - empedrar, boton - abotonar) , and infixation would likewise be ordered with suffixation with which it is closely linked. This would give a scheme of ordered morphology for Spanish, as follows:

1 . Compounding 2 . Suffixation and Infixation (parasynthesis)

54

} }

Some recent theories of lexical morphology 3 . Prefixation 4 . Emotive Suffixation 5 . Inflection Between 1 and 2 the brackets indicate a loop showing the possibility of inverse order. The remaining orders are dominant rather than absolute. In this scheme of an ordered extended morphology , then, Spanish words would exhibit the following structures :

example

morphological type

ciervos cazadores cazadotes clarividentes boquiabiertismo hojalateros deslucimiento porquerizos regularcitamente descontainerizaciones villorrio vidorras tailandesito presumidillos caraduraza centrocampistones chiquitajo pintarrajear

inflected

derived, inflected

compound

compound, inflected

compound, derived

compound, derived, inflected

derived, derived

derived , derived, inflected

derived, derived, derived

derived, derived, derived, inflected

emotive

emotive, inflected

derived, emotive

derived, emotive, inflected

compound, emotive

compound , emotive, inflected

emotive, emotive

emotive, emotive, inflected

Alternative structures , for example, inflected + derived, derived + inflected + emotive, or emotive + compound, are non-occurring and are therefore ill-formed. 8

2.4 Extended morphology - hypotheses, conditions, blocking The problems of ordering and of dealing with morphology in the lexicon have necessitated the formulation of a host of secondary rules designed to refine and condition the main postulations , seeking to enable them to be more effectively applied to specific languages in addition to English for which they were primarily conceived. 9 One such secondary constraint is the unitary base hypothesis whereby the same affixation rule cannot take as its base words of different syntactic categories . However, Spanish derivation offers widespread counterevidence to this :

55

The theoretical and historical framework a) cerdo lujo encuentro manta alcalde pago

-

cerdete superlujo reencuentro mant6n alcaldable impago

b) pobre dotar bautizar apagar regular inteligible

-

pobrete superdotar rebautizar apag6n regulable ininteligible

The derivations of b) , although based on the same affix of the corresponding derivations in a) , are applied to bases of a different g rammatical class - -ete to noun and adjective , super- to noun and verb, re- to noun and verb, etc . Some affixes are certainly monosyn­ tactic in this sense : a) atracar tender abrevar achicharrar

-

atracadero tendedero abrevadero achicharradero

b) horchata estante gallina corsete

-

horchaterfa estanterla gallinerfa corseterla

In a) , -dero is an example of a suffix attaching only to words of one g rammatical class , verbs, while b) shows the syntactic limitations of -er(a to noun bases. But the majority of Spanish affixes are polysyn­ tactic with regard to the bases they select, particularly prefixes and the emotive suffixes which are sometimes thought of as appending primarily to nouns: jardi'n dificil matando atrevido

-

jardincillo dificilillo matandillo atrevidillo

N A Part Part

-+ -

N

A

Part

Part

In these circumstances , the unitary base hypothesis has little validity for Spanish, least of all synchronically when, as the descriptive patterns will show , the neologistic lexis reflects the increasing amenability of specific affixes to bases of different grammatical classes . This contradiction of the unitary bases hypothesis also argues against an X-bar syntax analysis of complex lexical struc­ tures, as proposed by some linguists . 10 A further constraint postulated by Aronoff and taken up by others, is the binary branching hypothesis according to which a word forma­ tion rule may attach one and only one affix at a time to a base, so that for example the terms futbolfsticamente, antiespailolismo, or sinvergilencer(a are considered to have the following structure: ( [tutbol]N

( anti[ sin

56

-i'stico + -mente]Adv [espaiiol]A + -ismo]N + [vergiienza] N + -erfa]N +

+

futbollsticamente

antiespaiiolismo

sinvergiiencerfa

Some recent theories of lexical morphology That is to say that these formations are built up in single stages , each derivation containing a previous one and the structure always bran­ ching in a binary fashion . However, while this is certainly the struc­ ture in the examples above, Spanish offers ample counterevidence to this principle, especially in its large repertoire of parasynthetic verb formations of the type enmudecer, ahuecar, or empeorar, which show a different structure: [en- + [mudo] A + -ecer] V + [hueco]A + -ar] V [a[em- + [peor] A + -ar] V

enmudecer ahuecar empeorar

Here the derivation is not built up in stages , but prefixation and suffixation apply simultaneously , in contravention to the binary bran­ ching hypothesis . 1 1 Moreover, the emotive suffix inventory provides scores of examples of tertiary structures , where the binary stage is omitted : [ [mozo]N + -alb- + -ete] N + -acho + -uelo]N [ [ rio] N [ [pajaro]N + -arro + -aco]N

mozalbete riachuelo pajarraco

Here, the apparent intermediate stage of the derivation is non­ occurring ( *mozalbo, *riacho, *pajarro) . To allow for such counterexamples , an 'overgenerating ' morphology has been proposed, by which the binary analysis is held still to be valid by taking as the base of a word formation rule not only existing words but possible and non-occurring words , such as those marked as ill­ formed above. In the case of Spanish, this solution seems specious; given the normality of non-binary as well as binary structures it would be preferable to allow for both , with the constraint that non­ binary is limited to verbal parasynthetics and emotive affixation of the infix type. The latter-day emphasis on the word, rather than the morpheme, as the base of word formation rules, has led to the postulation of the ' no phrase constraint' according to which only major syntactic word categories such as N, A, V, may generate derivatives , as opposed to non-major categories such as Prep, Adv , Pron, or phrases. Objec­ tions to the N, A, V restriction can be noted for Spanish, where pronouns and other parts of speech are sometimes subject to deriva­ tion of the type vos -+ voseo, lo -+ lofsmo, tu -+ tutear, or ce -+ cecear. In English, the ability of phrases to enter derivational struc­ ture is apparent in items such as stand-offish or airyfairyness. Collo­ quial neologistic Spanish can likewise offer much counterevidence, in terms such as sincorbatismo, autoestopista, treintanero, centrocampista, cafeteatril etc . In particular, the neologistic suffixes

57

The theoretical and historical framework -isla and -ismo have acquired the property of welding together free syntagms into derivative or compound structure. So the no phrase constraint may be diachronically valid , but synchronically it is likely to be broken in practice by creative speakers and writers fond of exploiting the strong derivational properties of particular affixes . This would appear to be a case where the consideration of the derivational morphology in the context of the lexicon, removed from its syntactic and contextual environment, has encouraged an over­ rigorous postulation of constraints . Some notions put forward with regard to morphological constraints have been noted in an earlier section, and in particular the native/ latinate opposition and the adjacency condition favouring or dis­ couraging particular boundaries. Additionally , recent theory , in the framework of the extended ordered hypothesis outlined above, has drawn attention to the role of syllabic structure in determining the feasibility or non-feasibility of formations : 12 - escasez a) escaso - avidez avido - tozudez tozudo redondo - redondez

b) mes voz chal sol

-

mesecito

vocecita

chalecito

solecito

In these cases, the syllabic length of the base determines the form of the suffix, as in a) , where three syllable bases tend to select -ez as opposed to -eza, and in b) , where monosyllabic consonant­ terminating stems select -ecito, as opposed to -ito. This is seen also in prefixation, for example in the negativising of deverbal adjectives in -able more often by in- than by des-: a) arrugable prorrogable agotable confesable

-

inarrugable improrrogable inagotable inconfesable

*desarrugable

*desprorrogable

*desagotable

*desconfesable

On the other hand, the past participle type of deverbal adjective prefers negativising in des- : a) acostumbrado afinado cosido garbado

desacostumbrado desafinado descosido desgarbado

*inacostumbrado

*inafinado

*inconsido

*ingarbado

Prefixed verbs show a strong preference for nominalisations in

-miento:

58

Some recent theories of lexical morphology encarcelar embellecer amontonar apear

-

encarcelamiento

embellecimiento

amontonamiento

apeamiento

whereas non-prefixed verbs may be nominalised in -miento, -cion,

-dura, or -aje: hacinar ebullir botar fichar

-

hacinamiento

ebullici6n

botadura

fichaje

An important constraint proposed by the lexical morphologists is the 'blocking principle' , which seeks to explain the varying produc­ tivity of word formation rules. 13 Different approaches consider the blocking principle in different ways. One type of blocking is that occurring where a potential derivation is not realised due to the simple existence of another, non-derived, term which obstructs it: esponja carne espacio rabia avaricia gloria

esponjoso carnoso espacioso rabioso avaricioso glorioso

esponjosidad carnosidad espaciosidad

This paradigm in N - A - N formations in -oso and -dad shows wide gaps , as illustrated in the last three examples , where the expected -dad derivation does not materialise . To complete the series would require the following entry in column 3 : rabia avaricia gloria

rabioso avaricioso glorioso

rabia

avaricia

gloria

So the abstract nominalisation of the adjective derivations in -oso reverts to the same nouns as the base (rabia, avaricia, gloria) . The logical derivation in -dad is said to be 'blocked' by the non-derived base which may also serve as an abstract. In the first set of examples (esponja, carne, espacio) , the material rather than the abstract property of the base prevents blocking. So the semantic property + I - abstract is an important subcategorisation feature in predicting the possibility of a formation of this type, as has been well demonstrated both for English and for French . 14 The validity of this for Spanish can be considered in the following series :

59

The theoretical and historical framework gracia rencor rigor ocio estudio respeto

gracioso rencoroso rigoroso ocioso estudioso respetuoso

graciosidad rigorosidad ociosidad estudiosidad

It appears that while some abstract bases do not generate deadjectival nominalisations in -dad , enough do so to invalidate the + 1 - abstract explanation of the inconsistencies . What in fact appears to happen in Spanish is that where two abstractions exist - that of the base and that of deadjectival derivation, as in rigor - rigorosidad, modern usage prefers the underived form, leaving the derived structure for an archaic or cult register. Where there is no derived abstraction, the modern preference for shorter morphological shapes inhibits one from appearing . 15 In another sense , blocking is understood as the obstruction of one suffix by another, operating on the same type of base and in the same lexical field . So while a basic rule of abstract nominalising might stipulate: [ [N] + -oso]A - [ [ [N] + -oso]A + -dad]N in fact the rule would be frequently contravened by other formulae: leproserfa

leproso vergonzoso arenoso roiioso

lepra vergiienza arena roiia

roiioserfa

In which case , the morphological sequence -osidad is blocked by formations based on rival suffixes . A similar case is the blocking of many potential formations in -ista , even where a related form in -ismo exists , because of a preexisting valid term: -+ campista b) bilingiiismo a) campismo atletismo submarinismo -+ submarinista compaiierismo periodismo - periodista desnudismo desnudista montaiiismo -+

-+ -+ -+ -+

*bilingiiista

•atletista

•compaiierista

*montaiiista

The correspondences of a) are not realised in b) because the -ista formations are redundant given the existence of preestablished lexicalised forms : bilingiie atleta compaiiero montaiiero

60

-

bilingiiismo

atletismo

compaiierismo

montaiiismo

Some recent theories of lexical morphology Thus in many cases the blocking takes the form of an established lexical structure preventing the appearance of a logical derivation in a potential paradigmatic series . As postulated, the concept of blocking seems severe when applied to Spanish derivational morphology . It is clear that some sort of blocking mechanism is at work, but the frequency of alternative derivations on the same base, not all of which can be semantically , diachronically , or even stylistically differentiated, argues against accepting blocking as an important feature of the rules . It might be said , for example, that camion - camionista is blocked by camion - camionero, *montaflista by montaflero, or *barcelonense by barcelones, but given the mobility of the affix system, it is a fact that an apparently 'blocked ' formation may actually be realised in specific regional or stylistic contexts or may come into existence and even supplant a preexisting form. 16 Above all , blocking suggests that the lexis is static and thus goes against the very principle of lexical creativity which the theory is seeking to illuminate. While the approach of lexical morphologists such as Halle, Aronoff, and Scalise outlined above has moved away from the transformation treatment of word formation, other theorists have continued to emphasise that derivational processes interact closely with syntax , and that the syntactic analysis of complex words can throw light on the formation procedures . In particular, the similarities between syntax and word structure have underpinned theories about the former to be applied to the latter. Selkirk, for example, has applied the principles of X-bar syntax to word forma­ tion, labelling the constituents according to a hierarchical structure and relating affixes and bases in the manner of phrase or sentence structure, at the same time accepting the premise that derivational morphology together with inflectional morphology forms a separate component of grammar , and agreeing with the need for an ' extended' dictionary in which affixes and lexical morphemes are listed as well as existing words, with all the linguistic information necessary for combining them . While this subjection of complex words to the framework of phrase structure grammar is often illuminating , for example , in the prediction of the structure of English compounds , it has been found wanting in accounting for the ill- or well-formedness of individual procedures . 17 In the following chapters , Spanish lexical morphology will be described according to the formal divisions between compounding, emotive suffixation, standard suffixation, and prefixation, with relevant morphological , phonological , syntactic and semantic charac­ terisation of each procedure. In the complex area of suffixation,

61

The theoretical and historical framework involving scores of derivational morphemes, categorisation will follow the syntactic relationship between derivative and base. The theoretical framework in which these divisions of word formation will be described will be that of the theories outlined in the preceding sections . To date, no theoretical proposal adequately accounts for the peculiarities of the lexis, even if the various hypotheses and approaches taken overall point towards some sort of cohesive lexical system with clearly discernible formational procedures and produc­ tive patterns . In the descriptive account which follows, no approach of those so far outlined will be specifically discarded, on the grounds that present-day theory is in a state of flux, with various morphological , phonological, and syntactic approaches being advocated by different schools . However, in the hybrid treatment which will be here applied, certain aspects will be emphasised, in particular the nature of the constraints on formation as postulated in recent theory and consideration of the extent to which such constraints operate in Spanish. In the view that post-transformational analyses , not withstanding their avowed aim of providing a synchronic explanation of lexical genetics, have themselves incurred in diachrony by an overreliance on lexicographically testified examples , the present account will widen the corpus to include a large selection of examples 'beyond the dictionary' . 1 8 Hitherto the data has been handled in a lexically aseptic manner, overlooking, for example, stylistic or regional considerations which also influence word-forming patterns. The aim in the following pages is, then, to provide a synchronically meaningful account of the lexical morphology of Spanish, paying attention to the syntactic and contex­ tual environment in which formation takes place. In order to widen the restricted panorama provided by dictionary entries, consideration will be given to the neologistic language of the mass media and due regard paid to technical and scientific lexical fields as indicative of future trends.

62

Part II

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish

3 . 1 Compound types and criteria The concept of compound is marginal between the word and the phrase. A structure composed of two or more words graphically conjoined is undisputedly of compound status : vana cielo agrio en

gloria raso + dulce + bora + buena +

+

-+ -+ -+ -+

vanagloria cielorraso agridulce enhorabuena

This sort of structure is conventionally termed an orthographic compound. In this sense , the compound lexis of Spanish is rather poor - Borges speaks of 'Ia ineptitud para formar palabras compuestas ' when comparing Spanish with English and German (cited by Stevenson 1 970: 1 2 5 ) . Only in the case of V + N forma­ tions of the type pelar + gato -+ pelagatos may orthographic composition in Spanish be considered in any way productive. 1 A wider interpretation of the compound, generally followed in analyses of word formation, disregards the formal restriction of the word and considers as compounds syntagms in which the constituents are not graphically linked but nevertheless form an integrated seman­ tic unit and are syntactically closely related as in normal phrase or sentence structure: buque maquina contestador restaurante

escuela de + coser + automatico + espectaculo + +

-+ buque escuela - maquina de coser -+ contestador automatico -+ restaurante espectaculo

These represent the three main types of 'syntagmatic' compounds . In

buque escuela two nouns are juxtaposed, hence the label 'juxtaposed

compounds' , 'binominal compounds' , or ' loose compounds ' (as opposed to orthographic or ' strict' compounds) . The syntactic nature of the relationship between the components is revealed in a deep

65

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish structure analysis or paraphrase such as buque que es, que sirve de, escuela, es un buque y tambien es una escuela . In the second type, mdquina de coser, the lexemes are linked by a preposition, here de, so may be termed 'prepositional link

compounds' , denoting semantically coherent concepts or objects and syntactically analysable as mdquina que sirve para coser, es una

mdquina que cose.

In the third type, contestador automdtico, a noun and an adjective stand in a syntactic relationship of head and determiner, again indicating a semantically cohesive concept, and in deep structure could be rewritten as aparato que contesta automdticamente a las llarnadas telefonicas. 2 The lexical and compound status of such phrases can be intimated by noting that their equivalents in other languages, such as English, may well be complete, albeit sometimes complex, orthographic units ; ojo de buey huelga patronal fecha limite llave inglesa

porthole lockout deadline spanner

This 'translation ' criterion is of course not in itself completely adequate and indeed is less satisfactory than the distributional criteria advanced below . Spanish compounding can broadly be characterised as showing strong tendencies towards the syntagmatic type, at the expense particularly of the orthographic category , but not at the expense of affix derivation, which is highly productive . A major problem arises in deciding which syntagms of the many which are candidates for compound status can be accurately so classified , and which are merely ' free' phrases in normal syntactic structure. Acceptance of a phrase as a true syntagmatic compound and therefore as lexicalised or likely to become so depends on a variety of criteria. 3 One basic criterion is the semantic one, as indicated already above. The phrase must represent a cohesive semantic unit referring to a new concept or object . The following examples fall into this category : huelga patronal patrulla antirruidos vale descuento hilo musical Here, the noun constituents do not lose their basic semantic import when combined, although they may lose some of it through metaphorical use (hilo in hilo musical ) . But in many formations the

66

Compounding combination of lexemes adds a new semantic dimension not neces­ sarily deducible from the meaning of the individual component; una huelga patronal is not really una huelga, un cuello de cisne loses the literal sense of cisne, and una enfermera ambulante is not literally una enfermera que ambula . The semantic drift between the consti­ tuents may be marginal , moderate, or in the following cases , quite marked : patas de gallo ojo de buey caballo de batalla pie de cabra

¢ ¢ ¢ ¢

patas de gallo

ojo de buey

caballo de batalla

pie de cabra

The above are examples of semantically exocentric formations which cannot be analysed as paraphrases of their literal meaning : patas que pertenecen a un gallo, ojo que pertenece a un buey etc. Here, the meaning of the compound phrase lies outside that of the constituent parts . These cases are the least controversially lexicalised compounds, because their meaning is idiosyncratic vis-a-vis their components . So a basic criterion is that of semantic cohesion, involving varying degrees of semantic drift from the bases . A second relevant criterion is that of frequency of use. If the components are not used frequently linked and syntagmatically closely associated with each other, they cannot acquire compound status , even if semantically cohesive, as in the examples quoted below : libro de cocina

casa hospital

farola de jardin

restaurante espectaculo

Here, libro de cocina , through its semantic coherence and repeated use as a syntagm may be regarded as having compound status . Restaurante espectaculo may initially seem strange to someone who has not encountered such a place of entertainment, but must have compound status because of the innovative concept it represents , justified by the increasing frequency of such a type of restaurant in modern cities . Casa hospital and farola de jardin would not synchronically have compound status because, although they could claim to have some semantic cohesion (casa que sirve de hospital, faro/a disenada para uso en el jardin), they do not in fact occur habitually linked in this way ; they are not, however, permanently blocked, since the concepts they represent are feasible and could well be introduced, and the constituents are not semantically incom­ patible . 67

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish Syntactic criteria may also be applied to determine the degree of semantic cohesion , and therefore the lexical status of the phrase. Where the head constituents cannot be substituted meaningfully by another, the syntagm shows compound status: a) guerra fda

espfritu de cuerpo

b) *lucha frfa *pelea fria *guerrilla fria *sentido de cuerpo *animo de cuerpo *voluntad de cuerpo

The non-occurrence of the phrases in b) reveals the semantic and lexical cohesion of those in a) . The internal syntactic uninterrup­ tibility of the phrase is another test which may be applied to check lexical status: a) boletfn meteorol6gico potro de madera bora punta don de gentes

b) *boletfn altamente meteorol6gico *potro de mucha madera *bora sumamente punta *don de aquellas gentes

In b) the noun constituents cannot be separated by modifiers or determiners, showing the compound status of the examples in a) . The manner of inflection may also be taken as an indication of cohesion in compounds and this is a matter which is crucial to the lexical morphologists in the argument as to whether derivation and morphology should be grouped together in an extended theory , or whether they should form separate components of grammar. 4 In the extended theory thesis, inflection is held not to occur within compound structure, just as it does not occur within affixed lexemes. But Spanish offers some evidence to contradict this :

I puntapies a) puntapie bocacalle I bocacalles sordomudo I sordomudos

b) ricahembra I ricashembras gentilhombre I gentileshombres I ricasduefias ricaduefia

The examples of a) above are typical for the plural of orthographic compounds - i . e . inflection is external and not internal . The examples of b), where the plural is marked both externally and internally, are synchronically idiosyncratic. However, the situation is different in the case of syntagmatic compounds : I I I cafl5 con leche potro de madera I

a ) caja d e ahorros bora punta

68

cajas d e ahorros horas punta cafl!s con leche potros de madera

I I casa embrujada I cuenta bancaria I

b) guardia civil dla festivo

guardias civiles dfas festivos casas embrujadas cuentas bancarias

Compounding These examples show basically internal inflection . In b) the external plural marker (s) is on the adjective constituent agreeing with the noun head which is already marked for the plural within the compound phrase. The examples of a) have internal inflection with no external marking of the plural , apart from cajas de ahorros where the (s) of ahorros already exists in the singular (una caja de

ahorros) .

So in compounds, the externality of plural inflection is restricted to orthographic compounds , and does not really apply to the syntag­ matic structure except in the noun-adjective type where plural externality appears only in the sense that the adjective to the right agrees with the noun to the left. Hence the criterion of external inflection is valid only for the graphically synthesised type, whose compound status is already clear from its form. This poses problems for the ordering hypothesis, since it cannot be said that inflection always occurs after compounding. Scalise 's conclusion, on the evidence of English and Italian, is here borne out in Spanish, namely that compounds are inflected not to the extreme right of their struc­ ture, but to the right of the head only, regardless of its position. The division between compounding and derivation as the two major categories of word formation is often blurred. In loose compound structure in Spanish, hyperbolic subsets appear with the second constituent paradigmatically repeated: a)

cuesti6n clave decisi6n clave reuni6n clave hombre clave

b)

visita relampago limpieza relampago guerra relampago viaje relampago

The function of the second constituent in such cases approaches that of a suffix in derivation, recalling moreover the etymological origins of many affixes in individual Latin words (cf. -mente from Latin noun mens) . s In other series , the repeated constituent is the one to the left: a) coche coche coche coche

restaurante litera correo cabina

b)

cortallipices cortapapeles cortaplumas cortavidrios

These structures resemble the procedure of prefixation, in the paradigmatic reiteration of the first constituent. Moreover, in many cult formations the constituents may be Latin or Greek lexemes which synchronically function as prefixes or suffixes :

69

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish agorafobia dactil6grafo piscifactorfa Here, the fonnatives -fobia (Greek phobos) , dactil- (Greek daktylos) , and pisci- (Latin pisces) are classical nouns which have evolved into constituents in Spanish derivational morphology . These cases show overlap between compounding and affixation and the frequent similarities between them, in particular with regard to the nature of the syntactic link between constituents, lead some analysts to view them as one and the same process within a general theory of lexical morphology . 6 The normal relationship between compound constituents is that of dependency , with one component modifying or specifying the other in the structure head (or determinatum) followed by noun modifier (or determinant) . The head bestows its syntactic and semantic' features on the compound: Ia el el el

radio partido jugador hebe

+ + + +

el Ia Ia Ia

pirata clave promesa proheta

-

Ia el el el

radio pirata (head, pirata) partido clave (bead, partido) jugador promesa (head, jugador) hebe probeta (head, bebe)

In these examples , the gender and the meaning of the first consti­ tuent dominates in the complex output. A large proportion of Spanish compounds , orthographic and syntagmatic, follow this model of headedness . However, a large number o f Spanish compounds are semantically headless, with the determinatum not overtly expressed in the compound structure and therefore the syntactic features of the compound are independently determined: a) pelagatos abrecartas atropellaplatos rompecabezas

b) mandamas

tentempies

bienmesahe

sabelotodo

a) represents the vast repertoire of verb-noun complements where the determinatum is not fonnally present in the compound; the meaning is not immediately derivable from that of the constituents (cf.

pelagatos hombre pobre; abrecartas instrumento, tipo de cuchillo; atropellaplatos = criada torpe; rompecabezas enigma) . =

=

=

That is to say that the meanings of these compounds are exocentric to that of the constituents . So, the syntactic features of the noun components are not transmitted to the compound:

70

Compounding Ia cabeza ... el rompecabezas

... el abrecartas

Ia carta ... Ia atropellaplatos

el plato Verb-noun complements are syntactically and semantically exocentric formations, with an external rather than an internal head. A number of other types of formation too are headless , such as those illustrated in b) above where the grammatical class of the compound contravenes that of the components, so that mantlamds , for example is neither verb, as in mmular, nor adverb as in mas, but a noun. Thus headedness, claimed to be an important feature of compound structure, is absent from many Spanish compound structures , to the extent that some theorists hold the view that the majority of Spanish compounds are really headless . Another type where the head is miss­ ing is the metaphorical animate series of the type cabeza cuadrada, nalgafria, Barba Azul, where the masculine gender of the compound contravenes the feminine of the noun constituent. In the case of headed compounds , in Spanish the head is characteristically to the left: hojalata cabizbajo tren mercandas paz espada

head, head, head, head,

hoja

cabeza

tren

pez

However , right headed structures are also possible: head, head, head, head,

papel moneda medio dfa ferrocarril madreperla

moneda

dfa

carril

perla

This latter type contradicts the claim of some lexical morphologists that the head of a complex word must always be to the right, as it is in suffixation and in English compounding . A further type of compound to be considered in drawing conclusions about headed­ ness, is the following: col carro gallo verde

flor coche + pavo + azul + +

... ... -

coliflor

carricoche

gallipavo

verdiazul

This type, which includes notably the whole range of compound adjec­ tives, together with the numeral compounds (diecisiete, vigesimo tercero, cuadragesimo sexto) has a symmetrical structure with no clear head. These numerous exceptions to the head requirement postulated

71

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish by recent theory indicate that, at least in Spanish, headedness is not a condition of compound status . 7 Following the precepts o f transformational theory , some analyses continue to examine compounds on the basis of underlying syntactic relationships between the constituents. This leads to classifications such as 'adjectival ' compounds, as in camposanto, dta tope, programa concurso, where the subordinate constituent is viewed as modifying or qualifying the head in the manner of a standard adjec­ tive. Or a structure may be said to be genitive or possessive, such as bocacalle, caifamiel, or puntapie whose underlying structure would contain the proposition de (boca de Ia calle, caifa de miel, punta del pie) . An ' accusative' type relationship is seen in most verb-noun complements, where the noun constituent is invariably the object of the verb, as in apagavelas, tragaperras or atizacandiles. A 'conjunctive' relationship is apparent in the symmetrical type such as sabihondo, claroscuro or aguanieve . 8 The structure of Spanish compounds normally involves only two constituents, which may be of the same or of different grammatical categories ( N + N, N + Adj , V + N) , or three constituents where the link involves a preposition (mdquina de coser, cocina a gas, cafe con leche) . Normally only two bases are involved, but three and more is not unusual as in limpiaparabrisas (limpiar + parar + brisas) , portacuentakilometros ( portar + contar + kilOmetros), or estenordeste (este + norte + este) . Whether structures such as fotograftas tamailo camet, crema tipo pomada, or compartimiento maletas a bordo are true compound phrases or merely represent loose syntactic structure is debatable, but it seems that, in contradic­ tion to traditional patterns of noun compounding and syntactic patterns , Spanish increasingly tolerates noun accumulations of this type in the manner of English or German. It has already been indicated that compounds offer little resistance to further derivational morphology and therefore may be suffixed as in aguardiente ­ aguardientito or cafe teatro - cafeteatril. The inputs are lexemes of the major grammatical categories, but the outputs are restricted to nouns and adjectives , with very rare cases of compound verbs such as pemiquebrar and occasional compound adverbial phrases of the type a quemarropa, a contrapelo or anteayer. 3.2 Orthographic noun compounds

Orthographic compounds are highly lexicalised and show strong semantic cohesion. At one extreme are formations which have been diachronically synthesised so that the lexical motivation has been lost and the form of the original constituents is not immediately apparent:

72

Compounding hijo de alguien punto de honor faz ferir pie + uiia

-

hidalgo

pundonor

zaherir

pezuiia

These are synchronic forms of compound phrases which in time have undergone the familiar process of sound change. At the other extreme are terms which are written as one orthographic unit, but whose derivational motivation is highly apparent: hueco monte calentar ave

+ + + +

grabado pio pie fria

-

heucograbado

montepio

calientapies

avefria

These also are strongly lexicalised . Many terms, however, are in a state of flux between orthographic synthesis and loose compound structure : guardia civil guardia marina cuba libre cara dura

I I I I

guardiacivil9

guardiamarina

cubalibre

caradura

These are examples of phrases felt increasingly as true compounds and alternatively written with graphic separation or with graphic union. They reflect the common pattern of evolution from juxtaposi­ tion to eventual synthesis . The appearance of a hyphen, otherwise of rather restricted use in Spanish, is an indication of vacillation between phrase and compound status : hispano-americano politico-educativo reuni6n-comida reloj-contador

I I I I

hispanoamericano

politicoeducativo

reunion comida

reloj contador

Such variations in orthography affect many terms which are develop­ ing from loose syntactic structure to full compound status . The two basic types of boundary in orthographic composition are illustrated below : + a) villa sordo + boca + guardar +

lata mudo manga calor -

villalata b) cacho + pata + sordomudo bocamanga alto + guardacalor vino +

porra zambo bajo cultura -

cachiporra patizambo altibajo vinicultura

In a) the boundaries are straightforward and morphophonologically regular. In b) the boundary requires final vowel adjustment of [o]

73

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish and [a) to [i) . This procedure is extensively used in Spanish compounding , although the conditions of its applicability have yet to be satisfactorily elucidated. Possibly phonoaesthetic factors are here at work, and in some cases the vowel alternation in [i) seems to be accompanied by prefixal tendencies : 1 0 alto alto alto alto

+ bajo + sonante + plano + tonante

-

altibajos

altisonante

altiplano

altitonante

Also, in neologistic ' blend' type formations, equivocal structures between compounding and prefixation, the [i) boundary is frequently favoured, as in terms such as credivuelo (credito + vuelo) , publi­ "elaciones ( publicidad + relaciones) , or taquimeca (taqufgrafa +

mecanagrafa) .

The structure N + N shows limited productivity :

compra verbo casa capa

+ venta + gracia + tienda + gorra -

compraventa

verbigracia

casatienda

capigorra

These are strongly lexicalised, and may be either semantically endocentric or exocentric . The gender of the endocentric type is predictable by the head, but that of the exocentric type depends on the determinatum which is not overtly expressed: + Ia gorra - el capigorra ( = vagabundo, holgazan)

Ia capa el agua f. + el/la mar - el aguamar ( = pez)

- el puntapie ( = golpe)

Ia punta + el pie

By analogy , subsets may appear, with the head geminating series: bal6n : balompie balonmano balonvolea baloncesto

boca: bocamina

bocacalle

bocamanga

bocallave1 1

More productive i s the N + Adj structure, showing however a greater tendency to exocentricity than N + N : banca Noche babas hierba

+ + + +

rota buena frlas buena

-

bancarrota

Nochebuena

babasfrfas

hierbabuena

These follow the order head + modifier, but the opposite order, modifier + head is also found, reflecting the variable order of

74

Compounding adjective and nouns in normal syntax: clara bajo libre mal

+ + + +

boya relieve pensador formaci6n

-

claraboya

bajorrelieve

librepensador

malformacion

Verb constituents appear in compound noun structure in the following ways: a) quitamotas salvatrajes lavamanos aparcacoches

b) quitap6n vaiven duermevela bullebulle

c) hazmerreir tentempies correvedile matalascallando

a) represents the very large category of verb-noun complements, so productive historically and synchronically as to merit separate consideration below . b) offers examples of V + V structures , producing nouns, but completely unproductive. In c) examples are given of verb nucleus formations, with some pronoun element (las, me, le, te) , again with noun output, but limited to a handful of lexicalised items. Verb constituents generating compound verbs, in combination with a noun, are extremely rare - perniquebrar ( pierna + quebrar) and caramarcar (cara + marcar) may be quoted as idiosyncratic examples . The structure Prep + N , as in sobremesa, or Prep + V as in contradecir, is included in many analyses of compounding. Here it will be dealt with under the heading of prefixation, taking the paradigmacity of the first constituent as a dominant characteristic. Orthographic composition, then, is synchronically productive only in the area of verb-noun complements, a traditional word-forming procedure whose popularity has in recent years been revived by its uninhibited acceptance into the technical register. Compound adjec­ tivisation is the other area of productivity as far as orthographic composition is concerned, and this will be reviewed separately below . Apart from these cases , there appears to be resistance to other combinations, especially structures involving verbs . The boun­ dary link in [i] is very significant synchronically , the nature and motivation of which would require research analysis. Finally , in counterevidence to some theories of lexical morphology , Spanish orthographic compounds show little resistance to subsequent deriva­ tion through suffixation . 1 2

3.3 Verb-noun complements The verb-noun complement pattern has been extensively considered

75

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish by philologists, and is common across the Romance languages : 1 3 [ [cascar]V + [nuez) N] - [cascanueces]N The pattern is diachronically productive, with rich testimony in different periods of Spanish literature, and is currently a highly popular word-forming procedure . The structure indicated above is verb combined with noun to produce compound noun . In the compound, the verb appears in the third person singular, interpreted in some historical examples as a familiar imperative, and the noun complement is invariably in the plural . This means that in most cases the plural of the compound is not marked other than by accompanying determiners : el engaiiabobos el cortavidrios el fregasuelos un espantacoches

I I I I

los engaii.abobos los cortavidrios estos fregasuelos aquellos espantacoches

In a limited number of cases , the noun appears in the singular, particularly if it is uncountable: el el el el

tragaluz ganapan comegente portavoz

I I I I

los los los los

tragaluces ganapanes comegentes portavoces

In many cases there is vacillation between singular and plural el chupatinta, el chupatintas, el sacadinero, el sacadineros. The gender -

of the compound is invariably masculine, regardless of the gender of the noun component, and formations occur on verbs of all three conjugations : a) tapar + rabo espantar + mosca pesar + paquete sacar + perra

- taparrabos b) correr + - espantamoscas romper + - pesapaquetes escurrir + - sacaperras abrir +

faldas nieve plato carta

-

correfaldas rompenieves escurreplatos abrecartas

In a) the formations are on first conjugation verbs, while in b) examples are given of second and third conjugation types. This is one of the few areas where the second and third conjugation bases are still active in derivational morphology , whereas elsewhere they tend to be in decline . It cannot therefore be said that a condition of formation here is that the base has to be first conjugation. It is sometimes claimed that a morphophonological restriction on these formations is the syllabic length of the base and of the potential output of the combination . In the majority of formations two-syllable bases appear both for the verb and the noun constituents, as in most

76

Compounding of the examples above, but longer or shorter syllabic patterns are not unusual (cf. espantamoscas, ganapan , escurreplatos) . These compounds may b e subject to further derivation by the application of the same rule: parar limpiar contar portar

brisa parabrisas + kil6metro + cuentakil6metros +

+

-

parabrisas limpiaparabrisas cuentakil6metros portacuentakil6metros

The formations of verb-noun complements are restricted in the sense that they tend to operate in specific semantic fields . One of these is the designation of occupations and derogatory references to people : a) guardacoches guardaespaldas pinchadiscos limpiachimeneas

b) calientasillas

perdonavidas

picapleitos

cantamaiianas

The occupations of a) are either menial or referred to derogatively (cf. chupatintas for oficinista, matasanos for medico, rascatripas for violinista) . In b) reference is made to troublesome individuals with various moral defects or shortcomings in behaviour. Another prolific area of verb-complement use is in the designation of machinery , machine parts, and household gadgets : a) lavaplatos portaaviones quitanieves barrecalles

b) cortapatillas portaplacas afilallipices salvabarros

c) pelapatatas prensalimones portarrevistas salvamanteles

In a) the items of equipment are large , while in b) the equipment is small or part of a larger machine; c) gives examples of common items of kitchen equipment or furniture. Lloyd ( 1 968) establishes a scale of productivity for the various verb bases in verb-noun complements, showing portar, guardar and sacar as the most productive. 1 4 Today , the productivity continues to be high, reflected in the idiosyncratic formations of individual writers and in the technical lexis which is replete with neologisms constructed in this way , referring to new inventions, machines , and machine parts. 14 Verb-noun complements thus show a pattern of high synchronic productivity , with semantic specialisation in the areas indicated above. The structures exhibit no morphophonological peculiarities, but semantic drift is common as well as semantic exocentricity . Syntactic analysis of the relationship between the noun and the verb constituents suggests that the predicate-object nature of the formation

77

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish is an important synchronic condition, although other relationships are not firmly barred. Finally , the frequency of verb-noun complements in spontaneous colloquial language shows this to be a living pro­ cedure of lexical creativity whose vitality exceeds the restricted indications of the established lexicon. 15

3.4 Compound adjectives Compound adjectives show a greater tendency to orthographic synthesis than do compound nouns : a ) ojo + negro agrio + dulce sordo + mudo

- ojinegro b) econ6mico vasco - agridulce jurfdico - sordomudo estructural claro + vidente - clarividente

+

social franc6s + !aboral +

- econ6mico-social - vasco-franc6s - jurfdico-laboral

+ funcional - estructuralfuncional

Either the bases are firmly linked as in a) , showing strong lexicalisa­ tion, or, as in b) , lexicalised tendencies are indicated by hyphena­ tion, more used in compound adjectivisation than elsewhere in the Spanish lexis. The equivocal status of the structures of b) is seen also in vacillating orthography with the bases sometimes graphically synthesised and at others left hyphenated; they are not left simply juxtaposed as is normal with syntagmatic binominal compounds (q . v . ) . Compound adjectives may b e structured a s follows: ( [Adj] + [Adj ] ]Adj [ [ N] + [Adj ] ]Adj

claroscuro

boquiabierto

The N + Adj type invariably requires vowel adjustment in [i] at juncture: cuello cara pelo sabio

+ + + +

erguido redonda rojo hondo

-

cuellierguido

carirredondo

pelirrojo

sabihondo

Syntactically these may be viewed as lexical equivalents of syntactic structures such as de cuello erguido, de pelo rojo, de cara redonda etc . The noun constituent designates a part of the body and the adjective refers to a physical attribute, usually pejoratively as in patizambo but sometimes favourably as in ojialegre. Subsets are gemmated on the first constituent:

78

Compounding pelo: pelirrubio pelirrojo pelicano pelicorto

boca: boquifresco

boquiabierto

boquirrubio

boquiancho

While the majority of these are semantically endocentric, others may be used metaphorically and hence are exocentric : = manilargo boquirrubio = peliagudo = lengiiilargo =

generoso

ingenuo

diflcil

hablador

The productivity of this type is seen in the spontaneous coining of individual writers - Cela, for example, speaks of seifores pechihun­ didos, novias patirrecias, and senoritas culialtas. The restrictions in these formations are their preference for attribution to animates , for physical description, and the requirement that the primitive be part of the body . They are generally morphologically regular, allowing for the requirement of vowel boundary adjustment, and the oddity of cabeza in taking the form cabiz in entering compound adjectival structure (cabizbajo) . An important restriction is that certain obvious parts of the body , notably nariz and oreja do not gemmate compounds of this type. 1 6 A limited number of compound adjectives of the orthographic type have the structure N + Adj (archaic present participle) . These are structures where the second constituent is in -ante or -ente: catalanohablante

vascoparlante

fehaciente

poderdante

Here, there is a predicative relationship between the constituents (que habla cataldn, que da poder etc . ) . Only the type in hablante shows productive tendencies , functioning like a suffix and attaching to gentilic adjective-noun bases ( gallegohablante, franceshablante, ponugueshablante . . . ) . A common type o f compound adjective, o f the structure Adj + Adj refers to dual colour: a) rojinegro negriazul verdiblanco negrimarr6n

b) marr6n-lila

amarillo-gris

violeta-naranja

carmesi'-escarlata

The examples of b) are ad hoc,

non-lexicalised , and usually

79

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish hyphenated. In a) the formations are lexicalised, graphically synthesised and based on common colour combinations . A juncture link in [i] is required at the boundary , in the case of the a) group. Such terms appear frequently in literary contexts indicating shades of colour of the landscape or of physical description, in addition to proliferating in the sports lexis referring to team colours (el jugador rojiblanco, el defensa negriazul ) . 1 7 In a) the bases show restrictions - some common adjectives of colour do not enter complex struc­ tures , such as amarillo or gris . Azul may appear as a first consti­ tuent, but does not take the [i] boundary (el conjunto azulgrana). Verde and blanco (cult form albo a s i n albiverde) are more produc­ tive than other colour constituents . Inflection is assigned externally , to the second constituent (vacas blanquimarrones, paisajes verdiazules) . The b) type shows some instability in the application of the hyphen as well as ignoring plural inflection (camisas azul

marino, vestidos verde turquesa, bufandas violeta-naranja) .

Apart from the designation o f dual colour, other Adj + Adj struc­ tures show very restricted productivity : a) sordomudo claroscuro todopoderoso agridulce

b) decimocuarto

decimosexto

decimosegundo

decimoquinto

The examples of a) are idiosyncratic and unproductive. Those of b) are limited to the ordinal numbers in the tens, since beyond that the ordinals revert to graphic separation (vigesimo tercero, cuadragesimo septimo . . . ) . Adj + Adj structure, hyphenated and sometimes graphically linked, abounds in the cult register, and especially in the language of journalism as well as in specialised registers of science and commerce . These formations contain a number of recurring terms such as econamico-social, politico-educativo, or lirico-dramdtico, but are mostly ad hoc, hence the frequency of hyphenation. Their status is equivocal between compound adjective and free phrase. In the case of the most frequently recurring groupings, the structure is often graphically synthesised ( politico-economico or politico­ economico) . In many of these formations the first constituent shows prefix tendencies and appears apocopated: electrico I electro: I socio : social pslquico I psico :

electrodomestico , electrodinamico socioecon6mico, sociopolitico psiconeur6tico, psicopatico

An important subcategory of Adj + Adj is the dual nationality series:

80

Compounding a) ruso-japones mexicano-brasileiio canadiense-escandinavo irani-chino

b) anglo-neerlandes

hispano indio

colombo-peruano

franco-aleman

In a) the standard gentilic adjectives are used , but in b) the first constituent is an alternative cult form (espalfol I hispano, ingles I anglo, frances I franco) if one is available. Such structures are characteristic of complex nominal syntagms in political or economic reporting (conversaciones anglo-peruanas, gestiones germano­ arabes, reuniones catalano-vascas) . 1 8 They are semantically symmetrical with each constituent retaining equal weight in the compound. From the syntactic viewpoint, however, they seem to be right-handed since inflection is assigned externally to the second constituent only , as in the examples above (cf. acuerdos heleno­

turcos, discusiones ftalo-griegas, diplomacia hispano-africana) .

Compound adjectivisation, then, vacillates between lexicalised forms in which boundary adjustments are the norm, and the ad hoc mainly hyphenated type operating in particular registers, marking a cult style, and resembling free phrase syntax. In all cases plural and gender inflection operates externally , which in terms of lexical morphology theory confirms compound status .

3.5 Syntagmatic compounds - binominals The various labels given to this type of formation, variously known as 'juxtapositions' or 'binominal syntagmatic compounds ' , are indicative of the equivocal status of these structures between integrated lexical units and free phrases in syntax . Since Spanish is somewhat resistant to orthographic noun compounds, these forma­ tions are lexically very significant. 19 The constituents are independent noun lexemes and the output is a compound noun or noun phrase. The constituents are normally left juxtaposed, but sometimes are hyphenated to indicate the feeling of the speaker or writer that they are compounds or are likely to become so: cafe teatro buque fantasma mueble bar escuela taller

I I I I

cafe-teatro buque-fantasma mueble-bar escuela-taller

Subsets are commonly generated on one of the constituents :

81

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish a) hombre hombre hombre hombre

anuncio gol puente rana

b) discos novedad regalos novedad libros novedad complementos novedad

In a) the formations are generated by the first constituent and in b) by the second . Other kinds of subsets are illustrated in c) and d) : c) gritos antipolic{a lentes antigolpes brigada antiatracos patrulla antirruidos

b) barco dragaminas carro portaherramientas lancha salvavidas husillo portabrocas

In c) the subset is generated by the second constituent in anti- and in d) by a second constituent which is a verb-noun complement. These are characteristic formations, integrating potentially longer syntactic structures ( gritos lanzados contra Ia policfa, barco destinado a dragar minas etc . ) . Another series of this type is where the second constituent is numerically prefixed, as in avion birreac­

tor, autom6vil cuatrip/azas, revestimiento multicapa . It is possible to read these formations as lexical surface outputs of a variety of underlying syntactic structures: 20 a) factor tiempo bora punta grupo presi6n perro polic!a

b) ciudad dormitorio moda paleta radio pirata hombre rana

c) selecci6n promesas coche taller veh!culo plataforma cena homenaje

a) might be analysed as a prepositional type, with the constituents syntactically related through an (unexpressed) preposition (factor del tiempo, hora de punta, grupo de presion) . b) shows an underlying relative subordination structure (ciudad que es, que se parece, un

dormitorio, moda que se parece a Ia de los paletas, radio que funciona ilegalmente, a manera de pirata). c) might be described as predicative (seleccion que es una gran promesa, coche que es un taller, un veh{culo que tambien es una plataforma) . These and other kinds of syntactic analysis have been applied in order to sort out what is now a jungle of neologistic terminology , pan-Romance rather than purely Spanish . Essentially , the syntactic and semantic restraints of these structures are scant, since they involve a very wide gamut of relationships between constituents . In most examples, especially of the neologistic type, the head, bearing the main semantic and syntactic features, is on the left, with the second constituent subor­ dinate and fulfilling a determining or modifying function. A particular category here is the clearly adjectival type, with the non­ head semantically equivalent to a standard adjective:

82

Compounding noticia bomba dfa perro obra cumbre decisi6n clave

= = =

noticia sensacional

dfa malfsimo

obra mas importante

decisi6n crftica

In such cases , the second constituent has a hyperbolic function sub­ stituting alternative syntactic structures (cf. noticia que causa gran sorpresa, dfa en que hace muy mal tiempo . . . ) and even seems to echo the role of the superlative suffix -fsimo (cf. dfa perro, dfa malfsimo, decision clave, decisiOn importantfsima) . In other juxtapositions the lexical status may be dubious, with the structure closer to free syntax: el asunto turismo una crema tipo pomada una foto tamaiio carnet un compartimiento maletas a bordo Such structures, in which nouns are accumulated in the manner of English or German, reflect a sort of modern streamlined language which tends to dispense with prepositions (de, a, con) in the interests of economy of expression . Most of these formations may be semantically classified as bearing duality of function or of purpose: a) general-medico empresario autor ch6fer-mayordomo camionero-vendedor

b) bolfgrafo pistola

coche bomba

cartel horario

despacho alcoba

In a) the duality refers to occupations where the person involved combines two jobs, while in b) the objects designated have two func­ tions or double appearance . These comply with the lexical morphologists ' 'is a' condition and can be paraphrased as es general y es medico, es un coche y es una bomba etc.21 It has already been indicated that these structures, if they are accepted as true compounds, offer some counterevidence to the uninflected base hypothesis , since prescriptively they are inflected on the first (head) constituent only : dfa perro cartel-horario traje sastre decisi6n relarnpago

I I I I

dfas perro carteles horario trajes sastre decisiones relarnpago

On the other hand, popular usage accepts external inflection on the second constituent, as long as the first constituent is also inflectionally marked :

83

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish despachos alcoba I despachos alcobas

I coches literas

coches litera cenas homenaje I cenas homenajes

I perro policlas

perros policia But where the second constituent is uncountable, external inflection is blocked: cheques-gasolina operaciones retorno comites anticorrupci6n cupones obsequio

I I I I

*cheques gasolinas

*operaciones retomos

*comites anticorrupciones

*cupones obsequios

The productivity of this type of compounding is synchronically extremely high. Its advantage is that it allows nouns to be grouped into neat structures without immediately giving the full lexical sanc­ tion which graphic union would imply . Thus it is an area of great ephemerality of formation, as terms are discarded and replaced. Its expansion has been widely attributed to the undoubted current influence of English terminology and syntax through the mass media and technology , encouraging noun accumulations without observing the normal syntactic links . However, the direct model of English may be overstressed, given the large number of idiosyncratic forma­ tions designating novel objects and concepts immediate inspiration in foreign models : 22

with

no

obvious

bandeja aeroplano

dibuj o robot

jugador promesa

oferta lanzamiento

cena homenaj e

gente noticia

These are just a few of the many examples which reflect native originality and lexical inventiveness . In this particular area of compounding , it is difficult to speak of constraints , other than the basic morphological condition that the inputs must be nouns and the outputs compound nouns or noun phrases . Both the semantic inputs and the semantic and syntactic relationships between constituents are extremely free and varied, within the dominant pattern of duality of concept. The conclusions regarding this type of formation are as important for syntax as for the lexis, involving the increasing use of nouns in an adjectival func­ tion, and the relegation in importance of the preposition in syntagmatic structure .

