Soul: Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure 9780814738566

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"Just i n time to rescu e u s from th e paralyzing antinomie s o f essentialis m and anti-essentialism , bas e an d superstructure , clas s an d culture , Soul arrives t o restor e Blac k pleasur e t o it s rightfu l plac e i n contemporar y debates o n race , identity , an d subjectivity . I n a spiri t o f inclusiveness , this boo k open s th e subjec t u p b y providin g a ric h mi x o f viewpoints — even thos e o f oppositio n an d contradiction . Wha t come s throug h abov e all i s th e vitalit y an d livelines s o f a ne w generatio n o f scholar s an d th e sense tha t th e heritag e o f a grea t civilizatio n i s i n goo d hands . An d i f proof wer e stil l neede d tha t w e ar e livin g i n th e golde n ag e o f Africa n American Studies , Soul woul d b e it. " —John F . Szwed, Yale Universit y

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Black P o w e r

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Politics, a n d Pleasure

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Edited by

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Monique Guillory and

Richard C.

Green

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES New York and London

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and London Copyright © 199 8 7 by New York University All rights reserved Chapter 2, "Afro Images: Politics, Fashion, and Nostalgia" by Angela Y. Davis, published in Picturing Us, ed. Deborah Wills. Copyright © 199 5 by Angela Davis. Reprinted by permission of The New Press. Chapter 18, "Question of a 'Soulful Style': An Interview with Paul Gilroy," copyright © Paul Gilroy. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Soul : Black power, politics, and pleasure / edited by Monique Guillory and Richard C. Green. p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference and index. ISBN 0-8147-3084-1 (clothbound : acid-free paper).—ISBN 0-8147-3085-x (paperback : acid-free paper) 1. Afro-Americans—Rac e idenity—Congresses. 2 . Afro-American s in popular culture—Congresses. 3 . Afro-America n arts—Congresses. I. Guillory , Monique, 1969- . II . Green , Richard C, 1967- . E185.625.S67 199 7 305.896'073—dc21 97-3385 0 CIP New York University Press books are printed on acid:free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments i x By Way o f a n Introductio n 1 MONIQUE GUILLOR Y AN D RICHAR D C . GREE N Part One: Black Power 5 Introduction: O n Blac k Powe r 7 STEVEN DRUKMA N 1. It' s Al l i n th e Timing : Th e Lates t Moves , Jame s Brown' s Grooves , and th e Seventie s Race-Consciousnes s Movemen t i n Salvador , Bahia-Brazil 9 ANNA SCOT T 2. Afr o Images : Politics , Fashion , an d Nostalgi a 2 3 ANGELA Y . DAVI S 3. Note s o f a Prodiga l Son : James Baldwi n an d th e Apostas y of Sou l 3 2 NATHAN L . GRAN T 4. Fragmente d Souls : Cal l an d Respons e wit h Rene e Co x 4 5 ARTRESS BETHAN Y WHIT E 5. Wailin ' Soul : Reggae' s Deb t t o Blac k America n Musi c 56 GRANT FARE D 6. Aun t Emma' s Zun i Recip e fo r Sou l Transitio n 75 CARL HANCOC K RU X Part Two: Black Politics 87 Introduction: Afrofe m Aestheti c Manifeste d 8 TRACIE MORRI S

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Contents 7. Fro m Freedo m t o Equality : Th e Politic s o f Rac e an d Clas s 9 5 MANNING MARABL E 8. Fro m Sesame Street t o Schoolhouse Rock: Urba n Pedagog y an d Soul Iconograph y i n th e 1970 s 10 5 DAVID SERLI N 9. A Sexua l Revolution : Fro m Pun k Roc k t o Sou l 12 1 ELENA GEORGIO U 10. Soul , Transnationalism , an d Imagining s o f Revolution : Tanzania n Ujamaa an d th e Politic s o f Enjoymen t 12 6 MAY JOSEP H 11. Soul' s Revival : Whit e Soul , Nostalgia , an d th e Culturall y Constructed Pas t 13 9 GAYLE WALD 12. "Soul" : A Photo Essa y 15 9 MARILYN NANC E Part Three: Black Pleasure 167 Introduction: Blac k Pleasure—A n Oxymoro n 16 9 ISHMAEL REE D 13. Ethnophysicality , o r A n Ethnograph y o f Som e Bod y 17 2 JOHN L . JACKSO N JR . 14. Blac k Bodie s Swingin' : Race , Gender , an d Jaz z 19 1 MONIQUE GUILLOR Y 15. Stone d Sou l Picnic : Alvi n Aile y an d th e Struggl e t o Defin e Officia l Black Cultur e 21 6 THOMAS DEFRANT Z 16. Th e Legen d o f Soul : Lon g Liv e Curti s Mayfield ! 22 7 MICHAEL A . GONZALE S 17. Th e Stigmatizatio n o f "Blaxploitation " 23 6 RICHARD SIMO N 18. Questio n o f a "Soulfu l Style" : Intervie w wit h Pau l Gilro y 25 0 RICHARD C . GREE N AN D MONIQU E GUILLOR Y VI

Contents Fart Four: Black Conversation 267 19. "Ain' t W e Stil l Go t Soul? " Roundtabl e Discussio n wit h Gre g Tate , Portia Maultsby , Thulan i Davis , Clyd e Taylor , an d Ishmae l Ree d 26 9 20. Fro m Thi s Ivor y Tower : Rac e a s a Critica l Paradig m i n th e Academy ( A Discussion i n Tw o Acts ) 28 4 Introduction 28 4 MONIQUE GUILLOR Y Act On e 28 9 MANTHIA DIAWAR A Act Two : Summarie s o f Roundtabl e Discussion s b y Houston A . Bake r Jr. , an d Philli p B . Harper, Trudie r Harris , and Trici a Ros e 29 9 Contributors 31 3 Index 31 9

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Much o f th e materia l fo r thi s boo k wa s culle d fro m o r inspire d b y a conference o f th e sam e nam e hel d a t Ne w Yor k Universit y i n sprin g 1995. Tha t even t marke d th e pilo t projec t o f th e ne w Blac k Graduat e Studies Association a t NYU, which ha d no t bee n activ e o n campu s sinc e the lat e 1970s . Becaus e th e conferenc e lie s a t th e hear t o f thi s project , we fee l a s indebted t o thos e wh o mad e th e conferenc e possibl e a s we d o to those who contributed t o the published text . Along with th e contribu tors, we would als o lik e to than k Makung u M . Akinyela , Amir i Baraka , Paul Beatty, Tish Benson, Naadu Blankson , Elois e Jacobs Brunner , Mar y Schmidt Campbell , Ephe n Glen n Colter , Manthi a Diawara , Glend a Doyle, Corneliu s Eady , Davi d Ebert , Davi d Ellis , Donett e Francis , Ale x Garrison, Steve n Gregory , drea m hampton , Fatim a Legrand , Mari o Luc ineo, Laver n McDonald , Willia m Mills , Sara h Morse , Robi n Nagle , Jennifer Jo y Radford , Tosh i Reagon , Roge r Richardson , Andre w Ross , Suzanne Smith, Pam Sneed, Annette Weiner, Jennifer Wicke , and Patrici a Williams. Monique woul d lik e t o expres s sincer e thank s t o St . Jude, he r par ents an d family , an d Mel , an d a ver y specia l hu g t o Gwen , Natalie , and Tanya , wh o hav e bee n a tireles s ta g tea m o f love , support , an d inspiration. Richard would lik e to send specia l thanks t o his family fo r providin g him wit h a ric h soul-fille d upbringing , t o friend s & colleague s suc h a s John M. , Anna B. , Jeffrey P. , Carl R. , Tommy D. , Andre L. , and s o man y others fo r thei r wonderfu l suppor t an d encouragement , an d o f cours e t o Mark Seamon—fo r alway s bein g there .

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BY W A Y O F A N I N T R O D U C T I O N MONIQUE GUILLORY AND RlCHARD C GREE N

Who can be born black and not sing the wonder of it the joy the challenge Who can be born black and not exult?

—Mari Evans

A magazine reporte r onc e aske d Areth a Frankli n t o defin e soul . "Soul i s black," Ms . Frankli n replied . And sh e should know . A s the reignin g Quee n o f soul , Aretha Frank lin's lif e attest s t o tha t swee t sensualit y tha t lend s powe r t o th e voice , spirit t o th e bod y an d dept h t o understanding . Sou l i s th e stuf f o f ou r dreams an d mark s tha t magica l domai n o f powerfu l nothingnes s wher e fantasies an d ancestor s live . Aim e Cesair e recognize d th e revolutionar y potential o f suc h surrealis t manifestations ; bu t a t th e sam e time , every body's favorit e soul-brother-number-one , Jame s Brown , embodie s a gritty, gut-wrenchin g realit y whic h ha s transcende d nationa l boundarie s and crosse d generations . Throug h suc h timeless , omni-presen t icon s a s Franklin an d Brown , sou l lie s embedde d i n th e sacre d an d th e profane , the sublime an d th e sensational . But give n Sou l Queen' s ver y ow n proclamation , wha t exactl y i s black? Despite th e numerou s obstacle s an d trial s tha t hav e characterize d 1

MONIQUE GUILLOR Y AND RICHARD C . GREEN the live s o f blac k peopl e i n Americ a (i f no t elsewhere ) w e remai n un swervingly romanti c abou t th e concep t o f a commo n blac k experience . The voice s exaltin g tha t blacknes s an d th e mean s o f celebratin g i t hav e shifted wit h th e tide s o f history . Blac k American s n o longe r sin g wit h one voic e o r lov e wit h on e heart , an d w e hav e becom e increasingl y doubtful tha t ther e eve r wa s a tim e whe n w e did . W e canno t eve n b e certain o f wh o o r wha t i s meant b y the ter m "black. " Nonetheless , ho w blacks hav e com e t o recogniz e themselve s a s a distinc t grou p withi n th e context o f Americ a surface s fro m a n almos t ineffabl e sens e o f persever ance and vitality in the face o f adversity . As Zora Neal e Hurston remind s us, "I t wa s a n insid e thin g t o liv e by . It wa s sur e t o b e hear d whe n an d where th e wor k wa s hardest , an d th e lo t mos t cruel . I t helpe d th e slave s endure. The y kne w tha t somethin g bette r wa s coming . S o the y laughe d in the face o f things and sang , T'm s o glad! Trouble don't las t always.' " 1 This boo k seek s to situat e th e notion o f sou l within th e ongoin g dis course ove r question s o f identit y an d subjectivity . I n the swa y o f cultura l studies and othe r deconstructiv e winds, many scholars now denounce th e reductivist sens e inheren t i n notion s o f a singl e blac k experience , blac k community, or black history. Such scholars recognize that the experiences, communities, an d historie s fro m al l corners o f th e Africa n diaspor a ma y be fa r to o divers e an d splintere d t o lum p the m int o on e cohesiv e group . However, th e notio n o f sou l implie s a scop e o f th e psych e tha t exceed s conventional assumption s abou t thos e individua l motivation s whic h bring folk s together . I n som e ways , th e concep t o f sou l ma y serv e u s fa r better than race ever will. While statisticians and clinicians (re: the Censu s Bureau) discer n blacknes s through a variety of biological and socia l attri butes, sou l remains a n abstrac t an d evocativ e sit e for identit y formation . Thus, i n critica l consideration s o f blac k cultura l expression , w e ca n ap preciate even as we critique Leopold Seda r Senghor's belief that "African s think wit h thei r soul— I woul d eve n say : wit h thei r heart." 2 W e woul d want t o challenge Senghor' s linkin g o f African sensibilitie s with the emo tive capacit y a s oppose d t o th e intellectual , eve n whil e w e ma y fee l tha t there is a grain of truth in his observation. As we steadily leave behind th e trappings o f essentialism , w e ma y mor e readil y recogniz e sou l whe n w e encounter it than we know who, definitively, i s black. Certainly, this is not to suggest that the two are in any way unaffiliated. Rather , given the congruence o f soul' s evolutio n wit h th e histor y o f black s i n America , on e could say that sou l is to black what rainbow is to rain . This i s no t t o sugges t tha t understandin g sou l i s an y easie r tha n 2

By Way of an Introduction defining blackness . Afte r readin g thi s collectio n o f essays , shor t stories , and poems , yo u ma y find tha t yo u ar e n o close r t o definin g soul tha n when yo u started . Althoug h w e ma y no t kno w specificall y wha t sou l "is," w e stil l ma y b e abl e t o recogniz e it . Th e variet y o f perspective s mixed (lik e a goo d gumbo ) i n thi s boo k demonstrate s th e exten t t o which sou l speak s t o th e specific s o f persona l tast e an d desire . Bu t i s there a n essenc e t o soul ? I s i t linke d t o a particula r socia l o r cultura l perspective, o r doe s th e presenc e o f sou l necessaril y attes t t o som e trac e of socia l oppression ? Du e t o th e chameleon-lik e natur e o f soul , w e hav e intentionally presente d th e subjec t fro m varie d an d ofte n contradictor y vantage points . Therefore , man y o f th e patent consideration s o f sou l fai l to encompas s th e breadt h o f thi s study . Whil e w e acknowledg e "soul " as i t i s applied t o foo d an d music , a particular momen t i n th e histor y o f African America , o r a style o r aestheti c tha t i s thought t o b e endemi c t o black America , a t th e sam e tim e w e questio n th e myt h o f blac k cultura l unity tha t imbue s black s wit h a certai n qualit y o f bein g b y thei r rac e alone. N o singl e understandin g o f sou l i s intentionall y privilege d here ; thus, n o on e figure o r momen t seem s sufficien t t o serv e a s a masthead . Rather, w e hav e attempte d t o gras p sou l i n som e o f it s man y guise s and articulations , fro m Jame s Brown' s shuffl e t o Schoolbouse Rock, a children's televisio n show . Nor hav e w e bee n particularl y fixed o n th e for m o r styl e thes e explorations o f sou l shoul d take . Undoubtedly , a book abou t sou l ough t to engag e th e sense s an d th e intellec t o n ever y possibl e level , fro m photography an d visua l ar t t o musi c an d contemporar y cultura l theorie s (we woul d lik e t o hav e include d 2 CD s betwee n thes e cover s a s well) . But eve n wit h suc h vas t resource s an d broa d terrai n a t ou r command , there remain s ver y littl e commo n groun d whe n i t come s t o individua l approaches t o soul . Nelso n Georg e say s sou l die d wit h Nixon' s reelec tion i n 1972 . Other s argu e tha t sou l neve r died , i t jus t gre w u p an d go t hip with th e times. Question s regardin g who' s go t sou l an d wh o doesn't , who stol e soul an d who' s fakin g it , have proven t o b e legitimate ground s for battle . Sou l i s a delicat e matter , ye t i t i s interestin g t o not e wha t strange bedfellow s surfac e fro m beneat h it s cover . Regardles s o f one' s stance o n identit y politics , Afrocentricity , o r politica l correctness , com menting o n somebody' s quotien t an d qualit y o f sou l ca n b e a s persona l as talkin' 'bou t somebody' s mama . We have encouraged th e contributor s here t o maintai n tha t persona l aspec t o f sou l i n thei r discussions . Sou l bears a s muc h relevanc e t o contemporar y consideration s o f identit y 3

MONIQUE GUILLOR Y AND RICHARD C . GREEN politics a s d o rac e an d class , ye t i t temper s thes e matter s wit h element s of passio n an d finesse . A s succinctl y a s Pau l Gilro y ca n rattl e of f th e geopolitical reason s behin d divergen t mean s o f cultura l productio n i n Great Britai n an d th e Unite d States , h e ca n als o recal l wit h winsom e nostalgia hi s first encounte r wit h somethin g h e recognized a s soulful. W e have embrace d thi s topi c becaus e o f it s universa l appeal . Th e scholar , the poet , an d th e perso n o n th e stree t al l carr y wit h the m a notio n o f soul, a feel an d sens e of i t as secure an d familia r a s a mother's touch . In additio n t o th e broa d framewor k w e hav e lai d fo r th e piece s tha t follow, we have also divided the material into three general categories that are intended t o circumscribe various aspect s of soul and it s historical an d social implications . "Blac k Power " interrogate s th e revisionist histor y o f the civil rights era and reconsiders its subsequent gains. We also offer her e some innovativ e interpretation s o f ho w th e notio n o f "power " migh t b e understood a s somethin g othe r tha n th e Supe r Sou l Brothe r wit h fist clenched i n th e air . "Blac k Politics " examine s th e soul-inflecte d move ments o f people an d commoditie s i n the publi c sphere . And "Blac k Plea sure" approache s sou l fro m it s mos t celebrate d an d ofte n mos t compli cated sources—excessive , demonstrativ e blac k bodie s gettin' ou t of han d (and body) . W e conclud e th e boo k wit h tw o importan t possibilities : "Ain't We Still Got Soul?" and "Fro m This Ivory Tower: Race as a Critical Paradigm i n th e Academy. " Give n th e natur e o f th e followin g project , these tw o closin g section s coul d b e reformulate d a s "Ain' t W e Stil l Go t Soul in This Ivory Tower?" It is, perhaps, our own anxiety and discomfor t over this issue that has fueled thi s conference-turned-book. Familia r ques tions plagu e us : wha t i s the blac k intellectual' s deb t t o th e community ? How d o we not los e touch wit h th e folks w e never se e in academia's hal cyon halls ? What happen s t o sou l in degree d an d discipline d hands ? Th e following musing s mark our humble attempt to grapple with the rich stuf f of ou r souls . Lik e Rapunzel , confine d t o he r tower , w e ar e lettin g ou r locks grow long in the hope that the (Artist formerly know n as) Prince will someday save us from ourselves . NOTES 1. Zor a Neal e Hurston , "Hig h John d e Conquer," i n Langston Hughe s an d Arna Bontemps, eds., Book of Negro Folklore (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1958), 93. 2. Leopol d Seda r Senghor , The Foundations of "Africanite," trans. Merce r Cook (Paris: Presence Africaine, 1971) , 44. 4

I N T R O D U C T I O N : O N BLAC K POWE R STEVEN DRUKMA N

For a white middle-clas s chil d o f th e seventies , Blac k Powe r ra n i n colo r on thre e majo r networks . It s "power " wa s ignite d o n cathod e ra y tube s or wa s motore d a t 3 3 1/ 3 r.p.m . I wa s awar e o f Stokel y Carmichael' s coinage mostl y throug h th e sexy-but-saf e denizen s o f Room 222, o r through downcast , dark-skinne d malcontent s bein g preache d t o b y a pious Jo e Frida y o n Dragnet. Or , I heard th e phras e a s anthem-like , it s exclamation poin t coincidin g wit h Sl y Stone' s a t th e en d o f "Stand! " I t was later , i n hig h school , whe n I learne d abou t th e Studen t Nonviolen t Coordinating Committe e (SNCC ) an d ho w white students fel t disenfran chised fro m a movemen t tha t didn' t see m t o wan t the m anymore , n o matter ho w muc h the y like d certai n music , o r fashio n trends , o r eve n exotic recipe s (wit h flavors mor e enticin g tha n m y mother' s burn t bris ket, fo r example) . Readin g Stokel y Carmichae l an d Charle s V . Hamil ton's boo k Black Power exactl y thre e decade s late , I realize tha t I can' t help bu t b e caugh t i n th e Jamesonia n we b o f nostalgia , tha t "Blac k Power" i s alway s alread y a pastiche-drive n refractio n o f images , styles , riffs, film dissolves , an d s o on . Th e essay s i n thi s sectio n al l attes t t o Black Power' s postmoder n punch— a "Blac k Puissance, " really—whil e they worr y abou t th e consequence s o f it s ongoin g transition , fro m a 1967 "politica l framewor k an d ideolog y tha t represent s th e las t reason able opportunit y fo r thi s societ y t o work ou t it s racial problem s shor t o f prolonged destructiv e guerrill a warfare, " to—what , exactly ? Or , a s Anna Scot t ask s i n he r conclusio n t o "It' s Al l in th e Timing": "W e gott a 'move somethin', ' bu t wha t wil l i t be : record s an d tape s o r liberate d black bodies? " All the pieces in this section as k tha t questio n i n one way o r another . Angela Y . Davis takes a brave ne w look a t the recontextualizatio n o f he r hyper-glam "revolutionary " imag e int o fashio n fetish . Car l Hancoc k Rux "cong-cong-congas " al l m y favorit e musi c (intersperse d wit h reci pes, again , cookin g u p "transition" ) bu t remember s Eri c Dolph y an d Archie Shep p i n a ver y differen t contex t fro m mine—hi s reminiscenc e more scar y an d violent , "takin g plac e i n a circl e o f frenzy. " An d les t I feel to o soulful , Gayl e Wal d i n he r essa y "Soul' s Revival " (i n par t 2) 7

STEVEN DRUKMAN persuasively remind s m e that "narcissis m i s the onl y possible outcom e of white cultural mimicry " tha t fail s to accoun t for its—er , my—privilege d position, grantin g m e permission t o cros s th e lin e an d appropriat e som e Black Powe r fo r m y own . These reminder s ar e important , i n ou r so-calle d postmoder n condi tion, where the boundaries se t up by identity politics yield to a boundles s play o f surfaces . A s Nathan L . Gran t point s ou t (i n his essay o n anothe r of m y boyhoo d heroes , Jame s Baldwin) , Blac k Powe r decree d tha t "be fore a grou p ca n ente r th e ope n society , i t mus t first clos e ranks. " Bu t the explosiv e performativit y o f Blac k Powe r ha s show n tha t closin g ranks i s not a n option , a s th e essenc e o f Blac k Power—th e ver y sou l o f soul—defies appropriatio n b e reemergin g alon g variou s axe s o f defini tion an d employment . Davi s i s righ t t o fee l alarme d abou t a potentia l subsuming o f th e movement' s contestator y natur e int o mer e style , bu t the ver y concep t o f Blac k Power—a s i t emerge s i n thes e pages—ha s already clearl y irradiate d beyon d it s origina l definin g strictures . I t wil l always b e a movement i n that i t is always i n movement, s o it s transitio n can neve r properl y b e calle d complete . Thi s i s Blac k Power' s power , a sort o f eterna l half-life , a n uncontainability . I n thi s respect , al l thes e authors ar e tru e t o th e page s o f Black Power, wherei n Carmichae l an d Hamilton conclud e no t onl y b y calling fo r ne w forms , bu t demandin g a "bold readines s t o b e 'ou t o f order. ' "

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It's A l l i n t h e T i m i n g The Lates t Moves , Jame s Brown' s Grooves , an d t h e Seventies Race-Consciousnes s Movemen t i n Salvador , Bahia-Brazil A N N A SCOT T

The "Afro " style o f movemen t an d performanc e bega n i n Brazi l i n th e seventies amon g radicalized sector s o f the Black-mixture d communit y a s a wa y t o recuperat e an d politiciz e inherite d Africa n cultura l practice s that ha d bee n co-opte d b y th e dictatorshi p a s simpl y folklore , par t o f "our Brazilia n Heritage." Twent y years later, it appears that this particu lar style o f danc e ha s a fixed se t o f code s fro m whic h th e dance r may construct/choreograp h meanin g int o a performance . Thi s position , however, reinstate s th e paradig m o f th e "folk " int o a dynami c proces s of identification, communication , an d insertio n withi n transnationa l dis courses abou t the various cultures o f people of African descent , a politics of aesthetics . A politics oriente d towar d an d base d o n a Blac k aesthetic , however, i s a debilitate d politic s tha t i s restraine d b y languag e differ ences, culturall y bounde d notion s o f taste , an d externa l marke t forces . Black "de/cipherin g practices " a s a n organizin g concep t potentiall y moves u s beyon d thos e bou*idaries , allowin g th e "tenacit y o f practice, " tenaxis, rathe r tha n cultura l products , t o becom e th e foca l point . I n thi s examination o f a fieldwork experienc e tha t too k plac e July 13 , 1994 , i n Salvador, Bahia-Brazil , durin g a two-mont h visit , I will develo p aspect s of thi s proces s throug h a performative text , eschewin g commo n tenden cies to fixate o n th e products o f thi s cultural production . 9

ANNA SCOTT The Space Having staye d jus t a littl e longe r tha n necessar y whil e waitin g fo r a fashionably lat e momen t pas t 1 1 P.M. , I hurriedl y lef t friend s t o th e vagaries o f th e ne w Pelourinho , drinkin g i n fron t o f th e cantin a Abar a R6, wher e the y wer e playin g sals a o n atabaqu e drum s fo r wealthy , overdressed tourist s fro m Sa o Paulo . A s usual , O Crav o Rastafar i wa s jam-packed wit h blac k peopl e fro m th e ol d neighborhood . Acros s th e way, th e ne w Cas a d e Olodu m cranke d regga e musi c fro m betwee n it s bared teeth , throug h whic h on e coul d pas s onl y wit h mone y o r a mem bership card . Th e stree t i n betwee n ha d becom e th e danc e floor itself , the Crav o gettin g th e majorit y o f th e business . I t wa s almos t 1 A.M. He Aiye ha d begu n it s rehearsa l sometim e afte r 1 1 P.M . but , a s m y room mate's boyfrien d ha d warne d a s I departe d th e apartmen t earlie r tha t evening, hopin g t o ge t of f chea p b y takin g a n earl y bu s t o Pelourinh o rather tha n a taxi, " E melho r d e esperar e de ir mas tard e pr a o He. Eles so comecam a partir da s veinte-tres. " He Aiye wa s th e first bloco afro organize d i n th e cit y o f Salvador , yet i t was continuall y havin g imag e problems . A t th e forefron t o f developing an "Afro " consciousnes s an d cultur e i n Salvador, the organizatio n steadfastly hold s t o th e "blac k i s beautiful " ideolog y o f th e blac k art s movement develope d i n th e Unite d State s i n th e lat e sixties . Sinc e 197 2 He Aiye has extolle d th e beaut y o f blac k ski n b y decidin g wha t shad e o f skin wa s blac k enoug h t o represen t beauty ; thi s ha s no t garnere d the m many allies i n thi s lan d o f so-calle d racia l democracy . Afte r a briga (battle) fo r th e directio n o f He in the mid-eighties, som e o f the leadershi p jumped shi p whil e other s wen t t o wor k fo r Olodum . Som e director s allegedly fel t th e politic s wer e to o tie d t o superficialitie s an d wante d t o make a broade r statemen t abou t liberatio n tha t woul d mak e a spac e fo r organizing acros s color lines . I decide d I needed t o en d m y infatuatio n wit h Olodum , on e o f He' s main competitors , th e first da y I went t o it s brand-ne w headquarter s i n the newl y renovate d Pelourinho , wher e Olodu m own s five buildings . I witnessed whit e tourist s clamorin g fo r advanc e tickets , afrai d the y would mis s th e grea t spectacl e o f Olodu m i n rehearsal . I t wasn' t s o much th e advanc e ticke t sales , whic h wa s a n improvemen t ove r th e dangerous money-at-the-door-in-the-alle y set-u p the y use d t o have ; rather, i t wa s tha t almos t ever y touris t sporte d som e ne w articl e o f clothing i n th e combine d color s o f th e Rastafar i an d Unite d Negr o 10

It's All in the Timing Improvement Association' s liberatio n flag, purchase d a t th e Boutiqu e d e Olodum. I n additio n t o thi s spectacl e o f voguin g liberation , eac h ticke t purchaser receive d a cop y o f a boo k abou t Olodum , printe d an d dis tributed b y Olodum , writte n b y a Brazilia n journalis t workin g o n hi s Ph.D. a t th e Sorbonne . Th e book , Olodum: um "holding cultural," amounts t o a n extende d fac t sheet . I decide d tha t I ha d bette r ge t t o know He ; maybe the n Olodum' s "W e Ar e th e World " posturin g woul d make sense . A comparative analysi s o f the tw o organization s migh t ri d m e o f m y growing suspicio n tha t i n th e en d ther e wa s nothin g liberator y a t al l about dancin g an d singin g abou t liberation . S o I headed ou t o f Pelour inho i n the direction o f Forte Sant o Antonio. Descendin g th e ladeira well over th e advisabl e spee d fo r walkin g dow n a steep , five-hundred-yearold cobbleston e road , I made note s i n my hea d abou t needin g t o mak e a "racial usage " ma p o f th e forme r neighborhood . Onward , downward , upward, pas t th e charming tile d Portugues e facade s o f crumblin g inhab ited house s tha t ha d no t ye t bee n renovated ; pas t sundr y store s ru n ou t of forme r livin g rooms ; pas t peanu t vendor s wh o looke d a s i f peanut s were al l the y ha d t o eat ; pas t livel y cantinas tha t ha d illegall y extende d their busines s ou t t o th e street ; pas t th e poin t wher e th e cobbleston e ended an d th e twentiet h centur y too k ove r (kin d of ) I continue d u p a long, slo w incline, the kin d tha t goe s o n foreve r bu t make s yo u thin k it' s about t o en d a t an y moment . Soo n I coul d fee l th e puls e o f th e surd o drum sectio n shakin g th e plaste r of f th e ol d fort . I crosse d th e plaza , where th e musi c wa s alread y a t a n enjoyabl e volume , an d entere d th e fort. For a brie f momen t ther e wa s silenc e a s I passed throug h th e arche d gateway. I emerged fro m th e lime-covered passagewa y int o the midnight blue sk y of th e courtyard , greete d b y the impac t o f a singl e solitar y wai l from th e vocalis t ato p th e concret e stage , leanin g jus t s o t o th e righ t s o he coul d hea r th e spirit s better . H e finished th e line , an d th e repique (snare drum ) o f the ban d leade r starte d up , givin g the phrase tha t woul d select whic h rhyth m t o play . The ban d gav e a fals e start ; th e singe r kep t on wailing , an d th e musica l directo r shoute d out , "Abr e o s olhos! " ("Open you r eyes!" ) becaus e th e cipher ha s a n aura l an d visual cu e to it . The smal l audienc e wa s gettin g annoyed ; the y cam e t o se e authenti c Afro-Bahian culture , an d th e native s couldn' t ge t thei r ac t together . A smallish crow d lingere d a t th e peripherie s o f th e courtyar d o n al l sides , milling about , casuall y talkin g amon g themselves ; the y ha d faith . Onc e 11

ANNA SCOTT more th e director playe d th e repique, al l eyes upon him , ears alert, stick s at th e ready . Bra a k a br a braakaka , bra a k a braakak a br a k a br a k a . . . and th e res t o f th e ban d jumpe d o n th e line . The singer' s voic e stuttere d across th e beats , breakin g u p th e bi g heavines s o f th e samb a regga e swing. I was righ t o n time .

The Place Built originall y a s a priso n fo r politica l insurgents , th e Fort e i s no w known a s the Nucle o d a Cultur a Negra . I n 199 0 i t house d fou r organi zations an d a t leas t si x individua l artist s an d artisans . Th e office s an d ateliers wer e actuall y i n ol d cell s an d cel l blocks ; th e ol d refector y wa s converted int o a danc e studio . Ther e wa s eve n a boutiqu e wher e yo u could bu y th e lates t i n Afr o fashion . He , Grup o Capoeri a Angol a d o Pelourinho (GCAP) , an d on e othe r capoeira grou p currentl y us e th e space o n a regula r basis . Th e othe r organization s an d group s hav e lef t because th e refor m o f th e historica l distric t i s makin g it s wa y towar d Forte Sant o Antonio. Th e buildin g i s slated t o becom e a mall . GCAP i s currently negotiatin g wit h th e cit y to ge t a spac e i n Pelour inho. Althoug h i t alread y run s a boutiqu e i n Pelourinho , H e Aiye want s no part o f the impending "touristicization " o f its organization an d musi c and ha s decide d t o relocat e rehearsal s bac k i n the "ghetto " o f Curuzu , a black stronghol d o f rebellio n sinc e th e earl y 1970 s an d th e plac e wher e He was born . Curuz u i s on e o f th e man y neighborhood s tha t compris e Liberdade, a happening barri o o f blacknes s sinc e the 1950s . While mos t of Liberdad e i s in the Ciadad e Alta , you mus t descen d a stee p hil l to ge t to Curuzu ; n o buse s ente r thi s part o f Liberdade .

Spectacle, Spectating Back i n 1990 , th e las t time I was i n Salvado r conductin g researc h o n th e dance an d cultur e o f bloco afro groups , I usually foun d mysel f th e onl y or on e of fe w stranger s o r foreigner s a t these nighttime rehearsals . I t was apparent tha t man y thing s ha d change d sinc e m y las t trip , primar y among them th e introduction o f portable table s an d chairs . Fo r the mos t part, thes e were occupie d b y nonparticipant observers—mainl y tourists . It is , however , ver y difficul t no t t o participate , give n th e forc e an d 12

It's All in the Timing volume o f th e music . Th e audienc e wa s situate d directl y acros s fro m th e gateway, clos e t o th e ba r an d restaurant . Th e table s appeare d t o b e placed haphazardl y a s needed. Olde r member s o f He had commandeere d some clos e t o a bac k corner , almos t i n th e shadows , awa y fro m th e audience. Th e table s wer e use d t o leav e larg e workou t bags , purses , jackets (i t wa s winter , afte r all) , an d bee r unde r th e watchfu l eye s o f resting friends . Th e participan t observer s wer e visibl y separate d fro m the nonparticipan t observer s b y a pathway filled with a steady strea m o f thirsty folk s makin g thei r wa y t o th e bar . The courtyar d wa s li t wit h string s o f ligh t bulbs ; o n a clea r nigh t such a s this , th e moo n an d starr y sk y illuminate d th e situatio n al l th e more. Hangin g ou t i n th e peripheries , younge r peopl e eye d eac h othe r daringly o r boppe d u p an d dow n i n thei r bes t imitatio n o f B-Bo y ennui . The drummers were steadily pumping ou t the intricacies of samba regga e and th e singe r was holding "church, " switchin g betwee n Portugues e an d Yoruba. Th e lyric s o f samb a regga e song s ar e mainl y i n wha t i s know n in blac k revolutionar y circle s a s "Pretoguese"— preto-, black ; -guese, from th e en d o f Portuguese— a mixtur e o f Africa n language s an d a creolized for m o f Portuguese tha t lilts . After introducin g a potential son g for nex t year' s carnaval, th e singe r launche d int o a n ol d standard , th e crowd havin g bee n les s than moved . That' s whe n I saw them . Emerging fro m th e shadow s o n th e GCA P side , a smal l grou p o f women starte d t o chee r an d dance . G u g'hu m dhu m dhu m ga , g a dhu m dhum g a . . . Gu g'hum dhu m dhu m ga , ga dhum dhu m ga . This Suingu e Bahiano (Bahia n Swing ) wa s doin g i t fo r them . A t first eac h wa s jus t moving t o th e musi c i n he r ow n way . Afte r a coupl e o f refrain s o f th e song, on e o f the m emerge d a s a whimsical stepper , an d sh e soon ha d th e rest followin g i n he r funk y footsteps . Th e drummin g ha d switche d u p just a enough , creatin g tha t soulfu l swa y tha t H e is cherishe d for : "N o me pegu e n o m e toqu e po r favo r n a m e provoque,"an d th e crow d answered, "e u s o quer o ve r Ilee e paaassar. " Soon , everyon e standin g was doin g somethin g o r other , bu t nothin g bea t wha t wa s happenin g over i n the dar k corne r wher e th e wome n wer e dancing . I realized tha t I was somewha t lordin g ove r a very larg e empt y spac e nea r th e middl e o f the courtyard . Peopl e wer e staring , tryin g t o plac e me : I didn' t g o si t down immediately , n o on e cam e u p t o mee t me , grinning ; I had o n big , black bagg y jean s an d a t-shirt , a sur e not-from-her e look ; m y hai r wa s "Rasta," bu t the n again , not ; I was no t white ; an d I was dancin g i n th e middle o f th e courtyard wit h a huge smil e o n m y face . 13

ANNA SCOTT Thinking t o myself , "No w wha t ar e the y doing? " I began t o imitat e the lin e o f women , wh o wer e cuttin g u p b y now , a s di d th e res t o f th e crowd o n tha t sid e o f th e courtyard . Th e touris t audienc e realize d tha t the sho w wa s behin d the m an d bega n t o slyl y rearrang e thei r seats , s o they coul d se e bot h th e bateria an d th e dancers . Th e danglin g hundred watt bulb s mad e peepin g difficult , an d th e audienc e ha d t o settl e fo r occasional flashes o f teet h an d laughter . I couldn' t tak e i t an y longer . I walked ove r t o th e wome n an d go t int o th e ne w bac k lin e tha t ha d formed t o accommodat e thos e o f u s eager t o lear n th e lates t moves . Th e songs wer e continuou s now ; no t eve n th e singe r wa s demarcatin g th e changes—just shee r flow .

Dances Meanwhile, i n th e back , w e groove d on , hootin g an d howlin g fo r th e more intricat e steps , intentl y gatherin g ou r stamin a an d breat h durin g the simpl e ones , stil l thinkin g o n th e comple x ones . Eac h ste p wa s comprised o f a t leas t tw o t o si x parts , mostl y i n 4/ 4 time ; thi s necessi tated a goo d sens e o f rhythm , sinc e th e drummin g wa s i n 12/16 . A fe w steps include d hop s an d dro p squats , bu t mos t wer e two-ste p slides , pivot turns , o r a n "inverted " samb a simpl y know n a s a n injunction — balanqa, "swin g it. " Thi s danc e wa s a basi c step , on e tha t w e returne d to fo r res t o r t o reall y thro w dow n wit h th e rhythm . Mos t step s mak e boxes o r line s an d emphasiz e long , articulate d arms , lik e Senegales e dance o r reminiscen t o f Bo b Marley' s backu p singers , th e I-Threes . I n actuality, the ar m use s and position s ar e from th e Candomble . Long articulate d arm s i n Candombl e ritua l dancin g ca n signif y th e sky, snakes , ocea n waves , rai n calling , machet e slashes , holdin g th e reigns o f a gallopin g horse , o r flashin g a saber , staff , o r bracelets , t o name a few . Thes e movement s ar e "quoted " a t will , bu t ar e "deployed " when th e singe r sing s th e cal l o f a specifi c orixd, Candombl e deity , which happen s t o b e your ori, th e on e tha t rule s you r head , tha t is , your actions, temperament , an d destiny . Wave s ar e Yemanjd, "motherhood; " Machete slashe s ar e Ogun, "iro n an d war, " an d s o on . Th e ritual s an d dances o f th e Candombl e ar e th e basi s o f th e Afr o danc e styl e an d art s movement. 14

It's All in the Timing The Afro Look I ha d forgotte n tha t I wa s rigge d fo r soun d recordin g an d mus t hav e slammed th e microphon e abou t five times befor e I realized wha t i t was . In a n attemp t t o concea l th e mike fro m thievin g eyes, I had wor n m y bi g baggy blac k jeans . N o on e els e ha d o n bagg y jeans . On e o f th e thing s women wh o participat e wit h li e ar e know n fo r i s thei r Afr o style . "Women-childs" an d " 'omans " alik e sporte d African-inspired , loose , batik cotto n jumpsuits , wit h slightl y flare d pant s legs . Other s ha d o n boubas, Wes t Africa n one-piec e gowns , wit h a sli t fro m shoulde r t o shoulder instea d o f a colla r an d sleeve s tha t han g jus t abov e o r belo w the wrists . Thes e boubas wer e th e shorte r version , wor n ove r a tightl y wrapped piec e o f ol d carnaval fabric , Africa n print , o r tie-dye d fabric . Still others worked th e standard jean s an d t-shirt , bot h freshl y irone d fo r the evening' s events , an d neithe r ver y tight . Sandal s an d clog s o r ver y white sneaker s seeme d t o b e th e foo t covering s o f choice . A s I looke d down a t my ding y whit e an d blac k Nikes , I realized ho w foolis h I mus t have looked ; I shoul d hav e bee n seate d dresse d lik e that—"touris t sensible."

The Dance People wer e beginnin g t o commen t o n tha t strang e blac k woma n wh o came alon e an d wa s pickin g u p th e step s rathe r fast , "ma s el a na o e nosso." Jus t the n a tall , buxo m woma n stoppe d u s al l b y wavin g he r hands an d mentione d t o he r eye . W e watche d intentl y a s sh e brok e i t down: (1 ) kic k t o th e righ t wit h th e lef t foot ; (2 ) ste p ope n t o th e lef t twice, drag-slidin g th e righ t foo t along , th e first ste p large r tha n th e second; (3 ) ste p ope n wit h th e righ t foot , kic k lef t t o righ t wit h th e lef t foot. Repea t thi s fou r t o si x times if you hav e no leader ; if you hav e one , she give s th e cal l fo r th e change . Ou r gir l wa s reall y messin g wit h us , calling th e chang e o n th e thir d o r fifth time , makin g i t difficul t t o ge t back int o th e rhythm . Th e "breakdown " afte r th e call : (1 ) o n th e las t kick, wal k t o th e lef t tw o paces ; (2 ) ho p turn , landin g o n th e lef t foo t with th e righ t kne e ben t u p s o tha t th e righ t foo t i s presente d fro m behind; (3 ) step ou t wit h th e righ t int o a lunge; (4 ) shif t th e weight bac k and fort h throug h th e hip s three time s while swingin g the arms . If i t sound s ver y difficult , that' s 'caus e i t is ! Intricat e rhyth m pla y 15

ANNA SCOTT and weigh t shiftin g allow s yo u "sta y o n beat. " Th e kic k i s actuall y o n the one , bu t i t doesn' t fee l tha t wa y becaus e i t happen s a t th e en d o f a phrase i n the drumming—g u g'hu m dhu m dhu m ga. S o by the tim e yo u get t o th e breakdown , tha t kic k i s still the one , bu t feel s lik e th e "and, " making i t rathe r confusin g a s t o ho w yo u coul d possibl y "wal k i t out " for tw o instea d o f thre e steps . The final portio n o f the breakdow n i s no t set, bu t mean t t o mutat e eac h tim e yo u d o it . A s lon g a s yo u hol d fo r four count s afte r th e lung e (th e first ste p int o th e lung e i s th e one) , everything shoul d wor k ou t fine. Needless t o say , we were stumped . Jus t as w e back-liner s though t w e ha d it , th e leade r woul d switc h i t up . Th e most spectacula r breakdow n sh e dare d u s to duplicat e wa s a dro p squa t that cam e u p i n a high kic k wit h th e right leg .

Watch Me—Ub, Ah

Got It

After almos t fallin g severa l time s o n th e cobblestone , i t hi t m e who thi s dance was . W e were gettin g o n th e goo d foot ! Jame s Brown , Godfathe r of Soul , helped t o galvaniz e th e masse s an d revolutionarie s o n th e danc e floor i n th e 1970s , givin g the m a ne w an d ver y blac k wa y t o "mov e somethin'." Reclaimin g thei r Africa n heritag e fro m th e maw s o f th e folklore factor y calle d th e "Departmen t i n Defens e o f Brazilia n Cul ture," thes e youn g sou l rebel s o f th e seventie s sough t t o differentiat e themselves fro m integrationist s an d thos e who believe d that Brazi l was a racial democrac y b y developing a blac k etho s visible through an d o n th e body itself . During m y 199 0 visit , I had th e good fortun e o f bein g introduced t o a famou s carnaval dance r name d Negrizu . I n th e lat e 1970 s an d earl y 1980s h e "made " carnaval wit h th e popula r afoxe, Badaue . Badau e wa s known fo r it s very strong an d visibl e tie to the Candombl e a s well as th e soul musi c scene . Whil e chattin g wit h Negrizu , I learne d tha t Jame s Brown's famou s ope n ste p slide (tha t one-foo t shimmy ) wa s considere d an essentia l Blac k danc e i n Salvado r i n th e earl y seventies . I t wa s calle d "Blek Sol " (Blac k Soul) . Negriz u rendere d a n impeccabl e imitatio n o f the step , explainin g th e powe r surg e tha t peopl e experience d whe n executing it . Tha t Jame s Brow n an d hi s musi c wer e importan t icon s o f the nascen t bloco afro/neo-afoxe movemen t wa s a constan t i n variou s circles where othe r "facts " varie d fro m perso n t o perso n o r eve n time t o time with th e sam e person. Bu t why James? 16

It's All in the Timing Paul Gilro y ha s written , abou t Jame s Brown' s impac t o n th e blac k British-Caribbean politica l scene , tha t th e "danceability " o f sou l music , in particula r tha t o f Sou l Brothe r Numbe r One , mad e i t accessibl e t o lower- an d working-clas s blacks , wherea s th e concomitan t jaz z revolu tion di d no t reac h suc h a wide audienc e (Gilro y 177) . Antoni o Riserio' s Carnaval Ijexd ha s a n extremel y vivi d accoun t o f th e impac t o f sou l music i n th e ver y dwelling s buil t durin g tha t er a i n Liberdade . Appar ently, th e nee d t o danc e a l a Jame s require d a large r floor spac e t o precisely duplicate that slide , comically describe d a s "agilit y in the suds" , so peopl e constructe d thei r house s wit h smal l bedroom s i n orde r t o make roo m fo r larg e Blek Sol living rooms (Riseri o 28). While attendin g a Congoles e danc e cam p i n Californi a i n 1989 , on e o f th e instructors , who wa s jus t learnin g t o spea k English , explaine d t o m e ho w importan t James Brown' s musi c ha d bee n t o hi m whe n h e wa s a youngster . Eve n though h e didn't understan d a word o f wha t wa s said , "i t fel t importan t and powerful. " No on e wa s entirel y clea r a s t o exactl y wha t Jame s wa s saying , bu t everyone kne w h e wa s feelin' it . A maste r showma n an d ban d leader , James Brow n wa s definitel y th e "Hardes t Workin ' Ma n i n Sho w Biz ness." Hi s econom y o f lines , hi s knac k fo r onomatopoetic s an d doubl e and sometime s eve n tripl e entendre—dishe d ou t i n a drivin g rhyth m that woul d no t b e stopped—crystalize d man y o f th e political slogan s o f the tim e int o jewel s o f swea t o n th e bodie s o f thousand s o f ne w "Blac k and Beautiful " peopl e throughou t th e world . Reflectin g o n th e socia l unrest an d proclamation s o f self-lov e o f the U.S. black communit y i n th e 1950s an d 1960s , song s lik e "Th e Bi g Pay-Back, " "Se x Machine, " "Poppa's Go t a Brand-Ne w Bag, " "I' m Blac k an d I' m Proud, " an d " I Got Sou l (Superbad) " no t onl y tol d lik e i t was, bu t lik e i t should an d was gonna be . Bu t th e messag e wa s beyon d th e words . Eac h grunt , repeated syllable , cry , holler , unh , screech , an d screa m racke d hi s bod y with a tension tha t fel t lik e i t would b e a painful beaut y onc e i t got out . And whe n th e voic e wasn't enoug h t o mak e al l that swee t an d sou r sou l power know n t o th e world , Jame s Brow n go t dow n an d delivere d th e message o f Blac k Powe r throug h blur s o f bod y parts . Whatever he' s doing now, Godfathe r mad e u s all funky. Whethe r it' s pushing a produc t o r providin g brea k beats , th e wel l o f Jame s seem s t o spring eternal . B y far on e o f th e mos t sample d musicians , physicall y an d musically—folks forge t tha t Princ e wa s gettin g ove r doin g hi s bes t "James Brown " wit h som e Littl e Richar d throw n i n fo r goo d measur e 17

ANNA SCOTT before M C Hamme r wen t an d pu t th e Godfathe r hissel f i n a ra p musi c video (1989)—Jame s Brow n continue s t o b e a forc e i n blac k popula r culture yout h movements . S o much s o that i n 199 4 a n African America n could g o t o Salvador , Bahia-Brazil , an d relear n hi s step s i n a contex t s o different fro m th e "grit s & gravy-candie d yams-smothere d steak " sou l land o f hi s birt h tha t sh e ha d t o jum p bac k an d kis s hersel f whe n sh e finally go t th e moves . Gu g'hu m dhu m dhu m ga , g a dhu m dhu m g a . . . Gu g'ghu m dhu m dhum ga , g a dhu m dhu m ga . Stil l workin g ou t th e step , I suddenl y recognized ou r teasin g leade r fro m a danc e clas s I use d t o tak e wit h Augusto Omolu , directo r o f th e danc e win g o f th e bloco afro Muzenz a and principl e dance r wit h th e Balle t Teatr o Castr o Alves . W e talke d fo r a while, shouting ove r the heavy bass. She introduced m e to other peopl e as "um a Americana. " Astonished , peopl e seeme d t o rela x afte r i t wa s explained tha t I' d bee n t o Bahi a befor e an d wa s studyin g "Afro " wit h various danc e teacher s i n th e city . "Aie , nega ! Iss o mesmo! " A s with al l great danc e moves , a fe w o f u s suddenl y foun d ourselve s floatin g ove r the rhythm , nailin g eac h slide , tur n an d hop , eve n addin g ou r ow n en d to th e breakdown . To o please d wit h ourselves , w e dance d o n unti l th e drummers ha d t o brea k t o switc h personnel . I t had bee n a t leas t a n hou r and a half sinc e I'd flippe d m y sixty-minut e tape . While the next ban d wa s settin g up, a recording wa s played t o mak e sure we didn't loos e our groove, "Sen e sene sene Senega-al." Th e voice of a woma n ran g ou t fro m th e speaker s an d m y newfoun d grou p hollere d "Queremos-a a o vivo! " ("W e wan t he r live") , pointin g t o on e o f th e women wh o ha d earlie r correcte d u s o n ou r us e o f ou r arm s an d hands . As far a s I know, Gra^ a i s the only female samb a regga e singer connecte d with a bloco afro. Severa l femal e po p star s sin g cover s o f specifi c bloco afro\ sinc e i t i s believe d tha t th e musi c a s i t i s played i n th e rehearsal s is to o ugl y fo r mas s distributio n an d consumption . Embarrassed , sh e half expecte d th e musica l directo r t o com e ge t her , bu t th e bateria ha d already dispersed , thwartin g ou r sisterhoo d desires . I t bega n t o rain . Dreadlocked me n rushed t o cut the juice to the microphones an d remov e the equipmen t fro m th e stage . Th e res t o f u s too k cove r i n th e ba r an d under th e entryway . In a typica l winte r Bahia n storm , th e rai n cam e i n a gus h an d soo n settled int o a fine mist . Ou r fearles s leade r announce d t o anyon e wh o wanted t o hear that sh e didn't com e here this late at night to stan d unde r

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It's All in the Timing some stink y ol d stones ; sh e planne d t o ge t her s an d sh e wasn' t satisfie d just yet . Sh e marched u s bac k t o ou r spot , demandin g tha t th e ban d ge t their behind s bac k o n th e stage . And the y did . It was no w abou t 2:3 0 A.M . The las t o f th e touris t audienc e ha d lef t about hal f a n hour ago , while the ranks o f the crowd continue d t o swell . The ne w ban d wa s outfitte d wit h conga s an d atabaques ( a cousin o f th e conga bu t talle r an d slenderer , ofte n playe d wit h a stick) . The y looke d as i f the y wer e goin g t o serv e u p som e pagode, a new-ol d samb a fro m Rio tha t wa s takin g th e countr y b y stor m again , bu t the y starte d i n aiming t o finish wha t th e hateria ha d begun : suingue. "Fo r po r a caus a do He , menina / For po r a causa d o H e / For po r a causa d o He , menina / que me faz esquece r d e voce." Peopl e los t thei r minds , mysel f included . We wer e workin g o n a fronta l versio n o f th e Jame s Brow n thin g when on e o f th e leader-ladie s said , "Bot e urn. " " O que? " I asked , uncertain wha t sh e wante d m e t o pu t an d where . "Bot e u m d e seu s passos." On e o f m y steps ? Yo u mea n they'v e bee n makin g thi s stuf f u p as the y wen t along ? Take n aback , I gav e i t a go , showin g a Senegales e dance calle d lamba, sinc e i t emphasize s lon g articulate d arm s simila r t o their ow n danc e idiom . W e di d th e basi c walk : t o th e righ t thre e steps , arms swingin g i n alternation ; ski p switc h foo t wit h arm s extende d u p and back ; wal k t o th e left , sam e thing . The n I showe d th e variatio n o n that step . The woman who' d aske d m e to sho w a move aske d i n her cur t way, "Quanto s vezes? " " I don' t know , ho w eve r man y yo u want. " Sh e was exasperate d now . I wa s no t understandin g th e process . I ha d no t given th e parameter s o f th e step s I' d shown . N o counts , n o transitio n step betwee n th e two, jus t som e movements . Trying t o redee m myself , I gav e a torso-poppin g mov e tha t wa s a variation o n on e o f thei r shoulder-poppin g ones . Thi s tim e I include d counts, a coupl e o f transition s an d variations . The y coul d no t figure i t out, however, eve n though th e feet neve r moved. The torso isolatio n wa s tripping the m up . Mos t Afr o danc e doe s no t mak e us e o f tors o isola tions, an d thos e tha t d o us e i t a s a ver y smal l constan t puls e aroun d which th e arm s an d fee t mov e i n counte r an d hal f tempo . Eve n thoug h she couldn't mak e i t work, m y gir l i n th e jumpe r enjoye d th e movemen t nonetheless becaus e o f it s difficulty . Sh e no w ha d a n ide a fo r a mov e that sh e coul d wor k ou t a t home , the n com e bac k an d mak e everybod y admire he r skills . We spli t a bee r whil e th e ban d too k a break . I looke d at my watch an d decide d I needed t o leave . It was 3:3 0 A.M.

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ANNA SCOTT What You Gon 3 Do Now? An Open Ending An explici t analysi s o f thi s H e Aiye rehearsa l woul d probabl y mis s th e point. Nonetheless , I do hav e severa l question s abou t liberatio n an d ass shaking. I f th e Jame s Brow n perio d o f th e worldwid e Blac k Powe r Movement i s an y indication , the n ther e i s i n fac t som e decipherin g o f code tha t happen s betwee n variou s point s o f th e blac k Atlanti c an d i s translated throug h th e bod y itself . Wha t thos e code s ar e i s determine d by the deciphere r hersel f an d th e communit y o f "de/cipherers " t o whic h she belongs . Thes e ar e no t "bloo d memories " o r "retentions, " a s the y are sometime s define d i n certain scholarl y circles . Retention theor y obscure s th e tenacit y o f cultura l practitioner s wh o pass o n thei r knowledg e i n a systematic , continuou s wa y b y displacin g that tenacit y ont o th e object , makin g th e objec t an d it s reproduction b y future generation s symptomati c o f break s o r lack s in cultural awareness . What i s misse d b y bein g transfixe d b y th e object' s appearanc e an d disappearance i s th e continuou s us e o f a culture-specifi c proces s tha t adapts o r encompasse s differen t materia l productio n a s th e materia l reality o f th e practitioner changes . This i s known a s "makin ' do. " Ther e is n o accidenta l memory ; recollectio n i s purposefu l an d productive . Unfortunately, i t i s precisel y thi s aspec t o f Afro-Bahia n cultur e (an d arguably blac k worl d culture ) tha t ha s bee n froze n b y police, anthropol ogists, ethnomusicologists , folklorists , an d thos e mor e influentia l prac titioners connected , usuall y economically , t o th e powe r structur e tha t these variou s "collectors " represent . A more recen t additio n t o tha t lis t is the tou r guide . Within a rententionis t paradigm , i t i s incomprehensibl e tha t danc e moves fro m Jame s Brown' s repertoir e wer e activel y sough t out , adde d and interrogate d o n th e danc e floor , an d thu s continuousl y modified . But I want t o problematiz e "ciphering " itself , especiall y i n th e instanc e of Hi s Funkiness, b y posing th e question o f gender t o the cipherer Jame s Brown, th e ciphe r "Jame s Brown, " an d th e "movements " tha t inspire d many o f hi s songs . Give n th e sexua l politic s o f th e blac k art s an d Blac k Power movements i n the United States , what doe s it mean for th e wome n at H e Aiye t o b e dancin g i n th e shadows ? Ho w ha s th e phallocentricit y of Blac k Nationalis m embedde d i n James' s bod y an d lyric s bee n de / ciphered o r reproduce d i n Salvador ? Various radica l academic s ar e workin g towar d a paradig m fo r "reading" thes e an d othe r codes , understandin g the m a s "texts " wit h 20

Ifs All in the Timing specific contexts . Sylvi a Wynter ha s pointed ou t tha t readin g a code doe s not destabiliz e Wester n Europea n hegemony , bu t reinstate s i t i n the ver y act o f confrontin g it . I hav e take n th e positio n o f blac k art s makers , most o f who m hav e chose n t o identif y th e proces s a t wor k rathe r tha n solidify th e code s int o a fixed "read, " thereb y destroyin g thei r potentia l to travers e time , space , language , an d nationa l boundaries . I n hi s articl e "Notes o n a n Africa n Diaspor a Symboli c Language, " Phili p Mallor y Jones, a mysteriousl y uncelebrate d bu t well-funde d avant-gard e Pan Africanist vide o artist , ha s liste d element s tha t fo r hi m constitut e a n "African Diaspor a aesthetic " (wha t I am callin g a de/ciphering practice) , including symbolism , metaphor , music , performance, drawin g o n collec tive memor y an d lore , appropriation , sign s an d ritua l gesture , story / telling/witnessing, fragmentation , interruption , polyrhythms , incorpora tion o f text, density , an d interval . If I were to becom e transfixe d b y the various movement s I witnessed that nigh t a t Fort e Sant o Antonio , I coul d quit e easil y stat e tha t th e dancers wer e misusin g sacre d dance s i n a profan e place . An d i t i s per haps i n tha t momen t o f mono-processin g tha t Afro-consciousnes s ex presses it s politica l intentions . Ther e ar e n o binar y construction s wit h which t o contend . Th e sacre d ca n b e place d i n th e servic e o f socia l commentary jus t a s easil y a s a fun k rhythm . Th e ne w danc e mov e is , i n fact, th e ol d a s wel l a s th e not-yet-new . Th e developmen t o f th e Afro consciousness i s traceabl e throug h bodie s i n motion : fro m sou l singer s like Jame s Brow n an d regga e superstar s lik e Bo b Marle y an d hi s I Threes t o th e Blac k Powe r movemen t i n th e Unite d States . However , it i s als o connecte d b y languag e an d histor y t o bodie s i n struggl e i n Mozambique, Guine a Bissau , an d Angola . Asid e fro m a refrai n i n a carnaval song , ar e thes e connections/code s eviden t an d critica l i n th e lives of the "crowd" ? Given tha t th e ai m o f bloco afro performanc e i s t o chang e con sciousness an d the n t o mobilize , th e vitalit y o f th e movemen t ca n b e measured o n a persona l leve l throug h anecdotes . Fo r example , o n m y way t o anothe r H e Aiye rehearsal, th e ca b drive r tol d m e tha t h e alway s makes carnaval wit h H e because the y ar e "more " a s h e rubbe d hi s dar k brown arm . H e sai d tha t h e wa s move d t o tear s b y H e carnaval them e this year , "Blac k America , th e Africa n Dream, " a tribut e t o pas t civi l rights leader s i n th e Unite d States . A sidewal k painte r wh o use d t o b e a drummer wit h th e Communit y Danc e Worksho p ru n b y Olodum , whe n I aske d hi m wh y h e wa s sellin g faux naif art instea d o f playing , said , 21

ANNA SCOTT "They didn' t wan t t o pa y anybod y ove r there . The y ain' t nothin g bu t the Mafia, usin g people's talent s t o mak e mone y fo r themselves! " Confounding blac k aestheti c product s wit h it s production , Olodu m is successfull y shuttin g ou t th e competitio n a s i t enter s th e capitalis t market. H e Aiye i s makin g a n attemp t t o continu e creatin g a spac e fo r the "crowd " t o wor k th e proces s fre e o f th e restraint s o f th e product , yet th e organizatio n struggle s fo r money . Invariably , Afr o cultur e an d consciousness ar e a t a critical juncture. Yes , we gotta "mov e somethin', " but what wil l it be : records an d tape s o r liberate d blac k bodies ?

REFERENCES Gilroy, Paul. "There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation. 1987 . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. Jones, Phili p Mallory . "Note s o n a n Africa n Diaspor a Symboli c Language. " Felix (sprin g 1992): 38. Riserio, Antonio. Carnaval Ijexd: notas sobre afoxes e blocos do novo carnaval afrobaiano. Salvador , Brazil: Corrupio, 1981 .

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2

Afro Image s Politics, Fashion , an d Nostalgi a ANGELA Y * DAVI S

Not lon g ago , I attende d a performanc e i n Sa n Francisc o b y wome n presently o r formerl y incarcerate d i n th e Count y Jail , i n collaboratio n with Ba y Area wome n performanc e artists . Afte r th e show , I went back stage t o th e "gree n room, " wher e th e wome n inmates , guarde d b y deputy sheriff s statione d outsid e th e door , wer e celebratin g wit h thei r families an d friends . Havin g worked wit h som e of th e women a t the jail , I wanted t o congratulat e the m o n th e show . On e woma n introduce d m e to he r brother , wh o a t firs t responde d t o m y nam e wit h a blan k stare . The woma n admonishe d him : "Yo u don' t kno w wh o Angel a Davi s is ? You shoul d b e ashamed. " Suddenl y a flicke r o f recognitio n flashed across his face. "Oh, " h e said, "Angel a Davis—th e Afro. " Such responses , I find, ar e hardl y exceptional , an d i t i s bot h humili ating an d humblin g t o discove r tha t a singl e generatio n afte r th e event s that constructe d m e a s a publi c personality , I a m remembere d a s a hairdo. I t i s humiliatin g becaus e i t reduce s a politic s o f liberatio n t o a politics o f fashion ; i t i s humblin g becaus e suc h encounter s wit h th e younger generatio n demonstrat e th e fragility an d mutabilit y o f historica l images, particularl y thos e associate d wit h Africa n America n history . This encounte r wit h th e youn g ma n wh o identifie d m e a s "th e Afro " reminded m e o f a recen t articl e i n th e New York Times Magazine tha t listed m e a s on e o f th e fifty mos t influentia l fashio n (read : hairstyle ) trendsetters ove r th e las t century. 1 I continu e t o find i t ironi c tha t th e popularity o f th e "Afro " i s attribute d t o me , when , i n actuality , I wa s 23

ANGELA Y. DAVIS emulating a whol e hos t o f women—bot h publi c figures an d wome n I encountered i n m y dail y life—whe n I bega n t o wea r m y hai r natura l i n the lat e sixties . But i t i s not merel y th e reductio n o f historica l politic s t o contempo rary fashio n tha t infuriate s me . Especiall y disconcertin g i s th e fac t tha t the distinctio n o f bein g know n a s "th e Afro " i s largel y a resul t o f a particular econom y o f journalisti c image s i n whic h min e i s on e o f th e relatively fe w tha t ha s survive d th e las t tw o decades . O r perhap s th e very segregation o f thos e photographi c image s caused min e to ente r int o the the n dominan t journalisti c cultur e precisel y b y virtu e o f m y pre sumed "criminality. " I n an y case , i t has survived , disconnecte d fro m th e historical contex t i n whic h i t arose , a s fashion . Mos t youn g Africa n Americans wh o ar e familia r wit h m y nam e an d twenty-five-year-ol d image hav e encountere d photograph s an d film/video clip s largel y i n music videos , an d i n blac k histor y montage s i n popula r book s an d magazines. Within th e interpretiv e contex t i n which the y lear n t o situat e these photographs, th e most salien t elemen t o f the imag e is the hairstyle , understood les s as a political statemen t tha n a s fashion . The unprecedente d contemporar y circulatio n o f photographi c an d filmic images of African American s has multiple and contradictory impli cations. O n th e one hand, i t holds the promise o f visual memory o f olde r and departe d generations , o f bot h well-know n figures an d peopl e wh o may no t hav e achieve d publi c prominence . However , ther e i s als o th e danger tha t thi s historica l memor y ma y becom e ahistorica l an d apoliti cal. "Photograph s ar e relic s o f th e past, " Joh n Berge r ha s written . The y are "trace s o f wha t ha s happened . I f th e livin g tak e tha t pas t upo n themselves, i f th e pas t become s a n integra l par t o f th e proces s o f peopl e making thei r ow n history , the n al l photograph s woul d acquir e a livin g context, the y woul d continu e t o exis t i n time , instea d o f bein g arreste d moments." 2 In th e past , I hav e bee n rathe r reluctan t t o reflec t i n mor e tha n a casual way o n the power o f the visual images by which I was represente d during th e perio d o f m y trial. Perhap s thi s i s due t o m y unwillingnes s t o confront thos e image s a s havin g t o som e exten t structure d m y experi ences durin g tha t era . Th e recen t recyclin g o f som e o f thes e image s i n contexts tha t privileg e th e "Afro " a s fashion—revolutionary glamour — has le d m e t o reconside r the m bot h i n th e historica l contex t i n whic h they wer e first produce d (an d i n whic h I first experience d them ) an d 24

Afro Images

2.1. FB I Wanted Poster

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ANGELA Y. DAVIS within th e "historical " contex t i n whic h the y ofte n ar e presente d toda y as "arreste d moments. " ••



In Septembe r 1969 , th e Universit y o f Californi a Regent s fired m e fro m my post i n the philosoph y departmen t a t UCL A becaus e o f m y member ship in the Communis t Party . The followin g summer , charges o f murder , kidnapping, an d conspirac y wer e brough t agains t m e in connection wit h my activities o n behal f o f Georg e Jackson an d th e Soleda d Brothers . Th e circulation o f various photographi c image s o f me—taken b y journalists , undercover policemen , an d movemen t activists—playe d a majo r rol e i n both th e mobilization o f public opinio n agains t m e and th e developmen t of th e campaig n tha t wa s ultimatel y responsibl e fo r m y acquittal . Twenty-five year s later , man y o f thes e photograph s ar e bein g recy cled an d recontextualize d i n way s tha t ar e a t onc e excitin g an d dis turbing. Wit h th e first publi c circulatio n o f m y photographs , I wa s intensely awar e o f th e invasiv e an d transformativ e powe r o f th e camer a and o f th e ideologica l contextualizatio n o f m y images , whic h lef t m e with littl e o r n o agency . O n th e on e hand I was portraye d a s a conspira torial an d monstrou s Communis t (i.e. , anti-American ) whos e unrul y natural haird o symbolize d blac k militanc y (i.e. , anti-whiteness ) Som e o f the first hat e mai l I received tende d t o collaps e "Russia " an d "Africa. " I was tol d t o "g o bac k t o Russia " an d ofte n i n th e sam e sentenc e (i n connection wit h a referenc e t o m y hair ) t o "g o bac k t o Africa. " O n th e other hand , sympatheti c portrayal s tende d t o interpre t th e image—al most inevitabl y on e with my mouth wid e open—a s tha t o f a charismati c and raucou s revolutionar y read y t o lea d th e masse s int o battle . Sinc e I considered mysel f neithe r monstrou s no r charismatic , I fel t fundamen tally betraye d o n bot h accounts : violate d o n th e first account , an d deficient o n th e second . When I wa s fired b y th e U C Regent s i n 1969 , a n assortmen t o f photographs appeare d throughou t tha t yea r i n variou s newspaper s an d magazines an d o n television . However , i t wa s no t unti l felon y charge s were brough t agains t m e in connection wit h th e Marin Count y shootou t that th e photograph s becam e wha t Susa n Sonta g ha s calle d a par t o f "the genera l furnitur e o f th e environment." 3 A s such , the y trul y bega n to frighte n me . A cycle o f terro r wa s initiate d b y the decisio n o f th e FB I to declar e m e on e o f th e country' s te n most-wante d criminals . Althoug h I ha d bee n undergroun d fo r ove r a mont h befor e I actuall y sa w th e 26

Afro Images photographs th e FB I ha d decide d t o us e o n th e poster , I ha d t o pictur e how the y migh t portra y m e a s I attempte d t o creat e fo r mysel f a n appearance tha t woul d b e markedl y differen t fro m th e on e define d a s armed an d dangerous . Th e prop s I used consiste d o f a wig wit h straigh t black hair , lon g fals e lashes , an d mor e eyeshadow , liner , an d blus h tha n I ha d eve r befor e imagine d wearin g i n public . Neve r havin g seriousl y attempted t o presen t mysel f a s glamorous, i t seemed t o m e that glamou r was th e onl y loo k tha t migh t annu l th e likelihoo d o f bein g perceive d a s a revolutionary . I t neve r coul d hav e occurre d t o m e tha t th e sam e "revolutionary" imag e I then sough t t o camouflag e wit h glamou r woul d be turned, a generation later , int o glamou r an d nostalgia . After th e FBI poster wa s put o n displa y i n post offices , othe r govern ment buildings , an d o n th e televisio n program , The FBI, Life magazin e came ou t wit h a provocativ e issu e featurin g a cove r stor y o n me . Illus trated b y photograph s fro m m y childhoo d year s throug h th e UCL A firing, th e articl e probe d th e reason s fo r m y supposedl y abandonin g a sure trajectory towar d fulfillmen t o f th e middle-class America n drea m i n order t o lead the unpredictable lif e o f a "blac k revolutionary. " Consider ing th e vas t circulatio n o f thi s pictoria l magazine, 4 I experience d some thing aki n t o wha t Barthe s wa s referrin g t o whe n h e wrote , " I fee l tha t the Photograp h create s m y bod y o r mortifie s it , accordin g t o it s capric e (apology o f this mortiferous power : certain Communard s pai d with thei r lives fo r thei r willingnes s o r eve n thei r eagernes s t o pos e o n th e barri cades: defeated, the y were recognize d b y Thiers's police an d shot , almos t every one)." 5 Th e life-siz e headsho t o n th e cove r o f th e magazin e woul d be see n b y as many people , i f not more , tha n th e muc h smalle r portrait s on th e FB I poster. Havin g confronte d m y ow n imag e i n th e stor e wher e I purchase d th e magazine , I wa s convince d tha t FB I chie f J . Edga r Hoover ha d conspire d i n th e appearanc e o f tha t cove r story . Mor e tha n anything else , i t seeme d t o m e t o b e a magnificatio n an d elaboratio n o f the WANTE D poster. Moreover , th e tex t o f th e stor y gav e a rathe r con vincing explanatio n a s t o wh y th e picture s shoul d b e associate d wit h arms an d danger . The photograp h o n th e cove r o f m y autobiography, 6 publishe d i n 1974, wa s take n b y th e renowne d photographe r Phillip e Halsman . When I entered hi s studi o wit h Ton i Morrison , wh o wa s m y editor , th e first questio n h e asked u s was whethe r w e ha d brough t th e blac k leathe r jacket. H e assumed , i t turne d out , tha t h e wa s t o recreat e wit h hi s camera a symboli c visua l representatio n o f blac k militancy : leathe r 27

ANGELA Y. DAVIS jacket (unifor m o f th e Blac k Panthe r Party) , Afr o hairdo , an d raise d fist. We had t o persuad e hi m t o photograp h m e in a less predictable posture . As recently a s 1993 , th e persistin g persuasivenes s o f thes e visua l stereo types wa s mad e clea r t o m e whe n I ha d t o insis t tha t Ann a Deaver e Smith rethin k he r representatio n o f m e i n he r theate r piec e Fires in the Mirror, whic h initiall y relie d upo n a blac k leathe r jacke t a s he r mai n prop. So far, I have concentrate d primaril y o n m y ow n response s t o thos e photographic images , whic h ma y no t b e the mos t interestin g o r produc tive wa y t o approac h them . Whil e th e mos t obviou s evidenc e o f thei r power wa s th e par t the y playe d i n structurin g people' s opinion s abou t me as a "fugitive " an d a political prisoner, their broade r an d mor e subtl e effect wa s th e wa y the y serve d a s generi c image s o f blac k wome n wh o wore thei r hai r "natural. " Fro m th e constan t strea m o f storie s I hav e heard ove r th e las t twenty-fou r year s (an d continu e t o hear) , I infer tha t hundreds, perhap s eve n thousands , o f Afro-wearin g blac k wome n wer e accosted, harassed , an d arreste d b y police , FB I an d immigratio n agent s during th e tw o month s spen t underground . On e woma n wh o tol d m e that sh e hope d sh e coul d serv e a s a "decoy " becaus e o f he r ligh t ski n and bi g natural, wa s obviousl y consciou s o f th e way th e photographs — circulating withi n a highl y charge d racialize d context—constructe d ge neric representation s o f youn g blac k women . Consequently , th e photo graphs identifie d vas t number s o f m y blac k femal e contemporarie s wh o wore natural s (whethe r light - o r dark-skinned ) a s target s o f repression . This i s th e hidde n historica l conten t tha t lurk s behin d th e continue d association o f m y name wit h th e Afro . A young woma n wh o i s a forme r studen t o f min e ha s bee n wearin g an Afr o durin g th e las t fe w months . Rarel y a da y passes , sh e ha s tol d me, whe n sh e i s no t greete d wit h crie s o f "Angel a Davis " fro m tota l strangers. Moreover , durin g th e month s precedin g th e writin g o f thi s article. I have receive d a n astoundin g numbe r o f request s fo r interview s from journalist s doin g stories on "th e resurgence o f the Afro." A number of th e mos t recen t request s wer e occasione d b y a layou t i n th e fashio n section o f the March 199 4 issu e of Vibe magazine entitle d "Fre e Angela : Actress Cynd a William s a s Angela Davis , a Fashion Revolutionary. " Th e spread consist s o f eigh t full-pag e photo s o f Cynd a William s (know n fo r her rol e a s th e singe r i n Spik e Lee' s Mo' Better Blues) i n pose s tha t parody photograph s take n o f m e durin g th e earl y 1970s . Th e wor k o f 28

Afro Images stylist Patt y Wilson , th e layou t i s described a s " 'docufashion ' becaus e i t uses modern clothin g t o mimi c Angela Davis' s loo k fro m th e '70s." 7 Some o f th e picture s ar e rathe r straightforwar d attempt s t o recreat e press photo s take n a t m y arrest , durin g th e trial , an d afte r m y release . Others ca n b e characterized a s pastiche, 8 drawin g elements , lik e leather jacketed blac k men , fro m contemporar y stereotype s o f th e sixties-seven ties er a o f blac k militancy . The y includ e a n arres t scene , with th e mode l situated betwee n tw o uniforme d policeme n an d wearin g a n advertise d black sati n blous e (reminiscen t o f th e to p I was wearin g o n th e dat e o f my arrest) . A s wit h he r hair , th e advertise d eyewea r ar e amazingl y similar t o th e glasse s I wore. Ther e ar e tw o courtroo m scene s i n whic h Williams wear s a n enormou s Afr o wi g an d advertise d see-throug h mini dresses and , i n on e o f them , handcuffs . Ye t anothe r revolve s aroun d a cigar-smoking, bearde d ma n dresse d i n fatigue s wit h a gu n holste r around hi s waist , obviousl y mean t t o evok e Ch e Guevara . (Eve n th e fatigues ca n b e purchased—fro m Chea p Jack's! ) Ther e i s no suc h thin g as subtlety i n these photos. Becaus e th e point o f this fashio n sprea d i s to represent th e clothin g associate d wit h revolutionar y movement s o f th e early seventie s a s revolutionar y fashio n i n th e nineties , th e sixtieth anniversary log o o f th e Communis t Part y ha s bee n altere d i n on e o f th e photos to read "1919-1971 " (instea d o f 1979) . And the advertised dres s in th e phot o fo r whic h thi s log o i s a backdro p i s adorne d wit h pin-o n buttons readin g "Fre e All Political Prisoners. " The photograph s I find mos t unsettling , however , ar e th e tw o smal l headshots o f Williams wearing a huge Afro wi g on a reproduction o f th e FBI wante d poste r tha t i s otherwis e unaltere d excep t fo r th e word s "FREE ANGELA " i n bol d re d prin t acros s th e botto m o f th e document . Despite th e fac t tha t th e inordinatel y smal l photo s d o no t reall y permi t much o f a vie w o f th e clothin g William s wears , th e top s an d glasse s (again quit e simila r t o th e one s I wore i n th e tw o imitate d photographs ) are liste d a s purchasabl e items . Thi s i s th e mos t blatan t exampl e o f th e way th e particula r histor y o f m y lega l cas e i s emptie d o f al l conten t s o that i t can serv e a s a commodified backdro p fo r advertising . Th e wa y i n which thi s documen t provide d a historical pretex t fo r somethin g aki n t o a reig n o f terro r fo r countles s youn g blac k wome n i s effectivel y erase d by its use as a prop fo r sellin g clothes an d promotin g a seventie s fashio n nostalgia. Wha t i s als o los t i n thi s nostalgi c surrogat e fo r historica l memory—in thes e "arreste d moments, " t o us e John Berger' s word—i s 29

ANGELA Y. DAVIS the activis t involvemen t o f vas t number s o f blac k wome n i n movement s that ar e no w represente d wit h eve n greate r masculinis t contour s tha n they actuall y exhibite d a t the time . Without engagin g th e numerou s debate s occasione d b y Fredri c Jameson's pape r "Postmodernis m an d Consume r Society," 9 I woul d like t o sugges t tha t hi s analysi s o f "nostalgi a films" an d thei r literar y counterparts, whic h ar e "historica l novel s i n appearanc e only, " migh t provide a useful poin t o f departur e fo r a n interpretatio n o f this advertis ing genr e calle d "docufashion " a s "[W] e see m condemne d t o see k th e historical past, " Jameso n writes , "throug h ou r ow n po p image s an d stereotypes abou t tha t past, which itsel f remain s foreve r ou t o f reach." 10 Perhaps b y als o takin g u p John Berger' s cal l fo r a n "alternativ e photog raphy" w e migh t develo p strategie s fo r engagin g photographi c image s like th e one s I hav e evoked , b y activel y seekin g t o transfor m thei r interpretive context s i n education , popula r culture , th e media , commu nity organizing , an d s o on . Particularl y i n relatio n t o Africa n America n historical images , w e nee d t o find way s o f incorporatin g the m int o "social an d politica l memory , instea d o f usin g [them ] a s a substitut e which encourage s th e atroph y o f suc h memory." n

NOTES 1. New York Times Magazine, dat e unknown. 2. Joh n Berger, About Looking (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), p. 57. 3. Susa n Sontag , On Photography (New York: Farrar, Strau s an d Giroux , 1978), p. 27. 4. Durin g the 1960s Life magazine had a circulation of approximately fort y million people . (Gisel e Freund , Photography and Society [Boston : Davi d R . Godine, 1980], p. 143.) 5. Rolan d Barthes , Camera Lucida (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1981) , p. i i . 6. Angela Y. Davis: An Autobiography (New York: Random House, 1974). 7. Vibe 2, no. 2 (March 1994) , p. 16. 8. I use the term pastiche both in the usual sense of a potpourri o f disparate ingredients an d i n the sense in which Fredri c Jameson use s it. "Pastich e is , like parody, th e imitatio n o f a peculia r o r uniqu e style , th e wearin g o f a stylisti c mask, speec h i n a dea d language ; bu t i t i s a neutra l practic e o f suc h mimicry , without parody's ulterior motive, without the satirical impulse, without laughter. . . . Pastiche i s black parody , parody tha t ha s lost it s sense of humor. " (Fredri c 30

Afro Images Jameson, "Postmodernism and Consumer Society" in Hall Foster, ed., The AntiAesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture [Por t Townsend , Wash. : Ba y Press , 1983], p. 114.) 9. Jameson' s essa y ha s appeare d i n severa l versions . Th e on e I hav e con sulted is referenced i n note 8. I thank Victoria Smith for suggestin g that I reread this essay in connection with the Vibe story. 10. Jameson , p. 118. 11. Berger,p . 58.

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3

Notes o f a Prodiga l So n James Baldwi n an d t h e Apostas y o f Sou l NATHAN L * GRAN T

We have only begun to hear of Martin Luther King, Jr. Malcolm X has yet to be taken seriously. No one, except their parents, has ever heard of Huey Newton or Bobby Seale or Angela Davis. Emmett Till has been dead two years. Bobby Hutton and Jonathan Jackson have just mastered their first words, and, with someone holding them by the hand, are discovering how much fun it is to climb up and down the stairs. Oh, pioneers! —James Baldwin, No Name in the Street

James Baldwin , a s a developin g essayis t an d thinker , sough t t o fashio n the Blac k reactio n t o anti-Blac k racis m b y iteratin g an d reiteratin g th e risk o f genuin e freedo m fo r white s wh o refuse d t o relinquis h thei r hatred. Baldwi n desire d t o dissolv e the horror o f American racis m i n th e crucible o f love , an d thu s pas s t o hi s brother s an d sister s th e cu p o f understanding. Thi s ide a was a t the hear t o f hi s first collectio n o f essays , Notes of a Native Son (1955) , which was hailed b y many a s an endurin g view o n th e Blac k conditio n i n America . Bu t perhap s th e severes t criti cism wa s tha t it s examinatio n o f th e Africa n America n conditio n wa s too narrowl y fashione d b y its Euro-American perspective . Less tha n a decad e late r Baldwin' s formul a fo r racia l harmon y would wea r eve n thinne r t o th e proponent s o f Blac k Consciousness , who externalize d thei r ange r an d defianc e i n way s tha t wer e considere d dangerous a t th e tim e tha t Baldwi n bega n t o write . Thei r etho s o f soul , 32

Notes of a Prodigal Son which wa s i n par t th e ultimat e projectio n o f Blac k anger , woul d n o longer allo w wha t appeare d t o b e th e softe r criticism s o f America n life . Soul, a s a concept , woul d see k th e har d edg e o f critiqu e an d shap e a s targets ever y manifestatio n o f th e America n capitalis t impulse , lookin g to smas h thes e i n a n effor t towar d Blac k revolution . A s a behavior , forged b y Black men an d wome n i n Harlem o r Watts o r Chicago' s Sout h Side, sou l wa s boldnes s wit h a Blac k veneer ; i t wa s th e urba n Blac k mind projecte d i n way s tha t ha d no t bee n see n before . Sou l wa s mor e than anti-establishment ; i t wa s Blac k badness , new , tough , an d aggres sive. It s lon g lis t o f heroes , includin g Hue y Newton , Eldridg e Cleaver , Bobby Seale , an d Ra p Brown , reflecte d th e attitude s o f urba n Blacks . Soul teste d th e horizo n o f th e cultura l frontie r define d fo r Black s b y white America . Though sou l perhap s wa s no t a realizabl e phenomeno n unti l th e mid-sixties, it s most endurin g literar y prototyp e wa s Bigge r Thomas, th e tortured Blac k yout h o f Richar d Wright' s Native Son (1940) . Bigger' s fear an d hatre d o f th e whit e worl d tha t hemme d hi m i n woul d ris e t o the for e i n the sixtie s an d seventie s an d woul d b e largely manifes t i n th e behavior o f disenfranchise d urba n Blacks . Baldwin' s first tw o essay s i n Notes of a Native Son, "Everybody' s Protes t Novel " an d "Man y Thou sands Gone, " writte n i n 194 9 an d 1951 , respectively , decr y th e validit y of Bigge r Thomas' s experience , assertin g tha t th e onl y valu e o f th e protest nove l i s in separatin g u s fro m ou r share d heritag e o f liberty . Fo r Baldwin, th e protes t nove l i s " a mirro r o f ou r confusion , dishonesty , panic, trapped an d immobilize d i n the priso n o f the America n dream." 1 The youn g Baldwi n fel t tha t h e ha d muc h t o lear n fro m th e olde r Wright, and h e appeared t o come to terms with this tutelage in his seque l to Notes, Nobody Knows My Name (1962) . Baldwin' s comin g o f ag e here include d th e visitation s o f Wright' s terribl e sensibilitie s upo n th e younger man' s intellect , an d Baldwin' s recognitio n o f himsel f i n Wright' s work woul d apparentl y serv e to mak e an d remak e hi s vision : We were linked together, really, because both o f u s were black. I had mad e my pilgrimage to meet him because he was the greatest black writer in the world fo r me. In Uncle Tom's Children, i n Native Son, and above all, in Black Boy, I found expressed, for th e first time in my life, the sorrow, the rage, and the murderou s bitterness whic h wa s eatin g u p m y lif e an d th e live s o f thos e aroun d me . Hi s work was an immense liberation an d revelation fo r me. He became my ally and my witness, and alas! my father. 2 33

NATHAN L. GRANT Father terrorize s chil d i n thi s instance , however , fo r Wrigh t i n Native Son (an d similarly , i n th e autobiographica l Black Boy) present s t o Bal dwin th e unmaske d fac e o f Blac k rage , th e gnawing , absolute , an d unendurable hunge r tha t ensue s wit h th e denia l o f ever y suppor t o f citizenship. Baldwin' s respons e i s t o see k th e citize n i n bot h th e Blac k and th e white ; the discover y o f th e citize n i n eac h i s itself th e promis e o f America. Bu t this is a conflicted response , fo r th e abyss is already know n to Baldwin , alread y i n him : I f th e nove l o f protes t i s t o hi m "trappe d and immobilize d i n the sunli t priso n o f th e America n dream, " the n h e is certainly awar e o f th e terro r o f whic h Wrigh t speak s an d is , howeve r reluctantly, prophesyin g th e er a o f soul . Along wit h a ne w politica l sensibility , debate s abou t Blac k identity , and a sens e o f creativit y blende d wit h nationalisti c sentimen t tha t ofte n mirrors tha t o f th e Harle m Renaissance , th e er a o f sou l rendere d a n attitude o f expressio n tha t previousl y ha d bee n hidde n fro m th e eye s o f not onl y whit e Americ a bu t Blac k Americ a a s well . Thi s attitude—thi s soulful "badness"—wa s itsel f a rejection o f everything about Americ a t o which Baldwi n determine d al l American s ha d a claim . Bennet t Berger' s commentary o n soul defines i t as an ideology of African America n lower class culture , whic h see s itsel f a s th e ultimat e rejectio n o f middle-clas s American culture . S o defined , soul i s "a n attemp t t o strik e a t th e hear t of th e ethi c o f succes s an d mobility , whic h i s a s clos e a s thi s countr y comes t o havin g an y reall y sacre d values." 3 Sou l repudiate s capitalis m in al l of it s representations; i t denies the very syste m that historicall y ha s demanded th e disenfranchisemen t o f nonwhit e people s an d continue s t o maintain itsel f a s th e syste m t o whic h nonwhite s ar e no t admitted . Bu t soul seeks to go a step beyond: Relying on it s distinction fro m capitalis m for it s self-definition , sou l impose s itsel f finally a s capitalism' s fulles t antithesis. The inevitabl e consequenc e o f suc h movemen t i s a stasi s beyon d simple nonparticipation . Capitalis m ha s rhythm s tha t ar e uniqu e t o it , but i t is insufficient t o sa y that thes e rhythms ar e our rhythms ; a s a tene t of Marxism , capitalis m i s tim e itself. 4 Tha t capitalis m actuall y doe s thematize lif e mean s tha t it s rhythms—of commerce , influence , politics , and power—ar e th e rhythm s t o whic h w e move , eve n breathe . Thi s idea inhere s i n Stokel y Carmichae l an d Charle s Hamilton' s dictu m tha t "before a grou p ca n ente r th e ope n society , i t mus t first clos e ranks." 5 But th e closin g o f rank s ma y mea n tha t man y o n th e insid e ar e trappe d by th e ne w order . Th e suddennes s an d forc e wit h whic h sou l wrenche s 34

Notes of a Prodigal Son itself fro m th e capitalis t etho s mean s tha t i t develop s n o rhythm s o f it s own. Th e legion s o f th e soulfu l ar e force d t o liv e outsid e th e structure s and system s o f th e moder n world , an d a s wa s th e cas e wit h Bigge r Thomas, th e consequence s fo r urba n Blac k me n an d wome n ar e sever e indeed. Baldwin, o f course , i s fearfu l o f suc h consequence s an d ha d ex pressed tha t fea r b y th e earl y fifties. I f Bigge r Thoma s i s a precurso r o f the soulful Blac k man becaus e he is hurled tempestuously beyon d Ameri can societ y throug h it s fears , the n th e flaw i n Bigge r i s als o irreducibl y society's flaw: We do not know what to d o with hi m in life; i f he breaks ou r sociologica l an d sentimental imag e of him we are panic-stricken an d we feel ourselve s betrayed . When he violates this image, therefore, h e stands in the greatest danger (sensin g which, we uneasily suspect that h e is very often playin g a part fo r ou r benefit) ; and, wha t i s not alway s s o apparen t bu t i s equall y true , w e ar e the n i n som e danger ourselves—henc e ou r retrea t o r ou r blin d an d immediat e retaliation . (Notes, 19) But Baldwi n wa s slightl y outpace d b y th e sixties , tha t decad e o f unrest, o f assassination , o f on e damne d thin g afte r another , whic h als o saw the very different perspectiv e Black s in the United State s were takin g toward thei r condition . Thoug h sou l was bor n o f th e political an d socia l upheaval o f th e sixties , it s literar y an d aestheti c manifestation s woul d play a significan t rol e i n it s definition . Amir i Barak a (LeRo i Jones), on e of th e principa l figures o f th e Blac k Theate r Movement , note s i n hi s famous Blues People that soul , whose essenc e can als o b e linked t o Blac k music, represente d a shif t fro m Blac k cultura l an d politica l value s tha t prevailed durin g th e fortie s an d fifties. Sou l marke d " a for m o f socia l aggression," h e writes . "I t i s a n attemp t t o plac e upo n a 'meaningless ' social order , a n orde r whic h woul d giv e value t o term s o f existenc e tha t were onc e considere d no t onl y valueles s bu t shameful . . . . Soul means a new establishment." 6 Geneviev e Fabr e finds tha t th e ver y militanc y o f soul mobilize s people ; i t "create s a climat e o f confidenc e an d fellowshi p and recognize s a contro l ove r destiny." 7 Bu t whil e sou l ca n hav e thes e creative an d generativ e attributes—whil e i t ca n foste r an d maintai n cohesion an d a n in-grou p relatednes s tha t ha s aspect s o f healin g tha t Blacks cannot hop e to find in the larger society—i t als o has its nightmar ish quality , whic h itsel f i s paradoxicall y th e resul t o f it s irreducibl e separation fro m th e value s o f th e large r society . Wha t replace s sou l i s 35

NATHAN L. GRANT the internecine qualit y o f lif e i n the Black community—the community' s newly foun d abilit y t o fee d upo n itself . Thi s ne w societ y ha s ne w prey : women, th e emotionall y weak , an d middle-clas s Black s al l becom e th e usual far e fo r a new generatio n o f Bigge r Thomases . Many writer s o f th e sixtie s an d seventie s thu s bot h enjoine d an d embellished Wright' s representation . In Iceber g Slim' s autobiograph y Pimp: The Story of My Life, i t ma y easil y b e sai d tha t n o on e i n thi s milieu ha s successfull y escape d th e cor e valu e o f capitalism , it s ethi c o f acquisition; i n fact , capitalism' s mos t dastardl y mas k i s baldl y i n evi dence here . Bu t wha t i s at immediat e issu e i s the sens e tha t an y for m o f separateness fro m Euro-Americ a an d it s structure s i s fa r preferabl e t o life live d b y whit e men' s rules . Here , Sli m compare s hi s lif e a s a pim p who i s presently tryin g to buil d hi s stable t o what tha t lif e would b e ha d he not chose n crime . Clearly , he likes his chances : I went dow n t o th e street . I got into my Ford. It roared t o life. . . . felt good . I wasn't doin g ba d fo r a blac k bo y jus t ou t o f th e joint . I shuddere d whe n I thought, what if I hadn't kept my ears flapping bac k there in the joint? I would be a boot blac k or porter fo r th e rest of my life in the high walled white world. My blac k whor e wa s a cinch t o ge t piles o f whit e scratc h fro m tha t forbidde n white world. 8 Later, Sli m witnesse s fro m anothe r pim p som e o f th e ordinar y contro l of women withou t whic h th e pimp canno t clai m hi s "badness" : The crowd stoo d tittering and excited like a Salem mob watching the execution of a witch. . . . Again an d agai n he slammed hi s size-thirteen sho e down o n the witch's bell y an d chest . Sh e wa s ou t cold . He r ja w hing e wa s awr y an d re d frothy bubble s bunched at the corners of her crooked mouth. At last he scooped her up from th e pavement. She looked like an infant i n his arms. He looked into her unconscious face . H e muttered, "Baby , why, why, do you make me do you like this ? Wh y don' t yo u hum p an d sto p lushin g an d bullshittin g wit h th e tricks?" (Pimp, 96) The subjugatio n o f wome n i s a s totalizin g a s slaver y itsel f an d eve n depends upo n a doubl y ahistorica l remova l fro m th e twi n senses o f capitalism an d whiteness : I got to find out the secrets of pimping. I don't want to be a half-ass gigolo lover like the white pimps. I really want to control the whole whore. I want to be the boss of her life, even her thoughts. I got to con them that Lincoln never freed th e slaves. {Pimp, 104 ) 36

Notes of a Prodigal Son The dram a o f playwrigh t E d Bullin s dominate d off-Broadwa y fo r more tha n a decade wit h expression s tha t readil y bespok e th e nee d fo r a Black separatenes s whos e inexorabl e resul t wa s alienatio n an d stasis . I n his famou s pla y The Duplex, th e passio n o f Stev e Benson' s dilemm a rests i n hi s wantin g t o escap e wit h an d provid e fo r hi s landlad y Velma , who live s wit h he r abusiv e husban d i n th e sam e building . Stev e aspire s to th e middle-clas s lif e becaus e education , healt h care , an d a decen t income ar e desirabl e things , bu t a stultifyin g sens e of absurdit y close s i n when h e begin s to se e a compromised Blac k self : [No one will know] that she'll never really know me . . . this black man . . . with this mind . . . they'll never understand th e thoughts that flash through m y head and scorc h th e bac k o f m y eye s . . . thes e eye s tha t se e he r bein g beate n an d raped, these eyes that see the flames of the hell that we all live in . .. i n our cool dark littl e live s . . . gettin g read y t o becom e somethin g w e ain' t no w o r wil l never be . . . really. Some names like what? Colored insurance man, postal clerk, negro journalist , teacher , lawyer , afro-america n dentist , actor , hor n blower , whiskey pourer . . . clown?9 These scene s displayin g th e anguis h o f a n entir e rac e wer e largel y suppressed durin g the pre-Civil Right s years, but t o the extent the y wer e considered a t all , Baldwin wa s th e period's mos t eloquen t spokesperson : Negroes live violent lives, unavoidably; a Negro press without violence is therefore not possible; and, further, i n every act violence, particularly violence against white men, Negroes feel a certain thril l of identification, a wish to have done it themselves, a feeling that old scores are being settled at last. It is no accident that Joe Louis is the most idolized man in Harlem. He has succeeded o n a level that white Americ a indicate s i s th e onl y leve l fo r whic h i t ha s an y respect . W e (Americans i n general , tha t is ) lik e t o poin t t o Negroe s an d t o mos t o f thei r activities wit h a kin d o f toleran t scorn ; bu t i t i s ourselve s w e ar e watching , ourselves we are damning, or—condescendingly—bending t o save (Notes, 53) Of course , h e begin s thi s statemen t wit h th e cavea t tha t th e negr o pres s is, i n for m an d purpose , merel y a n outgrowt h o f th e whit e press , an d thus struggle s interminabl y fo r recognitio n i n white America ; thi s is par t of th e rhetori c Baldwi n use d t o defin e th e cultura l spac e that Black s ha d bestowed upo n the m b y whites . Th e othe r aspec t o f Baldwin' s strategy , however—the plo y fo r whic h h e i s best known—adopts th e perspectiv e of th e thinkin g whit e American , thu s seducin g tha t reade r int o thinkin g about th e conditio n o f Blac k Americans . I f hi s reader s ha d neve r befor e 37

NATHAN L. GRANT considered th e Blac k condition , the n Baldwin , a s hi s biographe r Davi d Leeming suggests , i s mor e tha n prepare d t o inveigl e the n t o d o so . Bu t Baldwin's strateg y ha s becom e famou s fo r it s inheren t flaw : th e fac t that i t i s finally to o comfortin g t o man y whites . Rathe r tha n provok e thoughtful debate , i t to o readil y polishe s th e shiel d o f denial . Eve n though whit e American s (an d man y middle-clas s Blac k Americans ) ca n here b e persuade d t o b e reflective , perhap s th e suprem e challeng e i s i n the pausin g t o ben d t o sav e a Bigge r Thomas , a Stev e Benson , o r a n Iceberg Slim . I n thi s connectio n th e youn g socia l criti c seem s t o hav e allowed himsel f sufficien t roo m fo r th e dissatisfactio n wit h whit e America tha t wa s probabl y alread y creepin g u p withi n him . Wha t mus t it hav e mean t t o adop t thi s person a tim e afte r tim e o n behal f o f a majority who , fo r al l it s well-intentione d spirit , refuse d eve n t o se e the problems ? Th e evolutio n o f Jame s Baldwi n become s slightl y mor e apparent i n th e grou p o f essay s Notes, Nobody Knows My Name. Her e the autho r begin s t o describ e th e phenomenon o f cultura l space—whe n Black life exists on the margins through white demand . In "Fift h Avenue , Uptown," Baldwi n describe s fo r a whit e intellectua l th e condition s i n both th e Souther n tow n an d th e Northern ghetto : My recital disturbe d hi m an d mad e him indignant; an d h e asked m e in perfec t innocence, "Wh y don' t al l th e Negroe s i n th e Sout h mov e North? " I trie d t o explain what has happened, unfailingly, wheneve r a significant bod y of Negroes move North. They do not escape Jim Crow: they merely encounter another, notless-deadly variety. They do not move to Chicago, they move to the South Side; they do not move to New York, they move to Harlem. The pressure within the ghetto cause s the ghetto walls to expand, an d thi s expansion i s always violent. . . . [I]nevitabl y th e borde r whic h ha s divide d th e ghett o fro m th e res t o f th e world fall s int o th e hand s o f th e ghetto . Th e whit e peopl e fal l bac k bitterl y before th e blac k horde ; th e landlord s mak e a tid y profi t b y raisin g th e rent , chopping u p the rooms, an d al l bu t dispensin g wit h th e upkeep ; an d wha t ha s once been a neighborhood turns into a "turf." (NKMN, 68 ) A sometim e exil e i n Europe , Baldwi n wa s abl e t o se e mos t clearl y into th e cauldro n o f sou l whe n h e wa s farthes t awa y fro m it . Eve n though th e essa y "Th e Blac k Bo y Looks a t the White Boy, " a treatise o n Norman Mailer , appear s directl y afte r th e confesse d filial connectio n t o Richard Wright , Baldwi n attack s bot h Maile r an d hi s adoptio n i n "Th e White Negro" o f the soulfu l Blac k ma n a s the ego ideal o f the "hipster, " 38

Notes of a Prodigal Son the whit e mal e whos e disaffectio n wit h th e hypocris y o f America n soci ety seeks a n existentia l release : He could hav e pulled ran k o n me because he was more famous an d ha d mor e money an d als o becaus e h e wa s white ; bu t I coul d hav e pulle d ran k o n hi m precisely becaus e I was black an d kno w more abou t tha t peripher y h e so helplessly maligns i n The White Negr o tha n h e could eve r hop e t o know . Already , you see, we were trapped in our roles and our attitudes: the toughest kid on the block wa s meetin g th e toughes t ki d o n th e block . . .. A t th e sam e time , m y temperament an d my experience in this country had le d me to expect very little from mos t America n whites , especially , horribl y enough , m y friends : s o i t di d not seem worthwhile to challenge, in any real way, Norman's views of life on the periphery, o r t o pu t hi m dow n fo r them . I was weary , t o tel l th e truth . I had tried, in the States, to convey something of what it felt like to be a Negro and no one had been able to listen: they wanted their romance. And, anyway, the really ghastly thin g abou t tryin g t o conve y t o a whit e ma n th e realit y o f th e Negr o experience has nothing whatever to do with the fact of color, but has to do with this man's relationship t o his own life. H e will face i n your life onl y what h e is willing to face in his. (NKMN, 219 , 221) Indeed, i n the second hal f o f Nobody Knows, beginnin g with "Note s fo r a Hypothetica l Novel, " Baldwi n drop s th e strateg y o f employin g th e white mask. Hi s narrative preferenc e i s now fo r th e first person , perhap s in broade r recognitio n o f th e sorrow , rage , an d bitternes s tha t Wrigh t had bequeathe d t o hi s consciousness s o long before . Baldwin's mos t powerfu l statement s o n th e conditio n o f sou l ar e t o be foun d i n The Fire Next Time (1962 ) an d No Name in the Street (1972), especiall y th e latter . Wel l befor e th e appearanc e o f No Name, the wors t aspect s o f th e America n conditio n ha d bee n exacerbate d t o define th e nihilism that becam e soul. In the years between the publicatio n of Fire an d No Name, Medga r Ever s ha d bee n brutall y slain ; s o ha d John an d Rober t Kennedy , t o who m th e cu p o f understandin g ha d bee n passed; an d Malcol m X an d Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr . ha d als o die d fo r the noble but elusive—and fo r this , seemingly indefinable—cause. Thes e events woul d chang e Baldwi n foreve r i n th e sens e tha t the y force d th e dreaded realizatio n o f th e denie d citize n tha t ha d bee n plante d b y Rich ard Wright s o many year s before , a s Baldwin himsel f describe d i n Notes. The crucial , interior , ye t vaguel y articulate d dualit y tha t overtoo k hi m after havin g read Wright no w metamorphose d int o a n externalize d med 39

NATHAN L. GRANT itation, perhap s a platfor m fro m whic h t o act . Gon e i s th e studiou s third-person usag e that i n previous writing s ha d blende d th e thinkin g o f whites an d Blacks : Incontestably, alas , mos t peopl e ar e not , i n action , wort h ver y much ; an d yet , every huma n bein g i s a n unconteste d miracle . On e trie s t o trea t the m a s th e miracles the y are , whil e tryin g t o protec t onesel f fro m th e disaster s they'v e become. . . . One could scarcely be deluded by Americans anymore, one scarcely dared expec t anythin g fro m th e great , vas t blan k generality ; an d ye t on e wa s compelled to demand of Americans—and for their sakes, after all— a generosity, a clarity, and a nobility which they di d not drea m o f demanding o f themselves . . . . Perhaps, however, the moral of the story (an d the hope of the world) lies in what one demands, not of others, but of oneself. 10 For wha t revolutionist s woul d cal l hi s sins , Baldwi n woul d hav e t o endure thei r execrations . Perhap s th e mos t famous , a s wel l a s th e mos t devastating, attac k cam e fro m Eldridg e Cleaver , wh o i n Soul on Ice see s Baldwin's homosexualit y a s a threat t o Blac k creativity : The cas e o f Jame s Baldwi n asid e fo r a moment , i t seem s tha t man y Negr o homosexuals, acquiescin g i n [a ] racial death-wish , ar e outrage d an d frustrate d because i n thei r sicknes s they ar e unabl e t o hav e a bab y b y a white man . The cross they have to bear is that, already bending over and touching their toes for the whit e man , th e frui t o f thei r miscegenatio n i s not th e littl e half-whit e off spring of their dreams but an increase in the unwinding of their nerves—thoug h they redouble their efforts an d intake of the white man's sperm. 11 But Baldwi n wa s nevertheles s boun d t o th e movemen t h e ha d onc e indirectly scorned , an d ha d onl y com e lat e t o a readin g o f Soul in Ice—ironically, whil e workin g fo r th e releas e o f th e incarcerate d Hue y Newton an d Bobb y Seale. 12 Baldwin , no w feelin g himsel f t o b e a t a different stag e i n th e campaig n fo r justice , ha d no t abandone d intellec tual fidelit y whil e supportin g th e spiri t o f revolution . Rathe r tha n suc cumb t o th e glorificatio n o f th e antirhyth m o f soul , h e sough t t o giv e i t dimension b y interrogatin g th e abuse s o f power . Hi s ange r an d frustra tion wit h th e ordinar y an d flagran t abus e o f polic e powe r compris e th e rhetorical engin e behin d No Name, an d afte r severa l sojourn s t o Europ e he ha s acquire d a finer understandin g no t onl y o f American s bu t o f American power , a s h e see s the injustic e o f th e West manifeste d dail y i n the nonwhit e world . 40

Notes of a Prodigal Son For a very long time . . . America prospered—o r seeme d to prosper: this prosperity cost millions of people their lives . Now, not eve n the people who are the most spectacula r recipient s o f th e benefit s o f thi s prosperity ar e abl e to endur e these benefits: the y can neither understan d the m nor d o without them , nor ca n they go beyond them. Above all, they cannot, or dare not, assess or imagine the price paid b y their victims , o r subject s fo r thi s way o f life , an d s o they canno t afford t o kno w wh y th e victim s ar e revolting . The y ar e forced , then , t o th e conclusion tha t th e victims—th e barbarians—ar e revoltin g agains t al l estab lished civilize d values—whic h i s bot h tru e an d no t true—and , i n orde r t o preserve these values, however stifling an d joyless these values have caused their lives to be , the bul k o f the people desperately see k out representative s wh o are prepared to make up in cruelty what both they and the people lack in conviction. (No Name, 88) Another, bittere r cu p o f understandin g ha d bee n passe d t o him : H e ha d begun no t onl y t o comprehen d th e etho s o f soul , bu t als o t o se e it s antirhythm i n a doubl e sens e a s a consequenc e o f th e abuse s o f power . He understand s th e cas e o f a Bigge r Thomas , wh o i s swep t alon g b y a series o f event s h e rarel y full y understands ; an d i n th e present , h e see s the intellectua l response , th e consciou s obedienc e t o th e impuls e t o tea r away fro m America n middle-clas s institution s an d mores . H e i s als o finally full y consciou s tha t Bigge r ha s bee n steadil y growin g up , nour ished o n th e finest grad e o f America n hatred : "I t i s true tha t eve n thos e who taugh t a t Columbi a [University ] neve r sa w Harlem , but , o n th e other hand , everythin g tha t Ne w Yor k ha s become , i n 1971 , wa s visibl y and swiftl y beginnin g t o happe n i n 1952 : on e ha d onl y t o tak e a bu s from th e to p o f th e cit y an d rid e throug h i t to se e how i t wa s darkenin g and deteriorating , ho w huma n contac t wa s endangere d an d dying " (No Name, 34) . As i f borrowin g fro m th e literar y purveyor s o f th e wish-fulfillmen t heroes o f th e er a o f soul , Baldwi n experience s a real-lif e excursio n through badnes s i n th e perso n o f Ton y Maynard , who , befor e endurin g a trumped-u p charg e fo r th e murde r o f a n America n servicema n i n Ne w York, ha d bee n Baldwin' s chauffeu r an d bodyguard . Tony' s innocenc e seems compromise d b y hi s bearing . Seemin g t o hav e steppe d fro m th e pages o f a n earl y seventies ' Blac k novel , Ton y i s a bi g ma n an d ca n b e very loud , i s fa r fro m discreet , an d ha s don e hi s shar e o f stree t fighting . . . "h e has , i n fact , a kin d o f pantherlike , street-bo y elegance—h e walks somethin g lik e a cat—an d a tricky , touchy , dangerou s pride , 41

NATHAN L. GRANT which, i n the years we worked together , kep t hi m i n all kinds o f fruitles s trouble; an d h e ha d a tast e fo r whit e wome n (wh o ha d a tast e fo r him ) which mad e him , especiall y give n hi s aggressivel y viril e goo d looks , particularly unattractiv e fo r th e NYPD" (No Name, 100) . Maynard ofte n disagree d philosophicall y wit h Baldwin' s stanc e o n nonviolence an d throug h hi s ange r ha d a t time s place d Baldwi n i n embarrassing socia l situations. Bu t Baldwin understood th e passions tha t drove hi s friend. 13 The y wer e simpl y organi c response s t o a hostil e world. In th e ordea l o f Ton y Maynard , a mor e persona l ange r an d frustration envelop s Baldwi n a s h e struggle s wit h th e meanin g o f thi s tempestuous period . Th e stor y o f Baldwin' s fight agains t Tony' s extradi tion (h e wa s charge d i n Hamburg , Wes t Germany) , hi s imprisonment , and hi s subsequen t bruta l beatin g a t th e hand s o f th e polic e ar e tol d i n the effor t t o explai n on e man's initiatio n t o the horrors o f th e absenc e of citizenship, th e worldwid e reac h o f thos e horrors , an d th e million s o f Tony Maynard s wh o dail y endur e thi s treatmen t and , fo r endurin g it , become al l th e mor e determine d t o exis t beyon d th e bond s o f capitalis t time. Fro m th e ne w perspectiv e o f th e revolutionary , Baldwi n see s th e juridical aspec t o f th e "sunli t priso n o f th e American dream" : I agree with th e Black Panthe r positio n concernin g blac k prisoners : no t on e of them has ever had a fair trial , for no t one of them has ever been tried b y a jury of hi s peers . Whit e middle-clas s Americ a i s alway s th e jury , an d the y kno w absolutely nothin g about the lives of the people on whom they sit in judgment: and this fact is not altered, on the contrary it is rendered more implacable by the presence of one or two black faces in the jury box. (No Name, 113) Understanding th e myria d frustration s tha t driv e th e etho s o f sou l to its instantiation, however , is not to condone the strong self-destructiv e influence tha t flourishe s i n th e Blac k community . Somethin g crie s ou t t o be sai d abou t "th e closin g o f ranks " whe n Blac k ange r become s self hatred an d self-destruction . Baldwi n i s no t silen t o n thi s issue , an d somehow, despit e hi s effort s i n anothe r direction , neve r ha d been . I f w e read hi m carefully , w e first understan d th e affinit y h e fel t t o Bigge r Thomas afte r havin g read Native Son. N o understandin g o f Bigger's self destructive confusio n i s possible without understandin g hi s deepest wis h to en d it , a wish that i s at war wit h th e impulse toward self-annihilation . Wright tell s u s tha t Bigge r "kne w tha t th e momen t h e allowe d wha t hi s life mean t t o ente r full y int o hi s consciousness , h e woul d eithe r kil l himself o r someon e else . S o h e denie d himsel f an d acte d tough." 1 4 42

Notes of a Prodigal Son Beneath thi s ac t i s Bigger' s inexorabl e desir e t o chang e hi s situation , and give n th e resistan t natur e o f hi s oppression , tha t chang e woul d b e cataclysmic. Baldwin' s intellectua l bearin g has made him what h e alway s said h e wishe d t o be— a witness . Bu t a s th e hop e fo r unit y appear s lost—indeed, throw n away—he , lik e th e apostl e Paul , look s throug h a glass darkly , intimatin g t o u s th e conflagratio n t o come : " A historica l wheel ha d com e ful l circle . Th e descendant s o f th e cowboys , wh o ha d slaughtered th e Indians, the issue of those adventurer s wh o ha d enslave d the blacks , wished t o la y down thei r sword s an d shields . But these coul d be lai d dow n onl y a t th e Sambo' s feet , an d thi s wa s wh y the y coul d no t be together : I fel t lik e a lip-reade r watchin g th e communicatio n o f despair" (No Name, 185) .

NOTES 1. Jame s Baldwin, Notes of a Native Son (Boston: Beacon Press, 1955) , 14 . Hereafter cite d in the text as Notes. 2. Jame s Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name (Ne w York: Dell, 1962), 191 . Hereafter cite d in the text as NKMN. 3. Benne t Berger, "Blac k Culture : Lower Clas s Result or Ethnic Creation? " Soul. ed. Lee Rainwater (Chicago : Aldine, 1970). 4. "Th e time of economi c production i s a specific tim e (differin g accordin g to the mode of production), bu t also that, as a specific time, it is a complex and nonlinear time— a tim e o f times , a comple x tim e tha t canno t b e rea d i n th e continuity o f th e tim e o f lif e o r clocks , bu t ha s t o b e constructe d ou t o f th e peculiar structure s o f production. . .. I t is an invisible time, essentially illegible , as invisible and as opaque as the reality of the total capitalist production process itself. Thi s tim e a s a comple x 'intersection ' o f th e differen t times , rhythms , turnovers, etc . . . ., is only accessible in its concept, which, like every concept is never immediately 'given, ' never legible in visible reality: like every concept this concept is produced, constructed" (Loui s Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Reading Capital [London: Verso, 1979], 101). 5. Stokel y Carmichae l an d Charle s V . Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Vintage, 1967) , quote d i n Norma n Harris , Connecting Times: The Sixties in Afro-American Fiction (Jackson : University Press of Mississippi, 1988), 91. 6. LeRo i Jones (Amir i Baraka) , Blues People (New York : Morrow, 1963) , 218. 7. Geneviev e Fabre , Drumbeats, Masks, and Metaphor (Cambridge : Har vard University Press, 1983), 150. 43

NATHAN L. GRANT 8. Iceber g Slim, Pimp: The Story of My Life (Los Angeles: Holloway House, 1969), 86. Hereafter cite d in the text as Pimp. 9. E d Bullins, The Duplex (New York: Morrow, 1971), 121. 10. Jame s Baldwin, No Name in the Street (New York: Dial Press, 1972) , 9, 10. Hereafter cite d in the text as No Name. 11. Eldridg e Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: Dell, 1968), 100. 12. Davi d Leeming , James Baldwin: A Biography (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf, 1994) , 304. 13. Ibid. , 290. 14. Richar d Wright, Native Son (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940), 9.

44

4

Fragmented Soul s Call an d Respons e w i t h Renee Co x ARTRESS BETHAN Y WHIT E

The electric narrative structure of this interview reflects a desire to communicate the ways in which history constantly informs and is reinformed by contemporary life and art. When I first encountered the work of Renee Cox I found myself standing in front of a seven-foot framed photograph of a naked black woman in pumps holding a baby titled Y o Mama. Here stood a woman daring the viewer to make her someone's mammy, bed warmer, or doormat. Cox challenges viewers to leave historical stereotypes about black female sexuality by the wayside and to engage in the act of reinventing the black female body. She is not alone in this endeavor. In my exploration of black sexuality I wanted to take a cross-genre look at visual and literary images from slavery to the blues divas of the 1920s and 1930s to the Black Power Movement. Rather than doing an exhaustive survey, I picked moments at random to exemplify the character of some popular culture dialogues. I want to thank Renee because our conversation was an invaluable catalyst to this mission, and because the three sections of this chapter are titled after two of her more provocative pieces and a work-in-progress, which serve as a means of establishing thematic structure. ••



Renee Cox is a thirty-seven-year-old visua l artist and entrenche d residen t of th e SoH o art s community . He r photograph y ha s bee n exhibite d a t 45

ARTRESS BETHANY WHITE such coveted space s as the Whitney Museu m an d the Jack Tilton Gallery , as wel l a s gallerie s i n Denmark . I n th e summe r o f 199 5 sh e steppe d away from th e gallery scene briefly t o engage in guerrilla stree t ar t tactic s by initiatin g th e Poste r Projec t unde r th e auspice s o f th e Negr o Ar t Collective, which sh e co-founded wit h vide o artis t Tony Cokes . ••



WHITE: D o yo u fee l lik e yo u carr y o n a meaningfu l dialogu e wit h othe r artist throug h you r work ? c o x : O h yeah , I thin k so . I t basicall y stem s fro m wha t I respec t i n th e work o f other artist s that echoes what I strive to realize in my own work . Like directness . Wit h Adria n Pipe r I really lik e th e in-your-facenes s sh e achieves. Wit h Carri e Ma e Weems , it' s th e wa y sh e integrate s tex t t o illuminate certai n discourses . Lorn a Simpso n . . . well I wouldn't sa y it' s so much directness , it' s the way sh e uses photography i n a different way , like the photograph y isn' t mor e importan t tha n th e text . When I look a t someone lik e Kar a Walker , wel l th e firs t tim e I sa w he r wor k I sai d t o myself, "O h damn , thi s i s hot!" I guess what interest s me is those twists . My whol e sensibilit y wit h m y wor k i s abou t stickin g i n an d turnin g th e knife a littl e bi t an d keepin g i t i n people' s faces . No t lettin g the m ge t away wit h a whol e lot . I think on e o f th e thing s that' s importan t abou t my wor k i s that it' s direc t bu t it' s als o multilayered . It' s no t a one-liner . That's wher e I think th e whole ide a o f dialogu e come s in .

It Shall Be Named When I am thirteen I will be punished for disassembling every doll I own and reassembling them so that black dolls have white arms, white dolls have black legs and none of them have clothes or hair* —Jacqueline Woodson, Autobiography of a Family Photo I distinctly remembe r th e chill that wen t through m y bod y a s I read Gay l Jones's novel Corregidora 1 fo r th e first time. I was shocked b y the notio n of tw o generation s o f wome n fathere d b y th e sam e man , thoug h force d miscegenation durin g slaver y ha d certainl y bee n adde d t o m y stor e o f historical fact s b y thi s time . I realize d tha t wha t mad e th e fictional depiction resonat e mor e tha n reference s t o th e sam e ac t i n slav e narra 46

Fragmented Souls

4.1. "I t Shall Be Named," by Renee Cox

tives wa s th e fac t tha t Jone s mad e th e reade r priv y to , an d hel d captiv e by, the chillin g psychologica l effec t o f th e dua l crime s o f miscegenatio n and inces t o n thi s famil y o f blac k women . Sh e gav e the m voices . An d certainly I felt a sense o f satisfactio n whe n th e great-grandmothe r finally escaped becaus e sh e ha d don e th e "unthinkable " t o th e Portugues e slaveholder Corregidora . Th e "naming " o f th e unthinkabl e doesn' t oc cur unti l the last page o f the novel; my imagination, however , would no t accept an y punishmen t les s tha n th e great-grandmothe r castratin g him . Jones make s i t clea r tha t ther e i s a demo n i n thi s story ; bu t i t wa s als o clear t o m e ho w muc h displace d demonizatio n o f blac k me n ha d le d them t o a fate simila r t o that o f th e slav e owner. I n effect, I was revelin g in the joyful satisfactio n o f a reverse lynching . The sexualization , o r perhap s mor e accuratel y th e fetishization , o f black bodie s i n America n cultur e ha s bee n a n ongoin g obsessio n fo r white America . A s a result , Africa n American s hav e foun d themselve s revisiting site s o f sexua l trauma , suc h a s thos e manifeste d b y slavery , a s 47

ARTRESS BETHANY WHITE a roa d t o healin g fro m o r desensitizin g themselve s agains t th e powe r o f dysfunctional memories . The director s o f tw o recen t films , Pulp Fiction an d Sankofa, hav e also chose n t o revisi t som e o f thes e site s o f sexua l trauma . Unlik e Cox , however, the y ultimatel y en d u p voyeuristicall y capitalizin g o n thes e legacies o f violen t physica l encounter s betwee n black s an d whites . I n Pulp Fiction. 2 whit e directo r Quenti n Tarantin o expose s an d exploit s white phallic anxiety b y depicting the rape o f a black ma n (wh o is bound and gagged ) b y a whit e securit y guard . In Sankofa, 3 Africa n filmmake r Haile Gerim a enact s hi s stor y o f sexualize d violenc e primaril y o n th e bodies o f blac k women . Hi s depiction s o f a n extende d rap e scen e o f a black femal e slav e an d th e bruta l whippin g o f anothe r blac k pregnan t slave serv e les s t o hea l tha n t o incit e an d excit e audienc e members . Unlike Tarantino, who continues to problematically lin k blac k emascula tion t o whit e mal e empowerment , Gerim a attempt s t o us e sexualize d violence to reevaluat e psychi c dissonanc e fo r Africa n Americans . ••



WHITE: Ca n yo u tal k a little bi t abou t th e wa y yo u dea l wit h historicit y in your work ? c o x : Tak e th e cros s piec e "It Shall Be Named" [whic h appeare d i n th e Whitney's Blac k Mal e show] . The cros s piece for m e was ver y academic , intellectual . . . m e goin g t o th e Schombur g [Cente r fo r Researc h i n Black Culture ] an d spendin g a lot o f time there just going through thing s randomly. The y ha d pile s o f scra p book s wit h th e actua l newspape r clippings fro m al l thes e lynching s dow n South . Tha t lef t a n indelibl e mark o n me . It' s lik e yo u lear n i t a t schoo l bu t yo u don' t reall y lear n i t at school . Nobod y reall y dwell s o n it , s o unti l yo u g o throug h thi s stuf f and yo u finall y se e ho w man y peopl e actuall y died . . . . Th e stat e tha t did i t th e most : Florida . Th e da y tha t the y usuall y di d i t on : Sunday . I t was a picnic . Yo u know , yo u se e th e littl e whit e girls , six - an d seven year-olds dresse d i n their Sunda y bes t with a big smile, and yo u hav e th e black gu y hangin g dow n fro m th e tre e wit h hi s nec k cocke d t o th e side . Then yo u rea d furthe r an d yo u fin d ou t tha t wha t the y woul d d o wa s cut of f th e penis , sel l i t a s a souvenir . Cu t o f th e toe s an d th e fingers — all sol d a s souvenirs . I' m lik e "Wher e ar e al l thes e dea d blac k penises? " That wa s on e o f th e reason s wh y m y [blac k male ] figure [It Shall Be Named] ha s n o genitalia . 48

Fragmented Souls

. . . Where Cox' s imag e explore s wha t wa s extracte d fro m black s physically , the work o f artis t Kar a Walke r explore s wha t wa s extracte d psychically . At a recen t galler y sho w a t th e Wooste r Gardens , he r almos t life-size d figures were cut ou t o f blac k pape r an d paste d o n th e white walls o f tw o interconnecting rooms . Wha t wa s mos t strikin g abou t Walker' s exhibit , entitled "Fro m th e Bowels to the Bosom," wa s its resistance to providin g the viewe r wit h a n eas y historica l read . Fo r example , a silhouett e imag e of a tri o o f bare-breaste d blac k wome n an d a blac k chil d sucklin g eac h other coul d connot e sisterhoo d a s easil y a s a share d histor y o f psychi c aberration aroun d th e role o f perpetual we t nurse . I n anothe r silhouette , a youn g blac k bo y blindfold s a whit e bo y wh o ha s hi s hand s boun d behind hi s back . Thoug h full y clothed , th e whit e boy s buttock s ar e thrust ou t a s i f awaitin g a spanking . I s th e whit e bo y a symbo l o f th e penitent whit e master wh o desire s to b e cleansed o f his role in slavery, o r is thi s a rol e reversa l symbolizin g blac k reveng e o r retribution ? Walke r continues thi s tacti c o f manipulatin g historica l conten t an d contex t no t only fo r th e subject s o f he r piece s bu t als o fo r hersel f a s a n artist . Usin g language simila r t o that o f nineteenth-century slav e narratives, sh e refer s to he r hersel f a s " a Fre e Negres s o f Noteworth y Talent " i n publicit y material fo r th e show . Thes e variou s images—filmic , photographic , an d artistic—point t o reckonin g wit h a histor y an d bodie s riddle d wit h no t only maternal , bu t sadomasochisti c tendencies .

Yo Mama my work attempts to ferret out what i know & touch in a woman's body• • • —Ntozake Shange, introduction to For Colored Girls Who Have Considered Suicide when the Rainbow Is Enuf It i s eas y t o assembl e myria d example s o f th e tw o role s tha t blac k women hav e bee n abl e t o occup y i n Wester n culture : desexualize d mammy o r ravenou s seductress . Th e lat e sixtie s an d earl y seventie s sa w the emergenc e o f televisio n drama s featurin g blac k women . Diahan n 49

ARTRESS BETHANY WHITE

4.2. "Y o Mama," by Renee Cox 50

Fragmented Souls Carroll assume d th e rol e o f professiona l singl e mothe r i n Julia whil e Teresa Grave s becam e th e sexy , butt-kickin g detectiv e i n Get Christy Love. Ther e wa s perhaps som e promise here , bu t a plot tha t woul d hav e made greate r stride s towar d blac k femal e empowermen t woul d hav e been th e integratio n o f thes e role s int o on e badas s taking-care-of-busi ness woma n an d he r equall y badas s taking-care-of-busines s mal e part ner—something aki n t o Shaf t meet s Christ y Lov e an d a t th e en d o f th e day they g o home t o the kid s an d . . . Perhaps th e mos t provocativ e exampl e o f self-define d blac k wome n are th e blue s diva s o f th e 1920 s an d 1930s . I n Black Pearls: Blues Queens of the 1920s, Daphn e Duva l Harriso n summarize s wh y thes e blues queen s wer e s o influential : " I vie w th e blue s a s th e drivin g forc e with whic h th e women coul d ac t on persona l an d artisti c agendas simul taneously. I n short , th e blue s i s lif e whic h i s art." 4 Th e blue s lyric s composed b y women suc h a s Sippi Wallace an d Bessi e Smit h spok e o f a sexual autonom y an d self-realizatio n tha t resiste d traditiona l value s an d social mores : I come to you, sweet man, falling on my knees, I come to you sweet, pretty papa, falling on my knees, I ask, if you ain't got nobody, kind daddy, take me please.5 You can send me up the river or send me to that mean ole jail, You can send me up the river or send me to that mean ole jail, I killed my man and I don't need no bail*6 Though bot h wome n her e explor e intimat e relationship s betwee n women an d men , ther e exist s a dualit y tha t addresse s th e complexit y of desire : th e woma n wh o sublimate s hersel f an d th e woma n wh o chooses t o ri d hersel f wit h n o remors e o f a ma n gon e bad . Thi s oscil lating realit y le d t o th e perceptio n o f blue s wome n a s empowere d women. A s Duva l Harriso n asserts , "Throug h th e blues , thes e wome n became th e principa l spokesperson s fo r blac k wome n i n th e Nort h an d South." 7 I n effect , blue s queen s serve d a s earl y model s fo r a blac k feminist expressio n tha t incorporate s th e good , th e bad , an d th e ugly . This wa s a proto-feminis t expressio n tha t demonstrate d th e powe r o f choice, a dynami c tha t first necessitate s confrontin g stereotype s o f blac k womanhood. 51

ARTRESS BETHANY WHITE

. . . WHITE: Ca n yo u commen t o n how , say , Yo Mama an d Yo Mama at Home explor e notion s o f blac k wome n an d art ? c o x : Yo Mama at Home i s a reactionar y piece . I di d i t whe n I wa s i n the Whitney Progra m an d seve n months pregnant . I was the first woma n in twenty-fiv e year s t o b e visibl y pregnan t i n th e program . Whe n I tol d people the y looke d a t m e lik e I wa s crazy , a s i f t o say , "Well , wh y ar e you doin g this? " I cam e ou t o f th e fashio n industry . I n th e fashio n industry peopl e don' t care . "Great , you'r e havin g a baby . Ca n yo u wor k next week?" I felt scare d fo r myself . I had mad e this major caree r chang e and educationa l commitmen t t o fine ar t onl y t o find ou t tha t I coul d possibly b e rejecte d becaus e I' m marrie d an d hav e children . S o onc e I figured tha t out , I realize d I' d hav e t o d o whateve r I ha d t o do , whic h meant I have to b e in your fac e an d b e as clear a s possible. Direct. Henc e we hav e Yo Mama at Home wit h m e sittin g ther e ver y pregnant , leg s partly spread , hea d wrapped , an d givin g yo u " I ow n th e plac e hone y and I' m stil l havin g m y baby. " An d th e attitud e fo r Yo Mama [ a head on sho t o f a nud e Co x holdin g he r year-ol d so n an d wearin g blac k pumps] i s "Com e o n girl , pu t you r pump s on , loo k cute , pic k u p you r child an d kee p o n pressing. " ••



Tony Morriso n give s a deftl y rendere d tal e o f politicall y motivate d infanticide i n he r nove l Beloved} Rathe r tha n fac e th e threa t o f bein g returned t o slavery , th e protagonis t Seth e attempt s t o kil l al l o f he r children; bu t sh e succeed s onl y i n killin g th e bab y Beloved . Althoug h infanticide i s generall y considere d a crimina l act , durin g slaver y i t wa s also a n ac t o f resistance . Julie Dash' s film Daughters of the Dust 9 provide s anothe r uniqu e narrative thread aroun d blac k femal e choice . When Yellow Mary return s to th e islan d o n whic h sh e was born , th e youn g girl s there ar e i n aw e o f her. Whe n on e characte r asks . "Wha t kind a woma n Yello w Mary? " another responds , "Sh e a new kind a woman. " A s Yellow Mar y tell s he r story, th e viewe r begin s t o ge t a cleare r sens e o f wha t "new " means . Yellow Mar y ha d lef t he r nativ e islan d t o see k he r fortun e i n th e rea l world. Sh e ended u p becomin g a wet nurs e t o a wealthy famil y i n Cuba , after supposedl y losin g he r ow n child . Afte r takin g he r leave , the viewe r is lef t t o assum e sh e eithe r becam e a prostitut e t o suppor t hersel f o r i n 52

Fragmented Souls some way becam e a kept woman , corroborate d throug h he r fanc y dress . The ide a o f th e ne w woma n become s i n realit y th e economicall y inde pendent woman , th e woma n free d fro m al l bind s o f domesticit y an d child rearing . However , th e "new " woma n i s stil l trappe d becaus e he r explorations ar e limite d t o wha t ar e deeme d sociall y a s selfis h pursuits , which ca n rarel y accommodat e motherhood . Das h complicate s Yello w Mary's "independence " b y havin g he r retur n t o sta y o n th e islan d (th e motherland) t o nurtur e herself . This , too , ca n b e viewed a s a n indepen dent woman simultaneousl y engage d i n maternal empowermen t i n orde r to heal herself .

Rage (a Work in Progress) This one is about dignity, they all are* Hattie was an awful big maid* Her cannon shape was appropriate for what came out of her* She gave context to Gone with the Wind* —Thylias Moss, "Hattie and the Power of Biscuits" In terms o f the searc h fo r blac k selfhood , th e Blac k Panther s an d propo nents o f the Black Power Movement mak e a n interesting cas e study. Firs t there wa s th e attire : basi c blac k leathe r an d shades , ofte n accompanie d by weapons . Th e physica l intimidatio n facto r alon e le d t o outrageou s Hooveresque estimate s a s t o th e numbe r o f Panther s inhabitin g th e nation. Second , her e was a grou p o f me n an d wome n wh o stoo d unifie d behind a race-based fight for equality . Third, this mission dedicated the m to changin g th e world . In he r controversia l boo k A Taste of Power; Elain e Brow n docu ments he r initia l involvemen t wit h th e Blac k Panther s an d he r eventua l rise t o th e rol e o f "chairman. " Man y femal e participant s i n th e move ment hav e note d th e lac k o f attentio n pai d t o women' s issue s i n th e interest o f maintainin g a facad e o f racia l unity . Brow n describe s wha t she feared a s she attempted t o sav e the Blac k Panthe r Part y a t the behes t of Hue y Newton : A woman i n the Blac k Powe r movemen t wa s considered, a t best , irrelevant . A woman assertin g hersel f wa s a pariah. A woman attemptin g th e role o f leader 53

ARTRESS BETHANY WHITE ship was , t o m y prou d blac k Brothers , makin g a n allianc e wit h th e "counter revolutionary, man-hating, lesbian, feminist white bitches." It was a violation of some Black Power principle that was left undefined . I f a black woman assumed a role of leadership, she was said to be eroding black manhood, to be hindering the progress of the black race. 10 ••



WHITE: What boundarie s d o you pus h i n your work ? c o x : Again , I'l l g o bac k t o Th e Poste r Project . I t wa s inspire d b y m y son, whos e questio n t o m e actuall y becam e th e titl e o f th e project : "Mama, I thought onl y blac k people were bad. " I felt i t necessary t o pu t a messag e ou t ther e t o counte r that . Th e tex t fo r th e othe r poste r referenced Charle s Murray , The Bell Curve, 11 stating , "Surprise , sur prise, i n ra w number s Europea n America n white s ar e th e ethni c grou p with th e most illegitimat e children, the mos t peopl e o n welfare, th e mos t unemployed me n an d th e mos t arrest s fo r seriou s crime. " Th e tex t wa s supplemented wit h photo s o f Iva n Boesk y an d Charle s Manson . A t th e bottom o f eac h poste r wa s th e ta g "Thi s messag e i s brough t t o yo u b y The Negr o Ar t Collective , fighting cultura l misinformatio n abou t Afri can Americans. " Before m y numbe r wa s mad e unlisted , I receive d phon e call s fro m Caucasian folk s saying , "Yo u must b e an angr y nigger," an d "Don' t yo u niggers realiz e you'v e lost ? Yo u al l nee d t o jus t shu t up. " Ther e wer e two article s writte n abou t th e project , on e i n th e Daily News th e othe r in New York Newsday, an d I kno w tha t a t leas t on e o f th e writer s received deat h threa t letters . So , i n a wa y I gues s I wa s successfu l because I wanted t o provoke people . I wanted t o initiat e anothe r kin d o f dialogue. WHITE: Di d yo u se e yoursel f a s a revolutionar y i n tha t sixtie s kin d o f way? c o x : Wel l I didn' t g o ou t an d ge t a n Angel a Davi s patch . I mea n th e revolution ha s t o b e approache d differentl y thes e days . Bu t I thin k th e media i s a powerful too l t o tha t end . WHITE: What project s d o you hav e comin g up ? cox: Th e next project I have coming u p i s going to b e called Rage. Rag e is a n Africa n America n superher o wh o goe s bac k int o histor y an d 54

Fragmented Souls changes thing s around . Fo r example , mayb e sh e wil l sav e Jean-Miche l Basquiat fro m hi s dru g overdose . She' s goin g t o definitel y tak e Picass o to tas k an d thro w hi m dow n o n th e continen t o f Afric a s o he'l l lear n how t o credi t hi s sources . She' s goin g t o b e involve d i n th e liberatio n o f Aunt Jemim a an d Uncl e Be n fro m thei r boxes . I attribut e thi s ide a t o Bettye Saar, who di d a piece called The Liberation of Aunt Jemima bac k in th e sixties . Whe n I first sa w he r piec e I though t i t wa s brilliant . I thought t o myself , That' s th e kin d o f wor k I want t o do . Sor t o f tak e al l these historical wrong s an d tur n the m int o rights .

NOTES 1. Gay l Jones, Corregidora (Boston : Beacon, 1975). 2. Pulp Fiction. Dir . Quentin Tarantino. Miramax, 1994 . 3. Sankofa. Dir. Haile Gerima. Mypheduh Films, Inc., 1993. 4. Daphn e Duval Harrison, Black Pearls: Blues Queens of the 1920's (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 8. 5. Sipp i Wallace, quoted in ibid., 132. 6. Bessi e Smith, quoted in ibid., 53. 7. Ibid. , 9. 8. Ton i Morrison, Beloved (New York: Penguin, 1987). 9. Daughters of the Dust. Dir. Julie Dash. Kino, 1990. 10. Elain e Brown, A Taste of Power (New York: Random House, 1992), 358. 11. Charle s Murra y an d Richar d Herrnstein , The Bell Curve (Ne w York : Simon and Schuster, 1994).

55

5

Wailin' Sou l Reggae's Deb t t o Blac k American Musi c GRANT FARE D

Reggae is Jamaican soul music, a sort of tropic rock 'n' roll* —Stephen Davis, Reggae Bloodlines Imported African-American music informed the evolution of Jamaican popular music just as exported DJ-ing allowed recombinant possibilities* —Carolyn Cooper, Noises in the Blood

At th e heigh t o f hi s experimen t i n democrati c socialis m i n th e 1970s , Prime Ministe r Michae l Manle y coine d a stingin g retor t t o thos e Jamai cans opposed t o his government's restructurin g o f this Caribbean island' s economy. "W e hav e five flights t o Miam i ever y day, " h e tartl y reminde d these disgruntle d Jamaicans , th e majorit y o f who m wer e whit e an d Creole. Th e prim e minister' s informatio n abou t th e frequenc y o f flight s to Miam i was, o f course, redundant, sinc e these disaffected citizen s wer e infinitely mor e familia r tha n Manle y with th e plane schedules . However , the Jamaican leader' s contemp t fo r bot h thes e malcontent s an d th e U.S . city fo r whic h the y wer e boun d i s easil y understandable . B y virtu e o f geography, Miam i form s th e shar p en d o f th e lon g shado w o f Yanke e imperialism—a forebodin g clou d tha t blanket s th e entir e Caribbean . The closes t por t o f entr y fo r Jamaican s e n rout e t o Nort h America , Miami epitomize s U.S . economic, ideological , an d cultura l intervention s in the Caribbean . I n the 1970 s Jamaica an d it s neighbor, socialis t Cuba , bore th e brun t o f thes e Yanke e incursions . Manle y an d Fide l Castr o 56

Wailin' Soul were kee n supporter s o f eac h other , a bon d frowne d upo n b y th e anti communist Unite d States . But Miami' s locatio n serve d t o naturaliz e it s statu s a s th e cente r o f exchange betwee n Manley' s countr y an d th e American mainland . I t i s in this southeaster n U.S . cit y tha t busines s deal s affectin g th e Jamaica n economy ar e transacted , Wes t India n famil y tie s ar e renewed , an d U.S . dollars ar e acquired . Miam i ha s becom e a bustlin g internationa l hu b where, amon g othe r Lati n an d Caribbea n folk , Jamaican s o f al l racia l groups, cultura l orientations , an d generation s stoc k u p o n th e lates t U.S. cultura l accessories . O n thei r wa y t o Kingsto n an d Monteg o Bay , Jamaicans sho p fo r thes e commodities—everythin g fro m oversiz e Fil a T-shirts t o sli m Gucc i handbags , fro m Kar l Kani' s hip-ho p jean s t o tailored Chane l suits . However, ha d Manle y reflecte d mor e carefull y fo r a moment , h e might hav e spare d th e sout h Florid a metropoli s i n his jibe. Jamaica, an d Manley's People' s Nationa l Part y (PNP ) governmen t i n particular , ow e the American citie s o f Miami an d Ne w Orlean s a considerable historica l debt. Inadvertently , thes e tw o citie s wer e responsibl e fo r th e develop ment o f Jamaica's mos t powerful an d dynami c for m o f blac k self-expres sion: regga e music . On e o f reggae' s cor e antecedents , blac k America n soul music , ca n b e directl y trace d t o th e radi o station s o f Miam i an d New Orleans . Dick Hebdig e maps thi s cultural lin k succinctl y i n Cut Ts P Mix: "Throughou t th e 1950 s th e interes t i n blac k America n musi c wa s fuelled b y America n radio—particularl y i n th e smal l r& b station s situ ated in and aroun d Miami. . . . And i n West Kingston, the r&b produce d in New Orlean s i n the souther n par t th e US became somethin g o f a craze amongst thos e rich enoug h o r luck y enoug h t o hav e acces s to a radio." 1 Reggae emerge d fro m th e experience s o f wes t Kingston , a collectio n of impoverishe d ghettoe s tha t include d th e no w famou s Trenc h Town , as wel l a s th e lesser-know n communitie s o f th e Dungl e an d Bac k O ' Wall. Wes t Kingsto n i s hom e t o th e poores t blac k Jamaicans , tha t con stituency mos t responsibl e fo r th e electio n o f Michael' s Manley' s PN P government. I n 1972 , Manley' s part y wreste d powe r fro m th e Jamaica n Labour Part y (JLP ) primaril y becaus e o f th e vote s o f Trenc h Townian s and the endorsement o f the island's premier regga e stars—Dennis Brow n and th e Wailers , particularl y th e group' s lea d singer , Bo b Marley . Th e PNP's subsequen t electora l triump h i n 197 6 owe d a grea t dea l t o Bo b Marley's performanc e a t th e "Smil e Jamaica " concert . Thi s supposedl y nonpartisan even t wa s represente d a s a n effor t o n th e par t o f th e entir e 57

GRANT FARED ruling elite—bot h th e incumben t PN P an d th e oppositio n JLP—t o re store a measure o f peace to west Kingston life , which ha d bee n disrupte d by factiona l politica l violence . Manley , however , hijacke d th e "Smil e Jamaica" even t o f Decembe r 5 , 1976 , fo r hi s ow n part y b y callin g fo r a general electio n jus t day s afte r th e Kingsto n concert . Becaus e o f th e dramatic event s precedin g Marley' s participatio n i n th e songfes t a t th e National Stadium , hi s performanc e registere d a s a n emphati c stam p o f approval o f th e PNP . Tw o day s befor e th e concer t ther e wa s a n assassi nation attemp t agains t th e regga e star , som e o f hi s ban d members , an d his manage r a t hi s Kingsto n home . Popula r rumo r ha d i t tha t JL P gunmen were responsible fo r th e attack; to dat e no one has been arreste d for th e crime . This "musi c o f the ghetto," a s Bob Marley define s reggae , marks th e clear an d unprecedente d publi c enunciatio n o f Jamaica' s Africa n roots . Reggae transformed th e blac k working (an d unemployed) poor' s cultura l practices—their patois , thei r for m o f persona l address , thei r religion , their dres s codes, their variou s accoutrements—int o nationa l (an d inter national) Jamaica n symbols . Whil e regga e ha s dramaticall y remad e th e island's cultura l persona , i t continue s th e struggl e t o substantivel y change th e limina l statu s o f th e blac k majorit y i n th e state' s politica l apparatus. Jamaic a i s stil l a blac k majorit y natio n rule d b y th e Creol e elites o f th e PN P an d th e JLP . Nevertheless , th e musi c ha s consistentl y functioned a s a spac e wher e severa l intens e ideologica l contestation s about Jamaica n societ y hav e bee n conducted . Crucia l issue s suc h a s national identity , Jamaica' s racia l hierarchy , politica l philosophy , eco nomic inequities , postcolonialism , an d religiou s beliefs , t o nam e bu t a few, hav e bee n engage d i n the lyric s o f regga e songs . However, a s th e trajector y outline d i n Cut 'N' Mix indicates , an y examination o f reggae would b e incomplete without a n accoun t o f blac k American soul . Thi s essa y map s th e route s Hebdig e delineate d throug h an exploratio n o f th e relationshi p betwee n thes e tw o blac k musica l forms i n th e wor k o f Rober t Nest a Marley . In n o regga e artis t ar e th e strains o f soul— a subtle , critical , an d evocativ e musica l discours e abou t the blac k experience—mor e resoundin g tha n i n th e wor k o f Trenc h Town's mos t famou s son . Th e myria d way s i n whic h th e Marle y ouevre signals th e dependenc e upon , fusio n of , an d divergence s betwee n thes e two form s enable s u s t o examin e full y th e comple x relatio n o f sou l t o reggae. Wha t musica l technique s d o sou l an d regga e hav e i n common ? What i s the politica l significanc e o f thos e similarities ? A t whic h cultura l 58

Wailin' Soul point doe s regga e deviat e fro m soul ? Wh y d o thes e divergence s occur ? Which element s o f sou l ar e mos t importan t t o Bo b Marley ? Ho w doe s Marley incorporat e an d transfor m sou l i n hi s music ? Thes e ar e som e o f the cor e issue s thi s chapte r wil l engage . Thi s project , however , relie s o n a fulle r representatio n o f reggae' s history . A s entangled an d complicate d as th e soul-regga e intersectio n is , i t i s itsel f precede d an d succeede d b y the formatio n o f othe r Caribbea n musica l genres . Regga e emerge s a s th e hybrid end-produc t o f thes e cultura l exchanges . Th e developmen t o f these othe r musica l forms—mento , ska , an d rocksteady—wil l b e sur veyed an d thei r contributio n t o th e shap e an d conten t o f regga e evalu ated. The umbilica l bon d betwee n regga e musi c an d th e Rastafaria n fait h is largel y presupposed . On e i s presume d t o b e metonymi c o f th e other . The way s i n whic h Rastafarianis m provide s th e moral , cultural , reli gious, an d racia l foundatio n fo r regga e i s take n fo r granted ; s o i s th e way i n whic h bot h wer e bot h integra l t o Marley' s politica l identity . I n truth, h e rendere d th e tw o indistinguishable . Th e messag e wa s no t onl y in hi s regga e music , bu t coul d als o b e rea d of f hi s persona l appearanc e and identifie d i n hi s persona l habits—th e dreadlock s an d th e Rast a colors h e wor e an d th e ganj a h e smoke d s o publicl y al l reinforce d how intertwine d regga e an d Rastafarianis m wa s i n Marley' s universe . However, a questio n tha t derive s fro m th e reggae-Rast a conjuncture , and on e tha t wil l b e raise d onl y tangentiall y here , i s th e positio n o f women i n this nexus . Th e proble m o f gender , a shorthan d fo r misogyn y in thi s instance , i s o f cours e no t a conditio n uniqu e t o regga e o r Rastaf arianism—it i s as disturbing featur e a o f sou l (an d th e soulfu l 1960s ) a s it is of contemporar y hip-ho p an d dancehall . However , th e religiou s an d metaphorical deploymen t o f misogyn y i n regga e lyric s lend s i t a critica l pertinence. Soul, th e dominan t blac k America n musica l genr e fro m th e lat e 1950s throug h th e mid-1970s , ca n b e understoo d a s a highl y stylize d vocalizing o f blac k experienc e i n thi s period . Burie d no t fa r beneat h th e surface o f rich melodies an d th e smooth, dance-inducin g rhythm s o f sou l is th e articulatio n o f th e blac k community' s struggl e agains t economic , political, cultural , an d gende r disenfranchisement s i n whit e America . Encapsulating bot h th e hig h moralis m o f th e Civi l Right s er a an d th e militance o f th e Blac k Powe r Movement , sou l envelop s thes e contesta tions i n smok y vocal s an d silk y harmonies . However , th e slic k musica l arrangements disguis e bu t neve r undermin e th e various politic s o f oppo 59

GRANT FARED sition encode d withi n soul . Tw o o f th e finest recording s o f blac k Ameri ca's battl e i n th e 1960 s ar e Nin a Simone' s hauntin g "Mississipp i God damn" an d Marvi n Gaye' s lush "What' s Goin ' On? " Simone' s son g is an angry protes t agains t th e burnin g o f a blac k churc h i n Birmingham , Alabama, i n 1963 . Gaye' s i s a n epi c cr y agains t injustice—"Don' t pun ish m e with brutality, " h e implores America n societ y i n the mos t luxuri ous o f voices . Bu t n o othe r trac k capture s th e spiri t o f soulfu l resistanc e with quit e th e seductiv e brillianc e tha t Areth a Frankli n doe s i n he r rendition o f "Respect. " I n he r versio n o f thi s Oti s Reddin g number , th e soul div a literall y spell s ou t th e struggle s blac k American s wer e waging : "R-E-S-P-E-C-T / Fin d ou t wha t i t mean s t o me, " sh e challenge s he r audience. I n th e 1960s , however , whit e Americ a wa s surel y intende d t o hear i n thos e line s mor e tha n a sex y spellin g lesson . Franklin' s son g wa s an indictmen t o f th e appallin g condition s prevailin g i n blac k communi ties al l ove r th e nation ; th e strengt h o f he r voic e wa s a baromete r o f black anger . I n additio n t o al l this , o f course , Frankli n inserte d int o "Respect" a feminist critiqu e absen t fro m Redding' s rendition . Although Bo b Marley' s immersio n i n sou l musi c i s well chronicled , his appreciatio n fo r Areth a Frankli n ha s neve r bee n full y understood . This oversigh t i s understandable , particularl y sinc e i t ha s onl y recentl y come t o ligh t tha t th e princ e o f regga e recorde d a n (a s ye t unreleased ) album o f sou l tracks with Franklin' s ban d i n the mid-1970s. 2 Th e regar d that Marley , on e o f th e founder s o f regga e an d indisputabl y it s mos t renowned an d revere d exponent , ha d fo r Frankli n reveal s th e exten t t o which hi s caree r indelibl y bor e th e stam p o f blac k America' s rhythms . More tha n that , throug h Marle y th e ideologica l an d musica l conver gences betwee n sou l an d reggae , especiall y th e latter' s borrowin g an d reinscription o f th e former' s characteristics , ar e mad e manifest . Th e political overlap s ar e abundantl y evident . Th e regga e ethic s Marle y s o inimitably crafte d subscrib e full y t o the politics o f blac k resistanc e a t th e core o f wha t Cynthi a Youn g call s "sou l culture." 3 Youn g describe s th e soul era a s the funk-infused recordin g o f the blac k community' s struggle , through musi c an d othe r cultura l practice s o f th e 1960 s (plays , poetry , grassroots communit y organizing , an d s o on) , agains t th e institutiona l racism, economi c disenfranchisement , an d politica l marginalizatio n o f American society. Sou l cultur e document s th e blac k campaig n t o radi calize it s constituency' s politica l approach , t o rethin k it s politica l loca tion, t o challeng e it s publi c representation , an d t o reconstruc t it s politi cal self-image—all i n the fac e o f white America n hegemony . 60

Wailin' Soul This struggl e fo r "respect, " whic h i s dynamicall y gendere d b y Are tha Franklin , i s insistently race d b y the Jamaican regga e community. Th e attainment o f blac k dignit y an d prid e i s at th e ver y cor e o f reggae . Pete r Tosh's ringing proclamation, "Equa l Rights , Justice," i s a theme reflecte d upon, developed , an d nuance d i n countles s Wailer s tracks , mos t promi nent amon g them , arguably , "Exodus, " "Redemptio n Song, " "Afric a Unite," an d "Zimbabwe. " Th e struggle s o f blac k people s i n Jamaica , in th e postcolonia l metropolise s o f Europ e an d America , an d i n th e anticolonial campaig n i n Afric a ar e som e th e ke y issue s tha t shaped , reconceptualized, an d sustaine d reggae . Regga e is rooted i n the traditio n of Rastafaria n protes t agains t Jamaica n society' s rigi d cast e system , which privilege s Creole s (o r "browns, " a s the y ar e colloquiall y known ) over th e blac k majority ; i t i s also , o f course , a protes t agains t anti Rastafarian prejudice . A s reggae develope d an d gaine d increasin g recog nition i n the 1970s , i t started t o includ e an d addres s Caribbea n commu nities i n metropole s suc h a s Londo n an d Ne w York . Amon g regga e artists, Marle y wa s particularl y committe d t o condition s o f struggl e i n Africa. H e turne d hi s attentio n t o th e continen t wit h marke d frequenc y after hi s 197 6 exil e fro m Jamaica , an d th e thre e trip s h e made—t o Ethiopia, Gabon , an d Zimbabwe—betwee n 197 8 an d 1980 . Marle y attacked th e racism o f Ia n Smith' s white minorit y governmen t i n Rhode sia an d th e aparthei d regim e i n Sout h Africa . H e wa s als o publicl y supportive of , respectively , Frelim o an d th e Popula r Movemen t fo r th e Liberation o f Angola's battles against Portuguese imperialis m i n Mozam bique an d Angola . It is clear fro m Marley' s mov e toward a postcolonial Pan-Africanis m that fo r al l th e crucia l similaritie s betwee n sou l an d reggae , ther e i s a pivotal distinction . Regga e no t onl y absorbe d th e politic s o f soul , i t exceeded them . Althoug h i t occasionall y borrow s th e mute d politica l reverberations o f soul, especially in its love songs, reggae is marked mor e by direc t confrontatio n an d protest . Trenc h Town' s musi c i s a serie s o f direct challenges . Thi s differenc e doe s no t undermin e th e link s tha t bin d blacks i n th e diaspor a i n th e Americas , bu t i t doe s enabl e u s t o under stand ho w a phenomeno n suc h a s th e growt h o f blac k cultura l expres sion i n th e Caribbea n engender s mor e militan t form s o f opposition . Much o f thi s ca n b e explained , o f course , b y contextua l specificities , such a s the numerica l majorit y blac k Jamaicans enjo y a s oppose d t o th e minority statu s o f Africa n Americans . Th e subtlet y o f soul' s resistance , however, i s neve r abandone d b y reggae . I t simpl y become s a singl e 61

GRANT FARED arrow i n a multi-stringe d musica l bow , rathe r tha n th e dominan t for m of cultura l engagement . Reggae' s Jamaica n resource s wer e suc h tha t subtlety coul d b e employe d selectivel y intersperse d amon g th e mor e prevalent trenchan t protes t songs , insurrectionar y anthems , an d gospe l tunes. Sou l was no t withou t it s incendiar y moments . Stevi e Wonder an d Marvin Gaye , amon g others , contribute d thei r shar e o f suc h tracks , bu t these wer e th e exceptions , no t th e rule . Marley , tha t mos t linguisticall y agile o f Rast a poets , use d subtlet y frequentl y bu t fo r a different effect . I t lends lyrica l sophisticatio n an d ideologica l reinforcemen t t o hi s protest ; it doe s no t constitut e hi s challenge . Regga e issue s a dua l lyrica l threat , through affrontin g a s well a s through insinuatio n an d nuance . Th e mos t striking instanc e o f thi s lyrica l strateg y ca n b e foun d i n "Zimbabwe, " a song tha t coul d b e rea d a s Marley' s clario n cal l fo r postcolonia l Africa . Embedded i n thi s track , whic h celebrate s internationa l blac k unit y an d the souther n Africa n revolution . ("I-n- I wil l liberat e Zimbabwe" ) i s inscribed a dire warning abou t postcolonia l elites . "Zimbabwe " contain s a tellin g bu t nonetheles s surprisin g politica l cynicism , a distrus t tha t seems anachronisti c withi n th e upbea t lyrica l an d ideologica l confine s o f Zimbabwean freedom : No more internal power struggle We come together to overcome The little trouble Soon well find out who is The real revolutionaries Cause I don't want my people to be Tricked by mercenaries4 Much o f Marley' s well-disguise d skepticis m was , i n al l likelihood , in formed b y the experienc e o f hi s native Caribbean . I t is, nevertheless, stil l a momen t o f remarkabl y subtl e an d powerfu l critiqu e i n th e Marle y musical canon . Postcolonia l leader s no t onl y hav e thei r revolutionar y credentials calle d int o question—ar e the y "real " o r not?—bu t als o find themselves implicitl y depicte d a s "mercenaries. " "Zimbabwe " i s a s much emblemati c o f Marley' s postindependenc e optimis m a s i t i s a statement abou t th e gravity o f hi s reservations . While soul' s politic s echoe s i n an d i s extende d b y reggae , th e blac k American ar t for m i s no les s influentia l artistically . Musically , th e origi 62

Wailin' Soul nal Wailers—Marley , Pete r Tosh , an d Bunn y Wailer—starte d ou t i n th e west Kingsto n yar d o f singin g coac h Jo e Higg s tryin g t o emulat e Broo k Benton, th e Drifters , an d th e Impressions . Ami d th e wailin g o f th e Trench Tow n poor , amon g whic h the y numbered , thes e Rastafarians-in waiting diligentl y practice d thei r harmonies . I n thos e formativ e Waile r years, thi s Trenc h Tow n grou p performe d a t loca l venue s i n thei r tight fitting blac k suits , tryin g fo r al l the worl d t o mak e lik e th e Impressions ' Jerry Butle r an d Curti s Mayfield . I n a n earl y Wailer s track , "Guav a Jelly," w e se e how Marley' s songwritin g i s thematically saturate d b y th e sensuality o f soul . Althoug h "Guav a Jelly " i s mor e rockstead y tha n reggae (i n the Marle y songboo k i t is euphemistically describe d a s "mod erate reggae") , i t reveals the way s Marle y adapt s th e concern s o f sou l t o a Jamaican variatio n o f this music . You said you love me* I said I love you. Why don't you stop your crying? Dry your weeping eyes. You know that I love, I love, I love, I love you so, Damsel. Here I am. Me said, "Come rub it 'pon me belly With you guava jelly, Damsel."5 Love, relationships, emotiona l pain—th e standar d trope s o f mos t popu lar musi c an d sou l i n particular—ar e al l o n displa y here . Bu t Marley' s sex ja m (n o Anglophon e pu n intended ) i s spare d fro m inanit y b y th e unusual combinatio n o f th e linguisti c anachronis m o f addressin g th e woman a s "damsel " ( a ter m whic h qualifie s a s a n Angl o reli c eve n i n a colonized society ) an d Jamaica n idiosyncrasy—wher e els e woul d a cit rus frui t b e employed a s a sexual lubricant ? Playe d agains t th e backdro p of a unique beat , inflecte d b y the ethos o f blac k America n music , Marle y transforms hi s early sounds into a "tropi c soul " tha t i s positively saccha rine. In explorin g th e dept h o f th e relationshi p betwee n blac k U.S . sou l and th e regga e o f Bo b Marley , however , w e hav e t o liste n beyon d th e unmistakable sou l trait s o f th e youn g Wailer(s) . I n th e post-Bunn y Wailer an d Pete r Tos h era , whe n Marle y wa s officiall y installe d a s the 63

GRANT FARED Wailer, harmonizin g becam e eve n mor e crucia l t o th e group' s regga e format. Remarkabl e a s Bob' s voic e was , h e ha d benefite d fro m soul-lik e harmonies i n whic h he , Peter , an d Bunn y ha d engaged . Fro m 1975 , Bob's lea d wa s underscore d an d softene d b y tha t o f th e I-Threes , th e Wailers' tri o o f backin g vocalists . Th e all-femal e grou p wa s compose d of Bob' s wife , Rit a Marley , Jud y Mowatt , an d Marci a Griffith , thre e o f Jamaica's to p femal e vocalists . Th e earlie r harmonizin g amon g Bo b an d the othe r tw o Wailer s wa s no w replace d b y a patter n o f call-and-re sponse betwee n th e lea d singe r an d th e I-Threes . Th e singularit y o f Marley's teno r wa s enhanced , an d throw n int o relief , b y th e highe r reaches o f th e women's voices . Some o f Marley' s mos t powerfu l an d resonan t song s were produce d within thi s musica l format , on e ampl y indebte d t o soul . Outstandin g among th e tracks release d i n thi s period, th e poetically an d ideologicall y mature Marle y era , ar e hi s soul-based , gospel-lik e anthem s "Afric a Unite," "Natura l Mystic, " and , o f course , th e immensel y movin g "Re demption Song. " Th e first o f thes e songs , "Afric a Unite, " owe s muc h t o the Mosai c teno r o f th e Ol d Testamen t tha t i s s o characteristi c o f th e Rastafarian faith : Africa unite, 'Cause we're moving right out of Babylon, And we're going to our Father's land*6 Nowhere, however , i s Marley' s immersio n i n th e cultur e o f sou l musi c so pronounce d a s i n hi s mello w lov e songs . Th e Rastafaria n dedicatio n "One Love " an d "N o Woman , N o Cry, " hi s lament fo r th e mos t endur ing lov e o f hi s life , Trenc h Town , stan d a s poeti c declaration s o f emo tional an d psychi c commitment . "N o Woman , N o Cry " i s a Trenc h Town Rasta' s contemplation s o n th e joy s an d cost s o f livin g i n th e ghetto: 'Cause I remember when we used to sit In a government yard in Trenchtown. Oba-Observing the hypocrites As they would mingle with the good People we would meet; Good friends we have had, Oh good Friends we've lost along the way*7 64

Wailin' Soul "Waiting i n Vain, " however , demonstrate s th e considerabl e rang e o f Marley's lov e ballads . Th e son g i s Marley's reflectio n o n th e disintegra tion o f hi s relationshi p wit h Cind y Breakespeare , th e Jamaica n beaut y queen wh o wo n th e 197 5 Mis s Worl d title . I t i s a sombe r creation , a tribute t o Breakespear e tha t i s filled wit h pain—an d on e withou t self reflexivity abou t th e regga e star' s infidelity , sinc e he had bee n marrie d t o Rita fo r almos t a decade a t the time o f his relationship wit h Mis s World . In this song, Marley can contain neithe r hi s impatience no r hi s bitternes s at hi s itinerant lover : But I know now that I'm way down on your line, But the waiting feel is fine* So don't treat me like puppet on a string, 'Cause I know how to do my thing* Don't talk to me as if you think I'm dumb I wanna know when you gonna come*8 Throughout hi s adulthood , Marley' s treatmen t o f wome n wa s highl y problematic, mirrorin g muc h o f th e misogyn y o f Rastafarianis m (an d Jamaican society). 9 I n hi s fifteen-year marriag e t o Rit a (the y wer e mar ried i n 196 6 an d remaine d s o unti l hi s deat h i n 1981) , Marle y claime d as hi s sexua l prerogativ e th e righ t t o hav e ver y publi c relationship s with othe r women . Thi s aspec t o f hi s lif e i s acknowledge d bu t largel y unremarked upo n b y Marley' s biographer s an d cultura l commentator s alike. Th e absenc e o f a gende r critiqu e canno t b e explaine d awa y b y Jamaican o r Rastafaria n misogyny . I t i s a n ideologica l lac k tha t ha s t o be redressed , especiall y i n vie w o f th e regga e star' s iconi c statu s i n contemporary musi c an d popula r cultura l circle s th e world over . T o no t engage thi s issu e i s tantamount t o endorsin g thi s misogynisti c behavior . Ironically, i t i s precisel y Marley' s appetit e fo r sexua l licenc e tha t lend s "Waiting i n Vain " suc h rar e stin g a s poeti c rebuke . Bo b Marley , fathe r of som e te n childre n (onl y fou r wit h Rita ) an d th e ultimat e "Mr . Rasta Loverman" (a s Shabb a migh t hav e it) , ha s bee n defeate d i n th e gam e o f passion an d infelicity . H e i s certainly no t "dumb, " bu t h e ha s becom e a mere "puppet " o n Breakespeare' s crue l "string. " A great dea l o f Marley's matur e work wa s produced whil e he was i n exile fro m Jamaica , a deracinatio n tha t culminate d wit h hi s deat h i n Miami i n 1981 . Thi s compel s u s to tur n ou r glanc e momentaril y north ward again , t o loo k ane w a t tha t tropica l 1950 s conjuncture : th e Kings 65

GRANT FARED ton-Miami/New Orlean s axis . A t thi s terminu s o f incipien t U.S . neo imperialism (Jamaic a wa s a t thi s poin t stil l a Britis h colony) , blac k American musi c intersecte d with , wa s appropriate d by , an d gav e pre viously unimagine d ne w for m t o working-clas s blac k Jamaica n cultura l traditions. No t unlik e hip-ho p an d dancehall , regga e i s th e produc t o f the intersection o f technology an d oppression : a musical form tha t develops fro m a n encounte r betwee n th e airwave s an d condition s o f on the-ground impoverishment . Fro m th e A M radi o station s i n th e Ameri can por t citie s o f Miam i an d Ne w Orleans , rhyth m an d blue s mutate d into sou l an d the n wende d it s wa y throug h sk a an d rockstead y int o reggae. Like mos t cultura l practices , regga e i s hybri d i n it s for m an d varie gated i n its roots. The differen t source s o f reggae ar e indigenized Africa n religious ritual s (suc h a s Kumina), ment o (th e Jamaican versio n o f Trini dadian calypso) , an d soul . Reggae' s developmen t i s th e narrativ e o f cultural exchang e (ofte n o n unequa l terms) , interna l migration , an d insistent transformation . Prio r t o th e soun d invasio n fro m Miam i an d New Orleans , Jamaica n popula r musica l consciousnes s wa s dominate d by mento—i n itsel f a n interestin g an d a tellin g story . Ment o wa s a politically anemi c cultura l practice . Adoptin g th e bounc e an d bea t o f calypso, ment o wa s th e deliberat e evacuatio n o f th e Trinidadia n tradi tion o f stingin g socia l criticism . Despit e it s grievou s lac k o f politica l content, ment o mark s th e first reluctan t an d tentativ e step s towar d th e Caribbeanization o f Jamaica n radio . Jamaica n calyps o signal s th e slo w process o f substitutio n o f blac k Wes t India n music , howeve r sanitized , for whit e Britis h tunes . Thi s politicall y diluted , thoug h occasionall y bowdlerized, calypso reflects th e ideological uncertainties o f a pre-urban ized (thoug h jus t barel y so) , late-colonia l Jamaica n society . Ment o re flects a Caribbean societ y in the throes o f transition; a s Antonio Gramsc i might hav e pu t it , thi s wa s a societ y suspende d awkwardl y i n th e inter regnum. Jamaic a wa s locate d i n tha t interstitia l momen t betwee n th e end o f colonialis m an d th e achievemen t o f nationa l independence . Th e mass migration o f rura l black s was clearly abou t t o begin , though i t wa s as yet not underway . Jamaican calypso' s dominatio n o f th e nation' s state-controlle d air waves in no way, however, undermined th e alternative musical tradition s of th e ghetto . Al l th e while , th e cultura l inheritanc e o f Wes t Africa n slaves—the drummin g an d percussiv e ritual s o f Kumin a an d nyabinghi (played a t Rastafaria n gatherings)—thrive d i n th e ghetto , availabl e nei 66

Wailin' Soul ther o n viny l nor o n an y Jamaican radi o frequencies . Bot h thes e musica l practices, a s wel l a s th e politica l constituencie s the y represented , wer e crucial t o th e rhyth m upo n whic h regga e woul d b e built . Bu t i t woul d take mor e tha n th e demis e o f ment o t o allo w fo r th e incorporatio n o f these tradition s int o a nationa l Jamaica n popula r music . Th e eclips e o f mento in the early 1950 s heralded th e introduction, vi a the sound syste m and th e radio , o f blac k America n music . Th e outmodin g o f Jamaica' s emaciated calyps o coincide d wit h increase d migratio n t o th e citie s an d the rise of the famous Kingsto n soun d systems . Si r Coxsone Dodd , Duk e Reid, an d Princ e Buster' s outfit s starte d t o rul e th e musica l roos t i n th e ghettoes an d beyond . Fiercel y competitive, an d no t without a n attendan t violence a s Dodd an d Rei d vied fo r payin g customers, th e soun d system s mixed th e lates t blac k America n single s fro m Miami , Ne w Orleans , an d New York—always , o f course , tryin g t o kee p on e ho t recor d releas e ahead o f on e another . While th e soun d system s kep t Jamaican s dancin g o n th e weekends , the disc jockeys in the Crescen t Cit y and Miam i were bus y all week long . Stephen Davis , regga e historia n an d biographe r o f Bo b Marley, provide s a decidedl y neocolonia l readin g o f thi s relentles s musica l invasion . "American rhyth m an d blues, " Davi s writes , "wa s pumpe d withou t mercy int o th e culturall y vulnerabl e Caribbea n island s nightl y b y fiftythousand-watt clear-channel s i n Ne w Orlean s an d Miami." 1 0 Jamaic a in th e 1950 s wa s technologicall y an d culturall y vulnerable , i n n o wa y able to repel this massive attack o n the tiny nation's airwaves . The islan d lacked th e electroni c resource s t o rebuf f th e nightl y incursio n o f blac k American artist s wh o jamme d th e loca l stations . Wit h th e influ x o f transistor radios , Sa m Cooke , Fat s Domino , Amo s Milburn , Loui s Jor dan, Alvi n Robinson , an d Hue y "Piano " Smit h quickl y becam e house hold names . Towar d th e en d o f th e 1950s , a s R& B wa s transforme d into soul , thes e artist s gav e wa y t o a whole ne w se t o f America n artists , and sol o performer s suc h a s Oti s Redding , Jame s Brown , an d Areth a Franklin an d group s suc h a s th e Drifter s an d th e Impression s quickl y took thei r compatriots ' plac e a t th e top o f the Jamaican charts . However, a t th e tur n o f th e decad e th e flow o f sou l track s suddenl y dried up . I t i s difficult , a s th e region' s foremos t cultura l historian s hav e discovered,11 t o accoun t precisel y fo r wh y blac k America n musi c sud denly becam e unavailabl e i n Jamaic a i n 1960 . Th e reason s coul d no t have bee n economic , becaus e Jamaica remaine d a lucrativ e market . Th e soul artist s wer e a s popula r a s thei r R& B predecessor s an d ther e wa s 67

GRANT FARED every indicatio n tha t thei r record s woul d sel l well . Whil e Jamaica n independence wa s onl y tw o year s of f i n 1960 , ther e wa s n o nationalis t impulse closin g the doo r o n importe d cultur e fro m eithe r th e U.S. main land o r the European colonia l center . The unexpected drough t o f Ameri can music , however , ha d pivota l spinoff s fo r loca l Jamaica n music . Thwarted b y th e lac k o f America n records , th e soun d syste m me n wer e compelled t o tur n t o th e residen t musician s an d t o pa y close r attentio n to th e trend s emergin g fro m inner-cit y Kingsto n an d Monteg o Bay — trends tha t clearl y evince d th e effect s o f blac k America n music . Derive d from th e sou l sound s tha t ha d bee n dominatin g th e airwaves , sk a wa s well place d t o fill th e vacuu m lef t b y th e Impression s an d th e Drifters . Musically eclectic and technologically innovative , ska mimicked th e opti mism an d uncertaintie s o f th e nation' s anticipate d independence . Bor rowing fro m th e musi c th e soun d system s ha d previousl y played , sk a was a bouncie r an d mor e unpredictabl e versio n o f blac k America n soul. Sk a was "cheerful , riddle d wit h funk y bras s sections , disorganized , almost random . Sk a wa s mento , Statesid e R&B , an d Jamaican s comin g to term s wit h electri c guitar s an d amplification." 12 I n 196 4 sk a mad e a stunning internationa l debu t wit h Milli e Small' s "M y Bo y Lollipop. " Produced b y Anglo-Jamaica n Chri s Blackwel l (wh o woul d late r wor k with Marley) , Small' s sk a tun e hi t numbe r on e o n th e Britis h charts , th e first Caribbea n son g to achiev e that distinction . Locally, th e Skatalites , Justin e Hine s an d th e Dominoes , an d th e Vikings pu t ou t sk a tracks . Th e newl y constitute d Wailin ' Wailer s als o cut severa l sk a singles , mos t notabl y "Judg e Not, " "Terror, " an d "On e Cup o f Coffee. " Thi s las t son g was simila r to , bu t no t exactl y o f a cove r of, R& B sta r Broo k Benton' s "Anothe r Cu p o f Coffee"—showin g clea r evidence o f Bo b Marley's admiratio n fo r Benton , the Jamaican's favorit e R&B/soul artist . Som e o f th e mos t innovativ e sk a wa s recorde d b y a teenage Jimm y Cliff . H e wa s fourtee n whe n h e mad e hi s debu t wit h "Daisy Go t M e Crazy, " whic h h e followe d u p a coupl e o f year s late r with th e hi t "Deares t Beverley. " I n th e summe r o f 1966 , however , Jamaican politica l lif e becam e mor e fractiou s an d violent . In Trenc h Town th e rud e boys , small-tim e gangster s packin g Germa n ratche t knives an d n o modes t amoun t o f joi de vivre, becam e a major featur e o f ghetto lif e fo r th e first time . Jamaica n musi c recorde d th e chang e i n sociopolitical climat e i n it s tempo . Sk a wa s quickl y phase d ou t an d replaced b y " 'stickier, ' mor e siniste r rhythm . A completel y ne w danc e style emerged . Gon e wer e th e fast , jerk y movement s o f ska . Instead , a 68

Wailin' Soul slinkier, coole r danc e calle d th e rocksteady becam e popular." 1 3 Rocks teady, the handmaiden o f reggae , was born . Because o f th e contradiction s inheren t t o cultura l an d economi c imperialism, reggae' s relationship t o American sou l riddled with ambiva lences. Thi s uniquel y Jamaican musica l for m i s in considerabl e measur e the produc t o f a historica l paradox . (Regga e emerge d fro m a cultura l process that coul d reductivel y b e construed a s a historical contingency — it i s th e resul t o f soun d syste m necessity. ) Regga e i s a t onc e dependen t upon th e importatio n o f R& B an d sou l fo r it s form—an d t o a lesse r extent fo r it s content—an d inconceivabl e withou t th e inexplicabl e sus pension o f American exportation . O n th e on e hand, i f American cultura l hegemony ha d continue d unabate d an d th e soun d system s ha d predomi nated, regga e ma y ver y wel l hav e bee n stillborn . O n th e othe r hand , without th e influ x o f thos e sou l sound s fro m th e colossu s t o th e north , reggae ma y no t hav e emerged—or , i t ma y hav e emerge d i n a ver y different an d possibl y eve n les s efficaciou s form . Withou t soul , th e Ras tafarian practic e of nyabinghi drummin g an d percussion, s o fundamenta l to th e rhyth m o f reggae , would hav e continue d t o b e a n integra l par t o f life i n th e poore r haunt s o f wes t Kingston . Thes e ar e powerfu l rhythm s that ech o ominously , an d sometime s eruditely , th e disenfranchisement s of th e ghetto sufferahs. Although sou l di d no t produc e reggae , i t di d provid e th e musica l conditions crucia l fo r th e overla y o f intricat e voca l harmon y ont o a 2/ 4 Jamaican beat . Th e 2/ 4 bea t i s no t a n exceptiona l musica l form , bu t reggae's accent s o n th e secon d an d th e fourt h beat s ar e complicated — some woul d sa y distorted—b y th e intricat e percussiv e patter n i n whic h it i s played. Reggae' s 2/ 4 i s part o f " a metri c syste m s o flamboyan t an d unique tha t onl y seasone d Jamaica n drummer s ca n kee p i t togethe r an d flowing." 14 However , a s part o f soul' s politica l similitud e t o reggae , th e black America n music' s mos t significan t contributio n t o it s Jamaica n cousin ma y b e its capacit y t o serv e a s a template fo r th e verbalization — or vocalization , i f yo u will—o f th e Rastafaria n beat s tha t resonate d through Trenc h Town . Th e harmonizin g o f th e Drifters , th e Stylistics , and th e Impression s provide d th e musica l mode l fo r th e Wailers , wher e Marley san g lea d wit h Bunn y Wailer a s "hig h harmony " an d Pete r Tos h as "lo w harmony." 15 Thi s musica l forma t becam e th e basi s fo r th e young Trench Town Rastamen, a s Joe Higgs taught them to use harmon y to pla y of f eac h other . (I n th e 1950 s Higg s ha d bee n a n R& B artist , forming on e hal f o f a fairl y successfu l du o calle d Higg s an d Wilson. ) 69

GRANT FARED Marley's lea d tenor , distinctiv e i n it s versatilit y an d range , wa s picke d up an d clarifie d b y th e unaffecte d spiritualit y o f Bunny' s sopran o an d occasionally overridde n o r amplifie d b y th e mora l resonanc e o f Tosh' s bass. (I n a Wailer s grou p wher e Bo b an d Pete r wer e occasionall y a t loggerheads, especiall y toward th e end, Bunny's voice held th e tenor an d the bas s together i n more way s than one. ) The lyrica l vocabular y o f regga e wa s pur e blac k wes t Kingsto n patois, o r "Trenc h Tow n rock, " a s Marle y haile d it . Regga e di d no t s o much craf t a n indigenou s musica l vocabular y a s i t rendere d poeti c th e anger o f th e ghetto . Thi s musi c empowere d th e blac k Jamaica n masse s by lyricizing thei r everyda y language , transformin g patoi s int o sonorou s song. Regga e validate d no t onl y th e language , bu t th e ver y experienc e and th e histor y o f th e ghett o people . I n th e process , regga e enable d th e uniquely blac k Rastafaria n linguisti c pattern s t o b e se t t o music . Term s such a s "Jah " (th e black deit y whom Rasta s believe d t o b e the Ethiopia n emperor Hail e Selassie ) an d "I-n-I " (th e Rast a plura l fo r "we" ) wer e more tha n ne w verba l formulation s tha t becam e a n integra l par t o f thi s lyrical vocabulary—the y transforme d th e wa y peopl e i n th e Carribean , European metropolises , th e Unite d States , an d Afric a conceptualize d black history , religion , culture , an d self-representation . Ol d Testamen t biblical term s suc h a s "Babylon " an d "Zion, " fo r centurie s th e preserv e of whit e Christianity , wer e ideologicall y reinscribed . Thes e word s hav e become loade d cultura l markers , term s no w inseparabl e fro m thei r reg gae/Rasta usage . "Babylon," a recurrin g trop e i n regga e music , point s t o a multifac eted, biblicall y gendered , oppositiona l politics . I t i s a n expansiv e term , including colonialism , neo-imperialism , an d th e entir e apparatu s o f Western government . Marley's critiqu e o f this sociopolitical constructio n is star k an d unrelentin g i n th e aptl y title d "Babylo n System, " a trac k from th e 197 9 albu m Survival: Babylon system is the vampire Sucking the children day by day* Babylon system is the vampire Sucking the blood of the sufferers. Building church and university Deceiving the people continually* Me say them graduating thieves and murderers, Look out now16 70

Wailin' Soul In thi s son g "Babylon " i s transfigure d fro m th e whor e o f Sain t John' s Revelation int o a symbo l o f th e Wester n nation-state . Throug h carefu l application an d disseminatio n i n circle s outsid e th e religion , "Babylon " is rendere d a n ambivalen t term : i t signifie s bot h reggae' s misogynisti c representations o f wome n an d th e remakin g o f th e ter m int o a too l fo r anticapitalist critique . (Withi n Rastafarianism , "Babylon " retain s onl y its Ne w Testamen t meaning. ) However , w e kee p th e term' s antagonis m to women i n focus onl y i n s o far a s we remember it s biblical roots . In th e struggl e agains t colonia l powers , th e postcolonia l stat e ha s long been feminized—the "Mothe r o f the Nation" i s a powerful rallyin g cry. On e o f th e dubiou s achievement s o f regga e i s tha t i t ha s s o effec tively disguise d Babylon' s feminin e identity , no t throug h deceptio n bu t through selectiv e presentation an d decontextualization . Regga e ha s sub jected "Babylon " t o particularisti c evacuation—th e term' s biblica l gene sis an d it s negativ e depictio n o f wome n ar e no t explaine d t o reggae' s non-Rastafarian audiences . Sinc e many audienc e member s d o no t kno w who "Babylon " was , sh e ca n functio n a s i f sh e ha s alway s bee n th e State. I t i s precisely throug h obfuscatio n an d th e overus e o f Mar x a t th e expense o f Jah , i f yo u will , tha t w e mov e surreptitiousl y fro m th e Revelation t o reggae' s anti-capitalism . Becaus e regga e ha s identifie d "Babylon" s o closel y wit h th e oppressiv e state , th e metapho r ha s as sumed a neo-Marxis t persona . Outsid e o f Rast a enclaves , "Babylon " i s not a "whore " a s muc h a s sh e i s representativ e o f capitalism' s wa r o n the disenfranchised , especiall y blac k people . Thi s i s th e meanin g tha t "Babylon System " invokes , indicatin g ho w regga e ideolog y wa s trans formed throug h it s exportation fro m th e periphery t o the metropolis an d the postcolonial motherland . The impoverished "sufferers " ar e exploite d to inhuman e extremes , ble d dr y b y a "vampire " capitalis m tha t spare s neither adult s no r thei r offspring . Th e educatio n syste m an d religiou s institutions ar e equall y culpable , represente d b y Marle y a s post-Althus serian ISAs , stat e apparatuse s tha t specializ e i n th e art s o f deception , theft, an d murder . "Babylon " i s trul y a vampire , a soul-les s an d gen derless, bu t no t a n un-raced , miscreant . "Babylon " i s alway s implicitl y white, o r a shade thereof, a s in the Jamaican Creoles . Much lik e soul , reggae' s critiqu e o f whit e injustice , incarceration , violence, an d oppressio n i s neve r mor e resonan t o r rhetoricall y effica cious tha n whe n i t i s delivered a s a gospel song . Marley' s wor k include s several outstandin g gospe l tracks . None , however , achiev e th e anthemi c heights, th e mora l fortitude , an d th e resilienc e o f spiri t o f "Redemptio n 71

GRANT FARED Song." I t i s a soarin g tun e and , perhap s appropriately , th e regga e star' s final cu t o n hi s final album , Uprising. (Al l th e subsequen t Marle y LP s were release d posthumously. ) "Redemptio n Song " i s a commentar y o n the brutalitie s o f slavery , a protes t agains t a pai n tha t i s fou r centurie s old: Old pirates, yes, they rob I* Sold I to the merchant ships Minutes after they took I from the bottomless pit* But my hand was made strong By the hand of the Almighty* We forward in this generation triumphantly*17 The image s o f sufferin g ar e vivid , wit h th e "bottomles s pit " a s th e central metapho r fo r th e cruelt y o f slavery . However , remarkabl e abou t this son g ar e th e way s i n whic h th e legacy o f pai n i s offse t b y faith , a belief syste m tha t sometime s double s a s a n optimis m born e ou t o f a sense o f inevitabl e historica l justice . I n it s gospel tracks , regga e no t onl y incorporates th e struggl e it s adherent s ar e waging , bu t als o offer s a prescription fo r overcomin g thes e battles . I n th e regga e universe , re demption i s eminently achievabl e i n the here an d now : Emancipate yourselves from mental slavery* None but ourselves can free our minds* Have no fear for atomic energy, 'Cause none of them can stop the time* How long shall they kill our prophets While we stand aside and look? Yes, some say its just a part of it* We've got to fulfill the book*18 "Redemption Song " negotiate s tha t uneas y philosophica l relationshi p between fait h an d individua l accountability . W e mov e easil y betwee n individual actio n an d a n omniscien t spiritua l authority . Whil e persona l accountability i s paramount ("Non e bu t ourselve s ca n fre e ou r minds") , we ar e guarantee d protectio n fro m nuclea r disaste r ("Hav e n o fea r fo r atomic energy") . I n thi s Christia n Rastafaria n universe , th e latte r i s apparently dependen t upo n th e former. Go d help s those who hel p them selves. Historical inevitabilit y i s at onc e a sacred promise ("non e o f the m 72

Wailin' Soul can sto p th e time" ) an d contingen t upo n huma n interventio n ("We'v e got t o fulfil l th e book") . "Redemptio n Song " i s a typica l trac t o f reli gious faith , underpinne d b y the belie f tha t moralit y wil l prevail . "Redemption Song " i s Marley' s imaginin g o f a jus t environment . But i t i s a conceptio n tha t ca n onl y b e attaine d throug h communa l effort. "Won' t yo u hel p to sin g these song s o f freedom? " h e invites al l of us. Marle y need s al l th e hel p he , lik e an y radica l cultura l activist , ca n get. Even in its most spiritua l mode , Marley's struggl e i s still a materiall y deprived an d embattle d one . Hi s fait h i s useful, makin g hi m a s unafrai d of "atomi c energy " a s onl y a tru e believe r ca n be , bu t h e nonetheles s finds himsel f i n possessio n o f onl y tw o resources : th e communit y h e constructs (an d reconstructs ) an d th e music that help s that socia l edifice . In historical , ideologica l an d geographica l scope , Bo b Marle y sur passes Areth a Franklin' s cal l fo r respect . Marley' s wa s a uniqu e an d expansive vie w o f th e world , spannin g th e Caribbea n diaspora , th e postcolonial metropolis , an d independen t Africa . H e attacke d Trenc h Town povert y unrelentingly ; h e unsettle d th e elite s o f independen t Af rica. Hi s visio n wa s informe d b y a flexible Rastafaria n faith , on e tha t was mad e t o accommodat e neo-Marxis m an d a critiqu e o f postcolonia l rulers. Bo b Marley' s regga e was , b y turns , trenchant , mellow , an d up tempo. Bu t it remained remarkabl y fre e o f th e compromise s o f commer cialism an d th e sensua l civilit y o f blac k America n soul . His ow n particu lar Trench Tow n roc k resiste d th e glos s o f Motown. I t i s in that spiri t o f political commitmen t tha t Marle y san g on e typ e o f son g mor e tha n an y other: those songs of freedo m s o deeply rooted withi n reggae' s very soul .