84

Compounding 3.6 Prepositional link syntagms Another kind of syntagmatic composition, highly productive in Spanish , involves the linking of nouns or nouns and verbs via prepositions : 23 [ [N] + Prep + [N) ] N traje de luces banco de datos procesador de textos [ [N] + Prep + [V] ] N maquina de escribir cuchilla de acepillar aguja de marcar Various criteria can be advanced for the lexicality of such syntagms. One is by reference to other languages where the equivalent may be a simple or complex lexeme: mal de cabeza escoria de bulla toque de queda maquina de afeitar estilo de vida

headache clinker curfew shaver lifestyle

Reflection on synonymic alternatives in Spanish itself may show the semantic cohesion and lexical status of such terms : abridor de latas cazador de talentos ojo de buey maquina de afeitar

abrelatas cazatalentos portilla afeitador

The fact that the alternatives are graphically unified suggests that such structures should also have lexical status since they show equal semantic cohesion . The syntactic criteria applied for loose compounds can also reveal lexical status in the prepositional link type: mandos de volumen toque de queda botas de montar libro de cocina

mandos de volumen deslizantes *mandos deslizantes de volumen toque de queda reglamentario *toque reglamentario de queda botas de montar hechas a mano *botas hechas a mano de montar libro de cocina fascinante *libro fascinante de cocina

The fact that the constituents may not be separated by modifiers is an indication of lexical status . Another syntactic requirement

85

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish generally postulated in the romance languages for lexical status in this type of compound is the requirement that the second constituent may not be preceded by a determiner, giving ojo de buey and not *ojo del buey, agencia de viajes and not *agencia de los viajes etc . In Spanish, however, frequent cases are found where the second constituent is so determined notwithstanding the lexicalisation of the phrase: guardia de Ia porra

hueso de Ia suerte

costo de Ia vida

balanza del poder

bar6n del azucar

All these structures are strongly headed on the left, with the second constituent, introduced by the preposition , subordinate in the manner of binominal compounds . The role of the subordinate adjunct is predominantly adjectival, specifying the type of the head: molino molino molino molina

a martillo de mazos de amasar de agua

traje traje traje traje

de de de de

baiio

montar

novia

calle

Here, the syntagms a martillo, de baffo, de mazos etc. specify the type of the head . It is frequent in these structures for the second noun constituent to be pluralised if reference in the subordination is to a plural idea: agencia de viajes pasta para dientes cuento de hadas juego de manos

*agencia de viaje

*pasta para diente

*cuento de hada

*juego de mano

The plural of the complete phrase is marked internally on the head: tren de mercanclas grasa de cerdo escritura de propiedad casa de huespedes

trenes de mercandas

grasas de cerdo

escrituras de propiedad

casas de huespedes

The subordinate noun constituent may itself be qualified: agente de Ia propiedad inmobiliaria

ventilaci6n con aire fresco

mot6n con ganchos gemelos

calefacci6n por aire soplado

86

Compounding Expansions with further prepositional links enable complex but semantically cohesive concepts to be expressed, especially in technological language: palanca de suelta de las ruedas de proa

caldera de combusti6n a aceite

televisor con mando a distancia

In the N + Prep + V type , the verb is in the infinitive: pistola de rociar

lampara para soldar

tabl6n para planchar

cera de lustrar

In these structures , the prepositional link is usually de, and alter­ natively para, a, con, por, especially in longer phrases where the repetition of de would be ungainly . The verb itself may be predicatively expanded: prensa para encolar chapa

sierra para cortar al traves

torno para pulir metales

maquina de hacer pasta

Semantically , these structures cover many kinds of relationship between constituents . The tendency towards exocentricity is strong: = fuerza !aboral

mano de obra = victima propiciatoria

cabeza de turco caballo de batalla = tema preferido

= pez

estrella de mar

Otherwise the range of semantic content can be illustrated as follows : sangre de toro asociaci6n de vecinos navegaci6n a vela corbata de seda trabajo a domicilio caj6n de embalaje

provenance

content

manner

material

location

finality

So the semantic restrictions on links of this kind are very loose, involving a wide range of possibilities , by no means exhausted by the few examples quoted. One particular semantic problem is ambiguity arising from the nature of the most frequently used preposition in these structures, de, notoriously equivocal in meaning . So modern forma­ tions increasingly have recourse to other prepositional links thought to

87

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish be less ambiguous : a por con en sobre para

camisa a cuadros24 television por satelite cafe con leche fabricaci6n en serie hockey sobre patines esmalte para uiias

Frequently , these duplicate formations using the standard de (camisa de cuadros, esmalte de ulfas, calefaccion de aire soplado . . . ) .

The high productivity of this type of formation is strongly reflected in the technical lexis where new inventions and processes are often designated in this way . 2s The structure is flexible and has the advan­ tage over graphic synthesis of keeping the relationship between the constituents explicit through the prepositional coordinator, particu­ larly where alternatives to de are preferred. The specific feature of Spanish here is the frequent variation of the prepositional link, even if the standard de still dominates, as well as the possibility of deter­ mining the second constituent without loss of lexical status . Inflection is internal to these structures (camisa a cuadros/camisas a cuadros) whereas they are modified externally (camisa a cuadros sin plan­ char) , thus showing some features qualifying for compound status in lexical morphology theory and others at variance with it. 3.7 Noun + adjective syntagms

In the course of time many noun + adjective syntagms, if used frequently enough , may develop semantic and lexical coalescence, at a later stage even becoming orthographic compounds : t{o vivo cara dura babas frias media noche

-

tlovivo caradura babasfrias medianoche

Synchronically many noun + adjective syntagmas show sufficient semantic coherence to be considered as having lexical status, without actually having reached the state of orthographic union : 26 escalera mecanica madera dura huelga patronal diario hablado cajero automatico antena parab6lica

88

Compounding The English equivalents of these escalator, hardwood, lockout, radio news, cash dispenser, dish aerial tend to confirm the lexical status of -

such syntagms . The usual semantic and syntactic tests can be applied to determine which collocations are candidates for compound category : b) producci6n alta

fabricaci6n rapida

casa destartalada

banco pr6spero

a) producci6n lechera fabricaci6n textil casa consistorial banco fideicomisario

The forms of a) cannot be syntactically interrupted, whereas those of b) accept insertion of qualifiers between noun and adjective: *producci6n estupendamente lechera

producci6n estupendamente alta

*fabricaci6n bastante textil

fabricaci6n bastante rapida

*casa algo consistorial

casa algo destartalada

*banco increiblemente fideicomisario

banco increiblemente pr6spero

The uninterruptibility of the syntagms of a) above shows that the terms are fixed in semantic union and may therefore be considered as having real lexical status . I n this type the head is invariably o n the left, and the adjective deter­ mines the type of the head constituent. The structure is often a stylistic alternative to a N + Prep + N phrase: 27 producci6n de Ia leche

crisis del petr6leo

fiesta en el campo

comarca del champlin

producci6n lechera crisis petrolera fiesta campera comarca champaiiera

Such structures are greatly favoured in the language of journalism (cf.

debates parlamentarios, manufactura algodonera, sector ganadero

). The semantic relationship between the constituents corresponds to that of the N + Prep + N structure, including location (fiesta campera) , finality (boletfn metereologico) , content (vagon carbonero) , attribution ( papel lavable) or the material type as in the past participle­ adj ective series in technology (of the type vidrio alambrado, fieltro asfaltado, acero laminado . . . ) Structurally , a differentiation can be made between the series where the adjective constituent is simple and underived, and the many forma­ tions where the adjective is itself a morphological expansion: .

.

.

.

89

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish a) carga util cabeza hueca fuego fatuo cine mudo peso medio

b) bomba incendiaria

barco pesquero

fuegos artificiales

cita espacial

guarderla infantil

The adjective constituent is frequently deverbal : cristal inastillable cinta adhesiva caja registradora puerta corrediza reloj sumergible Here, the derived adj ective contains an underlying relative clause

(que no se astilla, que adhiere, que registra, que se puede correr) .

Inflection for the plural applies to both noun and adjective consti­ tuents, as in normal syntax : bomba lacrim6gena llave inglesa faro flotante fuente termal

I I I I

bombas lacrim6genas Haves inglesas faros flotantes fuentes termales

As in the case of juxtaposed nouns , these syntagms would thus provide some counterevidence to the uninflected base concept, although here the inflection of both constituents is logical given the noun and adj ective relationship of the syntagm. Cases have already been quoted of syntagms of this type which show vacillating inflec­ tion ( guardia civil I guardias civiles I guardiaciviles) . The non­ inflection of the head in plural forms (as in cuba libre I cubalibres) depends on graphic synthesis which is the ultimate sanction of lexicality . The wealth of noun + adjective syntagms which have to be recorded in the lexicon is ample testimony to their compound status, and in Spanish serve a purpose which in other languages is likely to be assigned to orthographic compounding. They have an important stylistic as well as lexical dimension and share functional and formal features with the other types of compounds . The frequent N + derived adjective type is especially interesting because of its inter­ mingling of compound and derivational structures, lending a measure of support to a morphological theory advocating the bringing together of inflection and derivation in a general theory of grammar.

90

4

Emotive suffixation

4.1 Types and structure Spanish derivational morphology is strongly characterised by an extensive repertoire of suffixes, variously termed emotive, appreciative, or expressive, which semantically alter the base in some sort of subjective emotional way but without changing the grammatical category : [ [ ratero]N + -illo] N [ [pobre] Adj + -ete] Adj [ [sombrero]N + -azo]N [ [despacio]Adv + -ito]Adv

- raterillo -+ pobrete -+ sombrerazo - despacito

These suffixes differ from the general body of suffixes which are considered to be objective in their application, to change the meaning of the base fundamentally rather than marginally , often to have the capacity to effect a change of syntactic category , and which in Spanish may be conveniently labelled non-emotive to distinguish them from those under consideration here. The emotive suffixes are conventionally subdivided into diminutives , conveying ideas of smallness, endearment, or triteness; augmentatives, with implications of large size, ugliness and impressiveness ; and pejoratives conveying implications of unpleasantness or ridicule. The determination of what is an emotive suffix and what is not is problematical since many suffixes cut across convenient categories. 1 Whereas -ito, for example, is unequivocally emotive, the augmen­ tative -on is sometimes emotive and sometimes unemotive : a) hombre cobarde chula fortuna

-+ hombr6n -+ cobard6n -+ chulona -+ fortun6n

b) cuchara -+ cuchar6n

parar - paron

-+ tel6n

tela -+ sorb6n

sorber

Whereas in a) -on is clearly emotive in the conventional sense, in b) it changes fundamentally the sense of the base, with only

91

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish dubiously emotive results , and even in some cases ( paron, sorbOn) changes the grammatical class of the base in the manner of a stan­ dard non-emotive suffix (cf. parar - parada) . Conversely , a stan­ dard suffix conventionally classed in the non-emotive category may often function in the manner of a diminutive, augmentative, or pejorative: 2 a ) pasta pesca seda prfncipe

-

pastoso pesquero sediento principesco

b) verde zarzuela grasa gusano

-

verdoso

zarzuelero

grasiento

gusanesco

Whereas in a) the 'non-emotives' -oso, -ero, -iento, and -esco are used neutrally or even favourably , in b) the same suffixes are clearly pejorative ; it is often a question of the base transmitting its semantic import (positive as in pr(ncipe, negative as in gusano) to the suffix rather than the suffix having intrinsic emotive or non-emotive properties of its own . So many standard suffixes normally classified as non-emotive appear in pejorative or meliorative lexical contexts and imply some subjective attitude of approval or disapproval on the part of the speaker or writer just as much as the non-emotives . Thus emotiveness in suffixation is not necessarily limited to the relatively small repertoire of morphemes normally classified as such . Nevertheless a number of suffixes can be unequivocally categorised into specifically emotive categories : -ujo, for example, is always pejorative, -illo is always diminutive, -ote is normally augmentative. The listings of Narvaez may be taken as a rough guide to the divi­ sion of the emotives into their conventional categories - about a dozen diminutive morphemes, a dozen augmentatives, and half a dozen pejoratives . 3 These divisions vary in different approaches to classification. This is because the various morphemes tend to bear semantic traces of each other; what for one analyst is a diminutive, for another is a pejorative. Thus, for example , -ito, loosely categorised as diminutive and endearing , may be used pejoratively or dismissively as in caudillo - caudillito, or even augmentatively in a phrase such as comida calentita ( = comida bien caliente) ; -ote, strongly augmen­ tative, appears in some lexical contexts as just as strongly diminutive (cf. isla - islote) . The determination of the actual sense of the emotive suffixes in each different context may depend on factors outside the suffixes themselves. The pejoration of caudillito derives from the negative import of the base caudillo. Or the intention of the speaker, according to emphasis or tone of voice may determine the exact sense - j que espaflo/aza! could be appreciative ( j que espaflo/aza mds guapa, mds impresionante!) or derogatory (j que

92

Emotive suffixation espanolaza mas gorda, mas fea!) It is rash to semantically categorise these suffixes out of context. The emotive suffix system of Spanish is strongly characterised by recursive morphology , with accumulations of suffixes on the same base. Occasionally , the same suffix is repeated, but in most cases the combinations are built up using sequences of different suffixes : chicho pobre bomba tonto

-

chiquito pobrete bombilla tontorro

-

chiquitito

pobretfn

bombillita

tontorr6n

There appear to be few restrictions on the permutations of suffix combinability . Diminutive + diminutive, augmentative + augmen­ tative, diminutive + pejorative, pejorative + augmentative etc . are all possible, according to the fantasy or degree of emotion which the writer or speaker wishes to convey . However, some combinations dominate , and are therefore more productive : -ete + -on : -6n + -azo :

guapet6n, sorbet6n, mocet6n , carret6n cabronazo , mariconazo, flojonazo, cobardonazo

It is not possible to establish internal ordering for these suffixes , since diminutives may precede augmentatives and vice versa, and pejoratives come before and after diminutives or augmentatives . Spanish derivational morphology is here extremely flexible, as might be expected in the often highly emotional contexts in which these formations occur and where constraints and prescriptive rules are likely to be disregarded. This is apparent in the following random examples : feo chico calzas tonto dulce beso pintar

-

feuchfn chiquitajo calzonazos tontorr6n dulzoncito besuc6n pintarrajear

pejorative + diminutive

diminutive + pejorative

augmentative + augmentative

pejorative + augmentative

augmentative + diminutive

pejorative + augmentative

pejorative + pejorative

A prominent feature of Spanish emotive suffixation is the require­ ment of double suffixation to obtain the standard emotive form for many common bases : calle piedra mozo hueso

(calleja) (pedreja) (mocete) (huesarro)

callejuela

pedrej6n

mocet6n

huesarr6n

93

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish The forms in parenthesis above are either redundant or scarcely used, but serve as the immediate base for the final emotive form. Spanish emotive suffixation shows frequent morphophonological irregularity through the insertion of extra phonemes or syllables between bases and suffix: gordo -+ gordinfl6n

chico -+ chiquirritillo

plaza -+ plazoleta

-+ cafetucho

cafeS Further, the allomorphy :

system

is

characterised

suffix

allomorphic variants

-ito -illo -ete -uelo -ico -6n

-cito -cillo -cete -zuelo -cico -z6n

-ecito

-ecillo

-ecete

-ezuelo

-ecico

-ez6n

-ote

-zote

-ezote

by

a

high

measure

of

The application of allomorphy is variable according to particular suffixes . Whereas the variants of -ito and -illo are extensively used, those of -ote or -on apply to a very limited extent. Moreover, a number of emotive suffixes show no allomorphy at all : -azo, for example, or -uco. Where allomorphy applies , morphological rules can predict to a degree the correct selection of variant, which depends on the phonological shape of the base: a) madre baile duende

-+ -+ -+

madrecita bailezote duendecico

b) pan mes rey

-+

-+ -+

panezote

mesecito

reyezuelo

These examples show , in a) that disyllabics in [e) take the phonemically expanded variant ( -cito, -cico, -zote), while monosyllabic consonant terminating bases as in b) take the syllabically augmented variant (-ezote, -ecito, -ezuelo) . Some gram­ mars include such rules as part of their treatment of derivational morphology . 4 But the most comprehensive rules cannot account for the many vagaries and inconsistencies in emotive suffix allomorphy . For example, alternatives are often permissible:

94

Emotive suffixation prado jardln altar mano

-

pradito jardinito altarito manita

-

pradecito

jardincito

altarcito

manecita

The determination of allomorphic variant is often regionally or even individually conditioned . The more productive the suffix, however, the more likely is the allomorphic variation to apply . Frequently emotive suffixation is thought of as applying only to noun bases . In fact, it applies to bases of all the major grammatical classes : nouns :

papa vientre pollo historia

-

papazote ventr6n polluelo historieta

adjectives

triste alto majo ancho

-

trist6n altote majico anchorro

adverbs

luego despacio cerca lejos

-

lueguito despacito cerquita lejitos

participles

callando muerto sentado descansando

-

callandito muertecillo sentadito descansandillo

However, productivity is limited to noun and adjective bases. Other types of base, including adverbs , participles, or pronouns, tend to be limited to idiosyncratic , regional, or South American varieties of standard Spanish : nada adios mismo ella

-

nadita

adiosito

mismito

ellita

These examples indicate the greater amenability of the diminutive, especially in its -ito and -illo forms , to a wider variety of bases than either the augmentatives or the pejoratives . Proper names may serve as bases of both diminutives as in a) or of augmentatives as in b) :

95

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish a) Venecia Pilar Juan Manolo

-

Venezuela Pilarica Juanillo Manolete

b) Vicente - Vicent6n Gonzalo - Gonzalote - Juan6n Juan Antonio - Antoiiote

Here, there are restrictions , since in spite of examples such as Venezuela or Barceloneta it is not usual to have place names as bases, and while practically any Christian name may take a diminutive ending , they are much more resistant to augmentatives. In general , the bases of emotive suffixation are much more varied than is often supposed . The question of whether verbs, other than in their present or past participle forms as illustrated above, may be the bases of emotive suffixation is debatable . Certainly , Garcia Lorca emphasises that at least in Granada, they do: ' Granada ama lo diminuto . Y en general toda Andalucfa. El lenguaje del pueblo pone los verbos en diminutivo . Nada tan incitante para Ia confidencia y el amor ' . ' Moreover, Spanish offers the frequent phenomenon of emotive morphemes inserted internally in verb forms between stem and inflectional morpheme: -ete: -ote : -ico : -6n : -ajo: -ejo: -urro :

suspirar gemir llorar tirar pintar forzar cantar

-

suspiretear gimotear lloriquear tironear pintarrajear forcejear canturrear

Conventionally , these cases have been classified as instances of infix­ ation , since the derivational elements seem to be inserted internally to the overall structure of the lexeme. On the other hand, they could be viewed as simple cases of suffixation on the grounds a) that the forms (-ico, -ejo, -ote . . . ) correspond to that of the emotive suffixes, and b) that their collocation in the complex structure parallels that of standard derivation since the morphemes involved are really just prefinal to inflectional morphemes (here, the verb infinitive morpheme) , in the way noun- or adjective-attaching suffixes may also be prefinal to inflectional morphemes of number and gender. For this reason it seems reasonable to take them as cases of verb suffixation , with the observation that the pattern is not productive, since the majority of verbs in the Spanish lexis cannot in fact be so derived . At the same time, there is clearly some sort

96

Emotive suffixation of pattern in the language which enables many common verbs, of which the items quoted above are a mere sample, to generate derivative emotive outputs on verb bases in the same way as denominal or deadj ectival formations . 6 Another type of derivative where verbs clearly act as bases is illustrated in the following : saltar heber abusar bailar acusar

..... ..... ..... ..... .....

saltarfn

beberr6n

abus6n

bailarin

acusica

Here, the pattern deviates from the norm , since in addition to the expected change of meaning , there is also a change of syntactic category , from verb to adjective/noun . Such cases argue against the firm separation of emotive suffixation from standard non-emotive suffixation, since a basic property of the latter is considered to be that of effecting a change of grammatical category . In addition , a long series of derivations in -on presents the alterna­ tion verb/noun , as in: encontrar plantar empujar apagar

..... ..... ..... .....

encontr6n

plant6n

empuj6n

apag6n

Here, the ' augmentative' suffix -on is used to express action or result of action in the manner of the standard deverbal nominalising suffixes -miento, -cion, -aje, or -dura . So unless -on is in these cases considered to be a different suffix from the -on of ropa - ropon, fortuna - fortunon, mozo - mozarron etc . , there seems to be an overlap in function between some emotive suffixes and the standard suffix repertoire, as already suggested at the beginning of this section . In the strong lexical hypothesis model , emotive rules come after standard derivation rules , as is frequently the case in Spanish : percha capital campo vista sacerdote

..... -

perchero capitalista campesino vistoso sacerdotisa

-

percherito

capitalistorra

campesinote

vistosillo

sacerdotisita

It is not unusual , however, for this order to be reversed, with the emotive suffix inserted between stem and another suffix :

97

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish regular tonto marica juego atraco

-

regularcito tontorro mariquita juguete atrac6n

-

regularcitamente

tonterreria

mariquiteria

jugueteril

atraconazgo

So to differentiate emotive rules from other derivational rules on the grounds of posterior ordering is highly dubious in the specific case of Spanish . The properties shared by emotive and inflectional morphology on the one hand and emotives and non-emotives on the other, is reflected in their equivocal behaviour with regard to root change. 7 A feature of Spanish inflectional morphology is that many stressed roots in [o] and [e] in the conjugation of verbs become diphthongised in the paradigms : contar: cuento cuentas cuentan

perder: pierdo

pierdes

pierden

In emotive suffixation this may apply in reverse, that is to say the radical change reverts to the monophthong as a result of the stress change effected by the suffix, but the pattern is rather inconsistent: a) tierno piedra valiente diente

ternezuelo pedrusco valent6n dentezuelo

ternura

pedregoso

valentt'a

dentt'frico

b) fuerte trueno pueblo pierna

fuertecillo truenecito pueblecito piernecita

fortaleza

tronido

poblach6n

pernituerto

In a) the radical change reversion is consistently followed in the derivations on bases containing a stressed diphthong . In b) there is some inconsistency, since some derivatives , notably the diminutives, do not revert, whereas others, particularly abstract nouns, do. So the b) type tends towards the models of inflectional morphology, observ­ ing the radical change, while the a) variety shows tonic syllable morphology characteristic of derivation . This vacillation is most strikingly seen in derivations on the same base offering alternative radical change or non-radical change forms :

98

Emotive suffixation fuente puerta ponte bueno

-+ -+ -+ -+

fuentezuela puertezuela puentezuelo buenisimo

-+ fontezuela

-+ portezuela

-+ pontezuelo

-+ bonisimo

In so far as current tendencies are to prefer the radical change option, reserving the reverted form for cult usage, the derivational morphology in this particular respect would seem to be drifting towards the phonology of inflectional paradigms . Emotive suffixation frequently produces derivative outputs whose gender differs from that of the base: noticia f. camara f . avion m . aldea f.

-+ -+ -+

notici6n m .

camarote m .

avioneta f.

aldeorro m .

is more usual , however, for emotive suffixation t o respect the gender of the base :

It

dolor m . -+ dolorcillo m.

coche m . -+ cochazo m.

palabra f. -+ palabreja f.

piscina f. -+ piscinaza f.

Nevertheless , the frequency of gender change is such that it confirms a measure of overlap between emotive and non-emotive suffixation. Since it is held that a property of inflectional morphology is that of changing gender, then in this sense emotive suffixation shows coin­ cidence with the former. In emotive suffixation, gender change may occur in both directions - usually from feminine to masculine as in lista -+ listin , but also from masculine to feminine as in zapato -+ zapatilla . Here there is a paradox as far as the concept of headedness is concerned . On the one hand the base, in such cases, sheds it gender in the complex output, but on the other hand it remains semantically dominant. Since the concept of head in derivation involves retention of both semantic dominance and of syntactic dominance in the matter of gender, then Spanish emotive suffixation does not always fulfil both of these criteria . The situation seems to be that while the majority of emotive derivatives are semantically and syntactically headed on the base as in botella -+ botelleja (head botella) , a large number are semantically headed only as in camara -+ camarote (head camara) . The suffix, although effecting a change of meaning is semantically subservient to the base ; this is an important difference between emotive suffixation and non-emotive suffixation, since in the latter

99

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish the suffix is the head, transmitting both its gender and its semantic import to the base , as , for example in aceite - aceitera ( = reci­ piente de aceite) or polvo - polvera ( = recipiente de polvos) . Although change of gender derivatives are not semantically headed by the suffix , the change of meaning is likely to be greater than in those where gender is respected : a) libro silla zapato camara

-+ -+ -

librito sillita zapatito camarita

b) libro silla zapato camara

-+ -+ -+ -+

libreta

sillfn

zapatilla

camarin

In a) the alterations, involving no gender change, are strictly emotive or subjective, shading the meaning of the base in the direction of smaller dimension or endearment. In b) the suffixation, involving gender change , brings about a much more marked change of mean ing of the base:

= documento bancario libreta sillln = silla de Ia bicicleta zapatilla = zapato ligero para llevar en casa camara de los artistas en el teatro camarin So gender change is usually accompanied by change or specialisation of meaning beyond the strictly emotive diminutive or augmentative dimension . There is also a correlation between gender and produc­ tivity , since those suffixes which are most respectful of gender of the base are the most productive, while those which often require a change of gender tend to be of more restricted use :

Productive, no gender change -ito, -illo, -uelo , -azo8

Restricted productivity, gender change -ete, -in, -6n , -ote

The Spanish emotive suffix system is dynamic , involving a wide repertoire of derivational morphemes which is not closed , calls where necessary on suffixes which normally would be classified as non­ emotive and is subject to expansion and renewal through the use of the neologistic morphemes of modem speech which lend colour and vivacity to the language. 9 Far from being restricted to noun bases , emotive morphology operates on a wide variety of bases both with regard to their grammatical class and to their semantic classification. The ordering of emotive suffixation between stem and inflection is broadly respected, but equivocal as between emotive suffixation and standard suffixation, and not internally ordered although certain morphophonological concatenations are favoured in reiterative structures . The conventional division of emotive suffixation into

100

Emotive suffixation diminution , augmentation , and pejoration, although not altogether satisfactory, seems valid enough to serve as a useful framework in which to review the productive inventory of emotive morphemes below, in the context of the contentious morphological questions indicated . 4.2 Diminutives

The basic repertoire , variable according to differing interpretations of diminutive status and of the borderline between diminutive, aug­ mentative and pejorative, will here be considered to be the following : -ito -ico -illo -ete -fn -uelo

peor fraile fiesta golfo momento doctor

-

peorcito frailecico fiestecilla golfete momentfn doctorzuelo

Only -uelo is here controversial , since it is sometimes classified as a pejorative , with its back vowel [u] being felt to have an unfavourable phonoaesthetic effect. In fact all the diminutives listed above may be used pejoratively , or with pejorative overtones . Allomorphy appears extensively in the diminutive system i n the form of extra phonemes or syllables , selected according to the struc­ ture of the base: a) abuelo - abuelito curso - cursillo libro - librico

b) le6n - leoneito amor - amorcillo joven - jovencete

c) flor - florecita pan - panecillo traje - trajecfn

This allomorphy may be reduced to rules ; a) is regular in formation, b) shows phonemic increase in [8] on disyllabic bases in a nasal or a flap , while c) shows syllabic increase in [e) on monosyllabics ending in a consonant or disyllabic bases in [e) . These allomorphic variations are well known and expounded in basic grammars . However, emotive suffix allomorphy goes beyond this : a) borracho - borrachfn manojo - manojfn - poquitfn poco The suffix and -ino I base. The variants as

b) campo - campifia cebolla - cebollino cuerpo - corpifio

-(n appears to have the allomorphic variants -iflo I -ina -ina, not determined by the morphological shape of the suffixes -ico and -ete also appear with idiosyncratic in:

101

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish cobarde -+ cobardica acusar -+ acusica averiguar ... averigiietas Here -ica and -etas seem to be selected by the base in particular levels of language (child talk) rather than by the structure of the base itself. Allomorphic diminution, then, cannot simply be reduced to morphophonological rules, although much of it can certainly be so explained. Levels of language, and indeed regional variation , must also be taken into account. It is notable, moreover, that the requirements of allomorphy are often ignored: pobre -+ pobrecico -+ pobrete viejo -+ viejecillo -+ vejete niebla -+ nieblecita -+ neblina In examples such as these, the third form does not use the syllabically increased variant (here, -ecete, -ecina) although it is available and strictly speaking required by the structure of the base. Each suffix has its own particular flavour or shade of meaning, and individual morphemes may vary their effect according to the intention , inflection, or tone of voice of the speaker. While all the diminutives may carry pejorative overtones, implicit in small size, some are more likely to be pejorative than others. There is a cons­ tant gradation in pejoration from zero to light (-ito) at one extreme to moderately pejorative at the other (-ete, -uelo) . The pejoration is always attenuated by the sense of diminution. Other distinctions between suffixes may be made according to their collocation or the referent - pobre -+ pobrecito (poor in emotional sense) , but pobre -+ pobrete (poor economically) . Variations in productivity also differentiate the diminutives. -ito is by far the most widely used and the most amenable to a variety of bases , as well as being the least pejoratively marked. At the other extreme, the use of -ete is restricted and it is more likely to be pejorative. The same base may take different suffixes, with nuances of meaning dependent on the inherent semantic properties of the derivational morpheme and I or the attitude of the speaker: nube - nubecita -+ nubecica -+ nubecilla chico -+ chiquito -+ chicuelo -+ chiquitfn The more common the base, the more likely it is to be amenable to

a variety of diminutive endings.

Historical criteria can be applied in the classification and descrip­ tion of diminutives. -ico and -uelo are associated particularly with

the Middle Ages , while in the Golden Age -illo was highly favoured.

1 02

Emotive suffixation The current dominance of -ito dates from the modem era and is enhanced by its strong adoption in South America. Synchronically , however, regional distinctions are more useful ; -illo is associated with Andalucia, -ito with Castile, -ico with Arag6n, and -(n with Asturias. Yet the fact is that regardless of these historical and geographical considerations all the suffixes under consideration here have survived strongly in present-day Spanish and compete vigorously with each other within the emotive suffix system. The characterisation of each suffix can be approached essentially from the morphological viewpoint of the type of base to which it is amenable and paying attention to the semantics of the output.

-ito -ito is the standard diminutive suffix, widely used, the least regionally marked and the least inherently pejorative. Although highly productive, some semantic constraints apply to its bases: sufrimiento -+ *sufrimientito

paciencia -+ *paciencita

atenci6n -+ *atencioncita

Like the other emotives , it is not amenable to bases referring to abstract concepts . Its bases are mostly nouns , frequently adjectives , quite often proper names . It is more amenable to foreign bases than its rival suffixes : sueiio modesto corriendo abajo penalty Carmen

-+ -+ -+ -+ -+ -+

sueiiecito modestito corriendito abajito penaltito Carmencita

noun

adj

participle

adverb

foreign base

proper name

The adverb bases are really restricted to primitive forms (abajo, ahora, despacio . . . ) and not to the expanded forms in -mente. When , occasionally , an adverb in -mente is diminutive, the diminutive morpheme appears internally between the stem and ­

mente: regular -+ regularcitamente

Iento -+ lentitamente

The participle bases are also restricted, and the semantic function tends to be intensificatory :

103

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish iban correteando, corriendo alegremente estaban sentaditos en un banco = estaban sentados estrechados , juntos los niiios iban corriendito

=

An important semantic constraint on the completely free use of -ito as a derivational morpheme, as with the other emotives, is its tendency to produce lexicalisation of specialised meaning, where the diminutive motivation becomes lost: cinta de goma

central telef6nica

= cochecito de bebe

goma - gomita central - centralita coche - cochecito

=

=

-illo This diminutive morpheme is used more widely than is often thought. Although associated with Andalucla, where it may be used in preference to -ito, its use is nevertheless widespread throughout Spain and South America . Its characteristics with respect to its principal rival -ito are its more restricted use, its greater tendency to light pejoration, and its much greater tendency towards lexicalisation or specialisation of meaning . Its different emphasis is apparent in: ojitos alegres I ojillos cansados

fiestececitas veraniegas I fiestecillas provincianas

un vinito muy sabroso I un vinillo algo aguada

It attaches to all the grammatical classes of base to which -ito is amenable, but appears less frequently on adverbial, participle, proper names, or foreign stems: sueldo fuerte tarde creciendo Gabriel whisky

-

sueldecillo fuertecillo tardecillo creciendillo Gabrielillo whisquecillo

noun

adjective

adverb

participle

proper name

foreign base

The change of meaning tendencies of -illo are apparent in: horca bomba cola fiera

1 04

-

horquilla bombilla colilla fierecilla

alfiler para el pelo

ampolla de Ia luz

= punta del cigarrillo

= mujer airada

= =

Emotive suffixation Here the derivative is not at all equivalent semantically to its base , although the connection is clear. In the Spanish of America the lexicalisation tendencies of -illo are reflected in its designation of trees : 1 0

base

Spain

durazno ciruela aceituna

America

duraznero ciruelo aceituno

duraznillo

ciruelillo

aceitunillo

Another constraint on the free and predictable use of -illo is its tendency to unexpectedly change the gender of the base: ventana - ventanillo (also ventanilla)

zapato - zapatilla

hormiga .... hormiguillo

Such gender changes are likely to be accompanied by an important change of meaning .

-ete -ete may be characterised by its low affectionate content when compared with -ito or -illo, although it may also express endear­ ment. On the other hand, its pejorative import is less marked than -uelo . Mild or friendly censure is inherent in many of the derivatives it generates. The bases of -ete are much less varied than those of -ito or -illo: discurso alegre Antonio clavar

-

discursete alegrete Antoiiete clavetear

noun

adjective

proper name

verb

Thus it does not appear on adverb or foreign bases. Its deverbal use, often considered infixal , implies lighter or iterative action of the primitive. An American expansion of its deverbal use is in the depreciative designation of animates in school slang, using the variant -eta(s) : 1 1 acusar .... acusete = acusica

llorar - lloretas = llorica

charlar - charleta = charlatan

In such cases , contrary to the conventional definition of the proper­ ties of emotive suffixes , there is a change of grammatical class from verb to noun-adj ective . A positive condition of the base which may be postulated for -ete

105

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish derivatives is that they are often animate, especially in relation to occupations or walks of life, as in a) , although inanimate physical bases are also common, as in b) : a) principe -+ principete abogado -+ abogadete -+ torerete torero

b) palacio -+ palacete

tienda -+ tenderete

molino -+ molinete

To a greater extent than the emotives considered hitherto , -ete is restricted by its strongly lexicalising tendencies, with important changes of meaning: gloria -+ glorieta = plazoleta

pala -+ paleta = herramienta de albaiiil

burla -+ burlete

tela para cortar los corrientes de aire

casa -+ caseta = cabina, casa primitiva

A striking morphological feature of -ete is its special amenability to recursive derivation , where it combines amenably with the other emotive suffixes: puiio carro pobre colcha

-+ -+ -+ -+

pueta carreta pobrete colch6n

-+ -+ -+ -+

puiietazo

carretilla

pobret6n

colchoneta

Thus the limited productivity of -ete may be explained by its lexicalisation tendencies , its unpredictability of gender, and its less flexible toleration of different kinds of base than its competitors in the emotive system. Its relative lexical weakness may be reflected in the increasing tendency for its use to depend on combining with other emotive suffixes rather than appearing on its own.

-uelo -uelo, with its back semi-vowel [w] , is the most pejorative of the diminutive group. Yet its pejoration is light and its tone may be jocular or friendly. Some observers perceive a recent revival in its popularity . 12 It is more productive than either -ete or fn in spite of the limited nature of its bases : -

-+ bigotuelo bigote estrecho -+ estrechuelo

,

noun

adjective

It is not constrained by regional associations, but is strongly allomorphic :

106

Emotive suffixation rey - reyezuelo

rat6n - ratonzuelo

gordo - gordezuelo

It combines easily with other emotives , sometimes in forms which are the standard lexicalised diminutives of the bases : do calle respond6n chico

-

riachuelo

callejuela

respondonzuelo

chiquituelo

Like -illo, -(n , and ete , uelo shows strong lexicalisation tenden­ cies, accompanied by significant changes in meaning : -

-

= paiio para limpiarse el sudor

- paiiuelo paiio lenteja - lentejuela = adorno para la ropa

castana - castaiiuela = instrumento de percusi6n

Here, however, specialisation of meaning is not accompanied by change of gender, as often happens with other emotive suffixes. -uelo, then, is moderately productive, encouraged by its lack of regional constraints, but inhibited by its resistance to bases other than nouns and adjectives. It may well also be confined by its well known cult stamp which allows it to figure somewhat less in popular speech then either -ito or -illo.

-(n This suffix is characterised by its light or friendly pejoration, its strong lexicalisation tendencies, and its strong regional association with Asturias . 13 Its bases are more restricted than those of the suffixes considered hitherto, apart from -uelo: beso tonto Jaime cantar

-

besfn tontfn Jaimfn cantarfn

noun adjective proper name verb

The formations on adjective bases are restricted to some common lexemes - pequefl(n, borrachfn, mon(n , but not *inteligent(n, *dificilfn, *imposibilfn . The deverbal derivations are even more limited (saltar - saltar(n, bailar - bailarln) and unique in that they are based on complete verb infinitive forms and not on stems, as well as producing a change of grammatical category from verb to adjective.

1 07

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish In the designation of young animals and plants the variant -ino appears, interpreted variously as an allomorphic variant or as a separate morpheme:

-+ corcino

corzo puerro -+ porrino

Iechuga -+ lechuguino

The strongest constraint on the free use of -fn is its frequent appearance in lexicalisations and its tendency to effect a change of gender: fi1tbol pata madre silla

-+ futbolfn = juego de mesa -+ patio = zapato de patinar -+ madrina = mujer que presencia el bautizo, Ia boda - sillfn = silla de Ia bicicleta, de montar

-fn combines easily with other emotive suffixes, with a strong tendency to final ordering: pobre poco mano cacho

-+ -+ -+ -+

pobrete poquito manojo cachete

-+ -+ -+ -+

pobreti'n

poquitfn

manojin

cachetin

-ico Of the diminutive morphemes under consideration here, -ico is the most regionally marked, associated particularly with Arag6n, eastern Andalucia and Central America. Its current vitality is well reflected however in the language of a number of regionally neutral writers . 14 Semantically , -ico stands close to -ito in its adherence to a strictly diminutive sense, mildly affectionate, and pejorative only in its allomorphic variant -ica. It attaches to a variety of grammatical bases: sol malo Teresa llorar

- solecico

-+ malico -+ Teresica -+ llorica

noun

adjective

proper name

verb

The deverbal use illustrated in llorar - lloriquear is very restricted and usually considered as infixal . The productivity of -ico is really limited to noun bases. The epicene variant -ica is a modern form, mildly pejorative, characteristic of the language of schoolchildren and generating noun­

1 08

Emotive sujjixation adjectives from verb, noun, or adjective bases : abusar acusar llorar miedo quejar cobarde

-+ -+ -+ -+ -+ -+

abusica acusica llorica miedica quejica cobardica

The Spanish diminutive system, then, is complex and based on a rich repertoire of derivational morphemes whose inventory is not exhausted by the most productive and well-known forms reviewed above. Like other areas of the suffix system, this inventory is subject to development and renewal , illustrated here by some modem emotive morphemes such as -etas or -ica . The constraints with regard to the type of base are less severe than is often thought, although the productive diminutives show a greater base compat­ ibility than the others . It appears that some diminutives exhibit properties both of inflection and of non-emotive suffixation. However, given the extraordinary vitality of this type of suffixation in Spanish, it seems reasonable to accept a separate categorisation for it in the framework of a lexical morphology theory , although its ordering with regard to other derivational processes is not as clear­ cut as recent theory claims . 4.3 Augmentatives

The augmentatives considered here , on the basis of their synchronic productivity are -on, -azo, -ote and -udo: 1 5 baja codo macho cefio

-+ -+ -+ -+

baj6n codazo machote cefiudo

Augmentatives show overlap particularly with pejoratives, since the idea of large size is often combined with ugliness. On the other hand largeness is equally often a positive characteristic, so the augmentatives frequently have a meliorative effect - j que piscinaza! may be the equivalent of j que piscina estupenda! or, conversely of jque piscina mas fea! In other lexical contexts the augmentative and the diminutive may semantically coincide - un problemon di.ficilon may not be very different from un problemilla dificilillo, and in many lexicalised derivatives the augmentative morphemes actually impart diminutive sense :

1 09

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish isla tierra barra calleja

-

islote

terr6n

barrote

callej6n

This ambivalence of the augmentatives is seen particularly in -on and -azo which in many of their formations combine an emotive sense with action or contusion: achuchar botella resbalar patinar

-

achuch6n

botellazo

resbal6n

patinazo

The sense in these examples approaches that of the standard deverbal abstracts such as -cion or -miento denoting accion y efecto. The productivity of the augmentatives, even of the most fertile morphemes such as -azo, is noticeably constrained when compared to the greater spontaneity of use of the diminutives. The syntactic alternatives to the augmentatives - adjectives such as grande, enorme, estupendo, impresionante are much more likely to be resorted to , especially in literary style, whereas the augmentatives are likely to be preferred in colloquial speech. Change of gender between base and derivative is much more frequent in augmentatives than in diminutives or pejoratives : -

a) senora - seiiorona gitana - gitanaza muchacha - muchachota

b) cuchara - cuchar6n

porra - porrazo

nuiquina - maquinota

Animates as in a) preserve the gender of the base, but in b) changes of gender occur with -on and -azo, but less frequently with -ote, on inanimate bases; in the case of -azo, the change of gender is seman­ tically conditioned: a) mano boca

- manaza - bocaza

b) porra espina

- porrazo

- espinazo

In a) there is no gender change, where the derivation is strictly augmentative, but in b) where contusion is involved a change of gender is normal. The unpredictability of gender is undoubtedly a constraint on the free spontaneous use of the augmentatives . The augmentatives are affected by allomorphy to a much lesser extent than diminutives . -azo has the variant -azos while -on shows only -z6n and occasionally a modern variant -ona on verb bases; -ote has both -zote and -ezote, as well as -otas, occasionally used:

1 10

Emotive suffixation madre cabr6n intentar berza

-

madrezota

cabronazos

intentona

berzotas

None of these morphologies is productive, so that the formation of the augmentative, although affected by a small degree of allomorphy , may be considered to be fundamentally regular. A prominent feature of augmentative morphology is a propensity for suffix accumulations involving either augmentative + augmen­ tative or augmentative + pejorative, many of these being the stan­ dard augmentative form on common bases: -arro + -6n voz chico nube

- vozarr6n

- chicarr6n

- nubarr6n

-acho + -6n bueno rico fuerte

- bonach6n

- ricach6n

- fortach6n

-6n + -azo

tumbar - tumbonazo

encontrar - encontronazo

bajar - bajonazo

Each augmentative suffix can be characterised according to its particular semantic nuance. -on is the least emotive, and the most lexicalised in specialised meanings . -ote combines augmentation with jocularity or friendliness. -azo is the most explicitly augmentative, hyperbolic and in South America tends to usurp the linguistic domain of its rival augmentatives. -udo can be completely separated from the others on syntactic grounds since it generates only adjectives , while the others generate both adjectives and nouns. Regional distinctions are less critical with augmentatives than with diminutives, although particular areas may favour one augmentative form at the expense of another. The bases of augmentative derivations are in principle as varied as those of the diminutives : escoba debil Miguel penalty lejos pisar

-

escob6n debil6n Miguelote penalty6n lejotes pisotear

noun

adj

proper name

foreign base

adverb

verb

However, derivation on adverbs is unusual, and the amenability of

111

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish foreign loans to augmentative morphology quite restricted. Most derivations are productive only on noun, and to a lesser extent, on adjective bases. More than the diminutive, the augmentative may change the syntactic class of the base, although in the majority of cases it does not do so: boca N tropezar V cabeza N araiiar V

-+ -+ -+ -+

boc6n Adj-N

tropez6n N

cabezudo Adj

araiiazo N

-azo For Marla Moliner, -azo is el sufijo aumentativo por excelencia . Its high productivity makes it the most available of the augmentatives for spontaneous non-lexicalised use. Semantically , -azo is more ambiguous than its rival suffixes, denoting the extremes of approval and disapproval, depending on the intention of the speaker or writer and on the sense of the base beso, implicitly meliorative, generates the hyperbolic positive derivative besazo, whereas cabron, explicitly pejorative, generates the even more censorious cabronazo. It shares with -on a 'contusive' use, where augmentation combines with reference to action: -

hacha tomate trompeta telefono

-+ -+ -+ -+

hachazo

tomatazo

trompetazo

telefonazo

The action, as the last two examples illustrate, may sometimes be acoustic as well as contusive. In context, such terms appear frequently pluralised, dependent on prepositions cortar madera a hachazos, recibir un espectdculo a tomatazos. Many general 'blow' words are formed on the suffix -azo: -

torta leiio puiieta porra

-+ tortazo

-+ leiiazo

-+ puiietazo

- porrazo

The change of gender in these contusive usages is a standard morphological feature. Although not regionally marked, the use of -azo dominates other types of augmentative suffixation in South America, where it has acquired the property , in some regions, of denoting accidents as in

1 12

Emotive suffixation tren - trenazo or avion - avionazo. In addition, American usage permits a much wider adjectival usage than does peninsular Spanish;

grande - grandazo, tonto - tontazo, for example, where the func­ tion of -azo echoes that of the intensificatory -(simo . The bases of -azo formations are more varied than those of rival suffixes :

sarten bueno arafiar gol Tejero Argentina

-

sartenazo buenazo arafiazo golazo Tejerazo Argentinazo

noun

adjective

verb

foreign base

proper name

toponymic

-azo is the most productive on noun bases, but its expansion on verb bases is notable. On proper names and place name bases , its sense is political action = golpe de estado, intentona, occurring in the place named in the base or led by the person referred to: this usage is highly productive in modern political terminology , especially in South America . 1 6 Animate bases are common with -azo, where it is used to express admiration : torero - torerazo

artista - artistazo

jefe - jefazo

The allomorphic variant -azosl-azas appears in modern formations of a jocular nature, attaching to non-animate bases which become animate derivatives : boca mano calz6n carne

-

bocazas

manazas

calzonazos

carnazas

Such formations have no formal head, since neither the base nor the suffix imparts syntactic features to the derivative and the animate referent is external to the meaning of the base and the suffix . -azo shows strong amenability to combining with a variety of other emotive suffixes, with a preference for final ordering: -etazo : pistole azo

escopetazo

tijeretazo

-otazo: picotazo

manotazo

chicotazo

1 13

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -onazo: encontronazo bajonazo flojonazo

-On The productivity of -on is medium, both on inanimate bases as in a) and on animate bases as in b) : - fortun6n a) fortuna - notici6n noticia almohada - almohad6n

b) cura - cur6n zorra - zorrona chula - chulona

As with the other emotives, the meliorative or pejorative sense of the derivative depends on the sense of the base. In the inanimate designations, a change of gender is observed, usually combined with specialisation of meaning: falda - fald6n mecha - mech6n tela - tel6n A distinctive feature of -on is that its bases are more frequently adjectival and more frequently hypocoristic than those of its rival augmentatives: a) cobarde - cobard6n - facil6n facil torpe - torp6n

b) Nicolas Juan Miguel

- Nicolas6n - Juan6n - Miguel6n

On verb bases, -on produces augmentative adjectives : 1 7 preguntar - pregunt6n ( = que pregunta mucho) contestar - contest6n responder - respond6n Or it may indicate sudden action or result of action of the base: apagar madrugar encerrar empujar

-

apag6n madrug6n encerrona empuj6n

Here, its function resembles that of -azo when appended to noun bases. In a number of cases -on attaches to nouns , to which it imparts a diminutive meaning: 1 8

1 14

Emotive suffixation rata -+ rat6n

tapa -+ tap6n

escala -+ escal6n

This suffix is amenable to combinations in recursive morphology : -arr6n:

vozarr6n

dulzarr6n

chicarr6n

-et6n:

guapet6n

machet6n

pobret6n

-ote The characteristic of this augmentative is its pejorative and jocular overtones; unlike -6n or -azo, it is rarely used in a meliorative sense. Its modest productivity is reflected in its general recession in South American Spanish, although in particular areas it still flourishes, for example, in the Spanish of the Mexican state of Jalisco. 19 In central Castilian Spanish it also survives strongly , especially i n ad hoc whimsical formations . 20 The bases are both animate and inanimate, with a strong preference for the latter: a) palabra -+ palabrota -+ papelote papel tiempo -+ tiempote

b) muchacha -+ muchachota

viuda -+ viudota

-+ fulanote

fulano

c) alto serio infeliz

-+ altote -+ seriote -+ infelizote

d) Antonio Gonzalo Juan

-+ Antofiote -+ Gonzalote -+ Juanote

e) lejos arriba

-+ lejotes -+ arribota

f) ancla isla camara

-+ anclote

-+ islote

-+ camarote

g) parlar bailar gemir

-+ parlotear -+ bailotear -+ gimotear

h) nariz gafas oreja

-+ narizotas

-+ gafotas

-+ orejotas

a) shows derivations on inanimate respects the meaning of the base specialised lexicalisations . b ) shows animate bases, to which c) examples are given of adjectival

bases . -ote is a suffix which and does not often produce

-ote i s especially amenable. In bases with adjectival outputs,

1 15

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish where -ote is fairly productive . On proper name bases as in d) , the use of -ote is restricted in comparison with -6n . 2 1 e) is unique, American usage of -ote on adverbial bases . In f) examples are given of the sometimes diminutive sense of -ote derivations . The verb derivatives of g), sometimes considered infixation, are augmentative­ pejorative in the sense that the derivative suggests clumsiness in the execution of the action, also with reiterative implications ; this pattern shows very low productivity . In h) an allomorphic epicene variant -otas denotes animates with defects of appearance involving the base, with semantic and syntactic exocentricity (un narizotas, un gafotas) . These varied usages give -ote wider circulation than is often thought. Its constraints are semantic and stylistic rather than morphological .