NOTES 1. Dic k Hebdige, Cut 3N3 Mix: Culture, Identity and Caribbean Music (New York: Routledge, 1987), 62. 2. Roge r Steffens, a Marley historian, revealed this information a t the February 199 6 induction o f the reggae artist into the Rock n' Roll Museum an d Hall of Fame in Cleveland. 3. Cynthi a Young is currently engage d in a project tha t attempt s to explain the connections—as wel l a s the differences—amon g th e various cultura l prac tices that predominate d i n the blac k communit y i n the 1960s . I am grateful t o her for her definition an d for her permission to use it in this essay. 4. Lyric s transcribed by the author. 73

GRANT FARED 5. Bo b Marley , Songs of Freedom (Milwaukee: Ha l Leonar d Publishin g Corp. 1992), 60. 6. Ibid. , 10. 7. Ibid. , 131. 8. Ibid. , 196. 9. Th e debate about misogyn y i n Rastafarianism an d Jamaican societ y as a whole is one of some standing. It has, however, taken o n particular importanc e in Caroly n Cooper' s engagemen t wit h th e relate d issu e o f homophobia—an other problemati c aspec t o f reggae—in dancehal l culture. Se e Carolyn Cooper , Noises in the Blood (Durham, N.C.: Duke, 1995. 10. Stephe n Davis , Bob Marley (Rochester, V. : Schenckma n Books , 1990) , 29. 11. See , for example , Stephe n Davi s and Peter Simon, Reggae Bloodlines: In Search of the Music and Culture of Jamaica (Ne w York: DuCapo, 1992) ; Davis, Bob Marley; Hebdige, Cut 'N' Mix; and Timothy White, Catch a Fire: The Life of Bob Marley (New York: Holt Rhinery Winston, 1983) . In all these account s of reggae's transformation, th e authors declar e themselves unable to explain the 1960 dearth of black American music in Jamaica. 12. Davi s and Simon, Reggae Bloodlines, 14 . 13. Hebdige , Cut 'N' Mix, 71. 14. Davi s and Simon, Reggae Bloodlines, 12 . 15. Ibid. , 32. 16. Lyric s quoted fro m Caroly n Cooper , Noises in the Blood: Orality, Gender, and the "Vulgar" Body of Jamaican Popular Culture (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), 123. 17. Marley , Songs of Freedom, 156 . 18. Ibid .

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6

A u n t Emma' s Z u n i R e c i p e fo r Sou l Transitio n CARL HANCOC K RU X

I. The Holy Ghost & Son House Blues • August , Sunday , 9 A.M. Celery (seve n sticks ) Garlic (seve n cloves—save som e fo r alta r space ) Pork Sausag e (mad e immediatel y afte r th e deat h o f th e beast ) Cayenne Peppe r (seve n dashes ) Bell Pepper (fro m someon e else' s garden ) Fresh Tomatoes (fro m you r ow n garden—crushed t o the consistenc y of bloo d an d pulp ) Fresh Chicke n Liver s (stor e th e bod y o f th e bir d fo r late r consump tion) Onions (slice d i n seven rings, then chopped ) All-Purpose Flou r (thre e tablespoons ) Bay Leaf (sav e some for alta r space ) Salt from you r tear s Season wit h th e bloo d o f your las t flo w Sweat (seve n dashes ) fro m th e las t breas t t o giv e last offsprin g suc k Gather ingredients into the tips of your fingers on the day of the death of your first son. Store in a cool place. On the morning of interment, in the presence of your son who still breathes, combine ingredients in onegallon cast iron pot. Simmer. Your into an unwashed howl last used for the last meal served before the day of death. Wait. Return to cast iron pot. Stew. 75

CARL HANCOCK RUX

. . . Brother la y dea d i n a box . W e sit livin g i n a box . Inherite d house . Zuni , Virginia. A souther n box , facin g norther n light , wit h on e window . On e soulless chair . A be d fo r quaking . A stove . N o music . Blan d food . Ghosts give recipes for soul . I be nothing, unrecognizable child ; watching television. Waitin g fo r th e hou r whe n Fathe r an d Mothe r tak e m y han d to kis s th e col d fac e o f Brother . I b e withou t m y sel f today . Brother , h e be fixed, hushed . Waitin g fo r th e hou r whe n th e spiri t divorce s itsel f from th e flesh . Hebetudinou s youn g ma n i n slumber . Hand s crossed , palms fac e down . Whit e suit . Flower . Quiet . Aslee p i n Apostoli c Holi ness . . . acros s th e ditc h . . . just outsid e th e window . Waitin g fo r roa r of tear s an d thunde r o f cla p an d stom p an d "Sav e me , Lawd ! He p m e Jeezus!" Fathe r b e drinkin g Wil d Turke y to o earl y thi s morning , starin g out of window—impatient wit h Mother's disjointe d scurry . He b e drinking Johnni e Walke r Blac k whe n Wil d Turke y finished, an d cursin g he r nonsense t o himself , an d cursin g he r cooking . Fathe r like s t o believ e h e can contro l hi s emotions . "Thi s i s th e norther n way, " h e ha s informe d us all . H e an d me , w e wea r identica l suit s an d shoes , an d parte d hair . We wait , lik e th e apostle s o n th e Moun t o f Olive . Mother , sh e b e skittish, jumpy , tremulou s woma n i n fear . Mothe r b e dresse d earl y thi s morning: Hair controlle d an d arreste d i n pins an d net , perfectly presse d blac k suit tryin g no t t o fal l fro m thinnin g frame . Leg s want t o move . Wan t t o shout. Thro w themselve s u p an d ou t again , lik e the y di d i n th e day s o f birth pains . Stocking s sa y no. Sa y quiet. Sa y still. N o soul . Don' t los e it . Feet tr y t o move , tr y t o poun d hee l int o woo d floor, tr y t o griev e lik e other women . Wome n wh o can' t car e abou t ho w thei r pantie s sho w when the y fal l ove r pew s an d drap e themselve s ove r caskets . Paten t leather pump s rationall y as k why? Reques t sensibl e steps . Carefu l walk . From her e t o there . N o throwin g ou r o f voic e o r flinging u p o f hands . No Hol y Ghosts . Ignor e th e quak e an d quive r an d trembl e o f hand . Mother like s to believ e sh e can contro l he r emotions . "Thi s i s the bette r way," sh e says to Fathe r i n agreement . "Wife," Fathe r ask s in perfect pitc h through drunke n slur , "Ar e yo u doing al l right? " "Yes," Mothe r replie s in normal octave . "Yes , I am. Thank you. " "Have yo u finished?" Fathe r asks , poise d an d sur e wit h unstead y stance, "Hav e yo u finished pr-preparing? " 76

Aunt Emma's Zuni Recipe for Soul Transition "Not yet, " Mothe r replie s i n sof t ton e an d broke n heart . "No t yet. " Mary outlive d Jesus . Sometime s mother s outliv e thei r sons . Yes . Sometimes mother s do . Aun t Emm a outlive d four . Los t on e t o fever . One t o a woman' s tumultuou s husband . On e t o homemad e whiskey . One t o a n angr y unio n o f men . Aun t Emm a outlive d fou r an d calle d o n Jesus til l sh e hear d fro m Mary . Mothe r say s Aun t Emm a close d he r eye s one mornin g an d died . I n thi s house . I n th e chai r wher e Fathe r sits . O n the da y o f th e intermen t o f th e fina l son . Fathe r say s th e dea d ar e dea d for good . Mothe r say s Emma' s six-foo t fram e rushe d ou t int o th e fields of Zuni , Virginia—barefoo t wit h he r machet e i n he r fists—and slaugh tered hog s an d picke d he r vegetable s fro m aroun d th e yard , an d mas saged th e neck s o f sleepin g chicken s s o sh e coul d sli t thei r throats . Aun t Emma prepare d a ste w fo r revival . An d change d he r garments . Le t God chang e he r name . Aun t Emma' s bee n dea d no w som e twenty-fiv e years. Sh e lef t thi s hous e i n Mother' s name . Fathe r call s i t his . Father , Mother, an d Brothe r migrate d South , bringin g wit h the m boxe s o f northern ways . I wa s no t yet . Tha t wa s befor e now . I hav e me t Aun t Emma before . Year s afte r he r death . Sh e i s her e today . Eve n now . Igno rant an d uneducate d siste r o f Mother' s grandmother , bor n t o forme r slaves an d Sha'lak o Shamans . Aun t Emm a stand s i n doorway s an d look s at Mothe r fro m mirrors . Look s ove r he r shoulde r a s Mothe r prepare s the stew . "Dis' whu t b e yo ' transitio n now . A h pra y tu h Jesus , hea r fro m Mary. Mak e d a stew . Di p y o fange r i n d a pot—yo u b e speakin ' in tongue s afta h while . Tarr y some , yo u b e speakin ' i n tongue s afta h while. A h outliv e fo'—yo u go t on e i n d a basket—bu t y a stil l go t on e waitin' tu h b e a man . N o sou l wiffou t dis ' kin e sacrifice , dis ' kin e rituah." Aunt Emma , i n blood y line n an d sweat-soake d hea d rag , six-foo t frame, wit h th e hand s o f a man , look s a t Mothe r an d listen s t o he r careful speech , an d norther n ways . "Heh . . . ya nee d tu h danc e tu h d a coo n shouters ! Delt a Blue s . . . Niggah Blue s . . . Leroy Lasse s Whit e ca n he p ya—cal l o n 'em ! Cal l o n 'em! Alber t King , Mami e Smith , Charli e Patton , So n House—CAL L O N 'EM! Di d y a ad d d a innard s o ' d a ho g t o d a stew ? Y a 'membe r t o sti r whif y a las ' flow? Transitional . Chang e y a gawments , girl . Dat'l l b e al l right. Ye p . . . Dat'l l b e al l righ t . . . chang e y ' gawments . Transitiona l . . . yep." Mother hum s a gospe l son g fo r th e first tim e i n years , listenin g t o 77

CARL HANCOCK RUX Ghosts fo r instructions , stirrin g al l th e while . Fathe r drink s gi n an d tonics no w an d stare s ou t o f on e window . Brothe r la y silent . Still . Brother lef t thi s hous e som e fou r year s ago . I was eight . Mothe r say s h e could no t contai n himsel f here . Hi s spiri t restricte d b y bloodstaine d walls an d shattere d glas s spittl e spewe d fro m fraterna l throat . Dance d out th e doo r an d u p th e hill , wit h buste d ey e an d broke n hip . H e die d somewhere i n th e hill s . . . free . H e die d fo r ou r sins . W e al l smel l o f chicken liver s an d tear s an d garli c an d blood . Fathe r curse s Mother' s foolishness throug h tigh t lips , an d Mothe r sing s spiritual s loude r fro m tight lips , an d Brothe r sleep s quietly , fac e draw n bac k wit h tigh t lips , and I sa y nothin g o f th e smel l i n thi s house . I sa y nothing . Aun t Emm a finds the records, pile d awa y some many years . Sh e spins 78' s an d guide s Mother's hand s a s sh e stir s th e stew . Mothe r laugh s t o hersel f a little . Makes th e ste w fo r th e da y o f interment . Hope s fo r transition . Resist s lack o f control . Abou t thes e thing s Mothe r know s nothing . Th e musi c plays. Emma says , "Bi g Bil l Broonz y curs e Ra y Charle s fo r gospe l voic e and blue s rhythm. He h . . . I say combine d e two! " Mother serve s th e stew . Aun t Emm a blesse s th e tabl e fro m behin d Mother's eyes . Sh e hovers ove r u s lik e som e grea t warrio r bir d fro m th e southern mesa s flyin g a t dusk , singin g tribal chant s an d summonin g M a Rainey t o bles s us all. We eat i n silence , except fo r Emma' s blue s wail. I t is smal l an d private . Th e ste w i s thick an d smells . W e ea t i n mourning , except fo r Mother' s laughter . Whe n th e ceda r bowl s ar e empty , wit h n o trace o f fles h o r sou p o r spit , the tabl e i s cleared an d th e clot h i s cleane d with wate r an d bile . Retirin g t o th e chai r facin g th e windo w tha t look s out ove r th e hill , Fathe r drink s an d grumble s an d curses . H e walk s toward th e kitchen a s Mother place s the clea n white shee t carefully ove r the dining-roo m table . Mothe r i s naked—ha s discarde d th e sui t an d shoes. Sh e rend s th e tableclot h i n two . Emm a lay s ou t th e patter n fo r new garments . Instruct s he r hand s t o cu t an d rip . T o se w an d fold . Garments o f white , ragge d an d free . Flowin g cotton s an d hea d rags . Long skirt s an d ruffle d blouse . Mothe r drape s hersel f i n grandiloquen t silence. Emma' s hand s pic k throug h Mother' s hair . Hai r unbound . Hai r singing an d stompin g i n percussiv e wails . Choru s o f brai d an d bush . Clapping. Father want s t o ge t t o th e churc h wher e Brothe r sleeps . T o sa y things t o th e corps e h e neve r sai d t o livin g flesh. To grieve an d hur t an d break an d bend , withou t a flinch o r blinkin g eye . T o danc e an d screa m 78

Aunt Emma's Zuni Recipe for Soul Transition and blam e himsel f withou t a soun d o r sti r o r failin g gate . Bu t hi s wif e takes he r tim e an d waste s th e hours . Change s he r garment s an d laugh s too much o n the day of their first son' s interment. Hi s wife has not aske d him abou t hi s grief . Abou t hi s apath y towar d thi s thin g calle d lif e an d death. Sh e ha s no t aske d wh y h e coul d no t touc h o r loo k upo n th e anomaly tha t wa s onc e hi s son . Th e bo y integra l an d elegan t i n al l hi s manner. Sh e ha s neve r inquire d wh y h e mus t sometime s brea k hi s hol y vow. Th e los s o f control , th e beatin g awa y o f beaut y whe n i t i s presen t all around him . Sh e does not care abou t him , the living. She spends thes e hours wit h n o concer n fo r th e economic s o f time. Stand s i n sill y attire — and no w the waiting an d to o muc h drin k wil l surely challenge the stead y calm h e has worked s o hard t o maintai n today . Father says , "Wha t th e FUC K yo u wearin' ? Yo u don e los t yo ' MIND?" Mother say s nothing. Hai r singin g an d stomping . Hi s ton e familiar . Her feet , stil l an d quiet . Father says , "Peopl e comin ' fro m outt a town , yo u gon ' sham e me ? You gone EMBARRAS S ME by wearin' rags? " Mother say s nothing fro m tigh t lips . Doe s no t mak e a sound—onl y percussive wail s com e fro m scal p an d root . Nigge r blues . Lero y Lasse s White. Coo n Shouter s singin g fro m he r tangle d bush . Father says , "Ge t holdt a yourself ! COM B you r hair ! Tur n OF F di s music, earl y i n d a morning ! Yo u tryin ' t o mak e m e ac t a fool ! I kno w what yo u u p to! You gonna TEL L people it' s M Y fault th e bo y left—huh ? MY fault h e died young—huh ? M Y FAULT!" Mother say s nothing. Tigh t lip s loosen. Mothe r sings . Just sing s an d moves. Mother' s hai r i s dancing . He r fee t ar e bare . Ingredient s fo r th e post-funeral coalatio n mea l ar e placed o n th e table . Father curse s an d yells , "M Y fault I lost m y job ! M Y fault w e ha d t o move bac k dow n here , i n YOU R aunt' s house ! M y faul t th e bo y neve r listened t o me ! Ca n onl y b e ON E man i n a house. " I sa y nothing . I se e nothing . Aun t Emma' s palm s veilin g m y mout h and eyes . Aunt Emm a fold s m e into a n unmad e bed . My hea d reside s o n the pillowcas e an d I a m full y dresse d i n blac k sui t an d blac k shoe s an d tie. O n m y back . Lik e Brother . Asleep . Aware . Dea f ear s t o slap s an d crashing glass . Brothe r dance s fo r m e fro m th e dar k o f Aun t Emma' s palm. Integral , i n al l his elegance an d fragil e ways . 79

CARL HANCOCK RUX II. Clifford Jordan & Eric Dolphy: First Mourners to Arrive • August , Sunday , 3 P.M. For sore s inflicted b y someone wh o want s t o tak e your power : Lard o f Male Hog s ( 1 pound) Spignut (Vi pound ) Extract o f Dandelio n ( 1 ounce ) Seed o f Lobeli a ( 1 ounce ) Turpentine ( 1 ounce ) Beeswax ( 2 ounces ) Make into a salve and apply until the pain subsides. ••



I thin k Archi e Shep p playe d bam bone ham bone where you been? i n our livin g room , th e nigh t face s & fists melde d mellifluou s melanchol y madness int o re d rive r carpeting—spurt , splash ! Torren t falls , gushin g reds, primeva l scream s crashin g throug h vodk a spittle . Shar p teno r sa x and subjectiv e alto , trumpet , trombone , hambon e bas s an d Roge r Blan k . . . drum s . . . Blan k . . . drum s . . . blan k . . . Shepp' s lyricis m lurkin g behind ficus an d forlor n frui t an d rhyth m pattern s line d i n gol d fringe , clutched i n ou r livin g room—in , where you been? arrangement s scat tered fro m kidney-shape d cherr y woo d coffe e table . Camel s slee p i n re d river wove n carpeting . Caravan s o f Camel s an d Kool s an d vodk a an d blood an d Shep p an d rhyth m . . . ••



For bleedin g a t the nose : Take birthroot, and cranesbill —pulverize and snuff into nostrils. ••



I thin k Garvey's Ghost cam e t o pla y wit h m e betwee n Charli e Brow n sheets t o th e percussio n o f belt-buckl e slap s an d cracke d wal l mirror s and rippe d Chines e watercolor s (o r wa s i t Mendacity}). Eithe r way , th e party wa s i n m y pillow , wher e cut-out s hel d cour t wit h Right On! magazine centerfolds . Conversatio n wa s had , freely , an d mayb e Junio r Walker interrupte d fo r a moment , o r i t migh t hav e bee n . . . I think , i t was . . . n o . . . yes , i t wa s Mendacity. I t wa s Abb y Lincol n wh o sen t 80

Aunt Emma's Zuni Recipe for Soul Transition herself int o m y restlessnes s an d jaz z frenz y an d comi c boo k high , an d quivering an d quake . Not sur e now what th e silence s mean afte r Johnni e Walker Blac k cam e crashin g dow n t o th e harmoni c freedo m an d impro visation o f Roac h an d Mingu s an d Hawkin s an d Dizz y . . . Dizz y . . . dizziness . . .

.

. .

For hysterics : Take a portion of mountain tea, white root, and unkum root, pound them, and make into pills with Canada balsam and yellow poplar. Take two with water.

.

. .

I kno w Jimm y Garriso n summone d a natur e bo y t o com e m y way . W e entertained batterin g an d lon g fingernails brok e agains t leathe r strap , against chee k an d as s an d eye . I playe d t o Jimm y Garrison' s plucking , sucking m y thum b i n corne r circl e rhyth m patterns . Brillian t corners . Creative pos t bop , Monk' s Brilliant Corners a hidin g place , whil e as s whoopin's ar e takin g place—lik e wha t twelve-year-old s lik e m e sup posed t o ge t fo r stealin g o r lying , o r th e kin d (maybe ) yo u hea r wome n get. Women wh o ca n sin g " I Fal l i n Lov e To o Easily, " Wome n wh o ca n hang toug h wit h "Willo w Wee p fo r Me " an d tak e a swin g an d a hard hitting fas t blo w down . Crashin g frui t an d flora l pattern s an d primeva l screams throug h vodk a spittle . ••



••



For spittin g blood : Two spoonfuls of nettles.

The kin d o f as s whoopin ' mayb e wome n (wh o sing ) suppose d t o ge t after the y don e trie d t o d o "Afr o Blue"—bu t yo u don' t hea r abou t broken nail s an d Jimm y Garriso n an d spli t li p an d Eri c Dolph y an d swollen cheek s agains t re d rive r road s wher e Camel s an d Kool s carava n away fro m cherr y woode d areas . Spillin g themselve s away , lik e the lon g and vibran t note s o f Yardbird Suite, wit h th e swee t repos e o f Holida y on "Ther e I s N o Greate r Love" . . . in ou r livin g room . The y didn' t tel l us abou t thi s i n recor d jackets ; wha t t o expec t whe n Booke r Littl e sing s 81

CARL HANCOCK RUX on tha t trumpet , whe n Carlo s Valde z get s t o cong, cong, conga, cong, cong, congaing t o th e beatin g takin g plac e i n th e circl e o f frenz y i n ou r living room . ••



For dizziness : Peal garlic, dip it in honey, and put into ear with a little black wool. ••



There ar e n o sequin s fo r thi s diva . N o boa . N o rhineston e tiara . No penci l blac k eyebrow s arche d i n prid e acros s he r forehead , o r gentle shadow s softl y sleepin g abov e th e li d o f he r fallin g ey e i n swee t repose. N o straightene d hai r illuminatin g light s an d gel s an d go boes. No t i n ou r livin g room . Jus t Charle s Tolliver' s "Plight " t o he r modern danc e ballet ; rond e d e jambe o f th e knee , t o th e fall , t o th e fist, straight back , an d li p split , sid e turn , eve r s o gracefully , eve r s o soft , and hard , an d SWING ! an d BOP ! an d BAM ! an d POW ! an d Dizz y . . . dizziness . . . Swelling cheeks . Wea k alt o sax . Stron g bass . I thin k i t wa s Ett a James screamin g ]antes . . . ]antes . . . JAMES . . . JAMES JAMES JAMES, o r

maybe not . Mayb e i t wa s jus t th e rustlin g o f th e knee s an d elbows , an d the matchstic k struc k acros s th e board . An d embers . An d smok e rising . And flames, liftin g broke n bod y beaten . Beate n the way twelve-year-old s like me ar e suppose d t o b e beat (o r maybe i f you Abb y Lincol n an d sin g that good . Mayb e i f you ca n d o primeval scream s t o Max' s drums) . And the n ther e wa s nothin g ther e . . . and the n nothin g . . . n o voic e . . . somebody hollere d on e las t tim e an d I can't recal l i f i t was Gracha n Moncur wit h Sonn y Rollins , an d Jo e Henderson , bu t I thin k mayb e i t was th e silence s . . . Moncur's "Intellect " cam e u p nex t . . . i n ou r livin g room, wit h nothin g ther e . . . n o voic e . . . I think i t was th e silence s . . . a finger turnin g rotar y dia l . . . door shu t . . . locked . . . running wate r . . . o r i t was ? . . . no, I' m sur e i t wa s Moncu r . . . who playe d wit h m e . . . unveile d trombon e takin g m e u p i n gentl e lon g note s an d ticklin g vibes. Texture an d shape , an d saf e brillian t corner s t o suc k my thumb i n . . . I think i t was th e silence s . . . •• For th e tremblin g o f hands : 82



Aunt Emma's Zuni Recipe for Soul Transition Mugwort soaked in water. Wash hands while singing to Morgana King.

III. Eulogy: Libretto for the Living • August , Sunday , 5:3 8 P.M . 1 corps e 1 re d velve t roo m 1 lithograp h o f Jesus an d shee p 7 mourners wailin g 1 ancien t woman o n th e orga n 1,000 song s Mix and stir, and shake hands and heads. View the body, speak well of the soul.

. . .

White night . Milk y glare . T o m y left , wome n i n stra w an d plasti c frui t holding pocketbook s an d clea n whit e handkerchiefs . Thi s brownston e has bee n abandone d b y th e spiri t o f rhythm . Bric k an d dam p woo d exposed. Wall s stron g an d flat , bras s candleholder s an d re d velve t draped ove r platforms an d stands . To my right, Mother i s blackened an d bruised an d smiling . Father doe s not shar e the front row . He waits i n th e back, b y the door—jus t i n case the walls cave in. Men i n shiny polyeste r shake stron g hand s an d spea k i n lou d whisper s whil e th e orga n play s a dirge. Brothe r i s th e faires t o f the m all . Remindin g m e o f a pigeon , dead jus t outsid e th e door—wher e th e har d whit e pavemen t meet s th e foundation o f gra y mortar . A gravesit e fo r broke n neck , an d severe d wing. Still , beautifu l gra y an d beautifu l whit e feather s ar e guide d b y evening gal e forces , movin g eve n thoug h th e twiste d bod y i s still . Ther e is movement i n stillness . Movement , still . Brothe r look s lik e tha t t o me . All words com e fro m folde d hand s acros s the chest. All holy song s com e from hi s painte d lips . Ca n anyon e els e se e the bod y moving ? Th e danc e he did to 45's ? The man e o f blac k an d twistin g walk . . . fashioned smil e like young girl s o n th e avenue . There . Liqui d an d lithe . Mothe r see s it. I know sh e does . Fathe r avoid s m y eyes . I mutte r psalm s nobod y taugh t me the meanings of . The ma n i n polyeste r sui t take s th e stan d t o speak , an d Emma' s 83

CARL HANCOCK RUX hands hus h th e room . Ther e ar e n o mor e vai n commandments . N o disconsolate supplicatio n fo r th e reprobate . Maneuver s ar e t o b e grace ful. Aun t Emm a lean s int o me . "You speak . Gon ' on. " I have nothing . "Gon' on . Make i t right. Reach. Resurrect. So w up the pieces. Mak e it right. Cu p the fragments . Mak e 'e m on e thing. Whole. " Brother's fac e sings , Canaan, Vm on way, and I am well able to posses the land! "Gon'on!" Today i s th e yesterda y we'l l glorif y tomorrow . Deat h ha s escape d me, thu s far . Toda y i s the futur e w e staye d u p al l las t nigh t celebrating . Aunt Emm a place s he r pal m ove r m y mout h unti l I speak . No t sur e what the y mean , bu t th e words , the y come . They ech o th e thing s I hear. And whe n I n o longe r hea r th e sound s o f blue s whispers , jaz z prayers , and gospe l cries, the words leav e me. It is finished. Th e word mad e flesh. The eulog y was performe d b y me, from m y seat . Brownston e wall s ech o a jaz z fusion . Classica l violin s ar e playe d b y spirit s lik e fiddles. Fee t pounding int o hardwoo d floor. Ghost s marc h u p an d dow n th e aisl e chewing tobacco an d dancin g wit h thei r thigh s an d stomachs . Th e roo m is fragrant wit h cayenne and pork , and Mother's hands throw themselve s up an d ou t again , lik e the y di d i n the day s o f birt h pains . Leg s move u p and down . Shou t preciou s memorie s int o th e carpet . Sh e drape s hersel f over pe w an d caske t whil e wome n i n frui t an d flower la y whit e sheet s across her leg s and fa n he r face . Quak e an d quive r an d trembl e o f hand . The li d o f th e caske t i s closed . Fathe r stand s i n th e back , b y th e door, callin g out . "Wife! Wife ! Yo u doin g al l right ? Wife ? . . . Yo u . . . doin g . . . al l . . .? " Quake an d quive r an d trembl e o f hand .

IV. Final Recipe for Transition • August , Sunday , 7 P.M. Mackerel Fis h (cu t ope n an d cleaned ) 1 tablespoo n o f Oliv e Oi l (sav e fo r anointin g ever y membe r o f household) 84

Aunt Emma's Zuni Recipe for Soul Transition Medium Leek s (seven ) Spit (thre e times ) Let cool, then serve. Be cool, then serve. Warm hands in the steam. Rub together until you feel the friction. Until you feel the spirit. Until you feel the soul return to your body. Serve yourself first. Let the guests serve themselves. ••



I b e waitin g fo r peopl e t o com e t o th e hous e afte r the y leav e th e buria l ground. Fathe r remove s hi s coa t an d sit s quietly , hi s foo t tappin g t o rhythm. Brothe r sleep s i n a bo x underground . Thi s hous e changes . Aun t Emma dance s i n blood-soake d smock . Mothe r hold s he r hand s u p i n the air , fee t stompin g int o hardwoo d floors , lip s loos e an d rollin g words—unintelligible. Intellectua l languag e betwee n he r an d th e ghosts . The fish i s waitin g fo r invite d mourners . Sh e speak s i n tongues . Fathe r waits fo r th e walls to cave in around us . Brother's bod y ascends . Carrie d off i n th e arm s o f Eddi e Kendricks . Garments , ne w an d flowing—garli c and oliv e oi l an d cayenn e o n ou r faces . W e sit , livin g i n a box , wit h one window—wall s turning . Changed . Ther e wil l alway s b e music , and seasonings , an d free-flowin g garments . N o shoes . Fro m no w on. Mother' s stead y rhyth m an d rapi d danc e den t parque t floors. Th e walls cav e out. Ope n air . W e sit , livin g i n ope n air . Changed . Aun t Emma gather s u p th e scrap s o f ou r prio r selve s an d fashion s a dol l fo r me to have . The hea d fro m a piece of chippe d bric k The spine , fish bone, reinforce d wit h twin e The heart , a pig's heart, wrapped an d froze n The lungs , pieces of cigarett e lumpe d i n tw o The skin , pigskin soake d i n perfume fro m broke n bottle s The hands , chicke n fee t The hair , Brother' s mixe d wit h Mother's , combine d wit h Father's , and min e The mouth , cinnamo n bar k sweetene d wit h re d win e Father drink s an d smoke s wit h tremblin g eye s t o Otti s Reddin g an d waits fo r redemption . Mothe r hold s ont o a doorkno b t o sustai n herself , and dances . Boppin g hea d tilte d towar d rapi d feet . Ther e wil l alway s b e music an d free-flowin g garment s i n thi s house . Ope n air . Aun t Emm a 85

CARL HANCOCK RUX bustles u p a path towar d Zun i dir t roads . A bird's secre t danc e throug h ancient mesa-to p ruins , ami d son g an d praye r an d sacre d recipe . Endin g this offering . Nativ e Negr o woma n wit h man' s hands , bestowin g bless ings o n u s all , movin g . . . u p th e hil l . . . blood y line n skirt s traversin g to a six/eight pulse .

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I N T R O D U C T I O N : A F R O F E M AESTHETI C M A N I F E S T E D TRACIE MORRI S

I'm flowing wit h reflection s o f poeti c sisterhoo d politic s an d it s meanin g to thi s book' s theme . Playin g wit h m y dens e rhym e schem e a tagtea m partner i n a n attemp t t o marr y analysis , opinion , an d art . Intens e wor d play i s th e wa y w e poe t type s tr y t o understan d ho w w e feel . Fo r thi s artisan, sou l i s the reflectio n o f culturalist s lookin g fo r th e mos t alterna tives an d bearin g th e mos t divers e arra y o f accouterments . Fro m m y vantage poin t I see nuance d implication s fo r politica l directio n i n Afro fern's literall y abstrac t articulation . Th e crystallizatio n o f hi p blac k cul ture i n genera l an d it s connection s t o th e nation' s wome n ca n b e re fracted i n th e pris m o f th e paradigmatic . A s constan t innovator s it' s crucial tha t w e don' t tak e ou r pas t an d presen t creation s fo r granted . Like the sixtie s lingu a o f bedecke d heads , sou l i s natural and , lik e othe r U.S. cash crops , specificall y black . I t i s a signifie r o f shift s i n marketing , fashion, an d communication wit h the yin-yang of cynicism an d hopes fo r liberation. Backwar d an d forwar d searche s o f sou l mak e i t a substantia l anthropological marker . Wh y i s this relevant today ? The applicatio n o f soul , lik e a cotto n pickin ' minute , ca n b e looke d at a s a n alternativ e t o Republica n flag-waving. Sou l serve s a s more tha n mere celebration . Th e inceptio n o f bol d color s an d sound s afte r th e understated reaction s t o quintidecadenc e wa s deliberatel y soni c an d visually shocking . Thi s breakou t becam e multiplicitou s framewor k fo r affirmations that' s pan(d)oramicall y ope n an d free . Curren t handlin g o f retro sou l iconograph y speak s mor e t o it s forme r contex t a s revolution ary medi a tha n t o a desir e t o g o bac k t o goo d oldies . It s contemporar y allure may well be a response to the revisionary, hot-headed conservativ e tendencies thes e days . Damn , accordin g t o Mannin g Marable' s essa y w e only ha d fou r year s of f befor e folk s though t w e wa s to o loos e an d plotted t o giv e us Dick i n the next election . White backlas h assume s tha t the first whippin g reall y stopped . (For th e record , goin g t o fetc h th e cat o'-nine-tails i s no t a respit e fo r th e on e tie d up. ) Late r fo r th e unhe p boys wh o he m an d ha w abou t whethe r they'l l b e leftis t lik e Ted Koppe l or ope n t o discussio n lik e Rush Limbaugh . W e stretch ou r brow n bodie s over cavern s create d b y the maw . (O r wa s tha t a disinterested yawn? ) 89

TRACIE MORRIS For me , Afrofem ar t determine d th e debate . Brother Kazaa m notwithstanding , I' m a believe r i n magical melani n gyns—mainly fo r nonsupremac y politica l reason s (an d t o ge t even) , bu t also becaus e ou r unconditiona l lov e ha s historicall y shore d u p cultura l moorings. Whe n trip s bac k acros s th e Atlanti c see m d e rigueu r i f no t boring, th e aesthet e sensibilit y o f tempora l diaspori c diva s demand s th e antithesis o f ignoring . Fro m Quee n Hatshepsut' s dynasti c character , t o Harriet Tubman' s hardcor e emancipatio n exercise s unde r threa t o f rear rest, t o stunnin g gun-blazin g sexua l mackstresses , t o dow n lo w eightie s wannabe corporat e sister s wh o wor e braid s a s Afrocentri c anti-B o Derek cultura l fron t statements , victor y depend s o n style . Winnin g o n any field depend s o n how , no t jus t what , i s done . Th e di-unita l feelin g and spiritua l adherenc e t o th e mus e ma y com e of f a s confusin g a s w e refuse t o mak e either/o r politica l choice s abou t wha t give s u s pai n an d pleasure. Non e o f thi s contrive d stiffnes s o f th e thic k uppe r lipi d mask ing persona l anguis h lik e som e sixtie s an d seventie s wome n wer e pron e to. Givin g what up ? T o whom ? Girls prefe r stron g blackbon e exorcis m o f painfu l macrocosmi c an d interrelational power . We sayin' commitment' s go t t o b e thorough. Cur tis Mayfield , eve r th e articulat e helmsman , onc e said , "I f there' s a hel l below an d we'r e al l gonna go, " w e ma y a s well b e rooted i n the frui t o f knowledge. Afrofe m artist s seriousl y cu t dow n o n attack s o f th e coro nary b y meldin g sol o an d grou p issues , disintegratin g contradiction s with th e ligh t o f day . Love i n struggl e i s no digression . I t is an investiga tion o f al l aspect s o f tru e liberatio n an d th e problemati c natur e o f whatever get s i n th e way . Nobod y love s deepe r tha n w e do . Fo r al l th e talk-show-complaining, headrollin g urba n girlfriend s (wh o won' t eve r get an y o f thei r issue s deal t wit h unles s they'r e highlighte d i n th e ex treme), who' s bee n hangin g toug h throug h th e centuries ? Som e o f u s may b e lik e Sapphires , bu t ca n yo u blam e u s fo r bein g a bi t jaded ? N o excuse fo r communit y recluse s wh o us e isolatio n no t t o dea l wit h long standing sexism , t o ai d an d abe t th e racis m confronte d b y th e group . That lowes t common demeano r playe d itsel f lik e Dino. Somethin g abou t bright future s i n th e wak e o f rape , lynchings , an d castration s link s u p the nic e bu t roug h i n us , a s i t di d i n Tina . A s life-giver s wh o to o ofte n take it , w e hav e a n innat e understandin g o f th e disastrou s implication s of inaction . All th e whil e w e continue d t o mak e contributions , includin g how to's o n remainin g stylisticall y gracious . (Yo u ar e everything , an d every 90

Introduction: Afrofem Aesthetic Manifested thing i s you.) Ca n I get a witness? Jeez, we b e nurturing th e troops fro m the sid e o f Sunda y green s t o loave s o f blu e fish to fee d a millio n march ers. Talk about nourishmen t an d propagation . Wading through th e mist y to th e clea r trut h ain' t easy , especiall y a s yo u se e gradua l ye t consisten t forays i n t o th e mainstream . Wha t I mean ? It' s inevitabl e tha t poetry , like ever y othe r sentiment , wil l b e ou t th e bo x an d b e marketed lik e th e cash cro p priz e fo r ne w jac k crackers . Standard-bearin g agitpropists , serving a s reference fo r th e real , wil l probabl y b e distance d i n exchang e for th e nonthreatening familia r (th e kind tha t sit s on th e des k prett y an d you ca n pet o n th e head) . If there' s a conspirac y t o b e had , it' s th e threa t o f a plethor a o f poetry record s tha t ca n raz e a seller' s syste m withou t s o muc h a s refer ence t o pockete d entertainmen t industria l comple x protectors . Thi s i s because th e poeti c constructions , whethe r two-dimensiona l o r oracular , are mor e establishe d an d muc h older . S o poetry' s explosio n ha s bee n reduced t o a lea k throug h th e ceilin g (som e lea d traces) . Th e mainlin e three o r fou r recor d companie s aren' t goin g fo r a variatio n o f th e "na tion o f millions " attac k arrogance . Th e constrain t probabl y won' t b e that blatant . Dram a i s a hig h commodity . Buoyin g u p a n industr y (o r philosophy) unde r th e premis e o f aestheti c edgines s underscore s th e malleable politica l application s o f sou l t o regulat e th e inter - o r intrarel ations o f agitatio n amon g African-identifie d native s (a s Ma y Josep h explains). Eve n i f a fe w d o "tea r th e roo f off, " it' d behoov e the m t o check thei r charms . Th e rabbi t whos e foo t wa s rubbe d didn' t fee l lucky . While this age's spoken wor d trie s to negotiates it s place on the sociocul tural landscape , i t i s related , beholde n to , an d confuse d b y th e roug h ride of its contextualizer, th e unpredictable resistanc e trends inextricabl y tied t o hi p hop' s zig-za g developmen t (fo r th e antimisogynists : I ac knowledge tha t movemen t doesn' t exclud e th e possibility o f going back wards). Th e wordspok e i n th e whee l o f fortun e ma y tur n ou t th e eve r verboten conservative . Industria l larges s ma y ten d towar d eithe r th e vaguely well-pu t descriptiv e o r th e patentl y (an d predictably ) offensiv e political variety. ( I want t o b e optimistic. Maybe i f Savion clicks his heels it'll b e better. ) Poetry's potentia l t o resonat e seriou s issue s an d offe r legitimat e analysis o f th e mainstrea m i s heavy . Combin e i t wit h performanc e art' s ability t o compellingl y conve y sentiment s b y usin g a goo d bea t an d yo u have somethin g whic h make s the genr e particularly unique . Som e Sepia s in th e discipline s see k t o fit th e format ; othe r pan-Afr o penner s attemp t 91

TRACIE MORRIS to wreck shit . Sisters saying like it is could b e a bitch even if the operand i is sweet . Som e hone y i n you r coffee ? A Trac y Chapma n typ e i n poetr y would b e hype , bu t realit y bite s thi s delicat e umbilica l threa d t o th e information web . Rhetorica l device s ain' t par t o f i t s o far . Wit h govern ment fundin g o f th e art s cu t out , th e powe r o f al l wor k wil l b e i n th e hands o f th e sam e companie s tha t ow n everythin g els e you ma y wan t t o write on . D o w e generat e mor e tensio n fo r uncolore d me n whe n w e push thei r luc k o r le t go ? Depend s an d don' t matter . Ou r ver y standin g is intimidating . An y aspec t o f th e dogge d masse s stil l aliv e an d creatin g under th e pressur e cooke r o f circumscribe d stance s i s daunting . I got a glance o f thi s fac t whil e I wa s bein g save d b y th e vibe s o f Georg e Clinton's horn s an d Trib e Calle d Ques t i n Lollapalooz a tou r o f 1994 . Folks was floored b y the intractable botto m dancin g to "i n joke" sophis ticated laid-bac k snapping . Al l praises . (Whil e bein g dail y resurrected , I was als o hopin g fo r a surpris e guestin g by , say , rocke r Non a Hendrix. ) Stop beggin' . I mistook tokenis m fo r representin' . Thi s wa s no t th e lov e train. Mor e lik e a chai n o f foolishness . Sometimes , betwee n Lazaru s episodes, I foundered. Blackchick s lik e Chery l Boyc e Taylor , tw o Boo m Poets, an d m e buckin g o n th e vaudevillia n whit e bo y fantas y roc k tou r ride was s o disorienting fo r thi s East New Yorker , I started runnin g wit h the residen t dra g queen . (We' d bonde d vi a a mutua l respec t fo r rum raisin lipstick—he , fo r th e Cind y Crawfor d vamp ; me , givin g i t da p fo r matching m y peep s i n phenotyp e an d nomenclature. ) C'est la vie. Whether whit e Americans ar e introduced t o us through commodificatio n or b y presumptive knowledg e base d o n exclusion , permeate s an d perme ates th e environmen t i n interestin g ways . Interio r decoratin g o f th e womb. Who' s germinatin g whom ? Davi d Serlin' s essa y seem s t o b e investigating thi s peregrination . Tactilit y canno t b e equate d wit h grab bing th e reign s o f terr a firma , however . Formerl y suckle d southerner s made thi s poin t abundantl y clear . Choos e you r weapons . Rather , don' t choose. The developmental alternativ e o f Orwellian commercia l craf t fo r pressing parlance i s not just in the safety o f the Net bu t the resurgence of more tangibl e multimedia . In thi s section , visua l application s ar e clari fied b y example s fro m Marily n Nance . A s m y persona l mus e informe d me, multifacete d approac h i s the way an d i s lately wha t I'v e bee n calle d to ad d t o th e stew . Flygirl s ar e mor e tha n jus t kint e windo w dressin g where th e boy s are . Wasn' t you r mom' s jo b mor e tha n dilatin g an d contractions? Surely sister s contribut e wit h sex-specifi c makin g an d nurturing . 92

Introduction: Afrofem Aesthetic Manifested Not tha t pushin g doesn' t hav e it s advantage s whe n guided , a s Salt-n Pepa mad e clea r year s ago . On e o f th e longes t standin g rapper s o f an y hormonal balance , the y di d a lo t t o embrac e prou d femal e sexualit y i n hip hop . Yeah , they coul d literall y thro w down . Whe n thei r soun d cam e out, i t was earth-shaking . Alon g with the n gur u Herbi e Azor , the y mad e distinctions betwee n over t sexuality an d demeanin g depictio n o f the hoe / skeezer an d hottie . Eve n amon g thos e o f similarl y situate d backgrounds , they demonstrat e th e abilit y t o b e physicall y stron g an d pleased . The y follow th e tradition o f blue s women wh o generate d a new stat e o f being . This i s par t o f th e catechis m tha t break s th e questionabl e link s o f woman-hating b y associatin g variou s aspect s o f a powerfu l Venus . Thi s trinity i s just on e part o f th e consortiu m o f hierophant s a t th e templ e o f tough love , the gatekeeper bein g the gangsta bitc h who finds justificatio n to temporaril y sublimat e sexuality : t o ge t th e jo b done . Mac k want s t o be hard an d ste p to the plate? "Hel l hath n o fury . . ." Y a damn straight . Ah, th e myria d method s o f a girl . Me'Shell' s ambiguitie s reve l an d rebel in combined method s o f sex, pointed comments , an d music . Speak ing becam e on e o f th e way s sh e go t ope n an d expresse d complexit y while maintainin g th e direc t rootednes s o f seventie s musi c throug h bas s playing. Because everyone's talking there's a freedom t o not b e as heavily invested i n wha t th e mainstrea m thinks . Jessic a Car e Moore , th e multi ple Apollo Amateu r winner , go t i n kids face s wit h he r desir e an d rag e a s explicit a s Chuc k D's . Sh e go t th e freelove . Can' t underestimat e th e people. Th e managemen t eventuall y ha d t o mov e he r awa y fro m th e stage, claimin g i t was breakin g th e rule s o f monopoly . Blac k fer n poetr y has wove n int o th e recorde d mainstrea m i n a seamles s ye t underpai d way. Som e mor e soni c siren s lik e Laury n Hil l reinforc e Afrofe m powe r with dram a i n the eardrum—mnemonic , poundin g an d resoundin g mu sically. In m y rol e a s double ban d leade r I also se e sister musician s a s a n intrinsic par t o f th e artisti c atmosphere . Lik e MC's , the y hav e t o wa x prolific wit h proficiency . In ever y intersectin g circl e I'v e bee n i n there' s bee n a n overflo w o f melanin X X combinations . S o muc h fo r naysayer s proclaimin g thei r discriminating missive s tha t ther e ain' t n o "goo d womyn " available . (You wan t a list ? It' s to o long , s o as k me. ) Thos e tha t don' t fal l int o convenient creativ e format s shoul d als o b e adde d t o th e mix . The y underscore an d creat e environment s fo r th e aestheticall y dispossessed . Complected maiden s roa m th e ful l rang e o f ar t administration , visua l commentators, fiction dictators , patron s (an d regular , poore r support 93

TRACIE MORRIS ers), dancehal l queens , fly poeti c stylists , open-minde d alternativ e life style strivers , hi p ho p heads , an d intellectual , well-rea d Dar k Roo m types. (Man y ar e inbetwee n thes e nonexclusiv e categories) . African based women' s ar t (an d fo r m y part, performanc e poetry ) ha s a multifo cused approach , an d whe n honestl y addresse d it' s lik e a goo d enema . It'll remov e th e bullshit , cultivat e th e flora, an d tak e som e weigh t off . I'm no t sayin g it' s easy , bu t hopefull y it' s on e o f a myria d o f way s i n which th e entir e Africa n communit y i s bein g force d t o releas e baggag e and ge t close r t o home , t o ou r true r selves . Afrofe m ar t manifeste d invokes remembrance s o f capture d Lucumi , wh o store d apataki s t o concretize abstrac t ideologie s int o a workabl e foundatio n fo r complet e freedom.

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7

From F r e e d o m t o Equalit y The Politic s o f Rac e an d Clas s M A N N I N G MARABL E

It ha s bee n mor e tha n a generatio n sinc e Fanni e Lo u Hamer' s eloquen t and moving plea for freedo m an d civi l rights before th e 196 4 Democrati c National Conventio n i n Atlanti c City . Mor e tha n thirt y year s hav e elapsed sinc e Dr . Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr . le d thousand s o f nonviolen t protestors acros s th e Edmun d Pettu s Bridg e i n Selma , Alabama , t o con front th e racis t phalan x o f stat e polic e trooper s defendin g segregation . The politic s o f resistanc e a t tha t turbulen t momen t i n ou r histor y gav e new meanin g t o ou r sens e o f identity . Th e politic s o f sou l i n th e 1960 s was the personal an d collectiv e decisio n t o fight fo r freedom . Since th e 1960 s w e hav e witnesse d a serie s o f racia l an d politica l reactions designe d t o undermin e an d erod e th e reform s achieve d durin g the Civi l Right s Movement . Th e 199 4 congressiona l campaig n victorie s of th e Republican s onl y represente d th e culminatio n o f a historica l process tha t bega n mor e tha n a generatio n ago . Afte r th e politica l re forms o f 196 4 and the defeat o f Jim Cro w segregation, racial politics an d a whit e backlas h helpe d elec t Richar d Nixo n i n 1968 . H e subsequentl y pursued a "souther n strategy " o f appealin g t o the supporter s o f segrega tionist Georg e Wallac e an d oppose d schoo l desegregation . Throug h hi s policies o f "benig n neglect, " Nixo n trie d t o sla m th e doo r o n th e move ment fo r racia l equality ; bu t th e Watergat e scanda l undermine d hi s conservative strategy . I n 1980 , racia l politic s crystallize d behin d whit e ethnic voter s an d th e middl e class , whic h overwhelmingl y endorse d th e conservative candidac y o f Ronal d Reagan . Thi s was the secon d phas e o f 95

MANNING MARABLE race/class reaction . A s president , Reaga n aggressivel y trie d t o rol l bac k affirmative action , equa l opportunit y legislation , women' s rights , an d the right s o f labor—remembe r th e administration' s repressio n o f th e ai r traffic controller s strik e i n 1981 . However , th e Iran-Contr a scanda l shattered th e conservative offensiv e momentarily . B y the 1990s , with th e Republicans controllin g th e nationa l legislatur e an d th e federa l courts , yet another wav e of reaction ha s transpired. Affirmativ e action , minorit y economic set-asides , minorit y scholarship s a t college s an d universities , and minority-controlle d legislativ e district s ar e no w al l o n th e endan gered specie s list . To understand wha t i s behind th e mos t recen t racia l backlash , how ever, w e mus t examin e th e contemporar y structur e o f America' s eco nomic system . Th e polarizatio n o f wealt h an d poverty , th e declin e i n wages, an d th e growt h o f unemploymen t an d a sens e o f crisi s ar e no w defining th e economi c foundation s o f reaction . I n the 1980s , million s o f new job s wer e create d i n th e U.S . economy , bu t relativel y fe w wer e a t wage level s tha t coul d suppor t families . Eighty-fiv e percen t o f al l ne w jobs create d durin g th e decad e wer e i n lo w pa y o r part-tim e servic e work. Nearl y 2 0 percen t o f al l worker s ha d n o healt h insurance , an d two ou t o f five had n o pensio n coverage . I n 1979 , th e averag e wage o f a U.S. productio n worke r wa s $12.0 6 pe r hour , i n inflation-adjuste d dol lars. B y 1989 , tha t averag e ha d droppe d t o $11.2 6 pe r hour ; i n 1993 , i t was $10.8 3 pe r hour . Accordin g t o Children' s Defens e Fun d research , the greates t losse s o f rea l incom e hav e occurre d amon g familie s wit h children unde r th e ag e o f eightee n wher e th e househol d hea d wa s unde r the ag e o f thirty . Whit e household s i n thi s categor y fel l 2 2 percen t i n inflation-adjusted incom e betwee n 197 3 an d 1990 . Fo r youn g Latin o families wit h children , th e declin e durin g thes e year s wa s 27. 9 percent . For young blac k families , th e dro p ha s bee n a devastating 48. 3 percent . During th e Reaga n administration , th e Unite d State s witnesse d a massive upwar d redistributio n o f wealt h unequale d i n ou r history . I n 1989, th e to p 1 percent o f al l U.S . household s receive d 48. 1 percen t o f the tota l financial wealt h o f th e country . I n othe r words , th e to p 1 percent controlle d a significantl y greate r amoun t o f wealt h tha n th e bottom 95 percen t o f al l U.S . household s (27. 7 percent) . Thes e trend s produced a degre e o f economi c uncertaint y an d fea r unparallele d sinc e the Grea t Depressio n fo r million s o f U.S . households . Whit e working class familie s foun d themselve s workin g harder , ye t fallin g furthe r be hind. I n thi s uncertai n politica l environment , "race " easil y becam e a 96

From Freedom to Equality vehicle fo r orientin g politic s towar d th e right . I f a whit e worke r canno t afford th e modes t hom e i n th e suburb s tha t hi s o r he r parent s coul d have purchase d thirt y year s ago , th e faul t i s attribute d no t t o fallin g wages bu t t o affirmativ e action . I f th e cos t o f publi c educatio n spiral s skyward, whit e teenager s an d thei r parent s ofte n conclud e tha t th e faul t is not du e to budge t cuts, but becaus e "undeserving " black s an d Hispan ics have taken th e places o f "qualified " whit e students . There i s anothe r racia l dimensio n t o thi s clas s struggle . Unprece dented number s o f whit e peopl e ar e confrontin g wha t man y African Americans an d Latino s hav e know n fo r years , namely , unemployment , poverty, an d hunger . Abou t hal f o f American s livin g i n poverty , nearl y eighteen million people , ar e white. More tha n on e in three white female headed household s i s poor . Betwee n 197 9 an d 1991 , th e povert y rat e nearly double d fo r whit e familie s heade d b y twenty-fiv e t o thirty-fou r years olds. Whites comprise nearl y half o f those receiving Aid to Familie s with Dependen t Childre n an d foo d stamps . I n 1991 , 12. 6 millio n white s received Medicaid . For million s o f whit e middle-clas s Americans , "whiteness " use d t o mean a relatively privileged lifestyle , a standard o f living superior t o tha t of mos t racia l minorities . A s thes e American s los e ground , the y ar e desperately tryin g t o understan d wh y thei r "whiteness " n o longe r pro tects them . I n thi s uncertai n economi c environment , Patric k Buchana n appeals t o alienated , angr y whit e worker s fo r who m th e "America n Dream" ha s becom e a nightmare . The primar y respons e b y the U.S . government, electe d officials , an d the corporat e elit e t o th e growin g crisi s o f inequalit y ha s bee n th e massive expansion o f public an d privat e securit y force s an d th e incarcer ation o f million s o f black , Hispanic , an d poo r people . Betwee n 198 0 and 1990 , th e numbe r o f polic e i n th e Unite d State s doubled . A s o f 1995, stat e an d loca l polic e force s employe d 554,00 0 officers . A n addi tional 1. 5 millio n privat e securit y officer s ar e currentl y employe d t o guard offic e buildings , stores , affluen t neighborhoods , an d corporat e headquarters al l ove r th e country . Privat e patro l car s no w cruis e entir e communities o f upper - an d middle-clas s American s whos e street s ar e closed of f t o outsid e traffic . Muc h o f th e ne w suburba n housin g bein g built toda y i n "planne d communities " i s surrounded b y walls an d gates , wired fo r electroni c surveillance , an d guarde d twenty-fou r hour s a da y by private securit y personnel . It wa s i n thi s contex t tha t Congres s passe d Presiden t Clinton' s $3 0 97

MANNING MARABLE billion Omnibu s Crim e Bil l in 1994 . Th e Crim e Bill' s draconia n provis ions include d $10. 8 billio n i n federa l matchin g fund s t o loca l govern ments t o hir e on e hundre d thousan d ne w polic e officer s ove r th e nex t five years ; $1 0 billio n fo r th e constructio n o f ne w federa l prisons ; a n expansion o f the number o f federal capita l crime s from tw o to fifty-eight (the bil l als o eliminate d a n existin g statut e prohibitin g th e executio n o f mentally incapacitate d defendants) ; a so-calle d "thre e strikes " proposa l that mandate s lif e sentence s fo r anyon e convicte d o f thre e "violent " felonies; a section tha t allow s children a s young a s thirteen t o b e tried a s adults; an d th e creatio n o f specia l court s abl e t o depor t noncitizen s alleged t o b e "engage d i n terroris t activity " o n th e basi s o f secre t evi dence. Even mor e strikin g ha s bee n th e recen t massiv e expansio n o f th e U.S. priso n system . Fro m 198 0 t o 1995 , th e priso n populatio n triple d from 500,00 0 t o 1,500,000 . I n th e stat e o f Californi a alone , betwee n 1977 an d 1992 , th e priso n populatio n soare d fro m les s tha n 20,00 0 t o over 110,000 . The racia l oppressio n tha t define s U.S . societ y a s a whol e i s mos t dramatically apparen t withi n th e criminal justice system an d th e prisons . Today, about hal f o f all inmates (mor e than 750,000 ) ar e African Ameri cans. O f blac k me n thirt y t o thirty-four , 6,29 9 ar e imprisone d fo r ever y 100,000; fo r blac k me n age d twenty-four t o twenty-nine, th e numbe r o f prisoners i s 7,21 0 fo r ever y 100,000 . Abou t 3 0 percen t o f al l African American male s i n thei r twentie s ar e eithe r i n priso n o r jail , o n proba tion, o n parole , o r awaitin g trial . Wha t doe s thi s mea n i n th e dail y experience o f a n averag e blac k mal e i n th e Unite d State s regardin g th e criminal justic e system ? On an y give n da y i n Washington , D.C . i n 1991 , 1 5 percen t o f al l black me n betwee n th e age s o f eightee n an d thirty-fou r wer e i n prison , 21 percen t wer e o n probatio n o r parole , an d 6 percen t wer e bein g sought b y th e polic e o r wer e o n bon d awaitin g trial . Thus , th e tota l involved wit h th e crimina l justic e syste m wa s 4 2 percent . On e stud y estimates tha t 7 0 percen t o f blac k me n i n th e Distric t o f Columbi a wil l be arreste d befor e th e ag e o f thirty-five , an d tha t 8 5 percen t wil l b e arrested a t som e poin t i n thei r lives . Washington racis t patter n o f arres t is not unusual : in nearby Baltimor e on an y given day in 1991 , 56 percen t of the city's African-American male s were i n jail o r prison , o n probatio n or parole , awaitin g tria l o r sentencing , o r ha d warrant s issue d fo r thei r arrest. 98

From Freedom to Equality These statistica l profile s o f racia l oppressio n shoul d no t obscur e th e class dimension s o f who i s arrested an d imprisone d i n the Unite d States . In 1989 , more than 1 4 million Americans were arrested. About 2 percen t of th e tota l mal e populatio n i n th e Unite d State s toda y i s i n prison . According t o a 199 1 surve y b y th e U.S . Departmen t o f Justice , abou t one-third o f al l prisoner s wer e unemploye d a t th e tim e o f thei r arrests . Only 5 5 percen t hel d full-tim e jobs . Abou t two-third s o f al l prisoner s have les s tha n a high-school-leve l education , an d therefor e fe w skill s with whic h t o compet e i n th e labo r market . Th e study , whic h surveye d 14,000 inmate s i n 277 stat e prison s throughou t th e Unite s States , foun d that "7 0 percen t o f al l prisoners legall y earne d les s than $15,00 0 i n th e year befor e thei r arrest , wit h 3 2 percen t earnin g les s than $5,000. " U.S . prisons ar e vast warehouses fo r th e poor an d unemployed , fo r low-wag e workers an d th e poorl y educated , an d especiall y fo r Latin o an d African American males . White-colla r criminal s wh o embezzl e hundred s o f mil lions o f dollar s ar e rarel y give n priso n sentences . Th e wealth y an d powerful almos t neve r g o t o priso n fo r th e crime s the y commit . Bu t for th e mos t oppressed , priso n i s ofte n a n improvemen t i n one' s lif e circumstances: fre e healt h care , thre e meal s a day , shelter , an d som e modest trainin g programs . Today , hundred s o f thousand s mor e blac k men ar e i n prison o r withi n th e crimina l justic e syste m tha n ar e enrolle d in colleges o r universities . Statistically , a young blac k ma n i s more likel y to b e jaile d o r arreste d tha n t o obtai n a jo b tha t adequatel y support s himself, hi s partner, o r hi s family . The priso n industr y ha s becom e on e o f America' s bigges t an d mos t profitable businesses . Betwee n 197 9 an d 1990 , priso n constructio n na tionwide increase d 61 2 percen t an d annua l expenditure s fo r correction s soared b y $1 4 billion . Today , mor e full-tim e America n employee s wor k for th e prison industr y than an y Fortune 50 0 corporation excep t Genera l Motors. According to the research o f the Offic e o f Urban Initiatives , base d i n Buffalo, Ne w York , prisons ar e now th e sit e for ten s o f thousan d o f ne w jobs. I n California , th e us e o f priso n labo r generate s $1. 3 millio n i n profits pe r year. Most prisoner s ar e hired a t subminimu m wages , usuall y $2.00 o r les s per hour . I n Oregon , inmate s ar e markete d throug h state sponsored tour s o f prisons . Te n percen t o f Arizona' s priso n inmate s work fo r privat e companie s a t subminimu m wages . I n Ne w Yor k State , Governor Georg e Patak i i s demandin g thre e ne w maximu m securit y prisons b y the year 200 0 a t a cost o f nearl y $50 0 million . 99

MANNING MARABLE Another crisi s compounding th e difficul t situatio n o f people o f colo r is the stat e o f publi c educatio n i n this country . I n many states , the drop out rat e fo r nonwhit e hig h schoo l student s exceed s 5 0 percent . Acros s the United States , more than 1,50 0 teenager s o f colo r dro p ou t o f schoo l each day . Man y o f thos e wh o sta y i n schoo l d o no t receiv e th e trainin g to prepar e the m fo r a computer-driven , technologicall y advance d labo r market. In short , thousand s o f peopl e applyin g fo r job s a s cashier s an d bank teller s canno t d o simpl e arithmetic . Thousand s o f hig h schoo l students ar e unabl e t o rea d th e simples t instructions . Meanwhile , th e new job s generate d b y hig h technolog y increasingl y deman d th e abilit y to operat e computer s an d analyz e comple x data . Th e ga p i s steadil y growing betwee n th e technica l qualification s an d academi c backgroun d necessary fo r suc h job s an d th e actua l leve l o f abilit y o f million s i n th e educational underclass . A ne w for m o f "segregation " wil l soo n surfac e threatenin g th e prospects o f million s o f blac k youth . Rathe r tha n th e Jim Cro w sign s of "white" an d "colored, " th e segregatio n o f th e twenty-firs t centur y wil l be the divisio n betwee n th e educate d "haves " an d th e uneducate d "hav e nots." Thos e wh o lac k scientific , mathematical , an d compute r skill s ar e already disproportionatel y nonwhite . The present social and economic crisis is having a devastating impac t on ou r youn g people . Growin g u p blac k i n whit e Americ a ha s alway s been a challenge , bu t neve r mor e s o tha n today . T o b e young an d blac k in th e 1990 s mean s tha t th e basi c contex t fo r huma n development — education, healt h care , persona l safety , th e environment , employment , and shelter—i s increasingl y problematic . T o b e youn g an d blac k toda y means fighting fo r surviva l i n a hars h an d frequentl y unforgivin g urba n environment. The frightenin g prospect s fo r African-America n childre n an d yout h have bee n identifie d b y Maria n Wrigh t Edelma n an d th e Children' s Defense Fund . Today , compare d t o whit e children , blac k childre n ar e one an d one-hal f time s mor e likel y to gro w u p i n familie s whos e house hold hea d di d no t graduat e fro m hig h school . They ar e twice a s likely t o be arrested fo r propert y crimes , to b e unemployed a s teenagers an d late r as adults , an d t o becom e teenag e mothers . African-America n infant s ar e two an d one-hal f time s a s likel y t o di e i n th e first yea r o f lif e an d t o b e born a t lo w birt h weights . The y ar e thre e time s mor e likel y tha n whit e young people to liv e in single-parent homes , t o liv e in group quarters , t o be suspended fro m school , an d t o endur e corpora l punishment . African 100

From Freedom to Equality American youn g people ar e four time s more likel y to b e born o f mother s who hav e ha d n o prenata l care , mother s wh o die d durin g childbirth , o r mothers dyin g fro m HI V infection . The y ar e five times more likel y to b e arrested b y th e polic e fo r violen t crime s an d nin e time s mor e likel y t o become victim s o f homicide . The Institut e fo r Researc h i n African-American Studie s a t Columbi a University, whic h I direct an d fro m whic h m y dat a ar e gathered , i s onl y six block s awa y fro m th e hear t o f Harlem , 125t h Street . Ever y day , i n our immediat e neighborhood , I ca n se e th e destructio n o f a n entir e generation o f ou r youn g people . I n Ne w Yor k City , 4 5 percen t o f al l African-American yout h dwel l i n poverty. In Centra l Harlem , on e ou t o f eight household s ha s n o plumbin g o r toile t facilities ; 8 7 percen t o f al l households lac k an y for m o f ai r conditioning ; mor e tha n hal f liv e i n buildings wit h mor e tha n fou r floors tha t lac k elevators ; an d one-thir d have n o telephones . Ever y da y i n Ne w York , a n averag e o f 70,00 0 children, mostl y Latin o an d black , us e illega l drugs . Blac k an d Hispani c youth unemploymen t exceed s 4 0 percent . Th e spectr e o f violenc e per vades everything. In Central Harlem, th e mortality rat e for childre n fro m birth throug h ag e four i s almost tripl e th e national average . Black Americ a stand s a t a challenging momen t i n it s history : a tim e of massiv e socia l disruption , clas s stratification , politica l uncertainty , and cultura l ambiguity . The objectives fo r blac k politics in the age of Jim Crow segregatio n wer e relativel y simple : full equality , votin g rights , an d the remova l o f "white " an d "colored " sign s fro m th e door s o f hotel s and schools . Today's problem s ar e fundamentall y differen t i n scope , character , and intensity : th e fligh t o f capita l investmen t fro m ou r centra l cities , with thousand s o f los t jobs; the deterioration o f the urba n ta x base , wit h the declin e o f cit y services ; black-on-blac k violence , homicide , an d crime; th e proliferatio n o f single-paren t households ; an d th e declinin g quality o f our public schools. To this familiar litan y of problems, I would add on e more : th e crisi s o f th e spirit . A growin g pessimis m withi n ou r ranks assert s tha t ther e ar e n o solution s t o ou r overwhelmin g socia l problems, tha t governmen t canno t hel p us, that votin g an d participatio n within th e political proces s ar e irrelevant, an d tha t n o allie s exist outsid e the African-America n communit y wh o wil l hel p us . An d th e greates t doubt o f all is the questio n o f leadership—whethe r w e have the capacit y or th e wil l t o generat e wome n an d me n wh o wil l ris e t o ou r contempo rary challenges . 101

MANNING MARABLE The plac e to begi n reconstructin g contemporar y blac k politic s i s the terrain o f memory . Th e collectiv e historie s o f African-America n peopl e reveal a consciousnes s o f surviva l an d resistance . I n th e 1960 s th e mili tant awarenes s o f identit y an d collectiv e energ y wa s capture d b y th e term soul. Engagin g i n th e struggl e t o redefin e th e worl d an d one' s community mean t tha t eac h perso n ha d a n obligatio n t o histor y an d memory. W e wer e par t o f a large r process , challengin g structure s o f inequality an d power . Spirituall y an d esthetically , th e meanin g o f sou l pushed u s towar d ne w definition s o f sel f an d ne w possibilitie s fo r ou r politics. W e nee d t o recaptur e tha t degre e o f commitmen t an d struggl e in th e reconstructio n o f ne w progressiv e politica l identitie s fo r blac k people a s we enter th e twenty-first century . We mus t buil d a ne w blac k leadershi p t o tackl e today' s problems , one wit h origina l analysi s an d a ne w leve l o f programmati c an d polic y sophistication. First , thi s ne w blac k leadershi p mus t develo p polic y ini tiatives i n concer t wit h th e bes t scholar s an d researchers , t o construc t alternatives i n healt h care , education , housing , an d th e environment . A t the ne w Institut e fo r Researc h i n African-American Studie s a t Columbi a University, w e ar e developin g a cente r t o promot e constructiv e interac tion betwee n blac k electe d official s an d thei r staf f members , researc h scholars, politica l analysts , an d representative s fro m th e unions , churches, public schools, civic associations, an d other institutions . Soun d public policie s tha t addres s th e blac k community' s problem s mus t com e from a collaborativ e proces s o f recognizin g an d critiquin g th e weak nesses of previous policies while identifying thos e that hav e worked . Leadership in a multicultural environmen t mean s having the courag e to mak e connections , bringin g togethe r peopl e o f radicall y divers e clas s backgrounds, ethni c groups , languages , an d cultura l an d socia l tradi tions. Those who thin k tha t U.S. politics will always b e decided b y white conservative male s ignor e th e multicultura l realit y o f contemporar y American society . I n th e pas t te n years , ther e ha s bee n a 4 0 percen t increase i n th e numbe r o f American s wh o spea k a languag e othe r tha n English i n thei r homes . In Ne w Yor k City , mor e tha n 4 0 percen t o f al l residents conside r Englis h a secon d language . I t i s estimated tha t b y th e year 2000 , one-thir d o f al l American s wil l b e peopl e o f color : Latinos , Asian Americans , Pacifi c Islan d Americans , America n Indians , an d Afri can Americans . Th e Asian-America n populatio n i s projecte d t o gro w from 7. 2 millio n i n 199 0 t o ove r 2 0 millio n b y th e yea r 2020 . Latino s will outnumbe r Africa n American s b y th e yea r 2010 . B y the yea r 2050 , 102

From Freedom to Equality the majorit y o f American s wil l b e peopl e o f color ; whit e American s wil l simply becom e America's larges t "minorit y group. " As we hav e seen , the contradiction s withi n America n capitalis m ar e more profoun d tha n eve r before . What , then , shoul d b e th e basi s fo r constructing a ne w radica l democrati c politics , a politics o f socia l trans formation? A politic s o f liberatio n shoul d groun d itsel f i n th e actua l conditions an d perspective s o f thos e wh o suffe r mos t fro m th e disem powerment create d b y globalize d capitalism . Th e commo n point s o f experience an d struggle , resistanc e an d suffering , an d hop e an d huma n emancipation amon g thos e classe s an d communitie s define d b y racia l and gende r domination , politica l oppression , an d socia l control , creat e the context for a unified socia l force. The y may speak differen t language s and hav e differen t cultura l an d ethni c traditions , bu t the y stil l mus t come together t o fight th e power . I recently spoke with Ossi e Davis abou t th e challenges an d problem s confronting th e African-America n communit y a s w e ente r th e twenty first century . "Ever y generatio n need s a mora l assignment, " Davi s in sisted. "W e hav e ye t t o defin e tha t mora l assignmen t fo r ourselve s an d in ou r time. " African-American peopl e wer e challenge d 15 0 year s ag o b y th e harsh realitie s o f slavery . Th e grea t mora l an d politica l questio n o f tha t era wa s th e abolitio n o f huma n bondage . Blac k abolitionist s suc h a s Frederick Dougla s an d Marti n Delan y pursue d a visio n o f freedo m tha t mobilized th e energie s o f th e blac k community , nort h an d south . Nearl y a centur y later , th e grea t mora l challeng e confrontin g blac k peopl e wa s the oppressiv e realit y o f Jim Cro w segregation . Africa n American s wer e denied acces s t o schools , hospitals , hotels , an d man y othe r publi c estab lishments. Th e Fifteent h Amendmen t wa s a dead lette r fo r severa l gener ations. Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr . an d th e Civi l Right s Movemen t repre sented th e courageous struggle s o f a people who yearne d t o b e free. Thi s struggle fo r freedo m wa s lik e crossin g a turbulen t river . I n th e religiou s imagination o f blac k folk , th e river was frequently identifie d a s the Rive r Jordan. Lik e the ancien t Hebrew s wh o escape d Egyptia n bondage , blac k Americans courageousl y crosse d thei r ow n Rive r Jorda n t o see k an d claim th e promised lan d o f freedom . Now w e ar e in an uncertai n time , filled with dangerou s an d destruc tive socia l forces : violence , drugs , unemployment , poverty , socia l alien ation, an d fear . Ou r leader s see m unsur e o f ho w t o articulat e a ne w agenda fo r progressiv e change . Man y voice s withi n ou r communit y cal l 103

MANNING MARABLE on u s t o tur n inward , awa y fro m potentia l allie s wit h who m w e ca n work t o achiev e positiv e change . Wha t i s require d i s th e definitio n o f a new mora l assignment , a new vision o f huma n emancipation . Davis said , "W e mus t cros s a secon d river , th e rive r o f equality . W e must insis t that th e Constitutio n creat e the conditions fo r genuin e equal ity. Bu t equalit y i s a n economi c function , first an d foremost. " I t i s important t o distinguis h betwee n th e goa l o f freedo m an d th e goa l o f equality. Freedo m i s abou t "rights" ; equalit y i s abou t socia l justic e an d the materia l realitie s o f huma n fairness—universa l healt h care , qualit y education, housing , an d jobs—a s huma n rights . Equalit y i s the power t o restrict the prerogatives o f the corporations, th e shutting down o f factor ies, th e economi c destructio n o f urba n communities . Equalit y i s abou t having a livin g wage fo r al l people. Equalit y ultimatel y mean s powe r t o the people . Our movemen t mus t cros s tha t secon d rive r o f equality . I n doin g so , we mus t wag e th e sam e principle d struggle s tha t wer e fough t durin g the desegregatio n campaign s Kin g le d throughou t th e South . Th e sam e willingness t o sacrifice , th e sam e tears , th e sam e determinatio n t o chal lenge unjust laws , an d th e sam e impatienc e wit h oppressio n mus t prope l us towar d a ne w politics . Th e meanin g o f sou l i n contemporar y term s must translat e int o solidarit y an d a renewed commitmen t t o the fight fo r social justice . T o en d th e oppressio n o f th e crimina l justic e system , t o abolish unemploymen t an d homelessness , t o uproo t discriminatio n an d social alienation , w e mus t mov e beyon d civi l right s t o th e realizatio n o f human equality .

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8

F r o m Sesame Street

t

o Schoolhouse Rock

Urban Pedagog y an d Sou l Iconograph y i n t h e 1970 s DAVID SERLI N

One of the most memorable moments i n Spike Lee's quasi-autobiograph ical an d highl y underrate d film Crooklyn (1994 ) occur s jus t a s th e Le e children ar e watchin g a n episod e o f The Partridge Family. 1 Crowde d around th e televisio n set , secretly , i n a n upstair s bedroo m o f thei r Bed ford-Stuyvesant rowhouse , the Lee children ar e mesmerized b y the imag e of Davi d Cassid y an d compan y poundin g throug h th e harpsichord driven whit e psychedeli a o f " I Wok e U p i n Lov e Thi s Morning. " Lik e the faded , earth y 1970 s color s chose n fo r Crooklyn b y cinematographe r Arthur Jafa—bric k reds , deni m blues , canar y yellows , an d green s an d oranges tha t loo k a s i f they were lef t to o lon g i n the sun—th e televisio n scene mixe s memor y an d desire , nostalgi a an d embarrassment , int o on e arresting visua l aesthetic . Watching thi s rag-ta g grou p o f kid s watc h TV , I though t tha t I was witnessin g a kin d o f genealog y o f persona l consciousness : a subtl e unraveling o f a n individual' s histor y b y way o f hi s o r he r earlies t televi sion experiences, the results of which pay tribute to the power o f popula r culture o n prepubescen t subjectivity . An d yet , fo r al l o f it s beaut y an d imagination, thi s scen e touched a n od d chor d i n me. Som e of m y earlies t television experience s wer e shape d no t b y watching The Partridge Family but instea d program s lik e Fat Albert and the Cosby Kids, The Harlem Globetrotters' Razzle Dazzle Popcorn Hour (featurin g Rodne y Alle n Rippy), What's Happening, That's My Mama, Sanford and Son, The Jeffersons, an d Good Times. A s a n adolescen t wh o gre w u p i n th e 105

DAVID SERLIN relatively homogeneous , decentralize d suburba n spraw l o f Miami , suc h programs seeme d t o offe r som e version o f blac k "realism " tha t appeale d to m e infinitel y mor e tha n th e sanitized , white-brea d antic s o f th e Par tridges o r th e Bradys . Perhap s I felt, a t th e time , tha t thes e programs — featuring th e like s o f Antoni o Fargas , Red d Foxx , an d Mabe l King — constituted television' s onl y sincer e attemp t t o celebrat e diversit y o r represent th e bitte r truth s o f racia l inequit y an d socia l injustic e i n America. In retrospect, I now think tha t th e producers o f these program s were tryin g t o exploi t th e cultura l legacy o f blac k ange r generate d during th e decade . Wit h professiona l skil l an d artifice , the y wer e abl e t o reconfigure thi s anger a s something aki n to "soul"—tha t sassy , "authen tic" versio n o f urba n blac k Weltanschauung —and consequentl y marke t it, for mas s cultura l consumption , t o naiv e white kid s lik e me . This anecdota l tou r throug h m y persona l televisio n experienc e be longs, I think , t o a muc h riche r historica l contex t fo r lookin g a t th e multiple, an d important , connection s betwee n blac k popular cultur e an d the consumptio n o f sou l image s b y young people . A s many scholar s an d critics hav e alread y argued , i n thi s volum e an d elsewhere , mainstrea m American cultur e durin g th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970 s witnesse d a n efflorescence o f sound s an d image s directl y associate d with , an d roote d in, th e postdiaspori c consciousnes s o f Afro-America n experience . Bu t whatever it s status a s an internationally recognize d style , or se t of visual , musical, o r sartoria l cues , sou l migh t als o b e see n a s a specificall y American varian t o f a muc h large r globalizatio n o f blac k cultur e tha t occurred durin g th e sam e historica l period , o r a t leas t sinc e th e lat e 1940s wit h th e first triumph s o f Africa n an d Wes t India n politica l inde pendence. Fro m th e wor k o f Amir i Baraka , Nikk i Giovanni , Ntozak e Shange, Gi l Scott-Hero n an d th e Las t Poets , an d th e Blac k Art s Move ment t o mor e commerciall y drive n project s suc h a s blaxploitatio n films and th e "Philadelphi a Sound, " sou l crystallize d afte r th e civi l right s activism o f th e 1950 s an d 1960 s a s a readil y identifie d referenc e poin t specific t o blac k America n experience . In this sense , I want t o distinguis h between sou l a s i t wa s generate d b y a n internationa l cadr e o f blac k cultural activists , an d th e variation s o r permutation s o f America n sou l that forme d a cor e vocabular y o f commercia l blac k image s tha t wer e seized upon , marketed , an d internationalize d withi n th e Unite d State s and throughou t th e world. 2 By the lat e 1960s , man y progressiv e educationa l institution s suc h a s PBS's Children' s Televisio n Worksho p an d th e Ban k Stree t Colleg e o f 106

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock Education bega n t o develo p song s and , eventually , shor t cartoo n vi gnettes fo r elementar y schoo l curricul a tha t self-consciousl y utilize d sou l music an d iconograph y roote d i n a northern, urban , inner-cit y aesthetic . Soul's statu s a s a familia r genr e wit h a hi p cache t ma y hel p explai n it s popularity o n America n networ k television , especiall y i n urba n crim e dramas suc h a s The Mod Squad, Baretta, Kojak, and Starsky and Hutch. But why progressive teacher s who wanted t o reinvent the tenets o f inner city education chos e soul in the first place is another questio n altogether , especially sinc e educationa l televisio n program s wer e neve r intende d fo r outright commercia l gain . B y lookin g a t a fe w soulfu l examples—i n particular, moment s fro m ABC' s Schoolhouse Rock an d PBS' s Sesame Street an d Electric Company —I hop e t o demonstrat e th e dialectica l relationship betwee n educationa l televisio n an d blac k popula r cultur e during th e 1970s . Thes e musica l ideas , visua l images , an d cultura l sym bols no t onl y taugh t childre n fundamenta l skills , bu t the y transforme d young viewer s into savv y consumers o f a blac k America n sou l aesthetic . ••



In orde r t o understan d th e politica l an d cultura l milie u fro m whic h thi s children's garde n o f sou l evolved , w e nee d som e historica l backgroun d for urba n educationa l reform , whic h starte d i n th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960s in older northeastern industria l citie s with large minority constitu encies. Th e unprecedente d growt h o f suburbi a afte r Worl d Wa r I I an d the accelerate d depopulatio n o f white s fro m congeste d inner-cit y area s lured man y skille d educator s an d sympatheti c administrator s awa y fro m urban schoo l districts . B y the earl y 1960s , researc h universitie s bega n t o ask ho w an d wh y educatio n ha d faile d fo r urba n minoritie s whe n i t obviously ha d bee n mor e successfu l fo r thei r whit e suburba n counter parts. A s earl y a s 1961 , Harvar d University' s president , Jame s B . Co nant, outline d th e specifi c need s o f urba n educatio n fo r inner-cit y youth : "Big citie s nee d decentralize d administratio n i n orde r t o brin g th e schools close r t o th e need s o f th e peopl e i n eac h neighborhoo d an d t o make eac h schoo l fit th e loca l situation." 3 B y 1969 , suc h varie d institu tions a s th e Cente r fo r Urba n Education , th e Ban k Stree t Colleg e o f Education, an d th e Children' s Televisio n Workshop—al l o f whic h wer e located i n Ne w Yor k City—symbolize d th e critica l liaison s forge d be tween the practical concerns o f the public school system and the theoreti cal pedagog y tha t wa s t o subsum e urba n educator s throughou t th e decade. 107

DAVID SERLIN Riding th e politica l momentu m o f Brown v. Board of Education, many theorist s declare d tha t improve d rac e relation s wer e absolutel y essential fo r rehabilitatin g urba n education . Indeed , a s So l Gordo n as serted, th e inadequat e attentio n pai d t o rac e relation s withi n th e publi c school syste m was "expressiv e an d symptomati c of , rathe r tha n intrinsi c to, the urban condition." 4 Gordon' s us e of the phrase "urba n condition " suggested tha t urbanist s coul d n o longe r explai n th e materia l circum stances o f segregatio n o r socioeconomi c inequalit y a s "natural " o r "or ganic" condition s indigenou s t o metropolita n areas , a s th e influentia l Chicago Schoo l o f urba n sociologist s ha d don e fo r tw o generations. 5 Throughout th e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , libera l organization s bega n to recogniz e educationa l refor m a s a potentia l ticke t t o communit y empowerment an d individua l agency , whic h educator s an d grassroot s activists alik e wanted t o instil l i n minority urba n youth. 6 Consequently, educationa l reformer s propose d t o inven t usefu l ped agogical method s tha t woul d brin g abou t ne w opportunitie s fo r learn ing, thinking, an d synthesizin g information . Bu t they were als o painfull y aware that , despit e thei r efforts , student s i n inner-cit y schoo l system s exhibited a disparat e rang e o f skill s an d abilities . Thi s wa s th e perio d during whic h specia l educatio n researcher s bega n t o addres s th e psycho logical need s o f th e inner-cit y child , focusin g thei r attentio n a s much o n "maladjusted, brain-injured , an d retarded " childre n a s o n kid s fro m urban setting s wh o wer e identified , i n th e parlanc e o f th e time , a s "disadvantaged" o r "sociall y handicapped." 7 Gordon , fo r example , ar gued that , accordin g t o diagnosti c tests , urba n kid s tende d t o respon d better t o verb s o r "action " word s tha n t o adjective s o r "descriptive " words, an d h e cited th e verbal dexterit y amon g blac k inner-cit y youth a s evidence o f thi s trend . Therefore , educator s encourage d teacher s an d schools t o develo p ne w strategie s tha t woul d incorporat e th e physica l and socia l landscap e o f th e urba n environment : apartment s an d tene ments, neighborhood institutions , publi c transportation, an d representa tives fro m differen t racia l an d ethni c group s an d economi c strata. 8 Thi s position wa s perhap s bes t exemplifie d b y the "Schoolhous e i n th e City " conference, organize d i n 196 8 a t Stanfor d Universit y b y futur e Thir d Wave impresario Alvi n Toffler. 9 Following thes e educationa l epiphanies , th e Children' s Televisio n Workshop create d it s cornerstone progra m Sesame Street, first broadcas t in 1969 . Sesame Street presente d a chaotic , multiracial , polyglo t urba n neighborhood comprise d o f adults , children, an d th e Muppets, Jim Hen 108

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock son's pre-Lapsaria n mutan t puppets . Thoug h it s radica l visio n o f a proactive, pluralisti c neighborhoo d ha s softene d ove r th e years , Sesame Street's aestheti c sensibilit y stil l seems drawn fro m th e earl y 1970s . Eve n today, the show remains part Rober t Rauschenberg, par t Mari o Thomas , part Stephe n Sondheim , an d par t Laugh-In. Bu t Sesame Street wa s als o revolutionary televisio n programming , no t leas t o f al l fo r it s sophisti cated appropriatio n o f popula r genre s deepl y entrenche d i n th e politica l and cultura l milie u o f th e period . Muc h wa s made , fo r example , o f Henson's commitmen t t o usin g pastel-hue d puppet s whos e racia l identi ties wer e conspicuousl y abstract , especiall y i n relatio n t o th e huma n actors wit h who m the y worked . Roosevel t Franklin , a n earl y Muppe t character whos e name played implicitl y with the tradition o f post-Eman cipation blac k surnames , wa s clearl y delineate d a s th e program' s ghett o Muppet. I n 1974 , th e Children' s Televisio n Worksho p release d funky , upbeat children' s record s wit h self-affirmin g title s lik e "M y Nam e I s Roosevelt Franklin " an d "Jus t Because, " o n whic h th e orphane d Mup pet innocentl y declared , " I woul d neve r hur t anybody , jus t becaus e yo u told m e to." 1 0 Othe r innovation s o n Sesame Street include d psychedeli c animation, sophisticate d (an d extremel y tongue-in-cheek ) parodie s o f familiar rock , pop , an d sou l hits , diverse , working-clas s neighborhoo d characters, an d compellin g animate d an d musica l segment s tha t aspire d to th e statu s o f "relevan t TV, " a n earl y 1970 s catchphras e equivalen t t o "multiculturalism." 11 I f cynic s challenge d Sesame Street fo r bein g to o gimmicky, i t was, wit h gusto . Sesame Street wa s a commercia l an d critical succes s fo r PBS . If i t didn' t teac h childre n readin g o r mat h skills , it di d teac h the m a cor e vocabular y o f generi c cue s tha t woul d enabl e them t o expres s themselve s fluently i n th e cultura l capita l o f popula r music, film, and television . In 1971 , th e Ban k Stree t Colleg e o f Education— a private , progres sive trainin g institutio n i n Manhattan—wante d t o creat e a serie s o f contemporary po p song s throug h whic h elementar y schoo l instructor s could teac h mat h skills . Conceptuall y speaking , th e impuls e wa s t o ta p the sam e urban-identifie d cultura l resource s a s Sesame Street. Ban k Street solicite d Georg e Newall , Davi d McCall , an d To m Yohe , al l o f whom ha d worke d i n th e corporat e corridor s o f Madiso n Avenu e fo r years, t o ac t a s professiona l advisor s t o th e project . Newall—wh o in vented th e campaig n fo r Ha i Karat e aftershav e i n th e lat e 1960s — introduced McCal l an d Yoh e to a composer, Bo b Dorough, who m New all knew fro m hi s days as a jazz pianist. 12 Ban k Stree t adopte d a numbe r 109

DAVID SERLIN of Dorough's song s and teste d them through tria l session s in the college' s education courses . I n time , Doroug h compose d a grou p o f twelv e song s henceforth know n a s "Multiplicatio n Rock, " whic h becam e th e first installment i n th e Schoolbouse Rock canon. 13 Abou t thi s time , McCal l began t o wor k wit h a young executiv e a t AB C name d Michae l Eisner — who ha d no t ye t hitche d hi s sta r t o th e Disne y empire—o n producin g the educationa l equivalen t o f th e publi c servic e announcement . AB C wanted t o creat e shor t cartoon s tha t the y coul d interspers e wit h com mercials an d regula r programming , an d tha t als o woul d b e competitiv e with th e Children' s Televisio n Workshop' s hegemon y ove r "relevant " programming fo r kids . Th e ide a passe d muste r wit h Eisne r an d ABC . Since 1973 , McCall , Newall , Yohe , an d Dorough—alon g wit h compos ers Lynn Ahrens an d Davi d Frishber g an d singer s Blosso m Dearie , Ezzr a Mohawk, Zachar y Sanders , Jac k Sheldon , an d Grad y Tate—hav e cre ated a bod y o f wor k tha t ha s bee n immortalize d i n a recen t wav e o f Schoolbouse Rock nostalgia , th e substanc e o f whic h ha s reveale d th e cartoons t o constitut e somethin g o f a n ur-tex t fo r America n kid s wh o grew u p durin g th e 1970s. 14 ••



Born i n 192 3 an d raise d i n northwes t Texas , Doroug h wa s intimatel y schooled i n a numbe r o f musica l genre s indigenou s t o th e Texarkan a region. Throug h hi s experiences i n his hometown marchin g ban d an d a s an aspirin g jazz musician, Doroug h absorbe d traditiona l an d experimen tal music s fro m th e surroundin g environs : Mississipp i Delt a blues , Kan sas Cit y swing , Ne w Orlean s jazz , Kentuck y bluegrass , Nashvill e R&B , Memphis soul , an d wha t h e call s "boogaloo, " a vernacula r hybri d o f southern soul , boogie-woogie , an d funk . Whe n Doroug h arrive d i n Ne w York Cit y i n 194 9 t o ente r a graduat e progra m i n musi c theor y a t Columbia University , he fell headfirst int o a thriving bo p scene, where h e had th e honor o f trading jams with Charli e Parker an d Dizz y Gillespie. 15 Dorough remaine d a sessio n musicia n an d clu b playe r fo r man y years , accumulating a lon g lis t o f credential s tha t include d arrangin g th e scor e for th e Broadwa y musica l Stuff an d producin g hit s fo r th e mid-1960 s band Spank y an d th e Ou r Gang . Bu t the symbioti c relationshi p betwee n Dorough's dee p souther n root s an d hi s professiona l norther n trainin g and sessio n work provide s th e rea l connection betwee n hi m an d th e sou l images ultimatel y born e ou t i n Schoolbouse Rock. Schoolbouse Rock song s wer e almos t alway s compose d an d re 110

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock corded befor e animator s create d storyboard s o r designe d an y othe r visual imagery . Th e bul k o f th e inspiratio n fo r th e finishe d produc t therefore relie d heavil y o n a give n song' s genre-drive n musica l cues . Fo r Dorough, eac h son g wa s "dictate d b y it s ow n rhythm, " whic h mean t that hi s goa l wa s t o generat e "a s man y differen t beats " o r rhythmi c configurations a s possible. As a consequence—although Doroug h cheer ily denie s an y direc t influence—ever y son g h e compose d fo r Schoolhouse Rock pay s exceptionall y authenti c homag e t o whateve r genr e o f music Dorough' s musica l imaginatio n investigated : fro m th e gospel inflected "Elementary , M y Dear, " t o th e Dylanesqu e "Thre e I s a Magi c Number," t o th e Louis Jordan-meets-Ray Charle s bounc e o f "Conjunc tion Junction, " t o th e Bril l Buildin g bubblegu m o f "Lolly , Lolly , Loll y (Get Your Adverbs Here). " One o f th e best-remembere d moment s fro m Schoolhouse Rock re mains "Verb : That's What's Happening, " th e secon d cartoo n create d fo r the "Gramma r Rock " serie s (th e first wa s "Conjunctio n Junction" ) beginning i n 1975 . Fro m th e outset , th e recordin g histor y o f "Verb " exemplifies man y o f th e impulse s tha t characteriz e th e appropriatio n o f soul b y mainstrea m commercia l interest s durin g th e 1970 s (thoug h th e commercial success o f "Verb " ha s com e som e twenty-fiv e year s later) . Dorough typicall y recorde d hi s ow n dem o version s o f hi s songs , an d often th e final produc t a s well , bot h o f whic h featur e hi s trademar k Texan drawl . Bu t whe n Doroug h wen t i n t o recor d "Verb, " h e recall s that Newal l an d Yoh e told him , "Let' s get a different singer, ' " a sugges tion Doroug h interprete d t o mea n "Let' s ge t someon e black. " Indeed , Dorough admitte d tha t "Verb " pushe d hi m and th e studio ban d "furthe r out int o th e blac k are a o f music, " wit h a desir e t o replicat e a soul-fun k fusion tha t di d no t rel y o n "long , drawn-ou t melodies " fo r inspiration . Dorough enliste d th e voca l talent s o f Zachar y Sanders , a grea t sessio n singer, as well as a "ladies ' staff" o f female backu p singer s who Doroug h imagined woul d b e comparable t o Ra y Charles' s Raylettes . Structurally, the concept fo r "Verb " wa s to create a superhero whos e grammatical adventure s woul d allo w fo r a vivi d panopl y o f actio n sce narios: a s Ver b announces , " I ca n tak e a nou n an d ben d i t / Giv e m e a noun . . . I don' t kno w m y ow n power." 1 6 Draw n wit h th e classi c stylistic hallmark s o f th e hypermasculin e comi c boo k hero—enormou s chest, tin y waist , tigh t re d bodysui t an d cape , elongate d face , an d chis eled jawline—Ver b als o sport s slick , proto-Jher i curl s an d sunglasses , which ultimatel y mar k hi m no t jus t a s a superhero , bu t a specificall y 111

DAVID SERLIN black superhero . Sinc e musica l arrangement s wer e writte n t o sui t th e rhythmic dimension s o f th e song , castin g Ver b a s a blac k superher o almost involuntaril y "pinne d [Verb ] down, " a s Doroug h explained , "into a mor e soulfu l bag. " Musically , "Verb " wa s arrange d a s a cut time, three-note ja m tha t sound s lik e a cross betwee n horn-drive n Mem phis sou l an d tha t genr e o f action-fil m musi c ofte n describe d a s th e blaxploitation soundtrack. 17 The uncann y resemblanc e betwee n "Verb " an d blaxpoitatio n film music i s hardly coincidental . Afte r th e enormou s succes s o f independen t black film score s suc h a s Isaa c Hayes' s Shaft (1971) , Curti s Mayfield' s Superfly (1971) , Marvin Gaye' s Trouble Man (1972) , and James Brown' s Black Caesar (1973), slickl y produced, bass-drive n commercia l fun k wa s the them e musi c o f choic e fo r film an d televisio n producer s lookin g t o reproduce th e inne r city' s gri t an d dange r fo r thei r audiences. 18 Th e zea l with whic h televisio n producer s sough t ou t "soul " musi c a s them e o r incidental music—code d repeatedl y a s th e unofficia l soundtrac k fo r inner-city blac k experience—permanentl y calcifie d th e relationshi p be tween inner-city image s and "soul " culture . This trend may have reache d its mos t absur d nadi r whe n AB C commissione d Henr y "Moo n River " Mancini t o writ e th e them e musi c fo r Wbafs Happening, th e sitco m reconstitution o f th e network' s dramati c socia l realis t telefil m Cooley High (1975) . The aestheti c link s generate d betwee n Verb , Shaft , Superfly , an d other blac k mal e icon s demonstrate s ho w commercia l sou l image s wer e almost alway s derive d i n par t fro m a palimpses t o f popula r icon s an d historical figures marke d b y thei r publi c politica l activity . Fo r example , about th e sam e tim e tha t Schoolhouse Rock an d Sesame Street gaine d wide circulation an d critical acclaim, the Children's Television Worksho p produced it s successfu l an d controversia l progra m The Electric Company (1971-78). 19 Th e program feature d a n urban e adjunc t t o th e blac k superhero i n th e guis e o f Eas y Reader , playe d b y a young , laconic , an d fabulously ironi c Morga n Freeman. 20 Freeman' s Eas y Reade r openl y wore the ice-cold accoutrement s o f beatni k beatitude : turtleneck, goatee , sunglasses, brow n leathe r overcoat , an d poeti c rap . A 197 4 recordin g captures Eas y Reade r recitin g th e term s o f hi s professiona l vocation — "Top t o bottom , lef t t o righ t / Tha t readin g stuf f i s ou t o f sight! " — before h e turn s th e ingredient s o n a ca n o f "Dr . Delight " sod a int o a n object o f literar y exegesis. 21 Freeman' s ra p i s layered ove r a n incredibl y slick bu t cras s vulgarizatio n o f a n Isaa c Hayes-styl e arrangemen t tha t i s 112

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock far to o tongue-in-chee k t o b e take n seriously , an d tha t make s Freema n sound lik e Sli m Harp o hel d captiv e b y Va n McCoy . Bu t i n th e end , Freeman's Eas y Reade r coul d onl y serv e a s a complici t caricatur e o f th e inner-city sou l brother . Eas y Reade r ma y hav e draw n hi s inspiratio n from Amir i Baraka , Gi l Scott-Heron , an d Richar d Roundtree , bu t th e political significanc e o f hi s character wa s utterl y neutralize d i n th e com mercialization process . Clearly, both "Verb " an d Eas y Reader exploite d th e generic familiar ity associate d wit h sou l musi c an d iconography . In retrospect , the y als o reveal infinitel y mor e abou t th e aestheti c an d cultura l presumption s behind urba n educationa l refor m tha n the y d o abou t th e minorit y con stituencies t o who m suc h sou l icon s wer e pitched . Yet , educator s i n th e late 196 0 an d earl y 1970 s wh o conferre d suc h didacti c power upo n sou l gravitated towar d it s music , language , fashion , an d image s fo r man y o f the sam e reason s tha t postdiaspori c blac k cultur e generate d it . Fa r fro m being merel y a n aestheti c postur e o r generi c convention , sou l coul d als o strategically embod y a typ e o f socia l realis m tha t no t onl y coul d inspir e self-empowerment an d self-identificatio n bu t coul d provid e a lucid , im mediate, an d polemica l cultura l for m throug h whic h on e coul d imagin e and articulat e politica l change . One o f Dorough' s lesser-know n tune s fro m 1973 , " I Go t Six, " remains a n impressiv e an d endurin g artifac t o f th e transformativ e possi bilities o f sou l musi c an d visua l imagery . Mor e tha n an y othe r Schoolhouse Rock selection , " I Go t Six " ambitiousl y explore s th e comple x roots o f sou l o n a numbe r o f levels . Doroug h create d a n eas y four-beat , two-chord rif f undergirde d b y call-and-respons e femal e vocals , horns , and a walkin g bassline—consequently , th e son g sound s lik e a nurser y rhyme se t t o Kin g Curtis' s "Memphi s Sou l Stew. " Doroug h brough t o n his pal, drumme r Grad y Tate—" a ca t who give s you wha t yo u want" — to sin g lea d vocal s o n th e recording , a choic e tha t wa s expecte d t o produce a certai n "authenticity " since , o n th e track , Tat e sound s lik e a young Joe Tex . (Later , a t th e sam e recordin g session , Tat e len t hi s voca l talents t o th e super b "Naught y Numbe r Nine, " a n exemplar y Chicago style blues. ) The resemblanc e o f " I Go t Six " t o a nurser y rhym e i s no t a n accidental componen t o f th e song . I n fact , th e song' s gracefu l simplicit y belies wha t i s essentiall y a funk y versio n o f a child' s rhyth m game : " I got six , you go t six, she got six. " Th e song' s arrangemen t a s a self-awar e soul tune transforms th e rhyme into a cool, familiar, recognizabl e forma t 113

DAVID SERLIN that remain s a cleve r parod y o f a hi t singl e straigh t ou t o f Memphi s o r Muscle Shoals . Indeed, even the song' s title puts a self-consciously inner city twis t o n "proper " whit e English . O n th e othe r hand , th e son g als o resonates wit h th e traditio n o f Christia n gospe l song s tha t ar e buil t o n counting games . On e thinks , fo r example , o f Nin a Simone' s cocktail-hi p allegory, "Childre n G o Wher e I Sen d You, " o r an y numbe r o f postwa r gospel outfit s suc h a s th e Dixi e Hummingbird s wh o blurre d th e line s between bi g ban d swing , doo-wop , R&B , an d earl y roc k an d roll . Like Dorough' s ow n "Elementary , M y Dear, " " I Go t Six " invoke s th e undulating rhymin g patter n o f th e blac k churc h spiritua l precisel y be cause it is the very genre that inform s th e aesthetic root s o f sou l music . For th e first fe w stanzas , Tat e maintain s a n effortles s call-and-re sponse structur e wit h hi s backu p singers . Th e intentionall y childlik e lyrics mov e fro m th e playgroun d t o th e cand y stor e an d ar e punctuate d visually b y black-and-whit e illustration s o f blac k an d whit e kid s playin g counting game s together . Abou t halfwa y through , however , th e son g expands outwar d fro m th e antic s o f neighborhoo d childre n towar d a kind o f sociologica l reportage : Nine hungry men had six dollars each* Now that's fifty-four bucks, but they were out of luck 'Cos fifty-four bucks won't buy dinner downtown, not for nine; And there were six hungry men, they had nine dollars each* And they went downtown and the waiter said, "Sit down!" Oh, it makes a big difference how you spread it around*22 Dorough explaine d tha t hi s us e o f nine/si x hungr y me n wa s lifte d from hi s "Ne w Math " classe s a t Columbia . Accordin g t o th e communa tive propert y o f multiplication , tw o number s multiplie d togethe r wil l always result in the same product, n o matter i n what orde r yo u "spread " the numbers "around. " Bu t despite the coy reference, "sprea d i t around " also communicate s a very prescient trut h abou t th e unequa l distributio n of wealt h i n th e cit y a s i t migh t hav e bee n imagined , especiall y b y urban minoritie s i n larg e metropolita n center s lik e Ne w York , durin g the 1970s. 23 Indeed , th e animatio n play s thi s out : nin e hungr y me n (o f color) mov e aggressivel y towar d th e restauran t i n constructio n hats , work shirts , an d facial stubble . B y contrast , th e si x hungr y (mostl y white) me n marc h haughtil y i n to p hat s an d tail s an d smokin g cigars , and clearl y represent a core urba n elite . 114

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock The animatio n i n " I Go t Six " brilliantl y manipulate s a simple math ematical principl e i n orde r t o ta p th e residua l an d ofte n inarticulate d anger o f urba n socia l dissent . Bu t i t i s th e music , self-consciousl y con structed t o embod y soul' s "authentic " essence , tha t consolidate s th e cartoon's powe r and , indeed , th e oppositiona l potentia l o f sou l cultur e itself. In th e las t twent y second s o f " I Go t Six, " th e melod y ascend s on e whole ke y t o introduc e th e consummat e exampl e o f a figure whos e brief appearanc e suggest s th e ful l exten t t o whic h earl y 1970 s sou l iconography ha d saturate d th e cultural imaginary : See that prince over there, the one with the fuzzy hair? He's got six rings on every finger, He don't wash no dishes, not with sixty diamonds* In a swirling , psychedeli c injunctio n o f Bill y Preston-esqu e Ham mond B- 3 organ , th e son g shift s fro m th e communativ e propert y t o th e image o f "Th e princ e . . . with th e fuzz y hair. " Th e princ e i s sketche d alone i n hi s ow n padde d restauran t booth , wearin g a n Angel a Davis style afro , dashiki , sunglasses , sixt y diamon d rings , an d othe r gol d jew elry.24 Th e princ e i s aligne d neithe r wit h th e dissentin g voice s o f th e "nine hungr y men " no r wit h th e downtow n elite . In addition , th e princ e is clearl y fro m a spac e abov e an d beyon d th e "ghetto, " expresse d bot h through hi s rega l indifferenc e an d throug h subsequen t image s fro m th e song: eleve n camel s "loade d dow n wit h oi l an d spice " an d twelv e veile d wives. Thi s blurr y melang e o f internationa l an d domesti c blac k symbol ism doe s mor e tha n merel y provid e a n interestin g conclusio n t o th e cartoon. Th e suggestiv e composit e o f th e princ e a s bot h Sou l Brothe r and quasi-Musli m nationalis t als o demonstrate s ho w commercial sou l of the 1960 s an d 1970 s relie d o n powerfu l visua l image s an d musica l cue s culled directl y fro m Pan-Africanis m an d proletaria n socia l realism . I n this deceptivel y comple x two-minut e cartoo n narrative , th e princ e no t only serve s a s th e imaginar y ape x o f schoolyar d countin g games , bu t becomes th e ideologica l condui t betwee n tw o complementar y thread s o f postdiasporic blac k politica l consciousness . ••



In hi s excellent histor y Sweet Soul Music (1986) , Pete r Guralnic k argue s that, a s much no w a s during the 1960 s an d 1970s , sou l is nourished an d ultimately kep t aliv e b y musician s an d singer s wh o ar e onl y second - o r 115

DAVID SERLIN third-tier figures. 25 Aretha , Marvin , an d Oti s may defin e certai n familia r aspects o f soul' s institutiona l characte r an d commercia l flavor . Bu t o n some level , Guralnic k suggests , th e rea l wor k o f rememberin g sou l i s done throug h cul t favorites , loca l celebrities , musi c festivals , mani c re cord collectors , obsessiv e DJs , reissu e companies , an d thos e wh o simpl y fell—by defaul t o r fate—throug h th e crack s o f soul' s ever-replenishe d collected history . Programs suc h as Sesame Street, Electric Company, an d Schoolhouse Rock furnishe d a n entir e generatio n o f youn g peopl e durin g th e 1970 s with man y o f th e mos t familia r characteristic s o f soul—an d perhap s even, fo r some , th e first (an d only ) image s wit h whic h the y engage d black culture . Lik e th e ephemera l afterglo w o f Crooklyn's mute d color s and bitterswee t nostalgia , sou l sound s an d image s i n educationa l televi sion o f th e perio d helpe d t o giv e a n aesthetic , moral , an d spiritua l shape t o th e live s o f inner-cit y resident s who , typicall y understoo d onl y through "objective " statistics , were routinely deprive d o f a shared, expe riential history. I f nothing else , these educational cartoon s als o marked a particular historica l momen t i n ou r collectiv e nationa l memory : a mo ment tha t legitimate d a ver y public , ver y politicize d blac k cultura l van guard whos e powe r wa s exercise d throug h it s over t an d sustaine d con frontation wit h mainstrea m America n society. In this sense, soul remain s one o f th e critica l an d multivalen t engine s tha t drive s blac k histor y an d black cultura l identit y i n the lat e twentieth century . NOTES 1. A n earlier version of this chapter was presented at the Soul: Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure conference i n April 199 5 at New York University. Megathanks to the following folk s who helped to make this production possible: Bob Dorough, Roby n Dutra , Richar d Green , Moniqu e Guillory , Wayn e Hoffman , Joan Saab , an d Richar d Simon . This essa y i s dedicated t o Caro l Magary , wit h love and fond memories of our childhood. 2. I t als o might b e worth distinguishin g betwee n th e down-hom e souther n "soul" o f postemancipatio n rura l blac k cultur e an d th e street-smar t norther n "soul" or urban, inner-city culture. Of course, I do not mean to imply that such conceptions o f sou l ar e mean t t o b e mutuall y exclusive . A s th e sit e o f th e "authentic" geographica l sourc e o f sou l continue s t o shift—on e thinks , fo r example, o f Arreste d Development' s bran d o f hip hop-as-rura l ethnography — the interplay between these two competing soul "ideologies" becomes ever more 116

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock clear. I n m y estimation, th e sou l image s tha t wer e mos t perniciousl y exploite d by commercial interests during the 1970s were of the northern urban variety. 3. Jame s B . Conant, Slums and Suburbs (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961) , 147. See also the proceedings of the Conference o n Integration in the New York City Publi c School s a t Teacher' s College , Columbi a University , Integrating the Urban School (New York: Teacher's College Press, 1963). 4. So l Gordon, "Primar y Educatio n i n Urban Slums, " i n Robert Dentle r e t al., eds. , The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education (New York : Cente r fo r Urba n Education/Praeger , 1967) , 108 . Se e also "Chal lenging the Myths: The Schools, the Blacks, and the Poor," Harvard Educational Review (1971); and Larr y Cuban, To Make a Difference: Teaching in the Inner City (New York: Free Press, 1970). 5. Se e th e influentia l stud y b y Rober t E . Park , Ernes t W . Burgess , an d Roderick D . McKenzie, The City (Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press, 1925) ; and Robert E. Park, Human Communities: The City and Human Ecology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952). The myth of the "urba n condition" as some irredeemabl e an d fixed urba n ecolog y ignore s th e way s tha t group s o r institutions have been politicized against each other for the economic security of the state— a myth , on e migh t argue , whos e exposur e helpe d t o fomen t th e inevitable wav e o f riots , protests , an d civi l disobedienc e i n inner-cit y area s throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s. 6. Th e studie s produce d b y the Cente r fo r Urba n Educatio n i n Ne w Yor k City were roughly concurrent with the revolutionary sociological work of Manuel Castells , wh o create d tremor s throughou t th e field o f urba n studie s b y challenging the authority of the Chicago School in his book The Urban Question (Cambridge: MI T Press , 197 7 [1972]) . Se e als o Stuar t Lowe , Urban Social Movements: The City after Castells (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986). 7. Se e Frank Reissman, The Inner City Child (New York: Harper an d Row, 1976), 32 . Se e als o Rut h Hamlin , Ros e Mukerji , an d Margare t Yonemura , Schools for Young Disadvantaged Children (Ne w York: Teacher's College Press, 1967); and Everett T. Keach, Robert Fulton, and William Gardner, eds., Education and Social Crisis: Perspectives on Teaching Disadvantaged Youth (Ne w York: Wiley, 1967). 8. Gordon , "Primar y Educatio n i n Urba n Slums, " 54 . Gordon' s findings corroborate simila r accounts by researchers at Teacher's College. See, for exam ple, Rut h Fedde r an d Jacquelin e Gabaldon , No Longer Deprived: The Use of Minority Cultures and Languages in the Education of Disadvantaged Children and Their Teachers (New York: Teacher's College Press, 1967). 9. Se e Alvin Toffler , ed. , The Schoolhouse in the City (Ne w York : Educa tional Facilitie s Laboratories/Praeger , 1968) . It i s especially ironic , though per haps par for the course, that Toffler woul d have helped to organize a conference for restructurin g urba n education . Alvin and Heidi Toffler's Thir d Wav e theory 117

DAVID SERLIN uses the promise of information technologie s to justify th e systematic removal of skilled jobs in industry and manufacturing, whic h traditionally sustained minority population s i n metropolita n areas . So , i n retrospect , Toffler' s late r wor k attempts to provide "historical" explanation for the very conditions that necessitated conferences like the one he organized in 1968. 10. Transcribe d b y th e autho r fro m "Jus t Because " (Ne w York : Children' s Television Workshop/Children's Record s o f America , 1974) . Man y commercia l soul productions tapped the exaggerated features of what Daniel Patrick Moynihan invente d a s the "pathological " blac k family . Withi n children' s popular cul ture o f th e period , socia l realis m abou t urba n lif e fo r kids , suc h a s Alic e Childress's A Hero Ain't Nothin' But a Sandwich (New York: Coward, McCann, and Geoghegan, 1973 ) or the ABC telefilm Cooley High (1975) mobilized many of the tragic discourses about urban poverty, crime, drug use, and the collapse of the black family unit . 11. Fo r more about "relevant" TV, see Andrew J. Edelstein and Kevin McDonough, The Seventies: From Hot Pants to Hot Tubs (New York: Dutton, 1990) , esp. 182-98 . 12. Autho r intervie w wit h Bo b Dorough , Octobe r 23 , 1995 . H e stil l tours ! You can get on his mailing list, just like a real groupie. Along with sho w tunes and standards, Dorough will sing, upon request, your favorite Saturda y morning tunes. Fo r mor e backgroun d informatio n abou t th e evolutio n o f Schoolhouse Rock, see George Newall and Tom Yohe, Schoolhouse Rock! The Official Guide (New York: Hyperion, 1996) . 13. Doroug h recorded and released the first twelve songs as an LP, Multiplication Rock (Capito l Records, 1973) . Following the cartoons' earl y success, ABC made 16m m film versions o f Schoolhouse Rock cartoons , a s wel l a s teachers ' guides, available for educational distribution . 14. D e L a Soul' s Three Feet High and Rising (Tommy Bo y Records , 1989 ) samples "Thre e I s a Magi c Number " an d ma y b e on e o f th e first coup s i n the scrambl e t o hono r th e endurin g influenc e o f Schoolhouse Rock amon g twenty somethings. I n 1994 , th e Chicago-base d Theatr e BA M create d Schoolhouse Rock Live!, a revu e tha t include s man y o f th e best-remembere d tune s from th e series . Also, in one o f its less insipid scenes , Ben Stiller's Reality Bites (1994) feature s a n ensembl e tribut e t o "Conjunctio n Junction. " I n May 1995 , the Museu m o f Televisio n an d Radi o i n Ne w Yor k Cit y sponsore d a seminar , "Reading, Writing, and Rock 'n' Roll: A Look at Schoolhouse Rock," for which Dorough, Newall, and Yohe served as panelists. 15. Doroug h arrive d a t Columbi a jus t month s afte r Alle n Ginsber g gradu ated an d too k u p hi s longtim e residenc e i n th e bohemia n hinterland s o f the Lowe r Eas t Side . A decade o r s o late r Dorough , alon g wit h Hoag y Car michael, followe d th e lea d o f hi s bea t forbear s an d recorde d Jazz Canto, 118

From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock Vol. I (World Pacific Records , 1958) , which featured spoken-wor d renditions of poems b y Lawrenc e Ferlinghetti , Langsto n Hughes , Phili p Whalen , an d Wal t Whitman. 16. Transcribe d by author from "Verb : That's What's Happening," music and lyrics b y Bo b Dorough (1975 ) i n Schoolhouse Rock: Grammar Rock (Racine , Wis.: Western Publishing Company/Golden Book Video, 1987) 17. Fo r a discussio n o f blaxploitatio n films , gender , an d genre , se e Richar d Simon's chapter in this anthology. For more about blaxploitation film scores, see Darius James's That's Blaxploitation! Roots of the Baadasssss 'Tude (New York: St. Martin's/Griffin, 1995) . 18. Whil e male-centere d urba n crim e drama s suc h a s Hawaii Five-O, S.W.A.T, o r Kojak appropriated th e aesthetic legacy of blac k film soundtracks , theme music concocted for female cop shops such as Police Woman, Get Christy Love, and Charlie's Angels were ofte n subdued , wit h strin g orchestrations tha t came closer to Barry White's aural sex soundscapes than the hard-nosed, masculine funk o f their male contemporaries. 19. Se e Samue l Bal l an d Gerr y An n Bogatz , Reading with Television: An Evaluation of "The Electric Company" (Princeton , N.J. : Educationa l Testin g Service, 1972) ; an d Richar d Bale , "Organizationa l Chang e an d Innovatio n i n American Elementar y Schools : Th e Cas e o f 'Th e Electri c Company ' " (Ph.D . dissertation, Florida State University, 1976) . 20. Sinc e the show regularly played on ethnic and cultural stereotypes—Rit a Moreno's feisty bilingua l caricature of the wacky Latina was lifted almos t verbatim from he r roles in West Side Story (1962) and The Ritz (1976 ) — The Electric Company kne w quit e wel l ho w t o ta p th e heritag e o f vaudeville , burlesque , experimental theatre , an d earl y televisio n t o creat e complex , multilayere d par ody figures. 21. Transcribe d b y autho r fro m "Eas y Reader, " musi c an d lyric s b y Jo e Raposo, o n The Electric Company (Children' s Televisio n Workshop/Children' s Records of America, 1974). 22. Al l references to "I Got Six," music and lyrics by Bob Dorough (1973) , in Schoolhouse Rock: Multiplication Rock (Racine , Wis. : Wester n Publishing / Golden Book Video, 1987), author's transcription. 23. I n New York City, the lyric's distinction between "uptown" (i.e. , Harlem) and "downtown " speak s explicitl y t o racia l an d economi c polarization , an d implicitly t o th e radica l urba n dislocatio n tha t occurre d durin g th e 1950 s an d 1960s, whe n th e cit y displace d hundred s o f thousand s o f blac k an d Hispani c residents for elite, Rockefeller-sponsored project s like Lincoln Center. 24. Tru e t o form , th e visua l imag e tha t accompanie s th e line s "Eac h came l was loaded dow n wit h si x casks of oi l and spic e / They brough t quit e a price" depicts the prince shufflin g a n enormou s wa d o f cas h an d bearin g a smile tha t 119

DAVID SERLIN combines blaxploitatio n pim p wit h th e minstrel-lik e exaggeration s o f Jimm y Walker in the late Marlon Rigg's Color Adjustment. 25. Se e Peter Guralnick, Sweet Soul Music: Rhythm and Blues and the Southern Dream of Freedom (Ne w York: Harper Perennial, 1986).

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9

A Sexua l Revolutio n From Pun k Roc k t o Sou l ELENA GEORGIO U

I was 16 in 1977 when the young, British working class opened their legs wide under the guidance of Malcolm McClaren and gave birth to Punk Rock giving me the excuse to disrobe from a flower power purple theory of peace and re/dress myself in the bright red political theories of a revolution I didn't fully understand except I knew my socialist tendencies and being able to quote the Clash lyrics would always get a smile and a proverbial pat on my back from the other 16-year-old pothead, wannabe radicals disguised by the ripped jeans, guitars and U.B. 40's they wore like badges of working-class honor and when we sang beat the drum tonight, alfonso spread the news all over the world the big meeting has decided on total war instead of wondering where I was gonna find a machete and how was I gonna run with the dog pack to survive I was still back on the first line 121

ELENA GEORGIOU wondering who the hell Alfonso was because I hadn't seen any sugar fields or cotton plantations in London and I'd never seen the Sandinistas wandering around the flowery suburb we lived in but I knew if the Clash was singing about this man I could relax long enough for the music to push me forward until we both lost our voices from shouting their songs over the engine of your tin can roaring down the highway like the inflated ego of a Renault 5 thinking it was a brand new BMW on our way back from our middle-class trip to France where I'd let you go further than your fingers discovering full-fledged sex for the first time and so we didn't leave our hotel room for the whole 2 weeks making a holiday out of sexual positions blended together with the French cream cheese you spread over my no longer private parts and ever since that day cream cheese has never looked the same to me and Sinead sings its been 7 hours and [2,920] days since you took your love away but that's alright because our love wasn't really passion but brother and sisterly we even had the same last name, we even had the same skin color, hair texture, culture and class but you changed from a 4 year old who watched bread turning into toast for entertainment into a 23 year old who now had full membership to the British Film Theater 122

A Sexual Revolution and I changed from a 4 year old who preferred books to dolls into a 23 year old who wanted someone to get nasty with on the dance floor so you traded me in for a couple of our friends on your way to a new girlfriend and I traded Punk Rock in for Soul but I—a former teenage revolutionary— knew George Michael was really a Smokey Robinson rip-off and the radicals we knew would never have given him the award as the best R&B male vocalist and we were quick to turn up our noses at those politically "ignorant" Americans who managed to give birth to the Black Panthers but still didn't know who Tommy Smith was and even though we were only 7 at the time of the 1968 Olympic games we grew into teenagers with pictures taped to our bedroom walls of Tommy Smith clutching his gold medal in one hand and holding his black power fist high with the other but it was much safer to play George Michael than Smokey Robinson in '82 because the sound of Smokey was dangerously close to that flower power shit we were trying to run away from and I bet you were glad when George Michael became famous because now people could stop telling you you looked like Tony Curtis and besides you, George Michael and me all had the same last name You, George Michael and me 3 Cypriots from Finchley— Cypriots from Finchley how much more ordinary can you get? George Michael escaped the ordinary by becoming famous and I escaped by coming to America where "god save [steve mcjqueen" —and this [capitalist] regime 123

ELENA GEORGIOU is the 1992 version of the Sex Pistol's lyrics and I hold onto my socialism for dear life because it's so much easier to be corrupted when you've lost your virginity and talking about phallus-like pistols and virgins I was 23 before I made love by candlelight— and literally knocking into the flame I made the sheets catch fire and I still have the scorch mark on my duvet to prove it And I was 25 before I took my first bubble bath with a lover & Teddy Pendergrass singing lets take a shower— —a shower together another lover making my day and night merge making me lie down on a larger than queen-size bed naked with the floor looking like the inside of an expensive lingerie store at the end of a one-day sale making my body slide underneath your thighs with my back arching in your palms turning me on my stomach while you kneel by my side tracing the length of my spine with your tongue while slipping your hand in between my legs hoping I will ask you for more but instead I remember Sinead again and realize I can never make love to a revolutionary song saying england's not the mythical land of madam george and roses it's the home of police who kill black boys on mopeds and the only revolution I ever got close to was sexual and here I am singing with a new lover a lover who loves my love but because of history hates herself for loving me because I don't know if I could kill my grandmother if she was a racist 124

A Sexual Revolution because I don't know if I could pack a gun in the name of a war against white people because sometimes I want to make love instead of talking about The Revolution and because sometimes I want to make love instead of talking about The Revolution I had to end the relationship with my new lover but not before we sang if this world were mine and even though we made love to the velvet voice of Luther I knew the song belonged to the 60s and I shake my head at myself as I realize making love and love songs go together so well yes, making love and love songs go together so well because they're both fortunate enough to share the same soul because they're both fortunate enough to have and to hold from this day forward as long as they both shall live SOUL

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10

Soul, Transnationalism , an d Imagining s o f Revolution Tanzanian Ujama a an d t h e Politic s o f Enjoymen t MAY JOSEP H

Commodities of African Socialism and Transnational Desires for Soul Revisiting seventie s socialis m an d sou l cultur e fro m th e vantag e poin t o f the Unite d State s i n th e ninetie s raise s importan t question s abou t th e structures o f enjoymen t embedde d i n th e anticapitalis t stanc e o f man y emergent socialis t states , suc h a s Tanzani a durin g tha t turbulen t time . Most critique s o f seventie s socialis t culture s readil y dismis s socialis m a s having no soul . The inherent assumptio n o f suc h critiques is that capital ism i s th e sol e arbite r o f enjoymen t throug h fre e an d ideologicall y un contaminated flo w o f consumption . Suc h binar y critique s oversimplif y the relationshi p betwee n stat e formation s an d citizen s a s consumers . These critique s furthe r elid e the intricat e an d nuance d strategie s throug h which stat e ideologie s suc h a s capitalis m an d socialism , an d cultura l commodities suc h a s sou l culture , mediat e an d blu r th e boundarie s o f political rhetoric s throug h transnationa l economie s o f consumption . The disparat e diaspori c site s o f sou l cultur e allo w fo r a mor e nu anced readin g o f th e connection s an d slippage s betwee n citizenshi p an d transnational stat e ideologies an d thei r relationshi p t o cultural commod ities. Sou l cultur e durin g th e seventie s converge d conflictin g ideologies , international capital , transnationa l affiliation s withi n Col d Wa r politics , and th e proliferatio n o f a Pan-Africa n popula r culture . It s internationa l 126

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution dissemination questio n o f ho w cultura l commoditie s fro m th e Unite d States wer e deploye d a s stat e propagand a t o counte r th e risin g fea r o f socialism withi n an d beyon d it s borders . Th e expor t o f U.S . entertain ment industrie s throug h th e Stat e Department a s part o f it s internationa l foreign polic y durin g th e Col d Wa r blurre d th e ideologica l boundarie s of consumption. 1 Th e propaganda agains t socialis m launche d durin g th e Cold Wa r locate s socialis m a s a de-racinating , de-eroticizin g politic s of scarcity . Socialis m become s a n undifferentiate d blan k spac e wit h a functionalist understandin g o f need . Wha t drop s ou t i s th e whol e spec trum o f cultura l form s generate d throug h ideologicall y contradictin g strategies o f productio n an d reception . Thi s circulatio n o f cultura l com modities via officia l an d unofficia l sphere s o f consumption open s ou t th e subtler area s o f enjoymen t throug h whic h a socialis t yout h cultur e emerges. Suc h circuit s o f exchang e deman d a mor e inflecte d readin g o f enjoyment unde r internationa l socialism. 2 This chapte r wil l unpac k som e o f th e ambivalen t an d contradictin g sites o f enjoymen t produce d withi n Tanzania n notion s o f Ujamaa , o r Self-Reliance. Afro-America n sou l culture o f th e seventie s open s u p site s of socialis t longin g throug h it s dispersal s int o Tanzania n socialism . I t operates ambivalentl y withi n th e seductive , exploitativ e boundarie s o f U.S. imperialism , wit h consumeris m bein g th e ne w fac e o f imperia l expansion. Sou l create s a n internationa l a s wel l a s loca l resurgenc e o f Pan-African desir e i n Tanzanian popula r cultur e durin g thi s time . The simultaneou s circulatio n o f Afro-America n popula r cultur e through dramaticall y differen t ideologica l an d geographica l terrai n be yond it s national context s foregrounds th e complexities o f transnational ism. Suc h circulatio n o f cultur e accentuate s th e implication s o f transna tionalism fo r contingen t an d specifi c nationalism s withi n th e Unite d States, suc h a s Blac k nationalism , an d withi n othe r nation s suc h a s Tanzania. Th e circulatio n o f Afro-America n po p cultur e o f th e seventie s opens up the paradoxes inheren t within a Pan-African aestheti c o f politi cal and rhetorica l possibilit y unde r socialism . The mobile cultural capita l and internationa l repercussion s o f thes e cultura l product s durin g thi s period sugges t a complex arra y o f issues that dro p ou t when viewe d onl y within a nationa l context . Mobil e cultura l capita l complicate s th e mor e widely launche d critique s o f misogyny , masculinity , an d blaxploitatio n as cop-ou t an d th e reductionis t plo t an d characte r development s withi n many o f thes e texts, whether the y b e films, music, o r sports . Soul cultur e wa s caugh t i n th e transnationa l econom y o f travelin g 127

MAY JOSEPH commodities servin g a s ambassador s o f officia l U.S . culture abroa d dur ing this time. Sports (throug h th e Harlem Globetrotter s an d Muhamma d Ali), Blac k music , blaxploitatio n cinema , an d th e struggl e fo r visibilit y and visualit y i n Afro-America n popula r cultur e get s rea d an d translate d differently outsid e the domains o f its national context . During the 1970s , the impact o f sou l culture far exceede d th e domain s o f the United States , as th e work s o f Pau l Gilroy , Ngug i W a Thiongo , Juliu s Nyerere , an d Manthia Diawara , amon g others , hav e demonstrated. 3 In wha t follows , I wil l elaborat e o n som e o f thes e transnationa l circulation s o f sou l culture i n relation t o Tanzanian socialis t possibilitie s fo r enjoyment .

Tanzanian Socialism and the Social Regulation of Desire: Ujamaa and Soul Tanzanian socialis m wa s predicate d o n a conscious anticolonialis t mov e to breakawa y fro m th e West's imperia l obsessions . Beginnin g wit h inde pendence i n 1961 , th e rhetori c o f postindependen t Tanzani a (whos e name wa s itsel f wa s forge d ou t o f th e violen t struggl e fo r independence , linking Tanganyika wit h Zanzibar t o create Tanzania) was of an optimis tic an d self-consciou s socialis m tha t woul d creat e it s ow n autonomou s nation-state. Thi s radica l mov e towar d progressivel y socialis t stat e au tonomy withi n neocolonia l economie s o f dependencie s wa s contingen t upon th e collaborativ e negotiation s o f Tanzania' s neighbors , Ugand a and Kenya . Th e fledglin g state' s mov e t o decoloniz e educatio n an d th e social imaginar y a t larg e was throug h th e ne w ideolog y o f Ujamaa , self reliance. Tanzania's mov e t o inven t a n Africa n socialis m o f self-relianc e de pended o n th e divergen t ideologie s o f Ugand a an d Keny a i n orde r t o succeed. Ujama a promise d th e Utopia n possibilit y o f a self-reliant , self contained stat e whose citizens would devot e their service s in the interest s of th e sovereig n natio n wit h th e greate r goo d o f th e Federatio n o f Eas t Africa i n mind . Thi s sacrific e o f individuate d desir e i n th e interes t o f the greate r publi c goo d wa s aime d a t achievin g a decisiv e brea k wit h imperialism i n the shor t term , wit h th e hop e tha t a more egalitaria n an d self-reliant societ y woul d emerg e i n th e lon g term . Th e ideolog y o f self reliance implicitl y assume d tha t short-ter m radica l conservatis m woul d allow fo r a form o f libera l socialis m i n the lon g run. 4 The rhetori c o f th e unifie d stat e tha t Tanzania n socialis m produce d 128

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution generated man y regulativ e logic s in the interest s o f a n emergin g egalitar ian an d educate d civi l society . On e suc h logi c wa s th e productio n o f citizens a s agents . Th e Arush a Declaratio n o f 196 7 sough t t o animat e citizenship a s a pedagogica l exercis e i n th e nation' s performanc e a s a newly independen t state . Th e Declaration' s philosoph y o f governanc e and economics o f self-reliance woul d redefin e th e participation o f indige nous people s a s actor s withi n thei r ow n state . Th e Arush a Declaratio n produced a system o f stat e contro l whos e rhetori c wa s a radical realign ment o f privat e interest s a s stat e interests , throug h policie s tha t voice d the redistributio n o f wealth , land , an d internationa l dependenc y rela tionships. Th e Declaratio n wa s a n elaborat e philosophica l argumen t i n favor o f breaking from th e systems of capital that would lea d to neocolo nial dependenc y economie s wit h forme r colonia l an d imperia l powers . By the lat e 1960s , th e nationalizin g o f property , businesses , an d educa tion create d a monolithi c state-regulate d econom y throug h whic h cul tural work coul d emerge , but o n radically nationalis t an d socialis t terms , which ver y ofte n wer e a t odd s wit h eac h other. 5 State socialis m i n Tanzani a struggle d t o articulat e a progressiv e socialist possibilit y whil e settin g u p stat e apparatuse s fo r th e socia l regulation o f desire . Consequentl y al l form s o f consumptio n ha d t o b e legitimated, funded , controlled , an d regulate d b y th e state . Cultura l production an d distributio n wer e extension s o f stat e ideology , thoug h without th e extreme form s o f policin g that suc h regulativ e logic s took i n China o r the Soviet Union, fo r instance . Under Tanzanian socialism , self reliance allowe d mor e leewa y withi n state-regulate d structure s suc h a s education, entertainment , leisure , an d politica l organization s t o creat e an elaborat e an d multilayere d societ y ye t t o b e articulate d a s civi l soci ety. The negotiatio n o f cultura l citizenshi p i n suc h a newl y independen t state woul d hav e t o pla y ou t i n th e interstice s o f forma l an d informa l popular culture , suc h a s Tanzanian sou l culture. 6

Transnational Circuits and Pan-African Longing: Socialism and Soul Tanzania's sympathie s wit h Leninis t an d Maois t ideologie s wer e i n ten sion wit h th e ideologica l agenda s o f th e Unite d States . Blaxploitatio n film an d othe r Afro-America n cultura l productio n circulate d ironicall y in such a transnational econom y a s commodities o f socialism embodyin g 129

MAY JOSEPH capitalism's mobility . The transnational circulatio n o f commoditie s fro m the United State s during thi s period i s significant becaus e of the ideologi cal tension s embodie d b y Col d Wa r politics . Afro-America n cultura l production circulate d independentl y o f mainstrea m U.S . ideology . I t inflected loca l articulation s o f Pan-Africanism , bein g internationalis t i n its appea l an d resonanc e fo r strugglin g emergen t economie s suc h a s Tanzania. Afro-American commoditie s influence d loca l Tanzania n yout h cul ture an d style , generating a n internationalis t patin a o f modernit y experi enced b y local Tanzanian yout h a s a transnational desir e for Pan-Africa n belonging. Thi s Pan-Africa n yout h style activate d resistanc e t o form s o f state authoritarianis m create d throug h a homogenizing Tanzania n yout h culture, openin g u p contingen t modernitie s tha t explod e Wester n an d non-Western narrative s o f bot h th e Col d Wa r an d stat e socialism . Afro American culture , bot h legitimat e an d boot-legged , permeate d Tanza nian youth culture , circumventing th e socia l regulation o f political desir e through th e contradictor y identificatio n o f "Americanness " a s Black ness.7 The transnationa l commodificatio n o f sou l raise s difficul t question s about consumptio n a s i t travels , translates , an d i s reinvente d throug h its localize d reception s an d circulation s o f meaning . Thes e forma l an d informal circulation s o f soul in the West, as well as in what were referre d to a s developin g nation s an d newl y emergen t Africa n state s suc h a s Tanzania, create d a complex an d ric h conglomeratio n o f imagine d read ings. Th e cooptations , evocativ e linkages , an d rhetorica l connection s generated i n Tanzanian popula r cultur e through thes e commodities elab orated o n th e tensions , promises , an d betrayal s o f modernity . The y invoked th e blac k feminis t radicalis m o f Jun e Jordan , May a Angelou , and Angel a Davis ; th e struggl e fo r right s o f Cleopatra Jones; th e urba n decay an d clas s politic s i n Jame s Brown' s 197 4 album s Hell, Payback, and Reality; th e anticolonia l strategie s o f Superfly TNT; th e cosmopoli tan extravaganc e o f Grac e Jones; and th e Pan-African longing s o f Areth a Franklin, Muhamma d Ali , and Miria m Makeba . This spher e o f ideologica l contestations , wher e Blacknes s signifyin g Americanness blur s the boundaries betwee n th e state regulation o f desir e and spectatoria l seductio n b y capitalis t consumption , demonstrate s th e antagonistic site s of enjoymen t a s agency . Enjoyment become s crucia l t o expressing form s o f cultura l citizenship . A s consumer s o f commodities , citizens negotiat e contradictin g identification s a s fre e agent s withi n au 130

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution thoritarian states . I n thi s sit e o f pleasurabl e socia l antagonism , Ro n O'Neal, Tamar a Dobson , James Brown , Angel a Davis , an d Muhamma d Ali all embody th e struggle s agains t stat e exploitation , whethe r capitalis t or socialist . The y embod y th e appea l o f capitalis t self-fashionin g signi fied by their lifestyl e an d th e intoxicatin g promis e o f a full y democratic , capitalist state . Throug h thei r fre e an d ope n performanc e o f dissen t an d insurgency withi n th e internationa l imaginar y a s Blac k feminists , Blac k communists, Blac k guerrillas , Blac k Muslims , o r internationa l Blac k popular icons , the y realiz e a transnationa l sens e o f Blac k radicalism . They perfor m a modernit y tha t disrupt s th e economi c rhetoric s o f scar city an d dependenc y b y proposin g transnationa l link s o f solidarit y an d struggle. The questio n o f cultura l capita l i s another avenu e aroun d whic h th e international repercussion s o f sou l congeal . Th e cultura l capita l embed ded i n thes e commoditie s need s t o b e read i n conjunctio n wit h th e anti imperial, anticapitalis t sentimen t o f Tanzania n Ujama a a s expounded b y Julius Nyerere . Nyerere' s experiment s i n Africa n socialis m marke d a radically Utopia n struggl e t o brea k fre e fro m th e West' s economi c grip . Tanzanian socialis m combine d a n eclecti c an d nonpartisa n attitud e o f cultural open-mindednes s towar d bot h Eas t an d West , while limitin g th e avenues o f consumption i n the interests o f the nation's greate r good . Th e limitations place d upo n import s an d export s homogenize d th e avenue s for consumptio n i n unprecedente d ways . Chines e stationery , shoes , an d books an d Soviet-sponsore d machines , railway technology , teachers , an d books becam e th e visibl e representation s o f thi s homogenization . So , even whe n commoditie s suc h a s sugar , milk , o r luxur y item s (excep t locally produce d fabric s an d othe r goods ) wer e unavailable , on e coul d buy rubber-sole d Bat a shoes , o r yello w H B pencils , o r notebook s wit h Marxist slogan s stampe d "Mad e i n China. " In thi s climat e o f considerabl y narrowe d sens e o f th e internationa l public sphere , th e possibl e imagine d space s mor e immediatel y invoke d Castro's Cuba , Tito' s Yugoslavia , Maois t socialism , o r Brezhnev' s Sovie t solidarity. Imagining s o f alternativ e modernitie s wer e mainl y possibl e through th e proliferation o f music—specifically, Afro-America n music — through th e Tanzania n Broadcastin g Service , a s wel l a s th e ne w glu t o f Hollywood films geare d fo r Thir d Worl d countries , suc h a s blaxploita tion films an d Westerns . Th e Kun g F u Movie s o f Bruc e Lee , Ji m Kelly , Richard Roundtree , an d Ro n O'Nea l compete d fo r attentio n i n a marke t flooded b y chea p Italia n spaghett i Westerns ; Sergi o Leone , Russian , 131

MAY JOSEPH Hong Kong , and Chines e Kung-Fu movies ; Hindi melodramas ; an d Joh n Wayne an d Clin t Eastwoo d films . Film s lik e Shaft in Africa, Cleopatra Jones, Superfly TNT, an d Sheba Baby create d a n eclecti c audienc e o f Kung Fu-loving , Hind i "flim"-acquainted , Wester n genre-immerse d Tanzanians whos e Pan-Africa n imagining s mos t immediatel y resonate d with the gun-toting, six-foot-two , Afro-haire d heroin e in platform shoes , taller tha n an y whit e ma n around , an d to o toug h thoug h alway s coo l with he r Blackness . Thi s wa s th e earl y seventies—killin g Nativ e Ameri can Indian s wa s no t cool , bu t i t wa s les s coo l t o kil l Black s on-screen . Here was a n imaginin g o f democrati c possibilit y tha t appeale d t o Tanza nian socialis t yout h dreamin g abou t a mor e seductiv e kin d o f socia l transformation tha n tha t promise d b y Ujamaa: on e tha t woul d incorpo rate re d wetloo k jackets , fabulou s bell-bottome d trousers , an d ba d Lamborghinis wit h eve n mor e soulfu l revolutionarie s lik e Superfl y driv ing dow n th e disappearin g highway s o f economi c modernity . I woul d swap m y kanga s an d kitenge s fo r you r crimplene , o r terrylene , o r blu e jeans—if onl y yo u crosse d my path . Okay , onl y a seven-shillin g fantas y of a fe w hour s i n complete contradictio n wit h one' s socialis t sympathie s and convictions , bu t benig n becaus e on e ha s th e Pan-Africa n threa d t o legitimate th e fantasy .

About Sex Machine, Black Moses, and Soulful States: East African Asians Got Soul • Jame s Brown , Isaa c Hayes , Areth a Franklin , th e Temptations , Marvin Gaye , th e Jackson Fiv e In the earl y 1970s , Tanzanian s dre w upo n a broa d rang e o f Pan-Africa n styles to fabricate a local and specificall y Tanzania n cool , and th e Godfa ther o f Soul , Mr . Jame s Brow n himself , wa s ver y muc h par t o f thi s screeching, screaming , an d evocativ e cultur e o f emergen t nationalism s and thei r dissonan t resistances . Ujamaa' s powerfu l rhetori c o f a coher ent, homogeneous Africa n stat e had t o confron t th e nagging an d volatil e question o f Tanzania's heterogeneou s citizenr y o f Arab, Chinese , Indian , Persian, an d Africa n extraction , wh o practic e Muslim , Christian , Sikh , Ismaili, Hindu, an d indigeneou s religions . The rise of fascism i n Uganda , resulting in the expulsion o f its Asian citizens in 197 2 b y Idi Amin Dada , further exacerbate d a climat e o f fea r an d anxiet y withi n Eas t Africa' s 132

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution remaining Asia n populations , man y o f who m wer e second - an d third generation citizen s o f African states . The implicit questio n tha t hun g loosely around th e politics o f Tanza nian belongin g durin g th e 1970s , lik e a bui-bu i i n th e afternoo n ligh t just befor e th e fou r o'cloc k rains , was—Coul d Tanzania n Asian s hav e soul? A t th e leve l o f styl e an d visibilit y politic s thi s questio n wa s crucia l because sou l styl e politics , lik e sou l music , wa s tie d t o a distinc t an d inarticulable soulnes s o f contemporar y Tanzania n modernity . Beginnin g with Nyerere' s ow n productio n o f a certai n cosmopolita n an d urba n style politics—the Tanzania n collarles s safar i suits , the collarless kiteng e shirt, th e organi c intellectua l a s self-style d pedagogu e o r "Mwalimu " o f the newl y independen t state—sou l styl e permeate d nationa l fashion . Following a longe r internationa l traditio n o f blac k radica l intellectual s as self-style d revolutionaries/presidents / leaders , suc h a s Malcol m X , C . L. R . James, Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr., Kwam e Nkrumah , Leopold-Seda r Senghor, Jom o Kenyatta , an d W . E . B . D u Bois , Nyerer e practice d a soulful socialism , emancipator y i n it s vision . Socialist-styl e politic s fo r Nyerere wa s first an d foremos t internationalis t i n it s organizin g meta phors o f revolution , proleteria n radicalism , an d Blac k an d Thir d Worl d solidarity, while materiall y locate d firmly i n myths abou t soil , roots, an d national a s well a s Pan-African philosophie s o f belonging . For a generatio n o f Tanzania n Asian s growin g u p unde r Ujamaa , caught betwee n Nyerere' s visio n an d th e parochialit y o f variou s ethni c and religiou s identities , self-fashionin g a n aestheti c o f coo l becam e cru cial. A s ne w subject s o f th e socialis t experiment , thei r struggl e fo r cul tural citizenshi p an d belongin g wa s linke d t o a Pan-Africa n Utopi a an d the fabricatio n o f a n Eas t Africa n Asia n cool . The y migh t hav e donne d Afros, shades , an d platform s shoes , a l a Shaft , Nyerere , Angel a Davis , Miriam Makeba , Fre d Williamson , Jame s Brown , an d Dian a Ross . Bu t East Asia n Africa n coo l ha d t o b e negotiate d o n ethnicall y particula r terms, mediate d b y Hind i films an d Musli m cultura l practice s o f every day life . Th e woul d hav e t o creat e a shiftin g spac e o f bein g Tanzania n Asian, a continuou s struggl e o f sign s an d simulation s reproduce d i n th e microcosm o f th e state' s citizenry . Tanzania n Asia n yout h o f th e lat e sixties an d seventie s wer e self-consciou s abou t assimilation , integration , and acquirin g sou l i n th e eye s o f th e natio n a t large . The y woul d b e th e critical mas s tha t coul d creat e th e difference , i f Eas t Afric a wa s t o com e to term s wit h th e Pakistani , Indian , an d Chines e communitie s whos e migrations t o th e Eas t African coas t wer e a s old a s the slav e trade . 133

MAY JOSEPH A broade r question s attache d t o thi s situatio n was , Coul d tee n Asians boogi e o r d o th e bump ? O r i f the y did , wh y di d the y onl y perform withi n thei r segregate d ghetto s an d enclave s o f petit-bourgeoi s fiefdom? Th e aren a o f youth an d educatio n provide d th e crucible for th e new nation' s self-inventio n a s a confiden t an d self-relian t state . Th e streets, parks , roads , an d parad e ground s becam e th e publi c space s o f youth education , withi n whic h muc h sou l ha d t o b e negotiate d fo r Asians. At a time of large-scale youth mobilizatio n throug h sports , drills , ngomas, marches , an d publi c addresse s b y Nyerer e an d othe r TAN U apparatchiks, th e forma l an d informa l circulation s o f sou l carrie d n o small effect. Fo r Asian youth, this was a time of the recovery o f a certai n kind o f sou l fo r themselve s a s citizens . Asian s ha d participate d i n th e articulation o f Blac k consciousness . The y ha d struggle d alongsid e othe r Tanzanians agains t imperialism . Bu t unde r a resurgen t nationalism , th e submerged histor y o f this tenuous minorit y ha d dissappeared . Tanzania n Asians were precariously perched a s undesirable citizens . Though ambiv alently situated , Hindu , Muslim , Sikh , Ismaili , Confucian , Buddhist , Jain, Zoroastrian , an d Christia n (largel y Goan ) population s o f Asia n Tanzanians wer e simultaneousl y transforme d b y soulful socialism . Many o f thes e communitie s alread y bor e comple x migratio n histor ies comin g fro m Sout h Asia , Mauritius , o r Africa n countrie s suc h a s Uganda an d Sout h Africa , an d ha d bee n subjec t t o persecution, grindin g poverty, an d antiminorit y sentimen t withi n trouble d nationalisms . I n this context , funk y self-inventio n wa s a sit e o f grea t socia l antagonis m for Asia n yout h i n Tanzania . Urba n Asia n yout h subculture , locate d primarily i n Da r e s Salaam , dre w upo n Jame s Brown , Angel a Davis , the Blac k Panthers , sou l music , an d th e masculinis t discours e o f Blac k American radicalism , whic h wa s translate d int o locall y particula r terms . "Soul" showe d u p i n publi c spaces : James Brown' s "se x machine " wa s scribbled o n high-school walls, motor bikes , and necklaces. Isaac Hayes' s gold chai n an d shade s ha d it s ver y loca l Hind i movi e versions . Phrase s like "dig, " "sou l sister, " an d "sou l brother " slowl y shape d a nascen t discourse o f Asian-coo l i n it s interpretiv e reinvention s o f Blac k cool , which mingle d wit h Tanzania n socialism' s mandator y ndugu, o r com rade. For Tanzania n Asia n yout h o f th e seventies , sou l raise d possibilit y of "integrating " throug h a certain internationa l Blac k cool. When Asian s were force d ou t o f Eas t Afric a i n th e earl y 1970s , thei r ambivalen t relationship t o th e productio n o f a certai n Eas t Africa n sou l becam e 134

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution imbricated. Di d Asian s no t hav e enoug h sou l t o pas s fo r local ? Wh y did the y liv e i n ambivalenc e withi n Eas t Africa n socia l lif e fo r man y generations, whil e rearticulatin g i t i n th e process ? Alway s sojourner s i n their politica l stake s wit h Eas t Africa , Asian s bot h constructe d them selves an d wer e rea d a s bein g ambivalen t abou t Eas t Africa n citizenshi p during th e earl y seventies . Sou l embodie d a certai n Tanzania n essen tialism tha t woul d continuousl y produc e it s minorit y citizen s a s no t having enoug h sou l fo r Tanzania n socialism . Fo r Eas t African s durin g the seventies , Asian s woul d neve r hav e sou l enoug h fo r th e ne w nation state.

Traveling Internationalists and People Who Never Move: Pan-Africanism and the Mystique of Mobility For Tanzanian s nurture d withi n a socialis t internationalis m articulate d through th e state' s foundin g rhetori c o f freedo m an d unity , uhura na umoja, trave l wa s crucia l t o a Pan-Africa n imagining . Th e Africa n Na tional Congres s use d Da r e s Salaa m a s it s headquarter s throug h al l its turbulen t years , an d exile d Sout h Africa n nationalists , writers , an d intellectuals continuousl y travele d t o an d fro m Tanzania , usin g i t a s a mediating plac e for futur e revolutions . Nyerere's suppor t o f Frelim o an d the struggl e fo r th e liberatio n o f Angola , Namibia , Mozambique , an d South Afric a situate d Tanzani a i n comple x way s t o othe r Africa n states . In turn , th e ide a o f a certain Blac k internationalis m shape d th e ideolog y of th e Tanzanian state . Miriam Makeba , th e "soul " o f Sout h Africa n musi c o f tha t period , had a Tanzania n passport , an d he r marriag e t o Stokel y Carmichae l linked Eas t Africa indirectl y to the Blac k Powe r Movement i n the Unite d States. Th e continuou s front-pag e coverag e o f Angel a Davis , Georg e Jackson, an d image s o f th e Blac k Panthers , alon g wit h th e emergenc e i n Tanzania o f a styl e politic s tha t simulate d Afro-America n hairstyl e an d fashion, blurre d th e boundarie s betwee n a distan t realit y supposedl y shaped b y opposit e ideologica l investment s o f capitalism , an d th e broader rhetoric s o f empowermen t an d revolutio n tha t Blac k America n visuality an d musi c mad e possible . Her e wa s a Blac k modernit y tha t imagined an d fashione d ne w agent s o f history, bot h i n film an d i n music , for postcolonia l Tanzania . Thes e ideologies , encountere d a t th e leve l o f the visual , aural , an d fantasmatic , escape d th e rigi d boundarie s o f stat e 135

MAY JOSEPH control, wher e th e rhetori c o f clas s an d labo r mad e i t difficul t t o articu late gender , transnationa l desire , consumptio n a s a for m o f cultura l citizenship, an d Blacknes s a s a traveling aesthetic. 8 Colonialism an d it s economic aftermat h ha d se t u p trave l a s a class determined space . Postindependenc e scarcit y create d th e promis e tha t everyone wa s equal , bu t no t al l coul d affor d t o travel . Th e proleteriat , in othe r words , di d no t mov e i n th e nationa l imaginary . The y di d no t travel, i n spit e o f th e massiv e mobilizatio n o f peopl e i n th e agraria n restructuring an d economi c restrategizing tha t was going on betwee n th e capital, Dar e s Salaam, an d th e rest o f the country. O n th e on e hand wa s a stron g invocatio n o f groundednes s t o lan d an d agricultur e tha t gav e a renewed sens e o f rootedness ; o n th e othe r wer e th e dramati c change s o f industrialization an d expansio n shapin g thi s modernit y o f self-reliance , locked betwee n Utopia n vision s o f economi c independenc e an d large scale hel p fro m variou s transnationa l companie s fro m Chin a an d th e Eastern Blo c countries . I n suc h a space , a cosmopolita n characte r lik e Ron O'Neal' s Youngbloo d Pries t i n Superfly TNT ha s mor e i n commo n with Tanzania n popula r imaginatio n tha n th e rhetoric o f stat e socialism , while bot h coexis t i n their contradictor y pleasurability . I n Superfly TNT (script b y Alex Haley, directe d b y Ron O'Neal , musi c b y Osibisa) , Pries t is a noma d i n Europe . H e drive s coupe s i n Rome , speak s Italian , ha s lived i n France , England , an d Norway , an d i s chase d b y paparazz i photographers. Pries t travel s t o Senega l an d help s a Wes t Africa n Fran cophone revolutionar y (playe d b y Rosco e Le e Brown ) overthro w colo nialism i n a West African natio n calle d Umbia . While the possible negative critiques of Superfly (directe d b y Gordo n Parks, Jr. , soundtrac k b y Curti s Mayfield ) an d it s seque l Superfly TNT are numerou s an d valid , I wan t t o poin t ou t th e contradictor y an d radical spectatoria l pleasure s fo r a n urba n Tanzania n audienc e i n Priest' s development fro m nihilis m t o hop e an d activ e agency . Superfly TNT provides th e imaginativ e terrai n o f agenc y fo r a kin d o f popula r her o who was politically an d visuall y allowe d a modernity tha t was otherwis e not availabl e fo r th e averag e Tanzania n citizen . The translatio n o f Pries t as a travelin g her o i s linke d t o hi s bein g a n Afro-American . Priest' s cultural an d economi c capita l i s distinctl y translatabl e i n specifi c way s for a local Tanzanian a s a mobile an d seductivel y insurgen t agency , bot h Western an d anti-imperia l a t th e sam e time . Ther e i s simultaneousl y style, radicalism , a critiqu e o f capita l an d rea l dolla r value , aroun d the histori c visibilit y o f Afro-America n visua l modernit y i n seventie s 136

Soul, Transnationalism, and Imaginings of Revolution Tanzanian popula r imaginatio n (gesture d toward ) b y th e presiden t o f Umbia t o b e Rosco e Le e Brown . Brow n acknowledge s th e valu e o f Superfly's Afro-America n modernit y a s a n African-Amerca n playin g a cultured Africa n revolutionar y i n Europe role . Tanzanian sou l cultur e i n th e earl y seventie s shape d th e structura l feel o f urba n yout h socialis m an d it s Pan-Africa n imaginings . Nex t t o film, radi o wa s th e primar y disseminato r o f internationa l popula r cul ture, a s there wa s n o televisio n an d scan t availabilit y o f visua l represen tations o f po p icons . Al l officia l form s o f entertainmen t wer e mediate d by th e stat e an d henc e bor e th e sign s o f it s legitimacy . A s th e mos t popular an d versatil e sit e o f mas s consumption , th e radi o generate d disparate an d heterogeneou s audiences . Seventie s Tanzanian nationalis m deployed th e popular appea l o f sou l music , amon g othe r form s o f popu lar music , t o fill the materia l vacuu m i n time s o f economi c hardship . A s records wer e largel y unavailabl e an d certainl y unaffordable , fun k oper ated a s an inventiv e terrai n o f scarcity , wher e ver y little goes a long way , in th e interest s o f self-reliance . Areth a Franklin' s numerou s hairstyle s and fashions , Isaa c Hayes's style politics, James Brown' s closing gesture s with th e mike , an d th e Jackso n Five' s spectacle s wer e encounter s t o b e had o n trave l o r i n exile , ne w bu t familia r resonance s experience d a s a dislocation fro m th e specificit y o f th e Unite d States . Invokin g a specifi c time (th e seventies) , a specifi c plac e (Da r e s Salaam) , a specifi c contex t (radical socialism) , an d a particula r technolog y (radi o an d spoo l tape) , these text s woul d b e revisite d o n ne w terms , o n differen t terrai n i n th e diaspora. 9

NOTES 1. M y thanks to Gitanjali Maharaj fo r pointing this out to me. 2. I am greatly indebte d t o Fre d Mote n fo r hi s insightful an d astut e sugges tions, which have fueled thi s paper. 3. Se e Paul Gilroy, There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack (London: Century Hutchinson, 1987) , Manthia Diawara, "Afro-Kitsch, " i n Black Popular Culture, edited b y Gin a Den t (Seattle : Ba y Press, 1992 ) Julius K . Nyerere, Crusade for Liberation (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Oxford Universit y Press, 1978). 4. Jului s K Nyerere, Freedom and Unity; Uhuru na Umuja Dar e s Salaam , Tanzania: Oxford Universit y Press 1968, 85. 5. Juliu s K . Nyerere , Freedom and Socialism, Uhuru na Ujamaa (Dar e s Salaam, Tanzania: Oxford Universit y Press, 1968), 231. 137

MAY JOSEPH 6. Ibid. , 179-410 . 7. Se e Nyerere, Crusade for Liberation; for further elaboratio n of Afro-Amer ican and African alliances . 8. Miria m Makeba , Makeba; My Story (Ne w York : Pengui n Books , 1987) , 163. 9. Man y thank s ar e owe d t o Professo r Ngug i W a Thiong o fo r encouragin g me t o writ e abou t Tanzania . T o Toby Miller , Richar d Green , Radhik a Subra manium, Abdu l Kari m Mustapha , an d Gitanjal i Maharaj , I owe muc h fo r th e soulful discussion s an d generou s editoria l comment s tha t I greatl y benefite d from.

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Soul's Reviva l White Soul , Nostalgia , an d t h e Culturall y Constructe d Pas t GAYLE WAL D

In May 1988 , Englis h singe r Georg e Michae l becam e th e first whit e sol o artist eve r to have a number on e album o n Billboard's To p Black Album s chart. Havin g dethrone d th e debu t o f anothe r Britis h sou l import , self proclaimed wunderkind Terenc e Tren t D'Arby , Michael' s albu m Faith held o n t o it s numbe r on e rankin g fo r si x weeks , unti l Ne w Jac k artis t Al B . Sure ! precipitate d it s gradua l slid e dow n th e chart s an d ou t o f musical memory . Faith represente d a shar p departure—artisticall y an d commercially—for Michael , wh o achieve d internationa l fam e a s th e more musicall y ambitiou s hal f o f Wham! , a n Englis h po p du o know n for playin g upbeat , i f sometime s vapid , version s o f 1950 s an d 1960 s rhythm an d blues . Featurin g explici t lyrics—mos t famousl y i n " I Wan t Your Sex " ( a son g tha t wa s banne d i n som e markets)—an d accompa nied b y video s tha t playe d heavil y of f o f Michael' s heartthro b physica l appeal (s o muc h s o tha t th e T V sho w Saturday Night Live sa w fi t t o parody Michael' s danc e routine s i n a well-know n ski t abou t hi s lov e affair wit h hi s "arse") , Faith wa s th e vehicl e fo r Michael' s emergenc e a s a legitimat e singer , songwriter , an d producer . Wit h Faith, o r s o th e story goes , Michae l wa s transforme d fro m a po p sensatio n o f limite d credibility int o a talente d performe r wh o wo n industr y acclai m fo r hi s ability to attrac t a demographically divers e audience . Although musicall y speakin g Faith hold s littl e o f endurin g interest , the trajector y o f Michael' s caree r nevertheles s raise s a numbe r o f im portant question s abou t th e plac e o f whit e musician s withi n wha t wa s 139

GAYLE WAL D formerly, o r primarily , a blac k domain . Issue s o f white artists ' attractio n to an d appropriatio n o f blac k musica l style s are , o f course , hardl y ne w within studie s o f popula r musica l culture , havin g bee n explore d a t grea t length an d wit h grea t intelligenc e b y cultural critic s suc h a s Coc o Fusco , Paul Gilroy , Georg e Lipsitz, Richard Fung , Eric Lott, Dick Hebdige , an d bell hooks, among others. 1 Although these writers approach th e questio n of appropriatio n differently , i n genera l the y demonstrat e tha t struggl e over cultura l symbol s i s no t an d ha s neve r bee n strictl y limite d t o th e realm o f culture . Lipsitz , fo r example , coin s th e ter m "strategi c anti essentialism" t o describ e ho w whit e performer s transcod e "minority " styles fo r th e expressio n o f thei r ow n needs , fears , an d desires , a proces s that ironicall y ofte n affirm s th e very ethnocentric biase s these performer s set ou t t o contest. 2 I n he r critiqu e o f formalis t analyse s o f cultura l style , Fusco note s tha t althoug h hybridit y ha s alway s bee n th e conditio n o f cultural productio n i n th e Americas , th e gli b celebratio n o f hybridit y that sometime s emerge s unde r th e banne r o f postmodernis m threaten s to eras e th e comple x histor y o f struggl e tha t inform s th e cultura l prac tices of marginalize d populations. 3 In additio n t o raisin g th e sort s o f question s tha t thes e writer s ex plore—questions abou t th e complex political, economic, an d ideologica l stakes o f allocatin g cultura l symbol s acros s unevenl y constructe d line s of socia l an d cultura l identities—Michael' s succes s i n stylin g himsel f a white sou l singe r fo r th e 1990 s prompt s concern s abou t th e stake s o f what I wil l cal l "cultura l revivalism, " o r th e retroactiv e an d frequentl y nostalgic appropriation o f symbol s associated with a n earlier (an d i n this case privileged) er a o f blac k cultural history . Cross-cultura l revivalis m o f the sor t exemplifie d b y Michael' s caree r conflate s tw o previousl y sepa rated set s o f issues : thos e pertainin g t o traversin g cultura l boundaries ; and thos e concernin g negotiatin g temporality , o r th e crossin g o f line s that distinguis h pas t an d present . Michael' s success i n resurrectin g a black cultura l practic e (soul) associate d wit h assertin g blac k differenc e and expressin g blac k resistanc e thu s raise s issue s no t onl y o f wha t i t means t o reviv e o r recal l th e past , bu t o f wha t i t mean s t o d o s o withi n the highl y charge d contex t o f cultura l "borrowing. " Th e trajector y o f Michael's caree r illustrate s th e complex intersectio n o f various postmod ernist cultura l practices : th e "flow " o f cultura l symbol s withi n a n in creasingly centralize d an d corporatize d globa l musi c industry ; th e ap pearance o f fluidity i n th e constructio n o f racia l identities ; an d th e 140

Soul's Revival flattening ou t o f temporalitie s withi n capitalis t narrative s o f perpetua l resurrection an d renewal . A number o f music industry trend s of the late 1980 s and earl y 1990 s enabled Michael' s unprecedente d succes s a s a blue-eye d sou l singe r fo r the MT V generation . Mos t importantly , Michael' s reviva l o f a voca l style reminiscen t o f blac k artist s suc h a s Areth a Frankli n an d Stevi e Wonder (bot h o f who m h e ha s acknowledge d a s influences ) i s part o f a larger trend , dubbe d "retronuevo " b y cultura l criti c Nelso n George , i n which contemporar y musician s creativel y updat e an d reinterpre t pas t musical style s in order t o create "new " sounds—i n th e bes t cases, musi c that recall s a n earlie r er a withou t blandl y recyclin g o r nostalgicall y recreating it. 4 I n th e Unite d States , retronuev o produce d suc h notabl e "Quiet Storm " vocalist s a s Anit a Baker , whos e 198 6 breakthroug h album Rapture feature d well-crafte d ballad s that dre w upon jazz , gospel, and soul , and Luthe r Vandross , whose soulful , i f sometimes sentimental , singing and lus h production attracte d a fervent an d devote d audience . I n Britain, retronuev o too k a slightl y differen t turn , mos t notabl y i n th e much-touted Britis h "sou l revival " (sometime s calle d "Brit-soul " o r th e British "sou l invasion") , i n whic h artist s suc h a s Sou l I I Soul , Lis a Stansfield, Cultur e Club , Seal , Pau l Weller , Sade , Simpl y Red , an d George Michae l churne d ou t slee k r& b wit h a 1990 s sensibility . Wit h few exceptions , Brit-soul musicians wer e critically praised fo r thei r inno vative appropriatio n o f sou l musi c traditions . Reviewin g Stansfield' s album Affection i n 1990 , fo r example , Georg e applaude d th e maturit y and emotiona l dept h o f her vocals, calling Stansfield "th e bes t white sou l singer sinc e Teen a Marie." 5 Surveyin g th e field o f blac k an d whit e artists, a celebrator y 199 2 articl e i n Time magazin e foun d tha t "sou l with a Britis h accent " sometime s actuall y improve d upo n th e musi c o f its predecessors. 6 Although n o eas y generalization s ca n b e made abou t Brit-soul , nev ertheless th e ver y metapho r o f a "sou l invasion, " wit h it s connotation s of cultura l infringemen t an d symboli c violenc e (wh o o r wha t i s bein g invaded, an d wit h wha t weapons?) , suggest s th e nee d fo r a critica l discourse abou t whit e artists ' participatio n i n suc h a movement. Insofa r as it recalls the origina l Britis h invasio n o f th e 1960s , whe n roc k group s such a s th e Beatles , th e Who , an d th e Kink s crosse d th e Atlanti c wit h interpretations o f America n r& b tha t appeale d primaril y t o whit e teen agers whos e taste s di d no t embrac e th e "blacker " sound s o f soul , th e 141

GAYLE WAL D British "sou l invasion " raise s th e specte r o f histor y repeatin g itself . Just a s th e Britis h invasio n reflecte d th e triump h o f whit e supremacis t sensibilities eve n a s i t affirme d th e universalit y o f blac k music , s o w e might as k whethe r th e succes s o f someon e lik e Georg e Michae l repre sents th e retur n o f th e racia l represse d i n th e guis e o f th e fluidity o f "black" style. 7 O r w e migh t as k whethe r Michael' s revers e crossove r success signifie s th e erosio n o f suc h sensibilities , keepin g i n min d tha t white artists ' translatio n o f blac k America n musi c int o a countercultura l language fo r whit e yout h actuall y helpe d t o facilitat e th e growt h o f a highly politicize d whit e countercultur e tha t conteste d racism , sexism , and militarism . Wha t exactl y i s bein g revive d whe n a whit e artis t suc h as Michael revive s soul ? To the degree that sou l music is a black cultura l formation whos e primar y audienc e i s blac k (thin k o f Jame s Brow n exhorting hi s audience , "Sa y i t loud , I' m blac k an d I' m proud!") , wha t is the role of the white subjec t wh o revive s and rework s it s practices, no t only a s a matte r o f artisti c inspiratio n bu t a s a matte r o f cultura l self fashioning an d economi c resurrection ? Michael wa s amon g th e first t o asser t th e significanc e o f hi s "inva sion" o f Billboard's To p Black Albums chart . I n interviews give n aroun d the time that Faith crowned bot h the Pop and Blac k charts, he repeatedl y remarked tha t h e regarde d hi s ran k o n th e Blac k chart s a s th e mor e personally meaningfu l o f th e tw o caree r landmarks , despit e th e fac t tha t record sale s t o blac k consumer s accounte d fo r a significantl y smalle r share o f hi s profits . " I wa s muc h happie r wit h [Faith] being th e No . 1 Black albu m tha n I was whe n i t becam e th e No . 1 Pop album, " h e tol d reporters fro m magazine s a s differen t a s Jet an d Rolling Stone. "Ther e was muc h mor e o f a sense of achievement." 8 The implication s o f suc h a statemen t ar e varied . Michael' s expres sion o f gratification a t blac k consumers ' "faith " i n him indicate s a desir e for blac k approva l tha t i s common t o white artist s working within blac k musical traditions . Thi s desire functions bot h a s an obliqu e acknowledg ment o f whit e musicians ' indebtednes s t o blac k artist s an d a s a sig n o f anxiety a t thei r appropriatio n o f blac k idioms . Michael' s comment , which establishes blac k audience s as the privileged arbiter s o f his musical legitimacy, recall s th e sentiment s o f earlie r whit e musician s suc h a s jaz z clarinetist Mez z Mezzrow , wh o devote d hi s entir e caree r (eve n whe n serving tim e o n Riker' s Island ) t o seekin g th e blessin g o f hi s musica l heroes, Sidne y Beche t an d Loui s Armstrong. B y expressing hi s happines s that Faith attracte d blac k fans , Michae l als o implicitly acknowledge s th e 142

Soul's Revival crucial functio n o f "urba n contemporary " radi o i n promoting hi s work . This practic e date s bac k t o th e lat e 1970 s (ironicall y als o th e daw n o f narrowcasting), whe n radi o station s oriente d towar d blac k consumer s began playin g disc o act s suc h a s th e Be e Gees , a n Australia n grou p whose trademar k falsett o tone s (themselve s clearl y influence d b y sou l singer Marvi n Gaye ) propelle d th e Saturday Night Fever soundtrac k t o similar height s o f popularit y amon g blac k recor d buyers. 9 If Michael's comments sugges t that h e views his success as an indica tion o f th e capacit y o f artistr y t o triump h ove r parochia l categorie s o f race an d genr e (th e notio n o f "blac k music " her e uneasil y straddlin g ethnographic an d artisti c categories) , the n a slightl y differen t interpreta tion o f hi s succes s wa s offere d b y Jet magazine , a mainsta y o f th e black middle-clas s press , i n the fal l o f 1988 , afte r Michae l performe d a t Detroit's Palac e Aren a o n th e U.S . leg of hi s critically acclaime d "Faith " world tour . Title d "Whit e Singer s Cros s Ove r t o Sou l Musi c an d Fin d Success," thi s warily upbea t featur e articl e spotlight s " I Knew Yo u Were Waiting fo r Me, " Michael' s popula r due t wit h Areth a Franklin , an d includes a photograp h o f th e tw o performin g thei r son g togethe r a t th e Detroit gig . Lik e Michae l Bolton , whos e frankl y imitativ e cove r versio n of Oti s Redding' s "(Sittin ' On ) Th e Doc k o f th e Bay " receive d prais e from Redding' s wido w Zelm a a s he r "all-tim e favorit e version " o f he r husband's classic , Michael receive s accolade s fro m blac k fans , th e articl e suggests, i n part becaus e hi s musi c i s associated wit h a n er a tha t contin ues to occup y a special place within blac k popula r memory. 10 Appealin g to th e nostalgi a o f it s readers , th e Jet articl e tout s Michael' s childhoo d attraction t o Motown—a n endurin g symbo l o f blac k achievemen t within th e musi c industry—an d recall s a lon g lis t o f whit e performer s (including Joh n Lennon , Elto n John , Jo e Cocker , Darry l Hall , Mic k Jagger, an d Jani s Joplin ) wh o hav e acknowledge d thei r indebtednes s t o 1960s blac k music . Althoug h th e articl e perfunctoril y note s th e difficul ties blac k sou l singer s hav e face d i n crossin g ove r t o whit e audiences , i n general i t paint s a ros y pictur e o f sou l a s a ric h an d endurin g musica l vocabulary tha t ca n b e imitate d b y whit e musician s a s lon g a s the y possess th e requisite voca l skills . As Eddie Lever t o f th e O'Jay s explains , "If a Whit e ac t i s goo d enough , Black s wil l accep t them. " Labelin g Michael a "perfectionist " an d attestin g to the "grea t chemistry " betwee n them, Frankli n lend s he r suppor t t o th e notio n tha t Michae l i s not onl y a legitimat e performer , bu t a legitimat e hei r o f th e musi c sh e helpe d t o innovate. 11 143