-udo The classification of -udo as an augmentative is contentious . Its strongly pejorative overtones, to which the back vowel (u] lends phonoaesthetic effect, could justify its classification in the pejorative subcategory. Moreover, it is fundamentally different from the other suffixes grouped here under the augmentative heading since it is strongly class-changing, producing adjectives on noun bases . In this sense it shows overlap with the adjective-forming non-emotive -oso; indeed many of the derivatives in -udo might well have been expected to be formed in -oso since they denote abundance of the base. The bases of -udo derivations show strong constraints of a semantic nature : a) conciencia - concienzudo paciencia - pacienzudo confianza - confianzudo

b) pantorrilla - pantorrilludo - velludo vello - piernudo pierna

The abstract bases of a) are atypical , not representative of a produc­ tive pattern, whereas the formations of b) are more characteristic since -udo attaches preferably to designations of parts of the body, and the output is an adjective attributing to an animate and abun­ dance of the sense of the base. These formations, although tending towards pejorative, may be favourable if the abundance of the base is thought an attractive physical feature, as in una mujer tetuda as opposed to un senor panzudo where the physical attribute is negative. -udo, then, is an example of a suffix showing strong overlap across suffix categories and whose productivity is quite restricted by the association with a particular type of base.

1 16

Emotive suffixation 4.4 Pejoratives

The repertoire of pejorative suffixes is longer than that of either the diminutives or the augmentatives. With usage spread across a large number of morphemes , the productivity of the individual pejoratives is thus much less than that of the average diminutive or augmentative suffix. The usual classification of pejoratives is into those showing diminutive tendencies, those with augmentative overtones , and pejoratives used with humoristic intent. Pejoratives contain a strong phonoaesthetic element, with a dominance in their structure of the velar consonants [x] and [k] and the back vowels [o] and [u] , phonemes whose dark tones indicate disapproval and censure. 22 The pejoratives are scarcely affected by allomorphy - only -ejo of the morphemes included here shows some variation in -cejo and -ecejo. Change of gender is frequent, whether accompanied by lexicalisation or not: abeja cama escoba ventana

-

abejorro

camastro

escobajo

ventanuco

A feature of their morphology is their tendency to appear as much in combination with other emotive suffixes as on their own: chico bicho juego tonto

-

chiquitajo bicharraco jugarreta tontorr6n

The bases are syntactically circumscribed to nouns , adjectives, and verbs. Adverb , proper name, and loan bases are extremely unusual . Moreover, the association between particular base and specific affix tends to be fixed rather than operating freely , so whereas in diminu­ tion or augmentation it is common for the same base to combine with alternative suffixes , in pejoration the link between base and suffix is much firmer: tinto - tintorro - *tintacho crftico - criticastro - *criticorro papel - papelucho - *papeluco In general , any common standard lexeme, noun or adjective , will have a corresponding pejorative form using a specific derivational morpheme with which it is linked. These morphemes are not always those conventionally labelled pejorative, but may be suffixes from

1 17

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish the non-emotive list which acquire a pejorative sense when attached to a particular base - -oso and -ento are frequently used pejoratively but not normally classified in the pejorative group. The prediction of rules for the formation of the pejoratives founders on the multiplicity of morphemes involved and in the brevity and irregularities of any paradigmatic tendencies that might be perceived. For example, in the pejoration of adjectives of colour, a specific usual area of derivation, no consistent pattern appears beyond the basic principle of Adj + suffix - pejorative Adj : negro blanco blanco verde verde gris rojo azul azul amarillo

-

negruzco

blanquecino

blancuzco

verdoso

verdusco

grisaceo

roj izo

azulado

azulenco

amarillento

So a variety of pejorative suffixes are applied in the same semantic and lexical context, with no apparent justification of suffix selection either on morphological or phonological grounds .

Pejorative-augmentative -aco - tiparraco a) tipo bicho - bicharraco pajaro - pajarraco

b) hombre - hombraco

libro - libraco

mujer - mujeraca

The productivity of -aco is very limited, showing a preference for combining with -arro as in a) . In some regions, such as Zamora, it appears on bases which would be unusual elsewhere (mal - malaco, ruin - ruinaco) . The examples illustrate the normal bases - nouns, animate or inanimate.

-acho a) pueblo -+ poblacho -+ hilacha hila

b) hombre -+ hombracho c) rico ... ricacho viejo .... viejacho vivo .... vivaracho

The formations of c) are the most characteristic , on adjective bases

1 18

Emotive suffixation producing outputs attributing qualities to animates . Derivation on animate bases as in b) is unusual, as is derivation on inanimates as in a) .

-ajo a) hierba - hierbajo espanto - espantajo latin - latinajo

b) pequeiio - pequeiiajo

chiquito - chiquitajo

rubio - rubiajo

c) comer - comistrajo

heber - bebistrajo

escupir - escupitajo

This suffix is the most productive of this group. Its constraint is that its base may not be animate, whereas it commonly appears on inanimate bases as in a) , on adjective bases producing adjectives as in b) and on verb stems producing nouns as in c) , with irregular morphology in the intercalation of phonemes between stem and suffix.

-arro, -urro Sometimes considered as allomorphic variants of -orro, these suffixes are more likely to occur penultimately in combination with -on as in b) rather than on their own as in a) . The bases are nouns or adjectives and the derivatives nouns or adjective-nouns: a) cat6lico - catolicarro

b) manso - mansurr6n

voz - vozarr6n

mozo - mozarr6n

-astro a)

cama

- camastro

c)

comadre hija padre

- madrastra

- hijastra

- padrastro

b)

poeta critico medico

- poetastro - criticastro - medicastro

Inanimate bases are unusual, as in a). b) shows examples of animate bases where -astro indicates inefficiency of profession. The examples of c) are firmly lexicalised, denoting family relationship with only mild or incidental pejoration.

1 19

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -orro The phonoaesthetic effect of multiflap [ r] corresponds to that of velar consonants [k] and (x] in suggesting harshness or unpleasantness:

-+ feorro a) feo b) vida -+ vidorra c) Paco -+ Pacorro -+ viejorro viejo tfa -+ tiorra caliente -+ calentorro pito -+ pitorro The examples of a) are the most characteristic , where pejorative adjectives are generated from adjective bases. Noun bases as in b) are unusual, while proper name bases as in c) unproductive. -orro shows some current signs of revival . 23

Pejoratives-diminutives -ejo a) discurso -+ discursejo botella -+ botelleja articulo -+ articulejo

b) naci6n -+ nacionceja

rinc6n -+ rinconcejo

Iadr6n -+ Iadroncejo

c) apurado -+ apuradejo

mediano -+ medianejo

The allomorphy of -ejo is illustrated in b) . This suffix shows a propensity for non-animate bases , but without animates being blocked. It is occasionally appended to adjectives as in c) .

-ucho a) blando palido malo

-+ blanducho -+ paliducho -+ malucho

b) animal -+ animalucho

papel -+ papelucho

tienda -+ tenducho

-ucho is a productive formative in pejorising many standard adjec­ tives, as in a) ; the constraint here is that it cannot attach to bases of favourable semantic content, hence *buenucho, *guapucho, *cariflucho . . . are ill-formed . On noun bases , both animate and inanimate as in b) , -ucho is moderately productive. Pejorative-humoristic Any emotive suffix can be used for humoristic effect. However, particular suffixes are used more often humoristically than not. They are of a neologistic character, used spontaneously and form derivatives which are ad hoc or ephemeral . The stylistic register in

1 20

Emotive suffixation which they occur is popular speech , the language of the young , and the satirical press . Here only a few are considered , as representative of a type which flourishes and declines according to the dictates of linguistic fashion .

-ales rubio - rubiales viejo - viejales vivo - vivales Seco characterises -ales as 'de canicter marcadamente popular, expresa siempre una actitud humorfstica, de burla o de atenuaci6n ' . It is sometimes considered as an allomorphic variant of the non­ emotive adjectival -al. Its productivity is very limited , tending to appear in lexical contexts similar to those of -ete and -ico, on adjec­ tive bases producing adjective/nouns .

-oide a) sentimental - sentimentaloide b) animal - animaloide - perroide perro flamenco - flamencoide humanista - humanistoide extranjero - extranjeroide Whereas the bases of -ales are common adjectives, those of -oide are longer adjectives or nouns , producing adjectives . The implication of -oide corresponds to that of the prefix pseudo- , denoting falseness or corruption in the base . It is an example of a spontaneous modern derivational morpheme not affected by lexicalisation .

-ango (-engo, -ingo, -ongo, -ungo) a) senora fraile baile

- sefioringa - frailengo - bailongo

b) chulo facil blando

...... chulengo ...... facilongo - blandengo

The bases are both nouns and adjectives, producing nouns or adjectives . These forms are characteristic of South American Spanish , reflecting phonological influences of Indian or African tongues, but also currently popular in the neologistic popular speech of Spain. The variants are not allomorphs but haphazardly distributed according to individual whim .

121

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish Other pejorative suffixes Other pejorative suffixes are not at all productive, but nevertheless may appear often because they are associated with a common base: gente mujer frances negro

-

gentuza mujeruca franchute negruzco

-uzo -uco -ute -uzco

These firm links between base and suffix block other morphologically feasible forms, such as *genteja, *mujerucha , or

*francesuzo.

From the above description, the pejorative suffixes appear as a most difficult case for a cohesive theory of lexical morphology . They are the most removed from inflectional morphology in their paradigmatic brevity and inconsistency, while their inflexibility of attachment to a variety of bases, even to bases whose morphophono­ logical and semantic features would suggest predictability in selection of suffix, makes it difficult to harness them to patterns of regular derivation. They present a grammatical paradox in that while their individual productivity is low, their productivity as a group is quite high, given the predilection of Spanish, especially in a colloquial register, to resort to morphological pejoration of everyday nouns and adjectives .

1 22

5

Non-emotive suffixation

5. 1 Classification and structure

The non-emotive suffix repertoire of Spanish numbers several hundred derivational morphemes whose inventory is not fixed but expands, contracts, and otherwise changes as new suffixes are introduced, while established suffixes may decline or become fossilised. At the same time, apparently discarded or stagnant morphemes may be revived by particular speakers and writers. The suffix -aceo, for example, as in arena -+ arenticeo, is no longer productive, while -ata, a cult suffix which a short time ago seemed fossilised in forms such as columna -+ columnata, has found new 1 favour in neologisms of the type droga -+ drogata . So the long list of suffixes is subject to a process of lexical turnover with its components varying in productivity both diachronically and synchronically . Given the huge number of suffixes which make up this system, the problems of classification are complex . Traditionally , a distinction was made between cult or latinate morphemes and popular or Castilian ones (erudito and vulgar in the parlance of Spanish philologists) , with some suffixes showing alternative forms according to this etymological criterion (cf. -ario, latinate as in campana -+ campanario, and -ero, the Castilian variant, as in campana .... campanero) . This may be historically relevant, but is not particularly helpful in explaining the synchronically creative aspect of deriva­ tional morphology . A more useful classification , which here will basically be followed, is the syntactic distinction between suffixes which effect a change of grammatical class in the base lexeme (N .... A, A .... V, V -+ N . . . ) and those which do not: a) oscuro -+ oscurecer Adj .... V

.... Adj

peat6n .... peatonal N atracar -+ atracadero V .... N

1 23

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish b) payaso - payasada N - N

empresa - empres6logo N - N

amarillo - amarillento Adj - Adj

The suffixes of a) change the grammatical class of the base, while those of b) retain it. The distinction is very relevant to Spanish where most suffixes , in addition to their basic function of changing the meaning, at the same time transfer lexemes from one gram­ matical class to another. However, the division is far from being clear cut since, while some suffixes clearly belong to one of these divisions or the other, a number operate across classes : a) empeorar - empeoramiento rfgido - rigidez - hondura hondo

b) piedra - pedrada

mundo - mundial

forraje - forrajero

c) sentar - sentada

manzana - manzanal

cafe - cafetera

In a) , the suffixes -miento, -ez, and -ura change the syntactic class of the base; in b) and c), the same suffixes (-ada, -al, -ero) alter­ nately change the syntactic class as in c) , or retain it as in b) . So a syntactic classification may be made on the premise that some suffixes always change the grammatical class , some always retain it, and some may either retain or change it. Predominantly , Spanish suffixes belong to the first type, which makes the syntactic analysis effective and gives some support to the transformational approach which depends on the principle of syntactic creativity and flex­ ibility .2 Taking the syntactic function as characteristic of the majority of suffixes of this category , heterogeneous suffixes can be subdivided according to the change of grammatical class involved. The largest group is that of the deverbal nominal abstracts (-miento, -cion, -aje, -dura) . Another large subdivision is that of the adjective-forming suffixes such as -oso, -al, and -izo. The suffixes which produce verbs, such as -ecer, -i.ficar, and -ear, are included here and given their own subcategory , although some theorists consider that this is really a case of standard inflection, involving the infinitive morphemes . These divisions correspond to the grammatical result of the transformation, i . e . they refer to the syntactic class of the derivative (nominal , adjectival , verbal) . A further subdivision can usefully be made according to the gram­ matical class of the base - hence designations such as denominal (from nouns) , deadjectival (from adjectives) , and deverbal (from verbs) . These distinctions can be helpful in assessing productivity ,

1 24

Non-emotive suffixation since the vitality of a suffix is related to the grammatical class of its base. Thus -ada, for instance, which may be both denominal and deverbal is only productive as a denominal . Following the criterion of the nature of the base, most Spanish derivatives are deverbal ­ the formation of nouns from verbs is the most frequent outcome of suffix attachment. Further refinements in classification can be achieved through semantic categorisation. 3 All suffixes are meaningful in the sense that the meaning of the derivative is always different in some way from that of the base. However it is not always possible to give a suffix a clear semantic labelling since most suffixes are in fact polysemic. Moreover, in these formations the suffix dominates semantically , and syntactically , and is thus the head, with the base acting as the determinant. Combining the grammatical class criteria indicated above with the semantic categorisation, suffixes may be classified in the following manner:

base perra palma invernar bechamel

derivative perrera palmada invemada bechameloso

syntactic type denominal nominal denominal nominal deverbal nominal denominal adjectival

semantic type locative contusive durative attributive

On this basis, large semantic groupings stand out, such as the accion y efecto series of deverbal nominal abstracts (-miento, -aje, -cion, -dura) , the denominal collectives (-ada, -ado, -erfa), or the gentilic suffixes such as -ano, -es, -ense. As with syntactic classification, here also there are many overlaps since polysemy is a fundamental feature of most suffixes, very few of which can be narrowly categorised for meaning, and the sense in each lexical context is dependent as much upon the base. This can be exemplified in the various uses of -ada:

base retirar payaso palma paleta indio invernar

derivative retirada payasada palmada paletada indiada invemada

semantic type acci6n y efecto characteristic action contusive quantitive collective durative

-ada is a case of an unusually polysemic suffix, but few suffixes are actually monosemic. A problem in incorporating semantic tags into word formation rules is that the attachment of a suffix to a base frequently produces semantic drift away from the basic classification. -miento, for 1 25

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish example, can be usefully given the semantic label of accion y efecto

del verbo: aparcar entrenar hacinar acompafiar

-

aparcamiento

entrenamiento

hacinamiento

acompafiamiento

Although the accion y efecto tag is valid for most derivations, it is not valid, for example, for some senses of acompanamiento in the series above where specialisation of meaning occurs; acompanamiento = sequito, gente que acompana, or acompanamiento = sosten musical. Similarly , the adjective-forming -able many be semantically classified as que se puede + verbo: lavable = = hinchable = aceptable considerable ;I!

que que que que

se se se se

puede puede puede puede

lavar

hinchar

aceptar

considerar

So the -able tag may work for most -able formations, but fails, for example, with considerable. So just as there are gaps in the morphological paradigms in derivations , so there are gaps and contradictions in the semantic predictability of suffixes . The morphologic base of non-emotive suffixes is of various kinds:

lexeme derivative

chupar betUn azul pluma chirriar fabula cancer grande

chupada betunero azulado plumifero chirrido fabuloso cancer6logo grandeza

syntactic relationship base

V N A N V N N A

-

N N A N N A N A

chup­

betlin­

azul­

plum­

chirr­

fabul­

cancer­

grand-

These examples show that the bases correspond to roots, in the case of deverbal derivations (chupada, chirrido) ; to the primitive lexeme in the case of consonant terminating nouns and adjectives (betUn, azul ) ; to stems obtained by vowel deletion in the case of vowel terminating nouns and adjectives ( plum-, grand-) . This is the basic morphology of suffix attachment. However, a large number of cases are more problematical, where the primitive lexeme terminates in a diphthong or in two strong vowels :

126

Non-emotive suffixation a) sandio arduo gloria tenue

-

b) correa ferrovfa asamblea Guinea

sandez arduidad glorioso tenuidad

-

correaje ferroviario asamblefsta guineano

b) shows the basic phonological requirement of retention of the final tonic vowel in terms terminating in two strong vowels ; a) shows inconsistency in diphthong-terminating forms, where sometimes the whole diphthong is elided as in sandez and in other cases only the final vowel is elided as in glorioso or arduidad. Moreover, a) shows the frequent requirement of boundary adjustments, with epenthesis (i] in the examples of arduidad and tenuidad, adjustments imposed by individual suffixes, in this case by -dad. Further irregularities are apparent in the following : a) campana exacto sangre

- campaniforme - exactitud - sanguinario

c) dificultad - dificultoso - cirujano cirugfa inteligente - inteligencia

b) frio lodo tabaco

- friolento - lodazal - tabacalero

d) oprimir - opresivo corromper - corruptivo elegir - electivo

These illustrate four main types of irregularity . In a) , boundary adjustments involve supplantation of a vowel in the base lexeme by another (invariably [i] at juncture) . In b) the attachment involves, in addition to the suffix itself, the intercalation of extra phonemes or syllables. In c) a particular suffix in the primitive is supplanted by another in the derivative (-ente by -encia in inteligencia) . d) gives some examples of the many deverbal derivatives which involve allomorphy of the base in the course of suffix attachment. These are the types of derivational irregularity which generative phonology seeks to explain and to reduce to rules . However , this tends to obscure the fact that synchronically creative derivative morphology is dominantly regular and that the data showing morpho­ phonological idiosyncrasies is mostly lexicalised and the outcome of diachronic sound change. In spontaneous ad hoc formation, such complications as testified in the lexicon do not really represent an obstacle to the native speaker. Spanish suffixation is characterised by accumulations of suffixes on the same base: deporte occidente fuerte amenaza

-

deportivo occidental fortalecer amenazar

-

deportividad

occidentalizar

fortalecimiento

amenazador

1 27

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish The ordering of suffixes in accumulations of this type is obviously syntactically determined according to a temporal hierarchy ; so abstract nominalising suffixes will be postponed to verb suffixes , adjective suffixes will be final if the final output is an adjective, as in bondad - bondadoso, verb suffixes may be final as when they close the derivation as in occidental - occidentalizar, but will be internal if subject to abstract nominalisation as in occidentalizar ­ occidentalizacion . In addition to these basic principles of ordering, the arrangement of groups of derivational morphemes on the one base depends on the greater or lesser likelihood of particular concatenations . Certain sequences form dominant patterns which make for well-formedness : -al + -izar + -ci6n

vocalizaci6n

legalizaci6n

socializaci6n

-ecer + -miento

fortalecimiento

recrudecimiento

agradecimiento

-ivo + -dad

emotividad

receptividad

actividad

This blocks or reduces the productivity of other concatenations which otherwise might be well-formed according to the hierarchical precedence principle indicated above. This means, for example, that adjectives in -ivo will be nominalised in -dad rather than in -ez, as in selectivo - selectividad - *selectivez, while verbs in -ecer will be nominalised in -miento and not in -cion as in fallecer ­

fallecimiento - *fallecion .

Underlying these principles of ordering is the adjacency condition whereby suffixes are sensitive to the morphological shape of the base and specifically to the nature of the syllable to the left of their place of attachment: a) municipal - municipalizar - liberalizar liberal hospital - hospitalizar

b) italiano - italianizar

pagano - paganizar

urbano - urbanizar

This illustrates the amenability of adjectives in -al as in a) and noun­ adjectives in -ano as in b) to verbalisation in -izar, as opposed to verbalisation in the rival suffix -ificar:

1 28

Non-emotive suffixation italiano -+ *italianificar

hospital -+ *hospitalificar

urbano -+ *urbanificar

In the same way , the adjectival suffix -arlo shows amenability to bases in -cion and -ento but not those in -al or -ero: b) reglamento -+ reglamentario parlamento - parlamentario testamento -+ testamentario

a) petici6n -+ peticionario reacci6n -+ reaccionario cesi6n -+ cesionario c) material - *materialario

- *metalario

metal -+ *acerario

acero

The non-emotive suffix system is characterised by a high degree of allomorphy affecting some of the most productive, particularly deverbal , morphemes: -cion, -si6n , -aci6n, -ici6n ebullir consolidar dividir retener

-

-dad , -idad, -edad

-+ crueldad

-+ seguridad

-dor, -ador, -idor, -edor

cruel seguro corto contestar veneer consumir

ebullici6n

consolidaci6n

division

retenci6n

- cortedad

-+ contestador

-+ vencedor

- consumidor

Most of these cases can be accounted for by the theme vowel prin­ ciple affecting deverbal derivatives, but some, like those in -dad, are not conjugationally determined; rather they are motivated by the vowel-consonant-vowel structure of Spanish phonology and by the need to avoid uncongenial consonantal clusters . In some cases, it may be the syllabic length of the base which determines allomorphy selection: a) llano -+ llaneza flaco -+ flaqueza crudo - crudeza

b) hediondo ... hediondez

timido ... timidez

robusto -+ robustez

Here, the -ez/-eza alternation depends on whether the base is composed of two (-eza) or three (-ez) syllables. Sometimes the allomorphy appears as alternative forms of a suffix,

1 29

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish whose form of attachment to specific bases is diachronically deter­ mined: a) plantear - planteamiento aparcar - aparcamiento desplazar - desplazamiento

b) impedir - impedimento pulir - pulimento vestir - vestimento

Here the allomorphy -mientol-mento is determined by lexical conven­ tion and not attributable to the morphological shape of the base, with the -miento forms synchronically productive and the -mento marked as cult and fossilised . The same diachronic factor is apparent in alternations in -ancia and -anza : a) holgar - holganza vengar - venganza matar - matanza

b) tolerar - tolerancia ganar - ganancia vigilar - vigilancia

The bases of non-emotive suffixation are lexemes of all the major, and sometimes minor, syntactic categories : faro Iento mezclar cerca VOS

ce

-

farero lentitud mezclado cercano voseo ceceo

noun adjective verb adverb pronoun phoneme

In addition, proper names and place names are frequently the bases of suffix morphology of this type: Unamuno Felipe Sanjurjo Mozart

-

unamunismo felipista sanjurjada mozartiano

Particularly in the area of political vocabulary and in reference to cultural and artistic movements, these proper name derivations proliferate. Moreover, Spanish shows little resistance to attaching derivational morphemes to foreign bases: - golear gol - goleador - golismo - goleada frankfurt - frankfurtero - frankfurteria cabaret - cabaretero - cabaretear The non-emotive standard suffixes individually are much less motivated than the emotive suffixes. They are much more seman­ tically integrated to their stems, showing very strong lexicalisation tendencies, and the distinction between base and suffix has often become blurred . The result is that the availability of these

1 30

Non-emotive suffixation morphemes for spontaneous derivation is much more restricted; whereas in muchacho - muchachito or facil - facilon the speaker is conscious of the morphological alteration of the base, it is doubtful whether in parar - paradero or gallina - gallineria the speaker is aware of any derivative procedure. This is not to say that the non-emotive morphemes are not often used spontaneously and creatively in the manner of emotives, but merely that . their freedom of use is considerably restricted in comparison both with the other class of suffixes and with inflectional morphology . The most productive non-emotives, however, do approach the spontaneous use of the emotives ; these are suffixes such as -able, -ista, -ero, and -al which are very widely used outside the lexicalisations listed in the dictionary . The inventory of suffixes shows a wide spectrum of productivity here, varying from highly productive through a mid range of averagely productive to a number which are clearly unproductive or even fossilised. However, suffixes which in the lexicon may appear fossilised may -ario, for in colloquial neologistic speech actually be vigorous example, not long ago seemed cult and fossilised but now shows signs of expansion in popular speech . 4 In general, the lexicon grossly underestimates the productivity of individual suffixes since it has to limit itself to derivations which have shown some staying power, and by its very nature its inventory is outdated with regard to the appreciation of new or revived types of affixation. In the description of individual suffixes which follows, account will be taken of non-lexicalised synchronically creative types of derivation in seeking to give a balanced picture of current productivity . -

5.2 Nominalisation

Because of its syntactic role in converting verb-based sentence structure to noun-based structure, nominalisation is that aspect of word forma­ tion which has received most attention in transformational-generative theory . Although this kind of analysis may have shortcomings in its ability to predict the exact conditions of ill- and well-formedness, it has been useful as a mechanism for analysing the relationship between lexical constituents, and in showing the morphological process of morpheme attachment to have an important syntactic dimension. In transformational syntactic theory , nominalisation as a term is basically applied to the generation of nouns from verbs. Here it will be taken to include additionally the formation of nouns from adjectives and nouns from other nouns . Of these three types the formations based on verbs are the most productive, followed by deadjectival formations.

13 1

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish Denominals ' The feature of this group is that the suffixes are shared with denominals and deverbals (-ada, -aje, -ado) . It is dominated by semantic blocks denoting collectivity, location, and the designation of occupations. Different suffixes may be used with the same seman­ tic function, as in the nomenclature of trees which uses both -al and -ero, or of occupations which uses both -ero and -ista .

-ada a) Ianza estoque pata piedra

-

lanzada estocada patada pedrada

c) sentar frenar nadar agarrar

-

sentada

frenada

nadada

agarrada

b) marrano chiquillo ganso novato

-

marranada

chiquillada

gansada

novatada

In a) the derivatives denote sudden action or contusion involving the implement designated by the base - this use shows overlap with -azo. b) shows formations on animate bases indicating characteristic action, where the bases are animate and the derivative pejorative. c) is deverbal, of limited productivity , but showing a modem syntactic expansion of the suffix from denominal to deverbal indicating sudden or energetic action. So -ada shows regular morphology, and some overlap in function with both the emotives and other non-emotive suffixes of the accion y efecto group.

-ado (-ato) a) campesino - campesinado estudiante - estudiantado empresario - empresariado c) lfder general decano

b) pdncipe - principado arzobispo - arzobispado rector - rectorado

- liderato

- generalato

- decanato

The allomorphy of -ado/-ato is diachronically determined. a) shows formations denoting groups of the animates referred in the base; b) are designations of dignities and offices, often combined with loca­ tion; c) coincides semantically with b), but, with the allomorphic variant -ato. -ado overlaps in function with the 'cult' or archaic

132

Non-emotive suffixation -azgo, sometimes producing alternative outputs on the same base: c6nsul - consulado - consulazgo

papa - papado - papazgo

lider - liderato - liderazgo

-aje a) bosque - boscaje util - utillaje ropa - ropaje

b) aprendiz caudillo perito

c) etiqueta - etiquetaje cami6n - camionaje piloto - pilotaje

d) octano - octanaje kil6metro - kilometraje pie - peaje

- aprendizaje - caudillaje - peritaje

This suffix is currently in a phase of fast expansion, increasingly difficult to categorise with semantic precision. a) shows the collec­ tive use, usually with pejorative overtones . In b) there is overlap in occupational designations with -ado, while c) shows an active, almost deverbal sense on noun bases. In addition, -aje, can be specifically deverbal (q. v . ) which gives it an even wider field of application in areas overlapping with -miento and -cion . Measure­ ment and rate is the sense of many modem -aje formations, as illustrated in d) .

-al (-ar) a) patata - patatal cafeto - cafetal roble - robledal

b) pino - pinar

palma - palmar

olivo - olivar

The allomorphic variant -al dominates . Some bases accept derivation platano - platanal - platanar, manzano ­ on either form manzanal - manzanar. The bases are trees, plants or agricultural products, and the derivative designates the place of cultivation or group of plants . In some derivatives, the tree itself is designated rather than the collective group, as in nuez - nogal or pera ­ peral. -al is highly productive in its particular lexical field. -

-eria 6 a) pan - panaderfa polio - pollerfa osti6n - ostioneria

- brujerfa

b) brujo camarada - camaraderfa

palabra - palabrerfa

133

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish In a) the sense is locative, indicating the place of sale or manufacture of the primitive. b) shows the use of -er(a to generate nouns of quality representing the abstraction of the primitive, often with collective and pejorative overtones . Synchronically -er(a is most productive in the a) type where very specific names of trades and businesses are formed, usually with a corresponding -ero derivative designating the tradesman or shop owner ( pan - panadero, polio ­

pollero) . -ero I -era a) paraguas moneda maleta flor

-

paraguero monedero maletero florero

b) pan ensalada pitillo guante

-

panera ensaladera pitillera guantera

c) baiio pistola alcachofa balsa

-

baiiero pistolero alcachofero balsero

d) albaricoque melocot6n durazno lim6n

-

albaricoquero melocotonero duraznero limonero

In a) examples are given of the frequent locative or place of contain­ ment use of -ero. b) illustrates the -era variant which attaches both to feminine and masculine bases in exactly the same sense as a) . The selection of variant is not morphologically conditioned; often it is selected on a regional basis, and the same base may produce outputs of alternative gender such as azucar - azucarero in Spain and azucar - azucarera in South America. c) illustrates the widespread agentive use, where the base is the material or object handled ­ these derivations are often very specific, relating to specialised trades. 7 The outputs of -ero formations are often ambivalent, embracing both the receptacle and the agent - thus harina ­ harinero where the derivative may be a flour bin or a flour dealer. d) shows the designation of trees, of very limited productivity since -ero is less favoured in this use than -al. In clashes with formations in -ista, also forming denominal animate agentives, a pejorative sense is often implicit in the -ero forms (cf. un futbolista admirable, un futbolero violento) . The productivity of -ero is synchronically strong in its principal role of agentive and locative. It appears also as an adjectival formative ( q. v . ) .

1 34

Non-emotive suffixation -ismo a) alcohol -+ alcoholismo compaiiero -+ compaiierismo colecci6n -+ coleccionismo c) APRA PRJ UCD

-+

aprismo

-+ pdismo -+ ucedismo

e) amigo gilipollas confusi6n

-+ amiguismo

-+

-+

gilipollismo confusionismo

b) Carranza Pinochet Alfonsfn

-+ Carrancismo

-+ Pinochetismo

-+ Alfonsinismo

d) sin corbata -+ sin corbatismo a pnon -+ a priorismo oveja negra -+ ovejanegrismo f) piraguas atleta montana

-+ piragiiismo

-+ -+

atletismo montaiiismo

The proliferation of -ismo terms, related to agentive nouns and adjectives in -ista , is a twentieth-century phenomenon . 8 Its bases show few constraints, and therefore very high productivity . b) indicates that the bases are frequently proper names while c) shows that acronymic bases are also common . In d) examples are given of the ability of -ismo to attach to phrase structure, albeit usually of a whimsical nature. The usual semantic environment of -ismo forma­ tions is that of political and cultural movements . In e) -ismo has generated terms which duplicate established lexemes of a different morphological shape, so amigutsmo for amistad, gilipollismo for gilipollez, and confusionismo for confusion . f) illustrates its proliferation in the designation of modern sports. Although the morphology of suffix attachment in -ismo is dominantly regular, this morpheme offers one of the best cases in Spanish for the application of Aronoff-type truncation rules : cfnico fascista sinfonfa peri6dico

-+ -+ -+ -+

cinismo

fascismo

sinfonismo

periodismo

These are examples of a wealth of -ismo derivations on noun or adjective bases requiring the substitution of an existing suffix before attachment. In a particular series in -ico, the phonological alteration [k] to [6] is required: chisico estoico tecnico

-+

clasicismo

estoicismo

... tecnicismo

-+

1 35

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -ista a) diente oficina estado

-+ dentista -+ oficinista -+ estadista

b) cuento -+ cuentista

-+ guionista

gui6n sinfonfa -+ sinfonista

c) Jomeini -+ jomeinista Alianza -+ aliancista Suarez -+ suarista

d) caballo -+ caballista

-+ tenista

tenis espalda -+ espaldista

The semantic field of -ista coincides with that of -ismo with which it is usually linked in a derivational paradigm (Castro -+ castrista -+ castrismo) . -ista is primarily agentive, applying to members of movements as in c) above, or to occupations and professions as in a) , and particularly to artistic occupations as in b) , as well as sports­ men of various kinds, illustrated in the examples of d) . Its current vigour is reflected in its tendency to supplant rival lexemes: vacaci6n finanzas pensi6n volante

-+ vacacionista -+ financista -+ pensionista -+ volantista

= = = =

veraneante financiero jubilado corredor, piloto de carreras

In the designation of occupations, -ista clashes strongly with -ero since both attach to the same type of base, indicating the material or product handled; the selection of suffix by particular bases is not morphologically determined, but may depend on regional preference (cf. camionero/camionista) . This suffix is the agentive most amenable to foreign bases (cf. crawl -+ crawlista, surf -+ surfista, belcanto -+ belcantista). 5.3 Deadjectival nominalisation

A small group of suffixes is used to form nouns from adjectives, headed by -dad and -ez and complemented by less productive formatives such as -ura and -ancia . Some of these suffixes are used across grammatical categories - -ismo and -ura have already been described as denominals. Most of the suffixes of this group are synonymic with each other, attributing the qualities inherent in the primitive . A feature of this subcategory is the tendency for many bases to accept more than one deadjectival nominal suffix, but with the derivatives usually distinguishable by specialisation of meaning or by stylistic register:

1 36

Non-emotive suffixation =

elevaci6n

=

espesor

poca elevaci6n

a) alto claro grueso bajo

-+ -+ -+ -+

altura claridad

grosor bajura

b) alto claro grueso bajo

-+ -+ -+ -+

= dignidad

alteza clareza (cult)

= rudeza

groseria = acci6n vil

bajeza

=

This group is marked by a high degree of allomorphy ; dad appears as -edad and -idad, -er(a as -fa , and -ancia as -anza and -encia. The selection of a particular suffix is often determined by the morphological shape of the base, observing the adjacency or the truncation principle; so, -ento bases produce -encia nouns, -ero generates -er(a nouns , and -oso adjectives have dad derivatives. There is little consistency in the choice of suffix in relation to a specific semantic function: -

-

alto espeso profundo estrecho largo ancho

-+ -+ -+ -+ -+ -+

altura

espesor

profundidad

estrechez

largueza

anchura

Here, in the specific narrow semantic function of nominalising adjec­ tives of dimension a variety of different suffixes is used. The same phenomenon is observable in the nominalisation of adjectives of colour.

-ancia I -encia -+ tolerancia b) violento -+ violencia a) tolerante preponderante -+ preponderancia corpulento -+ corpulencia -+ altisonancia opulento -+ opulencia altisonante

The -ancia I -encia alternation is determined by the vowel in the tonic syllable of the base . These derivations are a case of supplanta­ tion of one suffix by another, thus following the truncation principle. The productivity of -ancia is synchronically low , but it is never­ theless capable of generating neologisms. 9 The bases are strongly constrained by their morphophonological shape.

1 37

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -

dod 1 -edad, -idad, -tad a) inviolable inestable afable

- inviolabilidad - inestabilidad - afabilidad

b) tenebroso - tenebrosidad vistoso - vistosidad infructuoso - infructuosidad

c) selectivo objetivo nocivo

- selectividad - objetividad - nocividad

d) mexicano argentino peruano

- mexicanidad - argentinidad - peruanidad

- rivalidad e) rival - sexualidad sexual espontaneo - espontaneidad

f) cruel vecino tiel

- crueldad - vecindad - fieldad

g) honesto leal

h) serio ambiguo

- seriedad - ambigiiedad

- honestad - lealtad

The variety of the morphological patterns and bases, and the degree of allomorphic variation indicate the very high productivity of -dad. It is especially amenable to bases which are already morphologically expanded, but also appears on many common simple adjective bases. The selection of allomorphic variant depends on the shape of the bases . Hence -edad appends to disyllabics ending in a diphthong or in atonic [e] . Its bases are not morphologically or semantically constrained, but its total dominance of the deadjectival nominalising system is restricted by the fact that it is subordinate to -ez in derivations on standard non-derived adjectives. a) shows its amenability to bases in -able and b) to those in -oso and c) to those in -ivo. In abstractions of nationality , as in d) dod is the preferred suffix, although here it is likely to clash with -ismo (mexicanismo, argentinismo, peruanismo) . e) , f) , g) , and h) are examples of the other allomorphic variants , including the [d] and [ t] type, not synchronically important but appearing in many firmly lexicalised forms. -

-erla - groseria a) grosero altanero - altaneria populachero - populacheria c) tacaiio guaso holgazan

- tacaiierfa - guaseria - holgazaneria

b) socarr6n - socarroneria tontorr6n - tontorronerfa bravuc6n - bravuconeria d) cercano villano lejano

- cercanfa - villania - lejanfa

The allomorphic variation is diachronically determined, exemplified

138

Non-emotive suffixation in d) and therefore not synchronically productive; the -fa variant attaches to bases in -ero as in a) as well as to -ano bases as in d) . The bases of these formations tend to be inherently pejorative and the abstract derivative therefore refers to censurable human attributes.

-ez I -eza a) guapo - guapeza Iindo - lindeza bello - belleza

b) rigido - rigidez

s6rdido - sordidez

robusto - robustez

The allomorphic variants are distributed between two (-eza) and three (-ez) syllable bases. However, some counterexamples are to be found to this dominant pattern (cf. viejo - vejez) . The productivity of -ez is related to its function in nominalising many standard adjec­ tives . It frequently clashes with rival suffixes on the same base: cierto barato esplendido fino

-

certeza baratez esplendidez fineza

-

certidumbre

baratura

esplendor

finura

In neologising, the variant -ez is always preferred . 10

-ismo a) simple laico pagano

- simplismo - laicismo - paganismo

b) pasota - pasotismo utilitario - utilitarismo industrial - industrialismo

c) comunista - comunismo

desnudista - desnudismo

integrista - integrismo

Although the sense of -ismo often coincides with that of the other deadjectivals in the designation of the quality of the primitive, it shows deviation in its frequent and even dominant tendency to refer to political and artistic movements. Another difference with rival suffixes of this class is that it always changes the gender of the base from feminine to masculine (most suffixes of this category are feminine generating feminine derivatives) . Its neologistic strength causes it to duplicate or supplant alternative derivations :

1 39

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish simple sensual esclavo continuo

-+ -+ -+

= simpleza simplismo sensualismo = sensualidad esclavismo = esclavitud continuidad continuismo

Its modern neologistic stamp enables it to be used with fewer restric­ tions on its bases than its rival suffixes; an obvious constraint is that it is not used to nominalise common adjectives , and that its preference is for bases that tend to be already derived as in b) and c) above . 1 1 The deadjectival nominals, then, are dominated by -dad and -ez, which are challenged by the strong advance of the modern deadjectival-denominal -ismo, which shows fewer inhibitions with regard to the type of base. This does not complete the system, which includes other deadjectival nominal suffixes such as -dumbre and -ura; the latter, however, show limited synchronic productivity and a tendency to appear in cult forms . The morphology in this category has been shown to be strongly affected by principles of allomorphy and truncation. 5.4 Deverbal nominalisation

Deverbal nominalisation is one of the most productive word-forming procedures in Spanish . Within this group the nominalising abstracts stand out (-miento, -cion, -dura, -aje) , broadly categorised in the lexicon with the tag acci6n y efecto, although they often have secon­ dary meanings which may be materialised, locative, or attributive. Other major subgroups of deverbal nominals are locative (-dero), acoustic (-ido) , and agentive (-ante, -dor) . Two of the suffixes considered here are polysyntactic (-ante, -aje) , but the majority are restricted to this specifically deverbal nominalising function. While -dero, -ante, and -ido, can be separated from the acci6n y efecto block because of their different semantic role, the remainder cannot easily be differentiated from each other since they are used on the same type of base and with the same derivative result. Their characterisation depends on their varying productivity which is related to stylistic considerations and to their nuances or different contextual meanings when they generate synonyms, as they frequently do. This group is characterised by a high degree of allomorphy , deriv­ ing mainly from their generation from different verb conjugations. In this sense the suffix -aje is idiosyncratic in not showing allomorphy . Finally , these suffixes show variable regularity of morphology -miento, for instance, is quite regular in its attachment to bases, while

140

Non-emotive suffixation -cion requires complicated boundary adjustments , allomorphy , and alternately respects and disregards the theme vowel principle.

-ado a) afeitar .... afeitado lavar .... lavado acabar .... acabado

b) encender .... encendido

.... teiiido

teiiir .... cosido

coser

b) shows the attachment of the variant -ido to second and third conjugation bases. The productivity of -ado as a suffix of accion y efecto is related to its wide contemporary use in the technical or semi-technical register, referring to specific processes or industrial treatments, where it generates nouns which are often alternatives to nominalisations on rival suffixes but used in more general contexts : encender .... encendido (de las luces, de un aparato) encender .... encendimiento (de las pasiones) In this technical function -ado nouns are strongly rivalled by similar formations in -aje, often on the same base: rastrillar .... rastrillado .... rastrillaje The constraint on -ado formations, then, is the technical or semi­ technical context and the requirement that the base be a verb of action applicable in workshop or practical conditions .