GAYLE WAL D Six months late r Jet abruptl y change d it s tune, s o to speak , thi s tim e with a featur e articl e title d "Ar e Whit e Sou l Singer s Takin g Ove r Blue s and Soul?"— a questio n tha t i n thi s instanc e Jefs reader s clearl y ar e t o understand a s rhetorical. 12 Th e apparen t catalys t fo r th e magazine' s change o f hear t wa s Michael' s succes s a t th e America n Musi c Awards , where h e walke d awa y wit h trophie s fo r Favorit e Mal e Vocalis t i n th e rhythm an d blue s categor y an d Favorit e Rhyth m an d Blue s Album , beating ou t mor e likel y recipient s suc h a s Keit h Swea t an d Glady' s Knight an d th e Pips . Thi s articl e include s th e sam e photograp h o f Mi chael an d Frankli n performin g " I Knew Yo u Were Waiting for Me, " bu t the captio n differ s i n certai n noteworth y respects . Instea d o f emphasiz ing collaboration , th e captio n emphasize s th e instrumentalit y o f Frank lin's reputatio n t o Michael' s success . Instea d o f bein g portraye d a s Franklin's partner, Michae l i s depicted a s a performer wh o quit e literall y capitalizes upo n th e Quee n o f Soul' s cachet—her reputatio n no t onl y a s a musica l ico n bu t als o a s a powerfu l politica l symbol , th e woma n who mad e th e immorta l musica l deman d fo r "R-E-S-P-E-C-T. " Moreover , instead o f calling Michael a soul singer, the caption remark s rathe r dryl y upon hi s "po p musi c appeal, " thu s explicitl y demotin g hi m t o a les s privileged mod e o f artisti c expression. 13 Jefs initia l cautiou s interes t i n an d subsequen t uneasines s a t Mi chael's success attes t t o the legitimacy o f the argument , cite d earlier , tha t white performers ' appropriatio n o f blac k musica l vernacular s ha s neve r been a matte r o f simpl e flatter y o r imitation . Indeed , th e simultaneou s fragility an d durabilit y o f th e ver y Billboard categorie s throug h whic h success i n the musi c industr y i s measured confir m Fusco' s critiqu e o f th e apparent fluidit y o f sociall y constructe d identities . I n term s o f for m an d influence, ther e i s ofte n ver y littl e tha t distinguishe s "Pop " musi c fro m "Black" music , bu t th e persistenc e o f suc h categorie s speak s volume s about th e industry' s desir e t o sustai n multipl e market s an d henc e max imize profits . Whil e th e impetu s behin d suc h categorie s i s not , i n an y obvious or simplistic sense, racism among music industry officials , never theless th e enduranc e o f thes e categorie s ha s th e effec t o f bolsterin g th e public imaginatio n o f distinc t racia l identitie s ("Black " musi c fo r blac k people; "Pop " fo r thos e others who ar e apparently raciall y "unmarked" ) and encouragin g segregate d pattern s o f consumption . Although certai n blac k musician s ma y cros s an d recros s thes e lines , nevertheless thei r mobilit y i s often predicate d upo n thei r abilit y t o over come wha t Reebe e Garafol o identifie s a s tw o deepl y unsatisfactor y op 144

Soul's Revival tions: absolut e exclusio n from , o r radica l incorporatio n within , a com mercial "mainstream " define d b y the music industry an d th e societ y a s a whole. 14 B y contrast, th e ver y mobilit y o f whit e artist s suc h a s Michae l hinges o n th e stabilit y o f musica l market s an d genres , a s wel l a s o n th e preservation o f whit e privilege , broadl y speaking . Fo r example , th e yea r of Michael' s debu t a s a sou l singe r als o sa w importan t albu m debut s b y Tracy Chapma n (Tracy Chapman) an d Livin g Colou r (Vivid), artist s who helpe d t o redefin e th e possibilitie s fo r blac k performanc e b y chal lenging th e marginalit y o f blac k voice s withi n fol k an d roc k musica l traditions. In the cas e o f Livin g Colour , le d b y Black Roc k Coalitio n co founder Verno n Reid , th e visibilit y o f a blac k roc k grou p o n MT V (where Livin g Colour' s vide o fo r th e singl e "Cul t o f Personality " wa s i n high rotatio n i n 1988 ) wa s mor e tha n a symboli c affron t t o th e notio n that roc k wa s primarily , i f no t exclusively , a whit e domain ; i t als o represented th e possibilit y tha t blac k artist s migh t reclai m a positio n o f commercial strengt h withi n a musica l genr e originate d b y blac k musi cians. Th e achievemen t o f Chapman , a forme r Barnar d studen t whos e acoustic singl e "Fas t Car " establishe d he r a s a n importan t ne w voic e in th e femal e singer-songwrite r tradition , la y no t onl y i n overcomin g stereotypes abou t th e prope r for m o f musica l expressio n fo r blac k women, bu t als o i n bringin g t o popula r musi c a critica l discours e o f poverty an d racism. 15 B y contrast, a s lon g a s socia l distinction s o f rac e are upheld , whit e artist s ar e furnishe d th e "right " (whethe r o r no t the y exercise it) to invade an d coloniz e the musical traditions o f subordinate d groups. Th e rac e o f whit e musicians , i n othe r words , determine s thei r agency withi n th e musi c industr y an d henc e th e eas e wit h whic h the y negotiate artistic , economic , an d racia l boundarie s relativ e to thei r blac k peers. Such observation s g o a lon g wa y i n explainin g Jefs les s optimisti c appraisal o f th e trajector y o f Michael' s caree r afte r hi s unanticipate d triumph a t th e 198 9 America n Musi c Awards . Whil e i t wa s relativel y easy fo r Jet t o incorporat e Michael' s numbe r on e Billboard rankin g within a narrative o f blac k cultura l an d economi c agenc y (insofa r a s hi s success o n th e Blac k Musi c char t largel y reflecte d th e buyin g habit s an d tastes o f blac k consumers) , th e America n Musi c Award s emblematize d precisely th e kin d o f erasur e o f cultura l an d economi c agenc y t o whic h Fusco an d other s refe r (economi c i n th e sens e tha t recor d purchase s inevitably follo w suc h mainstrea m recognition) . Reinterprete d withi n the contex t o f suc h erasures , th e proliferatio n o f whit e sou l singer s i n 145

GAYLE WAL D the lat e 1980 s n o longe r embodie s th e integrationis t hope s an d desire s of earl y sou l musi c (a s i n th e first article) , bu t instea d epitomize s th e repeated displacemen t o f blac k artist s fro m thei r rightfu l statio n a s th e owners an d preeminen t practitioner s o f soul . I n th e secon d article , i t i s not jus t Michael' s identit y tha t i s i n question , bu t hi s abilit y t o profi t from th e consume r suppor t o f blac k an d whit e listener s a s a "Black " music artist. 16 A s the secon d articl e i s well aware , Michael' s recognitio n has th e potentia l t o impac t th e visibilit y an d commercia l viabilit y o f contemporary blac k artists , a fac t tha t ha s implication s fo r th e plac e o f soul music within popula r memory . The secon d Jet articl e relegates aestheti c concerns—such a s whethe r Michael i s a grea t o r eve n a goo d sou l singer—t o a secondar y status , marking a shif t fro m question s o f artistr y an d a focu s o n individua l expression t o question s o f integrit y an d a focu s o n collectiv e cultura l expression. Sou l music , i n thi s analysis , i s no t primaril y a musica l styl e that Michae l emulates , bu t i s instea d a comple x cultura l practic e tha t mediates hi s attainmen t o f success . I n fact , th e transitio n t o a mor e soulful soun d inspire d b y th e like s o f Frankli n an d Wonde r pai d of f fo r Michael (bor n Georgio s Kyriaco s Panayioto u i n Nort h London ) i n a variety o f ways . Becomin g a soul/sol o artist , fo r example , enable d Mi chael t o asser t a mor e conventionall y masculin e imag e tha t ma y hav e helped t o deflec t association s betwee n Whaml' s camp y po p musi c an d "teenybopper" and/o r homosexua l desire . Moreover , suc h a caree r shif t allowed Michae l t o showcas e hi s talent s a s a songwrite r wh o ha d evolved beyon d lightweigh t composition s suc h a s "Wak e M e U p befor e You Go-Go." I f he had previously "sol d hi s soul" fo r commercia l success in Wham!, the n with Faith Michael recuperate d hi s reputation b y stylin g himself a s a newly "soulful " whit e artist . Although Jet i s no t know n fo r it s politica l outspokennes s o r it s musical expertise , I dwel l upo n thes e article s becaus e the y demonstrat e that th e statu s o f "whit e soul " i s irreducible t o aestheti c questions , eve n when, a s i n th e earlie r o f th e tw o articles , aestheti c criteri a ar e invoke d as a primar y too l o f interpretation . I n bot h articles , th e questio n o f whether Georg e Michae l i s a talented singer , a usurpe r o f blac k cultura l tradition, o r som e combinatio n o f bot h reflect s materia l realitie s suc h a s chart rankings , recor d sale s (Faith wen t platinu m a t leas t five time s over), an d promotiona l opportunitie s i n the for m o f concert s an d highl y publicized award s ceremonies . In addition , bot h article s impl y tw o dis tinct way s o f positin g soul : a s a blac k cultura l practic e i n whic h th e 146

Soul's Revival occasional whit e performe r ma y participate , an d a s th e objec t o f th e white performer' s cultura l an d economi c conquest . The Jet article s sugges t a critica l reappraisa l o f tw o term s I hav e used mor e o r les s unproblematically thu s fa r i n this discussion : soul an d revival Revival i s i n man y way s th e easie r o f th e tw o term s t o under stand, an d ye t eve n i n th e contex t o f th e Brit-sou l movemen t o f whic h Michael i s bu t on e voice , i t i s misleading. Fo r one , althoug h the y evok e familiar sou l trope s an d traditions , th e variou s Brit-sou l artists , influ enced b y punk , reggae , ska , house , an d hi p hop , diverg e fro m th e sou l music o f th e 1960 s an d 1970 s i n thei r instrumentation , voca l presenta tion, an d productio n values . Formally , th e singin g o f smoot h sou l chan teuses suc h a s Sad e o r Stansflel d recall s an d ye t diverge s fro m tha t o f Franklin o r Carl a Thomas , singer s whos e voca l style s emerg e mor e directly fro m gospel . Lik e al l revivals , Brit-sou l i s not a simple , unmedi ated, o r disintereste d re-presentatio n o f th e past. As demonstrated i n th e ]et article s on Michael, his "sou l revival" i s a discourse that bot h activel y and passivel y interprets—an d throug h thi s interpretatio n constructs — soul musi c antecedents , an d thereb y doe s no t occup y a positio n o f ideological neutralit y wit h respec t t o the cultura l past . Just a s all histori cal narrative s illuminat e presen t need s an d desires , s o to o i s Michael' s soul reviva l a potentiall y quit e meaningfu l interventio n withi n broade r cultural war s o f position . Soul i s potentially a mor e troublesom e term , subjec t eve n i n th e Jet articles t o differin g interpretations . Tha t on e ca n have soul , be soulfu l and pla y soul music demonstrate s soul' s compas s ove r varie d terrain s o f style, politics , ideology , subjectivity , an d spirituality . Indeed , althoug h my interest s her e li e primarily wit h music , sou l ha s no t bee n understoo d as only—or eve n primarily—an artisti c practice, unless one understand s art a s somethin g tha t overlap s an d interact s wit h commerce , politics , and way s o f being . Instead , sou l exemplifie s wha t Pau l Gilro y call s "dissident form s o f blac k expressiv e culture"—form s which , h e ex plains, occupy the crossroads betwee n "blac k cultura l practice and blac k political aspirations, " an d whic h dissolv e "th e discret e fixity o f cultur e and politics." 17 Alon g th e sam e lines , an d o n a continuu m wit h othe r diasporic blac k cultura l practices , sou l erode s Wester n distinction s be tween realm s o f secula r an d sacred , derivin g it s "rapturou s style " fro m the dynamic , devotiona l energ y o f gospel , whic h i t translate s an d trans forms.18 Soul's rootednes s i n th e blac k churc h i s central, rathe r tha n inciden 147

GAYLE WAL D tal, to its cultural an d political practice . Unlike most popular blac k voca l music o f 1950 s (a s exemplifie d b y Na t Kin g Cole , th e first majo r blac k crossover artist) , sou l music prizes blac k voca l difference , derivin g inspi ration fro m gospel' s vocal vocabulary. While earlie r blac k popula r musi c sought t o concea l th e distinctnes s o f blac k voices , sou l musi c celebrate s individual voca l personality , fro m Sa m Cooke' s smoot h melism a t o James Brown' s percussiv e groans , grunts , an d shouts . Thi s emphasi s upon individua l voca l stylin g gav e rise , i n th e 1960s , t o a ne w popula r musical sensibility , definin g a newl y dynami c relationshi p betwee n per former an d audienc e tha t hearken s bac k t o blues . Sou l require d th e singer t o touc h hi s o r he r audienc e throug h th e performanc e o f emo tional authenticity , an d i t likewis e encourage d th e listene r t o expres s hi s or he r investmen t i n a n individua l singer' s performance. A s a result sou l music, lik e blues , i s characterize d b y it s abilit y t o articulat e th e need s and aspirations , bot h spiritua l an d profane , o f it s audience. 19 While th e tw o Jet article s provid e insigh t int o th e framin g o f whit e soul withi n th e popula r blac k press , i t ma y b e instructiv e t o pursu e th e line o f inquir y opene d u p b y th e cas e o f Michael' s sou l reviva l a bi t further, wit h a n ey e towar d examinin g th e cultura l constructio n o f white sou l withi n othe r text s o f mainstrea m popula r culture . Althoug h Hollywood comedie s ar e hardly known fo r thei r introspection , neverthe less tw o recen t films provid e usefu l example s o f suc h contemporar y white "sou l revivals" : Ala n Parker' s 199 1 movi e The Commitments, which tell s th e stor y o f th e brie f flowering o f a whit e Iris h sou l band , and John Landis' s 198 0 film The Blues Brothers, a cinematic vehicl e fo r characters develope d o n Saturday Night Live b y comedian s Da n Ayk royd an d Joh n Belushi . Bot h films appropriat e sou l musi c a s a wa y o f exploring aspect s o f whit e identity , illustratin g th e argumen t (mad e b y Lipsitz an d others ) tha t whit e performer s hav e use d blac k popula r cul ture fo r thei r ow n self-expression , economi c conquest , an d cultura l self aggrandizement. T o a certai n degree , thi s tendenc y describe s m y ow n relation, a s a white academic , t o th e narrative s tha t I construct throug h my professiona l wor k o n issue s o f rac e an d identit y an d throug h m y teaching o f blac k literature . Yet , jus t a s academic s brin g differen t ideo logical investment s t o thei r scholarship , s o thes e films propos e ideologi cally divergen t narrative s o f "whit e soul. " Landis' s loos e an d fas t com edy explores how , under cove r o f "blac k style " ( a look tha t Belush i onc e described a s par t FB I agent , par t businessman , an d par t hitman), 20 tw o 148

Soul's Revival white mal e loser s manag e t o evad e th e la w an d sav e a n orphanage . I n a different bu t relate d vein , Parker' s affectionat e fil m posit s a socia l ho mology betwee n working-clas s blac k American s an d working-clas s Iris h youth a s i t trace s th e adventure s o f a sometime s hapless , bu t alway s committed, whit e sou l band . Early o n i n The Commitments, Jimm y Rabbitte , a n unemploye d Irish yout h livin g i n th e economicall y depresse d Northsid e sectio n o f Dublin, place s a n advertisemen t i n a loca l newspape r invitin g anyon e who ca n answe r th e questio n "Hav e yo u go t soul? " i n the affirmativ e t o audition fo r th e grou p h e i s puttin g together . I f sou l musi c wer e a religion, the n Jimmy woul d b e it s mos t devote d Dubli n acolyte ; lik e hi s Northside peers , Jimmy know s that hi s future ha s already bee n forsaken , but fo r hi m sou l musi c hold s ou t a n elusiv e promis e o f socioeconomi c salvation, o r a t leas t a promis e o f spiritua l sustenanc e ami d har d times . As Jimm y soo n come s t o realize , however , h e i s nearl y alon e i n hi s devotion t o a blac k America n musica l styl e tha t wa s i n it s heyday whe n he wa s stil l a child . Whe n h e administer s a simpl e litmu s tes t o f soul fulness t o th e youn g hopeful s wh o answe r th e newspape r ad , askin g them t o describ e thei r musica l influences , h e finds tha t the y ar e likel y t o cite loca l boys-made-goo d U2 . Mos t o f them , Jimm y discover s afte r enduring som e painfull y unsoulfu l auditions , hav e neve r eve n hear d o f his heroes Oti s Reddin g an d Wilson Pickett . Jimmy's har d wor k result s i n th e Commitments , a grou p o f mostl y amateur musician s an d singer s (whos e role s ar e acted , incidentally , pri marily b y nonactor s who m Parke r discovere d playin g i n variou s loca l Dublin bands) . Fronte d b y Deco, whom Jimmy discover s singin g drunk enly bu t tunefull y a t a mutua l friend' s wedding , th e ban d manage s t o learn ho w t o pla y spirite d cover s o f 1960 s souther n soul , enjoy s small scale celebrity afte r a n enthusiasti c i f somewha t accident-pron e debu t i n a loca l communit y center , an d the n break s up , th e promis e o f becomin g the nex t U 2 lef t unfulfilled . A t th e en d o f th e film, a s ban d member s g o their separat e ways, the implication i s that sou l music will have furnishe d the Commitment s a n opportunit y fo r diversion , a chanc e t o hon e musi cal talents , a n outle t fo r sexua l energies , an d eve n a momen t o r tw o o f notoriety, bu t no t a solutio n t o thei r collectiv e economi c marginality . The Irish may b e the "black s o f Europe" an d th e Northsiders th e dispos sessed o f th e dispossessed , a s Jimmy proselytizes , bu t th e film make s i t clear tha t 1960 s blac k America n musi c doe s no t therefor e lea d th e 149

GAYLE WAL D Commitments t o discove r thei r ow n symboli c languag e o f resistance . Given mor e pressin g concern s suc h a s work an d chil d care , n o on e eve n has the time to los e herself i n the "ecstasy " o f bein g a "whit e Negro." 21 As I have bee n implicitl y suggestin g throug h thi s selectiv e redactio n of th e film, The Commitments raise s question s o f th e similarit y betwee n the sociall y conditione d experience s o f tw o oppresse d population s i n order t o prob e th e limit s o f cross-cultura l "translation. " A t times , a s when Jimm y exhort s th e bewildere d ban d member s t o proclai m "Oy' m black an d Oy' m proud, " th e film is disingenuously co y on this score, bu t generally speaking , it s narrativ e o f "whit e soul " i s deliberatel y antiro mantic, suggestin g tha t whil e th e style s associate d wit h sou l ma y b e imitable, th e particula r experience s an d cultura l tradition s tha t gav e ris e to blac k America n sou l musi c ar e no t s o easil y transposible . Thi s re straint i n The Commitments i s to the credit of Alan Parker, whose earlie r movies includ e The Big Chill, a film that uncriticall y celebrate s th e mos t unctuous sor t o f whit e middle-clas s an d middle-ag e nostalgi a fo r blac k music, a s wel l a s th e mor e notoriou s Mississippi Burning, a film chiefl y remembered fo r it s reckles s an d wholesal e revisio n o f th e histor y o f 1960s blac k politica l struggle. 22 In The Commitments, however , Parke r seem s war y o f allowin g th e audience t o wal k awa y embracin g Jimm y Rabbitte' s redemptiv e an d recuperative narrativ e o f whit e soul . I t i s particularl y telling , fo r exam ple, tha t eve n afte r th e member s o f th e Commitment s com e t o fee l "a t home" playin g 1960 s America n sou l musi c covers , the y see m perfectl y content t o pla y i t straight . Neve r once , fo r example , d o the y conside r ways i n which th e musi c may b e transformed int o somethin g the y migh t more properl y cal l thei r "own, " throug h th e sor t o f musica l innovatio n modeled b y man y o f th e "real " Brit-sou l musicians . Rather , i t i s a s i f their failur e t o work change s o n the music were a metaphor fo r th e way s that th e character s themselve s fee l immobilized , unabl e t o wor k change s upon thei r environmen t an d henc e thei r lives . The y receiv e thei r sou l "education" i n the School of Hard Knocks , their lack of luck a s perform ers mirrorin g thei r lac k o f opportunitie s i n general . However , i f blac k music fail s t o provid e a sourc e o f transcendence , i t i s no t becaus e th e Commitments ar e "inauthentic " i n any obvious sense ; indeed, one of th e film's unexplore d ironie s concern s th e proximit y o f soul , i n way s bot h acknowledged an d unacknowledged , t o thei r musica l an d cultura l expe rience. Instead , becaus e the y ar e unabl e o r unwillin g t o transfor m th e music int o somethin g mor e persona l an d henc e mor e durable , thei r 150

Soul's Revival soul communit y i s mor e transitor y tha n lasting , mot e existentia l tha n political. At it s bes t moments , The Commitments suggest s a succinc t critiqu e of appropriation. Generall y speaking , the film works har d no t to confus e the proficienc y o f it s amateur cast' s performances—or th e obviou s plea sure the y manifes t whil e they'r e playing—wit h th e characters ' relation s to blac k musi c o r blac k peopl e (althoug h thi s i s hardl y surprisin g i n a movie whos e onl y blac k America n characte r i s the elusiv e Wilso n Pick ett's limousin e driver). 23 In thi s respect , The Commitments avoid s mak ing to o muc h o f th e ban d members ' affectio n fo r blac k music , a n af fection tha t would , i n an y case , b e ideologicall y irrelevant . I n a contex t where th e flipsid e o f patronizin g attitude s (e.g. , belief s abou t th e "natu ral excellence " o f blac k performers ) i s th e ver y patronizatio n o f thes e performers, ther e i s littl e t o b e sai d fo r th e redemptiv e potentialitie s o f musical appreciation. 24 Historicall y speaking , a n attractio n t o blac k culture ha s no t necessaril y translate d int o concer n fo r th e actua l welfar e of blac k people , jus t a s th e tremendou s popularit y o f blac k America n popular musi c o n a nationa l an d internationa l scal e doe s no t porten d the disappearanc e o f white supremacy . I make n o apologie s fo r genuinel y likin g The Commitments an d fo r appreciating it s self-critica l narrativ e o f "whit e soul. " Bu t b y th e sam e token, I d o no t wan t t o offe r a to o hastil y sanguin e reading , on e tha t applauds th e film's conten t whil e dismissin g o r overlookin g it s actua l material practice . (T o d o so , I a m suggesting , woul d b e t o repea t th e shallow i f well-intentione d analysi s o f th e first o f th e tw o Jet article s about Georg e Michael. ) I t i s fa r fro m irrelevant , fo r example , tha t Parker's film adaptatio n o f Rodd y Doyle' s nove l abou t a Dubli n sou l band wa s produce d t o coincid e wit h th e Brit-sou l phenomenon , jus t a s The Big Chill wa s calculate d t o tak e advantag e o f baby-boome r nostal gia fo r a raciall y harmoniou s 1960 s tha t exist s onl y i n popula r myth . The Commitments resulte d i n a successful a film soundtrack recorde d b y the cas t o f Iris h musician s who m Parke r recruite d fo r th e movie , an d i t actually led , i n th e cas e o f th e sixteen-year-ol d actor/singe r wh o playe d Deco, to a major-label recordin g contract . Successful soundtrack s bein g a dime a dozen these days, it is perhaps more remarkabl e an d mor e tellin g o f th e way s tha t blac k cultur e circu lates o n th e globa l marketplac e tha t The Commitments wa s directl y responsible fo r initiatin g a "craze " fo r blac k America n sou l musi c among Australia n consumers . B y Januar y 1992 , th e MC A soundtrac k 151

GAYLE WAL D had climbe d t o numbe r thre e o n th e Australia n charts , quickl y sellin g more tha n 75,00 0 copie s an d sendin g recor d buyer s t o store s searchin g for contemporar y sou l cove r albums , suc h a s Soul Deep b y white rocke r Jimmy Barnes , a s wel l a s expensiv e sou l reissue s o f th e wor k o f blac k performers. A three-volume, forty-dolla r Ra y Charle s compac t dis c reis sue, whic h ma y otherwis e hav e languishe d o n recor d stor e shelve s a s a collector's item , sol d 20,00 0 copie s an d mad e i t int o th e Australia n to p twenty b y virtue o f aggressiv e televisio n promotio n tha t too k advantag e of momentum generate d b y the film. Liv e performers als o benefited fro m the Australia n sou l revival . No t onl y di d th e movi e resul t i n th e forma tion o f a cottag e industr y o f sou l tribut e bands , includin g on e calle d (what else? ) th e Sou l Commitments , bu t th e Nevill e Brother s sol d ou t a twelve-date tou r o f Australi a an d Ne w Zealand , playin g t o thirt y thou sand peopl e "entrance d b y a musi c tha t wa s virtuall y unknow n a yea r before." 25 A Billboard reporte r pu t th e Australian sou l revival in histori cal context : "Durin g th e '60s, " h e observed , " a numbe r o f conservativ e pop radi o programmer s di d thei r bes t t o kee p mos t sou l musi c of f the airwaves , reasonin g tha t Australians—bein g predominantl y white — were not a t al l interested i n black music . Apart fro m a handful o f hits b y such mainstrea m Motow n act s a s th e Supreme s an d th e Fou r Tops , an d the odd Atlanti c o r Sta x hit. . . black musi c came Down Unde r vi a cove r version b y loca l po p sensations." 26 I n sum , th e film The Commitments accomplished th e ver y globa l sou l reviva l tha t th e Commitment s ban d could no t eve n sustai n i n the local pub scen e in Dublin. An d no t surpris ingly, although som e black artist s profited fro m renewe d (o r rather, new ) interest i n thei r music , th e chie f beneficiarie s o f thi s reviva l wer e th e multinational corporation s tha t supporte d th e promotio n o f sou l musi c in commercials o n Australian televisio n an d radio , an d i n displays se t u p in Australian recor d stores . Impressive thoug h i t ma y be , th e marketin g bonanz a launche d b y The Commitments pale s nex t t o th e org y o f consumptio n se t i n motio n by Landis' s Blues Brothers, a film i n th e venerate d white-fraternity-bo y tradition o f Landis' s earlie r hi t Animal House, Bes t remembered b y fan s for it s plethor a o f ca r crashe s an d fo r it s destructio n o f a n entir e shop ping mal l i n a n elaboratel y conceive d chas e scene , th e film cos t a n unprecedented $3 8 million , settin g a record a t th e tim e fo r mos t expen sive comedy . The Blues Brothers star s Belush i an d Aykroy d a s Jake an d Elwood Blues , wh o upo n Jake' s releas e fro m Jolie t Stat e Penitentiar y resurrect thei r defunc t Blue s Brother s ban d i n orde r t o rais e mone y t o 152

Soul's Revival save a Catholi c orphanage . Eventuall y pursue d b y th e Chicag o polic e force, Illinoi s stat e troopers , a loca l branc h o f th e America n Naz i Party , Jake's estrange d girlfriend , an d a n enrage d country-and-wester n band , Jake an d Elwoo d wrec k car s an d incit e genera l mayhem , thei r abilit y t o come throug h wit h a triumphant musica l performanc e an d enoug h cas h to rescu e the orphanag e neve r seriousl y i n question . If The Commitments use d sou l a s the cultura l landscap e i n which t o explore economi c anxietie s amon g youthfu l member s o f th e Iris h work ing clas s (th e Village Voice reviewe r note d tha t th e actua l proliferatio n of Dubli n band s i n 199 1 was a sur e indicatio n o f th e lac k o f opportuni ties fo r youn g peopl e there), 27 the n The Blues Brothers use s sou l musi c as th e cultura l landscap e upo n whic h t o stag e a n elaborat e fantas y o f gratified adolescen t whit e mal e desire . Th e film revel s i n particula r i n a string o f came o appearance s b y instantl y recognizabl e blac k sou l leg ends. Withi n th e state d logi c o f th e film, th e comi c significanc e o f thes e brief an d sometime s scene-stealin g performance s originate s i n thei r ver y absurdity: Ca b Callowa y i s th e orphanag e cleanin g ma n wh o nurture s the brothers ' earl y musica l sensibilities ; Jame s Brow n i s th e Rev . Cleo phus James, whos e charismati c preachin g infuse s the m wit h th e "spirit " to perform ; Areth a Frankli n i s th e sauc y lunch-counte r waitres s wh o takes thei r orde r befor e burstin g int o a renditio n o f "Think " tha t pro vides film's most memorabl e performance ; an d Ra y Charle s i s the musi c store owne r wh o provide s th e brother s wit h equipmen t fo r thei r fund raising gig . Althoug h th e film implicitl y attempt s t o disavo w charge s o f racism b y making th e Blue s Brother s th e objec t o f pursui t b y Nazis an d various uniforme d agent s o f th e state , th e concei t o f whit e guy s (eve n white orphan s an d forme r convicts ) a s th e primar y object s o f polic e persecution wear s a littl e thin . Similarly , n o amoun t o f kiddin g aroun d on th e par t o f Belush i an d Aykroyd , an d n o amoun t o f footag e high lighting th e "goo d clea n fun " o f th e integrate d Blue s Brother s hous e band, ca n convincingl y dispe l th e impressio n lef t b y the image s o f blac k soul icon s playin g a n arra y o f enabling , subordinat e function s (janitor , waitress, stereotypicall y impassione d blac k preacher ) tha t hearke n bac k to Hollywoo d film o f a n earlie r era . Generically, The Blues Brothers ma y b e a comedy , bu t unde r an y other term s th e ban d an d th e film wer e n o joke . A s a quasi-seriou s r& b act, th e Blue s Brother s (featurin g Belush i o n lea d vocals , Aykroy d o n blues harp , an d a ban d includin g noteworth y musician s Mat t Murphy , Steve Cropper, Duc k Dunn , an d Pau l Schafer ) too k thei r Saturday Night 153

GAYLE WAL D Live ac t o n th e roa d fo r th e first tim e i n 1978 , whe n the y opene d fo r comedian an d frequen t SNL hos t Stev e Martin a t Lo s Angeles' s Univer sal Amphitheatre . Briefcase Full of Blues, a liv e recordin g o f th e L.A . concerts, followe d shortl y thereafter , receivin g fro m Rolling Stone th e kind o f ecstati c revie w usuall y reserve d fo r artist s wh o produc e origina l material, o r wh o a t leas t projec t a modicu m o f authenticit y i n thei r performance. On e o f th e trul y tellin g aspect s o f thei r receptio n i n th e most establishe d orga n o f th e roc k musi c pres s wa s tha t Belush i an d Aykroyd's musica l amateuris m wa s see n a s a virtue. Th e Blue s Brothers ' "genius," wrot e Timoth y White , "lie s no t i n a n abilit y t o surpas s o r even riva l th e classi c materia l the y choos e t o cover , bu t rathe r i n th e unpretentious sens e o f fu n wit h whic h the y imbu e eac h song." 28 Need less t o say , n o on e ha s eve r bothere d t o contemplat e whethe r blac k musicians i n simila r circumstance s coul d ge t b y o n thei r unpretentiou s sense of fun . Less a strictly blue s act than a n r& b an d sou l cover ban d wh o mad e the son g "Sou l Man " thei r trademark , th e Blue s Brother s eventuall y produced fou r mor e albums , includin g Made in America an d The Original Movie Soundtrack, bot h release d b y Atlantic , th e labe l responsibl e for nurturin g sou l bot h throug h it s ow n release s an d throug h it s affilia tion wit h independen t label s suc h a s Stax . I n th e 1990s , Aykroy d an d Jim Belushi , wh o bega n tourin g wit h th e ban d afte r hi s brothe r John' s death, becam e coinvestor s wit h Isaa c Tigrett , founde r o f th e globa l restaurant chai n Har d Roc k Cafe , i n a ne w venture : a chai n o f restau rant/clubs called House of Blues, complete with wooden floors , authenti c blues memorabilia , an d gif t shop s hawkin g product s emblazone d wit h the Blue s Brother s logo. 29 Despit e th e pos h locatio n o f th e premie r House o f Blues on West Hollywood's Sunse t Boulevard, People magazin e enthused tha t i t "promise s al l the dange r an d high-voltag e excitemen t o f an old-tim e juk e joint." 30 " I thin k th e thrus t o f th e Blue s Brothers ' popularity i s thei r coolness, " Aykroy d tol d th e reporte r wh o ha d com e to se e him perfor m wit h Jame s Brown . " A littl e o n th e shad y side , the y aren't materialistic . Thei r whol e pursui t i s t o pla y an d sin g thei r musi c at an y cost." 31 Mor e successfu l o f lat e a s a musicia n tha n a s a comi c actor, Aykroyd reportedl y plan s t o star t hi s own recor d label . Aykroyd's remark s abou t playin g a t an y cos t notwithstanding , th e Blues Brothers ' pretens e o f comi c nonchalanc e ha s consistentl y maske d the seriousnes s an d purposefulnes s o f thei r economi c endeavor . I n fact , the plo t o f The Blues Brothers movi e neatl y sum s u p th e trajector y o f 154

Soul's Revival Aykroyd's an d Belushi' s musical career : they assembl e a backin g ban d o f well-respected studi o musicians , legitimiz e an d suppor t th e endeavo r b y showcasing thei r connection s t o authenti c blac k musi c legends , an d end u p winnin g th e adulatio n o f whit e audiences . Moreover , th e ver y ahistorical manne r i n whic h Blue s Brother s mi x togethe r blues , "hip, " and sou l recall s colonialis t entitlemen t t o min e th e archive s o f "native " tradition. Given th e kin d o f symboli c violenc e exemplifie d b y Aykroyd' s an d Belushi's pillagin g o f th e "sou l archives"—committe d unde r th e aegi s and wit h th e blessin g o f th e musi c industry—i t i s hardly surprisin g tha t cultural theorist s o f lat e hav e focuse d a grea t dea l o f attentio n o n th e question o f th e circulation o f cultura l symbol s acros s line s o f natio n an d culture. No t al l suc h instance s o f cultura l revivalis m ar e a s blatantl y opportunist a s The Blues Brothers, however . I n Dangerous Crossroads, for example , Lipsit z brilliantl y explore s th e emergenc e o f variou s "di asporic dialogues " tha t coalesc e aroun d th e impor t an d expor t o f loca l music cultures . Withi n thi s multilingual , multivoca l conversation , loca l identities interac t with , transform , an d ar e transformed b y cultural sym bols circulating withi n th e global marketplace , i n effect producin g a ne w set o f relation s betwee n th e loca l an d th e global , a s wel l a s betwee n what wer e previously imagine d a s the separat e sphere s o f th e "margins " and th e "mainstream." 32 Lipsitz' s notio n o f diaspori c dialogu e doe s no t cancel ou t th e relevanc e o f critique s o f cultura l appropriation ; rather , i t makes i t possibl e t o historiciz e an d localiz e thes e critiques , allowin g fo r subtle an d importan t distinction s betwee n mode s o f cultura l borrowin g that see k t o eras e differenc e an d mode s tha t see k t o complicat e an d extend differenc e alon g line s o f share d experience . Using diasporic dialogu e a s the lens for examinin g th e work o f blac k British musicians suc h a s Jazzie B of the group Sou l II Soul, for example , Lipsitz demonstrate s ho w certai n Brit-sou l artist s attempte d t o translat e the "unit y an d spirit " the y hear d i n blac k America n r& b int o musi c that woul d expres s th e unity , spirit , an d struggl e o f thei r ow n comple x diasporic communities . Thi s artisti c dialogu e betwee n blac k Britis h an d black America n popula r musician s gre w ou t of , wa s reinforce d by , and , in effect , enhance d a perceptio n o f share d "black " experience . In th e case o f Jazzi e B , wh o ha s acknowledge d America n sou l singe r Curti s Mayfield a s a formative influenc e upo n hi s musical an d politica l sensibil ities, th e diaspori c dialogu e betwee n blac k Britis h an d blac k America n soul attest s t o relate d struggle s agains t racism , poverty , labo r exploita 155

GAYLE WAL D tion, cultura l imperialism , an d politica l subordination . A s th e nam e o f Jazzie B' s grou p suggests , thi s musica l dialogu e i s on e tha t connect s black populations , sou l t o soul , without promiscuousl y abrogatin g thei r differences. The notio n o f a diaspori c dialogu e facilitate d b y a globa l musi c industry whos e primar y expor t i s blac k America n musi c complement s earlier way s o f understandin g blac k musica l practice s a s the product s o f creative appropriation . Moreover , i t provide s a contex t fo r understand ing th e difference s betwee n thes e an d othe r approriation s (includin g differences amon g whit e appropriations) , s o tha t th e notio n o f "appro priation" doe s no t itsel f becom e th e objec t o f critica l fetishizatio n o r reiflcation. Wha t th e foregoin g analysi s o f whit e sou l "cultura l revival ism" suggest s i s tha t w e nee d suc h distinctions , especiall y i n a n er a in which , encourage d b y th e emergenc e o f widel y availabl e samplin g technologies, recyclin g ha s become s s o centra l a par t o f th e dominant musical aesthetic . Hi p ho p i s onl y th e mos t obviou s an d musicall y influential exampl e o f thi s aesthetic/ethi c o f revival , whic h encompasse s everything fro m Brit-sou l t o th e emergenc e o f "1970s " radi o station s (which, tellingly , ten d t o eras e fun k an d disc o fro m musica l history ) t o the phenomena l recen t popularit y o f th e grou p Ac e o f Base , whic h wa s nothing i f no t a n unabashe d ripof f o f th e 1970 s Swedis h supergrou p Abba (no t tha t i t mattere d t o fans) . On e o f th e danger s o f "whit e soul " that revive s blac k musica l tradition s outsid e o f thei r origina l cultura l context i s that th e cultura l pas t ma y b e resurrecte d no t t o b e celebrate d or reworked , bu t t o b e replace d b y ne w narrative s tha t enshrin e whit e experience an d benefi t whit e musicians . The Blue s Brothers ' centra l contradiction—tha t blac k musi c ca n b e the "fun " an d "unpretentious " antidot e fo r a "soul-less " consume r culture eve n a s whit e capitalis m reap s th e profits—i s als o a centra l contradiction o f "whit e soul " a s I have been examining i t here. Althoug h the American s Belush i an d Aykroy d profes s th e sam e emotiona l affinit y for sou l averre d b y Jimmy Rabbitt e i n The Commitments, nevertheles s it i s mor e "real " fo r dispossesse d kid s i n Dublin , a plac e wit h it s ow n histories o f cultura l oppression , t o cal l a blac k performe r suc h a s Picket t "brother." A s The Blues Brothers fil m demonstrates , narcissis m i s th e only possible outcom e o f white cultura l mimicr y tha t fail s t o interrogat e the infrastructur e o f whit e privileg e upo n whic h suc h crossin g o f line s depends. Revival s o f sou l that d o no t questio n whit e mobilit y an d whit e agency ca n onl y repla y whit e middle-clas s experience , albei t i n a ne w 156

Soul's Revival and differen t form . Whethe r o r no t blac k styl e front s fo r it , mayb e tha t is as "soulful " a s white capitalis m gets .

NOTES 1. Coc o Fusco , English Is Broken Here: Notes on Cultural Fusion in the Americas (New York: New Press, 1995) ; Paul Gilroy , Small Acts: Thoughts on the Politics of Black Culture (London: Serpent's Tail, 1993), and " To B e Real': The Dissident Forms of Black Expressive Culture," in Catherine Ugwu, ed., Let's Get It On: The Politics of Black Performance (Seattle : Bay Press, 1995); George Lipsitz, Dangerous Crossroads: Popular Music, Postmodernism and the Poetics of Place (London: Verso , 1994) ; Richar d Fung , "Workin g throug h Cultura l Appropriation," Fuse 16, nos. 5-6 (summe r 1993) : 16-24 ; Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (Ne w York : Ox ford Universit y Press , 1993) ; Dic k Hebdige , Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Methuen, 1979) ; bell hooks, "Madonna : Plantation Mistress of White Soul Sister?" in Evelyn McDonnell and Ann Powers, eds., Rock She Wrote (New York: Delta, 1995). 2. Lipsitz , Dangerous Crossroads, 49-68. 3. Fusco , English Is Broken Here, 28-29. 4. Se e Nelson George , Buppies, B-Boys, Baps and Bohos: Notes on PostSoul Black Culture (New York: HarperCollins, 1992) . 5. Ibid. , 189. 6. Davi d E . Thigpen , "Sou l wit h a Britis h Accent, " Time, Novembe r 23 , 1992, 68-69. 7. M y observation s abou t th e origina l Britis h invasio n ar e informe d b y comments made by Reebee Garafolo a t the "A to the K" Conference, New York University, spring 1994. 8. "Whit e Singers Cross Over to Soul Music and Find Success," Jet, September 26, 1988; 54. 9. Th e Saturday Night Fever soundtrack reache d numbe r on e on what was then Billboard's To p Soul Music chart i n 1978 , abou t a decade befor e Michae l topped th e charts with Faith. Th e onl y other whit e group t o approac h numbe r one o n the Blac k Musi c chart wa s the rap-roc k fusio n grou p th e Beasti e Boys, whose albu m Licesed to III went t o numbe r tw o i n 1987 . Se e Ada m White , "George's Faith Rewarded," Rolling Stone, June 30, 1988; 21. 10. "Whit e Singers Cross Over," 58. 11. Ibid . 12. "Ar e Whit e Singer s Takin g Ove r Blue s an d Soul? " Jet, Marc h 6 , 1989 , 60-63. 157

GAYLE WAL D 13. I n th e earlie r piece , th e captio n unde r th e photograp h i s descriptive : "Aretha Frankli n and George Michael sing their hit, 'I Knew You Were Waiting for Me ' a t recent concert a t the Palace arena nea r Detroit. " I n the later article , the caption t o the same photo read s " 'I Knew You Were Waiting' [sic] , Aretha Franklin's duet with George Michael, helped him win over many Black fans and broaden his pop music appeal." 14. I dra w her e fro m comment s mad e b y Garafol o a t th e " A t o th e K " Conference, New York University, spring 1994. 15. Se e George, Buppies, B-Boys, Baps and Bohos, 31-34. 16. I owe this observation to Rona Peligal, from persona l correspondence. 17. Gilroy , "To Be Real," 12 . 18. Se e Arnold Shaw , Black Popular Music in America (New York: Schirmer Books, 1986). 19. Pete r Guralnick , Sweet Soul Music: Rhythm and Blues and the Southern Dream of Freedom (Ne w York: HarperCollins, 1986) , 3 . Guralnick's boo k ha s shaped much of my understanding of 1960s soul music. 20. Chri s Hodenfield, "Saturda y Night's Soul Fever," Rolling Stone, November 2, 1978; 18. 21. Se e Norman Mailer, The White Negro (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1957). 22. Se e Julian Dibbell , "Straigh t Outta Dublin, " Village Voice, August 20 , 1991; 55-56. 23. Th e film's restraint is no guarantee, of course, that white American moviegoers left the theater with the same respectful distance . 24. A s Guralnick notes in Sweet Soul Music, his comprehensive and affection ate tribute to southern sou l and its/his "drea m o f freedom," th e southern white fraternity circui t provide d a n importan t sourc e o f sustenanc e fo r man y 1960 s soul bands. 25. Glen n A . Baker, "Aussie s 'Commit ' t o Sou l Music; Boo m Attributed t o Film's Soundtrack," Billboard, January 1 , 1992; 12. 26. Ibid. , 18. 27. Se e Dibbell, "Straight Outta Dublin," 55. 28. Timoth y White , "Th e Blue s Brothers ' Funk y Famil y Reunion, " Rolling Stone, January 25, 1979; 98. 29. Dan a Wechsler Linden, "Spread the Blues," Fortune, September 13,1993 ; 90, 94. The first House of Blues cost $3 million and opened in November 1992 ; it was expected to gross $5 million in 1993. Additional House of Blues clubs are in Cambridge, Massachusetts, New Orleans, and New York. 30. Tod d Gold , "Turnin ' I t Loos e wit h . . . Dan Aykroyd, " People Weekly, May 16, 1994; 122. 31. Ibid. , 124. 32. Lipsitz , Dangerous Crossroads, 4 , 42. 158

12

' S o u l " : A P h o t o Essa y It seems to m e that soul is not so much in the heart or the mind, but i n the hands* The gestures* Maybe soul is a language of power that we speak with our hands. MARILYN NANC E

12.1. "Marching Band at the St. Anthony's Day Parade, Super Sunday," New Orleans, La. 1991 All photos © 1997 Marilyn Nance. All rights reserved. 159

MARILYN NANCE

12.2 "The Tailor/' Benin City, Nigeria. 1977

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"Soul": A Photo Essay

12.3 "Walking" Lagos, Nigeria. 1977

161

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12.4 "Altar Call/' Brooklyn, N.Y. 1988 162

"Soul": A Photo Essay

12.5 "House ofKumba Street Festival, Harlem," New York, N.Y. 1973 163

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12.6 "Moore's Bar-B-Q, 125t h Street, Harlem," New York, N.Y. 1973

164

"cSoul": A Photo Essay

12.7 "Afrikan Street Festival," Brooklyn, N.Y. 1987 165

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12.8 "LiV Bit Braiding Michael's Hair" Brooklyn, N.Y. 1986

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I N T R O D U C T I O N : BLAC K P L E A S U R E — A N O X Y M O R O N ISHMAEL REE D

By writin g abou t blac k pleasure , I ris k bein g chastise d b y universalist s for eve n positin g tha t ther e migh t b e suc h a thing . Fo r th e rigorous minded, the notion o f black pleasure might b e problematic, since , technically, thos e w e designat e a s "Africa n American " ar e transracial , havin g DNA fro m Asi a an d Europe . This is a murky are a tha t seriou s intellectu als will have to dea l with soone r o r later . Moreover, wit h th e gri m statistic s confrontin g Africa n Americans , what i s ther e t o tak e pleasur e in ? Wh y doe s thi s topi c eve n com e up ? One thinks o f those didactic cartoons, printed i n The Final Call, showin g African American s finger-popping whil e everythin g i s going t o piece s al l around them . I think tha t I' m a seriou s person. I don't engag e i n trifles. Bu t I seem to nee d m y hip hop station s i n order t o d o my daily walking exercises . If I forge t m y earphones , I sometimes retur n hom e t o recove r the m befor e proceeding wit h m y schedule . An d s o there' s mor e t o blac k pleasur e than merel y fun . Tak e wor k songs , fo r example . Thos e song s weren' t created unde r pleasurabl e circumstances . Workin g o n a chai n gan g isn' t my ide a o f pleasure . Bu t certainly , singin g song s whil e poundin g rock s made lif e easier . And so , one for m o f blac k pleasur e i s that whic h make s life easier , n o matte r ho w difficul t th e circumstance s unde r whic h thi s pleasure i s experienced. Tak e dance . African America n danc e i s used no t only a s a for m o f pleasure , bu t i n African America n religio n throughou t the hemisphere . Indeed , som e o f thos e religiou s dance s hav e invade d American danc e clubs , renderin g Yorub a a pervasive , persisten t cultura l influence throughou t mos t o f th e Western hemisphere . But i s ther e somethin g tha t distinguishe s blac k pleasur e fro m whit e pleasure o r yello w o r brow n pleasure ? Ca n pleasur e b e define d an d discerned accordin g t o race ? I s ther e somethin g abou t blac k pleasur e that attract s member s o f othe r races ? D o member s o f othe r race s se e something uniqu e abou t blac k pleasure , somethin g tha t can' t b e foun d in their ow n origins ? Why i s i t tha t 7 0 percen t o f th e hi p ho p marke t i s dominate d b y 169

ISHMAEL REED white suburba n teenagers ? Wh y di d white s tak e suc h pleasur e fro m minstrel shows , and wh y di d they enjoy gettin g up in blackface? Wh y d o millions o f white s an d yellow s enjo y blackface d interloper s lik e Elvi s Presley, whos e imitatio n o f th e blac k styl e brough t hi m million s o f dollars. An d wh y i s jaz z s o revere d i n Japan ? I s i t merel y a pervers e racist thril l fo r th e exotic ? I remembe r a phot o I sa w a t th e Universit y o f Kansa s Museum . I n the photo stoo d abou t twenty-fiv e whit e pioneers . The y seeme d gloomy . In anothe r photo , ther e were don e u p i n blackface . The y were smiling . I onc e aske d a grou p o f Frankfur t intellectual s wh y the y wer e s o devoted t o Africa n America n musi c an d literature . The y replie d tha t their ow n culture , th e warrio r mythology , celebrate d i n Germa n musi c and lore , ha d gotte n the m int o trouble . The y neede d somethin g mor e soothing. A fe w year s ago , I share d a n elevato r wit h som e businessme n in De n Haag . I t wa s mornin g an d the y wer e o n thei r wa y t o work . Th e music hoverin g i n th e elevato r wa s somethin g b y Loui s Armstrong . Everybody wa s smiling . A few month s ago , I visited th e Africa n Ameri can collectio n a t a library i n Minneapolis an d ra n acros s a book, writte n in the 1930s , i n which th e whit e autho r claime d tha t th e African Ameri cans' contributio n t o America n cultur e was "passion. " It's easy for Africa n America n intellectuals , who've bee n trained i n a European educationa l system , t o believ e i n suc h a thin g a s "omni Americaness" an d denounc e an y notio n o f a n Africa n heritag e wit h crowd-pleasing invective . I t takes a n extraordinar y individua l t o wande r beyond a curriculum tha t reward s an d coddle s those who remai n withi n its boundaries. Mayb e that' s why th e exploratio n o f the African pas t ha s often bee n launche d b y off-campus , extracurricula r intellectuals . Fo r example, I recentl y appeare d o n a pane l wit h a well-know n Africa n American intellectua l wh o wa s arguin g wit h othe r member s o f the pane l that Africa n American s wer e a Wester n people . A s proof, h e pointe d t o the Wester n reference s i n Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr.' s speeches . Bu t thi s intellectual wa s unabl e t o trac e Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr.'s preaching style , which, lik e the African America n for m o f worship, i s derived fro m Wes t African religion . On e doesn' t have to b e a Columbia-trained anthropolo gist to se e the obviou s parallels . The mainstrea m talente d tent h intellectual s o f th e righ t an d left , whose quarre l seem s t o b e ove r whic h whit e mal e author s on e shoul d read an d fo r who m th e Enlightenmen t (a n off-campu s movement , inci dentally), whic h introduce d scientifi c racism , i s a n intellectua l model , 170

Introduction: Black Pleasure—An Oxymoron would argu e that th e African memor y was wiped ou t durin g the Atlanti c crossing, s o tha t wha t som e woul d cal l blac k pleasur e i s reall y a styl e that's occurrin g i n the Latin o an d Asia n America n intellectua l circles . I n Asian America n literar y circles , writer s ar e arguin g ove r th e interpreta tion o f literatur e writte n i n Kanji , hundred s o f year s ago , an d whethe r Asians forgot thi s literature durin g the Pacific crossing to the West Coast . Frank Chin , wh o i s o n th e cultura l nationalis t sid e o f th e argument , says tha t Asian s n o mor e forgo t thi s literatur e tha n th e Englis h forgo t Shakespeare. I believ e th e sam e hold s tru e o f Africa n Americans . I think tha t there' s enoug h evidenc e throughout thi s hemisphere tha t Wes t African idea s o f cultur e ar e stil l presen t i n th e day-to-da y practice s o f Africans i n the Americas , an d i f they mixe d i n Western style s with thos e when the y arrived , it' s becaus e West African cultur e i s absorptive . The Africa n America n ide a o f pleasure , whethe r i t b e i n cuisin e (some o f whic h i s Wes t Africa n derived , lik e blackey e pea s an d okra) , music, o r storytelling , i s African derived , an d th e African s hav e a warn ing abou t th e danger s o f excessiv e pleasure—on e doesn' t hav e t o g o t o Aristotle t o find this . In Yoruba , th e languag e tha t mos t African s spok e whe n arrivin g i n the Americas , th e wor d fo r pleasur e i s simila r t o th e wor d fo r pain — Dun. To o muc h pleasure , ou r ancestor s ar e tellin g us , i s no t a goo d thing. That's no t th e only wisdom tha t they'v e imparte d t o us , bu t i t will take a new generation o f scholars to uncove r mor e o f this ancestral gold , much o f which stil l awaits translation .

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Ethnophysicality, o r A n Ethnograph y of Som e Bod y JOHN L * JACKSO N JR .

Big-butted Bodies "That bo y ca n flat-ou t sing, " seventeen-year-ol d Shanit a say s t o m e as sh e eve r s o carefull y drape s a just-irone d pai r o f Bos s jean s ove r a wir e hanger . An d wh o a m I ? I' m AnthroMan® , th e anthropologist in-training wh o i s superscientificall y stretche d ou t acros s Shanita' s pecan-sandy colore d comforter. 1 I' m engage d i n fieldwork o n thi s da y (that rit e o f passag e calle d participan t observation ) an d on e o f m y firs t tasks a s a n ethnographe r i s to discursivel y rende r m y environment . S o I simply si t o n th e comforter , tak e i n m y surroundings , an d jo t dow n notes. Shanita's livin g roo m i s th e sam e siz e a s m y mother's , bu t th e layout i s quite different . Mom' s apartmen t i s on th e souther n sid e o f th e building, window s glarin g ou t ove r cemente d sidewal k spac e o n a littl e corner o f King' s Highwa y i n Brooklyn . Shanita' s place , alon g th e sam e building's norther n end , boast s windows tha t pee p surreptitiousl y int o a backlot o f garbag e cans , bricks , bee r bottles , an d sometime s worse — like whe n "thi s motherfucke r wa s lik e wailin g an d cryin g an d shi t an d wasn't nobod y doin g nothing ' excep t sayin ' shi t lik e b e 'b e quie t an d shit caus e som e fol k go t job s t o g o t o i n th e moring ' an d com e t o find out th e nex t da y tha t hi s as s i s lyin g dea d bac k there. " Bu t tha t wa s a while ago , Shanit a assure s me , "an d ain' t muc h happe n bac k ther e sinc e then." 172

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body It is a spring evening, and m y AnthroMan® Notepad © i s once agai n being scribble d upo n b y m y AnthroMan ® Pen © (du e t o forc e applie d by m y AnthroMan ® hand s an d head) . I a m tryin g t o jo t dow n exactl y what i t i s abou t Tyron e (th e aforementione d bo y wh o ca n "flat-ou t sing") tha t make s hi s stor y see m s o fascinatin g t o me—s o muc h so , i n fact, tha t m y specia l SocioSens e i s tingling (whic h means , o f course , tha t there i s valuabl e sociologica l dat a i n th e air) . I a m brimmin g wit h ethnographic expectation . "Flat ou t sing? " I quip back , the inflections i n my voice purposefull y projecting somethin g les s tha n unequivoca l agreement . "He' s awwiight ! I mean , i f i t i s tha t bo y wh o I sa w a t you r school' s las t gospe l concert , the on e wit h th e foot-hig h fade , lookin ' lik e Lord-knows-what , the n h e ain't al l that. " "I don' t kno w ho w yo u muste r u p th e nerv e t o tal k abou t someon e else's singing when yo u can' t eve n Sin g Sing prison," sh e responds . "Don't mak e priso n joke s lik e ever y blac k ma n ha s t o relate, " I warn. "I' m jus t saying , he' s good , bu t yo u biguppi n hi m lik e he' s th e brothuh fro m anothe r planet. " "Anyway Luthe r Vandrone , tha t wasn' t him . Davi d wa s a t th e concert before . Tha t i s th e perso n yo u seen . Tyron e wasn' t eve n ther e last time . H e i s gonn a b e th e on e everyon e can' t wai t t o se e thi s tim e around though , wit h his big-butt self . You know what ? A friend o f min e from schoo l wa s playin g aroun d an d shi t sayin g tha t sh e di d a surve y and foun d tha t ever y blac k perso n know s a t leas t on e perso n fro m th e neighborhood wher e the y gre w u p wh o ha d a big butt . An d tha t usuall y the perso n wa s name d Tyrone . An d I wa s lik e o h shit , ther e wa s a bo y that use d t o liv e i n 9308 , an d h e sur e di d hav e a hug e butt—lik e a woman's. W e woul d al l clow n o n hi m whe n h e di d stupi d shit , too . Those wer e the goo d ol d days. " "Damn, yo u al l may b e on t o something, " I say of he r joke-making , thinking bac k t o whe n I spen t m y earlie r year s i n a Canarsi e neighbor hood tha t wa s hom e t o a t leas t on e big-butte d Tyrone . Mayb e two . "And ther e was always a t least one big-headed person , too," Shanit a continues. " I don' t kno w i f the y al l have th e sam e name , bu t w e alway s called the m watermelo n heads . W e go t on e i n th e choi r now , bu t h e i s quiet. H e ca n sin g too , bu t i t i s Tyron e w e wann a se e o n Thursda y night." Shanita start s t o laugh . "Why?" I ask. 173

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. "Cause w e gonna se e some drama. " "Drama lik e what? " "Well, th e principa l sai d tha t n o on e ca n catc h th e Hol y Spiri t o r anything lik e tha t o n stage , an d tha t a s soo n a s anyon e di d h e woul d stop th e concer t an d th e perso n woul d get suspended . An d eve n whe n we jus t practicing , Tyron e b e lookin g lik e h e abou t t o brea k dow n an d faint o r something. " "From th e Holy Spirit? " I ask again . "I don' t know , bu t Tyrone , whe n h e start s gettin g int o a song , especially 'Firmament'—whic h w e wil l b e singin g b y th e way—h e b e really gettin g int o it. " "Getting int o i t like how? " "Like bod y shakin g an d stuff . H e b e like crying an d . . . " "And th e schoo l tol d yo u al l that the y would no t allo w that? " "Mmhmm." "And wha t di d you al l say? " "Nothin'. Wha t w e gonna say ? We just al l wanna se e what happen s with Tyron e Thursday nigh t a t th e concert . Yo u comin', right? " My onl y reply is an exaggerated an d emphati c "Hel l Yeah!" Anthro Man® coul d hardl y mis s such a n occasion !

Dead Bodies When discussin g bodie s an d soul s an d whatnot , i t i s quit e understand able fo r on e t o eventuall y begi n waxin g eschatological , musin g ove r fleeting soul s an d rottin g bodies. 2 An d wher e d o th e soul s o f thos e dea d bodies go ? Well , hel l o r heave n o f course , dependin g o n th e mora l histories live d b y th e decomposin g bodie s i n question . Bu t first , wha t about th e livin g bodies , thos e stil l musin g ove r thei r fates afte r death ? Where d o the y go ? T o churc h service s o f course , s o tha t th e translatio n from "body " t o "spirit " mean s eterna l lif e fo r th e "soul " involved . O f the churche s I hav e visited , som e ar e mor e "into " th e bod y (i n varyin g ways) tha n others . M y mos t recen t attempt s a t fieldwor k woul d lea d m e to believ e tha t a t leas t par t o f thi s differenc e ma y b e (partially , bu t no t totally) generational . The rathe r conservativ e congregatio n I wa s brough t u p i n seeme d accustomed t o a ver y particula r articulatio n o f individua l bodie s i n th e sanctuary an d neve r wante d ne w convert s t o rechoreograp h churc h 174

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body motion (b e tha t motio n i n th e pews , behin d th e pulpit , o r o n th e choi r loft). A s on e churc h membe r argued , "Go d i s one , infinit e an d perfect ; he doesn' t change , s o why chang e churc h doctrine , makin g churc h mor e worldly, wit h al l th e heav y dru m musi c an d th e han d clapping? " An d I guess he has a point, right? And som e members get even more particular : "If Go d didn' t wan t wome n t o tal k i n hi s churc h whe n th e Bibl e wa s written," a seventy-seven-year-ol d deaco n tell s me , "the n tha t mea n h e don't wan t the m talkin g i n i t no w a s preachers an d stuff . An d h e surel y don't wan t n o heav y musi c an d hi p ho p dancin ' i n it . Al l tha t stuf f go t to go. " Bu t th e deacon' s argument s ar e no t persuadin g man y o f th e younger members , who, fo r th e most part , fee l that th e church mus t sta y up t o spee d wit h th e time s (an d ge t ove r it s masculinis t hang-ups ) i f i t hopes t o wi n blac k soul s an d bodie s t o th e Lord . Durin g on e Crow n Heights congregation' s weekl y meetin g abou t youth-outreach , I listene d to severa l member s debat e th e implication s o f musica l innovatio n (an d its embodied accompaniment , dancing ) o n the sanctity an d reverentialit y of their churc h services . "Young fol k nee d t o b e i n th e church, " say s Siste r Daley , a twenty seven-year-old Jamaican-bor n nurs e wh o i s addressin g th e smal l grou p of churc h member s assigne d b y th e pasto r t o increas e th e numbe r o f young peopl e i n th e congregation . "The y aren' t here , an d w e go t t o bring the m in . Cate r th e messag e t o them . Giv e the m goo d musi c an d a welcoming spirit , an d the y will come. " "The churc h ha s goo d music, " respond s Siste r Rosalind , wh o ha s been a deacones s i n th e churc h fo r ove r twenty-fiv e years . "Yo u ar e talkin' bou t tha t drumming , drummin g an d al l tha t worldl y soundin g music. The m thing s promot e a certai n kin d o f feelin g i n the churc h tha t doesn't lea d to understandin g th e serenit y o f God. " "I'm no t tryin g t o sa y tha t w e go t t o hav e onl y a n orga n i n th e sanctuary," Siste r Madeline , a newl y baptize d membe r fro m Trinidad , chimes in . "W e jus t can' t b e bringin ' al l tha t bup , bup , bup , int o God' s house. Onc e yo u star t wi t d e tump , tump , tump , you r min d mov e fro m God an d you r hea d star t movin g t o th e beat—the n you r backsid e sur e to follow . Sav e al l da t fa ' Saturda y night . Di s her e ain' t n o nightclu b t o be wiggling, wigglin' y a bamsy. " "You ca n mov e you r backsid e t o th e lord , though, " i s Sister Daley' s quick response . "Kin g David' s Psalm s tells us to pla y al l our instrument s to th e glor y o f th e lord . An d summ a y'al l shoul d b e tankful yo u stil l go t bamsies t a wiggle. " 175

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. But th e movemen t o f bamsies , backsides , an d behind s fo r th e Lor d has bee n goin g o n fo r centurie s now. 3 I t i s dance's potentia l connection s to th e sinfu l world , to th e carnal lus t o f Saturda y night-danc e clubs , tha t is proteste d b y Siste r Madeline . I t i s no t tha t bodie s shouldn' t mov e a t all; sh e i s no t Medus a tryin g t o tur n fles h int o stone . Th e bod y ca n d o all th e movin ' i t wants , sh e maintains , thos e movement s jus t shouldn' t be reminiscent o f a danc e hall . Thos e member s wh o argu e agains t Siste r Madeline plac e th e dancin g an d gyratin g church-attendin g bod y i n a more generou s light . The y reclai m th e expressiv e meanin g o f dancin g bodies fro m exclusiv e coalescenc e wit h th e bacchanalia n (fro m som e kind o f direc t o r implie d correlatio n wit h si n an d transgression ) an d dress the m i n ne w robe s o f heavenl y white . Thes e dancin g bodies , ac companied b y strings , drums , an d th e like , ar e identifie d a s heaven bound bodies , par t o f th e Christia n Jubilee. Th e pat h t o th e pearly gate s can almos t b e see n line d wit h speakers , an d God , th e DJ , i s cutting an d scratching an d mixin g soul s t o a celestia l bea t tappe d ou t wit h a finger on th e Boo k o f Life . Well , mayb e no t quite , bu t someon e I kno w ver y well, my great aun t Agnes , understands first-hand abou t Go d an d dance , about Go d an d th e body . Yo u see , she' s bee n groovin g t o tha t Godl y beat fo r quit e a while now . "Every tim e th e preache r sa y somethin g i n church , sh e ge t u p t o d o the fox trot. " He r husban d Rud y chuckle s a s he says this . "And giv e m e tim e I'l l d o th e Buggalo o an d th e Charleston , too, " she replies .

Sanctified Bodies In discussion s o f th e mind , th e spirit , th e soul , an d thei r connectednes s to th e huma n body , th e complexit y o f tha t confluenc e almos t appear s indescribable. I t is talk o f th e impossible an d th e inevitabl e al l in one fel l swoop. Lik e the res t o f th e academi c world , I too a m int o "th e body " — literally an d otherwise , m y ow n an d others' . I t i s th e body , i s i t not , which hold s an d house s it s aforementione d cohorts : soul , spirit , mind ? The sou l reside s withi n th e body , or , eve n better , i s th e bod y i n a different dimension—o n a differen t plane . Th e spiri t permeate s th e body, inform s an d coat s it s physicalit y lik e magi c mis t o r som e celestia l paint job . And th e mind i s quite inside the body , a part o f the physicalit y 176

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body of one' s ver y body , th e electrica l cognitivit y o f al l utterl y liqui d bodies. 4 Bodies, bodie s everywher e an d no t a drop t o drink! 5 But wha t ar e th e hig h schoo l administrator s sayin g abou t huma n souls, bodies , spirits , an d mind s b y attemptin g t o ba n "catchin g th e holy spirit" ? Ho w d o the y hop e t o outla w a phenomenon lik e that? Ar e they calling it fake, phony , forced, o r illicit? Do they just not understand ? Maybe the y don' t wan t t o understand . I f not , wh y not ? 'Caus e i t i s a black thang ? Mayb e a ghett o thang ? Ho w abou t a seventeenth-centur y Quaker thing? 6 Whateve r th e case , th e Lor d sur e d o wor k hi s spiri t work i n mysteriou s ways . An d yes , AnthroMan ® know s fro m experi ence. When a godmother o f min e too k m e to he r churc h fo r th e firs t tim e some twenty years ago, the blac k bodie s there all freaked m e out becaus e of jus t ho w emphaticall y the y wer e performin g som e "hol y spirit-catch ing" activitie s o f thei r own . Bu t that wasn' t th e onl y thing that mad e m e uncomfortable. Firs t o f all , ther e wasn' t n o churc h bulleti n fo r m e t o doodle on . Ther e wasn' t eve n n o churc h really , jus t th e secon d floo r o f her friend' s privat e hous e line d wit h row s o f fold-ou t chair s facin g some kin d o f makeshif t wanna-b e podium . N o pews , n o organ . Jus t a n electronic keyboar d an d a microphon e bot h hooke d u p t o a smal l speaker o n a n oval-shaped , bright-re d ma t place d a t th e fron t o f th e room. To someone who gre w up in a huge Seventh Day Adventist churc h with a conventiona l edifice , a four-tie r choi r loft , a carpete d rostrum , and a built-i n baptisma l pool , m y godmother' s attic-turned-sanctuar y seemed, a t the time , more tha n lacking . I t was profane! But , a s I've said , that wa s hardl y th e wors t o f it . Eve n mor e horrifyin g tha n architectua l concerns wer e th e bodie s o f th e som e twent y o r s o peopl e tha t mad e up th e collectiv e churc h body . Thes e bodie s wer e doin g thing s tha t seemed, a t leas t t o m y youn g Adventis t sensibilities , anythin g bu t spiri tual. The y wer e movin g lik e the y wer e insane . Sure , I ha d lon g consid ered m y mom' s churc h fa r to o tam e an d uninteresting , bu t thi s alterna tive seeme d a n eve n greate r extrem e i n th e othe r direction . I t seeme d rather sinister . The preacher' s messag e bega n b y soundin g quit e usua l t o me — periodically seconde d b y the collectiv e punctuatio n mark s o f hi s congre gation. Tha t wa s ver y familiar . S o was th e occasiona l ar m flyin g u p int o the ai r wit h a n open-palme d handshak e t o th e Lor d a t th e en d o f it . None o f thi s wa s new . I eve n fel t a t hom e i n it . M y mom' s Sevent h 177

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. Day Adventis t church , wit h al l it s middle-clas s aspiration s an d it s six hundred-seat sanctuary , wa s use d t o a movin g sermo n o r two . Bu t m y godmother's preache r brough t o n m y horror , quit e simpl y an d suc cinctly, b y sayin g somethin g t o th e effec t of , "Mov e spiri t o f God , and mov e i n me, " an d the n chantin g somethin g lik e "humdumalumla , hummunnala." 7 The n ther e wa s th e ma n wit h th e big , fa t burgund y ti e sitting t o m y righ t wh o bega n sayin g somethin g clos e t o "nobononla casa." An d th e preacher wa s stil l going and no w the man wa s going, an d then a woma n o n m y lef t chime d i n "oohhlooloonahsun. " S o al l thre e could b e heard . The n another . The n another . Slowly , wha t seeme d lik e the entire congregation ha d joine d in—eac h playin g his or her respectiv e tune. And the n th e burgundy-tie d man' s hand s bega n moving . Firs t jus t the righ t one . I t wa s mor e lik e twitchin g initially , the n th e twitche s go t bigger an d grander . Aroun d an d around . Here , ther e an d everywhere . For a lon g tim e afte r that , th e ma n wit h th e burgund y ti e aroun d hi s neck plague d m e i n nightmares , hi s gesticulatin g hand s ofte n appearin g as five-fingered tormentors detache d fro m thei r wrist s o f origin—flexin g and unflexing , clenchin g an d unclenching . Did I thin k thes e folk s wer e fakin g th e spiritua l funk ? No t i n th e least bit . I t al l seeme d legit , bu t I stil l woul d hav e pleade d fo r the m t o stop i f m y ten-year-ol d sel f coul d hav e worke d u p th e nerve . Ami d al l this movement , however , I (ironicall y enough ) wa s utterl y paralyzed — as thoug h th e shee r forc e o f thei r movement s preclude d m y own . Thes e gesticulating bodie s becam e hideou s beast s capabl e o f jailin g m e withi n the motionles s priso n o f m y ow n fear . The y di d no t fit int o m y notion s of wha t bodie s di d anywher e (le t alon e a t church) . Thei r unintelligibl e words wer e lik e swords a t my throat . But I was horrifie d t o a n exponentiall y greate r degre e when I inched my eyeball s aroun d t o se e what wa s happenin g thre e seat s diagonall y i n front o f me : Tears flowing dow n a silent, godmotheria l cheek . He r bod y was rock-hard , utterl y still . Sh e looked a s paralyzed a s I felt. An d tha t i s when I figured tha t i f he r spiri t possessio n cam e upo n he r s o silently , s o motionlessly, the n mayb e I too was , a t th e selfsam e moment , als o bein g possessed. Onl y I didn' t eve n kno w it . S o I simpl y stare d a t m y god mother, wh o stared , i t seemed , righ t throug h me . He r body' s onl y con spicuous movement—som e liqui d escapin g fro m he r inside s b y wa y o f her eyes . The spiri t and/o r sou l o f th e bod y oozin g ou t fro m withi n her ? Bodies, bodie s everywhere , an d no t a drop t o drink ! 178

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body Relative Bodies I am drivin g i n my mother's recentl y paid-off ligh t blu e Mazd a 32 3 wit h my great-aunt , Agnes , an d he r husband , Rudy . The y ar e keepin g m e company an d tellin g m e storie s a s w e driv e t o Shanita' s gospe l concert . Aunt Agne s love s thre e thing s unequivocally : gospe l music , Reveren d Frederick Price' s syndicated T V worship service , and th e workings o f th e spirit. An d le t m e tel l you , sh e understand s th e powe r o f gospe l musi c on th e bod y an d ha s a t leas t on e rathe r vivi d experienc e wit h tha t ver y power. I hav e hear d th e story , wit h differen t emphase s an d inflections , several times . Sh e tells i t wit h aw e an d thanksgiving : "Bac k whe n I wa s real sick , yo u weren' t eve n bor n yet, " she' d say , " I wa s o n m y wa y t o the grave ; I was surel y gonn a die. " Sh e wa s lyin g u p sic k i n a hospita l bed an d Deat h himsel f tiptoe d b y her , sh e says . I t snuc k passe d th e twenty-four-hour nurs e a t he r bedsid e an d pinche d he r shoulde r blad e talking 'bou t "tim e t o go . Yo u jus t abou t done. " Tha t i s wha t th e voice said . He r nurse-attendan t ha d bee n daydreamin g o r sleepin g o r something whe n Deat h mad e it s entrance , bu t wa s pulle d fro m he r trance b y m y great-aunt' s mammoth-size d wail . "O n cue , seein g th e shade o f Deat h cove r he r patient' s face, th e nurs e move d fro m th e windowsill t o th e bedside , preparin g t o sin g m e int o God' s ope n arms . And I heard he r voice , an d i t sounded s o beautiful , s o warm an d loving , that I decide d t o sin g along . Nothin g to o strenuous— I didn' t hav e th e strength. I didn' t eve n sin g really ; i t wa s mor e lik e humming . Bu t I tel l you, a s Go d i s m y witnes s (alon g wit h Mrs . Covington , tha t nurs e b y my side) , I bega n t o sin g alon g wit h he r i n a wa y tha t mad e ol ' Deat h wait jus t a littl e whil e longer . Ssshhhheeeee , i f no t fo r tha t singin' , I wouldn't b e talkin' now. " Ahh, th e miracl e o f musi c o n th e body ! Sh e retell s tha t stor y a s w e drive. The concer t i s abou t twent y minute s awa y an d th e thre e o f u s loo k for a plac e t o par k th e Mazda . W e ar e i n Manhattan , s o finding a parking spac e wil l tak e vehicula r cunnin g an d a n all-eyes-involve d col lective procedure. Afte r a few minute s o f futile searching , I decide to pa y the million o r s o dollars fo r a two-hour sta y i n a garage, s o we park an d make ou r wa y t o th e auditorium . Shanita' s mo m i s already there , stand ing i n th e lobb y readin g a cop y o f "th e eyes , th e ears , th e hones t voic e of Ne w York , th e Daily News." Sh e cam e straigh t fro m work , s o he r 179

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. light blu e dietar y aide' s unifor m wit h th e whit e stripe s boldl y peek s ou t from underneat h a dar k brow n overcoat . I introduc e m y great-aun t and -uncl e t o her , th e thre e exchang e pleasan t smiles , an d w e al l mov e toward th e auditoriu m entrance . In th e lobby , vendor s sel l flower s an d poster s commemoratin g th e event. Merchant s flan k th e auditoriu m door s hawkin g goodie s o f al l sorts: bit s o f chocolate , whol e pie s an d cakes , novelt y candies , long stemmed rose s wrappe d i n colore d foil . "O h m y God , loo k a t th e price s of thes e things, " m y aun t says . "Betwee n tha t an d th e tickets , the y wanna tak e al l ou r money. " I as k he r i f she' d lik e something . "O h no , that i s too, too expensive, " sh e responds. "Ain' t n o cake worth that . Th e sweetness o f th e music gonna hav e to fill me tonight. " Shanita's mothe r bump s int o on e o f he r friends , Denise , th e mothe r of a pair o f twin s i n the choir , an d introduce s he r to us . We all exchang e pleasantries, smil e a t on e another , tal k abou t th e pendin g performance , and begi n t o ushe r ourselve s int o th e auditoriu m fo r th e show . W e ar e right o n time. The theater hous e i s just abou t packed , an d w e struggl e t o find a spot where w e can al l sit together. Bodies , bodie s everywhere !

Resurrected Bodies Surely wha t coul d b e calle d m y great-aun t Agnes' s musicall y induce d resuscitation i s not th e onl y exampl e o f blac k bodie s movin g toward th e great beyon d an d the n bac k again . It is not eve n her onl y one . And som e bodies even cross completely ove r the living/dead divide—onl y t o scuttl e on bac k t o thi s worl d o f mortals . Mayb e you'v e see n th e newspape r advertisements place d b y peopl e wh o hav e com e bac k fro m th e dea d with supernatura l abilities . On e o f Agnes's favorit e tale s is a story o f he r decision t o consul t on e o f them . "It wa s whe n I was muc h younger , mor e silly, " sh e says . Sh e foun d out abou t hi m fro m som e frien d o f hers . "H e work s good, " he r frien d told her . A t first sh e wa s spooke d ("Yo u know, " sh e says , "bein g a Christian an d all") , bu t sh e go t desperate . S o sh e wen t t o visi t him : th e great ma n o f al l th e man y mysterie s tha t wer e reveale d t o hi m fro m beyond th e grave . Th e ma n wh o remove d stumblin g block s fro m path ways an d brough t love d one s bac k fro m th e dea d an d remove d th e demons fro m aroun d yo u an d mad e man y shattere d live s whole—an d took ou t ad s i n loca l blac k weeklies . Sh e ha d take n th e newspape r 180

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body advertisement wit h her , t o mak e sur e sh e didn' t forge t th e addres s an d to kee p readin g i t t o herself , t o kee p convincin g hersel f o f th e power s that thi s ma n claime d t o have . I f h e coul d d o hal f o f wha t h e said , sh e thought, he' d b e abl e t o hel p her . S o thi s Christia n woma n passe d u p prayers t o Chris t fo r this , o r rathe r (a s sh e explain s it ) di d both . " I figured tha t I might a s well cover al l my bases, " sh e says. But why? Wh y was she calling on the services of the great beyond ? Sh e gives her reason s better tha n I could eve r hope t o summarize : "Rudy wa s lookin ' deathl y sick , an d I didn' t kno w wha t t o do . A t first, whe n Alicia , that' s m y frien d wh o tol d m e 'bou t thi s fellah , gav e me th e ripped-ou t a d fro m th e paper—o r mayb e i t wasn' t a newspape r at all , i t might'v e jus t bee n a flyer—anyway, I didn' t wan t t o hea r nothin' abou t som e ma n wh o say s he' s com e bac k fro m som e grave . I figured tha t som e craz y dea d ma n didn' t kno w nothin ' tha t coul d hel p me. Bu t I alway s kep t hearin g m y mothe r talkin ' 'bou t miracles . An d I had trie d everything , s o I aske d Go d i f i t woul d b e okay t o g o t o thi s man t o tr y t o sav e Rudy' s lif e (caus e h e wa s rea l sick , folk s though t h e was sur e t o die) , an d I aske d tha t i f i t ain' t oka y h e shoul d tel l m e s o (cause, yo u know , I just wante d a n excus e t o d o it) , I was young . I wa s desperate. An d I went int o hi s place, i t was i n Harlem, an d I didn't eve n tell Rud y I was goin' . I didn' t tel l anybody . I kne w mos t o f m y friend s would thin k I wa s crazy , s o I didn' t tel l n o one . An d Rud y wa s s o fa r gone tha t h e wouldn' t hav e know n wha t I wa s talkin ' 'bou t anyway . Now, I'l l tel l yo u something , som e o f thes e folk s ar e jus t fakers . Other s really do be conjuring. Lik e those Haitians who b e messin' with Voodoo . And thi s gu y wa s Haitian , s o I figured h e probabl y kne w som e o f wha t he said h e did. And I was jus t s o scared fo r Rudy . "The plac e wa s no t to o fa r fro m wher e you r Aun t Sandr a use d t o live, he r first house . S o ther e wa s somethin g consolin g abou t bein g s o close t o someplac e I knew . An d th e plac e looke d s o regula r fro m th e outside, lik e an y othe r hous e o n tha t block , nothin g differen t o r od d about it . I think I would've misse d i t i f I didn' t kee p th e numbe r o f th e house i n m y brain : 462 . Yo u know , Alici a playe d tha t numbe r a littl e while afte r tha t an d wo n he r a little something , lik e five hundred dollars . Number 462 . I don't know , I think I expected th e house' s numbe r t o b e burning i n fire on th e doo r o r something , jus t burnin g an d burning . Bu t it wasn't. The place looked normal . Th e onl y way I even knew i t was th e right plac e wa s b y th e smal l blac k numberin g partiall y hidde n behin d a row o f potte d plants . 181

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. "When I go t inside , drawing s an d stuf f wer e al l ove r th e place , monster-looking things , crazy-lookin' . An d a smal l littl e woma n aske d me som e question s an d tol d m e to g o wait fo r a couple o f second s whil e she wen t upstair s t o se e abou t th e guy . Lon g Joh n wa s hi s name , o r a t least somethin g clos e t o it . Th e plac e wa s big , bu t i t fel t smal l 'caus e o f all the little dolls and picture s an d trinket s crowding aroun d on e anothe r and aroun d me . Th e youn g woma n wh o me t m e a s I entered, sh e ha d a name lik e Rit a o r Lind a o r something , cam e dow n an d tol d m e tha t I could g o int o th e nex t roo m an d wai t ther e fo r Lon g Joh n t o hav e council wit h me . M y hear t wa s beatin ' s o fas t I tel l you . I shoo k m y head a s i f t o sa y okay an d walke d towar d th e close d door s sh e ha d gestured fo r m e t o use . Th e walls , line d wit h doll s an d strang e pictures , gave m e th e feelin g tha t somethin g wa s gonn a jum p ou t a t me . Bu t I kept singin g 'Preciou s Jesus ' i n m y hea d an d holdin g ont o Rudy' s ol d fishing ha t I had brough t wit h me , clutching tha t tire d littl e brow n thin g as har d a s I could, remindin g mysel f tha t I was doin g thi s al l fo r him . I remember openin g th e door , a very heav y door , an d thinkin g tha t I was glad I ha d chose n thi s plac e ove r som e o f th e othe r one s I ha d hear d about. Th e woma n i n th e fron t seeme d s o nice . I t wa s a t leas t i n a neighborhood I knew. I t was righ t nea r wher e you r Aun t Sandr a use d t o live, so it wasn't eve n too fa r fro m home. "

Hairy Bodies . . . an d o n tha t grea t judgmen t day , I hop e t o b e there . Praisejesus. Yeslord. Tbankyoufather. Bodie s an d soul s reunite d i n full . I go t t o b e there. Amen. Yeslord. Takeitslownowpastor. Bu t d o yo u al l wan t t o b e there? Yeslord, Yesjesus. Thankyoujesus. I said , I wan t t o b e i n tha t chosen number , d o yo u wan t t o b e there ? Amen. Yessir. Teacbpastor. Preacbit. Amenthankyoujesus. Doe s anybody , uhh , doe s anyon e remem ber th e stor y o f Samson ? Amen. Yessir. Yo u remembe r th e stor y o f Samson? Yessir. Preachitpastor. Goheadnow. Yo u ca n neve r rea d th e story o f Samso n enough . Youright. Goheadpastor. Amennow. Samso n with th e long , flowing hair . Praisegod. Thankyoujesus. Samso n wit h th e heavenly strength . Yeslord. Thankyousaviour. Oh , bu t Samso n pu t a lady befor e th e Lord . Yeslord. Wellnow. Uh-oh , I' m hittin ' to o clos e t o home fo r som e o f ya'l l now . Youpreachitpastor. Yessiramen. Preachthetruthpastor. Ya'l l sayin ' ame n no w bu t som e o f yo u go t stun g b y tha t 182

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body last one . Thatsalrightnow. Preachpastor. Samso n wit h th e long , flowing hair pu t somethin g els e befor e swee t Jesus . Preachit. Amennow. An d that somethin g els e too k awa y al l tha t Samso n ha d i n thi s world , too k away God' s gif t o f strength . Wellwellwell. Preachpastor. Amennowpastor. See, his bod y los t it s strengt h caus e hi s spiri t los t it s strength . Yessir. Preachpastor. I t wa s Delilah , i n cas e yo u don' t know , wh o too k hi s manhood fro m him . Youbetterpreach. Goheadsir. Amen. An d Go d le t that happe n becaus e Samso n le t th e flesh, hi s lov e fo r th e body , com e before th e Lord, befor e hi s love for th e Lord, s o the Lor d too k tha t bod y back. Yessir. Amen. Go d too k i t back . Amenlord. Yes. Bu t yo u kno w what? Bringithomenowpastor. O n judgmen t da y Go d ha s th e powe r t o give i t al l back . Amenamenamen. Thankyoulord, Yesjesus, Yeslord. O n the day , yeslord, thankyoujesus, yo u be t Samso n wil l hav e hi s hair , hi s long flowing hair. Praisejesus, Thankyoulord. Rapunze l ain' t got nothin g on Samson . Yeslord. O n tha t da y th e lor d wil l b e abl e t o cr y out , "Samson, Samso n le t down you r hair! " Amen!