-aje a) rodar .... rodaje .... embalaje embalar almacenar .... almacenaje

b) alunizar .... alunizaje

aterrizar .... aterrizaje

amerizar .... amerizaje

The distinctive feature of -aje is its attachment only to first conjuga­ tion bases . The sense of accion y efecto is often combined with materialisation as in embalar .... embalaje. It operates in the same lexical field as -ado, referring to specific processes of a technical or semi-technical nature. Its amenability to bases in -izar is illustrated in b) . This is a suffix in current favour whose expansion is stimulated by the technical register, tending however to extend into wider areas of the lexis and usurp the role of more traditional nominalising suffixes such as -miento, -cion , and -dura .

141

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -antel- (i)ente a) delinear danzar fabricar c) tertulia escuela concurso

-+ -+ -+ -+ -+ -+

delineante danzante fabricante

-+ ocupante b) ocupar -+ firmante firmar preguntar -+ preguntante

tertuliante escuelante concursante

d) servir -+ sirviente depender -+ dependiente conceder -+ concedente

This highly productive agentive generates nouns referring to animates, on bases which are verbs of action. The distribution of the allomorphic variants is -ante for first conjugation, -ente or -iente for second conjugation, and -iente for third conjugation (as illustrated in d)) . In a) examples are given of terms referring to occupations while b) shows the attachment of -ante in terms of a formal or legal tone. The formations of the type a) and b) clash frequently with deverbal -dor formations generating synonymic pairs : licitar -+ licitante arrendar -+ arrendante

-+ -+

licitador

arrendador

c) shows the expansion of this basically deverbal suffix to noun bases, with the derivative indicating participation in the sense of the nouns ; such terms are idiosyncratically neologistic, but suggest that this suffix has considerable synchronic vitality . 1 2

-cionl-acionl-icionl-sion -+

abdicaci6n germinaci6n -+ recaudaci6n

b) nutrir -+ nutrici6n

fundir -+ fundici6n

expedir -+ expedici6n

c) comprender -+ comprensi6n pretender -+ pretensi6n conceder -+ concesi6n

d) elegir -+ elecci6n

extraer -+ extracci6n

reducir -+ reducci6n

a) abdicar germinar recaudar

-+

This nominalising abstract suffix, highly productive, shows a strong degree of allomorphy . Its variants, as the groupings above indicate, can be determined by the conjugation of the verb and by the morphophonological shape of the base, in particular the nature of the final syllable. Extensive boundary adjustments are required to account for all the verb -+ noun alternations in this series, and these have been more or less successfully incorporated into derivational rules by various generative phonologists. 1 3 However, the synchronic productivity of -cion is morphologically regular since it rests mainly on attachment to verb bases in -izar

1 42

Non-emotive suj]ixation and -i.ficar: cultura Europa santo estrato

-

culturizar europeizar santificar estratificar

-

culturizaci6n

europeizaci6n

santificaci6n

estratificaci6n

Although -cion is a strongly traditional suffix, it shows great vitality in the modern lexis of commerce, politics and technology . It clashes frequently with the other deverbal nominals, particularly at a regional level : aburrir - aburrimiento (Spain) - aburrici6n (America) It also clashes frequently with back formation, where the -cion alter­ native is likely to be cult or archaic: denunciar - denunciaci6n - denuncia

apreciar - aprecio - apreciaci6n

-derol-ederol-iderol-ederas a) parar - paradero embarcar - embarcadero - atracadero atracar c) poner hallar llevar

- ponedero - halladero - llevadero

b) tender hervir heber

- tendedero

- hervidero

- bebedero

d) entender - entendederas absolver - absolvederas desenfadar - desenfadaderas

The sense of -dero formations in a) and b) is locative, referring to the place where the action of the verb occurs , although this may be materialised in instruments as in tendedero or bebedero. The seman­ tic drift from the base leads in some cases to metaphorisations, as in hervidero (un hervidero de gente) or mentidero (Iugar de reuniOn). c) shows expansion of -dero in neologisms where it forms passive type adjectives as in un traje ponedero, un pueblo halladero. The neologistic variant -aderas I -ederas I -ideras, as in d) forms whimsical type nouns of abstraction (tener muy buenas entendederas, etc . ) .

-dorl-adorl-edorl-idorl-tor a) secuestrar - secuestrador - nadador nadar sabotear - saboteador

b) empapelar - empapelador encuadernar - encuadernador facturar - facturador

1 43

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish c) consumir recoger surtir

-+ consumidor -+ recogedor -+ surtidor

e) lavar -+ lavadora sembrar -+ sembradora alquitranar -+ alquitranadora

d) destornillar -+ destornillador vaporizar -+ vaporizador aspirar -+ aspirador f) ejecutar pintar redimir

-+ ejecutor -+ pintor -+ redentor

-dor is the principal deverbal agentive, applying generally to animates as in a) and specifically to occupations as in b) . In d) and e) examples are given of equipment nomenclature which is often designated in this way . The use of the principal allomorphic variants is illustrated in c) and the survival of the Latin form -tor in lexicalised vocabulary is shown in f) . While f) shows irregular morphology , requiring adjustments and complex phonological rules to explain the formation on a creative basis, synchronically the productive formations are quite regular as long as the conjugational allomorphy is observed. c) and d) show the unpredictability of gender of non-animate derivations , since both masculine and feminine are common; with large machinery , the derivative is more likely to be feminine, possibly because of the underlying concept of mdquina f. , while smaller items of equipment are more likely to be masculine, possibly because of association with aparato. 1 4 The high synchronic productivity of -dor formations is seen in its double func­ tion of animate/inanimate designation and in its proliferation in the technical lexis . 1 5 -dura a) botar -+ botadura atar -+ atadura enfundar -+ enfundadura c) acoplar soldar cincelar

b) torcer -+ torcedura

coser -+ cosedura

frei'r -+ freidura

-+ acopladura

-+ soldadura

-+ cinceladura

The semantic field of -dura nominalisations overlaps with that of the other deverbal abstracts, especially -miento, -cion , and -aje. The particular characteristic of -dura is its tendency towards materialisa­ tion; thus atadura is both the act of tying and the material used; empaquetadura is the action and the substance. On the one hand, -dura at times seems fossilised, especially in synonymic clashes with -miento and -cion, where the -dura form is archaic or arcane:

144

Non-emotive suffixation alzar romper

alzadura rompedura

._. ._.

._. ._.

alzamiento

rompimiento

Moreover it is not active on foreign bases or in colloquial neologisms . On the other hand, it is quite productive in the modem technical register, as shown in c) ; this indicates that productivity is relative not only to other suffixes and to type of base, but also to the particular lexical field in which a suffix can be used.

-ido ronquido ladrido - aullido

a) roncar ladrar aullar

._.

c) traquear estallar tronar

._.

b) gemir ._. gemido

rugir ._. rugido

grufiir - grufiido

._.

._.

._.

traquido

estallido

tronido

This suffix is idiosyncratic in this group in not showing allomorphy , the same form applying to all three conjugation bases. Unlike most other suffixes of this category , it shows strong semantic constraints, since the bases must be 'acoustic ' verbs expressing some kind of noise. 1 6 The derivatives are then the sound emitted or the effect of the emission. Specifically , these derivatives suggest prolonged or repeated noise, in contrast to alternative nominalisations on the same bases : silbar relinchar

._. ._.

silbo relincho

._. ._.

silbido

relinchido

The other denominalising suffixes may also be used acoustically , but where clashes occur, the -ido form synchronically dominates : tafier soplar

._. ._.

tafiimiento ._. tafiido

sopladura - soplido

-mientol-amiento/-imiento/-mento a) alzar frotar Hamar

- alzamiento - frotamiento - llamamiento

c) retorcer - retorcimiento escabullir - escabullimiento atrever - atrevimiento

b) encarcelar - encarcelamiento empobrecer - empobrecimiento adelgazar - adelgazamiento d) jurar fletar armar

- juramenta

- fletamento

- armamento

d) shows the allomorphic variant -mento, latinate, and retained in many lexicalised forms but not synchronically productive . The other

1 45

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish variants are shown in c) . b) illustrates the amenability of -miento to prefixed verb bases . Although -miento is synchronically much less productive than its principal rival denominal , -cion , it is far from being fossilised and can generate neologisms of the type entrenar -+ entrenamiento, aparcar -+ aparcamiento. On the other hand, many of its testified formations are archaic. It clashes extensively with other denominals and with back formation : tratar - tratamiento -+ trato agravar - agravamiento -+ agravaci6n ablandar -+ ablandamiento -+ablandadura Distinctions of meaning can often be made in these cases : hacer algo con detenimiento = con cuidado hacer algo con detenci6n = con lentitud Or regional preferences may be involved: entretener -+ entretenimiento (Spain) entretener - entretenci6n (South America) Although -miento at present looks highly productive in the established lexis, it is likely that in the future it will seem less vigorous . The indications of this are its current lack of vitality in the technical lexis and in colloquial neologisms , as well as its increasing relegation in favour of back formation. 17 This review of the most productive deverbal nominalising suffixes shows that Spanish uses a limited inventory of derivational morphemes but with very frequent overlap in function and semantic import. The tendencies revealed here argue very much against the blocking principle as postulated in recent lexical morphology theory , since it is common and normal for alternative forms to exist side by side, generated on the same base . It has also been indicated that the concept of stagnant or fossilised must be applied with caution since apparently unproductive suffixes may in fact be active or reactivated in specific lexical fields. A cult or formal tone , inherent in some suffixes such as -miento or -dura seems to act as a constraint on synchronic productivity . The morphology is more regular than might be deduced from consideration of the lexicon or from the preoccupa­ tions of generative phonology .

5.5 Back formation Back formation , otherwise termed zero suffixation , regressive forma­ tion or postverbal formation , is extremely important in contemporary Spanish as a morphological procedure of derivation which increasingly

146

Non-emotive suffixation competes with or even supplants standard suffixation of the type hitherto described in this section . It is habitually skirted in theories of word formation since it does not involve the usual procedure of combining lexical and derivational morphemes . It concerns deverbal nominalisation, but instead of expanding the base, as normally happens in suffixation , it has a phonologically truncated or clipped effect, attaching a single vowel , [a] , [e) , or [o] to the verb stem: deteriorar -+ deterioro

-+ alterne

alternar -+ toma

tomar So the result of the derivation is syllabically commensurable to that of the primitive, whereas suffixation results in syllabic expansion. Back formation complicates the deverbal nominalising system of Spanish , since not only do nominalising morphemes compete with each other, as has already been seen, but equally they coexist with back formation . Basically , back formation derivatives tend to be neologistic and often take over from existing derivatives based on the standard nominalising suffixes . Or it may produce derivatives which flourish side by side with more traditional terms , forming synonymic pairs or groups which can be differentiated by the usual stylistic or semantic criteria, or on a modem/archaic basis . A clear reason for the remarkable advance of back formation at the present time is its property of producing noun abstracts which are syllabically more streamlined than their suffixed alternatives , thus responding to the current preference for a more streamlined type of language which is more adaptable to the fast communication requirements of the mass media and commercial language.

-a a) conjeturar -+ conjetura -+ pelea pelear contender -+ contienda

-+ riiia

b) reiiir -+ hienda

hendir esgrimar -+ esgrima

All conjugations are productive, as shown in a) and b) . Overlaps and clashes with standard suffixation are common : sembrar -+ siembra -+ sembradura

quemar -+ quema -+ quemadura

Here, the -a form is standard, whereas the -dura alternative is archaic and I or materially specialised.

1 47

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -e a) empatar rebrotar derrochar

- empate - rebrote - derroche

b) combatir - combate debatir - debate

Back formation in -e shows a strong preference for first conjugation bases. This represents the most dynamic type of back formation at the present time, appearing in a wealth of neologistic and humorous derivations. 1 8

-eo - cabeceo a) cabecear bombardear - bombardeo carraspear - carraspeo

b) pfldora - pildoreo - vermuteo vermut esdnijula - esdrujuleo

Back formation in -eo, unlike that based on other vowels, is morphologically predictable since the bases are invariably -ear verbs. However, not any -ear verb may be nominalised in this way : marear - mareo sanear - *saneo delinear - *delineo

-ear is the most popular neologising morpheme for modem verbs. The iterative sense of many -ear verbs is transmitted to the -eo abstract noun . The high current productivity is reflected particularly in b) above where its combinational amenability has been extended to noun bases, albeit in idiosyncratic whimsical lexical contexts. -o - abordo a) abordar despilfarrar - despilfarro repudiar - repudio

b) recibir - recibo socorrer - socorro despedir - despido

Derivations in -o are productive in all three conjugations, as shown by the examples of a) and b) above. c) below shows clashes with other suffixes , regionally motivated, while d) gives examples of broadly synonymic pairs which may be differentiated on a modem I archaic or cult I standard basis : c) adular - adulo - adulaci6n asociar - asocio - asociaci6n afligir - aflijo - aflicci6n

1 48

Non-emotive suffixation d) deteriorar - deterioro - deterioraci6n

secuestrar - secuestro - secuestraci6n

recaudar - recaudo - recaudaci6n

Back formation is a case of Spanish using different morphemes for exactly the same derivational purpose . The selection of the specific morpheme, -a, -e, or -o appears to be arbitrary without any apparent morphophonological or semantic conditioning . Moreover, the procedure offers evidence of coincidence between inflection and derivation since the morphemes involved are those normally used for marking gender or paradigms of verbs . The reasons advanced by Scalise for the advance of back formation in Italian, namely that it prevents ungainly suffix accumulations in iterative derivations dominated by -ificare or -izzare, are not borne out on the evidence of Spanish, which specifically rejects back formation in these cases (i . e . nominalisation of -ificar and -izar). 1 9 Rather, there seems to be some phonoaesthetic strategy at work, by which perfectly viable traditional suffixes such as -miento, -dura , or -ci6n are rejected in favour of a single vowel nominalisation, producing a derivative which falls more gracefully on the modem ear or is more streamlined when inserted into phrase structure. There may also be some stylistic advantage in their adoption, since they are stylistically neutral , as opposed to the standard repertoire of suffixes whose individual 20 constituents are frequently marked as 'cult' or 'popular' .

149

6

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation

The formation of adjectives through suffixation is both a less complex and less productive area of derivational morphology than that of deverbal nominalisation . About a score or so of suffixes are involved in effecting this standard derivational procedure which converts common nouns and verbs into adjectives . [ [ Navidad]N + -eiio]Adj [ [ suro] N + -ero] Adj [ [conciliar]V + -dor] Adj [ [rojo]Adj + -izo]Adj

navideiio surero conciliador rojizo

Adjectives may be formed not only from nouns and verbs, but from other adjectives as well . It is obvious that they cannot be formed from -mente adverbs, which themselves are derived from adjectives , but they can sometimes be formed from non--mente adverbs : ( [lejos] Adv + [ [cerca]Adv + [ [ despacio]Adv [ [tarde]Adv +

-ano] Adj -ano]Adj + -oso] Adj -fo]Adj

lejano cercano despacioso tardio

The suffixes involved can be divided into those which are shared with other categories, such as -ero -ista , and -dor, which are also noun-forming , and those which are purely adjectival, such as -oso, -izo or -eflo. They are sometimes classified as ' standard ' suffixes, such as those just quoted and 'cult' suffixes such as -il, -esco or -dceo which tend to appear in literary contexts . They are broadly given the semantic tag of ' attributive ' , referring to the quality inherent in the primitive , but this can in many cases be further refined with secondary semantic labellings such as abundance , provenance, location etc . It is common in adjectival suffixation for bases to generate alter­ native outputs, in the same way as deverbal nominalisation frequently produces more than one output from the same base : ,

1 50

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation guijarro Biafra educaci6n harapo

-

guijarroso biafrefio educativo harapiento

-

guijarrefio

biafrino

educacional

haraposo

Such synonymic clashes can sometimes offer interchangeable forms , but mostly they can be differentiated on the usual criteria of regional variation, nuance of meaning , stylistic level, or different textual collocation. In this section is also included adverbialisation in -mente. This is a case of coincidence of inflection and derivation, since the suffix -mente is prolifically attached to adjectival bases in the manner of paradigmatic inflectional morphology . However, since it changes the grammatical class of the base, it shares an important function with the derivative morphemes . Here, it is considered because of its relevance to current morphological controversy . 6.1 Denominal adjectivisation

-al - editorial

- estatal

- ecuatorial

a) trimestre - trimestral labor - !aboral patriarca - patriarcal

b) editor estado ecuador

c) peat6n espacio grupo

d) televisi6n - televisual

educaci6n - educacional

policia - policial

- peatonal - espacial - grupal

The formations of a) represent the typical regular morphology of -al attachment, while b) shows the requirement, in some cases, for boundary adjustments . d) gives examples of numerous neologistic formations in -al which are partly or wholly synonymic with alter­ native established forms (televisivo, educativo, policfaco) here -al forms show strong advance at the expense of other suffixes . 1 Like all adjectives of this group, formations in -al appear regularly as syntactic alternatives to syntagms composed of noun + de: -

ambiente primaveral = ambiente de primavera

= palacio del arzobispo

palacio arzobispal fuente bautismal = fuente de bautizo

151

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -ario a) parlamento ._ parlamentario arancel ._ arancelario deficit -- deficitario c) alirnento elecci6n

b) totalidad ._ totalitario ._ utilitario utilidad humanidad ._ humanitario

._ alimentario

._ eleccionario

This is usually quoted as a 'cult' or latinate suffix, and attaches most amenably to bases from the political or economic texis. Apparently ' fossilised' , there is much evidence of its current revival, as the neologistic formations of c) indicate and where it usurps the function of other suffixes (cf. alimenticio, electoral ) . b) illustrates a produc­ tive series in -dad ._ -tario where the sonorant-ending bases become obstruent in the derivation [o ._ t] .

-ero a) pesca harina algod6n

._ pesquero ._ ._

b) zarzuela bocadillo carajillo

harinero algodonero

._

zarzuelero

._ bocad illero ._

carajillero

The base of -ero adjectives is characteristically material , as in a) . It also generates, as in b) many whimsical ad hoc formations (un tenor zarzuelero, Ia capital bocadillera, los bares carajilleros) with pejorative overtones . As with -al above, it has a syntactic-stylistic role as an alternative for noun + de syntagms : el lider liguero Ia economfa ganadera las irnportaciones algodoneras

= =

el lider de Ia liga Ia economfa del ganado las importaciones de algod6n

-esco a) gaucho prfncipe burl6n

._ ._ ._

gauchesco principesco burlonesco

b) Quijote .... quijotesco

Versalles ._ versallesco

-- dantesco

Dante

c) detective ._ detectivesco

minifalda ._ minifaldesco

- jipiesco j ipi Frequently categorised as 'cult ' , literary , and fossilised, -esco shows a current productivity which belies its modest lexical entries. Its derivatives are highly ephemeral and whimsical . 2 The bases are characteristically animate as in a) , proper names of people and

1 52

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation places as in b) , and neologistic-humorous as in c) . The fact that the bases of the latter category , c) , are neologistic is significant in indicating that -esco is far from being fossilised.

-iento a) p6lvora - polvoriento hambre - hambriento sangre - sangriento

b) harapos - harapiento

sudor - sudoriento

zurrapa - zurrapiento

This is an example of a ' fossilised' suffix with few examples in the neologistic or technical lexis, although it adjectivises some common nouns as in a) above. In b) , examples are given of how it tends to be supplanted or challenged by neologistic derivations based on other suffixes , particularly -oso (cf. haraposo, sudoroso, zurraposo) . The bases are habitually material .

-il a) var6n - varonil - febril fiebre estudiante - estudiantil c) rat6n bombero hortero

b) gangster - gangsteril piropo - piropil jardinero - jardineril

- ratonil - bomberil - horteril

-il can be grouped with -esco as a cult suffix, appearing primarily in literary contexts and in the same lexical environments . It adjec­ tivises a few standard nouns as in a) and is often used neologistically or whimsically as in b) . Unlike -esco it is not amenable to proper name bases , but like -esco it shows a strong preference for animate primitives as in c) .

-ista a) europeo - europefsta andaluz - andalucista Madrid - madridista c) UCD PSOE UGT

- alfonsinista b) Alfonsfn - castrista Castro Del Ia Madrid - delamadridista

- ucedista - psoefsta - ugetista

-ista has already been described in its noun-forming function. The 1 53

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish derivatives can usually be used both nominally and adjectivally. a) above shows characteristic formations on gentilic bases, duplicating existing adjectives (europeo, andaluz, madrileflo) , but adding a specifically political dimension (cf. el pueblo europeo, los ideales europefstas) . This kind of formation is also used enthusiastically in sports reporting, referring to teams rather than the actual location (el ataque Valencianista = el ataque del equipo valenciano) . In b) the bases are the names of political leaders and the derivative adjective­ noun refers to their movement or support (Ia reforma alfonsinista, Ia dictadura pinochetista) . In c) the amenability of -ista to acronymic bases gives it complete dominance in this field over possible rival suffixes . As a derivational constituent, -ista is thus constrained by the preference for political or economic bases, and the stylistically elevated tone of the derivatives it generates.

-fstico a) novela -+ novelfstico humor -+ humorlstico ensayo -+ ensayfstico

b) gamberro -+ gamberrfstico boxeo -+ boxfstico camara - camarfstico

This suffix belongs to the -ismo/-ista group, with paradigmatic tendencies . Its productivity is quite limited in respect to the latter, but it shows clear signs of advance at the present time. Not all terms in -ismo or -ista have equivalent adjectives in -fstico. A distinction can be made between the type shown in a) , where there is an intermediate -ista form, and b) below: a) novela -+ novelista -+ novelfstico

humor -+ humorista -+ humorfstico

Here, the -fstico derivative distinguishes the adjective (novelfstico) from the agentive noun (novelista) . But in b) below, no interm ate -ista form occurs: b) gamberro -+ *gamberrista -+ gamberdstico

-+ *boxista -+ boxfstico

boxeo Many -fstico formations are of dubious legitimacy, typical of a bombastic journalistic style: Ia temporada futbol£stica = Ia temporada de fiitbol jomadas bridgfsticas = jomadas de bridge el mundillo tenfstico = el mundo de tenis

1 54

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation -oso a) arena arcilia espuma

- arenoso - arcilloso -+ espumoso

c) dificultad - dificultoso -+ honroso honra -+ nuboso nube

b) horchata - horchatoso bechamel - bechameloso tabaco - tabacoso

-+ borroso

d) borrar apestar - apestoso

desdeiiar -+ desdeiioso

- verdoso

e) verde izquierda -+ izquierdoso

-+ marxoso arx The primary characteristic of -oso is the indication of abundance of the primitive. In many instances , however, it is merely attributive in the manner of the other adjectival suffixes . 3 a) lists some common standard examples, where the bases are frequently material . In b) the examples are neologistic. In c) the tendency of latter-day forms to rival or supplant existing adjectives is apparent (cf. diftcil, honrado, nublado) . The further vitality of -oso is seen in d) through expansion on to verb bases , while in e) instances are given of its pejorative import when attached to some bases, adjectival as well as nominal . -oso, together with -ero and -al, represents the most productive of the adjective-forming suffixes . Adjectivisation particularly is characterised by a strong stylistic dimension, whereby on the one hand specific suffixes are cult or have an elevating stylistic effect, while others are standard or common, and on the other hand the generation of adjectives permits the creation of noun + adjective syntagms which are stylistically elevated alternatives for noun + de + noun phrases . The morpho­ logy of attachment invalidates the unitary base theory of lexical morphology since these suffixes frequently attach to bases of different grammatical classes, usually both to noun and to adjective, sometimes to verbs as well . The blocking principle is likewise weakened by the evidence offered here, since it is normal for alter­ native derivations to appear on the same base. It is clear, moreover, that some of these suffixes, ostensibly cult or fossilised, are in fact synchronically active, albeit the derivatives in which they appear may often be ephemeral . 6.2 Deverbal adjectivisation

Adjectives are frequently derived from verbs, although this procedure is much less productive than adjectives from nouns . About half a dozen suffixes are involved, some of them, such as -ado and

1 55

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -ante, shared with nominalisation. The feasibility of attachment is often dependent on syntactic properties of the verb base, such as transitivity and passivity -dor, for example, attaches only to tran­ sitive bases . Some suffixes enhance the transitivity in the base, while others, such as -able or -dizo may endow the derivative with passivity . These formations are highly allomorphic, depending on the conjugation of the base -

-ablel-ible - temible - rompible - destruible

a) desear confesar enjuiciar

- deseable - confesable - enjuiciable

b) temer romper destruir

c) edificar pulverizar fiscalizar

- edificable - pulverizable - fiscalizable

d) responder - responsable defender - defensible acceder - accesible

e) aguantar fatigar secar

- inaguantable - infatigable - insecable

f) papa alcalde futuro

- papable - alcaldable - futurible

g) practicar - practicable coleccionar - coleccionable extender - extensible The numerous examples given above are indicative of the high productivity of -able, both in lexicalised and in ad hoc formations . Its amenability to most verb bases gives it a degree of paradigmacity approaching that of normal inflectional morphology . Its constraints are few , among them, incompatibility with passive bases : morir - *morible desaparecer - *desaparecible existir - *existible The derivations can in most cases be labelled with the tags capaz de Vse, que merece Vse, although some formations show semantic drift from this (cf. responder - responsable) . Second and third conjuga­ tion derivations are much more prolific with this suffix than with others . 4 c) illustrates the high amenability to verbs in -ificar and -izar. d) illustrates cases of boundary adjustment, through diachronic evolution from Latin participle forms . e) shows the frequent appearance of -able in negatively prefixed derivations, the positive equivalents of which are less common or even non-occurring (cf. *fatigable) . In f) instances are given of the modern extension of -able to noun. bases in forms which can be paraphrased as que merece

1 56

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation ser N (un cardenal papable = un cardenal que merece ser papa) , a sure sign o f its current dynamism . I n g) examples are given of -able adjectives which are subject to lexical conversion from adjec­ tive to noun: una practicable = una puerta practicable (del escenario)

un coleccionable

objeto , publicaci6n para coleccionar

= silla que se abre, que se extiende

una extensible

-antel- (i)ente -+ degradante a) degradar -+ delirante delirar espuluznar -+ espeluznante c) equivaler sugerir vigir

- equivalente -+ sugerente -+ vigente

e) lubricar - lubricante tranquilizar - tranquilizante estimular -+ estimulante

b) florecer crecer herir

-+ floreciente .... creciente -+ hiriente

d) J traumatizar .... traumatizante -+ agonizante agonizar -+ purificante purificar f) amenazar -+ amenazante .... chillante chillar contaminar -+ contaminante

-ante has already been referred to as a nominal formative, and many of its derivations double as nouns and adjectives, or become nouns by grammatical conversion as in e) above. Two allomorphic varia­ tions appear for second and third conjugation bases ; -iente, attaching among others to -ecer bases, and -ente attaching to a limited number of bases of both second and third conjugations, but without synchronic productivity . Predominantly the syntactic content of these derivatives is transitive (degradante = que degrada) but intran­ sitivity is also accommodated (jloreciente, cr(! iente) . d) illustrates the amenability of -ante to verbs in -ificar and -izar, giving it an important role in the technical lexis. Clashes with other suffixes frequently occur, especially with -dor as shown in f) (cf. amenazador, chillador, contaminador) . The advance of adjectives in -ante is really a twentieth-century phenomenon, since at one time such formations were actively resisted by the Spanish Academy . This suffix appears especially in a series of adjectives of a meliorative hyperbolic tone (brillante, flameante, chispeante, desternillante, rutilante, etc . ) , all approximately synonymous . Stylistically , -ante formations tend to bear a neologistic stamp, as opposed to equivalent forms in -dor which may often seem to have an archaic or cult tone.

1 57

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish -dizo/-adizol-edizo/-idizo a) quebrar resbalar arrojar

- quebradizo - resbaladizo - arrojadizo

b) huir - huidizo correr - corredizo escurrir - escurridizo

c) advenir - advenedizo

encontrar - encontradizo

acomodar - acomodadizo

These derivations, syntactically passive, indicate the propensity or aptitude for receiving the action of the verb: quebradizo corredizo

= =

susceptible a quebrarse

que se puede fiicilmente correr

The bases may be both transitive (quebrar) or intransitive (h"'ir) . By conversion, some of these terms become nouns: encontradizo advenedizo acomodadizo

= = =

un encuentro fortuito

una persona recien llegada

un hombre comod6n

-dor/-adorl-edorl-idor a) conciliar - conciliador tranquilizar - tranquilizador cegar - cegador

b) ensordecer - ensordecedor prometer - prometedor acoger - acogedor

c) grufiir surtir competir

- grufiidor - surtidor - competidor

d) sonrelr retumbar civilizar

e) despertar mecer embotellar

- despertador

- mecedora

- embotelladora

- sonreidor - retumbador - civilizador

-dor doubles as an adjective-forming and as a noun-forming suffix, and many of the derivations may be used both as nouns and adjec­ tives. By conversion, as in e), many adjective in -dor become nominalised: despertador mecedora embotelladora

= = =

reloj

silla

maquina de embotellar

The bases of -dor formations may be both transitive and intran­ sitive, but not verbs of state:

158

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation semblar - *semblador parecer - *parecedor existir - *existidor Stylistically , adjectives in -dor tend to impart a cult tone and may often be alternatives to adjectives derived on other suffixes , as illustrated in d) , clashing particularly with derivatives in -ante (cf. sonriente, retumbante, civilizante) . The verbal function of -dor adjec­ tives is very apparent in syntactic structures of the following type: una sociedad monopolizadora de petr6leo una empresa distribuidora de piezas un hombre conocedor de su trabajo paises poseedores de reservas In these cases the deverbal adjectival -dor derivation, expanded by a prepositional phrase in de, serves as an alternative to what other­ wise would be a relative clause construction (que monopoliza, que distribuye, que conoce, que posee) . This kind of integrated structure, very popular in present-day syntax, is again an example of the streamlining which is also in evidence in other aspects of derivation in interaction with syntax . From the above, deverbal adjectivisation appears as an area of derivation in which rivalry between a handful of suffixes is very strong, especially between -ante and -dor, but also to some extent between -able and -dizo, with neither suffix effectively blocking the other. Some suffixes , not included here, such as -dero or -ivo, show strong tendencies to fossilisation, while -able and -ante are among the most vigorous of all derivational suffixes . Another feature of this group is the frequency of conversion of terms from their original g rammatical class of adjective to noun, after the derivation takes place. 6.3 Adjectives from adjectives

Adjectives are sometimes derived from other adjectives, using suffixes which are primarily denominal such as -ista and -oso (cf. mundial - mundialista, falaz - falacioso) . In addition, as has already been illustrated, it is normal to use emotive suffixation in generating adjectives from others (cf. alto - a/tote, gordo -

gordezuelo, suave - suavecillo) . -isimo The intensificatory suffix -(simo is usually treated as a case of

159

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish inflection because of its property of attaching to practically any adjective, including past participles used as adjectives and gentilics: primero delicado rebajado andaluz

-

primerlsimo

delicadlsimo

rebajadfsimo

andalucfsimo

There is a case, nevertheless, for regarding -fsimo, like -mente, as a derivational morpheme, since its effect is to alter the sense of the primitive in very much the same way as the emotive suffixes , and in particular the augmentatives . In areas of South America the use of the augmentative -azo and the intensificatory ' superlative' -fsimo coincide: bueno - buenazo = buenfsimo

simple - simplazo = simplisimo

Further, it is not completely true that -(simo shows no restrictions at all on the type of base to which it may be attached : *vigesimo tercerfsimo

*azul marinlsimo

It cannot normally attach to ordinal adjectives or compound adjec­ tives . On the other hand, its attachment is not limited, as is sometimes thought, to adjectives , since it occasionally attaches to noun bases as well: general - generalisimo

cuiiado - cuiiadisimo

sobrino - sobrinfsimo

Further, -(simo shows the allomorphy characteristic of some of the emotive suffixes , although this allomorphy is not always respected: joven - jovencfsimo

trabajador - trabajadorcfsimo

In such derivations the extra phoneme [8] is inserted between stem and suffix. Another feature of -(simo which would argue for its classification as a derivational morpheme is its internal ordering before the morphemes of inflection and before -mente: pintoresco - pintoresquisimo - pintoresqufsimos

rapido - rapidfsimo - rapidfsimamente

160

Adjectivisation and adverbialisation Other suffixes Adjectives are sometimes derived from other adjectives by way of what is sometimes termed suffixes of approximation: intelectual amargo azul rojo

-

intelectualoide

amargoso

azulenco

rojizo

Most of these have already been considered under different headings , such as pejoration . The productivity of this sort of formation is very restricted; on the one hand, particular suffixes are strongly associated with specific bases , and on the other, most adjectives could be said to be subject to suffixation of ' approximation' using the standard repertoire of emotive and non-emotive suffixes rather than a separate group. 5 6.4 Adverbialisation

a) ligero violento duro

- ligeramente

- violentamente

- duramente

b) ignorante veloz original

- ignorantemente

- velozmente

- originalmente

c) tauromaco - tauromacamente

ininterrumpido - ininterrumpidamente

grandilocuente - grandilocuentemente

d) quijotesco mefistofelico joyciano

- quijotescamente

- mefistofelicamente

- joycianamente

Spanish has various systems of adverbialisation, the principal one being the morphological procedure of attaching -mente to adjectives as illustrated above . The alternative to this is simply to use the adjective unsuffixed to modify the verb : hablar fuerte

pensar n!pido

caminar Iento

Or adverbial phrases are made up based on modo and manera:

161

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish de manera imprecisa de modo acertado de manera indirecta Additionally , preference may be for an adverbial phrase introduced by the prepositions por or con: por desgracia = desgraciadamente por fortuna = afortunadamente = interesadamente con interes Another device, of limited productivity , is adverbialisation via a verb-noun complement introduced by the preposition a: a quemarropa (tirar a quemarropa) a vuelapluma (escribir a vuelapluma) a regaiiadientes (aceptar algo a regafiadientes) Notwithstanding these alternatives, the attachment of -mente to adjective bases is sufficiently predictable and productive to be considered a case of inflection, as is the view taken in basic gram­ mars. Certainly , some restrictions apply to -mente attachment: frances - *francesamente rojizo - *roj izamente Adjectives of colour and nationality are not normally amenable to -mente derivation . But the examples quoted in a) to d) above show the wide variety of bases to which -mente is amenable, including bases which are syllabically lengthy , already derived, or incorporate a proper name or foreign primitive. Viewing -mente as a suffix of derivation on the grounds of its class changing property , it shows very high productivity on its adjectival bases , with no morphological constraints , but some selectivity of base on semantic criteria. 6

1 62

7

Verbalisation

7. 1 Typology and structure

The fonnation of verbs utilises a limited number of suffixes . 1 Whereas noun and adjective suffixation involves an open inventory of suffixes , subject to expansion and discarding as new elements are introduced and others relegated, the verb-fonning morphemes are limited, well defined, and operate in this particular function and not across categories : a) lfder batalla peligro

- liderar - batallar -peligrar

b) cotilla - cotillear

esclavo - esclavizar

santo - santificar

c) prisi6n flaco cabildo

- aprisionar - enflaquecer - acabildar

d) bailar - bailotear

donnir - donnitear

cantar - canturrear

e) atras - atrasar

adelante - adelantar

- alejar

lejos These examples contain the complete repertoire of productive verb-fonning suffixes -ar, -ear, -ecer, -ificar. Since these morphemes mark a particular accidence of the verb - the infinitive - they are conventionally categorised as inflectional rather than derivational . However, since they are very frequently used, as in the examples quoted, to generate lexemes of a different syntactic category from their primitives, their function may also be viewed as derivational . Synchronically , productivity is restricted to -ar, -ear, -ificar, and -izar; -ecer is productive in generating verbs from stan­ dard adjectives , but only in established, lexicalised, fonns , while neither the second conjugation morpheme -er nor the third conjuga­ tion -ir appears in synchronic derivational morphology. The bases of verb derivations are usually nouns, frequently adjec­ tives and occasionally , as in e) above, adverbs . d) illustrates the -

1 63

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish possibility of verbs being generated from other verbs, within the framework of emotive suffixation or infixation procedures, although this pattern shows limited productivity . c) gives examples of the frequency in verb derivation of parasynthesis, where suffixation must simultaneously be accompanied by prefix attachment in either a- or en-. The phenomenon of parasynthesis , as opposed to simple suffixa­ tion, appears not to be conditioned by morphophonological con­ siderations, and so to be arbitrarily applied, although it is most commonly predictable in deadjectival verbalisation. 7.2 Taxonomy of suffixes

-ar -+ engordar

-+ alargar

-+ aclarar

a) tap6n -+ taponar almacen -+ almacenar asfalto -+ asfaltar

b) gordo largo claro

c) 6xido sulfuro platina

d) musica - musicar explosi6n -+ explosionar orquesta -+ orquestar

-+ oxidar -+ sulfurar -+ platinar

-ar formations are often equivocal as to whether they are instances of immediate derivation of noun to verb or of back formation of verb to noun . a) above are clear examples of immediate derivation on material bases ; b) offers examples of parasynthetic formations, very frequent with -ar derivations, both on adjective bases, as illustrated, and on noun bases (tilde -+ atildar, caudillo acaudillar); c) shows the current vigour of -ar derivations in the technical and scientific texis , while d) shows the ability of this morpheme to form modern verbs of a neologistic nature. 2 The main characteristic of -ar formations, as opposed to those using rival suffixes , is their particular amenability to material noun bases . However, the examples of f) below are ambivalent: f) conjura tueste trueno

-+ conjurar

-+ tostar

-+ tronar

In trueno -+ tronar either the verb or the noun could be the base, but tueste -+ tostar, with the modem -e morpheme in the noun would appear to be a case of deverbal nominalisation. Many vowel­ ending derivations are equivocal in this way (cf. costolcostar or

cuento/contar) .

1 64

Verbalisation -ear -+ agujerear a) agujero banderilla -+ banderillear mariposa -+ mariposear -+

c) discurso fanfarr6n hombre

-+

e) amarillo negro calvo

-+ amarillear negrear -+ calvear

-+

discursear fan(arronear hombrear

-+

g) balbucir/balbucear blandir/blandear barrar/barrear

-+ parpadear b) parpado rellbnpago -+ relampaguear -+ chinchinear chinchfn d) gilipollas -+ gilipollear badulaque -+ badulaquear -+ gandulear gandul f) gol boicot whisky

-+ golear

-+ boicotear

whiskear

-+

-+ conguear h) conga Celestina -+ celestinear Barcelona -+ barcelonear

-ear is the most productive verbal formative in contemporary Spanish, as the many examples quoted above suggest, mostly on noun and sometimes on adjective bases. Its connotations are often iterative as in b) or pejorative as in c) and d) , where the bases themselves are censorious designations of humans . 3 The adjectival bases of e) generate inchoative verbs, where the function of -ear overlaps with that of -ecer (cf. amarillearlamarillecer, negrearlennegrecer). Its productivity is apparent in its greater amenability to foreign bases than its rival suffixes, shown in f) and in whimsical or proper name formations as in h) . In g) examples are given of its frequent clashes with standard verbs based on alternative infinitive suffixes . -ecer a) llinguido patido flor

-+ languidecer -+ palidecer -+ florecer

c) rico loco viejo

-+ enriquecer

-+ enloquecer

-+ envejecer

b) hUmedo agrado fuerte

-+ humedecer -+ agradecer -+ fortalecer

The formations of -ecer are strongly lexicalised, as opposed to the frequently non-lexicalised formations of -ar or -ear. The bases are many of the most common adjectives, as in c) . The non­ parasynthetic derivations are usually intransitive, as in a) , echoing their origins in the Latin inchoative verbs in -escere, but they may also sometimes be transitive, as in b) . The parasynthetic type, very

1 65

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish common with -ecer and illustrated in c) is basically transitive, but is often also used intransitively (cf. me han envejecido las penas que

he sufridoltu vecino envejece con los alios) . -ificar a) santo -+ santificar puro -+ purificar simple -+ simplificar

b) gas -+ gasificar

acido -+ acidificar

resina -+ resinificar

c) pacificar I apaciguar

verificar I averiguar

rarificar I enrarecer

This suffix is characterised by its strong choativity . Its expansion in modem Spanish reflects its international status , especially in the scientific and technical lexis, illustrated in b) , where the bases are material. 4 Its productive vigour is also seen in c) where it generates terms which duplicate or supplant existing derivations based on other suffixes. Morphologically , -ificar formations are unique in the verb group in their resistance to parasynthesis.

-izar a) obstaculo -+ obstaculizar vapor -+ vaporizar seiial -+ seiializar

b) impermeable -+ impermeabilizar occidente -+ occidentalizar visible -+ visibilizar

c) Sanford -+ sanforizar d) protagonista -+ protagonizar

-+ simpatizar

Macadam -+ macadamizar simpatico Mercer -+ mercerizar garanti'a -+ garantizar

e) luna tierra trono

-+ alunizar

-+ aterrizar

-+ entronizar

Like -ificar, -izar is strongly choative and very productive in neologising, including the technical and scientific lexis. 5 It attaches to noun bases as in a) , or adjectives as in b) and is very amenable to proper name bases, illustrated in c) . In e) examples are given of parasynthetic formations in which -izar is morphologically linked to the prefixes a- or en- . In d) the derivation involves the substitution of an existing suffix in the base, so requiring a truncation adjust­ ment.

166

Verbalisation 7.3 Verbs from verbs a) llorar

-+ lloriquear

correr -+ corretear morder -+ mordisquear

b) picar -+ picotear

-+ tironear

tirar parlar -+ parlotear

c) forzar -+ forcejear

apretar -+ apretujar

pintar -+ pintarrajear

The bases of these formations, invariably in -ear, are standard verbs. An infixed element, usually corresponding to an emotive derivational morpheme, appears between the stem and the infinitive morpheme. In a) the formations have a diminutive, frequentative connotation; in b) an augmentative frequentative sense is conveyed, while in c) the implication is pejorative and frequentative. This procedure is strongly lexicalised, associated with particular bases, and represents a morphological device of semantic nuancing with relation to some common human actions. These verb derivation patterns confirm the weakness of the second and third conjugation, which are unproductive in this particular area. The morphology is fairly regular, but with some instances of the truncation principle at work. Again, the system is inconsistent in promoting different suffixes for exactly the same purpose - overlap between -ificar and -izar is particularly strong, while in the common procedure of verbalising standard adjectives, there seems to be no predictability in the derivational morpheme chosen (cf. gordo -+

engordar, triste -+ entristecer, dulce -+ dulci.ficar, profundo -+ projundizar . . . ). The parasynthetic tendencies of verbalisation are very strong, but no clear principle of application emerges, such as might be meaningfully incorporated into a set of lexical morpho­ logical rules. This group of suffixes offers a striking example of the general movement within the system, with the relegation of some traditional morphemes such as -er and -ir and the enthusiastic promotion of modem ones, namely -ear, -ificar, and -izar. Finally, the internationalisation of the Spanish lexis is very strong in this category through the adoption of the morphemes of the scientific, technical, and commercial language of the modem developed societies.