Cummerbunded Bodies The auditoriu m i s large , and , lik e I sai d before , packed . M y great-aun t has bee n talkin g abou t th e expensiv e goodie s outsid e fo r th e pas t te n minutes. Th e light s fad e t o half , an d th e crow d get s ants y an d excite d a s the curtain s par t t o revea l fou r row s o f youn g hig h schoo l face s an d bodies drape d i n blu e choi r uniforms . Th e conducto r i s a light-skinne d man wit h a larg e midsectio n (pronounced , i t seems, b y the re d cummer bund aroun d it ) wh o take s slo w an d carefu l step s t o th e cente r o f th e stage. H e take s hi s plac e i n fron t o f th e choir , hi s bac k t o th e audience , his hand s raise d th e bato n poised . Hi s stead y hea d give s a no d t o th e instruments i n th e pit , an d i n a flash hi s arm s drop . A huge , collectiv e "Yes Looord, " short , hard , staccato , al l i n unison , shoot s ou t fro m th e otherwise motionles s an d expressionles s choir . Bit s o f th e crow d begi n to shout , clap , an d "Than k yo u Lord " i n th e silen t spatia l comm a lef t after th e choir' s outburst . I n a flash hi s hand s ar e u p again . The n down . "Yes Loooord. " Mor e o f th e crow d responds . Thi s i s a teaser , an d i t goes on for abou t forty-fiv e second s befor e th e choir allowe d th e school' s orchestra t o joi n them . Th e roo m become s charge d wit h a n energ y on e only connect s t o throug h music . Th e song s continu e an d m y min d i s catapulted t o tended fields and slav e ships. 8 Tyrone, butt an d all , is going 183

JOHN L . JACKSON JR . through tune s withou t a hitch . H e i s controllin g it—hi s body , tha t is . After a n hour , th e audienc e i s up , wavin g hand s an d singin g along . A young woma n i n th e choi r name d Jacki e begin s t o cr y durin g he r solo . But he r bod y i s hel d steady , calm . I f an y gesticulation s ar e wellin g u p inside her , they ar e bein g repressed, damme d u p within, abl e to spil l ou t only i n tin y droplet s fro m he r ey e sockets . Th e cummerbunde d ma n steps aside , an d Tyron e start s conductin g wit h long , stron g ar m move ments. Agne s faintl y mirror s hi s motion s fro m he r seat . Hand s u p an d out, u p an d u p an d out . "Wha t doe s th e conducto r reall y hav e t o do? " Rudy ask s her . "Caus e tha t bo y ain' t conductin ' nothin ' bu t himsel f wildly." Bu t he wasn't tha t wild, just moving to the melody o f the music . There wa s contro l there . Coul d h e catc h th e spiri t a s h e conducted ? I waited, bu t nothing . M y notepa d an d pe n ar e ready , restin g i n m y coa t pocket. Th e choi r continue s on . When th e las t son g begins , Tyrone take s his place a t th e microphone , an d b y this tim e h e has alread y bee n teary eyed fo r som e time—alon g wit h a goo d dea l o f th e crow d an d choir . The evenin g ha s bee n emotionall y drainin g fo r most , wonderfu l bu t taxing. Tyrone is sniffling a bit, trying to hold bac k hi s tears now. Mayb e even fightin g bac k th e encroachin g spirit:"Don' t com e i n m y body . I could ge t suspende d an d ge t i n trouble. " Lik e signin g a fak e hal l pas s would ge t hi m detention . O r lik e fightin g i n th e lunchroo m woul d ge t his parents called . Shanita' s microphone i s on the other sid e of the choir , and sh e i s o n fire i n a sol o o f he r own . He r mothe r ha s tol d m e man y times tha t sh e feel s Shanit a coul d b e a professiona l singe r i f sh e wante d to, "bu t sh e i s jus t a s goo d a t s o man y othe r thing s tha t sh e hasn' t devoted a s muc h tim e a s sh e coul d t o thi s natura l singin g gif t o f hers. " Shanita wow s th e crowd , an d a s sh e finishes Tyron e piggyback s o n he r last note an d take s th e audienc e ove r fro m there . Everyone i s stil l clappin g fo r Shanit a whe n Tyron e begins . I loo k over a t my great-aunt , an d sh e i s clearl y enjoyin g herself , s o I a m gla d that I dragge d he r along . B y thi s time , however , m y uncl e i s fighting sleep, slap-boxin g wit h i t an d losing , hi s hea d boppin g u p an d dow n from blows—u p the n down , hi s re d eye s ope n fo r a secon d an d the n shut. Th e entir e crow d i s standin g now , an d m y aun t an d I hav e t o stretch ou r neck s jus t t o catc h a glimpse o f th e singin g bodie s befor e us . And the n i t starts. Tyrone's bod y begin s breakin g th e hig h schoo l princi pal's decree . Firs t hi s leg s twitc h jerkily—the n hi s arms . Th e light skinned choi r conducto r wit h th e red-sati n cummerbunde d midsectio n looks behin d th e stag e an d run s hi s right inde x finger acros s the fron t o f 184

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body his neck , lef t t o right . Tha t wa s t o b e it . Tyrone' s leg s an d arm s ar e jerking an d flexing. Th e conducto r calml y an d slowl y walks t o th e fron t of th e auditoriu m a s Tyron e i s beginnin g t o flai l hi s arms . Wha t wa s once twitche s ar e no w swings ; Tyron e almos t fall s bu t catche s himself . "Thank yo u Jesus, " h e i s singsaying . Th e choi r i s finishing u p th e song , and a fe w o f th e othe r member s begi n t o shake . Th e conducto r i s stil l walking t o th e backstag e area . Th e crow d i s clapping an d movin g wit h the choir . M y great-aun t complain s abou t dizziness . M y uncl e i s clearl y awake no w becaus e o f al l th e adrenalin e pumpin g throug h bodie s around him . The hug e maroo n curtain s ar e bein g draw n together . Severa l mem bers o f th e choi r ar e cryin g now . Suddenly , th e curtain s stop . The y give tw o o r thre e jerk y movements . On e curtai n seem s t o b e stuc k o n something. Th e musician s ar e stil l playing ; som e o f the m ar e crying . Tyrone ha s almos t falle n again , bu t recapture s hi s footing . Th e conduc tor i s no w completel y ou t o f sigh t behin d th e stage . Th e musi c i s stil l going an d comin g throug h th e audience . Th e choi r i s stil l singin g an d crying t o th e Lord ; th e crow d i s stil l standin g an d appreciatin g i t all . Everyone i s clappin g already , man y ar e crying , an d mos t ar e singin g along. Th e curtain s ar e unstuck , bu t wait , Tyron e i s too fa r downstage . He i s ou t o f it s reach , an d i t wil l clos e behin d hi m an d leav e hi s spirit catching bod y uncovere d an d expose d t o ou r collectiv e gaze . Th e musi c feels louder . Th e choi r i s still singing . Tyrone appear s t o hav e absolutel y no contro l ove r hi s body now , bending , falling , an d wailin g "Than k yo u Jesus. Than k yo u Jesus. " On e o f th e wome n i n th e fron t ro w take s hi s hand an d draw s hi m upstage , safel y behin d th e closin g curtain' s plane . The crowd , respondin g t o th e curtain' s symboli c finality, reinvigorate s its applause . Th e curtai n shoot s ou t a t point s where , undoubtedly , Ty rone's bod y i s stil l uncontrollabl y hittin g u p agains t it—the n tha t to o subsides. An d besid e me , poo r Uncl e Rud y i s tryin g t o reviv e hi s wif e who ha s jus t fainte d an d falle n bac k int o he r seat . Everybody' s bod y i s different, bu t eac h bod y ca n onl y tak e bu t s o muc h spiri t filling u p it s soul.

No Bodies AnthroMan®, withou t hesitation, bolt s for th e backstage area , question s ricocheting bac k an d fort h i n m y head : Wa s Tyron e bein g reprimande d 185

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. for hi s actions ? Chastise d fo r hi s bodil y behavior ? Woul d h e b e physi cally remove d fro m th e premise s s o tha t othe r fledglin g spirit-catcher s could tak e not e o f th e swif t an d sure-foote d justic e suc h a n infractio n would meet ? No t thi s day . Backstage , peopl e simpl y hu g an d cr y an d thank th e Lord . Eve n th e cummerbunde d choi r directo r (who , onl y seconds earlier , mad e th e "death " sig n wit h hi s inde x finger acros s hi s neck) ha s onl y hug s an d smile s fo r all , eve n Tyrone . N o censure s o r criticism. H e say s nothing an d embrace s an y an d al l within reach . The followin g week , Tyron e i s mildl y scolde d b y th e principal . " I would hav e bee n suspended , the y said, " h e tell s me , "bu t sinc e m y grades ar e goo d an d I a m abou t t o graduate , the y sai d tha t the y wer e letting m e of f th e hook . The y jus t sai d tha t I can't hav e anothe r solo — which doesn' t matte r anyho w 'caus e tha t wa s th e final gospe l concer t o f the year! So they ain' t really do nothing. An d i f they did , I wouldn't hav e cared. Th e Hol y Ghos t can' t b e stopped." 9 Mayb e not , bu t Anthro Man's® questio n is , ca n i t b e measured , analyzed , o r interviewed ? An d if so, when i s the bes t time to com e by ?

NOTES 1. AnthroMan ® i s a caricatured (re)presentatio n o f th e methodologica l un derpinnings tha t help form th e foundations o f the social sciences. He is used to articulate the need fo r socia l scientists to perform almos t superhuma n explana tory feats . On e task take n o n rather directly , though implicitly , i n this piece, is "the tellin g o f enthnographi c time"— a discursivel y base d struggl e agains t th e pull of ethnography's perennial past-present tense, which according to Johannes Fabian, fixes "the other " i n a les s complex an d sophisticate d tim e tha n "our " own. Of course, the very assumption abou t what "th e other" entails—an d jus t how "our" and "th e other" connect—is also up for grabs here. The ® © symbol s mar k th e politico-economi c issue s involve d i n knowledg e production in the late twentieth century, which that has almost reached the level of th e absur d i n it s all-encompassingness . Th e commodificatio n o f knowledg e (through high-price d boo k deals , six-figur e salar y negotiations , an d academic s with roc k sta r followings ) i s almost bette r describe d a s a kind o f "comedyfica tion"—where the powers of a hyper and ludic capitalism reign supreme and the invisible hand s o f th e marketplac e gras p a t it s ow n bell y i n uncontrollabl e laughter. 2. Bracketed Bodies: This essay is really two, and I shall use the second par t of it , thes e notes , t o wra p m y idea s aroun d th e bod y o f wor k generate d b y 186

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body Ferdinand d e Saussure's studen t body . I rehearse m y thoughts wit h recours e t o Saussure's no t s o muc h becaus e o f ho w h e talk s abou t th e "thingness " o f th e human body, but rather because of how he would seek to talk "th e body" away, to defe r i t from hi s linguistic analyse s indefinitely . Thi s engagement wit h Saus sure may seem to some an unnecessary additio n t o the text. However, I believe it to be a vital ingredient in my own working out of the information presented . When Saussur e se t u p hi s linguisti c sign , h e wa s dealin g wit h sound-image s and concepts. He was not dealing with objects, not dealing with material bodies in th e everyda y world , no t dealin g wit h physical , frightenin g bodie s singing , crying, an d acting-ou t th e Towe r o f Babe l scene . An y notio n o f a "referent, " that whic h exist s beyon d th e sig n (an d whic h a "concept " stand s i n for ) i s outside th e bound s o f hi s analysis . Th e linguisti c sig n doe s no t unit e a "thin g and a name." Signs are the things; they do not link up with any things outside of themselves. With this move, Saussure defers an y and al l talk abou t the referent / world/object, an y talk about the Babellian body in motion. His linguistic system is self-containe d an d self-referential . An y change s i n language , therefore , ulti mately are not due to the actions of individual language users but to the internal dynamics o f languag e a s a sig n system . Th e poin t her e i s no t tha t Saussure' s theory i s inaccurate o r unreal , bu t rathe r th e meri t o f a conceptualization o f a phenomenon tha t remove s th e phenomeno n fro m th e contex t withi n whic h i t operates. On e can't have language without language users, and a n analysis that downplays the importance o f that connection is not simply a closed system, it is a stifled an d claustrophobic one . By "ethnographizing" Saussurea n linguistics , I hope to think more generally about the relationship between a stilted system and a fluid one—while implicitly challenging conventional linkages between semiotic systems and material conditions/constraints . Charles Sanders Peirce posits a more open system by incorporating the idea of the referent/world/thing int o linguistics, arguing that some signs have a "physical connection" t o th e object s t o whic h the y relate . Peirc e ha s severa l way s o f looking at things he calls "signs." Peirce's sign differs fro m Saussure' s signifier in that i t can intrinsically resembl e (iconicity ) o r adjoi n spatio-temporall y (indexi cality) a n "object " i n th e rea l world . S o h e set s u p a syste m too , bu t i t i s markedly differen t fro m Saussure's . Indeed , ever y syste m i s self-containe d an d self-referential, bu t ho w muc h i s to o much ? Philosophe r Pau l Ricoeu r woul d most certainly se t out t o challenge th e degre e of closure posited b y the likes of Saussure. Ricoeu r ask s question s abou t th e referent/outside/existenc e ignore d by Saussure' s system . Huma n being s an d thei r existence , h e woul d posit , come before languag e ( a representation o f that existence) , and this is of utmos t importance, h e believes , i n an y analysi s o f language . Her e h e fall s bac k o n a kind o f Heideggeria n notio n o f a pre-existen t Being . "I s i t no t philosophy' s task," h e asks, "t o ceaselessly reopen, toward th e being which is expressed, this discourse whic h linguistics , du e t o it s methods, neve r cease s t o confin e withi n 187

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. the closed univers e of sign s and within th e purely internal pla y of thei r mutua l relations?" So Ricoeur want s t o ope n languag e u p int o th e being/world/referent/object / practice/existence, an d s o on, to ope n u p the study of languag e suc h that i t no longer points within itself alone. It can be argued that part of what, say, Jacques Derrida doe s is just that: he opens up the sign. But he does not ope n i t up into the world/thing/object/referent/being . Instead , h e crack s i t ope n int o "text. " There i s no Being , fo r him , whic h pre-exist s text . Tex t come s befor e bein g in that every text is, in a sense, tied to all those texts that came before it. So now what? Well, we can look at Derridean notions of differance/trace/play / absence/mark (no t synonymous terms, but in cahoots and allied in integral ways) in light of their connection t o his (or any) idea of violence—a sneak y rerouting of th e discussio n bac k t o huma n bodies . Fo r w e can sa y that Derrida' s differ enced man is akin to the one, in those old-time gangster movies , who knew his days were numbered whe n th e mobster s sen t a package o f wrapped fish to his home. We (the movie audience ) an d h e knew that i t was just a matter o f tim e before th e Mafi a kille d him . H e wa s alread y ("alway s already" ) a walkin g corpse. Wit h al l it s Derridea n an d Mafios o connotations , h e wa s alread y a marked man. For some background, see Paul Ricoeur, The Conflict of Interpretations: Essays in Hermeneutics, ed. Do n Indi e (Evanston ; 111. : Northwestern University Press , 1974) ; Charle s S . Peirce, Pierce on Signs, ed. James Hoope s (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1991) ; Rolan d Barthes , Elements of Semiology (Ne w York: Hill and Wang, 1967) ; Robert Innis, ed., Semiotics: An Introductory Anthology (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1985). 3. Th e connection s tha t lin k rituals , spiri t worship , an d danc e ar e indee d interesting, an d th e literatur e o n thos e linkage s i s quit e vast . On e o f th e best known links is the pop-culturally familiar "rai n dance." 4. Eac h o f thes e assertion s (abou t th e connectio n amon g souls , bodies , an d spirits) ca n b e problematized o r redescribed . Fo r instance , th e Michel Foucaul t of Discipline and Punish woul d revers e m y articulatio n o f th e relationshi p between soul and bod y by stating that the body is imprisoned within the soul. I invoke my own mind-body-soul connections here not as finalconcretizations but rather partial articulations . 5. Bu t what is "the body" fo r th e likes of Saussure? It is none other than the phonological accumulatio n tha t amount s to the utterance "body"—flun g fro m a speaker' s tongu e an d crashin g agains t a hearer's eardru m lik e a badass Elvin Jones solo . Saussur e attempt s t o change/revolutioniz e th e stud y o f linguistic s by lookin g a t languag e structurally , a mov e tha t ca n b e see n a s creatin g a n epistemological brea k betwee n him an d thos e who hav e been called hi s wordsas-nomenclature predecessors . H e want s t o analyz e languag e "a s a syste m o f distinct sign s corresponding t o distinc t ideas. " An d tha t i s reasonable enough . 188

Ethnophysicality, or An Ethnography of Some Body Language is to be considered a schema/order/structure compose d o f interrelate d parts. But to get at that structure , on e of Saussure's initial moves is to bifurcat e linguistic phenomen a int o th e portio n tha t i s deferred/ignored/preclude d (parole—the individual , chaotic , heterogeneous , performe d speec h acts ) an d th e portion tha t h e believes is scientifically analyzabl e an d classifiable (langue—the "self containe d whole " tha t rest s behin d thos e speec h act s an d anchor s them) . As a linguisti c scientist , h e i s abl e t o perfor m thi s metaphysica l operatio n ( a linguistic lobotomy , som e woul d say) , thi s privilegin g o f langue over parole— this remova l o f parole from th e linguisti c bod y lik e a blighte d organ—b y ar guing tha t langue "give s unit y t o speech. " Therefore , h e contends , withou t separating an d isolatin g th e analyzable/classifiabl e langue from th e res t o f lan guage, linguisti c phenomen a woul d b e beyon d scientifi c analysis . Fo r us , th e almost supernatural implication o f the term "disappears " supplie s an important transformation o f Saussur e th e theoris t int o Saussure o th e linguisti c magicia n with his trusty black tophat, into which he drops the chaos of individual speech acts. But the question can then be asked, what else is lost (disappears) i n such a maneuver? Coul d a n analysi s o f parole hold an y key s t o a competen t under standing of language that doe s not see k to banish a large portion o f the subjec t area beyon d th e bound s o f understanding ? Stickin g wit h ou r rathe r overex tended metapho r o f th e linguisti c magicia n an d hi s theoretica l magi c wands , could there not b e something more compelling than that same old disappearin g (speech) act? Like hacksawing parole into a thousand tiny pieces and recombining them before our very eyes? To further highligh t Saussure's vanishing of the linguistic body, it is important to incorporat e int o thi s discussio n hi s belie f i n th e arbitrarines s o f th e basi c components (organs) of that body, linguistic signs. He believes that any linguistic sign (th e connectio n betwee n th e signifier, th e writte n o r spoke n "n-i-g-g-e-r, " and th e signified, th e concep t o f th e brown-hue d Hom o sapie n creatur e tha t actually make s its way in the world) i s arbitrary an d unmotivated , an d he uses this ide a t o reinforc e th e importanc e o f th e langue/schema/structure i n an y understanding o f language—fo r th e valu e o f th e linguisti c sig n rest s no t i n some natural an d intrinsic bond betwee n the sound-image and the concept, and especially not in some inherent link between the sign and the "referent " existin g in som e worl d beyon d th e linguisti c one . Fo r Saussur e th e linguisti c sig n ca n only eve r hav e value when looke d a t i n (an d locke d within ) th e contex t o f th e entire sign system within which it operates. The sign is a relational structure that only ha s meanin g withi n a large r framewor k o f whic h i t i s a part, an d thi s is why "structure " i s s o importan t t o Saussure . I t allow s fo r th e privilegin g o f langue over parole, system ove r speec h acts , the socia l ove r th e individual , th e homogeneous ove r th e heterogeneous , th e ordere d ove r th e chaotic , for m ove r content, head over heels—and o n and on. This is one of the founding move s of both linguistic s an d it s kissing-cousin , semiotics . Variou s theorist s hav e ex 189

JOHN L . JACKSON JR. panded an d commented upo n Saussurea n structuralism/linguistics . Thi s kind of structuralism and its basic privileging maneuvers come up repeatedly in Western social theory. This is the same Saussurean structuralis m tha t I am attempting to ethnographize by placing it squarely on the backs of some religified black bodies, hopefully allowin g for an inelegant rematerialization of those things invisibilized by the great Saussureo. 6. Mayb e "ghett o thing" misses the point completely b y haphazardly dehist oricizing the phenomenon. We may have to take this motherload back to Africa , but now is not the time or place. 7. A bit o n th e subjectivit y versu s objectivit y debate : I t goe s without sayin g that my own re-collections and rememberings of events (be they ethnographic or autobiographic) ar e quit e subjectiv e an d distorting . An y an d al l suc h account s are inherently partial—although a n argument can always be marshaled aroun d degrees of partiality. However, this partiality, in and of itself, is not the problem. Rather, i t i s th e attemp t t o downplay , ignore , an d underestimat e tha t ver y partiality (throug h a rhetori c o f objectivit y tha t pretend s t o writ e i t of f int o discursive oblivion) with which I take issue. 8. Thi s referenc e t o slav e ship s stem s fro m m y ow n wor k o n th e "middl e passage" an d it s metaphorica l an d magica l present-da y (re)interpretations . A forthcoming articl e will discuss the different moder n rememberings and/or reinventions of the Atlantic slave trade. 9. S o picture Saussur e a s a high schoo l principa l chasin g snotty-nose d teen s around poorl y li t hallway s wit h a bullhorn . Imagin e hi m checkin g ou t th e chaotic movements of his school's gospel choir, their blue-clothed bodies careening and convoluting far awa y from an y and all comprehensibility. Would he get it? Maybe , mayb e not , bu t tha t i s not wher e the heart , spleen , o r tors o o f thi s argument rests . Bu t why , yo u ask , ar e big-butte d bodie s an d Christian-base d spirit possessio n linke d i n an y wa y t o Saussure , Derrida , o r an y o f th e othe r theorists discusse d i n thes e notes ? Well , becaus e nothin g coul d b e finer tha n a locked-up body, a confined body , a big-butted Bataillian body out on parole and singing to the glory of God . And this essay only seeks to point ou t a n interestingly analogous rehearsal of linguistic premises on other-than-linguistic terrains , on th e big-butte d bodie s o f would-b e Winan s an d hig h schoo l hottentot s t o ethnographize th e theoretical . Thin k o f thi s a s a testin g o f "evidentia l truth " that trie s to shift th e terrain fro m epistemolog y t o metaphoricity, o r even farci cality. And no doubt, it is all a straining of parallels. But "no pain, no gain." So in this essay's corporeal light , one can at least empathize with Saussure's fear of chaos and his need to close off ou r language (o r our analyses of language) fro m any discussion of actual bodies doing physical things in spatial realities.

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Black Bodie s Swingir T Race, Gender , an d Jaz z MONIQUE GUILLORY At the end of the day, the seductiveness of artists like [Miles] Davis isn't awe at their skill. It's the dangerous visions they unleash in others that make them truly arresting and irresistible, their power as dreamers to decolonize their audience's dream spaces. Or to unlock their nightmares, —Greg Tate, "Preface to a One-Hundred-and-Eighty Volume Patricide Note: yet Another Few Thousand Words on the Death of Miles Davis and the Problem of the Black Male Genius" This love of drums, of exciting rhythms, this naive delight in glowing color that exists only in cloudless climes—this warm, sexual emotion, all these were hers only through mental understanding .... We are all savages, she repeated to herself, all apparently, but me! —Mary Love in Carl Van Vechten, Nigger Heaven

It i s a curiou s phenomeno n o f over-determinis m an d exces s tha t th e largest flowe r i n th e worl d smell s lik e rottin g meat . O n Jul y 30 , 1996 , when th e Titan arum plan t bloome d a t Kew Gardens i n London, throng s of peopl e filed past th e unsightl y blossom— a phalli c monstrosit y wit h a yellow pisti l towerin g te n fee t abov e a moun d o f fleshy, deep-purpl e petals. Apar t fro m th e botanica l significanc e o f th e rar e sprout , th e flower's appea l lie s not i n it s anticipate d beaut y bu t rathe r i n its vocifer ous odor , new s o f whic h ha s permeate d th e countrysid e like , well , a putrid stench . Peopl e draw n t o th e plan t explai n the y wan t t o find ou t 191

MONIQUE GUILLORY for themselve s jus t ho w ba d th e smel l is , bu t the y ofte n leav e a bi t disappointed whe n th e flower/phallu s doe s no t ree k a s badl y a s the y imagined—somewhere betwee n ranci d mea t an d dea d fish ha s bee n th e general consensus . I se t th e Titan arum a t th e hea d o f thi s projec t t o serv e a s a center piece, a cod a o f contras t an d irony . Lef t t o it s unbridle d nature , a plant ca n exhaus t th e phenomenologica l matri x w e us e t o identif y thos e objects w e understan d t o b e "plants. " I n a mos t extrem e an d over wrought state , a plan t ca n mimi c it s conceptua l counterpart , flesh , an d to som e exten t evolv e int o a gros s perversio n o f it s swea t an d pleasan t perfume. Fo r th e desig n o f thi s analysis , th e pungen t an d remarkabl e flower provide s a n appropriat e metapho r fo r thos e qualitie s o f jaz z culture I examin e here . Withou t contest , jaz z i s th e sweetes t an d mos t cherished flowe r i n th e garde n o f America n culture . Organicall y culti vated i n th e soi l o f th e Ne w World , i t embodie s th e ofte n contradictor y forces tha t compris e America . A n impressiv e hybrid , jaz z sproute d fro m a conglomeratio n o f Africa n rhythm s an d Europea n harmonies . I t wa s pruned b y racism , watere d b y th e sea s o f th e Middl e Passage , fertilize d by democracy . Th e las t tim e th e Titan plan t a t Ke w Garden s bloome d was mor e tha n thre e decade s ag o i n 1963— a watershe d momen t o f social chang e i n th e Unite d States . A t that time , th e assaul t o f assassina tions, the torrents o f political an d civi l unrest eclipsed news of the plant' s metamorphosis. Bu t 196 3 als o marke d th e heyda y o f bebop , whos e energy an d dissonanc e reflecte d th e dynamic s o f the times . I n the garde n of America n fine art , jaz z ha s evolve d a s bot h a pristine, whit e gardeni a and strang e frui t hangin ' fro m popla r trees . But lik e th e flowe r tha t entice s wit h it s stenc h rathe r tha n it s per fume, ther e i s a dar k undersid e t o jaz z a s comple x an d allurin g a s th e music itself. This chapter examine s how constructs o f masculinity i n jazz sought t o correc t an d overwrit e th e histor y o f slavery , lynchings , an d discrimination tha t spawne d th e music . However , i n th e attemp t t o reclaim th e masculinit y tha t America n histor y denie d the m fo r s o long , black jazzme n fashione d a cloa k o f masculinit y tha t reifie d th e patriar chy, misogyny, and sexis m of the white mainstream. In backstage conver sations an d lat e nigh t talks , i n th e musicians ' ow n word s an d works , one finds a fres h canva s o n whic h t o reconfigur e th e overextende d representations o f blac k masculinit y i n the public sphere . The politica l econom y o f jazz , th e elitis t venue s tha t sustai n an d validate th e music , imbib e i t wit h a n ai r o f socia l propriet y an d hig h 192

Black Bodies Swingin' culture. However , histori c chronicle s an d biographie s elucidat e ho w black, hyperheterosexua l bravad o circulate s a s a discursiv e construc t within jaz z communities. While America relishe s its love affair wit h jazz , once a bastar d child , thi s doe s no t eras e th e commo n tie s jaz z share s with hi p ho p i n th e mor e contemptibl e sid e o f th e blac k vernacula r tradition. 1 However , jaz z ha s ha d th e unparallele d goo d fortun e o f camouflaging itsel f i n a n arra y o f tailore d suits , articulat e spokesmen , and intellectuall y sophisticate d music—unlik e it s erran t stepchild , hi p hop, whic h seem s t o invad e an d overwhel m citie s lik e a tangled mes s o f unruly weeds .

Boys Being Boys Through th e gossi p grapevin e tha t trail s al l musician s o n th e road , men fill lon g empt y hour s awa y fro m hom e wit h rathe r predictabl e conversations abou t women . The y guesstimat e th e score s o f sexua l con quests, swa p storie s abou t particularl y finessed victorie s an d notabl y famous vixens . Lie s ma y b e told , bu t legend s ar e born . Despit e th e hyperbolic natur e o f this backstage shoptalk , i t nonetheless inform s ho w younger musician s attemp t t o fashio n themselve s afte r th e mor e sea soned veterans—bot h a s musician s an d a s men . I n th e sam e wa y tha t Tony William s recall s Mile s Davi s an d Ma x Roac h "speakin g lik e men , acting like men . . . Miles showed yo u how to carry yourself," jaz z musi c continues t o operat e accordin g t o a n informa l cod e o f apprenticeshi p and tutelage. 2 Althoug h th e audienc e ma y neve r hea r th e storie s tol d i n these mor e intimat e moments , th e musicians , throug h thei r ow n self fashioning an d stylization , recreat e an d reinven t i n themselves fragment s of the mythological jaz z heroes wh o cam e befor e them . Having grow n wear y wit h baggy-jea n brother s constantl y bein g subjected t o th e critica l ey e of th e academy , I feel tha t th e jazz world— a hermetically seale d boy' s club fo r nearl y a century—provides a n equall y fecund, i f no t overgrown , plo t o f blac k masculin e tropes . I have negoti ated th e socia l tide s o f bein g a woma n wh o own s a " 2 Liv e Crew " album. Bu t i n th e sam e turn , I hav e als o ha d t o grappl e wit h m y appreciation fo r th e creativ e spiri t o f jaz z musi c i n spit e o f it s rampan t misogyny an d patriarchy . I n "Ma d a t Miles, " Pearl e Cleag e recounts th e anger an d ambivalenc e sh e fel t a t th e deat h o f Mile s Davis . Sh e fondl y memorialized hi m fo r th e sensualit y hi s musi c brough t t o he r life , ye t 193

MONIQUE GUILLORY she remaine d angere d b y Davis' s ''self-confessed violent crimes against women such that we ought to break his records, burn his tapes and scratch up his CDs until he acknowledges and apologizes and agrees to rethink his position on The Woman Question. " 3 Jazz enthusiast s hav e fough t diligentl y t o ear n th e musi c it s prope r respect withi n th e contex t o f America n hig h culture , an d thi s ha s bee n a worthy an d importan t battle . I thoroughl y recogniz e ho w jaz z grace s the natio n no t onl y wit h a n impressiv e testamen t o f African-America n ingenuity an d survival , bu t with living , thriving proof o f the great poten tial an d promis e o f America n democracy . Thes e thing s remai n tru e regardless o f th e imperfection s wove n int o th e fabri c o f th e music' s culture an d traditions . I suspec t tha t man y othe r wome n woul d agre e with m e that th e sexis m i n jaz z i s a wel l kep t secret . Jazz i s no less , an d perhaps n o more , sexis t tha n othe r musica l genre s dominate d b y men . However, handlin g jaz z wit h ki d glove s o r neglectin g i t entirel y i n critical assessment s no t onl y preclude s mutua l understandin g fro m bot h sides o f th e bandstan d bu t als o leave s on e o f blac k America' s greates t cultural tradition s underexplored . I f w e ar e t o loo k anywher e fo r ho w constructs o f blac k masculinit y operat e withi n th e popula r market , jaz z offers on e o f th e earlies t an d perhap s mos t vita l model s fo r th e interde pendence betwee n persona l gende r politic s an d large r socia l factor s in creatin g a long-standin g cultura l an d artisti c tradition . Th e blanke t acceptance an d eve n prais e fo r jaz z musi c shoul d no t exemp t i t fro m constructive exercise s o f critica l engagement . Stuar t Hal l urge s u s t o b e skeptical o f suc h vapi d visibilit y whic h ultimatel y amount s t o a kin d o f difference tha t doesn' t mak e a difference o f an y kind." 4

Blacks Being Black The notio n o f jaz z a s synonymou s wit h "black " musi c extend s s o dee p into th e music' s histor y tha t trumpete r Ro y Eldridg e onc e claime d tha t he coul d hea r th e differenc e betwee n whit e an d blac k players . Thi s bol d assertion hinte d a t th e unlikel y possibilit y tha t th e qualit y an d styl e o f a musician's ton e depen d no t upo n training , skill , o r natura l talen t bu t o n an inheren t physica l featur e manifeste d throug h th e biologica l trai t o f race. Whe n Eldridg e too k a blindfol d tes t t o prov e hi s claim , h e coul d not identif y eve n hal f o f th e artists ' racia l identit y correctly. 5 Lik e th e 194

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14.1. "Swee t Swing Blues on the Road," reprinted by courtesy of Frank Stewart. racial misconceptions o f the ninetieth century , which continued t o prolif erate eve n afte r huma n genetic s an d biolog y prove d the m wrong , nega tive attitude s towar d whit e musicianshi p i n jaz z persiste d lon g afte r Eldridge's fallaciou s propositio n i n th e 1950s . Racis m an d discrimina tion hav e significantl y shape d th e histor y o f jazz , leadin g on e criti c t o brazenly claim , "al l whit e musician s coul d b e eliminate d fro m th e his tory o f the music without significantl y alterin g it s development." 6 Like Eldridge , man y believ e the y ca n perceiv e a differenc e i n blac k performance; however , fe w woul d b e abl e t o defin e it . Certainly , thi s distinction o f blac k performativity , particularl y i n th e are a o f music , commands mor e tha n a specific , clearl y distinguishabl e sound . Rather , this differenc e rest s i n a far mor e comple x understandin g o f th e transac tional dynamic s o f performance—th e interdependenc e o f th e audienc e and th e artis t i n creatin g th e performance . Jazz , wit h it s undergroun d tendencies an d esoteri c works , ha s bee n especiall y susceptibl e t o th e whims o f it s audience , wh o ten d t o b e overprotectiv e o f th e ar t an d it s origins. Th e musi c ha s bee n hounde d b y a pervasiv e attitud e tha t rea l jazz i s blac k musi c tha t gre w ou t o f blac k experience s an d i s playe d b y 195

MONIQUE GUILLORY black people . An y deviatio n fro m thi s formul a simpl y wil l no t mak e th e grade. Bu t Walte r Ben n Michael s propose s tha t notion s o f identit y rooted i n cultur e an d practic e ca n ultimatel y b e n o les s essentialis t tha n racial, biologica l distinctions : "Th e ver y ide a o f passing—whethe r i t takes th e for m o f lookin g lik e yo u belon g t o a differen t rac e o r actin g like yo u belon g t o a differen t race—require s a n understandin g o f rac e as somethin g separat e fro m th e wa y yo u loo k an d th e wa y yo u act." 7 Michaels suggest s her e tha t whit e musician s wh o hop e t o "pass " int o a black-dominated ar t for m wil l no t succee d simpl y b y tryin g t o soun d like blac k jaz z musician s an y mor e tha n w e ca n succee d i n "hearing " that they are white. Consequently , Eldridg e cannot successfull y designat e that illusor y qualit y o f jaz z music that h e believe s to b e dictated b y race . On th e contrary , rac e alon e lend s itsel f t o mor e complicate d socia l constructs an d consensu s tha n Eldridg e imagined , no t t o mentio n th e intricate specificitie s o f artisti c expressio n tha t i s presume d t o b e th e exclusive domai n o f a particular , imagine d racia l community . LeRo i Jones attempt s t o theoriz e thi s differenc e i n jaz z musi c wit h a bi t mor e finesse an d insigh t tha n Eldridge . Neithe r judgin g no r critiquin g whit e jazzmen, Jone s posit s tha t "jaz z a s playe d b y whit e musician s wa s no t the sam e a s tha t playe d b y blac k musicians , no r wa s ther e an y reaso n for i t t o be . The musi c o f th e whit e jaz z musicia n di d no t issu e fro m th e same cultura l circumstance ; i t was , a t it s mos t profoun d instance , a learned art. 8 Althoug h Jone s maintain s a n essentialis t distinctio n tha t white musician s "learn " jaz z whil e black s presumabl y hav e a mor e natural proclivit y fo r it , he als o identifie s th e palpabl e rol e cultur e play s in endowin g a certai n "feel " t o th e music . Mile s Davi s als o asserte d h e could tel l th e differenc e betwee n blac k an d whit e bands , bu t h e locate d the sourc e o f this distinctio n no t i n the subjec t bu t i n himself, explainin g "I coul d jus t tell . 'Co s i t [th e whit e band' s music ] wouldn' t g o int o m y body." 9 The questio n o f whethe r whit e musi c coul d ente r Davis' s bod y indicates a mystica l experienc e simila r t o spiritua l possession— a sen tient essenc e o f th e music' s relationshi p t o an d wit h th e bod y tha t encompasses bot h Eldridge' s an d Jones' s prescriptives , th e physica l an d the cultural . I n a literal an d metaphori c sense , the inabilit y o f whit e jaz z to penetrat e Davis' s blac k bod y implie s a litany o f historic , cultural , an d symbolic configurations . Certainly , Davis' s observatio n speak s t o hi s inability t o mak e th e necessar y metaphysica l connectio n t o th e musi c through th e mediu m o f hi s ow n body— a blac k bod y pose d i n direc t 196

Black Bodies Swingin' social an d histori c conflic t wit h th e bod y o f th e whit e jazzman . Th e sexual metapho r o f th e musi c "entering " Davis' s bod y (o r rather , not entering it ) precisel y iterate s a shif t i n th e dynamic s o f masculinit y during th e Blac k Powe r Movemen t tha t jaz z musi c engendered . Roby n Wiegmann explains : "Blac k powe r discourse s i n th e 1960 s [turned ] repeatedly t o th e historica l legac y o f rac e an d gende r i n orde r t o defin e and articulat e a striden t blac k masculinity , on e tha t worke d specificall y to negat e lynchin g an d castration' s cultura l an d corporea l effec t . . . Black powe r asserte d th e priorit y o f th e blac k phallu s an d thereb y reclaimed th e impositio n o f feminizatio n tha t ha s historicall y attende d power relation s betwee n blac k an d whit e men." 1 0 That qualit y abou t performance s w e recogniz e a s someho w tran scending th e ordinary , an d therefor e "soulful, " doe s no t emerg e defini tively fro m th e performanc e itsel f bu t rathe r fro m th e entir e matri x o f discourse an d ideolog y tha t envelop s th e performance . Thi s framewor k anchors itsel f o n th e bod y o f th e performer—th e visua l spectacl e o f th e artist o r athlet e a t work . Andre w Ros s note s ho w "swea t o n th e brow " operates a s a standar d trop e fo r th e jazzma n a t work , " a comfortin g reminder t o a whit e audienc e tha t labo r exists , an d i s elsewhere , i n a black body." 11 Thi s delineatio n o f performativit y withi n th e popula r market relie s largel y o n consideration s o f blac k masculinit y tha t operat e in a manne r uniqu e t o othe r racialized/gendere d contructs . Th e black , male bod y tha t symbolize s a n exceptiona l standar d o f performanc e i n jazz, hi p hop , an d basketbal l rest s largel y o n a particula r construc t o f black masculinit y tha t inscribe s th e performativ e natur e o f eac h activity . As bel l hook s explains , "I t i s the youn g blac k mal e bod y tha t i s see n a s epitomizing thi s promis e o f wildness , o f unlimite d physica l prowes s an d unbridled eroticism . I t wa s thi s blac k bod y tha t wa s mos t 'desired ' fo r its labo r i n slavery , an d i t i s thi s bod y tha t i s mos t represente d i n contemporary popula r cultur e a s th e bod y t o b e watched , imitated , desired, possessed." 12

If It Ain't Got That Swing Throughout sport s an d music , a n enhance d sens e o f rhyth m loom s a s a precious gif t tha t i s a s intrinsi c t o black s a s i t i s untenabl e t o whites . Nike trie d t o tel l u s "it' s i n th e shoes, " bu t rhyth m i s presume d t o b e such a sidekick t o blacknes s tha t i t has becom e a long-standing clich e t o 197

MONIQUE GUILLORY imagine a blac k perso n withou t it . Ther e ma y b e plent y o f armchai r evidence fo r thi s claim , particularl y i n th e racialize d stereotype s o f th e mass market . Bu t whil e high-jumping , fast-running , an d music-playin g brothers an d sister s ma y appea r t o b e ubiquitous , rhyth m is , a t best , a mixed blessin g t o blacks . In Soul on Ice, Eldridg e Cleave r speculate d that rhyth m wa s a skil l white s mus t hav e possesse d a t on e time , "bu t which the y abandone d fo r Puritanica l dream s o f escaping the corruptio n of th e fles h b y leaving th e terror s o f th e bod y t o th e blacks." 13 I n othe r words, whil e black s ma y hol d a monopol y i n th e rhyth m market , thi s nonetheless relegate s the m t o th e sociall y subordinat e domain s o f th e physical. But whil e white s graciousl y conced e corporea l endowment s t o blacks, rhythm i n its many guises, manifestations, an d execution s canno t easily b e reduce d t o a mer e reflexive , physica l function . LeRo i Jone s locates rhyth m a s on e o f th e mos t significan t trait s linkin g African American musi c t o it s Africa n traditions . O n a mor e individua l level , Michael Jordan ca n thro w dow n a fine dun k shot , bu t h e cannot impro vise in 6/ 8 tim e lik e Miles Davi s could , an d neithe r o f the m coul d danc e like Michae l Jackson . Whil e eac h maneuve r ma y b e physica l t o som e degree, an d al l encompas s som e face t o f rhythm , the y eac h unquestion ably entai l specifi c combination s o f menta l an d physica l accord . A s musicologist Cur t Sach s states , "Rhyth m come s fro m th e min d an d no t from th e body . Ma n doe s no t follo w a body-mad e rhyth m i n blin d passivity. H e himself , o n th e contrary , create s th e la w o f rhyth m an d forces i t upo n th e motio n o f hi s bod y i n wal k an d dance , i n wor k an d play. Musi c an d poetr y accep t thi s la w t o a greate r o r lesse r degre e according t o thei r greate r o r lesse r nearnes s t o bodil y motion." 1 4 Recognizing th e myria d manifestation s an d manipulation s o f rhythm i n th e popula r marketplac e allow s a broade r understandin g o f the nuance d complexitie s o f rhyth m withi n a historica l context . Dispel ling th e presumptio n o f rhyth m a s a natura l an d unconsciousl y biologi cal quality , lik e a hear t beat , ma y elucidat e ho w rhyth m ca n communi cate beyon d it s practica l musica l applications . Fo r example , whe n Wynton Marsali s wa s aske d t o cit e th e mos t importan t innovatio n th e bebop er a mad e t o jazz , h e explained : "The y playe d a differen t way . And th e attitud e wa s different , les s tie d t o th e entertainmen t industry . But th e rhythm , no t th e harmony , i s what stumpe d th e olde r musicians . The emphasi s i s o n th e eight h not e a s th e basi c unit , instea d o f th e quarter not e o f Ne w Orlean s music . Th e cal l an d respons e i s muc h 198

Black Bodies Swingin' quicker betwee n th e musicians , lik e th e wa y Bir d [Parker ] an d Ma x Roach playe d bac k an d forth . An d th e call and respons e isn' t prescribed , the way i t was i n bi g band." 1 5 Jone s concur s tha t althoug h ther e alway s remains a n empiricall y structura l componen t t o jazz , "music , a s para doxical a s i t migh t seem , i s th e resul t o f thought . I t i s th e resul t o f thought perfecte d a t it s mos t empirical , i.e . a s attitude o r stance. Thought i s largel y conditione d b y reference ; i t i s th e resul t o f consider ation o r speculatio n agains t reference, whic h i s largely arbitrary. . . . The Negro's musi c changed a s he changed." 16 These changes in attitude, which Eldridg e thought h e could hea r an d Davis believe d h e coul d feel , drov e th e music , wit h th e natio n draggin g behind it , into a new socia l era . Michele Wallace recall s the 1950 s a s th e calm befor e th e stor m o f th e socia l upheava l heralde d b y th e 1960s . I t was a decad e wher e blac k passivit y wa s a t a n all-tim e high , wit h on e significant exception : "Jazz , blac k music , wa s mor e resistan t t o th e dominant cultur e tha n ever . Blac k musician s too k t o wearin g strang e and grungy-lookin g clothing , o r turnin g thei r back s o n audiences . Eve n their language , alway s a cod e t o exclud e whites , become s mor e difficul t to decipher . Ther e wa s a definit e rumblin g i n th e slav e quarters." 17 Musical historia n Marti n William s dubbe d thi s qualit y "attitude " upo n recognizing i t i n Charli e Parker' s combo . William s recalle d tha t th e first time h e sa w Parke r perform , "a s a whit e Southerner , th e thin g tha t struck m e eve n mor e tha n th e musi c wa s th e attitud e comin g of f th e bandstand—self confident , aggressive , i t wa s somethin g I' d neve r see n from blac k musician s before." 18 The attitud e William s witnesse d n o doub t resemble s wha t Newsweek recognize d i n ra p cultur e whe n the y dubbe d i t "Th e Cultur e o f Attitude" i n a 199 3 article . Th e attitude s tha t marke d Parker' s ban d i n the 1950 s an d hi p ho p i n th e 1990 s shar e rhyth m a s thei r aestheti c impetus, an d th e rag e an d hostilit y tha t emerge s fro m ra p resonat e wit h the sam e defianc e an d resistanc e tha t characterize d jazz . Alon g wit h artistic qualitie s suc h a s rhythm , dissonance , syncopation , an d improvi sation, jaz z an d hi p ho p shar e th e uniqu e featur e o f redefinin g blac k masculinity, eac h usin g musi c t o "displac e olde r form s o f textualit y an d reference a terrai n o f cultura l productio n tha t mark s th e bod y a s a sit e of pleasure , resistance , dominatio n an d danger." 19 Within th e histori c traditio n o f blac k artisti c expression , bot h jaz z and hi p ho p rende r th e "black-identifie d imaginatio n unsatisfie d wit h white supremacis t definitio n o f modernity, " whic h dre w o n emasculate d 199

MONIQUE GUILLORY and subordinate d representation s o f blacknes s locate d i n notion s o f th e primitive. 20 Afte r jaz z ha d becom e identifie d wit h th e grinnin g an d sweetly singin g gentilit y o f Loui s Armstron g o r th e highl y commercial ized bi g ban d swin g o f th e Harle m Renaissance , th e instatiatio n o f a renewed masculinit y throug h th e apparentl y cold , stoi c distanc e o f th e bebop me n marke d a disconcertin g an d palpabl e shif t i n ho w th e publi c would com e t o imagin e jaz z musicians . Bu t thi s ne w cadr e o f blac k music me n woul d overcompensat e fo r th e androgyn y embodie d b y th e earlier jaz z sect . The y "enacte d a blac k masculin e tha t no t onl y chal lenged whitenes s bu t exile d i t t o th e (cultural ) margin s o f blackness — i.e., in their hands blacknes s was a powerful symbo l of the masculine." 21

Vibes The sens e o f masculinit y tha t emanate d fro m th e musi c no t onl y ros e through th e musicians ' presenc e o n th e bandstand , bu t wa s reflecte d a s well i n th e structur e an d for m o f th e musi c itself . A s jazz developed , th e gender clef t tha t birthe d i t i n Ne w Orleans ' pleasur e house s graduall y widened. Durin g th e nascen t year s o f jaz z i n thi s souther n city , wher e more tha n tw o thousan d prostitute s wer e registered a t city hall, sportin g women strongl y colore d th e gende r role s o f musician s an d othe r work ing-class males . Th e associatio n o f jaz z musi c wit h licentiousnes s mad e it increasingl y difficul t fo r me n t o accep t femal e musician s o n th e band stand. Ne w Orlean s tradition s castigate d thes e wome n a s lew d an d o f lax morals . I n addition , man y wome n wh o playe d musi c wer e though t to b e aligne d wit h voodo o practice s an d witchcraft. 22 Som e mal e musi cians wer e s o superstitiou s tha t the y fel t i t wa s unluck y t o pla y wit h women o n th e bandstand , o r eve n tha t i t wa s unnatura l fo r wome n t o want t o pla y jazz . A s Neil Leonar d notes , "On e measur e o f th e mascu line tom e o f th e jaz z worl d i s it s fraterna l argot , whic h i s full o f mach o terms. And for man y devotees , the music itself i s by definition masculine . As one pianist asserte d i n 1973 , ' J a z z i s a male language . It' s a matter o f speaking that languag e an d wome n jus t can' t d o it. ' " 23 Few wome n wer e abl e t o transcen d th e sexua l discriminatio n tha t barred the m fro m th e bandstand . Yet , women an d sexualit y continu e t o provide a vita l cornerston e o n whic h jaz z no w stands . Rathe r tha n th e personal an d professiona l struggle s o f wome n wh o hav e etche d ou t a space for themselve s in jazz, the secon d par t o f thi s piece traces the mor e 200

Black Bodies Swingin' subtle bu t n o less complex ways women facto r int o jazz culture, throug h their presenc e a s wives , lovers , mothers , an d whores—o r throug h thei r absence. I n additio n t o th e variou s role s women pla y i n jazz culture , th e rift i n attitude s towar d an d treatmen t o f whit e an d blac k wome n wil l also facto r prominentl y int o thi s consideratio n o f gende r construct s i n jazz. Give n the intrinsi c relationship o f jazz to notion s o f blac k sexualit y and pleasure , representation s o f masculinit y (bot h blac k an d white ) provide a salien t poin t o f analysi s t o understan d jaz z cultur e i n opposi tion t o an d i n conjunctio n wit h th e large r framewor k o f America n culture. Robert Farri s Thompso n remind s u s tha t th e nam e jazz itsel f mos t likely evolve d fro m jizz an d jism, Creolize d form s o f th e Kikong o wor d dinza (ejaculation). 24 Althoug h jaz z musi c an d cultur e circulat e ac cording t o typica l construct s o f sexuality , th e jaz z bandstan d exude s a resolutely masculin e feel . I t i s a battlegroun d o f mal e competition , a n altar o f sacrific e an d initiation . Of f th e bandstand , however , th e atmo sphere i s on e o f camaraderie . Musician s spen d countles s hour s o n th e road together , ofte n i n crampe d an d compromisin g spaces . The y plac e their confidenc e i n on e anothe r an d buil d live s an d career s together , measuring thei r ow n abilit y an d valu e a s musician s accordin g t o th e opinions o f their peers . Leonard offer s th e scenario o f on e band tha t wa s on th e roa d fo r 32 9 day s ou t o f th e year . Th e ban d member s develope d such a stron g famil y feelin g tha t whe n th e ban d leade r invite d th e wive s and girlfriend s t o accompan y th e ban d o n a le g o f th e trip , man y members resente d th e intrusion . Leonar d explains , "Th e experimen t had t o b e abandone d afte r complaint s fro m unaccompanie d bandsme n strenuously objectin g t o intrusion s int o th e band' s 'domestic ' equilib rium." 2 5 Whil e jaz z operate s accordin g t o visibl y homosocia l patterns , the acknowledge d presenc e o f homosexualit y i n jaz z i s negligible. Ther e are a few legendar y exceptions , Bill y Strayhorne bein g the most renown , but th e likel y possibilit y o f othe r homosexual s withi n jazz' s tight-kni t fraternity remain s th e fodde r o f speculatio n an d rumor . Despite th e paucit y o f femal e musician s o n th e bandstand , jazzme n quibble ove r th e negativ e an d positiv e influence s wome n hav e sparke d in jazz' s artisti c innovations . Trumpete r Cooti e William s fel t tha t th e pursuit o f wome n drov e a positiv e motivatio n fo r th e music : "Al l grea t jazz musicians, ever y one of them, have had man y love s and girl s in thei r lives. Peopl e don' t rea d abou t thes e thing s i n books , bu t a gir l i s jaz z music. The y thro w somethin g int o th e min d tha t make s yo u produc e 201

MONIQUE GUILLORY jazz." I n turn , th e musi c thre w somethin g int o th e mind s o f th e wome n it touched , whic h aide d i n creatin g a cul t o f sexualit y aroun d th e band stand. On e musicia n theorize d tha t th e charism a th e woma n witnesse d on th e stag e coul d someho w translat e int o heightene d sexua l potency : "The woman feel s that sh e must have this. The thing that he' s projecting , it's coming fro m somewher e else , bu t i t comes through hi m an d project s the woma n ou t there . Sh e feel s tha t th e spiri t i s stron g bu t sh e can' t collect tha t thin g wher e it' s comin g from , an d s o sh e ha s t o collec t th e person it' s comin g through." 2 6 However , no t al l musician s appreciate d the swar m o f sexualit y tha t circle d th e bandstand . Ornett e Colema n once suggeste d tha t wome n a t gig s onl y distracte d th e musician s fro m the seriousnes s o f th e music . Accordin g t o Coleman , onc e a musicia n realizes a woma n i n th e audienc e i s intereste d i n him , h e "forget s wha t he's up ther e for . . . . You don' t kno w ho w man y time s I'v e com e of f th e bandstand an d ha d girl s com e u p t o m e an d han d m e a not e wit h thei r address o n it . . . . I' m tellin g yo u thi s whol e se x thin g ha s mor e o f a negative effec t o n th e music than drugs , I' m sur e o f it. 27 Jazz's propensit y fo r incitin g th e emotion s an d sensua l nature s o f women sparke d a wav e o f backlas h agains t th e music . In th e souther n bastion o f jazz's conception, historia n Stephe n Longstree t onc e propose d that th e perversio n o f th e musi c mad e it s wa y int o th e writing s o f th e South's mos t celebrate d authors—Truma n Capote , Willia m Faulkner , and Tennesse e Williams . Longstree t suggeste d tha t th e tormente d rela tionships thes e author s chronicle d wer e th e resul t o f sexua l aberration s spawned b y jazz : "Whit e wome n o f certai n warpe d emotiona l drive s had bee n attracte d t o Negr o men , an d th e blac k jaz z me n ha d a n eve n stronger dra w fo r th e unhapp y whit e woman . Sh e sa w i n hi m a n imag e of forbidde n passion , o f anima l drive . Wome n bore d b y their protectin g legend, awar e o f thei r husband' s desir e fo r brothe l an d Negr o women , were drive n t o thei r ow n adventures." 28 Similarly, in 1926, the public outcry and hysteria that trailed jazz music led cit y councils t o restric t thi s "devil " musi c to heavil y policed part s of th e urba n metropoles , wher e i t ultimatel y thrived . I n som e extrem e cases of jazzphobia, magazines and journals urged people to "jazz-proof " their hom e an d environ s b y adherin g t o a stric t an d modes t notio n o f hyperdomesticity. A s jazz continue d t o trickl e int o urba n hub s lik e Chi cago, Ne w York , an d Ne w Orleans , i t becam e a n eas y scapegoa t fo r al l of society' s ills . Kathy Ogre n note s tha t th e New York Times cite d "jaz z emotions" for the demise of young women. The article was written to pro202

Black Bodies Swingin' test th e constructio n o f a musi c theate r nex t t o a roomin g hous e fo r women. The editorial opinion o f the piece feared tha t "babie s bor n in the maternity hospita l ar e t o b e legall y subjecte d t o th e implantin g o f jaz z emotions by such enforced proximit y to a theater and a jazz place." 29

By the Book While ther e wa s a sens e o f hyperbol e an d excessivenes s i n th e presum able fear s o f jaz z music , jazzme n als o pose d som e legitimat e threat s t o the wome n i n thei r midst . I n additio n t o thei r musica l careers , som e band member s als o too k u p sid e gig s a s hustler s an d pimps . Durin g jazz's nascen t year s i n Ne w Orleans , "al l th e musician s wante d t o b e pimps," Pop s Foste r claimed . Foste r note d tha t thi s ambitio n resulte d i n part fro m th e polic e department' s stric t enforcemen t o f vagranc y laws : "You had t o prove that yo u wer e doin g som e kind o f work o r they'd pu t you i n jail." 30 Th e seemingl y incongruou s juxtapositio n o f jaz z wit h prostitution remain s perhap s on e o f th e mos t strikin g an d pervasiv e tropes throughou t jaz z biographies . Th e mos t notoriou s an d legendar y accounts ar e Charle s Mingus' s Beneath the Underdog an d Mile s Davis' s self-titled autobiograph y wit h Quinc y Troupe , Miles. Althoug h thes e authorized account s o f th e musicians ' live s may contai n som e exaggera tion an d fabrication , the y nonetheles s contribut e t o th e lor e tha t circu lates about thes e artists. We may no t b e able to discer n whic h storie s ar e true an d whic h ar e not , bu t thes e narrative s represen t a face t o f th e musicians' representation s o f themselve s an d a t leas t par t o f ho w the y are remembered . Thes e text s provid e tw o o f th e mos t comprehensiv e records o f ho w jazzme n construc t thei r ow n sexualit y withi n th e param eters of white patriarchy an d it s concomitant misogyny . While the histor ical contex t o f eac h biograph y coul d provid e crucia l insigh t int o it s social an d externa l influences , thes e incomplet e portrait s offe r glimpse s into the private live s of these vastly public men. Perhaps mor e importan tly, the y als o revea l muc h throug h wha t the y conceal . Particularl y wit h regards t o Mingu s an d Davis , thes e text s ar e a n essentia l par t o f a jaz z legacy tha t i s stil l nurture d i n th e contemporar y jaz z scene . Therefore , the manne r i n whic h thes e me n projecte d themselve s t o a n audienc e beyond th e jaz z worl d shed s ligh t o n ho w jaz z musician s participat e i n the generatio n o f jaz z cultur e an d myth—particularl y in th e domai n o f sexuality, where myth s ofte n prevail . 203

MONIQUE GUILLORY Although thei r relationship s wit h wome n provid e a salien t featur e of thei r ow n masculin e identities , the narrativ e thread s o f bot h Mingus' s and Davis' s sexualit y win d throug h a n assortmen t o f othe r persona l factors an d relationships , includin g childhoo d experiences , clas s status , and adul t lifestyle . Fo r Mingu s an d Davis , the domain o f women i n thei r lives is well charte d an d clear , wit h wive s an d lover s factorin g int o thei r narratives i n fairl y conventional , althoug h problematic , ways . Thes e authors tr y t o evok e a traditional , heterosexua l patter n o f masculinity , but a closer readin g o f thei r live s illustrates ho w neithe r ma n define d hi s sexuality predominantl y throug h hi s intimat e encounter s wit h women . Mingus's trouble d childhoo d an d straine d relationshi p wit h hi s fathe r haunted hi m throughout muc h o f hi s life—a significan t emotiona l stres s that likel y drov e hi m t o hi s sexua l excesses . An d i n spit e o f Davis' s numerous marriage s an d casua l relationship s wit h women, h e construct s his ow n identit y largel y throug h hi s relationship s wit h othe r musicians . In hi s desir e t o transcen d th e constraint s an d privileg e o f hi s bourgeoi s background, Davi s foun d suppor t an d a sens e o f belongin g i n th e jaz z community tha t wa s missin g fro m hi s childhood . Since hi s deat h i n 1979 , Charle s Mingus' s legac y continue s t o b e o f monumental impor t i n th e America n jaz z scene . Widel y recognize d a s a musicia n o f incomparabl e talen t an d innovation , Mingu s wa s amon g the first jazzme n t o elevat e th e bas s fro m a rhythmi c sidepiec e t o a center-stage, sol o instrumen t capabl e o f melodi c phrasin g an d harmony . In additio n t o hi s musica l genius , whic h wa s a dynami c impetu s i n th e development o f bebop , Mingus' s eccentri c personalit y an d characte r situates hi m i n th e domai n o f mythi c jaz z legends—Billi e Holiday , Charlie Parker , an d Mile s Davis , t o nam e a few—individual s whos e personal live s came to mea n a s much t o jazz a s their professiona l contri butions. Even today , mor e tha n twent y year s afte r it s publication , Mingus' s Beneath the Underdog i s stil l revere d a s on e o f th e mos t importan t chronicles o f an d fro m th e American jaz z scene . Touted a s a masterpiec e of bot h literar y an d musica l expression , Mingus' s constructio n o f hi s lif e and time s focuse s heavil y o n persona l reflectio n rathe r tha n hi s caree r and musicianship . Som e critics cite this as the book' s fundamenta l weak ness, while others applau d Mingus' s intelligen t an d insightfu l illustratio n of the complexities o f blac k genius . Mingus th e musicia n an d middlema n surface s a s th e stabilizin g factor betwee n Mingus' s dua l selves . Th e gentler , over-trustin g sid e o f 204

Black Bodies Swingin' Mingus's natur e evolve s fro m hi s childhoo d innocenc e t o hi s transcen dent spiritualit y a s a n adult . A s a youn g bo y growin g u p i n th e roughe r part o f Watts , th e overweigh t an d awkwar d Mingu s i s tormente d b y neighborhood bullies . H e learn s Judo and , t o hi s ow n amazement , beat s up hi s arch-rival , Fiesty . Rathe r tha n savorin g hi s victory , Mingu s la ments hi s ow n capacit y fo r violence . H e apologize s profusel y t o th e bo y and leave s th e scene , deepl y antagonize d b y hi s desir e t o prov e hi s manhood—an urg e tha t conflict s wit h hi s personal, nonconfrontationa l code o f ethics : "On e minut e h e believe s hi s action s wer e sou l savin g . . . the nex t minut e he' s wishin g he' d beate n th e lif e ou t o f th e punk . The n he decide s h e coul d neve r d o tha t unde r an y circumstance s an d hate s himself fo r havin g destructiv e thought s abou t an y huma n being . H e figures h e must b e somewhere i n betwee n Jesus an d th e Devil—closer t o the Devil bu t unabl e t o perform a perfectly evi l act." 3 1 Throughout th e book , Mingu s describe s himsel f a s a devil , particu larly i n hi s problemati c dealing s wit h women . Throug h al l hi s sexua l exploits, Mingu s doe s com e t o hav e severa l long-standin g relationships , two o f whic h g o o n simultaneously . Le e Marie , a childhoo d sweethear t from Watts , i s one o f th e centra l wome n i n Mingus's life . Le e Marie wa s the daughte r o f a respecte d policeman , an d he r famil y neve r approve d of he r relationshi p wit h Mingus . Sh e suffer s relentlessly , includin g a n abortion, sterilization , an d exil e t o Europ e a t th e merc y o f he r family . When sh e i s finally abl e t o marr y Mingu s legitimately , sh e willingl y shares hi m wit h Donna , a whit e woma n Mingu s i s seein g whe n h e i s reconciled wit h Le e Marie . Th e wome n accep t eac h othe r i n Mingus' s life an d becom e partner s i n prostitutin g themselve s t o suppor t him . Th e women ar e s o controlle d b y Mingus tha t whe n the y hav e se x wit h eac h other, their guil t metastasizes int o a n apparitio n o f him i n the room wit h them. When the y rela y thi s stor y t o him , h e comfort s them , tellin g the m not to worry an d fusin g the m int o on e being, whom h e calls "Donnalee " (279-80). Mingus's sexua l recklessnes s throughou t th e boo k i s disturbin g an d distracting, bu t upo n close r examinatio n hi s behavio r merel y hide s a deep sens e o f insecurit y an d self-doub t base d largel y o n hi s socia l impo tence a s a blac k ma n an d th e loomin g clou d o f hi s father' s ow n misery . Mingus trie s t o justif y hi s sexua l irresponsibilit y b y lookin g t o othe r historic example s o f musician s wit h reputation s a s pimps. Bu t this mov e is a n obviou s attemp t t o escap e th e oppressio n o f hi s race : "B y m y reckoning, a good jaz z musician ha s go t t o tur n t o pimpdo m i n orde r t o 205

MONIQUE GUILLOR Y be fre e an d kee p hi s sou l straight . Jell y Rol l Morto n ha d severa l girl s I know o f an d that' s th e wa y h e bough t th e tim e t o writ e an d stud y an d incidentally go t diamond s i n hi s teeth an d probabl y hi s asshole . H e wa s saying, 'Whit e man , yo u hat e an d fight an d kil l fo r riches , I ge t the m from fucking . Who' s better? ' " (267-68) . This ide a extend s eve n furthe r i n Mingus' s relationshi p t o whit e women. Althoug h h e doe s no t discriminat e betwee n whit e an d blac k women a s lovers, whit e wome n embod y fo r Mingu s a troubled spac e o f weakness an d empowerment . Whe n a whit e girlfrien d offer s t o le t hi m drive he r car , h e snaps , "I' m no t you r chauffeur , bitch , especiall y o n Central Avenu e i n fron t o f al l th e cats. " Th e woma n chide s hi m fo r being "corny, " leadin g Mingu s t o questio n hi s helples s outburst : "Yeah , she's right, I came o n squar e race-wise. I got to ac t olde r an d hippe r wit h this chick " (148) . H e the n take s th e wheel . I n severa l instances , whit e women empowe r Mingu s throug h se x bu t emasculat e hi m b y what the y signify a s white women . In on e episode, Mingus lose s a gig because he is sleeping wit h th e clu b owner' s wife , Nesa . Sh e no t onl y ha s se x wit h Mingus i n her offic e a t the club, where her husband coul d easily discove r them, bu t als o skim s larg e amount s o f cas h fro m th e clu b fo r Mingus . There is , at first, a strong tensio n betwee n Mingu s an d Nes a becaus e sh e calls him "Boy. " Bu t Mingus conquers her through sex : "Choll y Mingus , I hat e yo u 'caus e yo u hat e me , yo u trie d t o kil l m e fucking ! Tak e me , anything I got , jus t don' t fuc k m e lik e that ! I sa w yo u jus t befor e I blacked out—you r fac e looke d lik e Satan . I kno w I pulle d a dirt y Southern thin g o n you bu t I tried t o change when I realized I didn't eve n know wh y I calle d yo u names . Don' t worry , yo u cure d m e fo r life " (169). This scen e clearl y exemplifie s a sexua l phenomeno n betwee n blac k men an d souther n whit e wome n outline d i n Calvi n Hernton' s Sex and Racism in America. Nes a hold s som e contro l ove r Mingu s becaus e o f her powe r a t th e clu b (sh e book s th e bands) , s o h e canno t den y he r outright. Bu t h e als o enjoy s th e mone y an d th e pleasur e sh e give s him . Hernton explains , "Th e sa d aspec t o f thes e situation s i s that th e Negr o is 'trapped. ' I t i s a s hazardou s t o 'g o along ' a s i t i s t o refuse , becaus e throughout th e duratio n o f the affai r ther e loom s the possibility o f bein g discovered o r o f th e woman gettin g angry. " 32 I n additio n t o thes e socia l constraints, Mingu s i s i n a tripl e bin d attemptin g t o liv e u p t o th e tradition o f hustler an d ladies ' ma n a s established b y Jelly Roll Morton' s sexual exploit s an d consequentia l materia l gains . 206

Black Bodies Swingin' Ironically, no t fo r a singl e momen t i n th e boo k i s Mingus' s sexua l performance anythin g les s than supernatural , i n spit e o f th e fac t tha t h e openly expresse s concer n abou t hi s agin g an d overweigh t body . Foo d i s another indulgence . Hi s large , graceles s body , particularl y i n th e com pany o f women, painfull y tie s him t o hi s father' s failure : Crossing m y legs is a real drag , F m gettin g too fa t t o cros s them comfortable . Damn i f I know wh y m y father' s flashin g throug h m y min d again . Yo u kno w why, Charles. You r father use d hi s hands t o hel p him cross his legs in fron t o f his bitch o n Forty-eighth Street . You hate yourself fo r bein g fat an d usin g your hands to cross your legs , like him—it make s you remember hi s philandering — and your own . You're fat an d greedy. That was your father's escap e too—foo d helped him forget for a while the misery he was creating. He suggested a pattern for you to live by. (142) In a n almos t clinical , diagnosti c manner , Mingu s attribute s hi s inse curities an d indulgence s t o a pattern lai d b y his father. No t onl y i s he fa t like hi s father , h e i s als o a philanderer—a n elemen t o f Mingus' s child hood tha t brough t hi m muc h pain . Mingus' s fathe r wa s seldo m ther e t o support th e famil y i n a meaningfu l way , an d whe n h e was , h e wa s a strap-happy disciplinarian . Whe n a neighbo r shoot s Mingus' s belove d dog, th e fathe r burie s th e anima l i n powerles s silence . A s a smal l boy , Mingus understand s hi s father' s beating s a s incarnation s o f hi s frustra tions an d insecuritie s ove r hi s manhood an d self-worth , "sick , frustrate d at a life spen t i n the post offic e whe n he' d traine d t o b e an architect , an d confused i n many ways " (26) . Mingus's mothe r offer s littl e relie f fro m th e father' s abus e an d i s more concerne d wit h socia l pretens e an d respectabilit y tha n wit h he r son's well-being . Mingu s replicate s hi s father' s misogynisti c exampl e b y turning o n hi s mothe r ou t o f hi s ow n frustration , a s wel l a s hi s feeling s about hi s father' s powerlessness . B y blaming hi s mothe r fo r th e family' s unhappiness, Mingu s set s a doome d cours e fo r al l subsequen t relation ships wit h women . Hi s wanto n sexua l abandon , thoug h excessiv e an d overwhelming, merel y conceal s a more powerfu l rag e an d helplessness . Although a maste r musicia n an d composer , Mingu s use s Beneath the Underdog t o explor e hi s persona l an d emotiona l life , ravishe d b y childhood abus e an d insecurity . H e leave s hi s musi c a s a given , a have n from th e torrents o f emotional turmoi l tha t envelo p him. Through every thing, h e continue s t o perform , bu t th e incident s of f th e bandstan d fee d 207

MONIQUE GUILLORY his anxiety—hi s father' s impoten t rage , hi s mother's passiv e aggression , and th e alway s problemati c plac e o f wome n i n hi s life . Mingu s juggle s all o f these , usuall y wit h littl e success , an d ofte n succumb s t o hi s weak nesses. I n Beneath the Underdog, Mingus' s pathologica l behavio r shed s little ligh t o n hi s rol e a s a jaz z musician ; rather , i t illuminate s hi s troubled sou l a s a blac k ma n i n Americ a whos e fear s an d insecuritie s a t times overshado w hi s talent an d vision . While critic s an d reviewer s offe r variou s opinion s o n Mingus' s dis tracting an d excessiv e se x life , the y usuall y mak e n o referenc e t o Min gus's genera l mistreatmen t o f women . In mos t instances , review s dedi cate mor e analysi s t o Mingus' s self-proclaime d hypervirilit y tha n t o th e resultant abus e an d exploitatio n hi s sexua l appetit e causes . I n fact , on e critic eve n take s t o reassurin g "al l thos e allegedl y inadequat e whit e males" tha t Mingus' s sexua l exploit s wer e "deliberatel y fantasized." 33 One interestin g metho d throug h whic h th e critic s rationaliz e Mingus' s sexual indulgence s i s t o lin k hi s behavio r specificall y an d ironicall y t o his brilliance— a peculia r associatio n i n tha t hi s abilit y t o craf t thes e erotic an d sensua l episode s someho w attest s t o hi s reliabilit y t o conve y his world honestly . A s one reviewe r pu t it , Mingus "think s o f himsel f a s a legendar y womanizer , an d i f 1 0 percen t o f hi s yarn s ar e accurate , h e is, believe me, he is. He i s also a n unusuall y gifte d pornographer , i n par t because h e is an innovativ e soul , i n part becaus e he chases his dream s o f tail with astonishin g single-mindedness." 34 The revie w continue s b y suggestin g tha t Mingus' s sexualit y i s no t only a n embodimen t o f hi s geniu s bu t o f hi s rac e a s well , i n tha t "Beneath the Underdog, despit e it s repetitious copulation s an d orgies , i s important an d shoul d b e adde d t o th e growin g librar y o f worthwhil e books b y blac k peopl e abou t precisel y wha t i t feel s lik e t o b e black. " The conflatio n o f Mingus' s sexua l foray s wit h hi s talen t o r hi s rac e implies a type o f reductivis t racis m whereb y blac k geniu s mus t necessar ily accompan y excessiv e sexua l empowerment , a basi c trai t o f th e blac k male. A Man of His Peers For ma n need s a n instrumen t t o touc h himself : a hand , a woma n o r som e substitute. Th e replacemen t o f tha t apparatu s i s effecte d i n an d throug h lan guage. Man produces language for self-affection. . . . A n introjected, internalize d 208

Black Bodies Swingin' mirror, in which the "subject " ensures , in the most subtle, most secret, manner possible, the immortal preservation of his auto-eroticism. 35 In th e essa y "Volum e withou t Contours, " Luc e Irigara y analyze s mal e and femal e sexualit y throug h idea s o f touc h an d stimulatio n mediate d not onl y physically, bu t als o through language . I n the abov e passage, th e "instrument" i s a metapho r fo r a substitut e throug h whic h th e ma n replicates himsel f i n representatio n an d "affectation. " Irigara y applie s this ide a o f th e instrumen t t o scienc e an d mechanic s a s wel l a s t o women—all o f whic h ar e relegate d t o th e "affect(ta)ion " o f th e man . However, th e metapho r ca n als o b e extended t o it s litera l meaning—a n actual instrument use d b y musicians i n producing th e language o f music . Like Mingus , Mile s Davis' s manhoo d als o crystalize s throug h hi s mastery o f music . Davis' s biography , coauthore d wit h Quinc y Troupe , adheres t o a conventiona l for m an d i s writte n i n a luci d an d engagin g manner. I t i s a linea r narrative , beginnin g wit h Davis' s privilege d child hood i n St . Loui s an d followin g hi s burgeonin g musi c caree r t o Ne w York. Here, Davi s matures a s a musician an d a man, tw o evolution s tha t are i n man y way s synonymous . H e ground s hi s persona l securit y i n hi s mastery o f th e musi c an d judge s othe r me n accordin g t o thei r abilities . As wit h othe r musicians , wome n pla y a n importan t par t i n thi s con struct, bu t the y ar e b y n o mean s central ; t o a larg e degree , othe r musi cians who m Davi s respect s ar e esteeme d highe r tha n th e wome n i n hi s life. Davis begin s hi s biography , "Th e greates t feelin g I eve r ha d i n m y life—with m y clothes on—wa s whe n I first heard Di z an d Bir d togethe r in St . Louis , Missouri , bac k i n 1944." 3 6 Davi s commence s wit h th e pleasure principl e o f jazz , underscorin g th e genera l associatio n o f jaz z with sexua l pleasure . Bu t thi s doe s no t suppl y th e substanc e o f th e narrative no r th e bul k o f Davis' s masculinity , a s i t doe s i n Mingus' s biography. Mingu s an d Davi s ar e hardl y comin g fro m th e sam e place . While Mingu s wa s torture d wit h fea r a s a child , Davi s gre w u p wit h relative privileg e an d comfort . H e rod e horse s o n hi s father' s far m an d could coun t o n hi s fathe r t o suppor t hi m i n an y circumstance , eve n a t the heigh t o f hi s dru g addiction . Therefore , Davi s i s not actin g wit h th e same desperatio n tha t Mingu s presents . Instead , Davis' s sheltere d yout h and hi s innocenc e an d naivet e abou t th e worl d ultimatel y lea d hi m t o the sam e destructiv e tendencie s tha t Mingu s develope d ou t o f fear . By the tim e h e i s twelve year s old , Davi s i s seriou s abou t hi s music . 209

MONIQUE GUILLORY Unlike Mingus , wh o studie d jaz z becaus e i t woul d gai n hi m mor e clou t with women , Davi s i s intereste d i n musi c largel y a s a matte r o f prid e and self-fulfillment . A natura l o n th e trumpe t eve n a t a n earl y age , h e thrives o n th e attentio n an d prais e h e receive s throug h hi s music . Whe n his schoo l ban d goe s t o pla y i n a competitio n i n Illinois , Davi s get s th e opportunity t o mee t verteran trumpe t playe r Clar k Terry . Still clad i n his band uniform , h e eagerl y begin s t o as k Terr y abou t trumpe t techniques . Terry snub s hi m an d says , " I don' t wan t t o tal k abou t n o trumpe t wit h all the m prett y girl s bouncin g aroun d ou t there " (33) . Fo r muc h o f th e early par t o f hi s career , Davi s characterize s himsel f wit h thi s sor t o f aloofness abou t th e crucia l component s o f jaz z culture , namely , wome n and drugs . He arrives in New York when h e is eighteen years old, leavin g his girlfrien d an d youn g daughte r behin d i n St . Louis . Fo r th e first tw o weeks, h e neglect s hi s studie s a t Juilliar d an d look s fo r Charli e Parke r with a n obsessiv e determination . Whe n h e ask s abou t Parker , man y musicians urg e hi m t o leav e Parker alon e becaus e h e i s so heavy int o hi s addiction. Bu t Davi s wil l no t b e deterred . Whe n h e finally catche s u p with Parker , th e momen t i s less than transcendent : I turne d aroun d an d ther e wa s Bir d lookin g badde r tha n a motherfucker . H e was dressed in these baggy clothes that looked like he had been sleeping in them for days . His face wa s all puffed u p and his eyes were swollen an d red. But he was cool, with that hipnes s he could hav e about hi m even when h e was drun k or fucked up . Plus, he had that confidence tha t all people have when they know their shit is bad. But no matter how he looked, bad or near death, he still looked good to me that nigh t after spendin g all that time trying to find him; I was just glad to see him standing there. And when he remembered where he had met me, I was the happiest motherfucker o n earth (57). Parker wil l b e Davis' s first gaug e o f manhoo d i n Ne w York . H e ha s idolized Parke r a s a musician , bu t no w h e mus t dea l wit h hi m a s a ma n and thi s present s a uniqu e proble m fo r Davis . Youn g an d naive , Davi s has no t ye t learne d th e way s o f jaz z life . H e i s committed t o Irene , wh o later join s hi m i n Ne w Yor k wit h thei r daughter , an d stil l ha s fait h in monogamou s relationships . Despit e Davis' s admiratio n fo r Parker' s musical genius, he is repulsed b y Parker a s a man. I n one instance, Davi s is i n a ca b wit h Parke r an d a whit e woma n wh o perform s fellati o o n Parker. Whil e she' s doin g this , Parke r i s casuall y eatin g frie d chicken . Davis i s deepl y trouble d t o witnes s thi s an d struggle s wit h hi s lov e an d abhorrence fo r Parker . 210

Black Bodies Swingin' In ligh t o f Parker' s ofte n errati c behavior , Davi s find s himsel f tor n between Parke r an d anothe r o f hi s idols , Dizz y Gillespie . Althoug h Gillespie an d Parke r wer e musica l soulmates , Gillespie , lik e man y othe r musicians a t tha t time , resente d Parker' s addictio n an d hi s abus e o f others. Parke r wa s unreliable , an d o n mor e tha n on e occasio n Gillespi e quit Parker' s ban d an d swor e neve r t o pla y wit h hi m again . Davi s found himsel f caugh t i n the middle o f their dispute s bot h personall y an d professionally. No matte r wha t attitude , values, or assumption s Davi s brough t wit h him a s a youn g ma n fro m St . Louis , i f h e wa s t o b e a notabl e forc e i n the Ne w Yor k jaz z scene , h e woul d hav e t o pla y b y th e gam e o f hi s masters—a gam e governe d b y drug s firs t an d wome n second . I n hi s book Jazz Myth and Religion, Nei l Leonar d examine s th e pseu doprophet rol e man y jaz z musician s assume d wit h thei r fans . I n ligh t o f the charisma man y o f them possessed alon g with their remarkable talent , jazz musician s wer e model s t o emulat e o n th e bandstan d an d off . Bu t Leonard point s ou t ho w tragi c thi s wa s wit h a figure a s self-destructiv e as Parker : "Fo r man y neophyte s ther e seeme d littl e reaso n t o sta y straight whe n al l th e hi p peopl e wer e high . Wha t inducemen t wa s ther e for th e anxiou s novic e no t t o indulge ? An d i f Charli e Parke r coul d illuminate th e jaz z worl d wit h th e hel p of , o r despite , hi s habit , wh y couldn't hi s eager admirers?" 37 However, Davis' s christenin g int o th e world o f drug s i s not initiate d by Parker . Rather , Davi s i s drive n t o i t afte r h e i s force d t o leav e Pari s and Juliett e Greco , a Frenc h gir l wh o hardl y speak s Englis h bu t i s th e first woma n Davi s feel s h e eve r reall y loves : " I was s o depresse d whe n I got back , tha t befor e I kne w it , I ha d a heroi n habi t tha t too k m e fou r years to kic k an d I found mysel f fo r th e first time ou t o f control " (127) . The lov e o f a woman lead s Davi s int o hi s addiction , bu t i t i s a t th e urgings o f various men , musicians an d otherwise , that h e ultimately trie s to kic k hi s habit . Mos t o f hi s musicia n friend s ar e a s heavil y int o drug s as Davi s is . Bu t Gi l Evan s i s abl e t o reac h Davi s i n a wa y tha t other s have not , an d h e serve s a s mean s o f check s an d balance s whe n Davis' s life teetere d ou t o f control : " I realize d tha t a perso n i s luck y i f he' s go t one soldie r o r Gi l Evans i n hi s life , someon e clos e enough t o yo u t o pul l your coattai l whe n something' s goin g wrong . Becaus e wh o know s wha t I would hav e don e o r becom e i f I hadn't ha d someon e lik e Gi l to remin d me? Dee p dow n inside , I hav e alway s bee n lik e tha t whe n I kicke d m y habit" (184) . 211

MONIQUE GUILLORY Similarly, Davis' s lov e fo r boxin g an d hi s admiratio n fo r Suga r Ra y Robinson als o inspire hi m to try to sta y clean. Boxing is as much a boy' s club a s jazz , an d Davi s see s man y similaritie s betwee n th e tw o form s i n that "you'v e got to first learn how to be cool and le t whatever happens — both i n music an d boxing—happen. " (182) . Some o f the mos t notoriou s passage s fro m Davis' s biograph y ar e hi s treatises on his relationships with women an d why he often prefer s whit e women t o blacks . Davis' s attitud e towar d blac k wome n seem s t o reflec t a fea r o r powerlessnes s i n relatio n t o them . H e resent s thei r nee d t o "b e in control , the m old-time y one s o r thos e one s wh o ar e dee p int o thei r careers." Suc h wome n canno t allo w a n artis t th e persona l spac e an d freedom h e apparently need s to be creative. In many senses , Davis echoe s the sam e sentimen t tha t Mingu s doe s whe n h e speak s o f musician s a s pimps. H e trie s t o mak e th e cas e tha t a n artist , whethe r blac k o r white , needs a woma n wh o ca n "respec t whe n h e ha s t o b e creative . Whit e women hav e bee n aroun d artist s a long tim e an d understan d th e impor tance o f wha t ar t doe s i n society. S o blac k wome n go t a lo t o f catchin g up t o d o in that area " (402) . Artist o r not , Davi s fall s pre y t o th e commo n stereotyp e o f blac k men wh o fea r dominatio n fro m blac k women . Seekin g a n escap e fro m his ow n ambivalenc e wit h hi s blackness , Davi s share s Mingus' s fascina tion with the social significance o f "whiteness. " I n his numerous encoun ters with th e police an d othe r authorit y figures, Davi s ofte n blame s thes e incidents o n th e presumptio n tha t h e i s a "blac k nigge r wit h a fine as s white woman. " H e seldo m accede s tha t thes e clashe s coul d b e purel y due t o hi s ow n arroganc e an d defiance , whic h h e admit s t o throughou t the text . The broa d appea l o f Davi s a s a legendar y figure surpasse s th e con siderable musica l contribution s h e mad e t o th e jaz z world . Rather , th e core o f thi s appea l arise s fro m hi s uniqu e an d unequale d challenge s t o black masculinity , whic h coul d b e viewed a s empowerin g t o a relativel y insightful fe w bu t contrive d an d convolute d t o th e rest . Accordin g t o Greg Tate , "Th e powe r o f a Mile s Davi s wa s tha t h e alway s seeme d t o be wavin g bac k fro m th e othe r sid e o f Blac k culture' s transcendabl e horizon, fro m th e post-liberate d sid e o f Blac k potentiality . Tha t othe r shore wa s no t emblemati c o f emancipation . Wha t wa s ove r ther e wa s freedom fro m fea r o f a Black romanti c imagination. " 3 8 The contradiction s an d brillian t innovation s o f jaz z represen t per haps th e mos t full-scal e unleashin g o f th e blac k romanti c imaginatio n 212

Black Bodies Swingin' the country ha s eve r witnessed. Mingus' s an d Davis' s biographie s recor d their valian t attempt s t o revis e blac k masculinit y fro m thei r ow n experi ences, needs , an d abilities . Give n th e limite d confine s i n whic h blac k creative expressio n ha s ha d t o operat e throughou t th e centuries , i t i s of little wonde r tha t Africa n American s hav e s o fiercely scramble d t o kee p their momentou s contribution s t o America n cultur e withi n thei r grasps . As a people , w e valu e "th e real " an d tes t th e authenticit y o f al l thing s that attemp t t o approximat e o r typif y th e "blac k experience. " Bu t th e images o f blac k masculinit y tha t circulat e withi n thes e cultura l arena s symbolize a stoc k prerequisit e o f th e trad e an d allo w fo r fe w radica l deviations fro m th e nor m tha t fan s com e t o anticipat e an d demand . These constructs remai n consisten t an d ar e woven int o the very fabric o f the culture—the y amoun t t o th e ver y nam e o f th e game . Thus , i t i s difficult t o imagine a white woma n a s a jazz musician. An d althoug h th e enigma o f Denni s Rodma n ma y incit e a rippl e o f speculatio n an d atten tion i n th e NBA , thi s wil l d o littl e t o chang e th e associatio n o f a certai n construction o f blac k masculinit y wit h basketball . The odiou s Titan arum grow s a remarkable fou r t o si x inche s ever y day. Bein g th e larges t flowe r i n th e world , th e Titan i s a predictabl e draw. However , peopl e ar e no t a s interested i n th e flower' s girt h a s the y are i n it s pugnaciou s smell , whic h ha s resulte d i n th e plant' s moniker — the corps e flower . Similarly , w e ca n als o cal l int o questio n th e appea l o f the NBA , a price y Ne w Yor k jaz z club , o r eve n hi p ho p aime d a t a heterogenous mas s market . Certainly , som e skil l i s o n displa y i n th e name o f competitio n o r creativ e expression . However , whil e th e contri butions o f black s t o th e worl d o f athletic s an d musi c ma y b e widel y celebrated, w e mus t star t t o thin k mor e carefull y an d deliberatel y abou t the pric e w e pa y fo r suc h accolades . I have t o wonde r wha t imaginativ e associations peopl e mak e whe n the y stan d i n th e shadow s o f th e Titan arum, whic h reek s o f death . Human being s canno t hel p bu t operat e accordin g t o thei r expecta tions an d precedents . Whil e we logicall y understan d tha t blac k folk s ar e human being s an d ough t t o b e treate d equall y a s such , i t take s genera tions fo r man y o f u s to internaliz e tha t though t an d ac t upon it . Thus, i n some face t o f th e mind , th e Titan's audienc e probabl y canno t identif y this ranci d enormit y a s a flower , somethin g swee t an d delicat e tha t ca n be handle d an d arrange d i n a vas e o r pinne d t o a lapel . Dwarfe d b y it s stature an d envelope d b y it s smell , peopl e standin g befor e th e Titan arum ma y fee l the y ar e i n the presence o f a god, o r possibl y a monster . 213

MONIQUE GUILLORY NOTES 1. Fran k Conroy , "Sto p Nitpicking a Genius," New York Times Magazine, June 25, 1995 , 28, 54; Tricia Rose, Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n Universit y Press , 1994), 24. 2. Gre g Tate , "Prefac e t o a One-Hundred-and-Eighty-Volum e Patricid e Note: Yet Another Fe w Thousand Word s o n the Death o f Mile s Davis an d th e Problem o f th e Blac k Mal e Genius, " i n Black Popular Culture, a Projec t b y Michele Wallace, ed. Gina Dent (Seattle: Bay Press, 1992), 243. 3. Pearl e Cleage , Deals with the Devil and Other Reasons to Riot (Ne w York: (Ballantine, 1993) . 4. Stuar t Hall , "Wha t I s This 'Black ' i n Blac k Popula r Culture, " i n Stuart Hall, Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, ed. David Morley an d Kuan-Hsin g Chen (New York: Routledge, 1996), 467. 5. Phi l Rubio , "Crossove r Dreams, " Race Traitor, ed. Noe l Ignatie v an d John Garvey (New York: Routledge, 1996), 151. 6. Grove r Sales, Jazz: America's Classical Music (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 35; Gene Lees, Cats of Any Color: Jazz in Black and White (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1995). 7. Walte r Ben n Michaels , "Th e No-Dro p Rule, " i n Identities, ed. Kwam e Anthony Appia h an d Henr y Loui s Gate s Jr . (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1995), 411. 8. LeRo i Jones, Blues People (New York: Morrow Quill, 1963), 153. 9. Rubio , "Crossover Dreams," 153 . 10. Roby n Wiegmann , American Anatomies: Theorizing Race and Gender (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), 85. 11. Andre w Ross , "Hi p an d th e Lon g Fron t o f Color, " i n No Respect: Intellectuals and Popular Culture (New York: Routledge, 1989), 85. 12. bel l hooks , Black Looks: Race and Representation (Boston: Sout h En d Press, 1992), 34. 13. Eldridg e Cleaver, Soul on Ice (NY: McGrew Hill, 1968). 14. Cur t Sachs , Rhythm and Tempo: A Study in Music History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), 38. 15. Ton y Scherman , "Wha t I s Jazz? A n Intervie w wit h Wynto n Marsalis, " American Heritage, Octobe r 1995 . Se e als o Fran k Kofsky , Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music (New York: Pathfinder Press ; 1970), 123-39 . 16. Jones , Blues People, 153 . 17. Michel e Wallace, Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman (New York: Dial Press, 1978), 39. 18. Gen e Santoro , Dancing in Your Head: Jazz, Blues, and Beyond (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1994). 214

Black Bodies Swingin' 19. Henr y A . Giroux , Fugitive Cultures: Race, Violence, and Youth (Ne w York: Routledge, 1996) , 32. 20. Tate , "Preface," 245 . 21. Herma n Gray , "Black Masculinity an d Visual Culture," Callaloo 18 , no. 2 (1995): 401-5. 22. Burto n Peretti , The Creation of Jazz: Music, Race and Culture in North America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992) 35-36 . 23. Nei l Leonard , Jazz Myth and Religion (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1987), 24. 24. Rober t Farris Thompson, Flash of the Spirit (New York: Random House; 1983), 104. 25. Leonar d Jazz Myth and Religion, 61 . 26. Ibid. , 59. 27. Ibid . 28. Stephe n Longstreet, Sportin' House: New Orleans and the Jazz Story (Los Angeles: Sherbourne Press, 1965), 195. 29. Kath y Ogren , The Jazz Revolution: Twenties America and the Meaning of Jazz(New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1989), 3. 30. Peretti , The Creation of Jazz, 35-36. 31. Charle s Mingus , Beneath the Underdog (Ne w York : Pengui n Books , 1980), 55. Hereafter cite d in the text by page number. 32. Calvi n C. Hernton, Sex and Racism in America (New York: Grove Press, 1965), 24. 33. "Subsoi l of Black Music," Library Journal 96 (August 1971): 2512. 34. Geoffre y Wolf , "Ma n with a Bass," Newsweek, May 17, 1971, 110. 35. The Irigaray Reader, ed . Margaret Whitford, (Cambridge : Blackwell Publishers, 1991), 58. 36. Mile s Davis with Quincy Troupe, Miles (New York: Simon and Schuster , 1989), 7. Hereafter cite d in the text by page number. 37. Leonard , Jazz Myth and Religion, 109. 38. Tate , "Preface," 245 .