167

8

PreriXation

8 . 1 Characteristics and function

Apart from the obvious distinction that they are preposed to bases rather than postposed, various other features distinguish prefixes from suffixes. Unlike the latter, they are not necessarily bound morphemes, since a number of prefixes also function independently as prepositions (sobre, contra, ante) or as adverbs (mal, bien) . The semantic cohesion between prefix and base is much looser than that between suffix and base - the feeling of derivation is therefore strong and reflected sometimes in the use of hyphens in prefixation but never in suffixation. So the derivations are often ad hoc, ephemeral, and thus the formalised lexicon of the dictionary is not necessarily a reliable guide to the productivity of individual prefixes. Generally , prefixes are rather less ambivalent than suffixes, with a tendency towards monosemy, with the meaning clear and constant, or at most allowing limited polysemy (two senses as opposed to three or more in many suffixes - cf. contrasting meanings of re- in reaparecer and rejluir). Unlike suffixes, they do not alter the natural stress of the lexemes to which they are attached (cf. decente ­ indecente). However, this means that like suffixes, a difference cannot be made between stress-changing and stress-neutral types and so they are not subject to the Class I and Class n rules of . deriva­ tional morphology . Most important, prefixes, unlike most suffixes, do not normally effect a change of grammatical class on the base, since in most cases the output of the derivation corresponds syntac­ tically to that of the primitive (cf. ligar V - desligar V , sala N ­ antesala N). So the syntactic categorisation approach used for the non-emotive suffixes is here impracticable, leaving the semantic function of prepositions as primordial. 1 An important subgroup of prefixes in modern Spanish are the so­ called prefixoids, derivational morphemes originating in Greek or Latin nouns and attached to stems to generate scientific or technical tele-, radio-, v(deo-, vocabulary of an international character -

1 68

Prefixation electro- etc. are among the most productive of these, representing a very fertile area of modern derivation. The status of these forms, as indeed that of all types of derivation where the first constituent is an independent morpheme is controversial, so that they are alternately regarded as prefixation, or as instances of compounding, under headings such as ' neo-classical compounds' or 'combining forms' . 2 Here, the view will be taken, following the examples of the neologistic lexis , that these word-forming elements increasingly behave as true prefixes. As with suffixes, some prefixes show allomorphic variation, sometimes predictable according to the initial phoneme of the base, but in other cases etymologically established in an archaic/modem mode: cf. des-, dis-, de- below . Other than the complication of allomorphic variation, the morphophonology of prefixation is straightforward compared to suffixation, with direct attachment of affix and base requiring only observance of the basic phonological features of Spanish morphology . Prefixation is frequently accompa ed by parasynthesis, specifically in the formation of denominal verbs : bot6n - abotonar caja - encajar triste - entristecer In such cases, prefixation, contrary to the statement above, would seem to have some syntactic function in transposing lexemes from one grammatical class to another (here, N - V) . This aspect has for long been controversial, with attempts to classify prefixes according to syntactic or non-syntactic function. 3 Here, the view will be taken that change of grammatical class is not a primary feature of prefixa­ tion since this procedure, which in any case affects only the prefixes a- and en- depends not on prefixation as such but on the particular phenomenon of parasynthesis, which will be given separate con­ sideration later, befitting its frequency in the Spanish derivational system. The structure of prefixed derivatives may be subjected to syntactic analysis in the same way as the structure of compounds and suffixed derivatives can be elucidated:4 sala aviso poner vivir

-

antesala contraviso interponer convivir

The relationships between constituents could be given labels such as adjectival in antesala ( = sa/a anterior) or contraaviso ( = aviso 169

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish contrario), adverbial in interponer ( = poner en medio), or preposi­ tional in convivir ( = vivir con alguien). While paying due regard to the usefulness of this sort of categorisation, the description which follows will prefer to consider prefixes in sense groups, in accor­ dance with the already stated view that prefix function, although equivocal in some cases with regard to syntax, is primordially semantic . ' 8 . 2 PrefiXes o f negation

a-lanThis negativising prefix, of Greek origin, must be distinguished from the parasynthetic prefix a- from Latin: a) polftico ideol6gico tipico

- apolftico -+ aideol6gico - atipico

b) alcoh6lico -+ analcoh6lico -+ analergico alergico epigrlifico -+ anepignifico

c) politizaci6n -+ apolitizaci6n

cientifismo - acientifismo

socializaci6n - asocializaci6n

The allomorphic variation an- appends to vowel-commencing bases as in b) . Although the bases of a- formations were originally terms of Greek origin, the prefix now appends easily to native lexemes, albeit tending to impart a cult tone. Its modem expansion is seen in its amenability , not j ust to adjective bases, with which it is primarily associated, as in a) , but increasingly to nouns, preferably suffixed, as in c) .

antia) Cristo papa cicl6n

-+ anticristo -+ antipapa -+ anticicl6n

-+ antideportivo -+ antipedag6gico constitucional -+ anticonstitucional

b) deportivo pedag6gico

c) resbaladizo -+ antirresbaladizo d) medidas antirrobo

derrapante -+ antiderrapante disposiciones antimonopolio

adherente -+ antiadherente faros antiniebla

a) represents the traditional lexical context of anti-, namely noun bases in strongly lexicalised terms. Increasingly , however, its use has become adjectival, on adjective bases as in b) . Here, its advance challenges that of other, more traditional negativising procedures, giving, for example antiinformativo for poco informativo, antinatural for poco natural, and antihigienico for poco higienico. c) and d)

1 70

Prefixation represent important neologistic uses of formations in anti-, especially in technical or semi-technical vocabulary . In such contexts, anti- has evolved semantically towards the concept of 'protection' or 'defense' (cf. terms such as antia reo, antitanque, antigds). By ellipsis, many anti- terms become nominalised, as in anticongelante, anticoncep­ tivo, antihistamfnico. 6

contraa) espionaje - contraespionaje manifestaci6n - contramanifestaci6n cultura - contracultura b) producente chapado natural

- contraproducente - contrachapado - contranatural

c) decir poner atacar

- contradecir - contraponer - contraatacar

The semantic field of contra- goes beyond straight negation towards . concepts of opposition, defence, and reversal. It is most straightfor­ wardly negative in its attachment to adjectives , as in b) , an area where it is also most productive and spontaneous in its formations. In a few animate designations such as contraalmirante or contramaestre the sense is subordination to the base. 7 The current vigour of contra- belies its relatively modest lexicon entries, and is seen it its fertility in the technical lexis and in the generation of alternatives for other derivatives - thus contranatural for innatural, contraconceptivo for anticonceptivo and contraverdad for mentira .

des-/dis-IdeThis is the Spanish negativising prefix par excellence, with a high degree of base amenability : a) preocupaci6n - despreocupaci6n b) contento - decontento - desvelo velo favorable - desfavorable uso - desuso atento - desatento c) gusto favor culpar

- disgusto - disfavor - disculpar

d) colorar rogar poner

- decolorar - derogar - deponer

171

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish - desofr e) oir mentir - desmentir apretar - desapretar Only the variant des- is synchronically productive, the forms dis­ and de- being constrained to established lexicalised terms. Its deriva­ tional flexibility is seen in its amenability to bases of all the major grammatical categories; its distinctive feature, in comparison to rival negative prefixes, is its affinity to verb bases . Its semantic range is wider than that of other negative prefixes, in many cases its derivatives showing drift from strict negation towards more generally negative concepts of privation and reversal . e) above gives some examples of modern coinings, where the des- derivative duplicates established lexemes (deso(r = no hacer caso de, desmentir = negar, desapretar = soltar) . The proliferation of neologistic des- terms is considerable in the language of journalism (desaconsejar, desconflic­ tivizar, desempeorar . . . ) .

extraThis is an example of a prefix showing modern semantic drift from its basic locative concept of fuera de (cf. extralimitarse) towards the idea of negation: parlamentario - extraparlamentario - extraoficial oficial academico - extracademico The bases are adjectives, invariably already derived. The semantic import in these formations overlaps with that of des-, a-, or anti-, above. Although these terms at present show practically zero lexicalisation, there is no doubt that the current frequency of the use of extra- in this way must eventually be reflected in the formal lexicon.

in-lim-/i­ a) cierto - incierto - insonoro sonor alambrico - inalambrico

b) palpable propio prudente

c) legal - ilegal legible - ilegible reparable - irreparable

d) capacitar - incapacitar comunicar - incomunicar purificar - impurificar

- impalpable - impropio - imprudente

The allomorphic variants are determined by the morphological shape

172

Prefixation of the first syllable of the base im- appended to bases commencing in a bilabial consonant and i- to bases commencing in a liquid. This prefix is usually classified as being amenable only to adjective bases, as in a) , b) , and c) - it is particularly amenable to derived bases in -able. However, it may also appear on noun bases (cf. inconciencia, indecencia, inexperiencia) and in d) appears on verb bases, where the productivity of in- is greatly inferior to des- . The modern productivity of in- rests on its association with -able morphology , giving it prominence in the technical register in terms such as inatascable, inescarchable, or inhelable. -

no The negative adverb no is often used as an alternative to the standard prefixes in order to negativise nouns, participles, and phrases, fulfil­ ling a grammatical function which may be viewed as adjectival or prefixal: pafses no alineados aviones no identificables Ia no violencia In these syntagms the function of no parallels that of standard prefixes and in some cases could be substituted by the latter (cf. no identificable = inidentificable) . Particularly when preposed to nouns, an increasingly common procedure, no acquires definite prefixal tendencies. 8 This group of negatively prefixed derivations shows great lexical mobility , with the advance of formations such as anti-, contra-, extra-, and no, sometimes at the expense of more conventional negative prefixes and at others at the expense of phrase structure which the expression of negation in Spanish has heavily relied on in the past (cf. phrases based on poco, such as poco natural = antinatural, poco cient(fico = acientfjico, or based on si11, such as sin querer = desintencionadamente, sin o(do para la mrisica = antimusical ) . That is to say that negativisation shows increasingly lexically synthetic structures, based on a greater use of prefixes and on a wider range of derivational morphemes used to express nega­ tion . Striking features are the semantic spread of prefixes from their original, etymologically determined literal meaning into broader areas of negation, as well as their syntactic spread from their original grammatical class of base towards compatibility with bases of all the major grammatical categories . The system is untidy , with different prefixes used in exactly the same way to an extent that derivative deshabitado/inhabitado, duplications are very common (cf.

1 73

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish inaplicabilidmllno aplicabilidml,

anticonceptivo/contraconceptivo).

Finally, selection of a particular prefix would appear to depend more on stylistic or lexical field considerations than on any consistent morphological pattern .

8.3 Locative prefixes This group consists of half a dozen or so prefixes indicating concepts of space, position and location, some of which offer double latinate/ Castilian forms, as well as showing double semantic function.

ante­ ante-

doubles as a locative and as a temporal prefix:

cocina -+ antecocina

camara - antecamara

brazo -+ antebrazo

In its locative sense, ante- is attached to noun bases, with limited productivity in lexicalised terms, to indicate position or location coming before that of the base.

entre­ a) abrir -+ entreabrir cerrar -+ entrecerrar ofr -+ entreofr c) cano fino claro

b) acto -+ entreacto

piema -+ entrepierna

vista ... entrevista

-+ entrecano

-+ entrefino

-+ entreclaro

The Castilian form of latinate inter-, entre- suggests intermediate position or, with verbs, incompleteness of action. It is used primarily as in a) , on verb bases , but appends also to nouns as in b) and adjec­ tives as in c) . This prefix is marked by a tendency towards fossilisa­ tion; in the technical lexis its profile is extremely modest compared with its latinate rival inter-. In some cases alternative forms appear in entre- and inter- as in interarticularlentrearticular.

174

Prefixation intera) poner cambiar relacionar

-+ interponer

-+ intercambiar

-+ interrelacionar

-+ interacci6n

b) acci6n comunicaci6n -+ intercomunicaci6n

dependencia -+ interdependencia

c) religioso andino estatal

-+ interreligioso

-+ interandino

-+ interestatal

The implication of inter- derivatives takes in reciprocity as well as the strict sense of location . Its current dynamism is best represented in c), on adjective bases and proliferating in the language of economics and politics, promoted by its status as an 'international' prefix. A modem peculiarity is the pattern of inter- nouns used adjectivally in syntagms of the type: partidos interclubs

semifinales interzonas

encuentros interequipos

Its current productivity is supported by strong adoption in the

technical register.

retro­ a) traer -+ retrotraer ceder -+ retroceder vender -+ retrovender

-+ retroactivo b) activo -+ retrovisor visor propulsi6n -+ retropropulsi6n

Although retro- shows very modest dictionary entries, its current productivity is promoted by widespread use in the specialised registers of science and technology. It attaches more readily to nouns and adjectives as in b) than to verbs as in a) . Much of its potential dynamism is thwarted by the extensive use of re- in the same seman­ tic function (cf. reabsorber, retirar, reembalsar).

sabrea) volar -+ sobrevolar salir -+ sobresalir entender -+ sobrentender

b) precio -+ sobreprecio -+ sobrepaga paga cubierta -+ sobrecubierta

In many sabre- formations the sense may literally correspond to

1 75

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish superior position, while in others the sense is intensificatory of the base, indicating addition or excess . Its bases are preferably verbs as in a) , and sometimes nouns as in b) . As a derivational constituent, sobre- is firmly integrated with its bases, hence the synaeresis of adjacent boundary [ e] s as in sobrexcitar or sobrexponer. Its derivatives are thus lexicalised, reducing the availability of sobre­ for spontaneous formation . Although its vitality is modestly main­ tained in the technical lexis, derivations in its latinate equivalent super- are much more productive .

super- superpresion a) presion posicion - superposici6n intendencia - superintendencia

b) valorar - superv orar entender - superentender - superponer poner

This 'cult' form of sobre- has the same semantic import and operates in the same lexical field. However, to a much greater degree than its Castilian counterpart it frequently deviates from the purely ' locative ' sense to convey excess of the base and so take on a superlative or hyperbolic dimension. As a rival of sobre- it is more associated with nouns and the latter with verbs (cf. superviven­ cia/sobrevivir). Some derivations offer alternative forms, as in sobrevivientelsuperviviente, or sobreabundancia/superabundancia.

sub-/so­ a) oficial - suboticial campe6n - subcampe6n ejecutivo - subejecutivo c) frefr pesar cavar

b) arrendar - subarrendar

delegar - subdelegar

contratar - subcontratar

- sofreir

- sopesar

- socavar

The sub-/so- pair correspond to the latinate/Castilian relationship of super-/sobre-. The so- forms are lexicalised and unproductive . Semantically , this prefix is the antithesis of all the senses of super-,

so may refer to inferior position in the sense of subordination as in the a) examples, to action which is 'delegatory ' as in b) , to incomplete action as in sofrelr, or to literally lower position as in socavar. The modem neologistic formations are best represented by the nominal formations of a) .

1 76

Prejixation trans-/tras­ a)

Iucido Pacifico siberiano

- translucido - transpacffico - transiberiano

c)

Atlantica trocar volar

- trasatlantico

- trastrocar

- trasvolar

b)

poner limitar fundir

- transponer - translimitar - transfundir

The allomorphic or Castilian variant tras, as in c) is restricted to testified lexicalisations - it is to be distinguished from tras- ( = detrds) in derivations such as trastienda or traspie. The derivations of trans- designate movement across, typically in geographical adjec­ tives as in a) or in verbs as in b) . The trans-/tras- forms are often interchangeable (cf. transatldntico/trasatldntico). This group of prefixes confirms the features already pointed out with the prefixes of negation - the duplication in function, the arbitrariness of prefix selection, and a degree of uncertainty evident in the coexistence of alternative forms . Particularly striking here is the survival of latinate and Castilian forms of the same derivational morpheme, with productivity increasingly assigned to the former. 8.4 Temporal prerJXes

antea) pagar datar poner

- antepagar - antedatar - anteponer

b) penultimo - antipenultimo

diluviano - antediluviano

natal - antenatal

c) firma - antefirma

anoche - anteanoche

mano - (de) antemano

In its temporal use, ante- appends either to verbs as in a) or adjec­ tives as in b) . Occasionally it appears attached to nouns as in c), in the cases of anteanoche, anteayer, and de antemano forming adver­ bial expressions. Doublets sometimes occur with alternative prefixes (cf. antenatal/prenatal, anteceder/preceder) .

177

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish post-/pos­ a) poner - posponer fechar - posfechar calentar - postcalentar c) data guerra cafe

- postnatal b) natal meridiano - posmeridiano - pospalatal palatal

- posdata

- posguerra

- poscafe

The semantic field of post- is the antithesis of that of ante- or pre­ prefixes with which it is linked within the system (cf. antemeridiano, postmeridiano, antenatal, postnatal ) . The latinate form post- is associated with particular bases but frequently bases may take either form as in posguerra or postguerra. This prefix's modest entries in the lexicon do not reflect its high synchronic productivity in spon taneous or ephemeral formations, in terminology such as postcon­

ciliar (Ia iglesia postconciliar), postmao(sta (Ia China postmao(sta), postfranquista. Unlike many other prefixes considered here, post­

or

is not semantically closely integrated to its bases, and thus is highly available for creative formation, reflected in the frequent hyphena­ tion of terms in which it appears.

prea) fabricar seleccionar suponer

- prefabricar - preseleccionar - presuponer

b) auton6mico - preauton6mico ag6nico - preag6nico democratico - predemocratico

c) refrigeraci6n - prerefrigeraci6n - prefatiga fatiga - preestirado estirado The preference of pre- is for verb and adjective bases as in a) and b) , although it increasingly appears on noun bases as in c). It is synonymic with ante-, with which it often forms alternative pairs. In the technical lexis, however, as suggested in c) above, pre­ dominates, in terms which are not lexicalised and in which the motivation of the derivation is very transparent.

8.5 Prefixes of quantity and dimension Among the most prolific prefixes are those denoting quantity , dimen­ sion, or measurement, all of which originate in Latin or Greek and have a modern international character. They include

178

bi- (bisemanal, bimensual) , mono- (monomotor,

Prefixation monocilfndrico), multi- (multicelular, multifdsico) , pluri- (pluri­ lingile, pluriempleo) , semi- (semicultismo, semioscuro) , and uni­ (unifamiliar, unisexual ) . All of these are more prolific than their entries in standard dictionaries indicate, since they are productively and spontaneously used in the commercial , technological, and scientific lexis of the present day . Derivationally , they are highly motivated, with very loose semantic cohesion between affix and base. Some duplication appears , with mono- and uni, and with multi-, pluri-, and poli- in competition in the same lexical fields and with the same semantic function; often alternative pairs are generated (cf. multicelular/ pluricelular, unifamiliar/monofamiliar) . They all show amenability to different grammatical classes of bases, with a strong preference for nouns and adjectives, but increasingly accepting verb bases as well (cf. multicopiar, semiolvidar, uniformar) . The morphophonology of attachment is uncomplicated - only bi- shows allomorphy in bis-, which is restricted to a few lexicalised examples such as bisnieto or bisabuelo. The advance of this group in the derivational repertoire is one of the most important features of current change in the Spanish texis. 8.6 Prefixes of intensification

A handful of prefixes are used to morphologically expand base lexemes to produce hyperbolic effect, in much the same way as the superlative suffix -fsimo; thus the adjective lujoso, for example, might be hyperbolised either by suffixation (lujoso -+ lujosfsimo) or by prefixation (lujoso -+ superlujoso) . The latter procedure is much more neologistic . The particular prefixes used in this way tend to have double semantic function , appearing also as locatives.

archi­ -+ archimalo a) enemigo -+ archienemigo b) malo millonario -+ archimillonario esttipido -+ archiesttipido pampano -+ archipampano permisivo -+ archipermisivo The analogical base for this sort of formation is in traditional terms such as archiduque or archididcono. The modem preference is for adjectival formations as in b) where the function of archi- corresponds exactly to adverbial muy or suffix -fsimo. a) gives some examples of formations on nouns . This usage is highly popular in modem collo­ quial language, where the derivation is strongly motivated and the semantic integration of the prefix to the base not at all firm .

1 79

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish extraflexible - extraflexible

fino - extrafino

grueso - extragrueso

The use of extra- as a hyperbolic formative is restricted to adjective bases, and its derivational use is strongly motivated. This procedure flourishes particularly in the technical texis (cf. extrarresistente, extraelevado, extrapotente . . . ) .

hiper­ b) activo - hiperactivo - hiperacidez a) acidez sensibilidad - hipersensibilidad cdtico - hipercrftico nacionalismo - hipernacionalismo termal - hipertermal c) discutir - hiperdiscutir

- hiperproteger

proteger industrializar - hiperindustrializar

Basically , hiper- appends to nouns as in a) and to adjectives as in b) . Semantically , its function overlaps that of hyperbolic super- . The most striking testimony to the increasing popularity of hiper- forma­ tions is the extension of this prefix to verb bases, as in c) where its function

is

equivalent

to

an

adverb

(hiperdiscutir

=

discutir

excesivamente). supera) petrolero - superpetrolero b) autorruitico - superautorruitico malo manzana - supermanzana - supermalo alcalde - superalcalde - supersecreto secreto c) dotar armar criticar

- superdotar

- superarmar

- supercriticar

This is one of the most prolific prefixes of this group, much abused in the hyperbolic language of journalism. Like hiper-, its advancing popularity is reflected in an expansion of its use on to verb stems, as in c) (cf. una mujer superdotada, unti flota superarmada, un

espectdculo supercriticado . . . ) .

1 80

Prefixation re-lrete­ a) bueno -+ rebueno guapo -+ reguapo salado -+ resalado

- rebien b) bien malamente .... remalamente

In its hyperbolic use, as opposed to its iterative function (cf. reconstruir, recomenzar, reverdecer . . . ) , re- reinforces the sense of the primitive to which it is preposed, normally an adjective, and in the instances of b) , adverbs . The function of re- here overlaps with that of augmentative suffixation in -azo or -ote. 9 The syllabically expanded variant rete- is used for even greater hyperbolic effect (mon(n -+ retemonfn, bonito -+ retebonito) . The constraint on hyper­ bolic re- usage of this type is the stylistic register, since it tends to impart a colloquial or even coarse tone in the context in which it is applied.

ultra­ nipido plano corto compacto

-+ ultramipido -+ ultraplano

- ultracorto -+ ultracompacto

ultra- overlaps in function with extra- and super- , but is active in

specialised technical fields such as physics and electronics. Its bases are invariably adjectives . 8. 7 PrerJXoids

The term 'prefixoid' is conventionally applied to those word-forming elements of Latin and Greek origin , highly productive in the modern lexis, whose grammatical status is controversial in that their deriva­ tions are sometimes considered as cases of composition rather than of affixation, since the initial constituent seems to be semantically and syntactically autonomous . Forms such as foto-, radio, and tele-, for example, are felt to have stronger and clearer semantic weight than conventional prefixes such as ante-, contra-, or des-, as well as having the property of functioning as free morphemes (cf. un/una radio, una foto, Ia tele, el micro) . Another objection to their classification as true prefixes is the ability of some to appear both preposed and postposed and therefore to share an important feature of suffixation:

181

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish a) fil6logo nautico fonoteca radiodifusi6n

b) bibli6filo

astronauta

audifono

extrarradio

In a) the initial constituents (filo-, naut-, fono-, radio-) , in the posi­ tion of prefixes, are the same Latin and Greek forms which appear as the final constituent, in the position of suffixes , in b) . These features shared sometimes with composition and sometimes with suffixation would justify a separate categorisation, under labels such as 'combining forms ' or 'cult stems' . 1 0 In Spanish, the most active members of this group are most productive as initial constituents so that the label 'prefixoid' seems appropriate, covering both their property of coinciding mostly with standard prefixation as regards collocation and of differing from it in the respects indicated above.

aero­ a) puerto moza foto

- aeropuerto - aeromoza - aerofoto

b) naval - aeronaval dinamico - aerodin8mico mecanico - aeromecanico

c) transportar - aerotransportar

- aerodeslizador

deslizar

aero- is primarily nominal, as in a) but increasingly adjectival as in

b), in designations in the realm of air transport and space technology. c) is interesting, showing the possibility of expansion of aero- on to verb bases.

autoa) servicio - autoservicio confesi6n - autoconfesi6n edici6n - autoedici6n c) adherir corregir suicidar

b) motor - automotor

pista - autopista

escuela - autoescuela

- autoadherirse

- autocorregirse

- autosuicidarse

Two distinct meanings are apparent in auto- formations; in a) and c) the sense corresponds to the English 'self ' , while b) shows specialisation in the automobile industry . The modem productivity of auto- is now more important in the a) and c) semantic type than in b) , especially, as shown in c) , on verb bases, where its use is really syntactically redundant, duplicating the function of the reflexive -se.

1 82

Prefixation In technology, auto- is the source of a series of neologistic verb­ related N + Adj syntagmas of the type carretillas autoelevadoras,

rodamientos autolubricados, barcas autohinchables . . . euro­ diputado - eurodiputado

huelga - eurohuelga

misil - euromisil

The proliferation of euro- derivatives is the outcome of the integra­ tion of Spain into the Common Market. The derivatives are therefore highly neologistic and scarcely lexicalised, more noun-based than other affixes of this group, and semantically specialised, with weak cohesion between affix and base.

tele­ - telesilla

- telesquf

a) telefono telegrafo teleferico

b) silla esquf

c) noticias - telenoticias - teleserie serie espectador - telespectador

- teledirigir d) dirigir transmitir - teletransmitir comandar - telecomandar

a) shows standard lexemes in tele- not based on native stems. In b) examples are given of some tele- derivations specialised in ski sports. c) gives examples of a proliferating series, mostly on noun but sometimes on adjective bases, referring to the realm of televi­ sion, and in d) the productivity in this latter specialised field is reflected in a recent expansion on to verb bases .

radioa) terapia - radioterapia activo - radioactivo astronomfa - radioastronomfa

b) difusi6n - radiodifusi6n receptor - radiorreceptor escucha - radioescucha

The productivity of radio- rests on its double use in referring to light ray technology as in a) , and specialisation in radio communications and broadcasting as in b) . The terminology of b) tends to have a much more 'native' stamp to it than the international scientific terms of a) . A characteristic of radio- formations is the strong preference for noun bases .

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Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish videoa) videocasete videoteca videocamara

b) videograbadora

videofrecuencia

videocinta

The multiplicity of video- terms is the direct outcome of a new technology . Although some of these terms may be taken over directly from foreign sources as in a) , others are formed on native stems, as in b) . The repertoire of prefixoids is much wider than the limited selec­ tion commented on above estereo-, foto-, electro-, micro-, moto-, and quimi-, for example, all generate modern terms in their respec­ tive specific fields and are now indispensable word-forming elements in the technical and scientific world of the late twentieth century . In spite of the controversy about their status , the increasing popularity of these constituents , which tends to extend beyond their initially specialised lexical fields, and, notwithstanding the foreign origin of many of the formations in which they appear, the ease with which they attach to native bases brings them closer to the status of true prefixes, particularly in the cases where long analogical series are generated, with many derivations which are strikingly and idiosyn­ cratically native (cf. telenovela, microsurco, radioyente . . . ) . -

1 84

9

Miscellaneous procedures

This chapter groups together a variety of word-forming patterns , some o f which , such a s parasynthesis and gentilic derivation, overlap with aspects of affixation dealt with in previous sections, while others, like acronymy and clipping , refer to neologistic procedures which deviate considerably from the basic morphological divisions of affixing and compounding with which so far this study has been concerned. 9. 1 Parasynthesis

Parasynthesis is a type of derivational morphology whose status has been controversial for some time amongst Romance linguists . 1 However, accepting here its traditional identification as a distinctive class of word-formation , its role in Spanish is very important since the texis is replete with derivations where both prefixation and suffixation appear to be applied to the same base: a) complacer -+ complacencia -+ repartimiento repartir desesperar -+ desesperaci6n

b) compas -+ descompasado triste -+ entristecer -+ aseiiorado senor

The structures of a) differ from those of b) : a) [ [pre + [ R) ] + sufl

b) [pre + [R] + sufl

In a) , the prefix and suffix affixation is built up in stages - first the prefixation of verbs ( placer -+ complacer, partir -+ repartir, esperar -+ desesperar) , then suffixation of the derived verbs (complacer ­

complacencia, repartir -+ repartimiento, desesperar -+ desespera­ cion). In b) these successive stages do not occur - there is no

prefixed derived base on which the suffixes can be attached ( *descompds-, *entrist-, *asenor) , nor is there a suffixed base to which the prefixes may attach ( (compasado, *tristecer, *seftorado) . Parasynthetic formation occurs productively in Spanish in the

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Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish generation of verbs from nouns and adjectives. In both cases the prefixes are invariably either a- or en- and the infinitive morpheme may be of the overt suffix type, -izar, -ijicar, or -ecer, or it may be the straight infinitive morpheme of the first conjugation, -ar: 2 a) N trampa pavor vinagre luna

-+ V -+ entrampar -+ empavorecer -+ avinagrar -+ alunizar

b) Adj bruto seguro bello fino

-+ -+ -+ -+ -+

V

embrutecer

asegurar

embellecer

afinar

A restriction appears here on Adj + V formation, since parasyn­ thesis in -izar is limited to N -+ V (luna -+ alunizar, calera -+ encolerizar, temor -+ atemorizar) , where in any case it shows low productivity . In geqeral , it is difficult to perceive strong patterns either on morphophonological or syntactic grounds . Even the Adj + V series in -ecer, a strong area of parasynthesis , falls short of full paradigmacity : duro mudo alto flaco oscuro debit

-

endurecer enmudecer enaltecer enflaquecer -+ *enoscurecer - *endebilecer

Recent theories of lexical morphology pursuing the binary bran­ ching principle of Aronoff by which structures are considered to be built up in successive stages with one affix attached at a time, have encountered problems with the widespread existence of parasynthetic derivations in the Romance languages, which clearly have a ternary structure. In order to justify the binary principle, some theories propose that the base of these formations may be a putative as well as a real derivation , i . e . the base of endurecer, say , is considered to be the 'putative' non-realised verb *durecer. In the case of the deadjectival and denominal verb formations quoted above, this seems to be a specious argument, especially in view of the relative normality of this particular procedure; in the verbalisation of common adjectives , for example, parasynthesis is the norm rather than an odd exception which has to be accounted for by some refined rule. 4 A type of parasynthetic formation frequently found i n Spanish concerns noun-based adjectival formations in ado: -

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Miscellaneous procedures naranja runo caracol canal mujer

-

anaranjado

anifiado

acaracolado

acanalado

amujerado

These forms resemble past participle type adjectives, especially deverbal adjectives which originally had nouns as bases (cf. yeso ­

enyesar _. enyesado, corral _. accoralar - acorralado, moqueta ­ enmoquetar - enmoquetado). In these cases , however, there is no

underlying verb, and the derivative is an adjective indicating resemblance with the base (como una naranja, como un caracol, como un niifo etc . ) . The concept o f parasynthesis usually i s taken to include formations where affixing and compounding simultaneously apply : picapedrero (picar + piedras + -ero)

sietemesino (siete + mes + -ino)

misacantano (misa + cantar + -ano)

ropavejero (ropa + vieja + -ero)

Here, the structure is also ternary since the expected intermediate *sietemes, *misacantar, *ropavieja) are forms (*picapiedra, unrealised . These formations are not particularly significant since they are limited to a handful of lexicalised examples with no synchronic productivity . It is interesting , however, that such parasynthetic forms may themselves be the input to further deriva­ tional morphology : ropavejero casquimula envainar abotonar trasnochar

-

ropavejeria

casquimulefio

desenvainar

desabotonar

trasnochada

Only two aspects of parasynthesis are synchronically significant ­ the deadjectival and denominal verb formations and the past partici­ ple adjectival type on noun bases. Within these specific and produc­ tive areas, the only pattern which can be considered in any way 'paradigmatic' is the verbalisation of common adjectives, particularly in -ecer. Otherwise the selection by the base of the particular prefix (a- or de-), and the selection of the verb morpheme (-ar, -ecer, -i.ficar) is largely random . The extent of parasynthesis in Spanish is such as to seriously countervene any morphological theory emanating from the binary principle.

1 87

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish 9.2 Gender derivation

In Spanish, the marking of gender often has a semantic outcome which seems to coincide with the features of derivation: a) duro/dura encantador/encantadora haragan/haragana amoroso/amorosa

b) concejal/concejala

cliente/clienta

cesto/cesta

anillo/anilla

The function of the o/a alternances in a) is to mark agreement of adjectives, but in the case of the masculine/feminine noun alter­ Dances of b) either a different person is designated, albeit within the semantic context of sexual distinction, as in concejallconcejala and cliente/clienta , or the gender marks a difference of dimension, as in cesto/cesta or anillolanilla. The type represented by b) is really a case of overlap between inflection and derivation, what Mascar6 terms pseudoinflective derivation , applying to the designation of animates and to objects . s

Animates The coincidence of inflectional and lexical procedures is apparent when comparing a) to b) : a) yerno/nuera caballo/yegua macho/hembra toro/vaca

b) hijo/hija

perro/perra

suegro/suegra

director/directora

Whereas in a) different lexemes are used to differentiate between the male and the female of a particular type, in b) the same result is achieved by adjectival morphology using the one base . The morpho­ logical oppositions of b) serve the same lexical purpose as the etymologically distinct oppositions of a) . It is thus possible to speak of the derivation of female animates, which uses mostly the normal inflectional morphological distinctions of [o] , [e) , or [0] - [a] , and in addition sometimes resorts to suffix­ ation of a derivational type: a) cocinero/cocinera ayudante/ayudanta zagal/zagala dios/diosa

b) zar/zarina

profeta/profetisa

gallo/gallina

tigre/tigresa

a) uses the inflectional alternance to [a] while b) uses suffix type morphemes (-ina, -esa, -isa) . This latter type is unproductive,

1 88

Miscellaneous procedures limited to a handful of lexicalised well-known examples . The former type is highly productive and very characteristic of synchronic morphology whenever the language feels that the male/female distinction ought to be marked, particularly in the designation of occupations , professions, and gentilic adjectives and nouns : a) aprendiz/aprendiza oficial/oficiala bailarfn/bailarina aviador/aviadora

b) mallorqufn/mallorquina

saj6n/sajona

gales/galesa

isleiio/islefia

This morphology is not, however, straightforward since a large number of terms resist inflection of this type, so that gender distinc­ tion is left to determiners and modifiers : 6 c) el el el el

tenista/la tenista

balear/la balear

bachiller/la bachiller

testigo/la testigo

The examples of c) may be considered idiosyncratic, but bearing in mind that all -ista forms behave in this way . Bases terminating in [e) present the most difficult case since they may either inflect as in a) or resist inflection as in b) below : a) el el el el

nene/la nena asistente/la asistenta gobernante/la gobernanta monj e/la monja

b) el el el el

canadiense/la canadiense firmante/la firmante amante/la amante estudiante/la estudiante

All bases show decreasing resistance to inflection in proportion as women affirm themselves in occupations and professions traditionally a male preserve. Hence many forms show morphological uncer­ tainty, giving , for example el presidente/la presidente/la presidenta, el arquitectolla arquitectolla arquitecta . Such inconsistency shQws incompleteness in the productivity of gender derivation for animates . Synchronically , however, it can be affirmed that this incompleteness is diminishing, and that paradigmatic inflection-derivational tendencies are increasing - reflected also, for example, in the striving to morphologically mark gender distinction in the opposite direction (female to male) in the designation of occupations tradi­ tionally the preserve of women and now exercised also by men (cf.

la modista I el modisto) .

Dimension Another type of gender derivation where inflection and derivational

1 89

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish features intermingle is the series of alternances where the morphol­ ogy is used to mark a difference in size, or a specialised meaning in connection with measurement, between derivative and base: a) farol/farola bolso/bolsa rio/ria hoyo/hoya

b) leiio/leiia

fruto/fruta

huevo/hueva

madero/madera

In a) the change is from restricted or standard size to increased volume, while in b) the feminine represents the collective or more generalised sense of the base, rather in the manner of a standard collective suffix such as -erfa (cf. cuchillo -+ cuchillerfa) . This procedure is to be found throughout the Spanish lexis, although in some cases the direction of the change is the reverse (i.e. masculine, large, to feminine, small, as in barcolbarca, or masculine, whole, to feminine, part, as in cuchillo/cuchilla) . 7

Agricultural lexis In denominal suffixation, it has been seen that the suffix -al, exten­ sively, and the suffix -ero, partially , may designate the area planted or the tree bearing the fruit: a) melocot6n -+ melocotonero pera -+ peral -+ rosal rosa

b) cereza -+ cerezo

almendra -+ almendro

ciruela -+ ciruelo

Comparing a) and b) it is apparent that the morphological alternance [a]/[o] in the agricultural lexis may have the same function as stan­ dard suffixes in deriving the name of the tree from the fruit or the plant; this is a semantic function which can properly be viewed as coinciding with derivation.

Other gender alternances Throughout the Spanish lexis, the masculine/feminine opposition is used to nuance and differentiate meanings of terms formed on the same base, in addition to the very frequent dimension or animate gender function described above: suelo manto punto ruedo

(del piso) (de nieve) (del horizonte) (de Ia plaza)

suela manta punta rueda

(del zapato)

(de viaje)

(del pie)

(del coche)

Viewing all these cases together, it seems that the conventional 1 90

Miscellaneous procedures distinction inflectional/derivational morphology is in these areas weakened, since here both types appear to coincide. A procedure normally categorised in standard grammars as inflection is widely used to alter the sense of the base in a manner as significant as that brought about by derivational suffixation, one of whose main features is considered to be this very property of semantic change. Therefore this particular aspect of Spanish morphology would support a theory grouping derivation and inflection in a basic compo­ nent of grammar. 8 9.3 GentiUc derivation

Suffixation is extensively used to generate gentilic adjective-nouns from toponymic bases : Marbella Ampurdan Figueras Honduras

-

marbelli ampurdanes figuerense hondurefio

The bases may be countries , towns, or regions , and often designa­ tions of approximate provenance : luna ciudad isla llano pueblo

-

lunares ciudadano islefio llanero pueblerino

The inventory of suffixes employed productively numbers about a dozen, and they are of varying productivity . As in other areas of suffixation , a variety of different morphemes are thus employed in exactly the same function on the same type of base and with the same semantic outcome. This group of suffixes may be categorised as strongly monosemic, since most of its members do not appear productively other than on toponymic bases . Only -aco, -ero, -ino, which appear here, are polyfunctional in being used on non­ toponymic bases (cf. paradiso - paradisiaco, repente - repentino,

sal - salero) . The morphology of gentilic derivation is only moderately predict­ able, with frequent irregularities through the intercalation of syllables, boundary adjustments involving truncation, or vowel change in the stem :

191

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish Polonia Tenerife Londres Jalisco

-

polaco

tinerfefio

londinense

jalisciense

Other gentilic formations appear without explicit derivational suffixes, but rather with a back formation morphology , with the bases not syllabically expanded: Belgica rumania Rusia Hungrfa

-

helga

romano

ruso

hUngaro

Sometimes, unexpected suffixes may be used as in lbiza ­ ibicenco, Niza - nizardo, Ciudad Real - ciudadrealengo .

This area o f derivation is characterised by the frequent appearance of alternatives, usually distinguishable as standard/cult or modem/archaic : 9 Pirineos Siria Peru Biafra

-

pirineo siriano peruano biafrino

-

prenaico

siriaco - sirio

peruviano

biafreiio - biafres

Often gentilics are not generated from the Castilian bases, but taken directly from the original Latin toponymic, producing terms which may be either the standard modem gentilic, or cult alter­ natives to Castilian forms : Zaragoza Sevilla Huelva Cadiz

-

zaragozano - cesaraugustiano

sevillano - hispalense

huelvefio - onubense

gaditano

Most important place names do in fact offer such standard/cult gentilic alternatives. In cases of synonymic clashes, determination of suffix selection often depends on regional criteria: Santa Fe - santafecino (Argentina)

santaferefio (Colombia)

Santiago - santiagues (Spain)

santiaguero (Cuba)

- vienes (Austria)

Viena vienense (France)

Barcelona - barcelones (Spain)

barcelonense (Venezuela)

1 92

Miscellaneous procedures -aco Austria - austriaco

Polonia - polaco

Egipto - egipciaco

The productivity of -aco is very restricted. It appends only to a few foreign toponymies and its derivations tend to be archaic (siriaco for siriano, egipciaco for egipcio) . In the gentilic of Austria, alternative stress is offered (austriaco I austriaco) .

-ano a) Venezuela - bogotano - venezolano b) Bogota Montevideo - montevideano Guinea - guineano Nuevo Mejico - nuevomejicano - jerezano Jerez

-ano combines the designations of gentilics with that of cult deriva­ tions on proper name bases (cf. Galdos - galdosiano, Calderon ­ calderoniano) . It is fairly productive both with the names of coun­ tries as in a) , towns as in b) , and other geographical areas (cf. sierra - serrano) . -ense a) Costa Rica - costarricense Estados Unidos - estadounidense Rio de Ia Plata - rioplatense c) Palafrugell Sabadell Badajoz

b) Canada - canadiense Paris - parisiense Canarias - canariense

- palafrugellense - sabadellense - badajocense

This is the most productive of all gentilics, forming derivatives from the names of countries, from those of regions, and in particular from the names of small towns and lesser-known communities. The allomorphy in -iense shows amenability to final stress bases, or those in an unstressed [i] in the final syllable as in b) . a) illustrates the amenability of -ense in graphically integrating bases which are not united.

-eno a) Santa Margarita - santamargariteiio b) Albacete - albaceteiio Malaga - malagueiio San Lucar - sanluqueiio San Juan La Paz - paceiio - sanjuaneiio

1 93

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish c) costa - costeiio

puerto - porteiio

ribera - ribereiio

-efto is amenable to bases which are the names of all kinds of geographical regions, and in particular to bases of approximate provenance, as in c) . It prospers especially on South American place names. It frequently clashes with other gentilic suffixes , in which case the -efto form is likely to be animate, referring to the inhabitants while the alternative is the adjectival attribute (cf. Ia economfa costera, Ia simpat(a de los costeftos) . -es b) La Coruiia - coruiies

a) Irlanda - irlandes - berlines

Berlin - tailandes Tailandia Neozelandia - neozelandes Logroiio - logroiies

This suffix is the most widely used with the names of countries, as in a), but features also productively in the designation of towns and regions as in b) .

-ero Santiago San Luis Cartagena Casas Altas

-

santiaguero

sanluisero

cartagenero

casasaltero

As a gentilic, the productivity of -ero is related to place names especially of South America and shows limited productivity in Spain in comparison with the most prolific suffixes of this category .

-( a) Israel - israelf Kuwait - kuwaitf - iraquf Iraq

b) Marbella - marbellf

- ceutf

Ceuta Tetuan - tetuanf

The productivity of -( is restricted to specific country and city names of the Middle East, of Spanish territories in North Africa, and a few place names in southern Spain.

1 94

Miscellaneous procedures -inolfn a) Nueva York -+ neoyorquino -+ alicantino Alicante -+ granadino Granada c) Mallorca Pollensa Menorca

b) campo _. campesino pueblo -+ pueblerino capital _. capitalino

-+ mallorqufn

-+ pollensin

-+ menorquin

The allomorphic -in attaches to Balearic toponymies as in c) . Other­ wise the bases of -ino formations are restricted to city names as in a) , to designations of approximate provenance as in b) , but not to names of countries .

-ita Vietnam _. vietnamita

Moscu -+ moscovita

_. islamita

Islam

-ita is severely restricted to established lexicalised examples . -tecol-teca Guatemala Yucatan Zacatecas Tlascala

-+ -+ _. -+

guatemalteco

yucateco

zacateco

tlascalteca

The gentilic -teco, a borrowing from Uto-Aztecan, is prolific in Mexico and Central America where it designates the inhabitants of towns, cities, and Indian tribes . In many such formations the epicene variant -teca is preferred . Spanish gentilic suffixation offers an extremely awkward case for the formulation of derivation rules within a framework of lexical morphology . The clashes between suffixes are frequent, and the lack of consistency in suffix selection by base is reflected in the co­ existence of different morphemes serving the same purpose. Distri­ bution of productivity among the various suffixes is more even than is the case with other types of suffixation, and only the suffix -ense can be said to achieve a degree of paradigmacity comparable to that of the most prolific derivational morphemes of other categories. Striking here is the frequency of intermingling of processes of com­ position and derivation, since the gentilics easily attach to compound place names . Although some phonological factors are clearly at work (-ano, for example, does not attach to stems in [n]), it would be 1 95

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish difficult to predict the well- or ill-formedness of a potential gentilic derivation within the morphophonological framework on which recent lexical morphology theory rests . 9.4 Acronyms

The modem lexis of Spanish abounds with neologistic terminology formed not through the traditional procedures of affixation or compounding but by combining the initial letters of titles or phrases and using them as one word: Partido Revolucionario Institucional - PRI Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico - UNAM Escuela Universitaria de Traductores e Interpretes - EUTI Compaiiia Arrendataria del Monopolio de Petr6leos, Sociedad An6nima - CAMPSA Cooperativa Vinicola de Logroiio S . A . - COVILOSA In each case, the initial letters of titles of a political party, university institution, or a commercial company have been used to form a label designating these institutions, enunciated as a single word ([pri] , hinam] , [euti] , [kampsa]) . This is a linguistic procedure of economy, avoiding the repeated laborious enunciation of titles, names of institutions, etc . 1 0 Some controversy exists as to the status of such forms as between acronym (sigla) and abbreviation (abreviatura) . An abbreviation is enunciated letter by letter, and is not easily reducible to the phonological shape of a word, such as the latinate SPQR. Spanish has many terms of this type which are equivocal between abbrevia­ tions and acronyms : these are forms such as DDT, FM, TV, which, unlike the examples above, are not orthographically moulded to the natural shape of Spanish phonology , but when articulated letter by letter form an acceptable word structure from the phonological view­ point and in this sense correspond to the nature of acronyms (cf. de. . de. . te. . - [dedete] , efe . . . eme - [efeeme] , te. . . uve ­ [teuve]) . I n fact, Spanish shows a strong tendency to harness popular abbreviations to acronymic word status, rather than simply spell out letters in abbreviations . " There is in fact a process of evolution from abbreviation to fully lexicalised acronym. A government institution such as the Bolet(n Oficial del Estado starts out being reduced to the abbreviation B . O . E . (enunciated [be . . o . . e]) and ends up acronymically integrated as BOE with the pronunciation [b6e] . Reduction of adjacent vowels in what was originally an abbreviation is a clear sign of acronymic status, as in the following: 1 96

Miscellaneous procedures -+ PNV [peneuve] [ *peeneuve] Partido Nacional Vasco -+ PNN [penene] [ *peeneene] Profesor No Numerario Partido Socialista Popular -+ PSP [pesepe] [ *peesepe] The often arbitrary structure of Spanish acronyms, in the over­ whelming interest of reducing the bases, however uncongenial, to the phonological mould of Spanish word structure, vies against the formulation of rules: Red Nacional de Ferrocarriles Espaiioles Partido Social Unificado de Cataluiia Confederaci6n de las Derechas Aut6nomas Nacional Financiera Sociedad An6nima

-+ -+ -+ -+

RENFE [renfe] PSUC [pesuc] CEDA [8eda] NAFINSA [nafinsa]

These are very characteristic examples in which the phonological, and sometimes orthographical, realisation of the acronym cannot be accurately predicted simply by taking the initial letters of the titles; otherwise RENFE, for example would be the unpronounceable RNFE, CEDA would be CDA and NAFINSA would be NFSA. So the language intercalates vowels, or bases the acronym on initial syllables where required in order to achieve a phonologically accept­ able derivation. Even the airline TWA, although the orthographic form is respected, is reduced phonologically to Spanish shape [tUa] . Indeed acronymy is a unique area in the Spanish lexis in that orthography and pronunciation frequently do not coincide. 12 The lexical status of these formations is likewise controversial. Clearly this whole area is marked by ephemerality , since the terminology proliferates in business and political environments where institutions , parties, and forms come and go - POUM, FAI, JONS etc . are just the tip of the acronymic iceberg of one particular political event, the Spanish Civil War. However, a degree of lexical permanency is indicated by features such as the attribution of gender and number: objeto volador no identificado -+ un OVNI Federaci6n de Estudiantes Independientes S . A . -+ Ia FEDISA Grupos Revolucionarios Antifascistas Primero de Octubre -+ los GRAPOS Asociaci6n de Consumidores y Usuarios de Espaiia -+ Ia ACUDE Another clear indication of lexical status is when the acronym appears only with the initial letter in capitals, or even with no capitals at all. Final lexical sanction involves the acronym becoming a common noun, used without capitals , marked by gender and plural, and completely identified with a particular object, thus un

197

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish elepe (LP) , un seat = coche (SEAT) , el elesede (LSD) . The most popular and accepted acronyms themselves easily become bases for derivative morphology , invariably involving the suffix -ista or -ismo, referring to members of the institutions of the base or movements created around it: Confederaci6n Nacional de Trabajadores .... CNT .... cenetefsta

Partido Socialista Espaiiol .... PSOE-+ psoefsta

Organizaci6n del Tratado del Athintico del Norte .... OTAN ....

otanismo.

9.5 Blends

The term 'blend' is conventionally used to refer to a type of forma­ tion in which the constituents do not correspond exactly either to the strict concept of a compound or to that of derivation by affixation: cantante + autor secretaria + azafata italiano + espaiiol Cataluiia + Espana

.... .... .... ....

cantautor secrefata itaiiol Catalaiia

Here, parts of words, or words and parts, are combined to produce a derivative which semantically is a cross between the components . These formations are spontaneously and deliberately created and therefore are distinct from the well-known agglutinative type such as hidalgo (- hijo de alguien) or pundonor (- punto de honor) which are diachronically established as a result of the process of sound change. The word 'part' involved tends not to correspond to a conventional derivational morpheme, either as an affix or as a stem. The separation of secre- from secretaria, for example, does not correspond to the morphemic structure of the base, nor do the divi­ sions of italiano and espaflol in itaifol correspond to the structure expected in normal compounding; the base of the first constituent of cantautor is cantante and not cantar, so here again the division does not correspond to the normal stem requirements of compound struc­ ture. However, in the sense that two independent lexemes are brought together in one, a strong element of compounding is involved, so that again these are cases of derivations of somewhat equivocal status alternately considered as separate from compounding and as a subdivision of it. 13 These formations also overlap with prefixation, since constituents such as ele-, euro-, auto- , etc . , as abbreviated forms of television, europeo, automdvil, previously considered in this study as prefixes, are sometimes viewed as elements in blended structures, of which 1 98

Miscellaneous procedures apocopation of bases is a principal feature. 1 4 Where a constituent, invariably the first, shows some degree of paradigmacity , the prefix tendencies are very marked: credito + vuelo exposici6n + cocina publicidad + reportaje pomografla + turismo

-

credivuelo

expococina

publirreportaje

pomoturismo

credi-, expo-, publi , and porno- are all examples of such apocopated fonns appearing in blendings which increasingly take on a prefix function. Clearly such formations are highly ephemeral, neologistic, with a strong tendency to proliferate in the language of humour which entertains by conjoining word parts in unusual ways. However, since they are a prominent feature of the language of advertising, business, commerce, and journalism, they represent trends for the word­ forming patterns of the future. Like acronyms they serve the modem requirement for linguistic fonns which assist in achieving speed in mass communication and the media by providing fonnulae for the concise labelling of institutions and systems; as such they are the linguistic counterpart of advanced technology . This is apparent, for example, in the increasingly common synthesis of banco into tides such as Banesto (Banco Espailol de Credito) or Bancobao (Banco de Bilbao) , in the same way as the phrase Sociedad Anonima now invariably appears almost in a suffix role in the designation of commercial institutions (cf. Fuerzas Electricas de Cataluna Sociedad

Anonima - FECSA, Hulla del Noroeste Sociedad Anonima ­ HUNOSA) , or the function of mex- (Mexico) in tenns such as PEMEX (Petroleos Mexicanos) or CORDOMEX (Cordelerias Mexicanas) . An example of prefix tendencies in blend constituents is the lexical gemination of lber- in commercial nomenclature of the type lberduero, lberviajes, or lbertransportes.

Both acronymy and blending show a low degree of lexicalisation when compared to other word-forming procedures, in particular if testimony is limited to lexical entry . Yet their role in the modem language is vital so that their structure and function must be taken into account when making judgements about contemporary word fonnation. Basically, they are part of the intemationalisation of the Spanish lexis, a tendency seen also in the growing preference for suffixes with currency outwith the limits of the Spanish-speaking world. They are also an example of the increasing role of the commercial world in determining the shape of the lexis of the future, as well as representing an area of strong foreign linguistic pressure through multi-national companies , whose advertising and technical 199

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish literature promote terminology of this type, already far advanced in the anglosaxon technical and commercial world. 9.6 Clipping

Whereas blends involve truncations which affect the internal struc­ ture of the derivative, the term clipping describes apocopations which produce syllabically shortened forms of the base: profesor colegio cinema milicia

-

profe cole cine mili

Here again is a controversial area of Spanish morphology . The base does not generate a derivative which is semantically different from itself, but merely an apocopated form which is used in particular sociolinguistic environments (language of schoolchildren, criminal jargon, language of the pasota etc . ) . 1 5 In this sense the derivational status of such forms is at least questionable, and grammatically such forms are considered not to have the status of affixes or compounds . 1 6 On the other hand, if the clipped form proves popular and permanent enough it may actually take over from its base and become a' candidate for full lexical status in the manner of an acceptable derivative by affixation or compounding; the morphemes cine, moto, foto, tele etc . are really clipped forms which have themselves become bases and inputs into derivations which are alternately regarded as compounds or prefixed forms (fotonovela, motosierra, teleserie, cineclub etc . ) . In addition, their own bases (cinema, fotografta, televisiOn) are gradually or fast becoming forgotten and less and less used. 1 7

The procedure is in fact the opposite of the types of formation considered hitherto since instead of an expanded form of the base, the outcome is a much shortened structure. In the above examples, the clipping involves the truncation of one or more final syllables in bases made up of three syllables , producing a new base of two syllables, terminating always in a vowel , [i] or [e] . These particular phonemes, with their high forward tonality have a reducing effect of friendliness, familiarity , or sometimes pejoration (cf. poli - policfa) in the manner of the popular diminutive suffixes. So it might be considered that this is in fact another type of emotive morphology which increasingly offers an option to standard suffixation (profe = profesorcito) . This is most apparent in hypocoristic forms where Christian names are commonly backclipped and sometimes fore­ clipped as an alternative to diminutive suffixation: 200

Miscellaneous procedures Teresa An onio Maria Guadalupe Te6filo

-

Teresita I Tere Antonito I Toni Marieta I Mari Guadalupita I Lupe Teofilito I Teo18

In these hypocoristic designations, clipping and blending are often combined, in terms such as Maribel ( +- Marla Isabel ) or Maite ( +­

Marla Teresa) . Although front high vowels dominate as the final phoneme in the clipped form, other vowels are increasingly acceptable in the ultra­ neologistic language of the present day : cf. terms such as analfa (+­ analfabeto) , forasta (+- forastero) , or ecolo (+- ecologo) . The advance of clipping at the present time is remarkable. Like acronymy, blending, and back formation it is part of the desire for a type of streamlined synthetic language conforming with modern lifestyles. The stylistic dimension of clipping is particularly marked and seems as much a condition of formation as any morphological requirements . It represents a dynamic area of modern language change, with consequences for the grammar as much as for the lexis. 19

20 1

Conclusion

En la aporia del saber-hacer del hablante frente al saber-explicar del grarruitico reside tal vez el resorte mas elemental que anima la crisis permanente de la lingiifstica. (Ram6n Cerda in Martfnez Celdnin, 1 975 : 9- 1 0) This observation by a modem Spanish linguist seems particularly apt when confronted with the many difficulties and paradoxes presented by word-formation as an area of language study . The acerbic comment of Beinhauer ( 1 963 : 234) with regard to the analysis of the Spanish emotive suffixes that they are the 'quebradero de cabeza de todas las grarruiticas y metodos de espaiiol ' could appropriately be extended to the whole area of derivational morphology . No less accurate, for someone seeking to elucidate the complex problems involved, is Wilhelm von Humboldt's opinion that word-formation represents the ' tiefsten, geheimnisvollsten Teil der Sprache' (Bauer: 292) . These and other comments by those who have looked into the subject, whether in the context of a specific language or at the level of a broad theoretical framework, suggest that answers to the ques­ tions posed are unlikely to be clear-cut, as indeed will be the case in these concluding remarks . Briefly, in so far as the case of Spanish has been presented in this work, the conclusion has to be equivocal against the background of lexical morphology theory in which the work was set. It has been shown how in recent years the lexicon has come to the forefront of linguistic study , an interest which has not only been incorporated in a spate of post-generative lexical theories, but just as strikingly on the applied language front, with ever greater attention to the understanding of the process of lexical creativity in practical grammars and in everyday pedagogical situations . Competence in lexical expression is now seen as as important as competence in syntax or in inflectional morphology . In the words of Urrutia Cardenas : Con el fin de evitar el peligro, es necesario intensificar entre otras 202

Conclusion medidas Ia asistencia y educacion lexicogenesica , para que el sentido lingiiistico de los usuarios y de los creadores de formas este mas atento y despierto a las posibilidades lexicogenesicas del espaiiol, contribuyendo, de esta manera, a Ia formaci6n de un hombre consciente de su tradici6n y de sus posibilidades hist6ricas en el mundo. (Urrutia: 308) Both in Spain and in Latin America this concern has aimed at thwart­ ing the ever growing influence of English through the media, tech­ nology, and commerce, which has been most marked precisely in the lexis. The recourse of the native speaker to his autoctonous processes of word creation , namely compounding and derivation by affixation, is seen as a counterbalance to this linguistic threat from abroad. This concern is apparent in modern school text books, such as Lazaro Carreter' s Curso de Lengua Espaffola ( 1 985) for COU students, where the theory and practice of derivation is closely integrated into the structure of the chapters (Lazaro Carreter: 1 978) . So the need to understand the basis of word-formation is very real, quite apart from the academic desirability of clarifying the processes involved. Hence the enthusiasm for formulating word-formation rules in an attempt to reduce an apparent mishmash of idiosyncrasies to manageable propor­ tions. To this end, the lexical morphologists embarked on an examination of the lexis, at first subjecting it to models of trans­ formational-generative grammar; when these were found wanting in accounting for all the irregularities encountered, the lexicon was set up as an individual separate component of gramma r which, through the application of ever more refined morphophonological rules, governed by semantic and syntactic subcategorisation features , would be shown to have a fully explainable logical basis in the same way as traditional morphology and syntax could satisfactorily be reduced to recurring patterns . These patterns could then be studied and learned either for the purpose of more efficient analysis and understanding of the lexicon or for the practical advantage of endow­ ing the native speaker with a more sophisticated lexical awareness . The viewpoint of this present work was to describe Spanish word­ formation in the light of these theories, and in particular with regard to the extended morphology theory grouping together derivation and inflection. The sample data quoted for comment was often delib­ erately neologistic or regionally or otherwise idiosyncratic on the premise that previous consideration of word-formation, whether in Spanish or in other languages, had tended to rely on the printed lexicon and thus to incur in diachrony , ironically in contravention of the synchronic creative aspect of lexical competence it was seeking to explain. In this respect, the present study of Spanish word

203

Conclusion formation sought to compensate for a complaint of Bauer ( 1 984: 292) : In the past, the majority of studies of word-formation or word­ formation processes have not distinguished between productive processes and lexicalised material . While such studies provide a wealth of extremely valuable data, it has been suggested here that the only realistic way of gaining a proper understanding of the way in which word-formation works is by ignoring lexicalised forms and concentrating on productive processes . In addition, it has been a concern of this study that too often lexical data is cited in an aseptic morphological environment, leading to conclusions which disregard actual lexical insertion in syntactic context. So although throughout the theoretical and descriptive sections the data has been presented in the astringent itemised lexical morphology fashion, the conclusions must bear in mind the context from which many of the examples were culled and refer ahead moreover to the 'examples in context' section of the appendices . It is an important failing of lexical morphological rules that many formations which in isolation seem superficially inadmissible, whether because of morphological or semantic incompatibility of the constituents, become suddenly feasible when seen or heard in an authoritative context; to quote merely a handful of examples, terms such as destrozavoces, catalanamente, or noticiable would be barred on one or more grounds by sophisticated morphophonological lexical rules, but have in fact been realised in the contexts quoted; granted that the validity of many such derivations may be challenged on the basis of their frequent whimsical stamp, it is nevertheless the case that what starts out as an ad hoc formation often in the end finds permanency in the lexicon. That is to suggest that morphophono­ logical rules alone, even when refined by subrules of positive and negative feature requirements, cannot predict with total accuracy possible formations, or preclude lexical creations which at the time of formulation of the rule seemed unacceptable. A complete under­ standing of the workings of word-formation, however enlightening morphophonological, semantic , and syntactic analysis of underlying structures might be, would have to take into account non-linguistic factors such as the cultural , social , and historical environment in which new formations occur. Repeatedly in the present examination of Spanish, instances have been quoted of important stylistic considerations , which are not the concern of the lexical morphology theories referred to. Further, the data examined in the preceding sections tends to lend support to the not uncommon observation that psychological factors are also involved:

204

Conclusion las otras funciones del lenguaje (K. Buhler) , implfcitas en los constituyentes inmediatos lexicogenesicos, solo se pueden explicar al incorporar una lingii!stica hist6rica que tome en cuenta las caracteristicas psicosociales del locutor y del receptor, por un lado, y del contexto cultural e hist6rico del otro. (Urrutia: 307) Likewise, in areas such as emotive suffixation, clipping, blending, and back formation there is evidence of other non-morphological factors at work such as would lend support to the derivationally unfashionable concepts of euphony or phonoaesthetics. Turning specifically to the postulations of the extended theory of morphology , Spanish on the one hand offers ample evidence of strik­ ing overlaps between inflectional and derivational morphology , for example in gender suffixation, in the designations of dimension, in the agricultural lexis, in back formation or in the function of the infinitive morpheme in verb derivation, while on the other hand the dominant patterns validate the traditional distinction between deriva­ tion and inflection . The arrangement of the different types of morphology in strata or layers, as proposed by some modem theory finds its greatest objec­ tion in Spanish in the frequency of inflection within compound phrases . Since this is specifically a synchronic productive type of formation, then this argues against unreserved acceptance of the theory in question. Moreover, it has been shown that the emotive suffix system, such a distinguishing feature of Spanish derivational morphology, lies uneasily in its slot in the proposed 'blocks ' , sharing important features both with standard suffixation and with inflec­ tional morphology . The hypothesis of the unitary base is very awkward to harness firmly to the contemporary Spanish lexis which provides widespread counterevidence, where a particular affix may attach to bases of different grammatical categories (-on to nouns and verbs, super- to nouns, adjectives, and verbs) , especially in the area of neologising . To become firmly attached to this hypothesis in the face of such evidence, by postulating the existence of different morphemes (super- 1 , super-2 , super-3) , seems very specious in the face of the wealth of Spanish examples . The blocking hypothesis seems the least satisfactory . I t does certainly seem that many potential formations are indeed blocked in some way, but the blocking premises delineated by the lexical morphologists are by far over-severe to comply with the Spanish evidence. As has already been emphasised above, apparently blocked formations may eventually materialise , if justified by context or socio-cultural environment. To quote Bauer's example for English,

205

Conclusion the ill-formed verb *bluen , formed by analogy with blacken and whiten, may be improbable but ' it is not absolutely clear that such a form is totally impossible ' (Bauer: 295). The same might have been said a few years ago for Spanish terms such as partido probeta, contestador automdtico, or a verb such as mitinear, all of which are now current. Possibly it would be fruitful to investigate 'blocking' along the lines of ' temporary blocking' or 'transient blocking' and seek to clarify in what circumstances and conditions 'unblocking' occurs. The binary branching principle has also been seen to be uncongenial for Spanish where the prominence of parasynthetic verbs, still very productive argues against this being accepted as a condition. Further reservations must be made in this respect bearing in mind the relative frequency of infixed-type emotive designations , where the constituents show tertiary structure. The syntactic concept of 'headedness ' as a condition of formation to be incorporated into sophisticated rules encounters some opposi­ tion in the Spanish data in the area both of compounding and in the emotive suffix system. The area of diminution, augmentation, and pejoration, so vigorous in contemporary Spanish, is a particularly awkward case for any theory . On the evidence presented in the descriptive section, it is apparent that lexical morphology theory falls seriously short in coping with the many peculiarities of formation in this area, especially in explaining the often arbitrary application of allomorphy and in the overlaps and unpredictability of the pejorative suffix group. In many respects lexical morphology has been helpful with regard to the processes of formation, revealing in its consideration of underlying syntactic and semantic factors as well as demonstrating the high degree of phonological conditioning, and is convincing in its contention that the lexicon is endowed with greater regularity than hitherto accorded it. As yet, however, it is unconvincing when it pretends to complete regularity or to be able to account for all the idiosyncrasies which word-formation involves. The objections raised above, based on the Spanish data under review, in essence mean that the strong lexicalist hypothesis, while certainly illuminating many previously ill-understood aspects of derivational morphology , is in the final analysis too severe in its postulation of constraints for the derivational structures of this particular language which are basically fluid and flexible, and particularly so at a neologistic level. It might also be suggested, in the light of the data, that the phonological approach pursued by some lexical morphologists has been over­ enthusiastic although understandable in the desire to perceive 206

Conclusion logicality in the apparent idiosyncrasies of the testified lexicon. Synchronically and neologistically, however, the phonology shows striking regularity, and the enigmas of formation have more to do with aspects such as productivity , morphological selection of affix by base, the interaction of derivational and inflectional morphology , and semantic conditioning. Leaving aside morphological controversies, it is possible to discern the following specific features of Spanish derivational morphology at the present time. Firstly , the continued exuberance of emotive suffix­ ation is very striking. This includes not only the vigour of the obviously greatly favoured suffixes such as -ito, -illo, or -azo, but clear signs of revival of suffixes sometimes classified as stagnant or even archaic, namely -ico, -ete, or -{n . This vitality of the emotive suffix system, reflected not only in their extensive use but in the very multiplicity of morphemes involved, must be counted as a very distinctive feature, since it dominates the whole derivational system and distinguishes Spanish from sister Romance languages such as Italian and Portuguese, where the emotive suffixes are by no means insignificant in their expressiveness and popularity . It is significant, moreover, that some of these suffixes, -azo, or -on , for example, seem actually to be developing new uses in the twentieth century . The second clear tendency is towards morphologically shorter forms . This is achieved through the modem preference for back formation, at the expense of traditional nominalising suffixes, for clipping, and for acronyms avoiding the enunciation or writing out in full of the names of institutions, organisations, etc . , many of which eventually become common nouns. All of this fits into a pattern of economy of expression required by modem communica­ tions and the media, to which the advance of binominal loose compounds also contributes, with the corresponding relegation of less compact syntagmatic phrases based on prepositional links. In extreme cases , as has been indicated, noun accumulations may exceed the basic structure of two constituents; in this neologistic pattern the influence of English, while clearly important, has possibly been overemphasised since Spanish often collocates nouns together in conceptually novel ways which owe nothing to immediate foreign models. The third broad area of development in derivational morphology is undoubtedly the great advance of neo-classical affixes, including suffixoids and prefixoids of the type electro-, tele-, -ologo, -ista, - ificar etc. The advance of these word-forming elements contrasts with the decline of many traditional castizo affixes of the type -dumbre, -dura, cis- , or -ancia, altering markedly the balance of the affix system as a whole. Since these are affixes shared with the 207

Conclusion Anglo-Saxon and international communities , it is then tempting to speak of the 'internationalisation' of the Spanish lexis through this modern derivational morphology . However, in this area as well , Spanish shows sufficient individuality of formation to claim a measure of linguistic autonomy television may be shared with abroad, but televidente, televisivo, telespectador, or telejuego are authentically native Spanish coinings . A final area o f significant lexical change i s that o f verb derivation. The demise of the second and third conjugation which has gone on for a long time now, is here confirmed by the use of only the first conjugation for verb neologising . This is often the basic -ar form itself, boosted in science, technology and commerce by the -i.ficar and -izar morphemes , and in everyday language by the strong advance of popular derivations in -ear. The correlation of the latter morpheme with the corresponding back formation nominalisation in -eo is a potent combination in the changing morphology of the Spanish lexis. There can be no doubt of the great vitality of Spanish word­ formation processes at the present time, and they seem well able to cope with the often expressed fear of corruption of the language through the advance of anglicisms . This linguistic dynamism depends on the traditional extrovert nature and even passion of the Spanish character, of which language is the tool , and which is likely to chafe against constraints in creativity of expression as much as against restraints of other kinds . For this reason alone, it is likely that theories of word formation, however refined, will continue to experience great difficulty in achieving a completely satisfactory explanation of the derivational morphology behaviour of the Spanish language. At the same time, interested researchers into this area will not be discouraged, since the data offered by Spanish is always perti­ nent and offers a challenge to cohesive exposition . This present study has been an overall review ; more fruitful research is likely to seek enlightenment in individual specialised lexical fields . -

208

Appendices

Appendix 1 . Illustrative texts

The following texts offer contextual illustration of the application of derivational morphology , mostly in a sardonic vein meant to parody the excessive exploitation of derivation and compounding by particular writers and especially in journalistic usage:

Diminutives Imaginad un rapazuelo - Currito le dicen - gordifl6n, carita de Pascua, ojitos de miel , narizuca respingona, con lindos hoyeulos en los mofletes y sendas rosquillas de manteca en los bracinos revoltosos . . . . j Que tiernamente pone Ia dulce y brava mujerona en su regazo al chipilfn, besando las sonrosadas manecitas, llenas tambien de hoyuelos pequeiiines , y le dice chiquito y chiquitito, chiquirritillo y chiquirritin, hijuco mfo, capullito de mayo y corderuelo, mientras el picar6n, el muy picaronazo, hace mil cocos y monadas , se yergue saltarfn, con los ojuelos muy alegres, y se deja caer, muertecito de risa, en el regazo de su ama. Ricardo Leon (cited by Ragucci , 1 963 : 1 36)

Diminutives, Augmentatives San Cristobalino,

manitas , patitas,

carita de rosa,

dame un novio para mi niiia, que Ia tengo mosa.

San Cristobal6n,

manazas, patazas

cara de cuerno,

como tienes la cara, me diste el yerno .

Popular refrain (cited by Gooch , 1 967 : 2) 209

Appendices Los niiios no iban al colegio: tenian maestro particular en casa. Este senor, que vestia lev ita y sombrero de copa, de negro bigote y manos velludas, alto y fuerte, gran caligrafo de letra inglesa, se llama Clemente Parodo - otro apellido italiano de Cadiz . Un dfa al llegar a Ia casa para Ia lecci6n, bajaba de las habitaciones del piso , Ia hennana Maria del Carmen, que era pequefiita, y sin saber que el maestro acababa de entrar, pregunt6, con un poco de burla: - t,Esta aquf don Clementin? - j Oon Clement6n! - contest6 Ia voz recia del profesor indignado. Jaime Pahissa ( 1 947 : 27)

Augmentatives Nicolas6n, como su nombre indica, era un Nicolas grande y gordo. Este nombre es ellistico, y puede estirarse o encogerse para dar la dimensi6n fisica de quien lo lleva. Desde Colasillo, que se aplica al Nicolas mas chiquitajo de todos , el nombrecito pasa por varias fases de engorde sucesivo, seglin el tamafio de los Nicolases. Hasta llegar a Nicolas6n, que viene a ser una especie de Supernicolas . Alvaro de Laiglesia

(Fulana de tal, 1975 : 69) Augmentatives I Pejoratives (Partido de Futbol Retransmitido) Locutor. - j ED este momento, nuestro equipazo sale al compote! . . . j Que salvas! . . . j Que delirios! Los muchachazos visten camisetotas a rayazas azulonas . . . Un instante despues, aparece el equipejo forasterucho. j Que silencio! jQue silbidos! Lleva camisetuela de lunarcejos verdosos . . . j nuestros jugadorazos son fuertotes como elefantotes, mientras que los enemiguetes son flacuchos y desgarbadejos! . . . j Empieza el partidillo! . . . j Nuestro delanterazo centrote avanza con el balonazo! . . . pero se interpone en su camino el defensilla contrario, que le quita el baloncejo de una pataducha . . . El equipillo contrariete ataca a nuestra porteriaza . . . Un chutito del extremejo derechilla pone en peligrucho el guar­ dametaza local . . . Alvaro de Laiglesia

(Baul de los camarotes, 1 975 : 283)

210

Appendices Diminutives, Augmentatives, Pejoratives La nina chica era Ia gloria de Platero. En cuanto Ia vela venir bacia I entre las lilas, con su vestidillo blanco y su sombrero de arroz, llanuindolo dengosa: ' j Platero, Plateriiil ! ' , el asnucho queria partir Ia cuerda, y saltaba igual que un nifio, y rebuznaba loco. Ella, en una confianza ciega, pasaba una vez y otro bajo el, y le pegaba pataditas, y le dejaba Ia mano, nardo candido en aquella bocaza rosa, almenada de grandes dientes amarillos: o, cogiendole las orejas , que el ponia a su alcance, lo llamaba con todas las varia­ ciones mimosas de su nombre: ' j Platero! j Plater6n! jPlaterillo! j Platerete! j Platerucho! ' . Juan Ram6n Jimenez, Platero y Yo (cited by Nafiez, 1 982 : Epigraph)

-ancia I -encia (Poema: lAs Tendencias)

Pimpollo de elucubrancias

ni queridas ni querencias

alcahuetas sin licencias

las tendencias .

Para fletar arrogancias

de creyentes inocencias

para dormir discrepancias

las tendencias. Para ganar indulgencias

sin que propias intendencias

cedan en sus manducancias

las tendencias . Reclamo de continencias,

desplante por redundancias

con ilustres reactancias

las tendencias .

La Codomiz

(cited by Nanez, 1 973: 59)

211

Appendices Acronyms La Invasion de las Siglas (poemilla muy incompleto) USA, URSS.

USA, URSS, OAS , UNESCO:

ONU , ONU, ONU .

TWA, BEA, K . L. M . , BOAC .

j RENFE, RENFE, RENFE!

FULASA, CARASA, CULASA.

CAMPSA, CUMPSA, KIMSA;

FETASA, FITUSA, CARUSA,

j RENFE, RENFE, RENFE!

jS.O.S, S.O.S, S.O.S . !

j S . O. S . , S . O. S . , S . O . S . !

Vosotros erais suaves formas,

INRI, de procedencia venerable,

S . P . Q. R . , de nuestra nobleza heredada.

Vosotros nunca fuisteis invasi6n.

Hable

al ritmo de las viejas normas

mi coraz6n,

porque este gris ejercito esqueletico

siempre avanza

(PETANZA , KUTANZA, FUTRANZA);

frenetico,

con ferreos garfios (TRACA, TRUCA, TROCA)

me oprime me sofoca . . . Damaso Alonso (cited by Uzaro Carreter, 1978: 22-3) Cada partido, como es natural, tenia un nombre que expresaba el contenido de su ideario y que se resurnia para abreviar en un conjunto de iniciales: uno, por ejemplo, se llamaba 'P.E.P. E. ' (Partido Espaiiol Progresista Etcetera) ; otro 'P.A.C.O. ' (Partido Anarquista Contra Opresi6n) ; otro ' F . E . D . E . R . I . C . O . ' (Federaci6n Estupenda de Escogidos Revolucionarios Ihericos Campesinos Obreros); otro 'J . O . S . E. F . I . N . A . ' (Junta Organizadora Senoras F.ducadas Fiestas lnteresantes Nada Aburridas) . . . Habia tambien otros que se llamaban Ia ' C . E . D . A . ' ; y Ia 'J.O.T.A. ' (Juventudes Opulentas Tranquilas Amables) ; y Ia U . V . E . (Uni6n Vanguardistas Estudiantes) . . . Los partidos mas violentos , que siempre andaban pegando tiros y

212

Appendices poniendo petardos, adoptaron nombres que sonaban a explosi6n: 'P.U. M . ' (Partido Unico Mundial) ; P.L.A.F. (Porrazos Lapos Achuchones Federados) ; 'C.A.T.A.P.L.O. M . ' (Comite Administra­ tivo Tortazos A Personas Liberales 0 Mentecatas) . . . Alvaro de Laiglesia

(S6lo Se Mueren Tontos, 1 975 : 123) Appendix 2. Word formation in context

To complement the out-of-context examples provided in the discus­ sion of theory and in the descriptive sections of this study, the following are offered as illustrative lexically inserted examples of derivational morphology , concentrating on derivatives of a neolo­ gistic or idiosyncratic nature, sampled in testified literary or jour­ nalistic contexts, and illustrating the creative use of lexical morphology by writers who often strain the rules in the interests of spontaneity.

Orthographic compounds Habfa apresurado los trabajos de reparaci6n y trafa cervezas, sand­ wiches, y Ia lista de todos los buquetanques que debfan entrar mafiana. (Fuentes, 1 979: 1 44) Los meritos tributarios del inmigrante no vienen dados, linicamente, por las galopadas delante de Ia poli durante los oncesetiembre. (Candel, 1 986: 6 1 ) En ochenta stands se exhibieron los mas variopintos materiales, muchos de ellos ya conocidos por los cultores del hdgaselo-usted­ mismo. (Cambio 16: 26- 10-87) Muchas mujeres salen a trabajar como laborterapia realizadora. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1975 : 5 1 ) Varias decenas de pegamentos prometen resolver los mil y un problemas de la vida domestica: desde el taco que se adapta a cual­ quier agujero en Ia pared basta un sujetalotodo, a fin de sujetar piezas que se estan encolando. (Cambio 16: 26- 1 0-87)

Verb-noun complements -Cuidado, Sergio, que este es un quemalibros. Los utiliza para encender Ia chimeneas. (Vazquez Montalban, 1979: 124) El vino de Luis Olarra, que se sube a la cabeza de los salvaespafll.zs te6ricos. (El Pais: 16- 1 -82)

213

Appendices 1\1 tambien eres un robaperas, un inflapitos y un pinchauvas. (Sulirez , 1969: 487) Nuevos taladros con nuevos accesorios, sierras cortatodo y maquinas compactas de carpinterias fascinaron a los aficionados a trabajar la madera. (Cambio 1 6: 26- 10-87) Quimicos de aguda fantasia combinan grasas y hortalizas, fangos y tinturas, para pescar nuevas adeptas: cuando no es una 'epidermis li'quida' que cierra los poros . . . es un 'quitapatasdegallo magico' . (Laiglesia, Baul de los camarotes, 1975 : 446) Los extremeiios acreci'an sus esfuerzos, ahondaban las hoyas de cada pimpollo para que sirviera de recipiente a las aguas pluviales y les protegiera del matacabras. (Delibes, 1 973 : 79) El boligrafo tiene un capuch6n

salvatrajes. (Triunfo: 2-6-79)

Los nuevos cazaete"as. El gobiemo va a crear un grupo antite­ rrorista especial en la lucha contra Eta. (Cambio 16: 1 3-4-87) De todos modos, ahora, mientras pergeiio a vuelapluma este libro, me he repasado mis libretas de los aiios 1 965- 1966. (Candel, 1986:

99)

La organizaci6n municipal provee al buen orden en la zona al mismo tiempo con una prudente reducci6n de la potencia del alumbrado publico y con un no menos prudente aumento de los funcionarios abrepuertas. (Marti'n-Santos, 1978: 82)

Binominal compounds Barrionuevo no esta cansado, como dijo Gonzlfiez en Luxemburgo, y repiti6 el ministro-portavoz, Javier Solana, al termino del Ultimo Consejo de Ministros. (Cambio 16: 1 3-7-87) Nadie ha podido descifrar lo que recauda el santanderino (Ballesteros) por servir de hombre anuncio. (Cambio 16: 1 3-7-87) Una de las pistas mas seguras con las que contaban eran los imanes de las bombas-trampa con los que Ia organizaci6n terrorista atentaba contra miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas . (Cambio 16: 1 -6-87) Los

ninos-homicidas

20- 1 1 -87)

actdan por instinto de supervivencia.

(El Globo:

Luis Felipe . . . desgamibase en un llantito de dientes apretados en denuncia contra la madre-verdugo que lo forzaba a tragar la avena de Ia que estaba barto. (Spota, 1 968 : 245-6)

2 14

Appendices - (.Qui n te viste? La Lockheed - dijo F lix mirando el traje brillante, color avion, de Ayub. (Fuentes, 1979: 1 12)

Le ofreci6 a F lix el bulto envuelto en papel periOdico. (Fuentes, 1979: 1 1 3) Los

vales descuento

no son acumulativos. (Melitta coffee advert)

Estas pinturas seran realizadas tras previos concursos boceto con motivo del Congreso Mariano. (La Vanguardia: 1 5-8-79) mM forma a sus propios empleados y nicos, siendo asf como una especie de empresa-escuela. (Cuademos: 12-2-77) Nanez es el padre de un 'trust' familiar que constituye un de su ambito. (Cuademos: 3 1 - 1 2-77)

grupo

punta

Ayudas crediticias para cubrir Ia diferencia entre el precio del papel del mercado interior y el del mercado internacional . (El Pafs:

prensa

6-7-78)

Un 6rgano Yamaha, o Ia posibilidad de convertirse facilmente en

hombre orquesta. (Cambio 16: 19-8-79) Habfa muchos

1 986: 1 00)

coches-patrulla,

jeeps,

secretas ,

grises.

(Candel,

Los 707 de TWA le ofrecen un compartimento maletas a bordo. Cuando Vd. aterriza s6lo tiene que recoger Ia suya y salir pitando.

(Cuademos: 10-6-78) .

Con estas

1 -6-87)

gafas peso pluma,

adelantate a los demas.

(Cambio 16:

500.000 coches invaden Ia ciudad, procedentes de las ciudades­

donnitorio. (Cambio 16: 25-5-87)

(.No te presentas a las elecciones para Ia asociaci6n de empresarios? {Vazquez Montalban, 1979: 192) El cap6 oculta un

mujeres

motor cuatro cilindros. (nempo: 30-6-86)

las reuniones-comida ( Cuademos: 24-6-78) En

se

abordan

temas

monograficos.

Un diario madrileiio publica un reportaje-conversacion entre El Cordobes y Gabino. (Cambio 16: 23-6-79) Los guardias civiles de Ia (Candel, 1986: 66)

casa cuartel

ternan Ia cara color ceniza.

215

Appendices Yo participe como hombre-puente en Ia cuestlon a fin de que se arreglara el asunto. (Candel, 1986: 60) Tenfa voz limite entre tenor lfrico y tiple. (Vazquez Montalban,

1979: 1 82) La selecci6n

promesas se enfrenta hoy a Ia de Chile. (El Pats:

1 -7-79) Compound adjectives Los ultras madrilefios se llevan bien con los seguidores del Betis y con los de las Brigadas Blanquiazules del Espafiol . (El Globo:

26- 1 1-87) En Ia actualidad, los radicales del Atletico de Madrid se llaman Juventudes Rojiblancas. (El Globo: 20-1 1-87)

Las jovencitas que venden pisos no tienen obligaciones er6tico­

laborales. (Palomino, 1973: 42) Costa Fleming llaman al barrio y no s6lo porque su centro sea Ia calle del Doctor Fleming, sino porque esa denominaci6n geoturistico-sociol6gica nos aproxima a Ia idea de internacionalidad. (Palomino, 1973 : 1 1) Cualquier dem6crata que, desde el exterior, se asome a observar Ia vida poli'tica espanola encontrara mas de un motivo para quedarse patidifuso. (Cambio 16: 3- 1 1-80) Una minoria castellano-leonesa cuestiona su autonomi'a. (El Pats:

28-5-87) Mas que explicarles mis experiencias obrero-suburbiales, queria que les contara lo que ellos deseaban ofr. (Candel, 1986: 100)

Diminutives -ito Ahoritita nos bajamos, le dijo a

Felix,

ahorita nos damos un entre,

usted lo quiso, no yo. (Fuentes, 1979: 1 8) En el comedor estaba detras del matrimonio arrugadito y entre otras dos pequefias mesas en que se sentaban dos hombres solos. (Martln­ Santos, 1978: 60)

- jEn seguidita, Dona Luisa! - dijo Ia desfallecida amante incor­ porandose del suelo. (Martln-Santos, 1978: 89) 216

Appendices Te teniamos todo listo para que te salvaras y nomas nos dejaras tu nombre, toditito listo, los pasajes, la lana, todo. (Fuentes, 1979: 75) Ahora su primita tiene los ojos bajos, sentadita en el catre como una estatua. (Marse, 1 973 : 1 10) Se interes6 una morena que fumaba rubio, y que no estaba mal de tipo aunque ya tenia sus ailitos. (Laiglesia, Menganos, 1 975 : 148) Todo lo que ofrezco es de buena calidad, de lo mejorcito. (El Pais: 28-5-87)

-illo Era un chico de medicina, chico en toda Ia extensi6n de Ia palabra, pues levantaba del suelo lo menos que puede levantar un hombre, estudiosillo, inocente, bonisimo y manchego por mas seiias. (Gald6s, 1 973 : 46) Venia un airecillo cortante del este. (Martin-Santos, 1978: 6 1 ) Tiemp atras, e l Nini solla subir al campanario cada primavera, por la fiesta de la Pascuilla. (Delibes, 1 973 : 1 1 ) El principe pregunt6 al embajador: - l,Y que tal les va en Ia guerra? - Pues ya ve: matandillo. (Laiglesia, Tachado, 1 975 : 47) Es la primera vez que te oigo miedosilla. (Fuentes, 1 979: 1 75)

-ete Ahora, el tubo herrumbroso humeaba locamente entre Ia cellisca y el tio Ratero, dentro de Ia cueva, observaba las lengiletas agresivas y cambiantes de las llamas. (Delibes, 1973 : 58) Pense que aquel motecillo ridi'culo iba dirigido al amiguete mas menudo, pero me sorprendi' al ver que quien se movilizaba para buscar la mesa era el gandullon. (Laiglesia, Menganos, 1 975 : 34) Los toros pareci'an cerditos inofensivos que rodaban por la arena, se quedaban tumbadetes. (El Pais: 27-5-87)

-in Y los ambientes de los cafetines concierto me los sabi'a como las

yemas de mis dedos. (Martin-Santos, 1 978: 8 1 )

U n senoritin gordinflon y peripuesto. (Azuela, Sin Amor: 253)

217

Appendices Don Lucas Mujeriego, que no obstante su nombre, era cuidadostn y chiclan. (Suarez, 1969: 206) t.Con quien se casar.t Frifn"? ;.Con el senor6n Miguel6n, o con el senorin Pitustn ? (Laiglesia, BaUl de los camarotes, 1975: 2 1 6)

-ico El representante de Cascunia, que es un ronica famoso, dijo que su Gobiemo pagarla a Batracia una remolacha en concepto de repara­ ciones. (Laiglesia, Badl de los camerotes, 1975 : 289) - No, no. En Ia nalga, no - se negaba Samuel, aterrado, pues era muy miedica para los pinchazos. (Laiglesia, Tachodo, 1975 : 166)

Augmentatives -azo -Voy a darme un duchJJzo - dijo el - Estoy inmundo. (Vargas Llosa, 1 964: 76) Desde esta distancia envian un manguerazo de agua tibia, especialmente a aquellas partes del cuerpo que conviene reducir, y Iuego el mismo chorro de agua frla. (Vazquez Montalbu, 1979: 66) Yo nada ms me rasuro, me doy un regaderazo y me cambio de ropa. (Fuentes, 1979: 40) Mientras de dos azadonazos cavaba una pequeiia sepultura para el dedo, vio a Pepe a Ia puerta del garaje. (Fernandez Santos, 1967:

24) El Director General con las gafas violeta, sufriendo visiblemente a de Ia luz diurna y los fogonazos de los fot6grafos de prensa y los reflectores de Ia televisi6n. (Fuentes, 1979: 59)

causa

Y Luis Carrero Blanco, lo considero un caballerazo, un gran senor - queria de verdad a mi hermano. (Cambio 16: 3-1 1 -80)

-6n No se dan cuenta de que con esas barrigonas y esas cabezotas peladas podrian ser los padres e incluso los abuelos de cualquier moza. (Laiglesia, Menganos, 1975 : 32) El titulo luminoso del Hotel Tropicana salia como un dedo llagado de Ia fachada de estucos esculpidos , angeles nalgones y cornucopias

218

Appendices frutales pintados de blanco. (Fuentes , 1 979: 1 2 1 ) Uno d e los pocos mecanismos de defensa de la juventud es ofrecerles la litrona en sustituci6n de la droga. (Cambio 16:

2 1 - 1 2-87)

Se dirigia a una mesita llena de botellas, vasos, y cubitos de hielo

nadando en un plat6n sopero . (Fuentes, 1 979: 1 23)

- Un jesuita es poco. Un jesuiton . Si Charo hace falta, venga Charo. (Vazquez Montalb4n, 1 979: 200) En fin, es un poston el que se dejan aqui los turistas y que da Iugar a la prosperidad de empresarios , comerciantes y trab adores .

(Cambio 1 6: 7-9-87)

-ote Agresivo, rozagante, con las patillas canas y el bigote negro, el rostro burdo, feo , coloradote, Felix lo salud6 y s6lo pudo retener una impresi6n: era un hombre feo con manos hermosas. (Fuentes,

1979: 30) j Que diferencia la de este santito con mi sobrino! Son los dos polos opuestos: este, guapito, bondadosito, trabajadorcito, mujerieguito sin exceso. El otro, feote, holgazanote, embusterote y de una desvergiienza y de una golferia y de una desfachatez . (Seco,

Amiches: 1 1 8) En esa

casota

tan grande estudia Teresita. (Vargas Llosa,

1 964: 101)

GUAPOTE Y FEOTE (pelicula d e esas e n que e l protagonista, de noche, se vuelve monstruoso y muerde) . (Laiglesia, .BaUl de los

camerotes, 1975 : 276)

-udo Mariana . . . contrasta por su finura y esbeltez, por su neurosis de gente civilizada, con todas aquellas hembras panzudas, piemudotas y recias de pechos como vacas suizas . (Azuela, Mala Hierba: 201 )

Pejoratives ajoEl apoyo subito del Partido Comunista desat6 contra el presidente el anticomunista. (Cambio 16: 15-12-80)

espantajo

2 19

Appendices -a"o La mujer exclam6, no seas salvaje, Sim6n, no lo puedo quitar las

vendas con ese luzarron. (Fuentes, 1979: 73)

-ejo Con las diez pesetas le comprare algunas cosejas a los chicos . (Suarez, 1 969: 200)

-ingo j Corre, que esperas, que esto no es un partido de tenis, sefloritinga! (Marse, 1 973 : 1 6)

-ucho AI verlos pasar, el japones de Ia tienducha de los jugos de fruta los salud6 con Ia mano. (Vargas Llosa, 1 964: 1 9 1 )

-ucho Porque yo tengo vistos muchos extranjeros tan paliduchos como una servidora y tan rubiajos como mi amiga. (Laiglesia, Fulanita, 1 975 : 1 40) Salimos al balc6n de los parlamentos una pandilla, entre ellos los representantes de partidos o partiduchos que ahora no recuerdo. (Candel, 1 986: 74) Hablar de Ia luna como de una novia pobre y delicada - y aplicarle los adjetivos de -ucho, que tan bien cuadran a las novias pobres y delicadas; paliducho, jlacucha, debilucha - debe dar a quien tal puede hacer una gran sensaci6n de poderio. (Suarez, 1969: 202) Seg11n parece, estas bastante gravucho dedujo mi padre, quitando importancia a Ia cosa. (Laiglesia, Tontos, 1 975 : 93) -

-o"o Y cuando sale me lo estoy imaginando por esos cafes de camareras, entre malas mujeres de esas tiorras frescas que pueden hacerle cual­ quier cosa. (Martfn-Santos, 1 978 : 80)

220

Appendices -orro Ubaldo Arges, alias Cabezabuque, era cabezorro, pedorro, juanetudo, culiglacho, farolero y un si no es bizcuerno . (Suarez, 1969: 203)

-uzco Junto a la fragua, donde el rio corria mas Iento, una hilera chapoteaba sobre pizarras lisas y negruzcas. (Fernandez Santos, 1 967: 102)

-oide La iniciativa me parece genialoide. (El Pais Semana l: 2-3-87) Dentro del equipo hay riiias constantes y desavenencias feminoides. (Cuadernos: 24-6-78) En el siglo XVI, esta proclividad engolada y literatoide bubo de exacerbarse con el cambio de idioma. (Melia, 1970: 163)

Denominal nominals -ada En marzo de 1 966 se produce Ia 'capuchinaJo. ' . (Candel, 1986: 100) Entre Ia chiquillada iba ya Ia que mas tarde seria mi compafiera por Ia vida. (Azuela, 1 964: 1 84) Quisiera irse de aqui, dice, teme que un dia estos Ia patrona y Montse tengan una fuerte agarrada y se tiren por los pelos. (Marse 1 973: 256) Me cupo la gloria de salir senador por Barcelona y por ende, elec­ ciones en las que nuestra charnegada habia dado el gran 'do ' de pecho . (Candel, 1986: 69) Una arrancada de Muller produjo el segundo gol. (ABC: 14-3-67)

i Y c6mo ha vivido . . . con viajes a Paris y a Londres (las locas

parisadas y londradas, ; que diferencia de las barcelonadas con furcias! ) . (Marse 1 973: 230)

La prensa no publica mas que chorradas escritas por gente que no se ha acercado al tema. (El Pais Semanal: 4- 10-8 1) Los Simca 1 200 tienen frenada potente sin que apenas lo noten sus ocupantes. (Simca advert) 22 1

Appendices Todo el generalato del aire dimiti6, apoyando a su jefe (Cambio 16:

6-8-78) -aje Ausencio y Matilde tapiaban con los colchones el balconaje. (Spota,

1 968: 36) El sector textil necesita una renovaci6n de utillaje. (Co"eo de

Catalufla: 4-9-79) -eria El camarero de una aniseria cerveza. (Nanez, 1973 : 101) El ministro Manuel Nunez no olvid6 llevar sus bolsillos repletos de caramelos para arrojarlos a Ia chiquilleria del barrio. (El Pals:

26- 1-82 -ero Un quiosquero de Cala d'Or me comentaba que se vendian pocos libros. (Destino: 5-6-78) Su monumental papada y su cuerpo lleno de quilos apenas se pueden dar imagen de rockero. (Cuadernos: 9-9-78) Porque no era yo solamente quien lo bacia de este modo, sino incluso los mitineros andaluces . (Candel, 1986: 82) En Ia leifera y en Ia carbonera no escaseaban, por fortuna, los combustibles. (Spota, 1968: 1245)

-ismo Placido Domingo - un hombre que rehUye el divismo. (Cambio 16:

27-1 -82) Tambien estaba alii Ia senora Bux6, aquella dama fondona y de probado barcelonismo. (Marse 1973 : 60)

1986 fue el aiio de oro para quienes tienen el lorquismo por profe­ si6n. (Cambio 16: 20-7-87) Las acusaciones de pesetismo dirigidas a Ia familia encuentran en Fernandez Montesinos una respuesta de empedernido mercader. (Cambio 16: 20-7-81)

222

Appendices -ista El elevadorista lo conocia, claro. (Fuentes, 1 979: 24) Todavia no es facil encontrar una mujer soldador, albaiiil , o portlan­

dista. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1 975 : 34) Empresa

necesita

conductores

maquinaria

-

preferiblemente

motoniveladoristas . (ABC: 1 1 -8-68) Pero como a el le aburria Ia vida campestre y tenia mucha disposi­ ci6n para el tango, se fue a Buenos Aires con Ia idea de abrirse camino como tanguista . (Laiglesia, Fulana de tal, 1975 : 3 1 ) Y el padre Javierre, director del peri6dico Tierras del Sur, aragones, se sentia andaluz y era andalucista . (Candel, 1986: 60)

Deverbal nominals -ado Pedro continuaba automaticamente el raspado y una vez concluido . . . se limpiaba las manos. (Martin-Santos, 1 978: 1 1 1 ) Antes de extraer Ia videocasete conviene proceder a su rebobinado.

(El Pais Semana l: 2 1 - 1 2-82)

-aje Concluido el pesaje de cincuenta porciones mas Yuri se desperez6

con una amplio bostezo . (Spota, 1 968 : 86)

Se realiz6 un estrecho marcaje a los jugadores mas peligrosos.

(Cuademos: 5- 1 0-77)

-ante Se detuvieron doce presuntos integrantes del comando de Eta militar.