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15

S t o n e d Sou l Picni c Alvin A i l e y an d t h e Struggl e t o Defin e Official Blac k Cultur e THOMAS DEFRANT Z

STONE PONY: Stand with a proud, wide foot stance. Hold your hands in fists at your waist, elbows to the back. Without moving your feet, turn your trunk to one side and push your weight forward. Swing your fists forward on the One. Snap your fingers as they release back on the Two. Let your back bone slip. Push forward again on the Three. Release the swing, snap, and slip on the Four, while simultaneously shifting your torso to face the other side. Repeat the four-count phrase with as much soul as you got. ••



Choreographer Alvi n Aile y ofte n use d contemporar y socia l danc e step s in hi s ballets , an d th e danc e w e use d t o cal l th e ston e pon y (h e calle d it th e "hesitation " i n hi s choreographi c notes ) provide d th e openin g movement imag e for hi s ballet Quintet. Firs t show n Augus t 28 , 1968 , a t the Edinburg h Festiva l i n Scotland , Quintet gaine d prominenc e a s th e sole ne w offerin g fro m Aile y i n hi s company' s first Broadwa y season , January 1969 . Befor e w e tr y t o unpac k th e sou l ste p fro m it s settin g o n the Broadwa y stage , wher e i t was performe d b y five glamour-puss diva s in blond e wig s an d hig h heels , let' s bac k u p t o conside r Ailey' s ascen dancy a s th e postwa r an d civi l right s eras ' leadin g exponen t o f moder n dance i n the African America n grain . Born Januar y 5 , 1931 , th e onl y chil d o f working-clas s parent s wh o 216

Stoned Soul Picnic separated whe n h e wa s a n infant , Aile y suffere d a difficult , transien t childhood, movin g wit h hi s mothe r fro m tow n t o tow n an d relativ e t o relative. Strictl y segregate d lif e i n Depression-er a Texa s offere d a hostil e environment fo r Africa n American s an d nurture d a fea r an d mistrus t o f whites, Ailey later recalled ; this backgroun d als o created a fierce pride i n black socia l institutions , includin g th e churc h an d th e joo k joint s tha t figure prominentl y i n hi s late r work . I n 194 2 Aile y move d wit h hi s mother t o Lo s Angeles , wher e hi s interes t i n concer t danc e wa s sparke d by high-schoo l excursion s t o th e balle t an d Katherin e Dunham' s 194 5 "Tropical Revue " (DeFrant z 1995) . Ailey's sou l vibrate d i n respons e t o Dunham' s theater , an d h e late r credited th e Dunha m compan y a s a guidin g inspiratio n fo r hi s own . Dunham create d danc e scenario s resonan t wit h socia l practic e sh e ob served a s a cultura l anthropologis t i n th e Caribbea n Islands . Althoug h she achieve d he r greates t performin g succes s withi n th e commercia l arenas o f Broadwa y an d Hollywood , sh e als o wrote an d lecture d widel y and develope d a dance technique buil t upo n aestheti c features o f Africa n movement retention s visible in the Americas. Ailey eventually establishe d the Dunha m Techniqu e a s a standar d for m taugh t a t hi s school . Fo r hi s own training , however , Aile y turne d t o danc e onl y whe n a high-schoo l classmate introduce d hi m t o Leste r Horton' s flamboyantl y theatrica l studio i n 1949 . When Aile y bega n makin g dance s i n the 1950s , hi s classroom danc e training ha d bee n acquire d exclusivel y fro m th e Leste r Horto n Danc e Theatre Schoo l i n Wes t Hollywood , California . Moder n danc e wa s stil l in it s first America n generation , an d Horto n an d hi s colleague s taugh t an idiosyncrati c an d experimenta l techniqu e assemble d fro m movemen t ideas representin g a rang e o f cultures : Eas t an d Wes t Indian , African , American, Japanese, Nativ e American , an d Mexican . Horto n taugh t hi s dancers t o valu e emotiona l expressivit y ove r stric t danc e technique , a strategy tha t diverte d attentio n fro m th e historica l pedigre e o f specifi c dances an d towar d th e overal l sensor y effec t danc e coul d hav e o n it s audience. Horton, a white ma n fro m Indianapolis , Indiana , als o entice d Aile y with hi s Utopia n visio n o f a multicultura l danc e meltin g pot . Horton' s dancers include d Africa n American s Jame s Truitte , Do n Martin , an d Carmen d e Lavallade ; whit e dancer s Bell a Lewitzk y an d Joyc e Trisler ; and Japanes e dance r Misay e Kawasumi . I n late r years , th e Chines e American criti c Fran k En g wa s Horton' s lover . Eve n a s h e indulge d 217

THOMAS DEFRANTZ personal an d highl y imprecis e reading s o f non-Wester n danc e forms , Horton offere d hi s compan y th e possibilit y o f seein g beyon d eas y con structions o f race . Aile y gravitate d t o thi s visio n o f persona l an d sexua l liberation. I n followin g Horton , Aile y conceive d theatrica l danc e a s the formalize d displa y o f movemen t narrativ e tempere d b y lighting , costuming, an d th e uniqu e emotiona l presence—soul , i f yo u will—o f the dancer . Ailey move d t o Ne w Yor k i n 195 4 t o appea r wit h partne r Carme n de Lavallad e i n th e crudel y stereotype d Broadwa y musica l House of Flowers. Adapte d fro m a Truma n Capot e shor t story , th e show' s exot icized librett o offere d blac k dancer s a hos t o f familia r naive-primitiv e roles, framed b y a tale of rival bordello s an d mercenar y intrigue . Largel y popular wit h audience s becaus e of it s host o f "wild , grotesque, animalis tic" danc e number s create d b y Georg e Balanchin e an d Herber t Ross , House of Flowers introduce d Aile y to th e New Yor k danc e scen e a s par t of th e titillatin g assortmen t o f blac k bodie s enactin g racia l stereotype s for mostl y white audience s (Atkinso n 1954 , 7) . Ailey found th e Ne w Yor k danc e communit y t o b e remarkably flui d and available , especially to handsome young men willing to "pla y black " in a limite d rang e o f ethni c roles . H e dance d i n severa l Broadwa y musicals an d fulfille d hi s aspiration s t o b e know n a s a professiona l dancer, bu t found h e wanted t o continue the creative work h e had begu n at th e Horto n school . Whil e dancin g i n th e Broadwa y musica l Jamaica, Ailey gathered a group o f dancer s t o fill an afternoo n concer t slo t a t th e 92nd Stree t YM-YWH A o n Marc h 30 , 1958 , th e premier e performanc e of th e Alvin Ailey American Danc e Theater . Ailey's persona l magnetism , combine d wit h th e artisti c panach e o f his colleagues , brough t terrifi c review s an d overwhelmin g audienc e re sponse. Twenty-eigh t Africa n America n dancer s an d a numbe r o f musi cians participate d i n th e debu t concer t Aile y share d wit h choreographe r Ernest Parham , wit h headlinin g gues t artis t Talle y Beatty performing th e role o f Icaru s i n Parham' s Trajectories. Th e unprecedente d scal e an d ambition o f th e progra m arrange d b y Aile y an d Parha m suggeste d a strategic expropriatio n o f th e Kaufman n Concer t Hal l t o confirm , i n a single performance , th e undeniabl e rang e o f facilit y attainabl e b y th e black bod y i n concert dance . This thumbnai l biograph y provide s a ma p t o understandin g wh o Ailey wa s whe n h e bega n makin g dance s i n 1958 . Hi s persona l circum stances ar e al l the mor e importan t whe n w e realiz e tha t Aile y ultimatel y 218

Stoned Soul Picnic created a bod y o f danc e work s tha t shape d Africa n America n participa tion i n moder n danc e durin g th e thirty-yea r perio d befor e hi s deat h i n 1989. Hi s company operation s als o define d a paradigmatic performanc e style tha t becam e th e standar d o f danc e i n th e Africa n America n grai n from th e earl y 1960 s unti l th e present . Workin g i n a variet y o f danc e styles an d movemen t vocabularies , Aile y indelibl y wrot e sou l ont o th e concert danc e menu .

Alley's Dances Ailey's work bega n i n th e 1950s , a n er a o f cultura l assimilation , an d hi s earliest dances embrac e a range o f thematic an d movemen t vocabularies . He hope d t o attrac t integrate d audience s willin g t o questio n prevalen t racial stereotype s surroundin g blac k dancer s i n moder n dance . Amon g these earl y works , Mourning Morning (1954 ) dre w o n character s an d situations fro m play s b y Tennesse e Williams , whil e Knoxville: Summer of 1915 (1961 ) buil t upo n Jame s Agee' s librett o an d Samue l Barber' s music. Th e intimatio n tha t blac k bodie s coul d inhabi t whit e literatur e on public stages disturbed dominan t stereotypica l assumptions , bu t mos t audiences receive d thes e dance s poorly . Ailey' s largest succes s buil t upo n lingering minstrel-er a persona e tha t tie d blac k bodie s t o wor k songs , spirituals, th e blues , an d jazz . For example , th e "barrelhouse " settin g o f Ailey's 195 8 masterpiec e Blues Suite playe d directl y int o traditiona l stereotyping o f th e blac k bod y a s at onc e morally corrup t an d titillating . As i n House of Flowers, th e wome n i n Blues Suite portraye d hookers , and th e men, thei r eage r clients . Ailey's choreography combine d movement s fro m severa l disciplines , echoing a layered approac h t o art-making distinctiv e to African diaspor a culture. Blues Suite contain s section s o f earl y twentieth-centur y socia l dance, Horto n danc e technique , Jac k Cole-inspire d jaz z dance , an d ballet partnering . Bu t audience s responde d mos t immediatel y t o Ailey' s characters an d thei r familia r milieu . Souther n black s recognize d th e truthful depictio n o f archetypal , down-hom e personalities , whil e whit e audiences appreciate d th e familia r spectacl e o f blac k bodie s clownin g and cavortin g ove r mone y an d se x (DeFrant z 1996) . This tension betwee n familia r blac k archetype s an d th e transcenden t dance inventio n routinel y achieve d b y Aile y an d hi s collaborator s se t a new standar d fo r concer t danc e i n th e Africa n America n grain . Aile y 219

THOMAS DEFRANTZ allowed hi s dancer s t o brin g themselve s int o thei r stag e work— a pro found shif t fro m th e blatantl y stereotype d behavio r solicite d fro m Negr o artists befor e th e post-wa r era . Aile y an d hi s contemporaries revise d th e minstrel stereotypes , investin g the m wit h persona l truth s draw n fro m their ow n experiences . Aide d b y th e nationalisti c reassessment s o f th e civil right s era , Aile y fostere d a n importan t pedagogica l shif t tha t en couraged th e enactmen t o f cor e blac k performanc e strategie s i n concer t dance. Thes e strategie s includ e subversion , secrecy , rupture , participa tion, dynami c interaction , and , abov e all , the pleasure o f rhythmi c musi cality. Ailey create d hi s compan y wit h thre e goal s i n mind : t o emplo y th e scores o f excellen t blac k dancer s i n Ne w Yor k wh o ha d n o performin g homes; t o creat e a repertor y compan y tha t coul d perfor m bot h moder n dance classic s and ne w works b y Ailey and othe r youn g choreographers ; and t o giv e artisti c voic e t o Africa n America n experienc e i n term s o f concert dance . Hi s larges t succes s cam e i n thi s las t goal , a s early perfor mances o f Blues Suite an d Revelations (1960 ) establishe d th e Alvin Ailey American Danc e Theate r a s th e foremos t danc e interprete r o f Africa n American experience . Whil e a concer t traditio n o f dancin g t o sacre d black musi c stretche d bac k t o th e 1920s , whe n moder n dancer s Hele n Tamiris, Hemsley Winfield, an d Edn a Gu y all made pieces called "Negr o Spirituals," Revelations eclipse d thes e earlie r attempt s an d quickl y be came th e company's signatur e ballet . But Aile y alway s wante d "t o tak e i t t o th e wall, " a s h e ofte n said . He integrate d hi s compan y withi n it s first five years , addin g Asia n an d white dancer s int o th e multitone d Africa n America n mix . Thoug h th e company alway s feature d it s Africa n America n artists , throug h integra tion Aile y sough t t o subver t th e critica l ey e that canno t se e beyond race . "Some peopl e lik e t o pu t blac k peopl e i n a box . Fo r example , whe n w e first wen t t o Europ e [i n 1964] , man y said : oh loo k a t thos e blac k peopl e do thi s an d that . I t wa s a s thoug h onl y blac k peopl e coul d mov e i n certain ways , an d blac k peopl e wer e limite d t o certai n movements . I want peopl e to se e us as people. Furthe r I think tha t havin g people o f al l colors an d al l culture s somewha t universalize s th e material . I t take s i t out o f th e colo r bag , ou t o f th e rac e bag ; it makes i t easie r t o se e simpl y as art" (Aile y 1989 , 9) . Adding dancers unfamiliar wit h core structures o f blac k socia l danc e meant distillin g thos e structure s int o abstrac t movements . I n hi s chore ography, Aile y attempte d t o locat e a n essenc e o f blac k socia l danc e 220

Stoned Soul Picnic style tha t complemente d th e variou s technique s hi s dancer s studied . The resultin g juxtapositio n o f styles—socia l danc e followe d b y classica l ballet, Horton-techniqu e movement s i n th e middl e o f Graha m phasing , and s o on—formed th e crux of a hybrid aestheti c labeled "blac k dance. " But ho w di d Aile y com e t o stan d fo r "blac k dance" ? An d ho w di d his interracia l compan y maintai n a statu s a s th e "official " beare r o f black moder n danc e i n th e 1960s ? Th e answe r t o thes e question s lie s i n the strategie s o f cultural interventio n Aile y enacted t o brin g danc e to th e widest public possible. The Ailey company toured lik e mad. In its earliest years, th e compan y spen t muc h tim e o n th e road , bringin g danc e t o people wh o ha d neve r hear d o f concer t performance . Thi s expandin g audience o f African American s provided th e wellspring o f suppor t essen tial t o th e Aile y enterprise . A s Ailey noted , "We'r e givin g th e publi c th e sense that danc e i n particular an d th e art s i n general ar e importan t part s of thei r soul , especiall y t o u s blac k people . Ou r poetry , ou r music , an d our danc e hav e bee n abl e to sustai n an d fill spirit"(Ailey 1989 , 9) . The Aile y compan y establishe d it s vas t internationa l reputatio n through a series of tours begu n i n 1962 . A highly publicized an d success ful four-mont h engagemen t i n Southeas t Asi a an d Australi a sponsore d by th e Internationa l Exchang e Progra m unde r th e Kenned y Administra tion establishe d a pattern o f performanc e i n foreig n countrie s continue d by a tri p t o Ri o d e Janeiro (1963) ; a Europea n tou r includin g London , Hamburg, an d Pari s (1964) ; a n engagemen t a t th e Worl d Festiva l o f Negro Art s i n Dakar , Senega l (1966) ; a second , sixteen-wee k Europea n tour includin g th e Hollan d Festiva l i n Amsterda m (1967) ; a visi t t o Israel (Augus t 1967) ; a U.S . Stat e Department-sponsore d nine-natio n tour o f Africa (1967) ; and performance a t the Edinburgh Festiva l (1968) . To understand ho w larg e Ailey's international presenc e loome d through out th e 1960s , conside r th e Ma y 196 8 Dance Magazine layou t tha t featured Ailey' s fac e blow n u p acros s a ma p o f Africa . O f course , ther e was n o ma p wit h Ailey' s imag e towerin g ove r Europ e afte r hi s tour s there. Cast b y the U.S. government a s the cultura l arbite r o f Negr o experi ence i n dance , Aile y strengthene d hi s choreographi c languag e t o revis e lingering minstre l imagery . On e o f Ailey' s favorit e theme s durin g thi s period was to expose the bruta l ambivalenc e o f the blac k bod y o n publi c stages. Quintet, fo r example , describe s th e tensio n betwee n th e publi c performance o f glamour , a s i n a Motow n gir l group , an d th e privat e despair an d lonelines s hel d b y offstage life . 221

THOMAS DEFRANTZ Quintet Ailey set Quintet t o six soul-inspired song s from Laur a Nyro' s albu m Eli and the Thirteenth Confession. Finishe d quickl y durin g th e company' s one-week sta y i n Scotlan d (Goodwi n 1968 , 23 ; Latha m 1973 , 621) , th e dance remaine d i n th e company' s repertoir e fo r tw o years . A favorit e among genera l audiences , an d especiall y th e colleg e audience s th e Aile y company taugh t i n lecture-demonstratio n residencies , Quintet feature s five red-lame-clad glamou r dollies , arme d wit h smar t re d pumps , over done makeup, an d Hollywood-styl e blond e wigs . The curtai n rise s to revea l five women pose d identicall y i n a tablea u of defian t Motow n glamour . Th e wome n slowl y lowe r thei r arm s an d begin doin g th e ston e pon y whil e lipsynchin g "Stone d Sou l Picnic. " Ailey double s th e minstre l imagery : blond e blac k wome n danc e t o whit e blues singing . Th e danc e continue s wit h flagran t juxtaposition s o f bold , streetcorner-style movement s t o small , glamorou s strut s an d shimmies . The wome n perfor m a catalogu e o f contemporar y socia l dance s an d connecting material , arrange d b y Aile y to follo w th e contour s o f Nyro' s music closely . A s th e recorde d singer s ris e t o a climacti c hig h pitch , th e dancers execut e expansiv e turn s acros s th e stage , thei r arm s circlin g overhead an d dow n agai n i n a brittl e staccat o rhyth m tha t echoe s th e rock drumbeat . Mysteriously , dancer s dro p ou t o f formatio n on e a t a time t o mov e i n anguis h t o som e inaudible , privat e score . Th e numbe r ends wit h th e wome n onc e agai n pose d luxuriousl y acros s th e stage , knees ben t deepl y wit h arm s raise d overhead , approximatin g a n allur e of feminize d celebrity . Quintet continue s throug h five mor e sections , roughl y on e sol o fo r each woman , i n whic h th e wigs , dresses , an d shoe s com e of f an d th e performers revea l a privat e anguis h hidde n behin d thei r show-busines s drag. Recorde d applaus e serve s a s a bridg e betwee n dances , satiricall y underscoring a n oversize d popularit y o f Ailey's mythic girl-group. Whe n the dancers finally return, al l dolled up , to repeat th e openin g ston e pon y dance movements , th e thril l o f glamou r i s gone. Th e wome n com e bac k steely, angry, defiant , an d foreve r fragmented . In th e dance' s thir d selection , "Povert y Train, " th e solois t remove s her dres s t o revea l a nondescrip t gre y slip , (Goodwi n 1968 , 25) . Sh e angrily throw s th e high-heeled shoe s bindin g he r fee t offstage ; sh e drop s her gow n and , exasperated , kick s i t away . Th e ensuin g danc e gentl y mirrors Nyro' s shiftin g musica l moods : slow-motio n contraction s an d 222

Stoned Soul Picnic

15.1. "Quintet, " members of the Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater. Photograph © Jack Mitchell.

rises t o balanc e durin g out-of-temp o interludes ; sweepin g polyrhythmi c swaggers t o th e hesitation s o f six/eigh t drummin g i n blues y verses ; re peated shor t phrase s o f two-coun t duratio n t o a prominen t rhythm section lick . Toward th e end o f the solo the dancer fall s t o the floor, roll s toward th e audience , an d rise s t o hid e he r fac e i n he r curle d righ t ar m while pushin g awa y wit h he r outstretche d lef t hand . Th e imag e o f constraint i s followed b y a slow-motion ris e to a one-legged balance , he r arms an d nec k stretche d beseechingl y upwards . Th e danc e end s whe n she collapses t o th e floo r an d pound s he r fist , feebly , a s Nyro moan s th e root o f th e problem : "Money. " Tape d applaus e sounds . Surprised , th e woman suddenl y notice s he r audience , gather s he r gow n fro m th e floor , and exits , dazed , distracted , an d wary . 223

THOMAS DEFRANTZ In Quintet, Aile y reverse s th e framin g devic e o f Blues Suite, impli cating hi s audienc e i n th e fals e constructio n o f celebrity . Wher e Blues Suite suggeste d ho w socia l despai r coul d b e transforme d int o ebullien t social dance , th e late r wor k align s publi c performanc e wit h privat e sorrow. Bu t b y showcasing a n idealize d femininity , Quintet als o exploit s glamour an d th e mal e gaze . Th e danc e allow s it s wome n t o b e viewe d as fantas y objects : naiv e an d hysterica l "offstage, " unresolve d an d pas sive "onstage. " Th e binar y constructio n i s a t onc e obviou s an d reduc tive. Quintet becam e th e firs t i n a lin e o f ballet s explorin g th e intens e private anguis h lurkin g behin d a publi c facad e o f glamorou s celebrity . Among later works, Flowers (1971 ) chronicled th e fame an d tragic deat h of singe r Jani s Joplin ; The Mooche (1974 ) explore d th e persistenc e o f entertainers Florenc e Mills , Mari e Bryant , Mahali a Jackson , an d Bessi e Smith; an d For Bird with Love (1984 ) buil t upo n event s i n th e lif e o f saxophonist Charli e Parker . Th e them e obviousl y spok e t o Ailey' s sit uation a s a primar y exponen t o f Africa n America n mode s o f concer t dance: fete d b y occasiona l governmen t sponsorship , critica l accolades , and popula r notoriety , Aile y face d constan t financial hardship , in adequate busines s management , an d a lingerin g privat e loneliness . Lik e the othe r ballet s create d t o thi s theme , Quintet offere d n o eas y answer s to th e convergenc e o f privat e an d publi c personae ; it s circular construc tion suggeste d instea d a n intractabl e associatio n o f celebrit y an d isola tion.

Reflecting a Spectrum of Experience Ailey's celebrity as the leading exponent o f black concert danc e advance d throughout th e 1960 s an d 1970s . H e continuousl y spok e ou t fo r in creased opportunitie s fo r Africa n American s i n concer t dance , an d h e geared hi s compan y policie s specificall y t o th e canonizatio n o f a n Afri can America n concer t danc e experience . I n Januar y 1969 , jus t eigh t months befor e Arthu r Mitchel l an d Kar l Shoo k founde d Danc e Theatr e of Harlem, Ailey wrote o f founding th e "Blac k American Ballet, " a large company o f dancers , singers , an d musician s exclusivel y devote d t o th e cultural heritag e o f blac k America . H e mad e plan s fo r a three-ac t balle t based o n th e lif e o f Malcol m X ; a dance d tribut e t o Langsto n Hughes ; and a Duke Ellingto n festival , finally realize d a t the nation's bicentennia l 224

Stoned Soul Picnic in 1976 . H e wrote , "M y greates t wis h i s for th e Blac k America n dance r to enter , throug h th e fron t door , th e mainstrea m o f America n dance " (Ailey 1969) . For Ailey , enterin g th e concer t danc e mainstrea m throug h th e fron t door mean t bringin g th e healin g powe r o f blac k sou l ont o th e concer t stage. H e understoo d socia l danc e t o b e th e sit e o f pleasur e an d bod y knowledge, a "high " for m o f expressio n fo r man y Africa n Americans . In hi s dances , h e situate d sou l proudl y alongsid e classica l balle t an d modern danc e forms , engenderin g a hybri d aestheti c wit h dee p tie s t o African America n cultura l practices . Ailey's legacy of sou l hybridit y no w reache s firml y int o neo-classica l ballet, i n th e dance s o f Ulysse s Dove , Willia m Forsythe , an d Twyl a Tharp; an d th e postmoder n danc e style s o f Donal d Byrd , Gart h Fagan , Bill T . Jones , an d Jawol e Will a J o Zollar . Followin g Ailey , eac h o f these choreographer s ha s transforme d blac k socia l danc e int o concer t performance, connectin g sou l to a widening internationa l mainstrea m o f cultural production . Ailey understood tha t soul pleasure is located in ties to the historical , the political, the subversivel y humorous , an d th e familiar. Blac k pleasur e is in al l of these, an d seldo m s o gracefully realize d a s in dance .

BIBLIOGRAPHY Ailey, Alvin . 1968 . "Africa n Odyssey ; Tw o Months , Twelv e Dancers , Nin e Countries," Dance Magazine, May, 50. . 1969 . Program Notes , Alvi n Ailey American Danc e Theater, Brookly n Academy of Music. . 1989 . "Alvi n Ailey. " I n Black Visions '89, Twee d Galler y Exhibitio n Catalog, 8-9 . Ailey, Alvin , wit h A . Pete r Bailey . 1995 . Revelations: The Autobiography of Alvin Ailey. Ne w York: Birch Lane Press. Atkinson, Brooks . 1954 . "Theatre : Truma n Capote' s Musical. " New York Times, Decembe r 31, 1954, 11. Barnes, Clive . 1969 . "Aile y an d Troup e i n Triumph ; Star t Ru n o n Broadwa y after a Decade Away." New York Times, January 28, 1969. DeFrantz, Thomas . 1995 . "Alvi n Ailey. " I n Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History. New York: Oxford Universit y Press. . 1996 . "Simmerin g Passivity: The Black Male Body in Concert Dance. " In Moving Words, ed . Gay Morris. New York: Routledge. 225

THOMAS DEFRANTZ Goldner, Nancy. 1969 . "Alvi n Ailey's American Dance Theatre, Billy Rose Theatre, N.Y., Jan. 27-Feb. 1. " Dance News March, 10. Goodman, Saul . 1958 . "Brie f Biographies : Alvi n Ailey. " Dance Magazine, De cember, 70-71. Goodwin, Noel . 1968 . "Blac k Octave : Eigh t Ne w Work s fro m Alvi n Ailey' s American Danc e Theater a t th e Edinburg h Festival , August 1968. " Dance and Dancers, October , 23-30. Latham, Jacqueline Quinn . 1973 . " A Biographical Stud y of the Lives and Con tributions o f Tw o Selecte d Contemporar y Blac k Mal e Danc e Artists—Ar thur Mitchel l an d Alvin Ailey." Ph.D. dissertation, Texas Women's University. Marks, Marcia . 1969 . "Th e Alvi n Aile y America n Danc e Theater , Bill y Ros e Theatre, January 27-February 1 , 1969." Dance Magazine March, 92. McDonagh, Don . 1976 . "Alvi n Ailey. " I n The Complete Guide to Modern Dance. Garde n City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 125-132 . Stoop, Norm a McLain . 1971 . "O f Tim e an d Alvi n Ailey : A Commodit y th e Head o f th e Alvi n Ailey American Danc e Theater Almos t Alway s Lacks. " Dance Magazine, December, 28-32. Washington, Ernes t L. , ed . 1990 . "Alvi n Ailey : Th e Ma n an d Hi s Contribu tions." Talking Drums! The Journal of Black Dance 1 , no. 4 (May).

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The Legen d o f Sou l Long Liv e Curti s Mayfield ! MICHAEL A . GONZALE S

Sometimes, whe n I' m sittin g i n m y boy' s rid e listenin g t o th e radi o o r flipping station s i n my own book-cluttere d office , I remind mysel f o f on e of thos e crank y ol d bastard s loungin g i n som e ghett o barbershop , inhal ing o n filterless Camel s an d screamin g thei r age d opinion s a s thoug h they wer e carve d i n Moses' s tablets. 1 "The y don' t mak e sou l musi c lik e they use d to, " I' m tempte d t o yell , ove r th e lates t sample-heav y Puffy / Bad Bo y remix blarin g fro m th e blea k landscap e know n a s urba n radio . Yet, unlik e Nelso n Georg e suggeste d i n hi s groundbreakin g tex t The Death of Rhythm and Blues, I do no t fee l a s thoug h th e musi c tha t wa s the soundtrac k o f m y yout h (unti l I becam e a traito r t o rac e an d bega n jamming to Led Zeppelin instea d o f Teddy Pendergrass) ha s bee n gunne d down i n som e sleaz y hote l parkin g lo t lik e Sa m Cooke , bloo d flowin g into the gutters o f urban radio . Rather, I think th e music is in the proces s of aural morphing. Still , in my mind it' s a shame when I check ou t video s on MT V an d discove r tha t so-calle d alternativ e group s lik e Nirvana , Soundgarden, Smashin g Pumpkins , an d Ston e Templ e Pilot s hav e mor e of a funk-lace d soulfu l Kool-Ai d tha n blac k artist s (Xscape , SWV , H Town, o r Silk ) boppin g danc e electri c styl e o n B.E.T . "Wh o stol e th e soul?" i s n o longe r th e question , becaus e i t seem s lik e th e postmo d brothers an d sister s i n the ban d merel y gave it away . Although muc h ca n b e blame d o n th e lac k o f musi c educatio n departments i n cit y school s du e t o budge t cuts , th e limite d numbe r o f spaces fo r youn g musician s t o perfec t thei r buddin g skills , an d th e lac k 227

MICHAEL A. GONZALES of imaginatio n o n th e par t o f recor d compan y A & R persons , stil l I wonder i f the kid s producing thes e lackluste r sound s hav e eve r bothere d to stud y an y record s prio r t o th e birt h o f Ne w Jac k Swin g movemen t founded b y Teddy Riley . When I liste n t o a youn g artis t lik e D'Angelo , whos e Brown Sugar disc wa s on e o f th e bes t album s o f 1996 , I ca n hea r tha t thi s so n o f a preacherman ha s absorbe d mor e tha n th e flavo r o f hi s heroe s Marvi n Gaye, Curti s Mayfield , Isaa c Hayes, Stevi e Wonder, an d Prince . Chillin g in hi s downsout h bedroo m a s a teenager , D'Angel o studie d thes e sou l dudes lik e the y wer e a scienc e projec t i n a n attemp t t o figur e ou t wha t to d o next . Lik e a youn g painte r starin g i n amazemen t a t th e canvase s of Picass o o r a novic e write r readin g th e urba n gospel s accordin g t o James Baldwi n o r Iceber g Slim , D'Angel o full y understoo d tha t i t wa s necessary fo r hi m to stud y the masters o f sou l if he wanted t o create tru e soul music for a new generation . But rewindin g blaxploitatio n t o d a future , summe r o f 1972 : on e year afte r th e shattere d glass , shotgu n blas t o f a ba d mutha—"shu t y a mouth"—known a s John Shaf t (wah-wa h boppin ' dow n forty-deuc e t o Isaac Hayes' s soulfu l score ) an d si x year s befor e th e pim p swagge r o f The Mack cam e creeping across d a wrong sid e of those Oaktow n tracks , the Afro-sheened/platform-heele d citizen s o f Blac k Metropoli s wer e si lently waiting t o inhal e som e bran d ne w funk . In the village o f Harlem, wher e m y nine-year-old sel f dwelled , Suga r Hill was alive with the ghettocentric sound s of Curti s Mayfield's Superfly soundtrack 8-trac k bumpin g o n d a ave . Leanin g fro m th e soot y fifth floor windo w i n m y daddy' s apartment , m y youthfu l eye s observe d the neighborhoo d pimp s (peacock-feathere d hats , lou d suit s screaming ) shining thei r bos s Cadillacs—"hog " fo r it s siz e an d th e amoun t o f fue l it used—a s Mayfield' s "Freddie' s Dead " cam e wailin g fro m ebon y ca r speakers. My innocent eye s scoped zombie-nodding Kin g Heroin roarin g down th e bloc k a s Frankie ("Hollywood" ) Crocker' s smooth , FM-radi o voice introduced th e bruta l beat s of "Pusherman " ont o d a chocolate cit y airwaves. Opening o n a humi d summe r afternoo n a t th e Lowes ' Victoria , a Harlem moviehous e a fe w fee t fro m th e neon-brigh t Apoll o lights , th e first showin g o f Superfly attracte d th e attentio n o f th e neighborhoo d Willie Dynamite s wit h thei r stable s i n to w an d hoodra t nigga s dealin g blow. Sittin g i n th e darkene d theater , baby-oile d hand s clappe d loudl y as "Littl e Chil d Runnin g Wild" erupte d fro m th e Victoria's audi o syste m 228

The Legend of Soul and a raven's-ey e vie w o f gritt y Sevent h Avenu e wa s projecte d ont o th e aged screen . Directed b y Gordo n Parks , Jr. , whos e fathe r ha d helpe d defin e the genr e o f flaire d pant s flamboyance wit h th e movi e Shaft, Superfly introduced Youn g bloo d Pries t (slick-haired , light-skinne d acto r Ro n O'Neal), a Harle m cocain e deale r o n a missio n t o ge t outt a th e dru g game an d flee t o Europ e wit h hi s swee t chocolat e mam a hangin g ont o his crushed-velve t sleeves . Yet , a s acto r Keena n Ivor y Wayan s woul d later sa y i n hi s 198 8 satir e o f th e genr e Vm Gonna Git You Sucka, "What's a hero withou t a soundtrack?" Whil e Pries t snort s blo w fro m a small spoo n tha t dangle s fro m hi s neck , makes swee t lov e to hi s woma n in th e lingerin g bathtu b scene , an d hang s i n th e grand-style d clu b wit h the othe r midnigh t player s "i n th e life, " Curti s Mayfield' s soundtrac k becomes th e inne r voic e o f th e character , givin g hi m a dept h beyon d cocaine dreams . Dariu s James, whose boo k That's Blaxploitation! Roots of the Baad-Asssss 'Tude document s thi s fly film movement, note s that , "Superfly woul d no t hav e become the classic that i t is without th e music . Gordon Parks , Jr., wa s a pretty third-rat e director , ye t Curti s Mayfield' s music ha d a post-civi l right s consciousnes s tha t reall y pinpointe d wha t the realit y o f th e character s i n tha t so-calle d crimina l subcultur e reall y believed." 2 Much ha s change d i n th e twenty-eigh t year s sinc e th e releas e o f Superfly. Mos t importan t i s the fact tha t Curti s Mayfield , whos e innova tive work s influence d blac k rocker s Prince , Lenn y Kravitz , an d forme r Living Colou r guitaris t Verno n Reid , a s wel l a s countles s rappers , wil l never b e abl e t o pla y th e guita r again . Whe n I interviewed Curti s a t hi s Atlanta hom e i n 1996 , h e said , i n hushe d tones , "Th e guita r mean t s o much mor e tha n I coul d eve r reall y express . M e an d m y axe , w e slep t together. I' d wak e u p ou t o f the nigh t an d writ e songs . The guitar, whil e I never gav e hi m o r he r a name , wa s lik e m y othe r self . I t would dictat e to m e as much a s I would dictat e t o it . The guitar wa s lik e my twin. " In th e summe r o f 199 0 Curti s Mayfiel d wa s schedule d t o perfor m two fre e concert s i n the New Yor k area . The first was part o f the Centra l Park Summe r Stag e showcases , whic h prove d t o b e a majo r event . "I t was lik e a lov e fest, " remember s bassis t Jare d Nickerson , whos e grou p J.J. Jumpers opene d fo r Curtis . "I t wa s th e larges t turnou t Centra l Par k had eve r had , wit h ove r eigh t thousan d people . Wha t surprise d m y group wa s wha t a regular ca t Curti s prove d t o be . My guita r playe r ha d broken hi s strap befor e th e sho w an d wa s i n shock whe n Curti s len t hi m 229

MICHAEL A. GONZALES his own . Sometime s artist s wh o ar e legend s ca n b e a littl e seclusive , bu t Curtis was very normal. " The secon d appearanc e wa s i n th e Eas t Flatbus h sectio n o f Brook lyn, tw o month s later . " I ha d spoke n wit h hi m a fe w hour s befor e th e show," recall s his son Todd Mayfield , wh o run s th e Curto m recor d labe l and studios . " I aske d hi m wha t th e weathe r wa s lik e an d reminde d hi m that i f it happened t o rai n tha t evenin g h e would stil l b e paid." Pausing , as i f stil l haunte d b y the reassurin g word s o f hi s father , Tod d says , "H e said tha t th e sk y was overcast , bu t h e didn't thin k i t would rain. " Yet, i n on e o f thos e nightmaris h scenario s tha t woul d hav e a lesse r mortal questionin g th e existenc e o f God , traged y happene d th e momen t Curtis steppe d onstag e i n Brooklyn' s Wingat e Park . Althoug h i t hadn' t begun t o rain, a freak windstor m knocke d dow n a lighting tower, whic h fell o n Curtis . Althoug h h e ha s bee n operate d o n numerou s time s an d has undergon e intensiv e therapy , th e guita r strummin ' brothe r ma n wil l remain paralyze d fo r th e res t o f hi s life . "Th e courag e tha t I hav e i s something tha t starte d wit h m e years ago, " h e says . "Lot s o f peopl e say , 'Well, you're stil l here , i t mus t b e fo r a reason, ' bu t it' s m y children , m y contribution [t o music ] an d jus t th e longevit y I'v e ha d tha t give s m e a lot o f strength . It'l l neve r b e the same , bu t that' s no t wha t yo u expect. " Earlier o n thi s sunny , coo l afternoo n Tod d pick s m e u p fro m m y tacky hotel , whic h i s directl y acros s th e stree t fro m on e o f th e city' s many stri p joints—Nickii' s V.I.P . Fro m m y windo w I coul d se e honey colored weav e queen s an d Spande x mama s troopin g throug h th e door . Riding dow n th e highway , w e pas s countles s fast-foo d restaurant s wit h neon hamburger s glowin g towar d th e heaven s an d small , one-famil y houses of f t o th e sid e o f th e road . Christma s i s in tw o week s an d a fe w of th e home s ar e covere d i n multicolore d lights . Other s hav e holida y wreaths o n the door . I' m alway s amaze d a t ho w commercia l Atlant a ha s become i n the las t ten years . Stil l country, jus t mor e commercial . We sto p a t a re d light , Todd' s radi o o n a lo w buzz . A man wearin g a re d plai d shir t an d blac k basebal l ca p stand s o n th e sid e o f th e roa d selling towerin g Christma s trees . "Wha t d o yo u remembe r mos t abou t Curtis whe n yo u wer e growin g up? " I ask . H e laugh s an d says , "On e thing abou t m y fathe r wa s tha t h e love d t o cook . Seafood , steaks , whatever. H e was alway s tryin g t o mak e yo u fat. " Shortly, passin g throug h a neighborhoo d no t fa r fro m Clark e Col lege, I notice block s o f boarded-u p two-stor y apartmen t houses . "Thos e used t o b e th e projects, " say s Todd , "bu t th e stat e ha s relocate d al l th e 230

The Legend of Soul families an d they'r e goin g t o mak e thi s propert y int o a n Olympi c Vil lage." Youn g blac k childre n ru n i n the playground acros s the stree t fro m the decay . "What wa s i t lik e fo r yo u whe n yo u first hear d abou t you r dad' s accident?" I ask. Driving onto the smooth, narrow road that leads to Curtis' s spaciou s but modes t hom e i n the suburbs , w e ar e surroun d o n bot h side s b y tree s whose leave s ar e jus t turnin g brown . Fal l seem s t o com e lat e aroun d these parts . "I t wa s ver y har d t o seein g m y fathe r lik e that, " h e says . "He wa s in the hospital i n New Yor k fo r thre e weeks, then h e was flow n down here . Sometime s h e doesn' t pus h himsel f a s much a s he could, bu t that's understandable . I t can b e difficult whe n yo u gott a lear n everythin g over again. " Before Atlant a becam e th e blac k musica l mecca tha t i t is today, wit h LaFace Record s an d S o S o Def sellin g million s o f discs , Curti s Mayfiel d decided tha t Hotlanta—as th e Peach Stat e natives affectionatel y cal l it — would becom e hi s adopte d home . (Whe n I aske d hi m late r wh y h e moved here , Curtis' s reasons proved rathe r simple : "A t leas t living dow n here I woul d b e abl e t o find a plac e t o par k an d I coul d escap e th e coldness o f Chicago." ) Curtis Mayfield' s musi c i s stil l bein g playe d o n classi c sou l stations . It ca n b e hear d o n tw o Nik e commericals , an d new-jac k soulste r D'Angelo cover s th e vintag e song s "Giv e M e You r Love " an d "Th e Makings o f You" i n his live shows. The release of the fifty-one-track bo x set People Get Ready! The Curtis Mayfield Story shoul d hav e th e sou l children screamin g fo r joy . Accompanie d b y exhaustiv e line r note s b y David Nathan , th e three-dis c se t cover s Mayfield' s caree r fro m hi s earl y days wit h th e Impression s t o hi s masterfu l sol o projects . Thi s collectio n should introduc e the quiet rage of Mayfield's soulfu l manifesto s t o a ne w generation o f cyberfunketters . "Whe n th e ol d folk s ar e debatin g wit h the youn g folk s o n wha t wa s an d wha t is , I just hop e tha t durin g thos e moments tha t someon e will pull ou t a Curtis Mayfield record, " Mayfiel d says, voice as soft a s a kitten . When w e first arrive , Tod d inform s m e tha t hi s fathe r i s o n a business call . "Jus t hav e a sea t i n th e livin g room, " h e says . "He'l l b e ready fo r yo u i n a minute. " Sittin g o n th e couc h i n th e cluttere d livin g room, nex t t o a polishe d woode n grandfathe r clock , i s th e imposin g wheelchair tha t Curti s use d whe n h e accepte d hi s Sou l Trai n Awar d a few month s past . A s m y eye s roa m th e room , takin g i n th e thre e Erni e 231

MICHAEL A. GONZALES Barnes print s (ironically , th e prin t entitle d The Sugar Shack wa s als o reproduced o n th e cove r o f Marvi n Gaye' s I Want You album ) hangin g on th e beig e walls , a friendl y cho w mut t name d Ki d stroll s in , waggin g his fluff y tail . A s hi s col d nos e sniff s a t m y fade d jeans , polishe d wing tip shoes , an d blac k deni m jacket , I pe t him , carefu l no t t o toppl e th e numerous miniatur e Asia n statue s o n th e coffee-table . Whe n Ki d be comes bore d wit h me , h e walk s awa y an d pushe s ope n th e doo r t o th e study. Fro m m y sea t I ca n se e th e floor-to-ceilin g bookcase , an d I ca n hear th e sof t pur r o f Curtis' s voice . When Tod d firs t escort s m e int o Curtis' s room , I am struc k b y ho w small he looks lying in the hospital bed . Although ther e ar e a few pillow s to suppor t hi s frai l frame , th e be d remind s m e o f a smal l prison . "Si t o n this side, " h e motions wit h hi s head , indicatin g tha t h e wants m e o n th e right. Durin g th e interview , I am facin g bot h th e gra y woo l blanke t tha t covers hi s bod y an d th e windows . Whil e th e sunshin e almos t blind s m e at moments , a t other s th e brillian t ray s see m t o for m a hal o ove r hi s head. The first tim e I eve r sa w Curti s wa s tha t scen e i n Superfly whe n Priest goe s t o a restauran t calle d Scutter's—an d there' s Curti s onstage , looking lik e a geek , bu t wit h th e voic e o f a n ange l swimmin g i n a n orchestral waterfall . Wit h a scraggl y beard , nerd y glasses , a gol d sil k shirt cuffe d a t th e sleeves , an d hi s Fende r guita r hangin g down , Curti s sings th e spook y electri c trac k "Pusherman. " A s h e sai d earl y i n ou r conversation, "Th e characte r cam e t o lif e wit h m e readin g th e script — Priest bein g th e pusherman . I t alway s sounde d funn y t o m e tha t hi s name woul d b e Priest. " Pausin g t o catc h hi s breath , h e wait s a momen t before finishing. "An d readin g wha t happene d t o Freddi e allowe d m e t o go int o dept h an d mak e a n exampl e o f him . While yo u ma y no t kno w a lot o f pimp s an d pushermen , yo u d o mee t quit e a lo t o f Freddie s abou t the world. " The generatio n o f yout h tha t spen t thei r strobe-ligh t night s dancin g to th e groove s o f Mayfield' s ow n record s perhap s didn' t kno w tha t the y were grindin g t o hi s songwriting/productio n skill s o n Areth a Franklin' s soundtrack t o Sparkle, Glady s Knigh t an d th e Pips ' noi r swoonin g o n the Claudine soundtrack , o r d a gospe l wai l o f th e Stapl e Singer s o n th e Lets Do It Again titl e track . "Sometime s it' s mor e importan t fo r a creative person to b e able to d o for others, " h e says. "I t gives you chanc e to prov e tha t you'r e no t a fluk e a s a n artis t doin g you r ow n thing. " What compose r Joh n Barr y wa s t o Jame s Bon d films, Curti s Mayfiel d 232

The Legend of Soul was t o th e 1970 s blac k film movement . Curtis , wh o gre w u p i n th e brutal Cabrini-Gree n housin g projects , recalls , "Wha t hooke d m e t o scoring Claudine wa s i t was a movie abou t welfare , youn g peopl e grow ing u p withou t a father . I ha d experience d al l o f that , recognizin g i t i n my ow n lif e mor e s o tha n Superfly. I kne w welfar e prett y goo d a s a child." Screenwrite r Richar d Wesley , wh o penne d bot h A Piece of the Action an d Lefs Do It Again, recall s bein g pleased whe n directo r Sidney Poitier informe d hi m tha t Mayfiel d wa s doin g th e soundtrac k fo r th e latter. "I t wa s tw o o r thre e year s afte r Superfly an d w e hope d tha t th e song would hel p sell the movie. But when I finally heard th e song I didn't think tha t th e lyric s ha d anythin g t o d o wit h th e plot. " Still , th e recor d was number on e on the Billboard Rhyth m an d Blue s chart fo r tw o week s in November 1975 . Before h e wen t sol o i n 1970 , Curti s wa s th e guidin g musica l forc e behind wha t musi c critic s hav e dubbe d th e Chicag o Sound . Afte r drop ping ou t o f hig h schoo l i n his freshman year , Curti s recorde d hi s first hi t single, "Fo r You r Preciou s Love, " wit h hi s grou p th e Impressions . Soo n after lea d singe r Jerry Butle r lef t th e group (Curti s continued t o write hi s material), th e Impression s wer e droppe d b y thei r first label , Ve e Ja y Records. Withi n tw o year s th e Impression s woul d b e recordin g classi c tracks lik e th e beautifu l "Peopl e Ge t Ready " an d th e motivatin g "We'r e a Winner " ( a trac k tha t cam e t o hi m on e nigh t i n a drea m an d a slogan that would late r becom e his personal motto) fo r ABC-Paramount . Although hi s soothin g falsett o di d no t see m t o pos e a threat , hi s lyric s were lace d wit h vas t thought s an d idea s tha t wen t beyon d th e usua l lipstick-covered lov e song s o f othe r R& B artists . Politica l befor e i t wa s chic, th e musi c tha t Curti s compose d wa s proudl y consciou s o f it s blackness. "Whateve r you'r e feeling , whateve r you r moods , whateve r you wer e trying , whateve r yo u ha d observed , whateve r hurts , whateve r made yo u laugh—al l o f thos e thing s wer e song s fo r me. " Althoug h th e Impressions ha d ofte n toure d th e chitli n circui t wit h Motow n act s lik e the Temptation' s an d Smok y Robinso n an d th e Miracles , Curti s remem bers, "Whe n th e Impression s cam e onstag e w e didn' t hav e an y fanc y dance step s an d that' s no t wha t th e audienc e expected . The y kne w tha t with th e Impressions al l they ha d t o d o was listen. " Another aspec t tha t separate d Curti s Mayfiel d fro m othe r perform ers o f th e tim e wa s hi s kee n sens e o f business , whic h h e prove d b y holding ont o hi s ow n publishin g (practicall y unhear d o f durin g th e 1970s) an d beginnin g th e Curto m labe l (wit h hi s then-partne r Eddi e 233

MICHAEL A. GONZALES Thomas). " I had hear d horro r storie s o f song s bein g sold for twenty-fiv e dollars. Publisher s wer e hittin g th e lotter y of f o f people' s songs . Wha t was considere d 'blac k money ' wa s a Cadilla c an d $2,50 0 i n fives, tens , and twenties . Everybod y ha s t o pa y dues , bu t i t doesn' t mea n yo u hav e to b e broke. " When h e stop s talking , Tod d asks , "Woul d yo u lik e a drin k o f water?" Curti s say s yes. Tod d walk s ove r t o th e bedsid e an d hold s a plastic cup to hi s father's smoot h lips . Curti s sip s slowly, then continues . "I ha d s o man y lon g fights wit h recor d companies, " h e laughs . "The y couldn't understan d it . 'He wants his publishing,' the y would sa y to eac h other. Lik e it wasn't min e to have. " Although Curti s has written song s for Majo r Lanc e an d Gen e Chan dler, th e talente d bu t trouble d Donn y Hathawa y remain s on e o f hi s favorite artists . " I didn' t discove r Donny, " h e grins . "H e foun d me . H e had thi s singin g grou p whe n h e wa s attendin g Howar d Universit y an d he ha d com e t o se e m e perfor m a t a loca l theater . I'v e forgotte n th e name o f hi s grou p a t th e time , bu t Donn y late r flattere d m e b y askin g my permissio n t o cal l themselve s th e Mayfiel d Singers. " Afte r droppin g out o f college , Donn y cam e t o Chi-Tow n t o wor k fo r Curto m Record s with Joh n Pat e a s a n arranger . "Donn y wa s a exceptiona l pian o playe r as well a s an intellectual. " Signed t o Atlanti c Record s i n 1970 , Hathawa y release d th e sur preme albu m Everything Is Everything, whic h include s th e classi c trac k "The Ghetto " (late r remade b y Too Short). While working o n his secon d duets albu m wit h forme r classmat e Robert a Flac k i n 1979 , Hathawa y ended hi s lif e b y jumping fro m th e fifteenth-floor windo w o f Ne w Yor k City's Esse x Hous e Hotel . Afte r th e incident , Curti s reache d ou t t o Roberta an d aske d he r t o sin g th e them e fo r th e Piece of the Action soundtrack, bu t th e pairin g didn' t wor k out . Sh e wa s late r replace d b y Mavis Staples . Like Babyfac e i n th e 1990s , Curti s Mayfield' s song s sounde d goo d with mos t singers , bu t whe n ther e wa s a sou l siste r cookin g o n th e mi c it wa s ofte n a specia l experience . And , a s Areth a Franklin' s beautiful , churchy vocal s o n th e Sparkle soundtrac k prove , sometime s a woma n has th e power . I n the Octobe r 197 7 issue o f Soul magazine , Areth a tol d a writer : "I t too k u s about five days to recor d th e album , becaus e Curti s Mayfield like s t o wor k prett y fast . H e prett y muc h le t m e hav e a fre e hand, bu t ther e wer e a fe w differences . Ou r onl y rea l disagreemen t wa s over on e note—h e wante d m e t o sin g on e way , bu t I ha d anothe r wa y 234

The Legend of Soul in mind. S o we recorded bot h versions , an d wha t yo u hea r o n th e albu m is his concept. H e wa s th e producer, s o I let him produce. " Curtis remember s thes e session s a s thoug h the y wer e yesterday . " I had everythin g prepare d i n suc h a manne r tha t whe n Areth a cam e i n I had m y arrangement s an d al l sh e ha d t o d o wa s sin g th e songs . An d lucky fo r m e they were good songs . We got int o littl e disagreements , bu t who a m I to tel l Aretha ho w t o sing . Her voic e speaks fo r itself. " As I stan d u p t o leave , I as k Curti s i f h e i s lookin g forwar d t o singing again . "Well , yes and no . It' s not lik e it used t o b e years ago , bu t for som e reaso n peopl e wan t t o se e m e d o i t again. " Smiling , hi s eye s bright an d hi s voic e clear , h e says , "An d I' m goin g t o tak e th e chal lenge."

NOTES 1. A n earlie r versio n o f thi s chapte r appeare d unde r th e titl e "Mighty , Mighty" in Vibe 4, no. 3 (April 1996): 80-82. 2. Dariu s James, That's Blaxploitation! Roots of the Baad-Asssss 'Tude (New York: St. Martin's Griffin, 1995) .

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The S o m a t i z a t i o n o f "Blaxploitation " RICHARD SIMO N

Popular culture has always been where black people theorize blackness in America. It has always constituted the sphere where black people produce narratives of pleasure, oppression, resistance, survival, and heroic performances* —Manthia Diawara

In Ma y o f 1996 , afte r som e ants y week s o f waiting , I go t t o se e th e movie Original Gangstas, starrin g Fre d Williamson , Ji m Brown , an d Pam Grier , wit h assist s fro m Richar d Roundtre e an d Ro n O'Neal — stars respectively o f the black action film classics Black Caesar, Slaughter, Coffy, Shaft, an d Superfly —the eminences brunes o f blaxploitation. 1 From th e first precredi t note s o f th e soundtrack , th e movi e deliver s a densely packed parce l fo r th e viewer t o unpac k a t top speed . At the leve l of basi c narrative , i t i s almos t a textboo k exampl e o f th e genre : coo l civilian come s bac k t o town , finds once-tolerabl e illegalit y ru n rampan t and cop s helples s t o sto p i t o r i n collusio n wit h it , and—wit h th e hel p of almos t equall y coo l independen t contractors—rout s evi l an d restore s order. Bu t what struc k m e more tha n th e commo n generi c feature s wer e the layer s o f referencin g withi n an d outsid e th e movie , thickenin g an d "complexifying" 2 th e experienc e o f i t for m e and , I suspect, fo r muc h o f the rest o f the audience . A fe w obviou s example s fro m Original Gangstas o f ho w w e ca n read blaxploitatio n a s revalorize d throug h th e homag e pai d t o i t b y other maligne d cultura l productions . Th e titl e come s fro m th e labe l 236

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation" given bot h t o th e stalwart s o f th e street-gan g worl d whic h th e movie' s narrative turn s on, 3 a s wel l a s t o th e first generation s o f rapper s b y artists wh o cam e t o prominenc e a fe w year s late r (th e temporalitie s o f the musi c bein g suc h tha t i f yo u wer e incline d t o periodizatio n yo u could mar k severa l "generations " between , say , Grandmaste r Flas h an d Furious Five' s "Th e Message " i n 198 2 and , say , Ice-T's 199 1 "Hom e o f the Bod y Bag, " no t coincidentall y of f th e albu m O.G. Original Gangster). Hi p ho p artist s hav e acknowledge d th e influenc e o f blaxploitatio n movies an d thei r soundtrack s (loo k a t Snoo p Dogg y Dogg' s "Dogg y Dogg World " video , wit h it s feature d Pa m Grie r cameo , o r Ice-T' s coproduction o f Pimps, Players & Private Eyes, a 1991 compilatio n o f songs fro m th e soundtrack s o f th e best - an d lesser-know n blac k actio n films).4 Th e soundtrac k turn s aroun d an d give s props t o th e prop-givers , again an d agai n joinin g contemporar y artist s wit h singer s an d group s whose glor y day s overlappe d thos e o f blaxploitation . (Make s yo u won der why nobody eve r thought o f pairing the Chi-Lite s an d th e Get o Boy s before.) Mor e tha n a fe w o f th e younge r artist s ha d lai d track s fo r th e scores o f suc h films a s Straight Outta Brooklyn, Menace II Society, South Central, an d Boyz N the Hood, regularl y classifie d unde r th e genre "ghett o film" an d calle d th e direc t descendant s o f blaxploitation . (At leas t on e wa g though t a bette r titl e tha n Original Gangstas woul d be Grandpaz N the Hood.) 5 Th e central irony of the plot has the middle aged protagonist s warrin g t o th e deat h wit h th e Rebels , a gan g the y founded bac k i n th e day, ostensibl y a s a sor t o f home-grow n equivalen t of th e Guardia n Angels ; the father s hav e visited thei r sin s upon th e sons , and fo r tha t th e son s mus t die . Thes e echoe s an d ironie s ar e clea r eve n at th e axi s o f reception : reaction s i n recen t year s t o wha t get s labele d "rap" i n general an d "gangst a rap " i n particular recapitulat e i n uncann y ways th e critica l reception—aesthetic , political , an d psychological—o f black actio n films two decade s ago . This chapte r ha s it s ow n root s i n anothe r essa y wher e I intende d "simply" t o analyz e th e handfu l o f blac k actio n films wit h femal e pro tagonists i n term s o f thei r engagemen t wit h th e hard-boile d detectiv e genre.6 Lookin g a t a wid e rang e o f contemporar y response s an d late r surveys an d discussions , I sa w tha t th e films wer e almos t universall y derogated i n their heyda y (whic h I expected), bu t tha t eve n th e historie s written (an d rewritten ) i n th e intervenin g year s maintaine d on e o r mor e of th e dismissiv e critique s o f tha t time , distinguishe d fro m the m largel y by th e replacemen t o f urgenc y wit h th e smugnes s o f vindicatio n b y 237

RICHARD SIMO N history, o r a t leas t th e market. 7 Th e films commonl y calle d "blaxploita tion" constitut e a n anathematize d literatur e i n th e histor y o f film, no t merely tainted b y association i n the way, say, the works o f Bruckne r an d Wagner ar e fo r thei r posthumou s Naz i connection , bu t revile d fo r thei r actual substance , much th e way pornography ha s until recently generall y been abjure d a s worth y o f contemplatio n fo r an y purpos e othe r tha n juridical sanctio n o r mora l condemnation . Thi s almos t categorica l stig matization o f th e subgenre 8 convince d m e tha t I ha d t o scrutiniz e it s premises before I could talk abou t the films themselves in any responsibl e way. I n wha t follows , I first examin e thes e critique s an d th e argument s and assumption s o n whic h the y rest . I then dra w o n Stuar t Hall' s notio n of a diaspor a aestheti c t o outlin e wha t I thin k migh t b e mor e usefu l tools fo r engagin g no t jus t blaxploitation , bu t othe r popula r cultura l production maligne d b y voices o f cultura l authorit y within marginalize d audiences.9

The Political Critique The critique s o f blaxploitatio n films ca n b e read a s turning o n th e thre e axes o f complain t mentione d above : the political, th e psychological, an d the aesthetic—wit h som e overla p inevitable , bu t usuall y focusin g o n one. Th e politica l critiqu e generall y concern s itsel f wit h stereotypica l representations an d th e failure o f audience s t o recognize thei r complicit y in perpetuatin g thos e images , a failur e full y understandabl e i n ligh t o f the internalize d self-hatre d o f oppresse d peoples. 10 I t point s ou t th e spurious racia l awarenes s o f films i n whic h th e whit e villain s ar e por trayed a s eithe r gangster s o r viciousl y dishones t cop s (a s i n Shaft, Superbly, Coffy, and Foxy Brown), rathe r tha n showin g the more subtl e bu t no les s evi l commo n racis m peopl e ar e likel y t o encounte r i n landlords , teachers, busines s owners , governmen t employees , colleagues , an d love d ones. Many o f the critiques hold tha t peopl e ar e as ill-served b y unrealis tically powerfu l representation s o f blac k peopl e (Slaughter, Cleopatra Jones, Three the Hard Way) a s the y wer e b y th e shuffling , eye-poppin g characters o f earlie r films. 11 Som e critic s pro p u p th e stra w ma n o f th e black actio n film an d dramaticall y shoo t i t down , attemptin g t o revea l at leve l afte r leve l ho w i t no t onl y lack s a revolutionar y consciousnes s but promulgate s a fals e one , functionin g a s a facil e catharsi s machin e that give s impressionabl e youn g blac k me n th e illusio n tha t the y have , 238

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation for example , bee n a part y t o trashin g th e loca l dru g syndicat e whe n what they'v e don e i s squande r thei r preciou s revolutionar y energie s cheering fo r ersat z agitprop. 12 An d al l o f the m castigat e black s wh o work o n thes e films fo r aidin g an d abettin g th e enemy : "Thos e black s who contribut e t o th e makin g o f thes e films, n o matte r ho w the y ratio nalize it, are guilty o f nothin g les s than treason." 13

The Psychological Critique This line of argumen t als o focuses o n the danger s o f fantasy , bu t with a n eye t o ho w i t damage s th e individual , no t th e race . Historia n Willia m Van Deburg , soundin g th e onl y negativ e not e i n a n otherwis e scrupu lously sympatheti c accoun t o f th e Blac k Powe r Movement , see s i n th e black actio n films o f th e perio d depiction s o f a n unfortunat e phenome non h e calls Supe r Black : Individuals [who ] had trouble movin g beyond the "blacke r tha n thou" stag e of their personal odyssey . . . [ , ] victim s of arrested psychological developmen t . . . [who] exhibite d certai n element s o f th e Blac k Powe r style , bu t littl e o f it s substance . . . [and ] displaye d man y unfavorabl e characte r traits . Instea d o f materially assistin g in the decolonization o f black minds and the renewal of the black spirit , the y provide d littl e mor e tha n fantas y release . Stoppin g shor t o f addressing broade r issues , Supe r Black s sensationalized an d celebrate d individ ual acts of revenge against whites as if, by themselves, these isolated confronta tions could bring about group empowerment. 14 Roy Inne s calle d "th e presen t Blac k movi e phenomeno n . . . i n it s ulti mate destructio n o f th e mind s o f Blac k youth, . . . potentiall y fa r mor e dangerous tha n 'step-n-fetch-it ' an d hi s lot." 1 5 Psychiatrist Alvi n Poussaint , know n t o reader s o f sitco m credit s a s advisor t o The Cosby Show, offer s th e mos t detaile d analysis. 16 H e dismisses argument s tha t th e films migh t hav e positiv e psychologica l effects o n thei r audience s becaus e the y sho w tha t blac k peopl e ca n bea t the system , wi n agains t whites , an d tha t "th e whit e ma n i s neithe r omnipotent no r invisible. " Instead , Poussain t cite s severa l studie s tha t claim t o sho w a direc t correlatio n betwee n viewin g representation s o f aggressive behavio r an d suc h behavio r itself . His argumen t break s dow n to fou r points : Blac k teen s (h e consistentl y conflate s "youth " an d "male") us e fantas y t o dea l wit h o r escap e fro m th e challenge s an d 239

RICHARD SIMO N terrors o f lif e i n th e inne r city, 17 the y nee d positiv e rol e model s t o channel thei r fantasizin g constructively; 18 thes e can b e foun d i n film, but ar e washe d awa y i n th e torren t o f blaxploitatio n picture s whos e protagonists teac h thei r targe t audienc e tha t th e shortes t distanc e be tween tw o point s i s a grea t crime, 19 a s a result , "man y blac k youth s have leadershi p capabilitie s tha t ar e bein g misdirecte d an d wasted , i n part becaus e o f the ne w films." 20 In fac e o f th e claim s tha t blaxploitatio n picture s exer t a perniciou s social influenc e o n thei r audiences , i t i s worth notin g th e essentia l socia l conservatism o f th e movie s themselves . Nearl y ever y assaul t o n the m speaks o f th e glorificatio n o f th e crimina l an d th e criminal' s wa y o f living, n o smal l testimon y tha t thes e writer s fee l fre e t o totaliz e o n th e basis o f a fractio n o f th e whole . Outsid e o f Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song, Superfly, The Mack, Black Caesar, and Panic up in Harlem, it i s almost impossibl e t o find a widely release d blac k actio n film wit h a professional crimina l fo r it s protagonist . Fa r mor e commo n i s th e la w enforcement professiona l o r goo d citize n in loco legis whose rule-break ing i s plainly presente d a s end-justifie d means—lon g th e standar d moti f for detectiv e an d actio n drama s o f an y hue : th e restoratio n o f orde r through th e suppressio n o f th e anti-social , b y an y mean s necessary . Virtually al l black actio n films have among thei r character s pimps , push ers, corrupt public servants, and professional gangsters ; but these charac ters ar e almos t invariabl y cas t i n negativ e light , i n a spectru m rangin g from buffoonis h t o heinous . The weakes t lin k i n th e reasonin g behin d th e politica l an d psycho logical critique s i s th e narro w conceptualizatio n o f th e rol e o f fantas y and th e "ba d influence. " T o deny the appea l o f the illicit , not leas t to th e young, whose conception s o f th e world ar e stil l suppl e enoug h t o rankl e easily a t notion s o f th e Law , is effectively t o criminaliz e no t onl y forbid den behavio r bu t th e impuls e t o it . Th e normativ e imperativ e canno t conceive a positiv e valu e i n fantasy , especiall y fantas y o f breakin g rule s and invertin g norms . I suspec t tha t anyon e wh o ha s ha d th e goo d fortune i n her yout h t o brea k th e la w an d ge t away with i t even momen tarily know s th e thril l o f discoverin g tha t th e rule s tha t cas t s o lon g a shadow can—howeve r briefly , whateve r th e consequences—b e throw n to th e wind . Fo r ninet y gloriou s minute s th e youn g woma n o r ma n watching th e actio n film ca n b e th e Reyn e o r Ro y d e l a Basoch e an d experience, howeve r vicariously , th e liberator y rus h o f seein g a n oppres sive "natura l order " utterl y disordered . Th e spectatoria l positionin g o f 240

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation this filmgoer i n relatio n t o th e actio n i s less likely t o diminis h th e powe r of th e experienc e tha n t o heighte n it , sinc e th e bafflin g quotidia n detail s and chokin g frustrations o f extra-diegetical lif e ar e generally swep t awa y in the crust i n the crus h o f narrativ e events. 21

The Aesthetic Critique The aestheti c critiqu e als o finds faul t i n th e fantas y elemen t o f blac k action films , no t fo r th e political an d therapeuti c reason s outline d above , but o n th e grounds tha t th e extreme s o f th e genr e make i t bad art , ar t i n bad faith . Althoug h man y o f th e review s mak e thi s claim , the y ten d t o do s o b y way o f pronouncement s withou t elaboration. 22 Authenticity — that mos t modernis t o f concepts , problematize d wel l befor e Heidegger' s recent eclipse 23 —is regularl y invoked , questionin g whethe r th e films truly embody , fo r example , "th e action , color , tempo , mood , an d musi c . . . called 'th e blac k style. ' " 2 4 Thes e argument s eithe r hol d u p drama s such a s Sounder (1972 ) an d Nothing But a Man (1965 ) a s representativ e of "mor e seriou s an d truthful blac k films" fo r contrast, 25 o r originar y films like Shaft an d Superfly a s the real thing, with all those that followe d dismissed a s mere epigones. 26 Thomas Cripps' s Black Film as Genre (1978) , whic h devote s it s first chapter t o definition s o f blac k film, blac k genr e film, subgenres , an d "blaxploitation" film, i s les s polemical. 27 Althoug h hi s definitio n o f black film is expansive enoug h t o include , "thoug h rarely , film produce d by whit e filmmakers whos e wor k attracte d th e attention , i f no t alway s the unconditional praise , of black moviegoer s and critics," 28 i n an elabo rately polarize d schem e Cripp s maps ou t a series o f speciou s distinction s between "genr e film" an d "exploitatio n film": Genre film can easily become exploitation film , throug h which tastes are teased but n o deeper need s are met. While genre film tends to treat thing s a s they are and avoid s the trap o f advocatin g them, exploitation film sensationalizes them . Genre fil m merel y speak s fro m a segregate d poin t o f view ; exploitatio n fil m prefers it . Black genre film ritualizes th e myt h o f winning; exploitation film , a s its worst, merely celebrates and dramatize s revenge as though it were a form of 29 winning. On th e on e hand, thes e binar y opposition s se t up standard s unlikel y to b e me t b y an y on e film; o n th e othe r hand , the y creat e negativ e 241

RICHARD SIMO N criteria s o damnin g tha t an y "exploitatio n film " migh t b e show n no t t o be "that bad " an d hav e claime d i n it s defens e numerou s point s wher e i t rests comfortabl y withi n Cripps' s definitio n o f genr e film. Thi s Man ichaean catalo g i s al l th e mor e suspiciou s i n a boo k tha t claims , i n th e auctorial plural , "lik e th e Frenc h semiologica l critic s wh o borro w fro m the scienc e o f structura l linguistics , w e shal l see k t o defin e blac k genr e film through socia l an d anthropologica l rathe r tha n aestheti c factors," 30 and als o claims to know wha t people's "deepe r needs " ar e and who doe s and doe s not mee t them. 31 Despite Cripps' s clai m t o b e settin g aestheti c consideration s aside , his list valorizes moderatio n ove r exces s pair b y pair, intimating i n lade n language tha t th e forme r beat s th e latte r i n ever y match : "treats " ove r "sensationalizes," "celebrates " ove r "trumps, " "chooses " ove r "bleats, " and s o on . Cripps' s tropes , lik e Va n Deburg' s an d Poussaint's , cloa k subjective distast e unde r th e mantle o f a neutralizing discours e o f dispas sionate concer n fo r "th e good." 3 2 I f th e blac k genr e film an d th e blax ploitation film ca n stan d a s metonym s fo r th e aesthetique du cool an d the fun k tradition , respectively , wha t Cripp s i s rejectin g i n Colum n B ("merely," "redundantly, " "only" ) become s muc h clearer : fun k i s no t cool; it has no class .

The Critiques Critiqued The dynami c o f a cultura l productio n marginalize d withi n a populatio n itself alread y marginalize d ca n b e seen i n various kind s o f clas s policing . When Spik e Lee , i n a n Apri l 199 4 appearanc e o n Arsenio, sai d o f gangsta ra p tha t "it' s go t n o class, " h e spok e th e trut h o f hi s ow n perception (th e musi c lack s o r eve n oppose s th e value s h e subscribe s to , those tha t embod y o r advanc e th e "classy") , bu t h e als o showe d tha t h e could no t o r woul d no t engag e th e music : h e gaze d dow n upo n i t fro m on hig h an d foun d i t wanting . The expert' s concei t o f standin g above popula r culture , o f "gettin g it" bette r tha n th e lumpe n masses , o f privileged insigh t give n onl y to th e elect, itsel f function s a s a n instrumen t i n socia l stratification , i n it s ow n way "perpetuatin g th e flawed mode l o f ar t a s a pipelin e fo r deliverin g meaning, rathe r tha n a s a socia l field fo r constructing , negotiating , an d contesting it." 3 3 I f a n uncertaint y principl e a la Heisenber g obtain s i n any ac t o f measurement , n o matte r ho w metaphorical , the n n o critiqu e 242

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation" of popula r cultur e tha t position s itsel f a s abov e th e consumer s o f th e cultural productio n unde r scrutiny—tha t doe s no t tr y t o tak e it s ow n measure, o r pretend s suc h a measure canno t b e taken—is likel y to offe r a sufficientl y complexifie d interpretatio n o f th e consumer , th e produc tion consumed , o r th e processes o f production an d consumption . To not e tha t th e politica l an d psychologica l critique s bot h signif y a hoary bran d o f paternalis m i s no t t o den y th e valu e o f positiv e rol e models fo r anybody , le t alon e peopl e wh o generall y se e th e group s o f which the y ar e member s reflecte d i n mas s medi a badl y i f a t all . Thes e critiques say , i n effect , tha t "they " ( a particula r grou p o f peopl e whos e oppression i s structurall y organi c t o a large r society ) ar e incapabl e o f distinguishing betwee n entertainmen t an d a societall y acceptabl e reality . This "they " i s incapable o f resistin g a n impuls e t o ac t ou t th e implausi ble o r pathologica l behavior s i t see s on th e screen , o r o f reasone d mora l choice overall . "We " (th e cultura l dominant , o r th e enlightene d van guard o f th e oppressed ) b y ster n contrast , ar e bes t abl e t o judg e fo r th e benighted "they " wha t i t needs , an d wha t i t mus t no t see. 34 Fro m thi s stance, non e o f th e critique s discusse d i s abl e t o addres s th e shee r enormity o f th e popularit y o f thes e films i n thei r heyday , le t alon e wha t that popularit y migh t mean. 35 The y neve r addres s th e issu e o f th e plea sure th e audience s plainl y go t fro m thes e films, proo f tha t "i t i s eas y t o forget tha t cultur e exert s the influence i t does because it provides u s with pleasure." 36 In scornin g thes e films a s to o nakedl y commercia l ("exploitative" ) to b e considere d a s art , th e aestheti c critiqu e ignore s th e subgenre' s context a s a commodit y i n a consume r culture . Mor e t o th e point , th e films wer e produce d o n extremel y tigh t budget s an d notoriousl y tigh t production schedule s fo r audience s whos e leisur e readin g wa s mor e likely to be comic books than the Grea t Books. That these viewers woul d have bee n bette r serve d b y a n equa l quantit y o f nobl e narrative s o n th e order o f Sounder, Brian's Song, an d The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman—that the y woul d hav e consumed thes e product s eve n i f the y had bee n avalable—i s unlikely. 37 As wit h man y cinemati c trends , th e maker s o f blac k actio n films strove t o understan d an d respon d t o th e whim s an d dictate s o f th e market, proliferatin g wit h th e wil d surg e o f demand , mutatin g i n re sponse t o o r anticipatio n o f greate r specificit y o f consume r tastes , rede fining (i n som e cases , int o th e kun g f u subgenre) , wanin g an d dyin g a s demand tapere d of f int o oblivion . T o cal l the m exploitativ e presume s a 243

RICHARD SIMO N deficiency i n judgmen t o n th e par t o f thei r African-America n viewer s that i s rarely impute d t o whit e viewer s o f actio n an d fantas y movies ; t o quote Jame s Ear l Jones , "I f they'r e goin g t o pu t th e dampe r o n Joh n Shaft, le t the m pu t i t o n John Wayn e too , an d they'l l find ou t tha t ther e are a lo t o f peopl e wh o nee d thos e fantasies." 38 I t als o presuppose s a s norms certai n aesthetics , model s o f behavio r an d psychologica l develop ment, an d paradigm s o f politica l awarenes s an d action , al l bor n an d raised i n western Europe . To dismantl e thes e discourse s o f aesthetic , therapeutic , o r politica l value doesn' t constitut e a n argumen t tha t th e movie s are ar t (goo d or bad) , o r spirituall y upliftin g o r politicall y motivating , o r i n som e quantifiable wa y beneficia l t o th e identit y formatio n o f th e youn g blac k people wh o mad e u p th e bul k o f thei r audience . Th e critique s tha t tak e blaxploitation t o task fo r not bein g these things buil d thei r case s on ver y small plot s o f ver y shak y ground . The y almos t neve r addres s bow th e movies actuall y functione d i n thei r time , excep t i n th e mos t begrudgin g and perfunctor y ways , an d the n wit h th e invariabl e conclusio n tha t th e benighted wer e buyin g int o thei r ow n oppression . The y d o not as k wha t the appea l o f blac k actio n films was , ho w the y relate d t o (contested , apotheosized) th e genre s i n whic h the y positione d themselves , ho w th e mercurial dynamic s o f thei r marke t shape d them , o r ho w the y spok e t o one another . I hav e no t trie d t o prov e th e bankruptc y o f thes e discours e fo r th e interpretation o f blac k cultura l production , bu t rathe r t o problematiz e them. Fo r a n alternative , I a m incline d towar d wha t Stuar t Hal l call s "the dialogi c strategie s an d hybri d form s essentia l t o th e diaspor a aes thetic." 39 I t seem s t o m e tha t a diaspor a aestheti c ca n b e inclusiv e enough t o welcom e consideratio n o f cultura l form s tha t d o no t o n thei r faces uplif t th e race, that spea k i n terms simultaneously mor e outrageou s and mor e subtle . Mayb e on e o r som e o f it s schema s ca n accoun t fo r th e production and receptio n o f suc h otherwis e disavowe d form s a s blac k action films an d gangst a ra p i n a wa y no t predicate d o n hierarchie s o f taste, accumulation s o f cultura l capital , o r degradation/defici t model s o f behavior. An d i f no t a diaspor a aesthetic , the n another ; o r not . A s th e ongoing historie s an d interrelationship s o f blac k actio n films an d gangsta ra p show , i t i s i n th e processe s o f productio n an d receptio n o f popular cultur e tha t marginalize d groups—especiall y th e doubl y mar ginalized—continually theoriz e themselves . 244

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation" NOTES 1. A n earlier version of this chapter was presented a t the conference "Race , Rights an d Regions " a t th e Cente r fo r Critica l Analysis o f Contemporar y Cul ture a t Rutger s University , Ne w Brunswick , N.J . o n Decembe r 2 , 1994 . Th e current version incorporate s portion s o f anothe r paper , "Superbadd(e) , or , The Case of th e Hard-Boiled Sou l Sister," presente d a t th e conferenc e "Soul : Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure," a t New York University, April 10 , 1995. Thanks to Andre w Ros s an d Richar d Gree n a t NYU ; likewis e an d the n som e to Scot t Brewer a t Harvar d an d Glen n Sandber g a t Rutgers , bot h sou l brother s o f th e first order. 2. A word an d notio n I picked u p fro m Trici a Rose ; yo u probabl y won' t find i t i n he r Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America (1994), but it is implicit throughout. 3. Se e Scott (1993). 4. Se e also Rose (1994, 55): " 'Blaxploitation' films such as Melvin Van Peebles's Sweet Sweethack's Baadasssss Song . .. ar e als o especiall y importan t i n rap." 5. Gabreny a (1996) . 6. Se e note 1 above. 7. Dariu s James' s priceles s That's Blaxploitation: Roots of the Baadassss 'Tude (1995) had not yet come out when I first looked. 8. Her e I follow Cripps' s (1978) use of the term, which I discuss below. 9. E.g. , the variou s brand s o f stigmatizatio n o f dra g amon g ga y men, por nography among lesbians, and gangsta rap among African-Americans . 10. Thi s position i s typified b y Wesley (1973), Mattox (1973) , and Washington and Berlowitz (1975). 11. "Th e blac k film, as a genre of cinemati c art , is degenerate, debased , and an insult to the integrity of audiences of black people, who, starved for the sight of anything blac k o n th e silve r screen , floc k t o se e thes e manifestation s o f celluloid prostitution . . . . Thes e films, for th e mos t part , portra y black s out witting th e whit e ma n a t ever y turn , o r els e beating hi m t o death . Quit e natu rally, an oppressed peopl e will relate i n a positive manner to suc h pictures. But these films have created a 'legal' white whipping boy—th e gangster . The white gangster o r the hopelessly crooked white cops are the only white villains blacks are allowe d t o dea l with . Mer e lo w me n o n th e tote m pole . Neve r min d th e corrupt federal official s wh o fail to safeguard blac k people attempting to vote in the South. Never mind the 'jive' meat and produce inspectors who continuously allow substandar d food s t o find thei r wa y int o th e supermarket s an d grocer y stores o f blac k communities . Don' t dea l wit h th e Stro m Thurmonds , Jame s McClellans, et ah, who are daily engaged in activities designed to stifle the lives of the black, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Native American, and poor. No. Let these 245

RICHARD SIMO N 'niggers' se e thei r heroe s dea l wit h th e mos t obviou s villain s only. " Wesle y (1973, 65). 12. "Th e film s presen t an y semblanc e o f revolutionar y struggl e i n term s of adventurism, tactic s o f 'revolutionar y suicide, ' on e dimensional machismo , an d violence. The y obfuscat e black-whit e unit y an d question s o f clas s struggl e b y posing al l conflict s o n exclusivel y racia l lines . Th e stree t hustle r an d th e mor e 'respectable' socia l climber alik e represent th e most petty bourgeoi s individual ism. Blacks involved in organized political struggle are denigrated a s buffoons. " Washington and Berlowitz (1975, 23-24). An ope n lette r fro m Th e Blac k Artist s Allianc e t o Jesse Jackson, i n Variety, August 18 , 1972 , states: "W e will no longer tolerate th e visual images of Black people tha t ar e paraded acros s th e scree n a s little mor e tha n reincarnation s o f racist stereotype s which demea n ou r women an d make ludicrous caricature s of our men. The image of black people in the various forms o f media has changed, but the John Shafts an d their women of today are no closer to black reality than the Mantan Moreland s an d Beulahs of years gone by." Cite d i n Mattox (1973 , 190-95). 13. Ton y Brown , the n dea n o f th e Schoo l o f Communication s a t Howar d University, quoted in Michener (1972, 239). 14. Va n Deburg (1992, 287-88). 15. Quote d in Leab (1975, 258). 16. Poussain t (1974 , 22, 26-27, 30-31, 98). 17. Ibid. , 27, 30. This take on fantasy ca n be found throughou t th e political and psychologica l denunciation s o f th e blac k actio n films, though nowher e a s systematically as in Poussaint. It would be interesting to know these studies used for controls , an d i f Poussain t reall y mean s t o sugges t tha t "normal " teen s b y contrast spend their adolescences learning practical skills like spreadsheet analysis, in intellectually nourishing enterprises like reading Homer (preferabl y i n the original), or in spiritually uplifting endeavor s on the order of bringing the Word to the heathens. 18. Ibid. , 98 . The argumen t tha t "realistic " portrayal s d o poorly a t th e bo x office becaus e mos t blac k film s d o no t sho w th e blac k famil y a t al l utterl y ignores th e likelihoo d tha t extraordinar y behavio r i s far mor e likel y t o attrac t attention tha n th e ordinary. In this light, see, for example , Wollheim (1993 , x): "It seems to me natural to think that art is more deeply rooted in human natur e than morality , and I am surprised tha t philosophers make little of the fact that , though good art is more likeable than bad art, virtuous people do not enjoy this same advantage over those to whom we are drawn primarily for their charm, or their gaiety, or their sweetness of nature, or their outrageousness. " 19. T o some black youths, dru g pushing an d the related violen t life-styl e ar e the shortest and quickest means out of poverty" (Poussain t 1974 , 30) As far a s I know, they were then and still are. To contend otherwise is to dismiss reality. 246

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation" 20. Ibid . 21. A n interestin g discussio n o f thes e an d relate d idea s ca n b e foun d i n Wollheim (1993, 112-31) . 22. Wesle y (1973, 65) is once again examplary: "Question s of art, relevancy, truth have little to do with what they are all about in any real sense." 23. See , for example, Grass (1963), where everyday language and understanding are debased by the discourse of transcendence. 24. Wesle y (1973, 69). 25. Ibid. , 70. 26. "Fro m 197 0 to 1976 , black-themed movie s were a Hollywood staple . In retrospect, the range and tone of the films were wider than the term 'blaxploita tion' suggests . Ye t ther e i s n o questio n films bastardizin g Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song into a repeatable formula se t the tone." Georg e (1988). 27. Cripp s (1978, 3-12) 28. Ibid. , 4. 29. Ibid. , 11. 30. Ibid. , 9. 31. "Blac k genre film celebrates the aestbetique du cool, the outward detach ment, composed choreographic strides , and self-possessed, enigmati c mask over inner urgenc y tha t hav e bee n admire d i n bot h Afric a an d Afro-America . I n contrast, so-calle d 'blaxploitation ' film trump s aestbetique du cool into mer e sneering an d bravado . Th e blac k genr e film chooses hyperbol e a s a mod e o f celebrating the combination of triumph over adversity, fellow feeling, and moral superiority of the oppressed, known most recently as 'soul'; 'blaxploitation' film only bleats in shrill imitation. The anatomy of black life in black genre film is an instrument o f communicatio n to th e grou p by th e grou p . . .; 'blaxploitation ' film redundantly depict s onl y wha t ha s bee n don e to blacks , no t by them. " (Ibid., 12.) 32. A s for wha t my trope s do , I don't clai m t o b e agenda-pure, o r "merel y analyzing"; eve n i f somethin g w e migh t cal l a n objectiv e stanc e t o cultura l production were somehow desirable, I have seen no evidence to suggest that it is possible. 33. Walse r (1992, 39). 34. Th e high-toned classics of this breed are Kael (1972), which sighs ruefully at the "they " that has traded the Martin Luther King dream for the "consumer media society " li e (p . 262) ; an d Poussain t (1974) . Th e fli p sid e o f thi s i s th e reduction and condescension that often infor m receptions claiming to recuperate previously stigmatized cultural productions as kitsch, such as the cable television network Nickelodeon' s Nick at Nite. This Lettermanic ethos of self-congratula tion against the stunning dopiness of the denizens of the past is a counter to the kinds of appropriation that have been fundamental t o hip hop. 35. I n 1972 , when the annual industry outpu t was to b e about tw o hundred 247

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films, full y one-quarte r o f those planne d fo r th e year ha d primaril y blac k cast s ( J Murray 1972 , 249). 36. Walse r (1992 , 55; italics mine). 37. Thi s i s no t th e plac e fo r a detaile d economi c o r audience-respons e cas e study, bu t th e histor y o f th e blac k actio n film fro m 197 1 t o 197 6 provide s a remarkable pictur e o f th e industr y geniu s fo r marke t researc h an d produc t development. Eve n allowin g fo r th e la g betwee n productio n an d distribution — much shorte r her e tha n fo r "A " pictures—an d withou t ignorin g th e fac t tha t the majorit y o f thes e movie s wer e financed b y white-owne d productio n compa nies an d man y o f the m wer e writte n o r directe d b y whit e men , a mode l t o chart th e origin s an d evolutio n o f th e for m ove r it s five-year lifespa n woul d b e fascinating. I t woul d probabl y no t b e difficul t t o graph , fo r example , th e strip ping awa y o f element s som e consumer s migh t hav e foun d extraneous , an d th e expansion o f those known t o give pleasure. The pleasures o f narrative ar e harde r to commodif y tha n sex or violence , but almos t withou t questio n thos e movie s i n which th e plot—however fancifu l i n its details—is mos t tightly constructed, an d the character s no t onl y mos t consisten t bu t i n som e way s generativ e o f plot , were th e mos t commerciall y successful . Th e exceptio n i s Friday Foster, whic h had th e highes t productio n value s an d th e mos t conventionall y competen t tech nical work , bu t th e disadvantag e o f releas e a yea r afte r th e actio n boo m ha d crested. 38. Quote d Michene r (1972) . 39. Hal l (1992 , 29).