(El Pais: 27-2-82) Debfan existir - en el propio barrio habitado por el demandante ­ un hombre de ciencia confuso o natural . (Martin-Santos, 1978:

158-9) Hubo algunos que osaron levantar la vista basta la ventana causante del susto. (Laiglesia, Tachado, 1 975: 1 75)

223

Appendices -dura Las mordeduras de la muchacha toledana formaban un conjunto del que no podia apartarse facilmente. (Martfn-Santos, 1978: 54)

A mi, la verdad, me parece mas agradable la fiebrecilla que da la tisis que la helmlura de la carambanosis . (Laiglesia, Fulana de tal, 1975 : 29)

-ido Don Bigote salia indignado dando bufidos. (Laiglesia, BaUl de los

camerotes, 1 975: 68)

Oi el crujido de unos papeles de celofan. (Marse 1973 : 140)

-e Un rechace de Pazo llev6 el bal6n a poder de Portales. (ABC:

2 1 -3-67)

-eo Llegaba a ellos el dulce campanilleo de las ovejas del Rabino Grande desde las faldas de los tesos . (Delibes, 1973 : 100) El careo entre Alabart y Feijoo acentu6 sus contradicciones. (El Pais: 25-8-87)

Deadjectival nominals -dad Una vez ingerido suministraba un fuerte refuerzo a la alcoholosidad de sus mentes. (Martin-Santos, 1978: 76) Un coche que tiene un tamaiio compacto e ideal que le otorgan gran maniobrabilidad para disfrutar conduciento. (nempo: 30-6-86)

La obligatoriedad del idioma catalan impide el crecimiento. (Cambio 16: 26-10-87) La europeidad de ambas naciones son el verdadero cemento de esa amistad. (Cambio 16: 25-5-87) Desde ahora la edici6n en castellano tiene nueva capitalidad (El

Pafs: 25-8-87)

224

Appendices Las Pallas son un mecanismo etnofisico engendrado por Ia valen­ cianidad. (Actualidad Espanola: 19-3-78)

-ez En materia de cursileria y horterez los franceses tambien se las traen. (Cambio 16: 30-4-78)

-ismo j.A quien le interesa el antivasquismo? (Triunfo: 14-7-79) El taurinismo profesional, cargado de intereses y de tupe, siempre le echa un pulso a Madrid. (El Pais: 25-8-87)

Denominal adjectives -al Ahora mismo, los contratos cinematograficos se buscan en base de Ia calidad argumental. (lnterviu: 12-10-78) Cada inviemo, los habitantes de Ia ciudad son recluidos en Ia soledad de sus pisos por el virus gripal. (Cuadernos: 12-2-77) Caos en el entro de Mejico por el crecimiento poblacional. (Vision: 1 9- 1 1 -80)

-ario A veces lo vi puro sobre fondo sangriento escuchar el rumor del vocerio eleccionario. (Neruda, 1974: 56)

-ero Los atentados dinamiteros que an6nimos terroristas perpetraban en los edificios publicos . (Spota, 1 968 : 1 25) El ministro de agricultura - cuyas declaraciones fueron consideradas muy electoraleras en vfsperas del referendum andaluz. (Cambio 16: 2 1 -9-8 1 ) Respondfa po r los duefios de I a bolsa el ucedero Soler Valero. (Triunfo: 23-6-79)

225

Appendices -esco Para muchos catalanes , esta es Ia unica cultura, literaria, libresca. (Melia, 1970: 1 5 1 )

-il El diestro se empeiio en realizar cumplidamente una faena multeril.

(ABC: 30-8-70) Jose Antonio Campuzano encabezara Ia terna. AI igual que Vazquez, este es su primer paseillo en el ciclo isidril. (El Pais: 28-5-87) Las ratoncitas se anunciaban con una musica sutilisima de pequeiios pfos ruisenoriles. (Martfn-Santos, 1978: 56)

-isimo Una loca y desmadrada - desmadradisima - parodia. ( Cambio 16:

17-12-84) Fernandez Montesinos , conocido como el sobrinisimo (de Lorca) .

(Cambio 16: 20-7-87) -ista

La victoria de los montaiieses los mete en Ia zona promocionista. (Football report) Sanjurjo, general africanista. (El Pais Semanal: 2 1-2-82) Barro s vislumbrara una mayoria de progreso compuesta por comunistas, socialistas y Partido Galleguista. (Cambio 16:

15-12-80) Los sindicatos no ofrecen las soluciones que demandan estos colec­ tivos, y, como consecuencia, siguen creandose sindicatos corporativos amarillistas. (Cambio 16: 7-9-87) En Ia prensa, radio, y televisi6n juntistas empezaron a aparecer referencias difamatorias contra ele exministro de Allende. (Triunfo:

23-9-78) El presidente Carter emprendi6 el dfa 28 una gira tercermundista de siete dfas. (Cambio 16: 9-4-78)

226

Appendices -(stico La archiduquesa, tia carnal de Cirilo n, era probablemente el personaje mas operetfstico de todo el principado. (Laiglesia, Tachodo, 1 975 : 40) La honda invenci6n del musicao barcelones fluye por cauces

pianfsticos . (El Pais: 1 6- 1 -82) Me sumfa en hondas reflexiones sobre la vigencia y esplendor de nuestra tradici6n braguetfstica nacional. (Marse 1973 : 287) Nblicamente decir quisiera lo conmovido que estoy ante tu condi­ ci6n firme de obra bien hincada en lo sardanfstico. (Marse 1973 : 59) El abanico asamblefstico ofrece a la mayoda, desde luego, un acomodamiento s61ido. (Destino: 5-4-78)

-oso Todas las sustancias cremosas, pastosas, y pringosas, susceptibles de extenderse sobre la piel como manteca, entran en estos timos presen­ tados en tarro s y pomos. (Laiglesia, Baul de los camerotes, 1975 :

446) Afiadi ademas, en mi mania izquierdosa, que el jueves di'a 16 de junio Cataluiia se despertaria roja, de izquierdas, y socialistas. (Candel, 1 986: 85) .

Deverbal adjectives -able El viejo profesor Tierno Galvan deja en el aire un cierto sabor a

alcaldoble. (lnterviu: 1 2- 10-78) La mayoda de las leyendas de santos son rastreables en antecedentes precristianos. (Cuademos: 3 1 - 1 2-77) Pero si en las grandes concentraciones Ia exultaci6n hermanable entre inmigrantes y catalanes andaba asf, en la conferencia aun surgian demonios o sus rescoldos . (Candel, 1 986: 850) Para Ia gente los mas noticiable es Ia subida y Ia bajada de Ia calor. (Candel, 1 986: 90) Se compra terreno urbanizable situado bastante mas alia de los li'mites urbanos . (Vazquez Montalban, 1979 : 1 39)

227

Appendices -ado 'S6lo tienen Pepsi-Cola' - es Ia voz del oficinista empijamado. (Marse 1973 : 1 8 1 ) Fijandose bien, s u piel tiene un tono achocolatado tirando a verdoso (Laiglesia, Fulanita, 1975 : 140) Una de las vendedoras era una gorda amurcianada . (Candel, 1986: 68) Lo sabia - dijo el regente con un estremecimiento, recordando Ia descripci6n hecha por Zulu de aquellos tipos ensombrerados y mal encarados. (Laiglesia, Tachado, 1975 : 1 1 8)

-ante La charnegada acudia al conjuro aglutinante de centros sociales, asociaciones de vecinos y partidos politicos de los barrios subur­ biales. (Candel, 1986: 63) Un poco de claridad es setkmte y tranquilizadora. (El Pals: 27-5-87) El cine americanizante ha suministrado un melodrama del peor estilo con Ia populachera pelicula titulada Holocausto. (Triunfo: 14-7-79) Lo cual no implica que Ia marginaci6n que sufre el homosexual masculino no sea traumatizante. (Cuademos: 7- 1 -78) La desgraciada etapa fascistizante hizo salir de sus filas a un nucleo importante de intelectuales espaiioles. (Gooch, 1967 : 364)

-dizo La imagen era huidiza y se esfuma para dar paso a otra. (Vergas Llosa, 1 964: 109) Los ojos movedizos y saltones de Vallano echan en tomo una mirada desconfiada. (Vargas Llosa, 1964: 4 1 ) lgualmente podia hacer una escapada a u n palco del Monumental con una criadita encontradiza del lejano Noroeste. (Martin-Santos, 1978: 1 56) importante es que el estribillo resulta alegre y pegadizo. Laiglesia, Balli de los camerotes, 1975 : 64)

Lo

228

Appendices -dor A Ia salida de Ia ciudad, el viajero pasa por un merendero que tiene un nombre sugeridor. (Lazaro Carreter, 1 978: 1 53) No pueden contemplar su actividad laboral como gratificadora. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1 975 : 76)

Adverbialisation Balenciagamente vestida, tocada con un sombrero especialmente elegido para el acto . . . movfa incesantemente una dama, a Ia altura de su rostro su dos manos admirables. (Martfn-Santos, 1 978: 1 32)

Yo se que de cien equipajes que cruzan Ia frontera, ni uno s6lo es

aduan(sticamente honrado. (Laiglesia, Baul de los camerotes, 1975 : 71)

S i Vazquez de Soto ha sido estricto contra esto y aquello, para decirlo unamunianamente, siempre ha puesto su chispa de humor y su gota de suave ironia. (Triunfo: 7-7-79) El hilo musical de Aer Lingus (a Ia que muy joycianamente rebautizamos con Aer Lingam) transmite melodfas de My Fair Lady . ( Cambio 16: 6-8-78) La barraca es el mejor recuerdo-escenario de mi vida - nos politiz6

antifascistamente. (Candel, 1 986: 27)

Embrionariamente, aparecen todos los matices que nos enzarzarfan en discusi6n, basta veinte aiios despues y nos seguiran enzarzando . (Candel, 1 986: 27) Tampoco se han escrito todas aquellas biograffas que uno podia suponer que irian apareciendo caudalosamente. (El Pals: 28-5-87) En lo fondo, todos los referendums, caricaturescamente, son asi. (Candel, 1 986: 104) Luciano Sanchez, conocido balompedicamente por Vava. (ABC: 8-4-67) Le habla grandielocuentemente de temas vagos que no tenfan nada que ver con la pintura. (Martfn-Santos, 1978: 69)

Yo cubrfa el flanco de Ia imigraci6n, ese flaco que, catalanamente, preocupaba. (Candel, 1986: 8 1 )

229

Appendices Infixation Lo que me parecieron mariposas eran, en realidad, papelillos que se habian puesto para rizotearse los pelos. (Laiglesia, Yo Soy, 1975 : 95-6)

El repiqueteo de los altos tacones en los pasillos era ignorado esta vez completamente por Matias. (Mart1n-Santos, 1978: 164) Tras de el iba el parlero grupo, chismorreando as!. (Gald6s, 1973: 66) Un solo novio tuvo desde la edad en que apunta el querer . . . el cual, despues de mucho rondar y suspiretear . . . fue admitido en Ia casa. (Gald6s, 1 97 3 : 46)

Mordisqueaba un pedazo de pan y hablaba con Ia boca llena. (Vargas Llosa, 1 964 : 1 57)

Verbalisation -ar Hay muchos motivos que aconsejan estos viajes, pero esencialmente se trata de incentivar una actividad econ6mica que relacione a Cataluiia con otras naciones . (Cambio 16: 25-5-87)

-ear Ahora lo vi en el comedor, matoneaba a los ocho perros de su msea. (Vargas Llosa, 1964: 32) No estaria bien, digo yo, celestinear a Ia nieta en quien ha celestineado a Ia hija con tanto provecho como yo lo he sabido

hacer. (Martln-Santos, 1978: 80)

Un abogado llamado Blasco habia defendido los intereses de los que entonces pleitedbamos a causa del gas natural que andaba produ­ ciendo siniestro tras siniestro. (Candel, 1986: 64) En la mesa de Salva todos dialogaban, europeaban. Marse 1973 : 61) Algo mas que una entrega total a los placeres de la carne llev6 a este hombre que aqui veis, en indiscriptibles noches de luna a barcelonear con una prima suya. (Marse 1 973 : 209) Unicamente bubo las recomendaciones de que uno en particular

mitineara en castellano de cara a ganarse el flanco de Ia inmigraci6n. (Candel, 1 986: 86)

230

Appendices Y de pronto, la dueiia del establecimiento, que andalucea al hablar, les suelta: - A ver, (.c6mo ze ice buz6n en catalan? (Candel, 1 986: 70)

Al dulcijicarse tanto el eurocomunismo , (,que duda tiene de que ha ayudado de un modo muy positivo a la democracia? (lnterviu: 8-9-80)

-izar Equipos compactos estan rentabilizando ya miles de empresas. (El

Pa(s Semanal: 1 5 - 1 1 - 8 1 )

Frente a I a IBM subsisten algunas empresas poderosas, como Siemans, y otras de menor importancia; Olivetti ya esta satelizadll . Cuademos: 1 2- 12-78) En 1 958 se contactaron los primeros acuerdos econ6micos entre ambos paises, pero basta 1 969 no se oficializaron. (Cuademos: 12-2-78) Uno de estos mecanismos de tribalizaci6n de que dispone esta sociedad de tierra para valencianizar a todas sus diversas clases, sexos, y generaciones son las Pallas . (Actualidad Espanola: 19-3-78) No es que Boadilla se academizase, sino todo lo contrario. (El Pa(s: 3-2-82) - De una vez te ahorro las preguntas inutiles - dijo Ayub colum­ piandose sobre los tacones cubanos que lo alturizaban . (Fuentes, 1979: 1 1 1) Se utilizan dependencias municipales para desconflictivizar al maximo las relaciones con Tarradellas. (Cuademos: 14- 10-78) Paris nos politiza, nos poetiza, y nos erotiza a nosotros los espaiioles . (Marse 1973 : 226) En El aparecido, todas las notas de Ia armonia - cuerda y clarinete -, son bemolizadas, en cambio las de Ia trompeta, que hace el canto, son naturales. (Pahissa, 1947 : 98)

Gentilics -ano El grito raimoniano de pueblo que no quiere morir era imparable fuera del exterminio. (Candel, 1 986: 56)

23 1

Appendices Uegaban a creer que el mundo esta bien asi aunque ellos, los negros, siguieran teniendo la piel negra, a diferencia de los seres astrales, marcianos o venusianos. (Martin-Santos, 1978: 60) Yo no soy bunkeriano. (Cambio 16: 1 0-9-78) Aquellas calles que habfan conservado tan limpiamente su aspecto

provinciano. (Martfn-Santos, 1 978: 62) -ense

En efecto, el fabricante sabadellense recelaba no menos que los demas. (Marse 1973 : 3 1 5) Pasan el dia soiiando con interminables veladas hollywoodienses. (El

Pais: 26-9-82) -eno Fuera como fuese, 61 habfa demostrado ante los mas escepticos

lugarenos que la vaca a quien se la habla tiemamente daba media herrada mas de leche. (Delibes, 1973 : 19)

El doctor es fuereno. (Azuela, 1 964: 1 66)

-ino Advenedizos de toda indole - miraflorinos de 28 de Julio, de Reducto, de la calle Francia, aparecieron de repente en esas calles que constituian el dominio del barrio. (Vargas Uosa, 1964: 144) Te lo agradezco mucho. Mis productores parisinos estaran contentos. (Marse 1 973 : 339)

Prefixation aLos datos recogidos son impresionantes y asistemdticos. (Alvar, 1 976: 43) Los grupos constitucionales harian bien en intentar una apolitizacion del pais. (Triunfo: 2-9-78) La Curia le redactaban unos discursos asexuo.dos, equilibria y prudencia. (lnterviu: 1 2-8-78) 232

llenos de

Appendices Se sigui6 un criterio que, pesa a cierto acienti.fismo en aquella epoca, era practico. (Cambio 16: 15-1 2-80)

anteEl poder disponer de su firma sin la antes obligada antefirma del marido supuso una enonne avance en la conquista de su capacidad de obrar y responsabilizarse de la mujer. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1 975 : 105) En el anteprologo menciono, como primera llegada de fuerte contingente migratorio, la de los 'murcianos' de los aiios veinte. (Candel, 1986: 92)

antiEl boligrafo tiene un cuerpo antirresbalante. (Triunfo: 2-6-79) Sin embargo, aun faltan muchas antimemorias y memorias de

ultratumba. (El Pats: 28-5-87)

El comite de defensa s6lo pide antinuclearizacion para la costa vasca. (Actualidad Espanola : 19-3-78)

archiA algunos de los asistentes, gente archisencilla, se les transparen­ taban su miedo a la imposici6n del idioma catalan. (Candel, 1986: 58) La excepcionalidad de algunos autores con premios y tiradas millionarias fruto de orquestaciones archipropagand(sticas, son las golondrinas que no hacen verano. (Candel, 1986: 27)

autoLas cuchillas se autoafilan y estan dispuestas para apurar a fondo cualquier tipo de barba. (Phillips advert) - To eres el centro de la ciudad, - declamaba el partido guber­ namental desde carteles engomados donde arquetipos se autoatributan ser el centro de la ciudad. (Vazquez Montalban, 1979: 248) En el censo, los datos se recogen por autocompadronamiento. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1975 : 3 1 )

233

Appendices Era una broma de una

autocruel

agonia (Candel, 1986: 56)

Una serie de sensores le penniten efectuar posteriormente su propio

autodiagnostico. (Cambio 16: 2-3-87) bi-

La idea es ir bacia una bicapitalidad del cine espaiiol, en Madrid y Barcelona. (Cambio 1 6: 26- 10-87)

contraEl gran cambio a que debemos tantos aforismos y contraverdades proclamadas es Ia destrucci6n de Ia imagen absoluta de la burguesa inactiva. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1975 : 15)

La contrapregunta seria obvia: (,puede Ia sociologfa descubrir Ia estructura de una lengua en todos sus aspectos? (Alvar, 1976: 99)

desLos funcionarios estaban dolorosamente hartos de contemplar la alarmante desproteccion que padece Ia sociedad. (Cuadernos:

9-9-78)

Se ha dicho que esti

desinformodo. (Cambio 16: 3-9-78)

La CEE quiere desdramatizar su crisis. (El Pats: 16- 1 -82) He proseguido el afan descatalanizador como si negar Ia realidad del idioma pudiera ser freno a determinadas corrientes y afinidades de tipo polltico. (Melia, 1 970: 104) El caudillo fue un heroe nacional. Lo suyo fue un gobiemo y no este

desgobiemo. (Cambio 16: 3- 1 1 -80)

Los seguidores de El Cordobes son mujeres

16: 5-8-79)

desinhibidos. ( Cambio

Un hombre muere apuiialado y a sus asesinos se les ocurre Vazquez Montalban, 1979: 1 38)

descontextualizarlo.

Le toc6 a Letelier jugar un papel en la denuncia de los atropellos a los derechos humanos y en el desenmascaramiento de Ia polCtica econ6mica desnacionalizadora. (Triunfo: 23-9-78)

234

Appendices extra· Sus vacaciones les costaran 300.000 pesetas a las que hay que aiiadir otras 100.000 en gastos extrahoteleros. (Cambio 16: 20-7-87) Consideraba aquel amorio cha. (Spota, 1 968 : 228)

extraconyugal

Borg - nombre tlpicamente

como una suerte de revan·

extrafutbolistico. (Cuademos: 24-6-78)

La historia del sentimiento hispano·musulm8n de diferenciaci6n respecto a los extrahispdnicos y su acercamiento a los hispanos, con los que comparen el solar, esta por hacer sistematicamente.

(Cuadernos: 7-1 -78)

El hecho de tener o no tener hijos no influye excesivamente sobre el trabajo extradomestico de Ia mujer. (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1975 : 3 1 )

hiperLa sociedad espanola esta hipersensibilizada por Ia degradaci6n de Ia vida nocturna cotidiana. (Cuademos: 4-2-78)

in­ Parad6jicamente quera decir que el catalanismo era inamordazable e (Candel, 1 986: 56)

irreductible. infra-

Existe una clara

injraestimaci6n

estadistica del trabajo de Ia mujer.

(Ministerio de Trabajo, 1 975: 80) Los equipos oficiales se encuentran

infrautilizados. ( Cuademos:

7-1 -78) Las mujeres requieren hoy una atenci6n especial si no queremos que queden sometidas a una infravalorizaci6n de sus posibilidades . (Ministerio de Trabajo, 1975 : 1 1)

interSe trata de un movimiento revolucionario, democratico.

interclasista,

unitario y

(Cuadernos: 7- 1-78)

El ministro ley6 en castellano su discurso y utiliz6 indistintamente el aleman, el ingl6s, y el franc6s en sus respuestas, seglin el idioma del

interparlante. (Cuadernos: 4-2-78)

235

Appendices macroMacrodiscotecas que proliferan en las costas catalanas reunen a miles de clientes que dejan cajas superiores a los seis millones por noche. (Cambio 16: 7-9-87)

mal­ - No me malinterprete - dijo entre tosidos Ayub. (Fuentes, 1979: 29)

multiEs 1a consecuencia de un mapa politico que ha entonado el ' Requiem' del bipartidismo y el aleluya del multibisagrismo. (Cambio 16: 29-6-87)

no Espaiia es uno de los paises europeos que, por su no pertenencia a Ia OTAN, puede estar mas interesado en Ia propuesta sovietica de una conferencia general europea. (Triunfo: 16-6-79) Tengo plena confianza en Ia no culpabilidad de Luis Rosales. (Triunfo: 1 6-6-79) Los dos ultimos propietarios tratan de demostrar Ia no criminalidad en dos de las tres operaciones investigadas. (El Pais: 3-2-82)

pluriCarrillo es un hombre liberal que cree en el pluripartidismo. (Cuademos: 4-2-78)

poliOtra de las cuestiones que mas preocupan a los expertos son las

polidrogadicciones. (Cambio 16: 2 1 - 1 2-87) pre-

El nuevo Renault tiene un preequipo de radio con antena. (Triunfo: 30-9-78) Le quedan, a lo sumo, doce horas de vida. Entrara en estado

preag6nico antes del 236

amanecer.

(Laiglesia, Tachado, 1975 : 94)

Appendices re­ - Pero j que repajoleros pelmas eran los autores del siglo (Laiglesia, Fulana de tal, 1 975 : 52)

Cosas ya cantadas, dichas, y

redichas.

191

(Neruda, 1974: 79)

Los viejos problemas han reverdecido cuando se ha intentado su aclaraci6n con nuevos metodas . (Alvar, 1 976: 24) Me dije, al reiniciar Ia lectura, que no hacfa sino eso : recomenzarla donde Ia deje cuando Felix me llam6. (Fuentes, 1979: 1 73)

semiBeser semisonrefa como un torero triunfador que quiere fingir modestia. (Vazquez Montalban, 1979: 79)

Desde el dia 23 de este mes de diciembre basta el 6 del pr6ximo mes de enero, Ia semi-abandonadtJ, semi-olvidada, semi-degradada Esta­ ci6n del Norte servira para hacer una gran fiesta llena de juegos, competiciones deportivas y musica. (Guia del Ocio, Barcelona: 1 1 - 1 2-78)

sobreHay que

incorporar a las sociedades marginadas rompiendo Ia con la que se defienden de un medio que social y econ6micamente les es hostil . (Alvar , 1976: 1 40)

sobreestructura

suby seglin se alejaba del Iugar de los hechos,

se aproximaba lentamente . . . al subbarrio de las subchabolas donde Cartucho reinaba como senor indiscutido. (Martin-Santos, 1 978 : 1 7 1 )

Recibieron

garantias

(Cuadernos: 9-9-78)

del

subgobernador

civil

de

Barcelona.

superTomaron directamente bacia Ia Houston. (Fuentes , 1979: 147)

supercarretera

en direcci6n de

Un Estado en que Ejercito y Policia constituyen una masa

mada. (Vanguardia: 23-8-79)

Las previsiones de los expertos son

7-9-87)

superar­

superoptimistas. (Cambio 16:

237

Appendices El Seat-Oil

supermultigrado. (El Pais Semanal: 27-8-84)

Espaiia no designa una organizaci6n polltica superpuesta al ambito geografico ni mucho menos. (Cuadernos: 7- 1 -78)

Atracci6n fatal, 2 1 - 1 2-87) j Estoy

una

supertranquila!

29-6-87)

pelicula

supertaquillera.

(Cambio

j TU si que estas de los nervios!

16:

(Cambio 16:

ultra­ Entr6 a una recepci6n ultrarrefrigerada y amueblada con canapes de cuero claro. (Fuentes, 1979: 152)

Gender suffixation - Llama, llama a 1a guardesa. Dile que nos reserven 1a mejor alcoba de Ia casa. (Martin-Santos, 1978 : 88) Habla en aquella iglesia, digo, templo, una gustaba. (Gald6s , 1973 : 58)

sacerdotisita

que me

Espaiia tiene tambien sus 'soldm:las ' . Elias tambien estuvieron presentes en el dla de las Fuerzas Armadas . ( Cambio 16: 26- 1 1 -78)

Un convento de clausura de esos en los que para hablar con algona de la orden, hay que hacerlo a traves de una reja tapada con una cortina. (Laiglesia, Yo Soy, 1 975 : 67)

miembra

Prejixoids euroEl espigado y

eurovisivo

12-8-78)

cantante llamado Micky .

Podria ser una convenci6n de

78)

(Cuadernos:

euronostalgias. (Cambio 16: 17-5­

Parasynthesis La corrida consisti6 en una procesi6n de aborregados cojitrancos.

(El Pais: 28-5-87) Pero sigamos con al ambiente

1 986: 63)

238

enfervorizado

del afio 76. (Candel,

Appendices La larga trenza de una cursi

66)

Segu{an

embobaditos

aliteraturizada.

(Martin-Santos , 1 978:

los vuelos de la muleta.

Y la gran faena del toricantano. (El Pats: 27-5-87)

(El Pats: 28-5-87)

Esa sf fue tinura, ese sf fue arte.

Una de las vendedoras era una gorda amurcianada. (Candel, 1986: 78)

Acronyms El gobiemo vasco sancionar4 a un colegio por excluir a un niiio portador del SIDA. (El Pats: 25-8-87) El Insalud inicia la apertura de expedientes a los medicos que no mantienen los servicios mfnimos . (El Pats: 27-5-87)

El MOPU preparar4 otro plan de carreteras en 1988. (El Pats: 27-5-87) El Bernadino, que estuvo en las cocheras de Sants, en un mitin de la CNT, me explicaba que les cenetistas decfan que no se tenia que votar. (Candel , 1 986: 79) La

ONCE lanza

un nuevo cup6n.

(Cambio 16: 26- 10-87)

Clippings

- El

capi

dice que todos los caminos conducen a Roma. (Fuentes,

1 979: 1 19)

El titular de Interior est4 basta el gorro. Entre otros, de los de su partido. (Cambio 16: 1 3-7-87)

progres

Los poli-milis ya habfan actuado antes en nuestra tierra, en las campaiias de verano contra el turismo. (Cambio 16: 1 -6-87)

239

Lexical glossary

This glossary is provided to compensate for the fact that space and the parameters of the study have not made it possible to give seman­ tic descriptions or contexts of the samples quoted in the text, many of which have meanings not immediately apparent from their form, while others, neologistic , ephemeral, idiolectal , or regionally marked, are likely to appear strange out of context. The glossary therefore is selective, concentrating on the examples likely to be less familiar to the reader, representative of the innovatory lexis, and omitting the more obvious lexicalised examples . The asterisked terms are especially neologistic or idiosyncratic.

*absolvederas

facility for forgiving

*abusica

forward, taking advantage

(tener buenas absolvederas) ( = aprovechOn) actualizar acusica *aeromoza agarrada aguafuerte aguamar aguanieve aguja de marcar alborotapueblos alquiladizo altitonante *alunizaje *amarillista

bring up to date tell-tale ( = soplOn, acuson) (cf. Am acusetas, acusete) air hostess ( = azajata) scrap, brawl etching j ellyfish sleet scriber troublemaker, rabble-rouser rentable, easy to rent thundering moon landing conservative, of the right (sindicato

amarillista) anaranjado anilla

240

orange-coloured, -shaped curtain or gymnastic ring

Lexical glossary *antenista *antena parabOlica apagavelas apag6n *aparcacoches arai'iazo atizacandiles atracadero * atropellaplatos * autoedici6n *autoempadronamiento automotor averigiletas babasfrlas balsero banco fideicomisario *banco de datos *bandeja aeroplano *barcelonear beberr6n belcantista berzotas betunero bienmesabe bocallave bocamanga bocamina bullebulle *bunkeriano burlete caballo de batalla cabeza hueca cachiporra *cajero automdtico * calientasillas calzonazos *camar{stico

aerial installer satellite dish candle snuffer black-out, power cut car park attendant ( = guardacoches) scratch troublemaker berth, wharf clumsy person (usually maid) self editing self census self-propelled snooper (Am) = fisgon fool (Am) ferryman trust company data bank lunch tray (on aeroplane) spend time in Barcelona given to drink ( = bebedor) bel canto singer, fan twit, idiot bootblack ( = limpiabotas) type of meringue (cf. bienteveo = observation hut) keyhole cuff pithead busybody ( = entrometido) member of 'bunker' (Franco clique) draught excluder hobby horse idiot short club cash dispenser unwelcome guest weakling, henpecked relating to chamber music

camionaje camposanto *cantamaflanas canturrear cailamiel

haulage burial ground procrastinator sing out of tune sugarcane

(mU.sica camarlstica)

24 1

Lexical glossary capigorra

idler, sponger ( =

capigorrista,

capigorron) * capitalistorra capuchinada caradura *carga util carnazas carricoche casa cuna * cazaeterras

fat capitalist political demonstration in Capucine monastery of Sarria ( 1 966) rotter ( = sinvergilenza, descarado) payload fatty covered wagon creche, nursery anti-Eta (terrorist) unit

(cf. cazadotes, cazatalentos, cazaespfas)

* celestinear cielo"aso * cita espacial *charnegada charlotear *cheque gasolina *chupaldmparas chupatintas claraboya comegente * contestador automdtico contrapelo (a contrapelo)

act as a pimp ceiling, roof space rendez-vous immigrant movement, action (Catalonia) babble, gossip cheques for buying petrol saintly person ( = chupacirios,

santurron) clerk ( = empleado, oficinista) skylight bully , thug answering machine the wrong way

(fue una pregunta hecha a contrapelo) correveidile *cortapatillas cuadragesimo cuchilla de acepillar cuentaco"entista cuneta cupon obsequio desalmado desenfadaderas

gossip trimmer (of razor) fortieth planer knife current account holder gutter (of pavement) free coupon heartless easy going manner

*destrozavoces

voice destroyer

(tener buenas enfadaderas) (el profesor de canto es un destrozavoces) detallista *dibujo robot 242

retailer identikit picture

Lexical glossary discoteca rodante don de gentes *empresario actor * empresologo empujatierras encerrona

travelling discotheque personality , easy manner actor manager business consultant bulldozer, excavator forced confinement (aguantar una

encerrona) enjlaquecer *eng astores enhorabuena enhebrar entendederas

weaken trickster ( = engaiiabobos) welcome to thread (a needle) facility for understanding

escalOn escritura de propiedad escurreplatos *espantacoches espantamoscas estrella de mar faldero

step, rung of ladder title deeds plate rack, drainer sleeping policeman fly net (cf. espantapajaros = scarecrow) starfish relating to skirt, to women

faro flotante fehaciente

floating beacon trustworthy , authoritative

(tener malas entendederas)

(perro faldero, hombre faldero) (documento fehaciente) .fibravidrio finisecular jldmeo friegasuelos *futbolero futbolin futurible gallinero ganapdn girasol glorieta golpismo *grupal

glass fibre end of century (adj) flame-like mop football fan , ( = hincha) bad player table football candidate for high office poulterer, henhouse, odd-job man, messenger sunflower small square, roundabout coup d'etat politics referring to a group (mentalidad

grupal ) guantera guardacalor guardaespaldas guardahU1no * guarderia irifantil

glove compartment (car) tea cosy bodyguard smoke screen kindergarten 243

Lexical glossary hierbabuena hierbajo *hilo musical hojalatero *hombre anuncio *hombre go/ *hombre puente huecograbado * huelebraguetas *huelga patronal hueva humareda husillo portabrocas imperdible industria surera INSAL UD insonoro intentona invernada * izquierdoso jugador promesa lavavajillas leffazo listfn luneta llavero * llenadnes madreselva maletero malparado manazas

mandamds *mataburros matalascallando matarratos matasanos * matonear (Am) mercerizar *microsurco * minifaldesco *mitinero

mint rough grass background music tinsmith sandwich man goalscorer link man , go-between photogravure womaniser ( = mujeriego) lockout (strike) spawn cloud of smoke chuck (of drill) safety pin cork industry Instituto Nacional de Salud soundproof putsch, rising winter season , long winter lefty , leftish young player, selected for youth team dishwasher (machine) blow with stick telephone directory (local) glass (in frame) key ring box office attraction , crowd-puller honeysuckle boot (of car) ( = baul ) in trouble , in difficulties

(quedar malparado) clumsy , all thumbs big shot ( = mandan, pez gordo) dictionary (Central America) suave type, smoothie pastime doctor (pejorative) bully mercerise groove (of record) relating to miniskirt

(moda minifaldesca) attender at political rally

(also adj . : cf. eufemismo mitinero)

244

Lexical glossary

molino de amasar

molino de mazos

mondamientes

moneta rio

montaiiero

toothpick

monetary

mountaineer

MOPU

Ministerio de Obras PUblicas y

pugmill

stampmill

Urbanismo

mordisquear

montep(o

mot6n con ganchos

gemelos * nalgafr£a

naranjo

novatada

ojo de buey

onceseptiembre

·

* operaci6n retorno * ovejanegrismo pajarraco palanca de suelta de las ruedas de proa *papable

nibble

pawnbroker' s

match-hook block

cold fish (person) orange tree ragging , initiation ceremony porthole eleventh of September (Catalan national day) return (to city , work) after holidays black sheep tendency ugly big bird nose wheel release (aviation) future pope

(un cardenal papable : cf. presidenciable , rectorable , ministrable)

paragiiero

paron

pasota

paston

pata de gallo

patria potestad

pelagatos

*persianista pezuiia picapleitos pie de cabra *pildoreo *pinchadiscos pintarrajear piragiiismo *piropil piscifactorfa

umbrella stand sudden halt dropout fat profit ( = sopa ganso) crow ' s foot (plant) paternal authority down and out ( =

pelagallos)

Venetian blind installer hoof lawyer (pejorative) crowbar habit of taking pills disc jockey paint roughly , daub canoeing

piropos (una facilidad piropil ) fishfarm (cf. pisciforme) relating to

245

Lexical glossary planton platinar poderdante polvera portaaviones portacuchillas de machihembrar portacuentakilOmetros portlandista poscafe

long wait

(dar planton = stand someone up) platinise authorising (cf. poderhabiente = proxy) compact aircraft carrier matcher head mileometer support, bracket cement mixer after coffee conversation ( =

sobremesa)

*prensa para encolar chapa procesador de textos quemarropa quitamotas quitanieves quitapon radioyente * redada * raimoniano reloj contador reloj sumergible *reposacabezas respondOn rompecabezas * rompehuelgas roftica sabihondo sacadineros sacamuelas * salvatrajes

sanforizar * seleccion promesas * sentadaeria SIDA

veneering press word processor

(a quemarropa) at close range bootlicker ( = lavacaras, lameculos) snow plough detachable part ( pieza de quitapon) listener raid (police) relating to Raim6n (folk singer of 60s) timelock waterproof watch headrest cheeky , answering back puzzle blackleg (in strike) mean ( = roftoso) know-all trinket, money-waster dentist (pejorative) suit protector (un capuch6n salvatrajes = safety cap, of pen, cf. salvamanteles = place mat) Sanforise youth team (football) sit-in

AIDS

(sindrome inmune de de.ficiencia adquirida)

246

Lexical glossary sierra para cortar al traves * sincorbatismo * sinfonismo sinsabor sobrecubierta teleralfa * teleserie t(ovivo tentempies terron

tiparraco tirotear * toricantano torno para pulir metales tortazo tragaluz tragaperras trasnochador trotamundos * vermuteo vidorra * villa lata vinicultor * vuelapluma * whisquear zaherir

cross cutting saw open neck style symphony composing unpleasantness, uneasiness dust jacket spider' s web soap opera roundabout (in fair) snack clump of earth, lump of sugar ugly type (person) fire loudly , repeatedly (gun) 'wizard' of bullfighting (cf. misacantano) metal polishing lathe slap, punch skylight fruit machine late bird , reveller globetrotter habit of taking aperitifs easy life shanty town ( = villa miseria) vine grower (a vuelapluma) at a pen stroke, quickly scribbling go around drinking whisky castigate, criticise sharply

247

1 Introduction 1 The treatment of word formation in historical linguistics is discussed by Adams ( 1 973: 3-7) . The synchronic versus diachronic approach is also discussed by Marchand ( 1 969 : 8-9) . 2 For a discussion of the status of the word , see for example, Bauer ( 1 984: l l - 1 3) . 3 See Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 5-30) for the evolution o f word formation theories after Chomsky . For the treatment of word formation in transformational grammar, see Martinez Celdnin ( 1 975 : 24-40) . 4 Guilbert ( 1 97 1 : IX-LXXXI) . Note that Guilbert enthusiastically applies transformational theory to the lexis and the lexicon in this extensive prelude to the leading French dictionary . 5 The inadequacies of the transformational approach are closely examined by Scalise ( 1 987: 24-9) . 6 Ideas and schemes for incorporating word formation rules into the lexicon are proposed for Catalan by Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 49- 1 55). 7 recibidor exists as a non-standard or archaic form . 8 See Harris ( 1 969: 1 32-58) for the application of generative phonology in derivation in chapter 'Consonantal Alterations in Derivational Morphology ' . 9 For a fuller definition of the morpheme see, for example, Lazaro Carreter ( 1 97 1 : 382) or Crystal ( 1 985 : 198) . 10 See Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 1 -29) for a discussion of these proposals . 1 1 Cf. Aronoff 's statement that 'Word Formation Rules d o not operate on anything less than a word, i . e . on morphemes ' . Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 22) . 12 This is Aronoff 's Binary Branching Hypothesis , examined for Italian by Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 67-7 1 ) and accepted only on the condition that the basis of a word formation rule may be a 'possible' and not only an 'existing word' . 13 See, for example, Lazaro Carreter ( 1 980: 24-6) and Alvarez Garcfa ( 1 979: 33-6) . 14 This problem is discussed by Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 33-8) . 1 5 For the 'rules of allomorphy ' see Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 98- 1 12). 1 6 This discussion of inflection versus derivation is basic to any treatment ·

248

Notes of morphology . See, for example, Matthews ( 1 974: Introduction, 1 1 1 15), and Bauer ( 1 984: 22-8} . 17 For a review of the early literature on Spanish word formation see Ludtke ( 1 978: 258-63) . 1 8 This aspect is one of the concerns of Pattison ( 1 975) . 19 Boundary problems are extensively discussed in the context of modern lexical phonology theory by Halle and Mohanan ( 1 985) . Likewise Harris ( 1 969: 58-60 and 1 32-3; 1 983 : 8-20) formulates rules specifying condi­ tions for possible and impossible syllabic structure in Spanish. 20 See Harris ( 1 969: 1 32-6) for the elaboration of phonological rules for -cion, -sion deverbal derivations . 2 1 For detailed discussion of allomorphy choice in the Spanish diminutive system see Jaeggli ( 1 980) . 22 The concept of truncation is elaborated on English data by Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 88-97) . 23 The problems of allomorphy in derivation are fully dealt with by Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 98- l l4). See also Carstairs ( 1 987) who extensively examines allomorphy in inflection. Martinez Celdran ( 1 975 : 108- 10) deals generally with the morphophonology of deverbal derivations including -miento. 24 For consonant adjustments and proposed rules cf. Harris ( 1 969: 1 32-58) . 25 Alarcos ( 1 974: 1 87-95) gives close attention to the phonotactics of consonant combinations . Leben and Orrin Robinson ( 1 977 : 9) consider the feasibility of incorporating phonotactic 'rules' into a theory of lexical phonology . 26 Especially relevant here is the discussion of boundary modifications by Halle and Mohanan ( 1985 : 64-6) . But see the criticism of these proposals by Leben and Orrin Robinson ( 1 977 : 6-7) . 27 The assimilation of neighbouring vowels in phonetics and prosody is dealt with in the Real Academia Espanola ( 1 974: 47-5 1 ) , 'Agrupaci6n de vocales ') and in Navarro Tomas ( 1 978: 1 50-6) . However, the deriva­ tional phenomenon discussed here is not really explained; possibly it has to do with the presence or absence of a secondary accent in the compound: portaaviones, gudrdtullmacen vs. telardila, bocabdjo. 28 . . . en "agridulce " y "ajoqueso" se unen los elementos componentes como si los enlazara Ia conjunci6n " y " , que parece hallarse expresa en el primero, como lo esta en "coliflor" '. Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 158). This author also gives the adjectival example tontivano, which would conform to this analysis . 29 The rules for these phenomena are provided by Harris ( 1 969 : 8-20 and 54-6) . The other boundary adjustments of this kind he refers to (lateral depalatalisation as in bello - be/dad, and nasal depalatalisation as in renir - rencilla) are not significantly productive (Harris 83: 50-5) . 3 0 Note that Harris ( 1 983 : 1 28) discounts the productivity o f these radical change phenomena in the texis: ' For all its pervasiveness, the monoph­ thong/diphthong alternation illustrated in miel/meloso is a lexically '

249

Notes restricted phenomenon. ' Further discussion of this is provided by Harris ( 1 977). 3 1 Stress is considered extensively by Harris ( 1 983 : 95) who postulates the basic rule: ' stress the penultimate syllables in the domain [ . . . IX, where X identifies the level of the "word " ' . 32 Note that peorcito contravenes a postulated 'negative condition' of lexical morphology that comparative forms may not be further suffixed (cf. Scalise, 1 987: 1 2 1 -2) . 33 These negative conditions are reviewed by Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 57-87) . 34 Rivad6 ( 1 889: 9) . 35 Manuel Seco, in Naiiez, ( 1 973 : 5-6) . 36 This conclusion was reached by Pfandler ( 1 954) in his extensive study of the Spanish sports lexis. 37 The theory of an extended morphology , grouping inflection and deriva­ tion, is discussed by Zuffi ( 1 982) . 38 For an account of the diachronic fluctuations in suffixation see Dubois ( 1 962 : 97-8) . 39 Nliiiez ( 1 97 3 : 49-50) provides an ample list of neologistic -itis terms, 'denunciadores de enfermedad ffsica o tendencia moral poco recomend­ able' . 40 Examples of such formations i n Cervantes are argamasillesco, tobosesco, while Tirso de Molina coined such idiosyncratic terms as bigotismo, gilol:kl , jabonatriz. Spaulding ( 1 975 : 2 14) . Suarez ( 1 969: 473) states that 'el gusto por Ia condensaci6n lleva a Cela a un empleo muy abundante de derivados por sufijaci6n que a veces concentran en sf todo una oraci6n o evitan, al menos, una explicaci6n mas larga' . 4 1 On this aspect see Steel ( 1 968) . 42 Seco ( 1 970: 88) . 43 Nliiiez ( 1 97 3 : 7); Beinhauer ( 1 973) likewise emphasises the role of derivational morphology in creative colloquial speech. 44 See Nliiiez ( 1 982) .

l Some theories of lexical morphology 1 See Halle ( 1 973) for an exposition of this particular theory of lexical morphology , and Halle and Mohanan ( 1 985) for the development of this in a phonological framework. 2 Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 8- 1 6) criticises the view of the morpheme as the minimal linguistic sign. 3 For extensive criticism of Aronoff in the context of Spanish suffixation see Heinz ( 1 982 : 270-5) . Bauer ( 1984: 101 -39) expresses reservations about an emphatic phonological approach. 4 See Real Academia Espanola ( 1 93 1 : 1 30) . 5 Halle and Mohanan ( 1 985) give an account of the development of the level ordered morphology and its relationship to 'segmental phonology ' . 6 Cf. Academy ' s statement ( 1 93 1 : 1 3 1 ) that ' los sufljos vivos e n castellano son casi todos t6nicos y su acento es el que predomina en el derivado' .

250

Notes 7 For a discussion of the 'intermingling' of compounding and derivational rules in an ordered morphology see Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 1 7-54) . 8 For further comments on derivational structures in an 'extended' morphological theory see Zuffi ( 1 982 : 1 -9) . 9 Restrictions on rules are reviewed by Scalise ( 1 987: 59-70) . 10 X-bar theory as applied to the lexicon is discussed by Brown ( 1 984 : 1 87-9 1 ) . See likewise Bauer ( 1 984: 145-7) . Selkirk ( 1 983) undertakes a thorough application of modem syntactic theory to English word struc­ ture. 1 1 Scalise ( 1 987 : 1 67-7 1 ) discusses the validity of Aronoff's binary bran­ ching hypothesis with regard to Italian. 12 See, for example, Harris ( 1 983) which discusses the 'phonological cycle' and the role of syllabic stress and shape in word structure. 1 3 Blocking is commented on by Bauer ( 1 984: 87-8) . See also Scalise ( 1 983) . 14 Scalise ( 1 983 : 248-50) and Aronoff ( 1 98 1 : 43-5) . 1 5 This is a tentative judgement, based on a random sample of -osol-dod formations . 16 The examples quoted here of camionista, montailista, barcelonense, actually occur in regional varieties of South American Spanish. 17 See Selkirk ( 1 983) for the application of X-bar syntax to English deriva­ tional morphology and Scalise ( 1 987: 2 1 0- 1 6) on the problems of apply­ ing it to Italian (and Spanish) word structure . 1 8 The corpus of examples on which the descriptive part of this study is based deliberately includes neologistic formations not necessarily testified in the lexicon . The intention is to balance dictionary evidence with that of current creative lexical trends. 3 Compounding 1 Stevenson ( 1 970: 1 25-6) discusses the types of Spanish compounds. See likewise Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 1 52-7) . For the historical background of these compounds see Perez Lagos ( 1 986: 2 1 -3). 2 These distinctions, made already by Meyer-Liibke, are discussed by Iordan and Manoliu ( 1 972 : 49-50) . See likewise Giurescu ( 1 975 : 37) . 3 These are the criteria widely found in accounts of compounding in various languages. See, for example Adams ( 1 973: 8- 1 1 ) and Bauer ( 1 984: 20 1 -2) . For Spanish, criteria are put forward by Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978: 5 1 -6) . 4 See Scalise ( 1 967 : 1 42-7) for consideration of compounding in relation to inflection. 5 The thin line between derivation and inflection is emphasised, for exam­ ple, by Dubois ( 1 962 : 3-4) and by Bustos Tovar ( 1 966: 26 1 ) . 6 Mascaro (1985 : 77-8) terms these 'compostos d e tipus culte ' . Selkirk ( 1 983 : 1 6- 1 7) speaks of 'Greek' compounding as opposed to 'native' compounding. 7 The headedness question is considered for Catalan by Mascar6 ( 1 985)

25 1

Notes and Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 38-9) . Their remarks are equally valid for Spanish. The general relationship between headedness and X-bar theory is dealt with by Selkirk ( 1 983 : 19-28) . 8 This approach was already used by the Spanish Academy ( 1 93 1 : 147-9) . Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 1 53-4) also sketches a syntactic classification. 9 Seco ( 1 964) censures Cela for preferring guardiacivil to guardia civil. 10 The explanation of Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 1 55) that ' Latin' types take this adjustment in [i] while ' native' combinations do not, seems scarcely satisfactory . This is echoed in the Academy Grammar ( 1 93 1 : 148-9) . 11 A gua is another lexeme which generates subsets in this way (aguanieve, agualluvia, aguatorre, aguamanil ) . 1 2 'pocos compuestos s e pueden derivar' (Scalise 1967 : 1 10) ; he further expounds this in Chap. VI. 1 3 Tekavcic ( 1 972) refers to the common origins of pan-Romance verb­ noun complements in Latin. Stevenson ( 1 970: 1 26) states : 'typical of the preference of Spanish for verbal usage and for strict syntactical logic , these compounds can now be formed with almost equal freedom as the English tin opener type ' . 14 Uoyd ( 1 968) . This i s a fundamental thorough study o f verb-noun compounds . 1 5 Numerous studies testify t o the popularity o f this type o f compounding in colloquial Spanish. See, for example, the examples from Arniches such as cuelgaperros, idiotizapollos, macluJcacorazones etc . , quoted by Seco ( 1 970: 102) . Likewise Sulirez ( 1 969: 485) gives idiosyncratic examples from the novels of Cela, such as apaflacolillas, cambiacluJ­ quetas, and comecirios. 16 The origins of these pan-Romance adjective formations are considered in Tekavcic ( 1 972 : 204) . Some other Spanish examples are astifino (toro astifino) , alica(do (estudiante alicafdo) , carigordo (joven carigordo) . 17 This type of adjectivisation is much favoured by Cela, who speaks of el verdirrubio cereal, las montaffas verdiazules, los arbustos negrima­ rrones. Sulirez ( 1 969: 32 1 ) . 1 8 The use o f compound adjectivisation i n journalistic style i s analysed by Steel ( 1 968) . 19 Adams ( 1 973 : 60-4) deals with the problem of classifying equivalent compounds in English. 20 The syntactic classification, in terms of transformational generative

theory , is applied to a corpus of French examples by Lamy ( 1 978) .

2 1 This and other conditions of noun-noun compound status are considered

by Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 37-4 1 ) . 2 2 Pratt ( 1 980: 202-8) under the heading o f El Anglicismo Multiverbal, offers scores of examples of this type, due, in his estimation, to English models. 23 Spaulding ( 1 975 : 38-9) attributes the origins of these structures to Vulgar Latin. They are discussed by Garda Diego ( 1 95 1 ) and referred to here and elsewhere as compuestos imperfectos . 24 Casares ( 1 943 : 223-5) attributes the modern expansion of coordinations in a to the influence of French (cf. moulin a vent) .

252

Notes

25 Romero Gualda ( 1 977 : 1 1 1 ) exemplifies the advance of this structure in technical registers. 26 The criteria to be applied in selecting syntagms of this kind for lexical status are considered by Adams ( 1 973: 57) and Tekavcic ( 1 972 : 202-3) . 27 Although there is no reason why these structures should not also be right headed, in the manner of N + Adj orthographic compounds , synchronically they do not appear to be productive - mala suerte and mala pata might serve as token examples. 4 Emotive suftlxation 1 See Marsh ( 1 978) for a theory of classification through a morphoseman­ tic approach. 2 These aspects are explained by Gooch ( 1 967 : 4-2 1 ) . 3 Narvaez's listings ( 1 970: 33) are more extensive than others, since he takes in idiosyncrasies and standard features of South American Spanish. Cf. the listings given by Nanez ( 1 973) or Gooch ( 1 967) . 4 See, for example, Harmer and Norton A Manual of Modem Spanish ( 1 96 1 : 496-500). 5 Garcia Lorca, F. ( 1 960: 3) . 6 This particular aspect of verb derivation is referred to by Pena ( 1 980: 77-80) . 7 Discussed by Carnicer ( 1 972 : 38) . 8 But note that -azo in its contusive use regularly changes gender (hotel/a botellazo, mano manotazo, sarten sartenazo . . . ) . 9 This modem type o f emotive suffixation i s extensively dealt with by Nanez ( 1 973) . It is discussed later in this section. 10 Kany ( 1 960 : 1 57) gives interesting examples of diminutive usage in South America. 11 K any ( 1 960: 1 37-8). This is characteristic particularly of Colombia and Costa Rica. Elsewhere in South America -ete appears not to be particularly favoured, cf. Cardenas ( 1 967 : 106) , 'Ia formaci6n de diminutivos en " -ete" no tiene vitalidad actual ' . For example, the language of the Mexican novelist Mariano Azuela is strikingly lacking in diminutives in -ete. 12 Suarez ( 1 969: 207) comments on the prolificness of -uelo formations in the language of Cela, who uses it with animal and inanimate bases rather than with humans. 13 Suarez ( 1 969: 206) again observes the use of -fn in Cela, 'con un matiz despectivo para todo lo que, ademas de ser pequeno es endeble y repugnante' . 1 4 -ico i s so popular in some areas that the inhabitants themselves may be designated by derivations on this suffix; cf. navarricos ( navarros) , hennaniticos ( costarricenses) . 1 5 For listings of augmentative suffixes see Gooch ( 1 967 : vii) and Narvaez ( 1 970: 33) . Suffixes dealt with by these authors as augmentatives and not included here are -al and -uso. _.

_.

_.

=

=

253

Notes 1 6 Also Malvinazo (

= Argentine invasion of Malvinas). Other examples in military parlance are Bogotazo (Bogota), Cordobazo (C6rdoba), and Tacnazo, referring to various modem uprisings in South America. Also

tanque .... tancazo. 17 Note also the use of -6n to form adjectives on cardinal number bases : una senora cincuentona, una andaluza cuarentona, un profesor sesent6n

1 8 The reasons for the ambivalency of -6n, which is shared with the sister suffixes in French and Italian (-on, -one) , have been much speculated upon. In some Spanish forms (cf. pelon ... pelo, rabon ... rabo) the sense is actually privative of the meaning of the base. The possibility of two or more -on suffixes being involved, of different etymologies, is considered extensively by Spitzer ( 1 92 1 ) .

19 The fondness for -ote formations here gives rise to reduplications such as grande .... grandotote. This is encouraged by confusion with the Nahuatl suffix -otl. Cardenas (1967 : 1 09- 10) . 20 S eco ( 1 970: 1 1 8) comments on the use o f -ote in Amiches: 'en cierto modo este sufijo se opone a " -ito". Frente a las ideas de "pequeiio", " fino " . "querido" ' propias de este, " -ote" expresa las de "grande" . "tosco" , "despreciado" '. 21 Hypocoristic -ote forms are particularly popular in Venezuela. G6mez de Ivashevsky ( 1 969: 1 4ft). 22 The concept of 'phonoaestheme', which postulates a relationship between a sound and the semaqtii intent, was elaborated by Firth ( 1 964) . Malkiel ( 1 959: 1 97-9) implicitly confirms this, at least for the particular suffixes he analyses. See likewise the discussion of the phonoaesthetic effect in Spanish emotive suffixation in general in Marsh ( 1978 : 36-8) . Bauer ( 1 984: 294) speculates on what he terms 'euphony' in some word­ formation processes, independent of generative rules. 23 Nanez ( 1 973: 84-5) gives examples from the press of 1 960- 1970 such as lesbiana .... lesbinao"a and beata .... beatorra . Suarez ( 1 969 : 203) comments that 'es curioso lo frecuentemente que aparece en Cela este sufijo despectivo-aumentativo, cuya vitalidad en espafiol es tan escasa, salvo en determinadas palabras con las que se ha fosilizado'.

5 Non-emotive suft'"axation 1 For an account of this and other types of modem suffixation see Casado Velarde ( 1 985). 2 The most thorough syntactic approach to the analysis of Spanish suffixes is undertaken by Ludtke ( 1 978: 258-426) . 3 A semantic analysis is provided by Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978: 103- 1 7) . 4 See Nafiez ( 1 973 : 8 2 ) for examples o f modem -ario formations. 5 The suffixes described in each section below are far from being exhaustive of their particular category. They have been selected subjec­ tively on grounds of synchronic relevance.

6 -erlo as in casa .... caserlo, pobre .... pobrerlo is sometimes given as a

254

Notes variant of -erla, but it is not synchronically productive. 7 In South America, -ero occupational terms appear as alternatives to stan­ dard designations , hence betunero for limpiabotas, mesero for camarero, and resero for ganadero. Kany ( 1 960: 1 3 1 -4) . 8 The development of -ismol-ista formations in the late nineteenth century is discussed by Paz Battaner ( 1 977 : 223-5) . 9 Ahorrancia, mangancia, relevancia are some of the examples of neologistic-whimsical formations quoted by Nanez ( 1 973: 57-9) . 10 ' S6lo con esta Ultima terminaci6n he encontrado terminos mas o menos nuevos . ' Nanez ( 1 973: 94-5) . 1 1 -ismol-ista formations are closely scrutinised from the morphosemantic point of view by Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 65) . 1 2 The current vitality of -ante is not equal in all registers. Cf. Romero Gualda ( 1 977: 7 1 ) , who speaks of 'baja rentabilidad ' of agentive animate formations in the neologistic language of cinema and TV . Naiiez ( 1 973 : 79) , on the other hand , speaks of ' formas verdaderamente chocantes' with regard to the spread of -ante derivatives. 13 Martfnez Celdran ( 1 975 : 96-7) deals extensively with the phonology and allomorphy of -cion derivations. 14 This distinction is far from reliable; cf. batidora, taladradora and lijadora, all relatively small machines, which are feminine. The explana­ tion of Romero Gualda ( 1 977 : 64-5) that masculine is for animates and feminine for machines seems unsatisfactory . 1 5 -dor is sometimes used for pejorative alternatives to standard terms using

other suffixes, e . g . novelador for novelista, escribidor for escritor.

16 The explanation seems to be that these -ido formations originate in Latin

verbs of the fourth conjugation (-ire) . Pena ( 1 980: 83). 17 Archaic -menlo formations are listed by Liidtke ( 1 978: 278) . Significantly , Nanez ( 1 973) doesn't deal at all with -miento as a neologistic formative. 18 See Nanez ( 1 973: l l 8) for modem examples in -e. Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978: 252) speaks of 'derivaci6n regresiva' . 1 9 Scalise ( 1 98 3 : 264) . 20 Bauer ( 1 984: 23 1 -2) conjectures about reasons for advance of back formation. 6 Adjectivisation and adverbialisation 1 Nanez ( 1 973 : 46) speaks of 'esta terminaci6n adjetiva . . . una de las que gozan del favor del hablante de hoy , de Ia prensa, y tal vez de cierto sector polltico de Ia naci6n' . Cardenas ( 1 967 : 98) gives examples of the advance of -al in Jalisco, such as aduanal for aduanero and terral for te"eno. 2 A detailed examination of -esco and -i/ in particular literary-historical contexts is provided by Gooch ( 1 974) . 3 Cf. Casado Velarde ( 1 985 : 97) : ' No es de extraiiar, para el que conozca el casteUano actual , Ia frecuencia del sufijo "-oso' " . He gives examples

255

Notes such as superbioso, gafoso, and zurdoso. 4 A detailed syntactic-semantic analysis of -able formations is undertaken by Val Alvaro ( 1 98 1 ) . 5 The conditions and semantics o f this type o f adjectival nuancing are considered by Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 94-6) . 6 According to Seco ( 1 970: 99) -mente derivation 'no es procedimiento popular; el pueblo prefiere Ia locuci6n adverbial: a pie, a lo torero etc. ' Alcina Franch and Blecua ( 1 975 : 707) emphasises the speaker's awareness of derivation in these terms, reflected in retention of the original accent. 7 VerbaUsation 1 Verb derivation is dealt with extensively by Pena ( 1980) . See also the treatment of Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 99- 102) and Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978 : 58-63) for a classification of verb suffixes . 2 Kany ( 1 960: 1 07) illustrates a plethora of neologistic Spanglish type -ar formations in South American Spanish such as frisar for congelar, ponchar for pegar, or remarcar for observar. In the same vein see Blanco ( 1 973 : 495). 3 Pena ( 1 980: 77-80) considers that the 'frequentative' use of -ear has in the past been overstressed. Certainly its neologistic usages now deviate considerably from this original connotation. 4 'La productividad de " -ificar" en espaiiol es escasa. ' Pena ( 1 980: 55) . But he does not take into consideration the technical-scientific lexis. 5 'De notable vitalidad en los primeros siglos del idioma, va disminuyendo en su productividad basta llegar a ser hoy casi nula. ' Pena ( 1 980: 84) . Again, this seems greatly to underestimate formations in -izar in the modern neologistic and technical register.

8 Pretixation I 'L'aspecte mes polemic de Ia prefixaci6 no es pas el seu possible caracter

preposicional, sin6 el seu comportament sintactic . ' This is elaborated in Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 1 5 - 1 7) and refers really to the parasynthetic function of prefixation. Ditto, Mascar6 ( 1 985 : 3 1 -3) . 2 See for example Bauer ( 1 984: 2 1 3 - 1 6) for the status of these modern formations based on Greek and Latin nouns . Mascar6 ( 1 985: 47) speaks of 'mots complexos de classificaci6 dubtosa' . 3 According to Menendez Pidal , the parasynthetic aspect i s the most impor­ tant characteristic of Spanish prefixation. See Tekavcic ( 1 972 : 1 46) . 4 This type of syntactic analysis has been favoured by the Spanish Academy ( 1 93 1 : 1 47) which, however, groups prefixing within composition. Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 1 78) likewise deals with prefixing under the heading 'Compuestos Formados con Prefijos ' . 5 The semantic groupings followed i n the description o f prefixes here are basically those of Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978 : 2 1 7-20) . 6 This suffix offers a clear example of changed usage over the last fifty

256

Notes years or so . In Alemany Bolufer's description ( 1 920 : 1 77-8) no intima­ tion is given of the types illustrated here under b) , c) , and d) , and all his examples are cult. A more recent scholar, Paz Battaner ( 1 977: 2 1 7) on the other hand finds anti- one of the most prolific word-forming constituents in the political vocabulary of the late nineteenth century . 7 contra- is in fact one of the most polysemic of prefixes - for Tekavcic it is ' spatial ' , for Urrutia it bears the label contrariedm:l, while Marchand categorises it as 'locative' . 8 Seco in Dudas ( 1 968 : 243) classifies no as 'prefijo negativo de sustan­ tivos y adjetivos equivalente a "in- ' " . See also Steel ( 1 968 : 4) . 9 ' E\ prefijo " re-" y el sufijo " -azo " , en el espaiiol de Chile, son sin6nimos absolutos . ' Urrutia Cardenas ( 1 978: 226) . Seco ( 1 970: 124-7) stresses the popularity of hyperbolisation in re- in the popular language of Madrid . 10 Scalise ( 1 987: 89-9 1 ) labels these forms cultismos and advances numerous arguments for differentiating them from conventional prefixes . Guilbert ( 1 97 1 : LXX) applies a transformational analysis and emphasises their 'marginal ' , non-lexicalised character. 9 Miscellaneous procedures 1 The status of parasynthesis is discussed by Rheinheimer-Ripaneau ( 1 974: 8-9 and 36-7). The problems involved in the definition and analysis of parasynthesis in Italian are considered by Scalise ( 1987 : 168-7 1 ) . Alemany Bolufer ( 1 920: 1 52-73) seems reluctant t o differentiate parasynthesis from compounding. Mascaro ( 1 985: 3 1 ) takes the view that many so-called parasynthetic formations are really cases of prefixation. trasnochar. 2 Occasionally other prefixes may be involved - cf. noche The status of -ar in parasynthetics is discussed by Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 32-3) . 3 The correct forms are debil -+ debilatar, oscuro -+ oscurecer. Some adjectives offer alternative derivatives, one parasynthetic and the other jlaquecer I enjlaquecer, negro negrecer I suffixed , cf. flaco ennegrecer. 4 Scalise ( 1 987: 1 70) appears to go along with the concept of a 'possible' but non-existing derived base. 5 'La relaci6 entre mots masculine i femenins amb el mateix radical es mes aviat semblant a Ia relaci6 de derivaci6. ' Mascar6 ( 1 985 : 34-5) . 6 For rules and conditions of this sort of morphology see Alcina Franch and Blecua ( 1 975: 526) . Criado de Val ( 1 972: 55) discusses modem tendencies in animate designation of this type, likewise see Seco ( 1 970: 80) . 7 Ludtke ( 1 97 8 : 306) lists ola altemances with semantic distinction. Mascaro, 10 1 , points out the extensiveness of this in the modern texis , as well as the inconsistencies in the semantic relationship between gender alternants . 8 Scalise ( 1 987: 1 29-33) gives detailed reasons for maintaining the distinc­ tion inflectional/derivational morphology . But the Spanish cases -+

-+

-+

257

Notes discussed here offer counterevidence to this .

9 Alternative gentilic fonns are discussed by Casares ( 1 969 : 43) ; he gives the example of Segorbe, in Castell6n, whose inhabitants are variously known as segorbicenses, segorbinos, segorbenos, and segorbianos. 10 Bauer ( 1 984: 237-8) distinguishes carefully between acronyms and abbreviations , emphasising the unpredictability of the latter. The exact definition of 'acronym' is controversial; see Casado Velarde ( 1 985) who uses acronimo in sense of 'blending' and reserves siglas for what elsewhere is acronymy . Urrutia ( 1 978: 255) speaks of 'esta epoca de Ia proliferaci6n de las siglas ' . See also SGEL ( 1 985 : 1968) for a list of most used acronyms .

l l Mascar6 ( 1 985 : 75) deals with acronyms under heading compostos metalingafstics, pointing out that the structure contravenes the binary branching derivational hypothesis , and showing the readiness of Spanish to reduce abbreviations or acronyms to simple words. 12 The phonetic realisation of Spanish acronyms is dealt with in Casado Velarde ( 1 985 : 25-7) . This is a thorough up-to-date account of acronyms to which I am indebted for some of the examples quoted. 1 3 Adams ( 1973 : 146) deals with these fonns as 'compound-blends ' , and speaks of 'contracted fonns of compounding ' . Urrutia ( 1 978: 254) discusses them under the heading ' reducci6n de las lexfas compuestas ' . 14 Cabre and Rigau ( 1 986: 1 56) discuss these fonns as cases of apocopa­ tion, and speak of ' nous radicals creats per Ia llengua a partir de radicals savis ' . 1 5 The preference for clipping in the pasota lexis i s quite strong. See Yale, Julen Sordo ( 1 979) for examples. 16 Marchand ( 1 969: 443) denies grammatical status to clippings, asserting that they belong to parole and not to langue. 17 Few people now say fotograjia instead of foto, while the noun cinema is scarcely ever used, either spoken or written. 1 8 Alcina Franch and Blecua ( 1 975 : 504) gives more examples of hypocoristics of this type . 1 9 For example, the grammatical consequences are apparent i n the advance of masculine animates in -a, as in analfa, forasta, or sudaca (el analfa , e l forasta, el sudaca) . See Casado Velarde ( 1985 : 88-9) , and also Lorenzo ( 1 966: 58-6 1 ) on the breaking down of the animate gender distinction -o/-a .

258

Journalistic and literary sources

The examples in context quoted above have been drawn from the following specific sources :

Th e press ABC, Actualidtul Espaifola, Cambio 16, Correo de Catalulla, Cuademos para el Dialogo, Destino, El Globo, Gufa del Ocio, lnterviu, El Pais, El Pais Semanal, Triunfo, La Vanguardia, Vision.

Works cited Alvar, M . ( 1976) Lengua y sociedtul, Barcelona, Planeta. Azuela, M . ( 1 964) Obras completas, Madrid, Fondo de Cultura. Azuela, M. ( 1 969) Sin amor, Mexico : Fondo de Cultura. Azuela, M . ( 1 969) Mala hierba, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura. Candel, F. ( 1 986) Los otros catalanes veinte anos despues, Barcelona, Plaza

y Janes . Delibes, M . ( 1 973) Las ratas, Barcelona, Destino. Femlindez Santos, J. ( 1 967) Los bravos, London, Harrap. Fuentes, C. ( 1 979) La cabeza de Ia hidra, Barcelona, Argos Vergara.

Gald6s, P. ( 1 973) Torquemada en Ia hoguera, Oxford, Pergamon. Garda Lorca, F. ( 1 960) Obras completas, Madrid, Aguilar. Laiglesia, A. ( 1 975) Obras completas, Barcelona, Planeta. Lazaro Carreter, F. ( 1 97 1 ) Diccionario de terminos lingufsticos, Madrid, Gredos . Lazaro Carreter, F. ( 1 978) Teorla y practica de Ia lengua, vol . 7, Madrid, Anaya. Marse , J. ( 1 973) Historia de Ia prima Montse, Barcelona, Seix Barral. Martfn-Santos, L. ( 1 978) Tiempo de silencio, Barcelona, Seix Barral. Melia, J. ( 1970) lnforme sobre Ia lengua catalana , Madrid, Magisterio Espaiiol. Ministerio de Trabajo, ( 1 975) Mujer y trabajo, Madrid.

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( 1 974) Confieso que he vivido: memorias, Barcelona, Seix

Barral. Pahissa, J. ( 1 947) Vida y obra de Manuel de Falla, Buenos Aires, Ricordi. Palomino, A . ( 1 973) Costa Fleming, Barcelona, Planeta. Spota, L. ( 1 968) La pequefla edad, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura. Vargas Llosa, M. ( 1 964) La ciudad y los perros , Barcelona, Seix Barral. Vazquez Montalban, M. ( 1 979) Los mares del sur, Barcelona, Planeta.

Linguistic bibliography This bibliography consists of studies of morphology and derivational theory most of which are not language specific and tend to draw conclusions from English examples ; language-specific studies of derivational morphology in French, Italian, Spanish, and Catalan; articles on aspects of derivational theory and of derivational morphology in the Romance languages in general; descriptive accounts of particular types of Spanish, including the language of modem novelists and dramatists; a limited number of lexicons, including a token representation of the language of technology . A few of the items listed have been found useful but are not specifically referred to in the text of this study . Adams, V. ( 1 973) Introduction London, Longmans .

to Modem English

Word Formation,

Alarcos Llorac, E. ( 1 974) Fonolog{a Espalfola, Madrid, Gredos. Alcina Franch, J . , and Blecua, J . M . ( 1 975) Gramdtica espalfola, Barcelona, Ariel. Alcoba, S. ( 1 987) Uxico periodistico espallol, Barcelona, Ariel. Alemany Bolufer, J. ( 1920) Tratado de la formacion de palabras en la lengua castellana, Madrid, Victoriano Suarez. Alonso, A. ( 1 95 1 ) ' Noci6n, acci6n, y fantasfa en los diminutivos ' in Estudios Lingil{sticos, Madrid, Gredos . Alvar,

M . , and Mir6, A .

( 1983) Diccionario de siglas y abreviaturas,

Madrid, Alhambra. Alvarez Garcfa, M.

( 1 979) Uxico-genesis en espaflol: los morfemas facultativos, Seville, University of Seville . Aronoff, M . ( 1 98 1 ) Word Formation in Generative Grammar, Cambridge, Mass . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Bauer, L. ( 1984) English Word Formation , Cambridge, Cambridge Univer­ sity Press . Beinhauer, W. ( 1 963) El espallol coloquial, Madrid, Gredos . Beinhauer, Gredos.

W. ( 1 973) El humorismo en el espaflol hablado ,

Madrid,

Berniers, E. ( 1 977) ' La derivaci6n de sustantivos a partir de participios ' ,

Nueva Revista de Filologia Hispanica, vol XXVI , 3 1 6-32, Mexico.

.

Blanco, A. ( 1 973) La lengua espallola en la historia de California, Madrid,

Cultura HispBnica. Booij , G . , and Rubach, J. ( 1 984) 'Morphological and prosodic domains in

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phonology ' ,

Phonology Yearbook, vol .

l,

1 -24,

Cambridge

University Press . Botha, R . P . ( 1 968)

Th e Function of the Lexicon i n Transformational­ Generative Grammar, The Hague, Mouton. Brown, K. ( 1984) Linguistics Today, London, Fontana . ( 1 966) ' Algunas observaciones sobre Ia palabra Bustos Tovar, E. compuesta ' , Revista de Filologfa Espalfola, vol . XLIX, 255-74, Madrid. Cabre, M . T . , and Rigau, G. ( 1 986) Lexicologia i semantica, Barcelona, EnciclopCdia Catalana. Canellada, M .J . , and Juhlmann Madsden,

J. ( 1 987) Pronunciaci6n del espalfol , Madrid, Castalia. Cardenas, D . N . ( 1 967) El espanol de Jalisco, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientfficas. Carnicer, R. ( 1 972) Nuevas reflexiones sobre el lenguaje, Madrid, Prensa Espanola. Carstairs, A . ( 1 987) Allomorphy in Inflection , London, Croom Helm . Casado Velarde, M . ( 1 985) Tendencias en el lexico espanol actual, Madrid, Coloquio. Casares, J. ( 1 943) Cosas del lenguaje, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe. Casares, J. ( 1 969) lntroduccion a Ia lexicografta moderna, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas. Coseriu, E. ( 1 978) ' La formaci6n de palabras desde el punto de vista del contenido' , Gramatica, semantica, universales, 239-64, Madrid, Gredos . Cressey, W. ( 1 978) Spanish Phonology and Morphology: A Generative View, Washington, Georgetown. Criado de Val , M . ( 1 972) As{ hablamas - El espectador y el lenguaje, Madrid, Prensa Espanola. Crystal , D. ( 1 985) A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics, Oxford , Blackwell . Diaz Castaii6n, C . ( 1 975) ' Sobre I a terminaci6n " -ado" e n el espaiiol de hoy ' , Revista Espanola de LingiJfstica, vol . I, 1 1 1 -2 1 , Madrid. Dressler, W. ( 1985) Morphonology: The Dynamics of Derivation, Ann Arbor, Karom.

Etude sur Ia derivation suffixale en franrais modeme et contemporain , Paris, Larousse . Falk, J . S . ( 1 968) 'Nominalisations in Spanish' , Studies in Spanish Linguistics and Language Learning 5, Seattle, University of Washington. Firth, J. ( 1 964) Tongues of Men and Speech, London, Oxford University Dubois, J. ( 1 962)

Press. Garcfa Diego. ( 1 95 1 ) LingiJ£stica general y espanola, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas. Garcfa Meseguer, A.

( 1 977) Lenguaje y discriminacion sexual, Madrid,

Edicusa. Giurescu, A. ( 1 975) Les mots composes dans les langues romanes, The Hague, Mouton. Gomez,

A.

( 1 969) Lengua coloquial Venezolana, Caracas , Universidad

Central. Gonzalez Olle, F. ( 1 958) Los su.fijos diminutivos en el castellano medieval,

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Bibliography Madrid , Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientlficas . Gooch, A. ( 1 967) Diminutive, Augmentative, and Pejorative Suffixes in Modem Spanish , Oxford, Pergamon. Gooch, A. ( 1 974) 'Algunos aspectos del empleo en el castellano moderno de los sufijos "-esco" e "-il " , con relaci6n especial a Ia obra de Valle­ Inclan' , Boletin de Ia Real Acodemia Espanola, LIV , 65-95 , Madrid . Guilbert, L. ( 1 967) La creativite lexicale , Paris, Larousse. Guilbert, L. ( 1 97 1 ) ' De Ia formation des unites lexicales' , in Introduction au Grand Larousse de Ia langue Fran aise, vol . I. IX-LXXXI , Paris , Larousse. Halle, M. ( 1 973) ' Prolegomena to a theory of word formation' , Linguistic Enquiry, vol . 4, no . l , 3 - 1 6 , Cambridge , Mass. , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Halle, M . , and Mohanan, K . P . ( 1 985) 'Segmental phonology of modern English ' , Linguistic Enquiry, vol . 1 6 , no . 1 , 57- 1 1 1 , Cambridge, Mass . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Harmer, L . C . , and Norton, E.J. ( 1 96 1 ) A Manual of Modem Spanish , London, University Tutorial Press. Harris, J . W . ( 1 969) Spanish Phonology, Cambridge , Mass . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Harris , J . W . ( 1 977) 'Aspects of Spanish verb morphology ' , in Hagiwara, M . P. , Studies in Romance Linguistics , 44-60, Rowley , Mass . , Newbury House . Harris, J . W . ( 1 983) Syllable Structure and Stress in Spanish: A Non-Linear Analysis, Cambridge, Mass . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Heinz, F . E . ( 1 982) Word Formation in the Lexicon: A Study of Eight Spanish Suffixes, Ph . D . thesis, Georgetown, Georgetown University . Henze, W. ( 1 965) Deutsche Wonbildung , Tubingen, Max Niemeyer. Jordan, 1 . , and Manoliu, M. ( 1 972) Manual de linguistica ronuinica , Madrid , Gredos . Jaeggli , O . S . ( 1 980) 'Spanish diminutives ' , in Contemporary Studies In Romance Languages, 1 42-58, Indiana , Indiana Linguistics Club . Kany , C . ( 1 960) American-Spanish Semantics, Berkeley , University of California. Lamy , M . B . ( 1 978) 'Neological noun-noun compounds in contemporary French' , Semasia , band 5 , 1 25 -47 . Lassaletta, M . C . ( 1 974) Aportaciones al estudio del lenguaje coloquial galdosiano, Madrid , Insula. Lazaro Carreter, F. ( 1 978) Teoria y prdctica de Ia lengua 7, Salamanca, Anaya. Lazaro Carreter, F . ( 1 980) £studios de lingufstica , Barcelona, Ediciones Crftica . Leben, W . R. , and Robinson, O . W . ( 1 977) ' Upside down phonology ' , Language, 5 3 . Lira Urquieta, P . ( 1 973) £studios sobre vocabulario, Santiago d e Chile, Bello. Lloyd, P . M . ( 1 968) Verb-Complement Compounds in Spanish , Tiibingen , Max Niemeyer.

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Bibliography Lorenzo, E. ( 1 966) El espalfol de hoy, lengua en ebullicion, Madrid, Gredos . Liidtke, J . ( 1 978) Prlldikative Nominalisierungen mit Suffixen im Fran­ zosischen , Katalanischen und Spanischen, Tiibingen, Max Niemeyer. Malkiel, Y. ( 1 958) ' Los interfijos hispanicos: problema de la lingiifstica hist6rica y estructural ' , in Estructuralismo e historia , 1 06-99, La Laguna, University of La Laguna. Malkiel , Y . ( 1 959) 'The two sources of the hispanic suffix "-azo, -aco " ' , Language 35, 1 93-25 8 , Baltimore. Marchand, H. ( 1 969) The Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word Formation , Munich, Beck' sche . Marchand, H . ( 1 95 1 ) ' Phonology , morphophonology , and word-formation' , Neuphilologische Mitteilungen , vol . 52, 87-95 , Helsinki . Marsh, M . ( 1 978) Prolegomena to a Theory of Expressive Affixes, M . A . dissertation, University o f Leeds. Martinez Celdnin , E . ( 1 975) Sufijos nominalizadores del espa;iol con especial atencion a su morfolog£a, Barcelona, University of Barcelona. Mascar6, J . ( 1 985) Morfologia, Barcelona, Enciclopedia Catalana. Matthews , P . H . ( 1 974) Morphology: An Introduction to the Theory of Word Structure, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press . Menendez Pidal, R. , and Tovar, A. ( 1 958) ' Los sufijos con "-rr- " en Espana y fuera de ella, especialmente en Ia toponimia ' , Boletin de Ia Real Academia Espailola, vol . XXXVIII, 1 6 1 -2 1 4, Madrid. Moliner, M . ( 1 97 1 ) Diccionario de uso del espailol, Madrid , Gredos. Monge, F. ( 1 970) ' Los nombres de acci6n en espaiiol ' , Publications of the XIIth International Congress of Romance Philology, vol . I, 96 1 -72, Bucharest. Naiiez Fernandez, E. ( 1 973) La lengua que hablamos: creacion y sistema , Santander, Gonzalo Bedia. Naiiez Fernandez, E . ( 1 973) El diminutivo: historia y funciones en el espailol cldsico y moderno, Madrid, Gredos . Naiiez Fernandez, E . ( 1 982) La lengua del coloquio, Madrid, Coloquio. Navaez, R . A . ( 1 970) An Outline of Spanish Morphology, MiMesota, EMC Corporation. Navarro Tomas , T. ( 1 978) Manual de pronunciation espailola, Madrid, CSIC . Pattison, D . O . ( 1 975) Early Spanish Suffixe s, Oxford, Philological Society . Paz Battaner, M . ( 1 977) Vocabulario pol£tico-social en Espalfa, I868-I873, Madrid, Real Academia Espanola. Pena, J. ( 1 980) La derivacion en espailol: verbos derivados y sustantivos verbales, Santiago, University of Santiago. Perez Lagos, M. ( 1 986) ' Composici6n de verbos mas nombre en el Diccionario de Ia Real Academia ' , Lingu{stica Espalfola Actual, VII, 2 1 5 7 , Madrid. Pflindler, 0. ( 1 954) Wortschatz der Sportsprache Spaniens, Berne, Francke. Pratt, C. ( 1 980) El anglicismo en el espailol peninsular contempordneo, Madrid, Gredos . Quilis, A . ( 1970) ' Sobre Ia morfonologfa. Morfonologfa de los preftios en

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Bibliography espanol ' , in Homenaje a Menendez Pidal, Revista de la Universidad de Madrid, vol . XIX, no . 74, Madrid. Radford, A. ( 1 9 8 1 ) Transformational Syntax, Cambridge University Press . Ragucci , R . M . ( 1 963) El Habla de mi tierra, Buenos Aires, Don Bosco. Real Academia Espanola. ( 1 93 1 ) Gramatica de la lengua espanola, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe. Real Academia Espanola. ( 1 974) Esbozo de una nueva gramatica de la lengua espanola, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe. Rheinheimer-Ripaneau, S. ( 1 974) Les derives parasynthetiques dans les langues romanes, The Hague, Mouton. Rivad6, B. ( 1 889) Voces nuevas en la lengua castellana, Paris, Garnier. Robb, L . A . ( 1 963) Diccionario para ingenieros, Mexico, Edhasa. Romero Gualda, V. ( 1 977) Vocabulario de cine y 1V, University of Navarre, Pamplona. Scalise, S . , and Zannier, I. ( 1 982) ' Restrizioni sulle regole di formazione di parola: Ia condizione di adiacenza e Ia condizione atomo' , Quaderni Patavini di Linguistica, 3 , 1 59-2 10, Padua. Scalise,

S.

( 1983) 'Sulla nozione di "blocking" in morfologia deriva­

zionale' , Lingua e Stile, 2, 243-69, Bologna. Scalise, S. ( 1984) 'La forma del lessico nella teoria standard estesa' , Lingua e Stile, I, 4 1 -72, Bologna. Scalise, S. ( 1987) Moifologia generativa, Madrid, Alianza. Seco, M. ( 1 964) Diccionario de dudas de la lengua espanola, Madrid, Aguilar. Seco, M. ( 1 970) Arniches y el habla de Madrid, Madrid, Alfaguara. Selkirk, E. ( 1 983) The Syntax of Words, Cambridge, Mass . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology . SGEL. ( 1 975) Gran diccionario de la lengua espanola, Madrid, SGEL. Spanding , R. ( 1 975) How Spanish Grew, Berkeley , University of California. Spitzer, L. ( 1 92 1 ) ' Das Suffix " -one " im Romanischen ' , Biblioteca dell 'Archivum Romanicum, series II , vol . 2 , 1 83-205 , Geneva. Stahl, FA . , and Scavnicky, G . E . A . ( 1 973) A Reverse Dictionary of the Spanish lAnguage, Illinois, University of Illinois . Steel, B . ( 1 968) 'Observaciones sobre e l uso periodfstico de los afijos adjetivales en los grupos nominates ' , Espaflol Actual, no . 1 2 , 1 -6, Madrid. Stevenson, C . H . ( 1970) The Spanish lAnguage Today, London, Hutchinson. Sumz Solis, A. ( 1969) El lhico de Camilo Jose Cela, Madrid, Estudios de Literatura Contemporanea. Tekavcic , P. ( 1 972) Grammatica storica dell 'italiano, vol . III, Bologna, Mulino. Urrutia Cardenas, H . ( 1 978) Lengua y discurso en la creacion lexica, Madrid, Planeta. Val Alvaro, J . P . ( 1 98 1 ) ' Los derivados sufijales en "-ble" en espaiiol ' ,

Revista de Filologfa Espanola, LXI , 1 85-97 . Vox. ( 1 964) Diccionario general ilustrado de la lengua espanola, Barcelona, Biblograf. Wheeler, M . ( 1 977) ' Problemes lhics per al generativista: Els mots catalans

264

Bibliography a doble arret' , Actes del IV Colloqui lnternacional de Uengua i Uteratura Catalanes, 235-50, Baste . Yale, Julen Sordo. ( 1 979) Diccionario del pasota, Barcelona, Planeta. Zuffi, S . ( 1 982) 'Grammatiche lessicali: tra morfologia e sintassi ' , unpublished article, Venice.

265

a- 1 70, 1 86, 232 -a 1 47 , 258 -able 1 56, 227 , 256 abstract nouns 1 42 acci6n y efecto 1 40, 1 4 1 -dceo 3 6 , 1 50 -aco 1 93 acoustic verbs 1 45 acronyms 1 54 , 1 96, 239, 258 -ada 132, 22 1 ad hoc formation 79, 1 42 , 1 54 -adizo 1 5 8 adjectivals 1 50, 252 -ado 1 32 , 1 56, 1 86, 223 , 228 adverbials 1 50, 1 6 1 , 229 aero- 1 82 -aje 1 3 3 , 222 , 223 agentives 9 , 1 42 agricultural texis 1 90 -ajo 1 19 , 2 1 9 al- 4 -al 1 3 3 , 1 5 1 , 225 , 255 -ales 1 2 1 allomorphs 1 5 , 1 6 , 2 1 , 26, 94, 157, 1 72 , 248, 249 an- 1 70 -ancia 1 3 7 , 2 1 1 , 255 anglicisms 252 animates 43 , 1 06, 144, 1 5 3 , 1 7 1 , 1 88, 23 1 , 257 -ano 1 93 ante- 1 74, 1 7 7 , 233 -ante 1 42 , 1 57 , 223 , 228, 252 anti- 1 70, 233 , 257 approximation 1 6 1

-ar 1 64, 230, 256, 257 archaic forms 1 46 archi- 1 19 , 233 -ario 152, 225 , 254 -arro 1 1 9, 220 augmentatives 109, 2 1 8 , 253 auto- 1 82 , 233 -azo 1 1 2 , 1 60, 2 1 8

back formation 20, 97, 146, 255 base 43 , 76, 101 bi (s)- 178, 1 79, 234 binary branching 56, 51, 1 86, 25 1 binominals 8 1 blending 198, 258 blocks 5 1 blocking 59, 1 59 boundaries 23 , 26, 29, 43 , 73 , 1 4 1 , 1 56, 249 bound morpheme 1 2 , 1 3 , 168 choative verbs 1 66 Chomsky 5 -cion 129, 1 42 cis- 36 class-changing suffixes 123 , 124 clipping 200, 239, 258 collectives 1 25 compound adjectives 78 , 2 1 6 concatenation 7 , 1 4 , 43 conjugations 76, 1 56, 157, 1 67 constraints 32, 33, 45, 80, 1 46 contra- 1 7 1 , 234, 257 countable nouns 84

267

Index cult formations 1 4 8 , 1 49 , 1 50, 152, 1 5 5 , 1 82 , 25 1 , 257

dactil-

70

4 , 59, 1 3 8 , 224, 25 1

de- 169, 1 7 1

deadjectivals 1 36 , 1 59, 1 65

des- 1 69 , 1 7 1 , 234

-dero 143, 1 59

dimunitives 1 0 1

dis- 1 69, 1 7 1

deverbals 2 5 , 1 40, 1 55

dimension 1 89

-dizo 1 56 , 228

-dor 143, 1 5 8 , 229, 255

-dumbre 38

-dura 1 4 1 , 1 44 , 224

-dad

-e 148, 255 -ear 165, 1 67 , 230, 256 -ecer 1 65 -edizo 1 5 8 -ejo 1 20 , 220 electro- 1 69 ellipsis 1 7 1 emotive suffixes 1 5 , 9 1 en- 1 86 -encia 1 3 7 , 2 1 1 endocentric derivatives 74 -ense 1 93 , 232 -ente 1 47 entre- 1 74 -eno 1 50, 1 9 3 , 232 -eo 148, 224 -eria 1 3 3 , 222 , 255 -erio 254 -ero 152, 1 94 , 225 , 255 -es 1 94 -esco 1 5 2 , 226, 255 -etas 1 02 -ete 1 05 , 2 1 7 etymology 3 , 4, 5 euro- 1 82 , 238 exocentric derivatives 7 1 , 79, 87 extended morphology 1 6 , 36, 5 3 , 5 5 , 250, 25 1

extra- 1 72 , 1 80, 234 -ez/-eza 1 39 , 225

268

1obia 70 foreign bases 34, 35 , 38, 84, 1 65 , 252 fossilised affixes 36, 38, 1 46, 1 5 2 , 1 5 3 , 1 74

fono- 1 82

foto- 1 8 1

free morpheme 1 1 , 1 2 , 20

frequentatives 167, 256

gender 76, 99 , 105 , 1 88 , 1 90,

253 , 257

generative phonology 9, 10, 25 ,

1 46, 248

gentilics 8 1 , 1 54 , 1 60, 1 9 1 , 23 1 ,

258

headedness 70, 7 1 , 72 , 82 , 89, 100, 25 1 , 253 heterogeneous suffixes 20 homogeneous suffixes 20 hiper- 1 80, 235 hyperbole 82 , 157, 1 76 hyphenation 80 hypocoristics 200, 20 1 , 254, 258

i-{

1 72 1 94

Jber- 1 99 -ible 1 56 -ica 1 02 -ico 1 0 1 , 108 , 2 1 8 , 253 -idizo 1 58 idiosyncrasies 46 -ido 145 , 224, 255 -iente 1 57 -iento 1 5 3 -ificar 1 49 , 1 66 , 23 1 , 256 -il 1 5 3 , 226, 255 -illo 1 0 1 , 104 , 2 1 7 im- 172 in- 1 72 , 235 -(n 1 07 , 195, 2 1 7 , 253 inchoative verbs 1 65 infixes 1 4 , 96, 164, 230 inflection 1 6 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 68, 69, 90, 98, 248 , 25 1

infra- 235

Index -ingo 1 2 1 , 220

-ino 108, 1 95 , 232

intensificatory affixes 1 79

inter- 1 64 , 1 65 , 235

intransitive verbs 1 66

-(simo 1 59 , 226

-ismo 6 1 , 1 3 5 , 222 , 225 , 255

-ista 6 1 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 , 223 , 226

-(stico 1 54, 227

-ita 1 95

iterative derivation 1 49 , 1 65

-itis 3 7 , 250

-ito 1 0 1 , 103 , 2 1 6

-izar 1 43 , 1 49 , 1 66, 23 1 , 256

juxtapositions

81

latinate affixes 48, 1 45 , 1 7 4 , 1 7 7 , 252 level ordered morphology 50, 250 lexeme 1 1 lexical creativity 3 8 lexical gaps 1 7 lexical insertion 5 lexicalisation 1 04 , 1 05 , 106, 1 07 lexical morpheme 1 2 lexical morphology 42 lexicography 9 locatives 1 43 , 1 50, 1 74 loose compounds 8 1

macro- 235 mal- 236 materialisation

1 4 1 , 1 43 , 1 52 , 1 5 3 ,

1 64

-mente 1 6 1 , 229 , 256 -mex 1 9 1 micro- 1 8 1 -miento 1 45 modifiers 85 mono- 1 79 morpheme 9, I I , 46, 248 , 250 morphosemantics 253 moto- 36 multi- 1 79 , 236 nasal assimilation 30 negative conditions 33, 250

negative prefixes 1 56, 1 70

neology 1 5 7 , 25 1

no 1 7 3 , 236

nominalisation 1 3 1

- o 148 -oide 1 2 1 , 22 1 -on 1 1 4, 2 1 8 , 254 ordering 1 5 , 5 2 , 5 3 , 93 , 1 60 , 25 1 -orro 1 20 , 220 orthographic compound 65 , 72 , 215

-oso 5 9 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 , 227 , 254, 255 -ote I I 5 , 2 1 9, 254 paradigmatic formation 8, 9, 10,

16, 1 54, 1 56, 1 87

parasynthesis 1 4 , 1 64, 1 67 , 1 69 ,

1 85 , 238 passives 152, 158 pejoratives 1 1 7 , 1 52 , 2 1 9 phonemes 94 , 1 0 1 phonoaesthetics 74, 1 1 7 , 254 phonology 25 phonotactics 28, 249 pisci- 70 pluri- 179, 236 poli- 236 pos (t)- 1 78 postverbals 1 46 pre- 1 7 8 , 236 prefixes 1 3 , 54, 168, 256 prefixoids 168, 1 8 1 , 238 prepositions 82 , 85 , 86, 1 68 , 252 productivity 1 8 , 24, 35 , 36, 37 proper names 96, 1 53

quimi-

1 84

radical change 30, 98, 249 radio- 168, 1 83, 237

re168, 1 7 5 , 1 80 , 257 readjustment rules 27 recursive morphology 93 , 106 reflexive verbs 1 82 regional variation 95 , 103 , 106, 108, 1 46, 1 50 regressive formation 1 46

269

Index reiterative affixation 1 5 retro- 1 75 rules of fonnation 1 0 , 32, 93 , 94

-sa 1 99 Saussure 5 selection 2 3 , 27 semantic constraints 47 , 87, 1 45 semantic drift 6, 50, 1 43 , 1 72 semi- 1 79 , 237 so- 1 76 sobre- 1 75 , 237 South American Spanish 104, 105 , 1 1 2 , 253, 255 , 256 , 257 stem 1 2 , 44, 50, 97 stress 5 8 , 25 1 stress shift 22, 3 1 , 50, 1 68 , 250 strong lexical hypothesis 5 1 , 97 style 3 8 , 89, 1 4 7 , 1 49 , 1 50 sub- 1 76, 237 super- 1 76 , 1 80, 237 syllable 58, 77 synaeresis 29, 1 76 , 249 synonyms 39, 85 , 1 40 syntagmatic compound 65 , 8 1 , 85 syntax 5, 7 , 23, 52 , 6 1 , 68, 72, 8 1 , 25 1 , 254 , 256 -tas 4 technical lexis 1 64, 1 68

270

-teco 1 95 tele- 168, 1 83 temporal prefixes 1 77 theme vowel 27, 48 , 1 4 1 trans- 1 77 transfonnational grammar 5, 6, 7, 2 3 , 248 transitives 7, 1 56, 157, 1 58, 1 66 tras- 1 77 truncation 27 , 1 66 , 249

-ucho 1 20, 220 -udo 1 1 6, 2 1 9 -uelo 9 2 , 9 8 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 6 , 253 -ujo 92 ultra- 1 8 1 , 237 uni- 1 79 unitary base hypothesis 56 -ura 1 40 -uzco 220 verbals 1 63 verb-noun compounds video- 1 68 , 1 84 vowel reduction 29

7, 75 , 252

weak lexical hypothesis 5 1 whimsical fonnation 1 43 word 2, 1 2 , 57, 6 1 , 248

8 8 , 1 44, 1 45 , 1 5 3 ,

zero suffix

1 46