WORKS CITE D

Bogle, Donald . 1973 . Rev . ed. , 1989 . Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. New York: Continuum. Cripps, Thomas . 1978 . Black Film as Genre. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press. Gabrenya, Frank . 1996 . " 'Origina l Gangstas ' Separate s Me n fro m th e Boyz, " At http://www.dispatch.com/news/movies/gangst.html, Ma y 1996 . George, Nelson. 1988 . The Death of Rhythm and Blues. Ne w York : Plume . Grass, Gunter . 1963 . Hundejahre. Darmstadt : Herman n Luchterhan d Verlag . Hall, Stuart . 1992 . "Wha t I s Thi s 'Black ' i n Blac k Popula r Culture? " I n Gin a Dent, ed. , Black Popular Culture. Seattle : Bay Press. James, Darius. 1995 . Thafs Blaxploitation! Roots of the Baadasssss 'Tude. Ne w York: St . Martin's Griffin . Kael, Pauline . 1972 . "Note s o n Blac k Movies, " Reprinte d i n Patterso n (1975 ; 258-68). 248

The Stigmatization of "Blaxploitation Leab, Danie l J . 1975 . From Sambo to Super spade:the Black Experience in Motion Pictures. Boston : Houghton Mifflin . Mattox, Michael. 1973 . "Th e Day Black Movie Stars Got Militant," Reprinte d in Patterson (1975 , 190-95) . Michener, Charles . 1972 . "Blac k Movies." Reprinte d i n Patterson (1975 , 235 46). Murray, James P. 1972. "Th e Subject I s Money." Reprinte d i n Patterson (1975 , 274-57). Parish. Jame s Robert , an d Georg e H . Hill . 1989 . Black Action Films: Plots, Critiques, Casts and Credits for 235 Theatrical and Made-for-Television Releases. Jefferson, N.C . McFarland. Patterson, Lindsay , ed . 1975 . Black Films and Film-Makers: A Comprehensive Anthology from Stereotype to Superhero. Ne w York: Dodd, Mead. Poussaint, Alvin . 1974 . "Blaxploitatio n Movies : Chea p Thrill s Tha t Degrad e Blacks." Psychology Today, February , 22, 26-27, 30-31, 98. Rose, Tricia. 1994. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Hanover , N.H. : Wesleya n Universit y Press/Universit y Pres s o f New England. Scott, Monster Kod y [Sanyik a Shakur] . 1993 . Monster: The Autobiography of an L.A. Gang Member. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press. "A Symposium on Popular Culture and Political Correctness." 1993 . Social Text 36 (fall): 2-7. Van Deburg, William L . 1992 . New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press. Walser, Robert . 199 2 Running with the Devil: Gender, Power and Madness in Heavy Metal. Middletown , Conn.: Wesleyan University Press. Washington, Michael, and Marvin J. Berlowitz. 1975 . "Swat Superfly: Blaxploitation Film s an d Hig h Schoo l Youth. " Jump Cut, October-December , 23-24. Wesley, Richard . 1973 . "Whic h Wa y th e Blac k Film, " Reprinte d i n Patterso n (1975, 65-72). Wollheim, Richard . 1993 . The Mind and Its Depths. Cambridge, Mass. : Har vard University Press.

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18

Q u e s t i o n o f a ' S o u l f u l Style

11

Interview w i t h Pau l Gilro y RICHARD C GREE N AN D MONIQU E GUILLOR Y

This interview with Paul Gilroy took place in the spring of 1996 in New York City, In recent years, scholars and writers have begun to investigate the international dimensions of soul as it emanates from the Caribbean, Great Britain, and other urban metropoles. Gilroy's work has been crucial to our (and others') critical (re)considerations of soul because it calls for a rigorous investigation of the impact that the exchange of ideas and commodities across various national borders has had on these global communities. Similarly, he calls upon us to interrogate both the differences and commonalities among black diasporic communities in light of differing relationships to such issues as nationality, race, and class. Taking up Gilroy's pun from Th e Blac k Atlantic , one might propose that any project that attempts to excavate and explore the "roots" of soul requires mapping the "routes" it has traversed through places such as England, the Caribbean, and Africa. ••



PAUL GILROY : Firs t o f all , i t seem s t o m e tha t sou l i s th e mar k o f a particular cultura l axiology . I t i s firs t an d foremos t a sig n o f value . What's importan t t o m e abou t th e politica l languag e o f sou l an d th e language o f cultura l valu e i n whic h th e trop e o f sou l circulate s i s that i t is a sig n tha t th e axiolog y o f th e marke t doe s no t work . I t i s a sig n tha t we ar e dealin g wit h a real m o f cultura l production , cultura l utility , cultural disseminatio n wher e th e calculu s o f wort h canno t appl y o r 250

Question of a "Soulful Style applies rathe r problematically . S o for me , th e valu e o f sou l an d th e ide a of sou l i s that the y mar k tha t real m whic h resist s th e reac h o f economi c rationality an d th e commodifyin g process . Sou l i s a mar k o f ho w tha t precious, wonderful , expressiv e cultur e stand s outsid e o f commodifica tion, ho w thos e cultura l processe s an d th e histor y i n whic h the y stan d have resisted bein g reduced t o th e statu s o f a thing that ca n b e sold . RICHARD c . GREEN : Ho w woul d yo u relat e this , then , t o th e Afro picks, th e actua l materia l manifestation s o f soul , fo r exampl e durin g th e seventies, th e actua l sou l product s whic h wer e markete d betwee n seg ments o f Soul Train. Ho w woul d yo u vie w thos e i n terms o f thi s expres sive culture whic h lie s beyond commodification ? GILROY: Well, we didn' t hav e Soul Train, an d w e didn' t hav e a n instan t vernacular econom y tha t sough t t o mee t th e need s an d demand s fo r those smal l desires . We didn't hav e anythin g lik e that. Obviousl y w e di d have our ow n versio n o f intimacy wit h African-American cultura l forms . We had a versio n o f th e desir e fo r sou l a s solidarity , bu t w e didn' t hav e that kin d o f economi c cannibalizatio n o f it . For us , soul certainl y wasn' t spatialized throug h an y sor t o f immediat e o r simpl e notio n o f commu nity a s territory. I think tha t th e yearning fo r soul , fo r it s social moment , floated aroun d an d stimulate d th e ide a o f communit y a s territory, whic h was beginnin g t o brea k dow n unde r th e pressur e o f economi c change s even i n tha t period . Sou l i n tha t sens e belong s t o you r America n apart heid, an d w e didn' t hav e anythin g quit e lik e tha t i n ou r urba n worlds . We didn' t hav e a blac k visua l cultur e o f sou l tha t wa s separat e fro m th e visual cultur e o f th e Blac k Powe r period . The y wer e continuou s fo r u s and sou l wasn' t somethin g tha t ha d bee n colonize d b y corporat e con cerns. O f course , w e wante d t o bu y comb s t o blo w ou t ou r hai r with , but tha t wa s t o d o wit h wantin g t o hav e a n Afro . Gettin g a n Afr o com b was necessar y fo r havin g a n Afro , an d tha t wa s a kin d o f liberator y moment. GREEN: Did yo u hav e a n Afro ? GILROY: O f course . Bu t fo r m e sou l wa s no t simpl y o f a piece wit h tha t desire fo r a distinctiv e unassimilabl e style , becaus e sou l fo r m e wa s always culturall y marked . Th e relationshi p betwee n sou l an d Blac k Power wa s uneasy . Thoug h I didn' t appreciat e i t a t th e time , i t wa s a n early versio n o f th e fatefu l tensio n betwee n politic s an d culture , a symp tom o f the problems involve d i n founding a cultural politics that remain s 251

RICHARD C . GREE N AND MONIQUE GUILLORY political. Perhap s ther e wer e materia l objects—perhap s eve n Afro combs—and othe r thing s which mediate d tha t tension . My poin t i s tha t sou l wasn' t th e wor d whic h w e applie d t o tha t political process . Sou l wasn' t a wor d whic h w e use d t o examin e th e politics o f that moment . The question o f a "soulfu l style " was somethin g that w e sor t o f too k fo r granted—tha t wasn' t th e problem . Bu t sou l meant th e musi c an d th e musi c stand s fo r blac k sublimity , i t stand s fo r that momen t whe n th e unfoldin g o f th e musica l even t present s tha t sublimity. I t als o stand s fo r th e dramatic , oppositiona l momen t wher e the processe s o f fragmentatio n an d commodificatio n begi n [to] , i f no t exactly brea k down , the n a t leas t los e some o f their totalizin g power . MONIQUE GUILLORY : Whe n yo u wer e growin g up , yo u sa y yo u di d no t

have somethin g lik e Soul Train. Bu t wha t woul d yo u identif y a s on e o f the firs t thing s yo u recognize d a s soulful , an d ho w woul d yo u describ e that experience ? GILROY: I ca n remembe r followin g th e Voice s o f Eas t Harle m aroun d when the y cam e t o Englan d i n 1970 . The y ha d Dou g Rauc h o n bass , who wa s seriousl y funky , ha d a hug e 'fr o an d som e extremel y coo l snakeskin boots . I remember goin g to se e Curtis Mayfield whe n h e cam e to pla y i n London—i t mus t hav e bee n i n 197 1 o r 72—an d feelin g myself inducte d int o thi s ultraserious , sepulchra l kin d o f celebratio n o f soul. Tha t sam e pain , tha t sam e pleasure—i t too k m e b y surpris e an d changed th e qualit y o f pleasur e th e musi c yielde d t o me . I mus t b e careful no t t o projec t backwards , bu t I d o thin k tha t i t wa s reall y onl y at tha t poin t tha t I realized ho w clos e that particula r publi c world o f th e vernacular wa s t o a religiou s experience . Befor e tha t momen t whe n h e sang "Peopl e Ge t Ready, " "Ston e Junkies, " an d "W e th e Peopl e Wh o Are Darke r Tha n Blue, " I hadn' t appreciate d that . M y encounte r wit h Christianity ha d ende d a s a chil d whe n I discovere d th e parabl e o f th e talents. I knew m y Bibl e becaus e I had bee n t o a religious schoo l an d s o on, bu t th e momen t I discovered tha t parable , I left Christianit y behin d and I'v e alway s fel t tha t th e cornerston e o f m y modernit y i s a ver y strictly enforce d sens e of the secular . Sou l for me , now, is about markin g those intensitie s o f feelin g tha t wer e readil y assimilate d int o a religiou s language an d experience , a spiritua l exploration , bu t i t allow s u s t o value the m a s a secula r an d sometime s profan e phenomenon . I thin k that's th e power o f the concept. That' s why I didn't giv e up the idea , an d that's wh y actuall y I' m sa d tha t th e ide a i s being lost . 252

Question of a "Soulful Style" GREEN: Yo u sa y lost , bu t d o yo u thin k it' s bein g transforme d int o something else ? Som e peopl e wer e suggestin g tha t perhap s hi p ho p o r perhaps othe r musica l form s hav e som e o f th e sam e element s o f soul . Could w e se e these a s some sor t o f continuation ? GILROY: No. I see it mor e a s a brea k wit h th e past , a s a rupture . Peopl e don't us e th e wor d muc h thes e days . Righ t no w bac k home , mos t o f what use d t o b e calle d sou l i s referre d t o a s swin g i f it' s up-temp o an d slow jam s i f it' s not . Th e wor d soul als o ha s t o b e see n i n a particula r representational economy . On e o f th e othe r ke y term s tha t work s wit h and agains t i t i n tha t settin g i s th e ter m funk. Fo r me , sou l an d fun k have a sor t o f co-evolution , an d I se e them existin g i n a kin d o f contin gent equilibriu m i n muc h o f wha t I valu e i n th e bes t expressiv e cultur e of th e seventies . Think , fo r example , o f thos e album s tha t Areth a re corded fo r Atlanti c i n th e earl y t o mid-seventies : Let Me in Your Life and Hey Now Hey the Other Side of the Sky. Thin k o f Donny Hathaway Live. Thes e wer e recording s tha t se t ne w standard s i n th e evaluatio n o f what counte d a s a soulfu l performance . Th e thin g abou t sou l whic h distinguished i t from fun k wa s its relationship t o the idea o f embodimen t and it s ver y particula r attachment s t o notion s o f bodil y performance , where th e voice is the dominan t aestheti c issue , not th e rhythm . GUILLORY: Yo u tal k abou t mournin g thi s los s o f sou l almos t wit h a similar sentimen t a s yo u discus s th e los s o f discourse s aroun d freedom , particularly i n "Afte r th e Lov e I s Gone. " Thes e tw o concept s see m almost interchangeable . GILROY: Yes, I do thin k it' s connected , i n ou r period , whic h i s a quarte r of a centur y late r . . . no w everythin g i s everything . I d o se e wha t I would cal l a changed relationshi p t o th e embodie d sel f i n much o f blac k popular culture . W e ar e wel l pas t th e poin t wher e a particula r se t o f conceptualizations derive d fro m religiou s languag e i n th e relationshi p between th e fles h an d th e spirit , th e bod y an d th e sou l (whic h get s secularized i n an uneve n way ) wer e blaste d apart . Thos e ol d pieties hav e been replace d b y a n acquisitiv e bu t emphaticall y post-Protestan t notio n of individualit y an d b y a change d sens e o f th e valu e o f lif e an d livin g which sugges t tha t carna l vitalit y i s the mos t intensel y fel t experienc e o f being i n th e worl d tha t yo u ca n find. I thin k tha t extraordinar y shif t redefines th e horizon s o f freedom—i t show s ho w th e orbit s o f freedo m have shrunk . The y shran k initiall y t o th e dimension s o f th e family , the n 253

RICHARD C . GREEN AND MONIQUE GUILLORY to th e spac e aroun d th e body , an d the n move d fro m th e surfac e o f th e skin—the momen t o f epidermalization—int o th e interio r o f th e body , into th e imagine d interio r o f th e embodie d blac k self . I' m alway s war y about this argument becaus e I feel it has a kind o f generational specificit y to it , an d I woul d no t wan t t o tur n aroun d an d b e see n t o b e saying , well, this particular qualit y has completely disappeare d fro m th e musica l culture. I t ma y stil l b e there , bu t I know tha t I can't hea r it . O f course , most o f th e fun k ha s gon e too . Tha t wa s kille d b y th e technolog y an d the de-skillin g process institute d b y digital technologies. I think tha t sou l is only soul in relation t o fun k an d withou t fun k i t loses something o f it s value. As funk i s squeezed ou t o f the fram e b y some o f th e technologica l factors a t wor k an d som e o f th e de-skillin g issue s involve d i n musica l production righ t now, these political changes ar e paralleled b y new kind s of limitation s an d shrinkag e o f th e creativ e horizon s o f musician s an d performers. That preciou s qualit y o f soulfulnes s i s becomin g harde r t o find i n the secula r worl d o f globa l blac k pop . Th e gu y fro m Jodec i model s himself o n Bobb y Womac k bu t you' d neve r confus e th e tw o o f them . I thought hi s versio n o f "I f Yo u Thin k You'r e Lonel y Now " (o n th e Jason's Lyric Soundtrack) wa s a n embarrassment . Loo k a t the ways tha t Mary J. Blig e and compan y simulat e soulfulnes s b y means o f video . Th e great Chak a Kha n wa s th e las t on e t o wor k tha t particula r sea m o f creativity wit h an y conviction . Nothin g authenti c abou t her , too ; sh e was raise d a s a Catholic , s o let' s no t cheape n he r ar t b y makin g i t something eas y tha t sh e didn' t hav e t o wor k for . I ca n enjo y Brandy' s records, lik e "Bes t Friend, " bu t no t becaus e they'r e soulful . I suppose i f you move into the church you can still find that quality of tone, phrasing , and expressiveness , tha t wa y o f pullin g th e sound s ou t o f th e body . I found mysel f movin g toward s churc h musi c i n pursui t o f a certai n quality o f performanc e tha t I find there . I regard tha t a s somethin g o f a defeat althoug h I take th e sam e pleasur e i n it . Yo u kno w wha t I mean ? It's a defea t becaus e i t use d t o b e s o muc h easie r t o find. D.J . Roger s doesn't mak e record s anymore ! I remembe r th e first tim e tha t Vaness a Bell Armstrong cam e t o Londo n t o sing . I was ver y privileged t o b e abl e to hea r he r tha t night , bu t i t saddene d m e to o becaus e I wasn't gettin g those sam e sort s o f pleasure s fro m listenin g t o peopl e wh o wer e op erating i n th e secula r equivalen t o f tha t sacre d style . I went t o se e Anit a Baker aroun d th e sam e tim e an d onl y go t th e shiver s u p m y bac k once . 254

Question of a "Soulful Style That wa s i n a smal l venu e too ! I didn' t expec t he r t o b e s o shallow . A t home w e us e the word "deep " t o specif y tha t qualit y o f soulfulness . GREEN: Speakin g o f comin g t o England , a lo t o f you r wor k focuse s o n the crossing s bac k an d fort h throug h th e blac k Atlantic . Wha t I' m thinking abou t i s how thi s notion o f sou l migrate s t o othe r countries . GILROY: Yes. Have yo u eve r see n th e fil m Soul to Soul? Wit h th e Voice s of Eas t Harle m an d everybod y i n Ghana ? I t was a big movie i n the earl y 1970s an d i t represents precisely that reconciliatio n o f African-America n cultural productio n wit h Africa . There' s a n albu m fro m tha t tour , whic h commemorates th e packag e o f African-America n rhyth m an d blue s an d soul performers goin g t o Afric a an d tha t reconciliatio n wit h th e mother land. They'r e al l interviewe d i n th e movi e an d it' s ver y movin g t o the m that the y find a differen t constituency . The y respon d t o a hunge r fo r what the y d o i n Afric a whic h i s bot h th e sam e an d differen t fro m th e one tha t i s familiar. O f course , tha t exceptiona l creativ e capacit y travel s and resonate s ver y strongl y i n differentl y places . I thin k w e hav e t o b e very cautious abou t interpretin g thos e moments o f connection. We kno w what tha t languag e articulate s becaus e w e kno w abou t th e intensit y o f pleasure tha t w e discover . Bu t I thin k sometime s tha t languag e o f a n essential particularity , whic h w e us e to explai n thos e moment s o f affilia tion an d linkage , represent s a kin d o f shortcu t t o th e mor e obviousl y political wor k involve d i n explainin g ho w solidarit y happen s an d ho w culture, technology , an d languag e mediat e tha t solidarity . I thin k i f w e could b e just a littl e harde r o n ourselve s befor e w e star t celebrating , w e might hav e somethin g mor e worthwhile— a mor e politicall y coheren t understanding o f wha t thos e fragil e solidaritie s ad d u p to . Mayb e the n the party ca n start , an d I don't mea n th e vanguard party . GREEN: So I'm wonderin g abou t th e African-America n cultura l commu nity i n term s o f ou r globa l colonizin g effect . Wha t happen s whe n th e black American spher e becomes the primary sit e and market fo r articula tions o f blac k diaspori c cultures . Also , I' m wonderin g abou t th e shif t i n U.S. centrality dependin g o n globa l economi c an d politica l changes . GILROY: Bu t ther e isn' t a shif t o f centrality . Blac k America n cultur e is the dominan t globa l resourc e fo r al l o f tha t activity . W e ca n unpac k i t and se e wher e i t contain s inscriptions , conversation s an d dialogue s across th e America s an d beyond , bu t i t i s American—th e cor e o f tha t 255

RICHARD C . GREE N AND MONIQUE GUILLOR Y black globa l cultur e a s a worl d cultur e i s American . No w ther e ar e al l sorts o f interestin g reason s fo r that , bu t I don't thin k tha t w e ca n doub t it. Th e differenc e i s tha t bein g fro m England , ou r relationshi p t o th e Caribbean an d t o Afric a i s a more presen t one . And w e have ha d t o dea l with al l the argument s abou t th e consequence s o f America n imperialis m for th e developmen t o f blac k culture s i n th e Caribbea n an d i n Africa . My mother's famil y come s from Guyan a an d the y come from th e woods , from a distan t an d remot e par t o f Guyana , fa r fro m th e capital . The y had t o dea l wit h th e fac t tha t a n America n ai r bas e turned u p there . M y mother's brothe r get s take n over , unde r th e win g o f African-America n military me n o n tha t base , an d the y teac h hi m t o b e a mechanic , whic h then give s him a new life . H e was endowe d wit h ne w skill s under a kin d of fraterna l relationshi p conducte d throug h particula r racia l categories , which d o an d don' t reall y translate int o what's goin g o n i n Guyana . Th e same sor t o f stor y migh t b e constructe d i n Trinida d an d othe r place s a s well. I t represent s a ver y ambivalen t becoming . I' m sur e tha t ther e ar e all sort s o f othe r storie s lik e that . Th e America n militar y wa s als o a source o f hi s culture . Loui s Jordan an d th e "ne w calyps o be-bop " cam e down th e same wire. When you think bac k to my own period o f growin g up i n th e seventie s an d s o on , whe n I wante d t o liste n t o sou l o n th e radio, wha t statio n di d I tun e to ? I tune d t o th e America n Force s Broadcasting Networ k transmittin g t o blac k soldier s i n Germany . That' s where w e hear d tha t par t o f ou r music . I t wasn' t th e onl y place , bu t i t was on e o f onl y tw o o r thre e place s o n th e radi o wher e i t wa s possibl e to hea r tha t cultur e a t all . For u s it had a n authenti c stamp . GREEN: What d o you thin k abou t th e resurgence o f interes t i n soul righ t now? Wha t we'r e seein g i n Americ a righ t now , ther e i s a renewe d interest i n thing s lik e blaxploitatio n films, style s an d musi c fro m th e seventies, Spik e Lee' s film Crooklyn. Ho w d o yo u se e this nostalgi a fo r this historic moment ? GILROY: I think i t expresse s a yearnin g fo r a scal e o f sociality , whic h i s denied everywhere . I t speak s t o th e desir e fo r a n authentic , face-to-fac e version o f democrati c interdependenc e an d mutuality . I n thi s cas e i t i s not, o f course, gender specific . That' s one of the other thing s that matter s about soul . If you look a t what was going on a t the Million Man March , it's gender coded . Bu t here, under th e sign of sou l there's a cosy world o f mutuality—a wa y o f becomin g brother s an d sister s tha t i s bot h secula r and ope n t o all , at leas t in theory. S o I suppose i t would hav e somethin g 256

Question of a "Soulful Style" to d o wit h that . Th e interes t i n sou l register s dissatisfactio n tha t what' s left o f blac k publi c cultur e ha s bee n impoverished , debase d b y th e absence o f tha t mutuality . Nothin g mor e tha n nostalgi a fo r th e social . GUILLORY: So would yo u sa y that sou l is something that i s open to all — that anyon e ca n posses s soul , b e soulful? O r i s it racially marked ? GILROY: That' s th e idea , that' s wha t th e concep t says . I t says : "Thi s i s our racialize d uniqueness. " Th e proble m abou t th e musi c an d th e prob lem abou t lovin g th e musi c i s this : Tha t i s no t th e stor y tha t th e musi c tells you . I t i s onl y o n th e mos t superficia l level , bu t i f yo u di g int o th e history o f th e musi c yo u find tha t i s an untenabl e position . T o make th e music tell that story , you mus t d o violence to the music. A good exampl e for m e actually woul d b e this: People tal k a lot o f bullshi t abou t Sl y an d the Famil y Stone . I gues s I wante d t o b e Sl y fo r a spel l i n m y teens . I suppose my teenage lif e a s a guitar playe r a t a certain poin t i n the 1970 s was musically an d imaginativel y triangulate d b y the figures of Sly , Miles, and Hendrix . I ca n remembe r goin g t o a festiva l i n 197 0 an d seein g them al l i n th e spac e o f a twenty-four-hou r perio d o n th e sam e stage . The messag e tha t cam e t o m e fro m al l o f tha t wa s tha t tha t qualit y o f soulfullness wa s somethin g tha t wasn' t th e specifi c propert y o f blacks . This i s an ol d argument . Fro m D u Boi s and Alai n Lock e o n down , i t ha s to d o wit h th e exten t t o whic h th e musi c i s recognized a s a n America n phenomenon. Thi s recognitio n compromise s an d complicate s a sens e o f how i t migh t b e thought o f a s a blac k phenomenon . No w i t certainl y i s the cas e tha t I recognize d an d stil l accep t a kin d o f priorit y whic h i s attached t o th e African-America n componen t i n tha t creativity . Bu t I don't thin k tha t it' s possibl e t o argu e tha t th e musi c ca n b e tha t exclu sively, prescriptively. I t just can't—i t doesn' t work . I remember tha t day , watching Joh n McLaughlin , Dav e Holland—th e Englis h bas s player — and Jo e Zawinu l playin g wit h Mile s an d thinking , well , wha t d o yo u know! The n whe n Jim i cam e o n h e wa s wit h Bill y Co x an d Mitc h Mitchell. Th e Hendri x issu e i s a much mor e complicate d one , o f course , because nobod y like d Mitc h Mitchell' s drummin g anywa y excep t Jimi . The poin t i s this. H e hear d somethin g i n tha t Angl o simulatio n o f Elvi n Jones tha t wa s important . An d I' m no t sur e tha t I coul d hea r i t eve n now. Th e constitutio n o f Famil y Ston e migh t b e use d t o reinforc e th e same point . "Don' t Cal l M e Nigge r Whitey , Don' t Cal l M e White y Nigger"—isn't tha t paradigmati c a t som e point ? Wha t wer e Pa t Rizzi o and Jerr y Martin i doin g i n tha t band ? I t expresse s a n entanglement , a 257

RICHARD C . GREE N AND MONIQUE GUILLORY kind o f politica l an d cultura l complexit y tha t i s localized , o f course , i n the Bay Area—at leas t that's ho w i t looked t o me as an outsider . I foun d all o f tha t exciting , liberating , an d empowering . Th e musi c showe d m e that rac e wa s limitin g an d offere d concret e Utopia n resource s i n th e struggle agains t racisms. The presence an d participatio n o f white player s was n o obstacl e t o soul . In a sense , i t ma y eve n hav e enhance d i t b y making "race " irrelevan t an d symbolizin g the possibility o f white agenc y against whit e supremacy . Thos e "outsiders " venerate d th e traditio n o f black musi c befor e tha t wa s fashionable . Thei r collaboratio n signifie d something profound . Let' s no t forge t tha t Sly , Miles , an d Jim i wer e al l rejected b y African American s t o som e degree . It's a differen t stor y now , but ho w lon g di d i t take peopl e t o catc h u p with them ? GREEN: I wa s thinkin g abou t Young Soul Rebels an d tha t particula r moment o f cultura l contact/conflic t tha t i s depicte d o n th e danc e floo r and th e airwaves . I found i t to b e an interesting expositio n o n the notio n of sou l fro m a differen t perspective , fro m a blac k Britis h perspective . What di d yo u thin k o f tha t particula r film an d th e wa y i t portraye d a young blac k Britis h vantag e o f soul ? GILROY: Well , w e didn' t hav e a communicativ e infrastructur e tha t w e could simpl y plu g into . Tha t mean t tha t whe n w e mad e tha t infrastruc ture i t ha d a n eve n greate r distanc e fro m th e corporat e worl d becaus e it wa s conten t t o b e a n undergroun d phenomeno n an d t o sta y ther e in th e darkness . Actually , I' m sur e tha t everyon e woul d sa y tha t this i s m e bein g suc h a crust y conservative , bu t Pv e neve r believed , looking a t th e developmen t o f blac k culture , tha t anythin g get s bette r by goin g overgroun d blinkin g i n th e daylight . I t doesn't ; it' s alway s destroyed. Everythin g get s destroye d b y tha t proces s o f bein g expose d on tha t massiv e scale . I' m ver y happ y tha t peopl e ar e abl e t o mak e money of f o f thei r ar t an d cultur e an d happ y tha t the y wan t t o culti vate ne w audience s an d constituencie s fo r thei r wor k an d I wouldn' t want t o inhibi t an y o f that , bu t I als o kno w tha t al l bu t th e rares t people ar e destroye d b y tha t variet y o f exposure , an d al l bu t th e mos t precious an d unusua l mind s ar e exhausted . Ther e ar e mayb e a hal f a dozen exception s t o tha t rule . Nothin g get s bette r b y bein g serve d u p like that . I thin k i n a sens e Young Soul Rebels speak s t o a numbe r o f contingencies abou t th e consolidatio n o f countercultur e a s a n under ground for m whic h doesn' t aspir e to b e anything othe r tha n that . I t ma y not articulat e tha t directly , bu t the n th e recover y an d simulatio n o f tha t 258

Question of a "Soulful Style moment wa s somethin g fro m whic h peopl e coul d dra w solac e i n th e present. Tha t wa s a n importan t intervention . Th e musi c wa s th e sit e o f that argument—an d let' s remembe r tha t th e fil m i s no t a narrowl y realist one . Th e musi c i s all mixed u p timewis e t o underlin e th e Utopia n possibilities. If I think bac k to my own encounter s with the music in the seventies , rather tha n a s it's celebrated i n the film, the stor y wa s ver y different. W e might g o se e the MC 5 o r Freddi e Kin g on e week, an d th e nex t wee k w e would g o an d se e Maggot t Brain-er a Funkadeli c an d the y woul d b e stoned ou t o f their heads, playing this dull, very "white " musi c for hour s and hour s whic h was , fo r al l intent s an d purposes , th e mos t rebarbativ e form o f rock . Th e line s wer e no t s o clearl y an d simpl y drawn . I gues s that bein g i n Europe , the y fel t al l th e free r t o ac t ou t an d s o that's wha t they did . I n th e fac e o f al l that , I would wan t t o distinguis h sou l muc h more carefull y a s a distinctivel y African-America n phenomeno n define d initially b y its proximity t o the sacred. It transcodes that religious qualit y of expression , whic h the n get s secularized an d politicized . Eve n this isn' t the whol e o f tha t story—ther e ar e a numbe r o f othe r paralle l processe s going on . Fun k isn' t th e first o f those , jus t th e on e whic h wa s mos t important t o me . GUILLORY: Ca n yo u tal k a bi t abou t thi s notio n o f sou l bein g linke d t o some sens e of suffering , an d als o the expressio n o f pain a s in slavery an d returns t o th e freedo m question ? GILROY: I don' t kno w ho w t o tal k abou t thi s stuf f i f yo u wan t t o ge t serious abou t it . I don't kno w wha t t o sa y because fo r me , the word soul was a usefu l wa y o f talkin g abou t precisel y thos e communicativ e quali ties that excee d th e power o f language to recapture. That' s tru e when w e sing an d pla y an d it' s tru e whe n w e tr y t o tal k abou t it . Yo u ca n b e technical an d say , wel l we'r e talkin g abou t melism a an d al l th e ol d examples com e out , lik e Jame s screamin g "Please " o r Jacki e Wilso n filling the wor d lov e wit h fifty-two differen t syllable s an d note s an d ye s folks, that' s th e referent . Bu t I thin k it' s als o th e sit e o f a kin d o f ambivalence abou t th e memor y o f slaver y an d th e desirabilit y an d th e obligation t o forge t thing s whic h ar e difficult . Sou l suggest s tha t thi s suffering i s withou t redemption . I don' t understan d fo r a momen t th e kind o f complicate d psychosexua l mechanism s whic h resul t i n bein g transported int o thos e democratic , antiphona l performances , an d I' m sure tha t lot s o f peopl e thin k tha t thos e preciou s aestheti c an d socia l 259

RICHARD C . GREE N AND MONIQUE GUILLOR Y moments aren' t ther e a t all , tha t w e al l imagin e it . An d yet , w e kno w that w e don' t imagin e it . I t i s ou r ope n secret . I suppose tha t thi s i s th e place where I get accused o f being a complacent essentialis t o r somethin g like that . I don' t wan t t o soun d facile . Wha t doe s th e son g say ? "Whe n it hit s you , yo u fee l n o pain. " An d i f tha t notio n wasn' t s o repeatedl y cited i t wouldn' t spea k t o a ver y simpl e bu t fundamenta l trut h abou t what i t mean s t o occup y ou r particula r modernity . I don' t thin k there' s any sor t o f sens e i n whic h th e musi c o r th e soulfu l qualit y o f th e musi c we're talkin g abou t i s a redemption o f ou r histor y o f suffering—i t isn't . It's no t redemptio n bu t a sig n o f th e impossibilit y o f tha t redemption . That's wh y i t recurs, an d that' s wh y I wonder now , wha t othe r form s o f redemption ar e around ? I f m y suspicion s abou t thos e change s i n th e collective palat e ar e well-founded , i f I' m righ t abou t th e dwindlin g o f that secularize d Protestantis m an d th e anachronisti c notion s o f freedo m that governe d it , the n wha t othe r surrogat e form s o f compensatio n ar e being worke d u p int o a countercultur e today ? Mayb e it' s jus t easie r t o fantasize abou t bein g a superhuma n blac k ma n lik e Gran t Hill . I thin k I've go t som e idea s abou t thi s chang e o f perspective , bu t non e o f th e answers I hav e mak e m e fee l an y better . The y al l hav e t o d o wit h embracing a kind o f vitalism an d embracin g a kind o f regression tha t th e signature o f sou l doesn' t permi t o r sanction s onl y i n certai n carefull y defined set s o f circumstances . I remember workin g i n this chil d day-car e center, thi s i s bac k i n 1972 , th e yea r I wa s leavin g hig h school . Ther e was thi s othe r blac k girl— I wil l sa y gir l becaus e that' s wha t w e were , we wer e boy s an d girl s a t tha t time—an d sh e ha d a n Afro , a ver y bi g one, beautiful . An d sh e wa s talkin g abou t th e quality , th e intensit y o f feeling sh e fel t whe n sh e wa s embracin g he r boyfrien d an d thei r Afro s rubbed agains t eac h other—an d I alway s remembere d tha t an d won dered wha t becam e o f her . GUILLORY: But what abou t ou r tendenc y t o mythologiz e sou l icon s an d perhaps th e "soul " perio d wit h a sens e o f tragedy an d wit h a dee p sens e of loss ? GILROY: Well, I don't kno w i f it' s tragedy, bu t i t i s loss, yes. Again ther e are som e othe r problemati c feature s t o it . I thin k ther e i s thi s sens e i n which we invest our artist s with the obligatio n t o represent i t to us. Tha t is a poisone d chalic e fo r them . Whe n I loo k bac k o n tha t period , th e notion tha t someon e lik e Aretha wa s th e "queen " o f it , there i s a whol e set o f argument s abou t th e particula r kin d o f hierarch y that' s bein g 260

Question of a "Soulful Style" sought there , th e particula r kin d o f authorit y tha t i s investe d i n thos e exemplary figures—and i n her case , there ar e things yo u can' t sa y abou t her while the tape is running. Bu t many o f us recognize in her the source s of tha t pain . Fo r m e sou l ha s marke d som e o f thos e boundaries . An d there ar e man y othe r peopl e wh o probabl y ar e abl e t o liste n t o Billi e Holiday record s withou t encounterin g tha t qualit y o f addres s an d the y probably mar k i t elsewhere i n their lives . I suppose tha t i n terms o f soul , the obviou s equivalen t i n terms o f voca l performanc e wit h th e sam e sor t of intensity an d feelin g i s someone lik e Donny Hathaway . An d loo k ho w his lif e ended . I know peopl e wh o can' t bea r t o liste n t o Donn y Hatha way record s wh o i n fac t ca n liste n t o Aretha . It' s uncann y ho w hi s daughter sound s lik e him, though . GREEN: Turning bac k t o Areth a fo r a moment. You r essa y in Small Acts on recor d albu m cover s wa s a n interestin g wa y t o addres s th e questio n of exportatio n an d importation . Previousl y yo u mentione d th e lac k o f images, bu t a t th e sam e tim e yo u analyz e thes e nontraditional , wha t w e generally conside r insignificant , sleeve s o f th e albums . An d wha t abou t the disappearanc e o f thes e larg e cultura l artifact s an d thei r replacemen t by smaller C D covers? There ar e these question s abou t ho w these image s circulate an d wher e the y appea r tha t you r essa y begin s t o address . You r work i n genera l show s u s ho w w e nee d t o loo k elsewhere , t o "read " between th e lines . . . . GILROY: Absolutely . I mean , lookin g a t th e significanc e o f sportswea r ads toda y a s source s o f blac k particularit y an d blac k visua l cultur e i s a depressing activity . Th e albu m sleeve s offere d th e opportunit y t o pu t some tex t i n there , t o kin d o f cultivat e th e meetin g poin t o f tex t an d image. Imag e ma y hav e bee n dominant , bu t i t di d no t eras e th e text . I t could lea d peopl e toward s literacy , whic h wa s sor t o f inheren t i n th e earlier forms . I regre t th e los s o f that . I a m worrie d abou t rate s o f illiteracy. It' s harder t o rea d CD s o r t o us e them i n that wa y becaus e th e scale upon whic h th e objec t ha s bee n constructe d i s so different . GREEN: Did yo u als o put the m o n you r wall ? GILROY: No. M y record s wer e muc h to o preciou s t o b e use d a s wallpa per. I' d probabl y d o tha t now . I kne w peopl e wh o di d that , bu t t o m e they wer e hol y relic s o f a sort . I don' t loo k afte r the m a s wel l a s I should; i f yo u loo k a t th e photograph s fro m Small Acts, they'r e al l ver y crumpled aroun d th e edges , an d tha t wasn' t jus t a mean s o f gettin g 261

RICHARD C . GREEN AND MONIQUE GUILLORY around th e copyrigh t issues . Whe n I wen t t o se e Curti s Mayfiel d tha t night o r any night of five hundred nights , similar nights , that hav e passe d since then , th e atmospher e retain s tha t kin d o f sepulchra l mood . Tha t holy burde n o f expectatio n boun d t o thos e profane delights . It's beginnin g t o chang e now , bu t when I first came here, fourtee n o r fifteen year s ago , I would tal k wit h African-America n "intellectuals " — most o f who m wer e academic s actually , no t intellectuals—an d the y would tak e al l thi s stuf f entirel y an d bizarrel y fo r granted . I' m please d that now people have woken u p to what they should have been apprecia tive o f i n a differen t wa y much , muc h earlie r tha n this . I think tha t thi s has go t t o d o wit h question s o f class . Mayb e privilege d peopl e remai n dependent o n poo r peopl e fo r thei r soul , o r thei r acces s t o sou l come s via the cultures those people erect against their sufferings , whic h th e elit e do no t share . I wasn't goin g t o pu t i t quit e a s straightforwardl y a s that , but mayb e there' s a kind o f estrangemen t fro m th e vernacula r whic h th e elite experienc e a s a comple x for m o f ambivalence . The y don' t wan t t o associate themselves wit h anythin g disreputable ; o n the othe r hand , the y need it . This i s the sourc e o f importan t kind s o f emergen t consciousnes s about self , conscience , solidarity , th e oute r limit s o f communit y an d obligation, th e hypertensio n betwee n th e place o f origi n an d th e place of sojourn, an d s o on . GREEN: W e ofte n tal k abou t th e parasiti c relationshi p o f America n society o n to p o f blac k expressiv e forms , an d rarel y d o w e addres s particularly a certai n grou p o f blac k peopl e wh o ar e als o parasitic — maybe parasiti c i s too stron g a word . GILROY: But yes, we call it parasitism becaus e we're talking abou t a very interesting for m o f symbiosi s actually . A comple x interdependence — certain thing s w e remembe r an d certai n thing s w e don' t remember . An d there's als o a stron g sens e o f th e differentiatio n o f samenes s tha t make s that symbioti c relationshi p possible . GUILLORY: Coul d yo u tal k abou t thi s a bi t mor e i n term s o f blac k academics an d wher e the y stan d toda y i n term s o f a resurgenc e o f interest i n blac k popula r culture , th e underclass , an d thi s estrangemen t that blac k academic s d o hav e fro m th e communit y an d whic h the y ar e charged with . GILROY: A lo t o f th e blac k professoria t expen d thei r energ y pretendin g they're no t estrange d fro m tha t culture . Sou l wa s a goo d alib i fo r th e 262

Question of a "Soulful Style black middl e clas s becaus e the y ha d thei r Robert a Flac k record s an d albums o n th e Kud u label—an d the y wer e good , goo d an d safe . No w that optio n ha s gon e an d th e poo r hav e reemerge d a s th e custodian s o f authenticity. Th e qualit y o f th e blac k professor' s engagemen t wit h th e forms o f blac k popula r cultur e suffer s fro m thei r obligatio n t o preten d that the y ma y b e mor e int o i t tha n the y reall y are . O f course , I don' t think tha t it' s onl y blac k academic s wh o suffe r fro m this—thi s i s als o the banalizatio n o f cultura l studie s an d th e traged y o f th e upwardl y mobile—but I do thin k tha t it' s intensel y visibl e i n recen t writin g abou t black cultures . Ther e ar e al l sort s o f debate s abou t wha t exactl y shoul d stand fo r th e repositor y o f blac k authenticit y i n th e cultura l domai n today—Sports? Comedy ? Cassett e tape s o f speeche s b y Dr. Khali d Mu hammad? I can remembe r somethin g tha t Michel e Wallac e onc e wrote . It wa s a hars h rebuk e agains t m e becaus e I went o n abou t musi c al l th e time. I'l l plea d guilt y t o tha t charge . Wha t w e shoul d reall y b e talkin g about, sh e said , i s blac k visua l culture—really , i t wa s th e visua l real m that quickene d th e puls e o f th e blac k community ! Now , I hav e neve r tried t o sa y tha t nothin g els e counted . I jus t trie d t o sa y tha t fo r me , where I am, an d actuall y fo r mos t o f m y life , whereve r I have been , th e music ha s bee n th e primar y mediu m fo r composin g communit y an d channeling culture, and there are many interesting traditions o f reflectio n on wh y tha t shoul d be . I thin k tha t wonderfu l fac t ha s endowe d ou r culture in the world, your cultur e i n the world, with a n amazing strengt h and suppleness . I t has acquire d a n amazin g capacit y t o travel, an d i t ha s reproduced it s importan t moral , ethical , an d politica l insight s whereve r its seed s hav e foun d sustenance . I t ha s a wid e rang e o f influences , an d without th e sublim e powe r o f tha t antirepresentationa l elemen t i n musi cal culture , I don' t thin k tha t i t coul d hav e happened . I fee l greatl y privileged t o hav e an y kin d o f acces s t o tha t culture . I think sometime s how muc h poore r th e lif e o f thi s planet woul d b e without it . GUILLORY: I n a n exchang e betwee n drea m hampto n an d Barak a a t ou r conference o n soul , Barak a seeme d t o clai m tha t hi p ho p coul d b y n o means b e considere d a continuatio n o f sou l an d tha t i t i s th e complet e commodification o f soul—someho w n o politica l o r communit y inter vention wa s involved—whil e drea m hampto n trie d t o defen d he r gener ation, tha t fo r he r thi s i s th e soul . Ca n yo u recogniz e tha t whe n youn g people no w g o t o hi p ho p concerts , the y d o experienc e thi s kin d o f euphoria. 263

RICHARD C . GREE N AND MONIQUE GUILLORY GILROY: Well, I really don' t kno w i f I know tha t answe r t o that, becaus e I don' t thin k tha t goin g t o th e hi p ho p concer t i s th e primar y momen t for consumin g hi p ho p culture . O f cours e the y find euphori a there , because that' s a s clos e a s the y ca n get . Bu t th e concer t hal l i s th e las t place t o mak e a n assessmen t o f hi p hop . I would sugges t tha t th e scree n is where tha t migh t tak e place . Thes e hi p ho p user s ar e screenies . The y connect wit h i t throug h video , no t audio . Wher e d o the y liste n t o th e music? Certainl y no t sociall y an d collectivel y i n rea l time , bu t i n a privatized mode . Cars , no t dancehalls , ar e th e primar y contex t fo r lis tening to tha t stuff ; perhap s the y might b e where tha t prima l momen t o f consuming take s place . It' s barel y eve n th e radi o nowadays , an d s o I' m against assimilatin g hi p ho p t o tha t particula r olde r mod e o f sou l cen tered o n the stag e and it s dramaturgy. When we think abou t hi p hop, w e should remembe r ho w lon g i t ha s bee n goin g on . Sixtee n year s o r so ? How man y record s can you honestly sa y have that quality , that unforgiv ing, intens e qualit y tha t arrest s yo u ever y time . Ther e ar e a few—ther e aren't ver y many . "Eri c B i s President " an d ho w man y mor e soli d classics, tune s yo u nee d t o revisi t periodicall y t o measur e you r ow n growth a s muc h a s t o enjo y thei r interna l qualities ? Mayb e fifty, mayb e a hundred , bu t no t man y more . GUILLORY: Bu t ther e ar e definitel y som e peopl e wh o woul d disagree . Who d o find those qualitie s i n the music . GILROY: Well , I' m sur e they'r e right . They'r e probabl y righ t an d I' m wrong, actually . I defe r t o the m i f the y ca n find thos e threads . Bu t tha t claim raise s anothe r problem : Wh o i s in a position t o evaluat e tha t typ e of thing ? Anyon e wh o tell s you the y ar e i s lying. They can' t possibl y be . The shee r volum e o f th e produc t pumpe d ou t b y th e industr y defeat s that operation . Th e fac t tha t ther e ar e jus t to o man y record s ou t ther e defeats an y kind o f certainty. I t defeats tha t kin d o f categorization . I just don't thin k th e musi c ca n b e know n i n it s totality . Wherea s tha t wa s possible i n the previous period . GREEN: Th e questio n is , I s i t usefu l t o mak e a distinctio n betwee n hav ing sou l an d sou l a s a particula r momen t historically , politically , a moment i n th e dance , s o t o speak ? I thin k that' s a n interestin g thin g about hi p hop , an d als o specificall y th e ide a o f th e bein g there , bein g present. An d you'v e mentione d a coupl e o f time s havin g gon e t o se e these shows . 264

Question of a "Soulful Style" GILROY: Yes , bein g present , fac e t o fac e an d i n rea l time . Th e form s i n which peopl e becom e presen t t o on e anothe r an d th e technologica l mediation o f tha t presenc e i s the decisiv e issue . Those ar e very bi g issue s and I wan t t o supplemen t the m wit h som e argument s abou t wha t hi p hop doe s wit h performanc e values . I n hi p hop , w e ofte n tal k abou t th e poverty o f th e liv e shows , th e particula r qualit y o f drama , wha t i t means t o hav e the m jus t messin g abou t wit h th e DATs , simulatin g a performance. Her e I don' t wan t t o ge t hun g u p o n a se t o f argument s about authenticity . I' m no t sayin g tha t ther e ar e an y guarantee s i n th e older mode , bu t I' m thinkin g ther e migh t b e a wa y o f talkin g abou t th e regression o f performance. Wha t ha s happene d i n the provision o f musi cal educatio n i n thi s countr y durin g th e sam e time ? Ho w i s music bein g taught i n school s an d passe d dow n i n churche s an d othe r communit y institutions thes e days ? Cas t you r min d bac k twent y years . We were no t then tryin g a s creative user s o f th e culture o r a s producers o f th e cultur e to replicat e th e qualit y o f th e musi c tha t w e ha d hear d i n th e 1950s . W e were no t i n a retr o mode . W e enjoye d Louis , Wynonie , an d Cleanhead , but w e didn' t wan t t o b e the m o r pla y thei r music—w e wante d t o b e modern. Whe n yo u thin k abou t that , particularl y give n th e acceleratio n of technolog y i n th e pas t fe w years , I' m no t sur e I woul d g o th e rout e dream hampto n did . I kno w I wouldn't g o wit h Amir i Baraka , bu t I' m not sur e I would g o with drea m either .

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" A i n ' t W e Stil l G o t Soul?

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Roundtable Discussio n w i t h Gre g Tate , Porti a Maultsby , Thulani Davis , Clyd e Taylor , an d Ishmae l Ree d

GREG TATE: Supposedly, it' s not a n eas y thing to mee t your maker—no t unless you'r e a writer , tha t is . Ou r professio n provide s th e once-in-a lifetime opportunit y o f inventin g you r parents , o f creatin g a lineag e an d ancestry ou t o f words other s hav e se t down o n a page. The Sou l Confer ence wasn't th e first tim e I found mysel f i n the company o f Amiri Barak a and Thulan i Davis , bu t i t wa s a n occasio n t o pa y homag e t o thre e writers I' d clai m fo r birt h canal s an y day . If not Baraka' s tale s System of Dante's Hell an d Black Music, I' d hav e neve r ru n u p o n pros e a s mind jolting a s Marve l comics . I f no t Ishmae l Reed , I' d neve r hav e though t a novel coul d b e a s mock-heroi c a s a Marve l comic . I f no t fo r Thulan i Davis's insistenc e tha t I send som e clips to th e Voice, I would hav e neve r thought yo u coul d ge t paid fo r writin g Marve l comics-styl e Blac k musi c criticism. Listening to thei r definition s o f sou l threw m y ow n int o shar p relief . I was mad e t o realiz e wha t a differenc e a day, o r a t leas t a decade , ca n make i n the fast-shiftin g worl d o f Blac k popula r culture . A s a child wh o came o f ag e i n th e lat e seventies , b y th e tim e m y generatio n reache d it s teens sou l wa s somethin g t o b e revere d an d parodied . Hence , ou r sou l men wer e Georg e Clinto n an d Princ e rathe r tha n Jame s Brow n an d Wilson Pickett . I n retrospect , eve n th e lat e Marvi n Gay e ha s a self parodying elemen t t o it—tha t sens e o f a ma n drownin g i n hi s ow n sexual excesses , no t unlik e Elvi s in his decline. The upsho t o f thi s is , as I listened t o th e fir m Baraka , Reed , an d Davi s reconnec t th e ter m soul with it s Yoruba , hoodoo , an d Blac k nationalis t roots , I mulled ho w m y 269

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED own thirty-something generatio n an d the hip hop generation's definition s of sou l wer e mor e a functio n o f referenc e tha n essence . I n othe r words , soul wasn't nothin g bu t a word t o us— a wa y of describin g how fol k fel t about th e condition thei r conditio n wa s i n bac k i n the day . What's funn y i n al l this i s how a word onc e s o loade d dow n wit h th e weighty tas k o f upholdin g Blac k authenticit y ca n becom e froze n an d fossilized onc e Blac k authenticit y move s on . Thes e days , th e odiou s phrase "Kee p it real" labor s unde r th e burde n sou l once did, distinguish ing the truly Blac k fro m thos e merel y passin g for blue s people. "Keepin g it real " i s generall y use d whe n on e want s t o le t th e worl d kno w ho w much you'r e sacrificin g fo r th e caus e o f true , sho-nuf f Blackness . Thi s can lea d t o excessiv e measures , lik e citin g one' s illiterac y o r crimina l record a s evidence o f how rea l you've bee n keeping it . The upshot o f all this is, of course, that th e more fragil e an d fracture d the Black community becomes , that is , as Black identity grows ever mor e complex, th e more desperatel y th e desir e to name, proclaim, an d defam e an essentia l Blacknes s wil l rea r it s you-gl y head . Th e onl y definitio n o f soul tha t eve r move d m e wa s th e on e Bobb y Byr d offere d t o anyon e within earshot : " I kno w yo u go t sou l caus e i f yo u didn't , yo u wouldn' t be i n here. " I f tha t ain' t lovin g us , baby , al l I go t t o sa y i s grit s ain' t groceries an d th e Mon a Lis a was a man . PORTIA MAULTSBY : Soul , a s a concept , originate d i n African-America n communities durin g the late 1960s . It evolved from th e ideology of Blac k Power, whic h promote d Blac k nationalism . Therefore , sou l ha s bot h sociopolitical an d cultura l function s an d meanings. From a sociopolitica l perspective, i t advocate d self-awareness , Blac k empowerment , an d a Black identity . Fro m a cultural perspective , i t identified expression s sym bolic o f a Blac k styl e o r a Blac k wa y o f doin g things , a s well a s a rang e of tradition s uniqu e t o Africa n Americans . Withi n thi s context , sou l identified cultura l symbol s (clutche d fist, African-derive d fashions , orna ments, hairstyles , etc.) , Blac k behavio r (greetin g on e anothe r wit h a unique handshake , walkin g wit h a glide in the stride , an d othe r form s o f physical expression) , a uniqu e cuisin e (chitlins , ha m hocks , black-eye d peas, okra , etc.) , Blac k cultura l institution s (sou l radio) , an d creativ e expressions (dance , visual art , an d music) . Soul musi c evolve d i n respons e t o th e cal l fo r Blac k nationalism . It s performers serve d a s messenger s an d cultura l icon s fo r th e Blac k Powe r Movement. Thei r lyri c theme s advocate d Blac k unity , Blac k empow 270

"'Ain't We Still Got Soul?" erment, an d a Blac k identity ; thei r musica l styl e capture d th e spiri t and intensit y o f th e movement ; an d thei r Africa n an d African-derive d fashions, hairstyles , an d othe r visua l image s reinforce d a n Africa n heri tage. Th e song s "Thi s I s M y Country " b y th e Impression s an d "Sa y I t Loud: I' m Blac k an d I' m Proud " b y James Brow n epitomiz e th e concep t of sou l i n music . I incorporat e th e concep t o f sou l i n m y wor k b y examining th e aestheti c ideal s uniqu e t o Blac k musi c style s withi n th e context o f a n Africa n continuum . I als o explor e issue s relate d t o resis tance an d th e representatio n o f a Blac k identit y i n music . Th e latte r considers social , political, an d cultura l context s fo r musi c evolution . Since th e 1960s , man y change s hav e occurre d i n African-America n communities, which , i n turn, hav e produce d ne w attitude s an d interpre tations abou t th e concept o f soul . During th e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , fo r example, th e critica l mas s o f Africa n American s fro m variou s region s and generation s unite d fo r a commo n purpose—Blac k empowerment . Soul music , whic h resonate d thi s philosophy , emerge d a s th e ONL Y new popular musi c genre . However , sinc e th e mid-1970s , man y ne w form s of contemporar y expressio n hav e evolve d an d coexisted . Fo r example , funk, disco , rap , an d go-go , alon g wit h personalize d style s aki n t o sou l and mainstrea m popula r music , wer e create d durin g th e 1970 s an d early 1980 s an d becam e popula r amon g variou s segment s i n African American communities . Thi s diversity in musical expression correspond s to socia l upheaval s i n African-America n communities , whic h resulte d from ne w aspirations , ideals , an d cultura l value s acquire d durin g th e post-Civil Right s and Blac k Power eras . Therefore, ne w popular musica l styles mirro r thes e changes—change s tha t resulte d i n ideologica l differ ences among African American s along generational an d socia l class lines. The movemen t o f th e middle-clas s t o th e suburb s widene d th e ga p between thi s group an d thos e that remaine d i n inner-city communities . Even thoug h th e sou l concep t undergird s mos t post-1960 s musica l styles, it s representatio n varie s a s determine d b y ne w socia l situation s and ne w form s o f expression . Fo r example , Georg e Clinton' s P-Fun k style fuse d humo r an d theme s o f part y wit h socia l commentary , whil e many fun k group s suc h a s th e Bar-Kays , Cameo , Ga p Band , an d Zap p emphasized party-oriente d lyrics . Stevi e Wonder , o n th e othe r hand , advocated a socia l agenda , an d Tedd y Pendergras s commente d o n per sonal relationships . Despit e difference s i n lyri c conten t an d musica l styles, thes e an d othe r African-America n performer s preserve d th e es sence o f sou l i n it s origina l o r modifie d form . Thei r musi c als o brough t 271

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED a soulfu l relie f t o th e frustration s experience d b y American communitie s in thei r struggl e fo r post-Civi l Right s racia l equalit y an d Blac k empow erment. In th e mid-1970s , Blac k popula r musi c bega n t o change . Corporat e America entere d th e Blac k musi c marke t t o increas e it s profi t margi n b y expanding it s consume r bas e acros s cultura l an d nationa l boundaries . The commodificatio n o f Blac k popula r musi c fo r mas s consumptio n forced man y artist s t o modif y thei r style . B y th e earl y 1980s , ne w functions an d meaning s ha d bee n assigne d t o th e music , an d nationalis t connotations o f sou l ha d fade d fro m th e production s o f mos t recor d companies. In inner-cit y communities , ra p artist s revitalize d th e origina l sou l concept b y promotin g a Blac k nationalis t consciousness . Beginnin g i n the late 1980s , Afrocentric rapper s suc h a s Public Enemy an d late r KRS ONE, Poo r Righteou s Teachers , Paris , A Trib e Calle d Quest , X-Clan , Sister Souljah , an d Princ e Akee m expounde d o n th e tenet s o f Blac k Power a s solution s t o th e socia l problem s tha t plague d inner-cit y com munities. Th e musica l tracks , whic h sample d sou l an d fun k recordings , echoed th e spiri t an d intensit y tha t ha d fade d fro m th e musica l land scape. Othe r ra p artists , suc h a s Rappin ' I s Fundamental , shie d awa y from politica l commentar y bu t pu t th e sou l bac k int o Blac k popula r music b y adaptin g th e sound s o f Sa m Cooke , Curti s Mayfield , B . B . King, Mudd y Waters , Wilso n Pickett , an d Oti s Redding . Mainstrea m America an d man y Africa n American s dismisse d ra p music , whic h the y interpreted t o promot e separatism , bu t inner-cit y yout h embrace d thi s music an d it s message. Eventually , Afrocentri c rapper s provide d inspira tion fo r man y college-ag e student s an d member s o f th e Blac k middl e class whose dream s fo r racia l equalit y faded . The concep t o f sou l ha s alway s bee n preserve d i n Blac k churches , whose ritual s ar e informe d b y Blac k cultura l value s an d ideals . Blac k churches historically hav e been integral to the struggl e for racia l equalit y and man y adopte d a nationalis t agenda . Regardles s o f politica l orienta tion, however , man y o f thes e churche s hav e bee n centra l t o th e dissemi nation o f sou l to the larger African-America n community . Sunda y morn ing radi o an d televisio n broadcas t o f Blac k religiou s service s transmit s not onl y the sermon s o f Black preacher s bu t Blac k cultur e a s well. Outside th e church , gospe l musi c an d othe r cultura l feature s hav e always bee n par t an d parce l o f everyda y life . Th e structure s o f Blac k institutions an d organizations , fo r example , ar e derive d fro m th e Blac k 272

"'Ain't We Still Got Soul?" church. Blac k churc h cultur e als o influence s th e pla y o f children , whos e activities ofte n mimi c th e styl e o f Blac k preachers , musicians , Siste r An n or Deaco n Ware, who hav e sa t in the sam e seat for fort y year s physicall y and verball y respondin g t o th e preacher . Thus , th e sou l o f th e Blac k church ha s always provided a cultural vitalit y that define s lif e i n African American communities . In conclusion , sou l i s a concep t tha t ha s man y meanings an d applications . I t embraces a philosophy, behavior , symbols , cultural products , and , i n general , a cultura l style— a styl e informe d b y African value s and traditions an d a style unique to peoples of the Africa n diaspora wh o subscrib e t o th e concept o f a Black identity . CLYDE TAYLOR: This soul concept is a passage, a medium through whic h we ca n acces s wha t ha s happene d t o Blac k peopl e ove r th e las t tw o o r three decades . Becaus e whe n we'r e talkin g abou t soul , we'r e talkin g about survival—ou r ver y existence an d th e stuf f we'r e mad e of . I found sou l to be the feeling i n the room a t the conference yesterda y when w e wer e a t th e Universit y Center ; i t wa s soulfu l becaus e w e wer e there. I thin k i t wa s brough t ther e b y th e people , an d I bega n t o thin k that tha t i s wher e sou l is . Thi s doesn' t specif y wha t sou l i s bu t demon strates wher e i t is—whereve r ther e i s a gatherin g o f Blac k peopl e wh o are ben t o n bein g together, sou l emerges from tha t kin d o f context. I feel that i t i s in thi s roo m a s well, bu t I think th e Gree k column s ar e sor t o f holding i t back . Bu t the n again , th e circula r desig n coul d b e a n Africa n vision, t o offse t tha t Gree k tradition . I thin k tha t soul , then , i s th e identifying spiri t tha t emerge s amon g Blac k peopl e whe n the y com e together. It's kin d o f a cosmi c aura . Porti a Maultsb y ha s give n u s usefu l images fo r it . Bu t I also fee l tha t th e mos t concentrate d nexu s fo r sou l i s one tha t migh t locat e i n Africa n religions . I appreciate wha t Porti a sai d about African-America n religions , bu t I thin k Africa n religion s ar e a further sourc e behin d that . An d the n again , sou l come s fro m somethin g even beyon d that , somethin g calle d th e evolution o f humanit y i n variou s languages bu t flowin g int o Africa n religiou s references . I t ca n b e see n there a s mos t concentrate d an d ca n perhap s b e speculativel y looke d a t in literature , particularl y Ishmae l Reed' s ver y importan t novel , Mumbo Jumbo. I am fascinated b y how sou l has undergone variou s transformations . It wa s ver y burgeonin g ther e i n th e sixties , a s Porti a said , s o tha t i t brought al l the music together, an d i t was very rooted i n that politicizin g 273

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED action. I t coul d b e presen t i n s o man y differen t contexts—o f cours e i t could b e ther e i n a churc h service , bu t i t wa s the n sor t o f secularized . Through thi s politica l movemen t an d als o th e cultura l movemen t o f th e sixties, it reached th e apex o f its history. It is somewhat analogous ; we'r e searching fo r soul , bu t wher e ha s i t gone? I s it stil l here? Woul d w e eve r recognize it if we saw it again? I think thes e remarks may b e a prematur e obituary fo r soul . We need t o think o f this decline and wonder wha t tha t loss i s abou t s o tha t sou l (o r a lac k o f it ) become s a typ e o f baromete r for historica l losses : losses in the momentum fo r makin g socia l change . And s o movements wer e crushed , leader s were kille d o r invalidated , talent wa s bough t off . I think tha t . . . the commodificatio n o f sou l i s a very important aspec t of this transformation an d the extensions of narra tive tha t w e ar e speculatin g about . Sou l ha s als o bee n internall y abused ; I thin k w e wer e sill y wit h it . I a m afrai d tha t i f w e ge t th e righ t pie d piper t o giv e u s a soulfu l tune , h e coul d lea d u s t o an y kin d o f disaster , bopping al l th e wa y wit h hi m t o concentratio n camps , predators , o r whatever. Sou l ha s go t t o b e see n i n al l thes e grea t kind s o f services . S o it wa s modified , i t wa s sensationalized , i t wa s overexposed , i t wa s cheapened, i t wa s exoticized , i t wa s sen t ou t t o th e worl d to o quickly , and i t lost som e o f it s commentation wit h socia l justice. I think tha t wa s the final indicatio n tha t th e cas e wa s epidemic . A t a certai n point , sou l got s o weak , i t almos t evaporate d unde r th e critiqu e o f essentialism , which i s another on e o f th e thing s tha t happene d t o i t with recen t years . Soul becam e marginalize d unde r th e discours e o f gender , an d althoug h those debate s were in no way inessential o r inappropriate, th e possibilit y of a unifie d perceptio n o f Blac k peopl e becam e somethin g tha t wa s almost considere d t o b e subversive . Bu t sou l i s almos t always , an d thi s is my point , a by-produc t o f somethin g else , an d th e somethin g els e ca n be ver y differen t i n differen t contexts—an d s o w e hav e t o examin e i t closely an d ofte n t o se e what i t is doing . It i s most nobl e particularl y whe n th e caus e fo r whic h i t emerge s i s one o f justic e an d righteousness . Bu t i t ca n als o b e a mas k fo r corrup tion, fo r mendacity , fo r cryptofascism , a s wel l a s a carnivalesqu e diver sion. So when I think abou t soul , I have an ambition—a weir d ambition , I think—about question s o f Blac k consciousness . I think tha t on e coul d make a ma p o r a gri d o f al l th e issue s tha t migh t hav e a relationshi p t o Black consciousness s o that whe n yo u engag e a person o r a concept, yo u could g o t o tha t gri d an d ther e migh t b e a ke y wor d o r a n adjective , o r even a quotatio n fro m Fanon , tha t woul d giv e yo u bette r insigh t int o 274

"'Ain't We Still Got Soul?" how thi s subjec t pertain s t o Blac k consciousness . S o whe n I ge t t o th e question o f soul , th e ke y wor d tha t come s t o min d i s Brazil . I thin k o f some o f th e trip s I mad e t o Brazil , whe n I sa w th e mos t enormou s an d lucid manifestation s o f sou l you ca n se e on th e planet. I n Brazil, you ca n make th e whol e plane t roc k wit h soul . It' s Afric a connecte d t o th e Americas throug h Africa n religion ; th e Orisha s ar e deepl y worshipe d there. Th e mos t powerfu l influenc e o f Africa n cultur e i n a non-Africa n country i s in Brazil, where Africa n religiou s values dominat e th e cultura l scene t o th e exten t tha t o n Ne w Year' s night , tw o millio n peopl e wil l walk t o th e shor e o f Rio , t o th e ocea n shore , wit h candle s awaitin g Imanje comin g in . It's a powerful manifestation , it s carnival everywhere . But, o f course , ther e i s anothe r sid e t o thi s whic h ca n no t b e glosse d over. Th e poores t peopl e ar e i n Brazil ; the y ar e th e one s wh o hav e maintained th e traditions . Th e peopl e wh o ge t bea t down , whos e kid s have bee n sho t b y police, whos e leader s ar e no w bein g murdered , elimi nated. The people at the very bottom o f Brazil's social structure ar e som e of th e mos t soulfu l folk s i n th e world . Sou l i s no t enough ; i t mus t b e taken wit h everythin g els e goin g alon g wit h it . I wan t t o refe r t o th e three question s I always as k whe n I think abou t th e valu e o f somethin g to Blac k people . I go t o th e Ay i Kwei Arma h question : "Wh y ar e w e s o blessed?" Wh y ar e w e s o blesse d whe n compare d t o ou r fello w huma n beings who ar e not livin g s o well? Bu t I think it' s als o a question o f wh y are we s o blessed t o have this manifestation o f sou l aroun d us . Secondly , I g o t o th e Le s McCan n question : "Compare d t o what? " And , finally, I go to th e Soni a Sanche z question , "Uh-huh . Bu t how d o i t feel? " THULANI DAVIS : I n th e worl d I gre w u p in , whic h wa s th e segregate d upper South , sou l wa s th e worl d w e live d in . Tw o year s ago , I wa s recording i n the Se a Islands nea r Sout h Carolina , an d thes e peopl e wer e telling m e abou t th e tim e whe n Blac k peopl e first starte d t o vot e there . They explaine d tha t o n tw o o f thes e island s th e majorit y o f th e popula tion wa s Black , an d Whit e politician s starte d learnin g tha t the y neede d the Black vote. They were told tha t the y shoul d g o to the Blac k churche s and campaig n there . S o the y di d an d the y wer e tol d tha t whe n the y visited thes e churches , the y woul d b e expecte d t o offe r a prayer . Thes e White politician s woul d com e t o thes e Blac k churche s an d the y woul d take ou t a littl e piec e o f pape r wit h a praye r o n i t an d star t t o read . A t that point , they lost the congregation, an d althoug h th e people were ver y polite an d hear d the m out , n o on e i n th e roo m considere d votin g fo r 275

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED these people . An d th e politician s neve r ha d a clue . Bu t tha t wa s soul , and tha t anecdot e als o illustrate s wh o w e thought ha d sou l an d wh o w e thought di d no t hav e soul . Bein g abl e t o offe r a praye r fro m th e hear t was a n indicatio n o f soul . I thin k man y mor e o f u s offe r ou r prayer s from pape r now , s o I thin k tha t ther e ma y b e a n obituar y t o writ e o n soul, althoug h i t ma y b e a prematur e one . Bu t som e o f u s d o stil l com e from tha t plac e where I' m trying to com e from— a plac e o f offerin g tha t prayer fro m th e heart, a prayer that n o on e has to write dow n the words . Another par t o f sou l whic h i s relate d t o tha t fo r m e i s th e ide a o f taking a solo—havin g somethin g t o sa y within th e contex t o f th e roo m where yo u find yourself . Pap a Jo e Jone s sai d h e ha d know n nothin g about slavery ; h e ha d playe d th e blue s an d h e ha d live d free . Bu t whe n they asked him was the count colored , he had said , "Very . Because I have stood u p with people who could play with nothing bu t the rhythm." An d I thin k tha t that' s th e kin d o f sou l tha t I' m talkin g about—tha t ever y person ha s a sol o t o tak e bu t yo u hav e t o find i t i n th e rhythm , dra w i t from th e knowledge tha t yo u gre w u p with, expres s i t in the languag e o f that knowledge , an d find th e words t o mak e tha t sol o count . Some year s late r I was teachin g a t a Quake r Schoo l i n Washington , and I wa s th e onl y Blac k teache r ther e an d probabl y th e onl y chil d o f the sixtie s ther e a s well. I was widely regarde d i n th e schoo l becaus e th e second wee k I was there som e o f m y students discovere d I had see n Jimi Hendrix liv e i n m y lifetime . Th e da y afte r I tol d on e o f m y Englis h classes this , the y wer e discussin g Cream , an d the y though t I ha d neve r heard o f thi s group . I said , "No w wai t a minute , yo u wer e bor n afte r those people . Tha t wa s musi c o f m y era. " S o then , whe n I tol d the m I had actuall y see n Jimi Hendrix , wh o ha d die d befor e the y wer e born , a line formed outsid e m y classroom o f kid s who wer e lookin g through th e glass window t o se e the teache r wh o ha d see n Jimi Hendrix . No w ever y year a t thi s school—an d this , b y the way , i s the schoo l Chelse a Clinto n goes to—ther e i s a them e da y an d th e whol e schoo l participate s b y adopting th e attir e o f whateve r them e the y thin k up . M y secon d yea r there i t wa s "sixtie s day, " an d whe n I cam e t o schoo l tha t day , th e children wer e runnin g u p an d dow n th e hall s wit h flower s i n thei r hair , and cross-dressing , an d the y ha d a moc k roc k concer t outside . Now , given m y newl y establishe d expertis e o n th e era , al l da y th e student s kept comin g u p t o m e an d saying , "I s thi s wha t i t wa s reall y like , Ms . Davis, i s this wha t i t wa s reall y like? " S o i t i s a littl e disjunctiv e fo r m e to answe r th e question , "Ain' t w e still got soul? " I really a m trying t o b e 276

"Ain't We Still Got Soul?" in the ninetie s al l the time . I feel a little passe, lik e a retired person , bu t I am tryin g t o b e i n th e nineties . Bu t whe n I d o thin k abou t soul , I a m thinking criticall y abou t thing s tha t wer e par t an d parce l o f thos e times , things tha t w e too k issu e with , an d I thin k it' s oka y fo r u s t o defen d that. Bu t I thin k a t th e sam e time , ther e i s a n elemen t o f los s t o b e looked at . A memorabl e exampl e o f thi s i s whe n I went t o thi s grocer y store nea r Unio n Squar e on e day , an d I went t o th e cashier , wh o wa s a young Blac k woman , wit h a whol e batc h o f kal e an d collards . An d sh e looked a t m e an d said , "Wha t ar e these? " an d I though t sh e mean t which wa s kal e an d whic h wer e collards . Bu t sh e registere d eve n mor e confusion, hel d the m u p an d emphaticall y aske d again , "No . Wha t are these?" O f course , I thought t o myself , "W e ar e i n bi g trouble. " I think sou l for m e is made u p of a lot of things. I always understoo d it t o b e par t an d parce l o f resistanc e an d endurance . I think improvisa tion, taking a solo, is a big part o f what w e learned growin g u p in soul — that i t is something tha t ha s t o b e transmitted. Sharin g was a bi g part o f it—and sharing , today , i s i n dee p trouble . Barr y Whit e i s th e onl y on e offering t o d o somethin g fo r us , an d I thin k h e onl y want s t o d o i t fo r women, s o are we stil l sharing? An d the n son g was a n enormou s par t o f it—and, o f course, greens. The greens ar e really a serious symbo l o f tha t part o f u s wh o ar e intereste d i n healt h an d intereste d i n surviva l an d endurance—a par t o f ou r surviva l w e cannot affor d t o tak e fo r granted . Soul als o ha s writte n withi n i t som e degre e o f ambivalenc e toward s the cultur e tha t represente d oppression . I wouldn' t hav e though t s o thirty year s ago— I though t everythin g wa s Blac k an d White—bu t I think sou l has a n uncomfortabl e respons e t o th e notio n o f th e beautiful , for instance . I don't thin k tha t onc e James Brow n san g tha t son g "Blac k Is Beautiful, " tha t th e ambivalenc e wen t away . I thin k w e mov e i n a certain direction , bu t I think i f yo u loo k aroun d today , tha t questio n i s still uncomfortabl e fo r man y o f us . A frien d o f mine , wh o i s m y age , grew u p i n Washington , whic h ha d a d e fact o segregate d schoo l syste m in th e sixties . I n he r elementar y school , th e classroo m wa s arrange d b y color. No w min d you , thi s i s a Blac k classroo m i n a desegregate d environment wit h al l Blac k children . Th e light-skinne d childre n sa t i n the fron t an d th e dar k childre n sa t i n th e bac k an d the y wen t bac k b y degree. Ou r standar d o f beaut y i s s o culture d t o som e extent . Wh o sa t at th e fron t o f tha t classroom ? Ha s tha t standar d o f beauty , whic h w e kept pushin g Blac k toward s th e middl e o f tha t roo m an d th e bac k o f that room , ha s tha t standar d o f beaut y no w pu t the m i n th e front ? I t 277

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED seems to m e with th e ai d o f technology an d chemical s tha t it' s back wit h a vengeance . Ther e ar e lot s o f peopl e wh o spen d a lo t o f tim e inventin g chemicals t o alte r Blac k looks . Soul ha s historicall y ha d a mal e leadershi p stance ; i t neede d t o b e addressed an d ha s bee n addressed . Bu t sou l i s ambivalen t abou t th e strength o f women . Sou l martyre d wome n an d i t pu t wome n o n a pedestal. W e ha d rac e struggle s ove r whethe r wome n coul d lead . Soul , as Clyd e said , becam e a n exoti c produc t tha t wa s divorce d fro m socia l change, an d we'r e seein g tha t again . Th e marke t i s forcin g u s t o hav e more visibilit y an d presenc e i n certai n socia l fields; ther e i s actuall y a feeding frenz y fo r thing s tha t w e ar e making . Bu t thi s tren d i s als o causing us , i n a way , t o respon d t o jus t makin g products . Whe n I wa s growing up , wha t I understoo d t o b e sou l wa s politic s an d pleasure . Resistance, endurance , laughter , sharing , improvisation , song—thos e things see m to m e to pla y a decreasing rol e i n pleasure a s it circulates i n the mainstrea m now , an d thi s i s perhap s bes t demonstrate d i n book s which emphasiz e ou r apparen t pathologies . I want t o tal k a little bi t abou t artist s becaus e i t seems s o tragic tha t literature, film, an d musi c ten d t o b e movin g awa y fro m soul . This , I believe, i s somethin g w e nee d t o b e vigilan t abou t an d insis t tha t sou l should tr y t o resis t this . Salma n Rushdi e sai d tha t becaus e th e write r only need s a pe n an d pape r an d no t eve n a room , literatur e i s the frees t form o f th e arts . H e sai d th e mor e mone y a piec e o f wor k costs , th e easier i t is for someon e els e to contro l it . Film, the mos t expensiv e o f ar t forms, i s als o th e leas t subversive . I thin k w e nee d t o loo k a t ou r literature i n term s o f that . Becaus e w e d o no t contro l th e publishing , there i s a lo t o f wor k bein g publishe d whic h undermine s us . Wha t i s being printe d mor e an d mor e ever y yea r i s th e patholog y o f Blac k people. In oppressiv e societies , writer s hav e use d metaphor , symbolism , and code d languag e t o kee p gettin g th e trut h across . Her e I' m speakin g not onl y abou t writer s fro m fort y year s ago , bu t twent y year s ag o i n Argentina, Uruguay , o r whereve r the y ha d a polic e state . Man y writer s went int o exil e bu t continue d t o us e a languag e whic h wa s understoo d by people. M y questio n is , Do w e stil l have tha t commo n languag e wit h which t o resist ? W e i n Americ a hav e alway s given , willingl y o r unwill ingly, ou r languag e t o th e mainstream . A s lon g a s w e hav e cohesiv e communities, w e produc e mor e language . Whe n w e wer e talkin g abou t Charlie Parke r an d bebop , whe n w e wer e talkin g abou t rap , w e hav e continually bee n able , a s lon g a s ou r communit y staye d together , t o 278

"Ain't We Still Got Soul?" continue evolvin g th e languag e whic h wa s a t firs t ou r languag e an d a language o f resistance . Th e artis t mus t b e searchin g fo r a languag e o f resistance—particularly now , whe n w e ar e a t a tim e whe n languag e itself i s a popula r product . A s I express this , I hear Stuar t Hal l spea k a t a fil m conferenc e las t yea r an d I wil l en d b y quotin g him . H e aske d a question abou t difference s an d stresse d tha t wha t w e nee d t o loo k a t i s our share d commonness—wha t i s distinctive , no t abou t ou r color , bu t how w e hav e bee n installe d i n a histor y o f modernity . W e shoul d loo k for th e continuit y i n ou r relationship s t o difference . Thi s mean s lookin g at sou l an d resistanc e ove r a large r landscape . I f w e ar e talkin g abou t diaspora, i t mean s w e hav e tal k abou t th e cultur e w e hav e entere d an d transformed. W e hav e t o inhabi t it , contes t it , inhabi t i t an d displac e it . That ha s bee n goin g o n i n bot h direction s acros s th e border s w e liv e on . We hav e inhabite d thi s cultur e an d conteste d it . In man y way s w e hav e displaced th e cultur e tha t ha s resiste d u s a t groun d level . Th e powe r o f the culture was our soul . Do we still create a culture o f resistance? Aren' t we als o bein g displaced , a t leas t a s w e kne w ourselve s once ? D o w e recognize ourselve s i n soul , i n th e mirror ? Havin g transforme d th e cul ture i n ou r ow n likeness , wha t d o w e d o now ? D o w e resis t wha t w e ourselves hav e made ? M y answe r i s yes. W e measur e wor k b y wha t i s needed now , not what wa s needed before . I t is the essence of ou r greates t music; we honor wha t we'v e made an d resis t it—Mile s Davi s di d it , an d even dea r ol d Mom . ISHMAEL REED : I n th e mid-eighties , I embarke d o n a stud y o f m y

ancestry an d foun d i t t o b e mor e comple x tha n I would hav e imagined , having bee n schoole d i n a syste m i n whic h Africa n American s ha d t o camouflage thei r bloodline s i n orde r t o mak e som e people , nouvea u whites—that is , Europea n American s wh o wer e considere d "Black " maybe fift y year s ago—comfortable . Bu t no w a younge r generatio n i s beginning t o asser t thei r biracialism , o r thei r multiculturalism , i n a wa y that m y generatio n coul d neve r hav e imagined . Fo r this , they'r e bein g criticized b y a n olde r generatio n wh o insis t upo n Blacknes s tha t ha s often bee n use d a s a cove r fo r racism , indicatin g tha t th e ger m tha t Europeans brough t t o the hemisphere—the Englis h i n New England an d the Spanis h i n th e Southwest—ha s infecte d Africa n Americans . Jus t listen t o som e o f thes e people—eve n som e o f thos e wh o ca n figur e ou t what Derrid a an d Foucaul t wer e drivin g at—carryin g o n whe n dis cussing, say , miscegenation , an d you' d thin k tha t yo u ha d Davi d Duk e 279

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED standing befor e you . Th e Nativ e American s who m th e European s en countered whe n the y arrive d ha d n o concep t o f race . Columbu s de scribes Nativ e American s o f differen t colors , an d th e Puebl o Indian s i n the Southwes t believe d tha t al l people , n o matte r wha t color , wer e children o f th e earth . Our Wes t African ancestor s didn' t arriv e her e racis t either . Studyin g their custom s an d languag e als o demonstrat e ho w differen t w e ar e fro m what the y were . On e ou t o f fou r o f thos e African s cam e fro m Yorub a land i n West Africa . Tw o thousan d year s befor e Calvi n the y believe d i n a work ethi c and a free marke t syste m (tha t we find i n the United States) . The Britis h foun d the m t o b e cryptic, als o a trait tha t Africa n American s share. M y great-grandmother , wh o wa s bor n i n slavery , alway s tol d he r children no t t o allo w anyon e t o ge t int o one' s business . Sh e operate d a business from 191 7 to 1934 . I'm sure that this cryptic style has generate d cultural form s amon g African American s tha t outsider s find inaccessible . Translating Yorub a literature , on e find s tha t Wester n intellectua l trends wer e anticipate d b y th e Africa n ora l traditio n b y thousand s o f years, whic h ough t t o encourag e u s t o translat e mor e Africa n oratur e rather tha n becomin g bogge d dow n i n th e discussio n abou t whethe r Plato, th e bul k o f whos e wor k i s hampere d b y useles s metaphysica l speculation, wa s Black . Ou r intellectuals , eve n whe n the y oppos e wha t some cal l "Wester n intellectua l values, " seeme d t o b e hexe d b y them . The tas k o f man y o f the m seem s t o b e tha t o f missionizin g Africa n Americans. On e appeare d o n on e o f th e right-win g monocultura l cen ters, th e PB S new s hour , an d sai d tha t h e preferre d th e intellectua l environment o f th e Frenc h Enlightenmen t t o tha t o f Blac k studies , whe n the Enlightenmen t thinker s engage d i n a considerabl e amoun t o f hum bug speculatio n an d helpe d t o foste r th e scientifi c racis m tha t character ized the next century. They prepared th e way for Adolp h Hitler. Voltaire , for example , believe d tha t Blac k women mate d wit h monkeys . Yoruba als o hav e som e practica l advic e fo r thei r descendants . Though African s i n th e diaspor a concentrat e o n ritua l an d th e "saints " of the Yoruba, th e Yoruba, a s I read them , instruct u s that w e should us e our minds . (I n fact, i n Yoruba literatur e suc h a s Igbo Olodumare, whic h I am currently translating , human s ar e capable o f defeatin g "th e saints, " upon whic h thos e i n thi s hemispher e plac e suc h emphasis. ) You r head , your ori, i s th e onl y go d tha t yo u ca n rel y upon . Accordin g t o Bolaj i Idowu, autho r o f Olodumare, th e ori, th e head , i s a symbo l o f th e inuori, th e inne r head , an d i t i s th e inne r head , no t th e soul , tha t rules , 280

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'Ain't We Still Got Soul?

controls, an d guide s th e "life " an d activitie s o f th e person . Ther e i s a heart (okan) i n the Yorub a system , bu t n o soul . Soul i s a n Englis h wor d tha t Africa n American s hav e borrowe d t o explain somethin g tha t defie s empirica l investigation . Th e American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language quote s Claud e Brown whe n defining soul : "A n aggregat e o f elementa l qualitie s tha t enable s on e t o be a t harmon y wit h onesel f an d t o conve y t o th e other s th e hones t an d unadorned expressio n o f th e har d sid e o f life : 'Sou l i s bein ' tru e t o yourself . . . is . . . that uninhibite d self-expressio n tha t goe s int o practi cally every Negro endeavor. ' " I f this i s what sou l means , the n i t doesn' t represent th e multimillion-dollar marketin g tha t goe s into suc h product s as Soul Train, wher e th e environmen t i s controlled, o r th e us e o f "I' m a Soul Man " a s th e them e son g o f Bo b Dole— a presidentia l candidat e who i s anything bu t uninhibited . And s o whe n w e sa y soul , I thin k tha t w e mea n style , an d ther e i s no doub t tha t Africa n American s hav e a style , a wa y o f cooking , o f dancing, that' s s o attractiv e tha t eve n thos e wh o ar e pathologicall y hostile t o Black s adop t thi s style . Tak e fascis t rock-and-rol l bands , fo r example. Th e lat e Le e Atwater , on e o f th e creator s o f th e notoriou s Willie Horto n campaign , wa s a rock-and-rol l performe r wh o receive d a better revie w i n th e New York Times tha n Blac k musician s usuall y receive. Thi s style , whic h the y ha d n o han d i n creating , i s makin g these performer s billion s o f dollars . Sou l ha s becom e littl e mor e tha n a marketing device . But th e folk s wh o di d creat e thi s style , we're no t usin g ou r head s i n an organize d manner . Th e difficul t tas k tha t th e well-finance d adversar ies o f Africa n American s hav e se t u p fo r the m ha s gon e unchallenged . Toni Morriso n wa s correc t i n he r Howar d Universit y speec h whe n sh e likened th e curren t politica l atmospher e t o tha t o f pre-Hitle r Germany . But I don't thin k tha t w e have to leav e this continent t o find a parallel t o the curren t conditions . Nativ e American s ha d bee n subsistin g i n thi s hemisphere fo r thousand s o f year s unti l th e European s arrive d an d disrupted thei r economy , mad e the m dependent , an d ultimatel y de stroyed million s o f them . N o matte r ho w assimilate d Africa n American s might become—afte r all , the Cheroke e assimilate d ver y well into Ameri can society—wha t finally happene d t o th e Nativ e American s haunt s th e experience o f Africa n American s i n thi s country (million s o f whom hav e a Nativ e America n heritage) . And s o thoug h soul , a style , i s entertainin g an d provide s pleasur e 281

TATE, MAULTSBY, DAVIS, TAYLOR, AND REED that help s Africa n American s ge t throug h th e hel l tha t the y find them selves in , th e ultimat e liberatio n o f Africa n American s wil l b e du e t o their usin g their heads , no t thei r souls . Their inu-ori. Our ancestor s wer e right , an d ther e i s stil l mor e tha t w e ca n lear n from them . DREAM HAMPTON : I thin k I' m havin g a differen t proble m and , n o disrespect, bu t I thin k tha t there' s thi s intergenerationa l thing . I' m twenty-four, gre w u p o n hi p hop , an d considere d hi p ho p t o b e soul . I felt tha t th e sou l tradition i s still maintained throug h hi p hop an d mayb e now w e hav e transforme d i t int o somethin g new . Bu t a lo t o f times , when w e tal k abou t sou l bein g dead , abou t reclaimin g soul , it' s a s though w e must reinvent it , as if there's nothing there . Ishmael Ree d wa s referring t o Biggi e Smalls, an d there' s lik e a plethora o f artist s ou t there , not jus t hip hop artists , bu t young intellectuals . O f course , not NYU an d other institution s tha t we'r e a t wa r wit h whil e we'r e withi n them . I jus t want t o kin d o f addres s that , brin g i t t o th e forefront , becaus e we'r e talking abou t a generatio n tha t lande d fro m nowhere , tha t invade d ou r communities a s oppose d t o bein g bor n an d nurture d withi n them . W e still represen t sou l an d hav e somethin g investe d i n th e surviva l o f ou r communities. It' s a s though we'r e tryin g t o g o beyon d thi s generatio n t o save the next. Lik e we're a write-off an d everyon e els e is moving on . MAULTSBY: Yo u allud e t o a poin t tha t I made . Sou l i s a concep t tha t defines a distinctl y Blac k worldvie w an d a wa y o f being . Becaus e Blac k culture i s no t monolithi c no r stagnant , eac h generatio n employ s thi s concept i n way s tha t reflec t it s uniqu e se t o f circumstances , whic h ar e informed b y cultural, social , an d politica l environments . Yo u mentione d hip hop . I believ e tha t Afrocentri c rapper s ar e largel y responsibl e fo r revitalizing th e 1960 s applicatio n o f sou l a s a n ideologica l an d cultura l concept. I n th e process , the y hav e raise d generatio n X' s consciousnes s about a historical past an d the ideals of Black nationalism. These rapper s have als o mad e Blac k suburbanite s an d th e large r societ y awar e o f th e social ill s tha t plagu e inner-cit y communities . Therefore , I agre e wit h your comments . HAMPTON: Bu t I think eve n namin g th e Afrocentri c rappers , it' s bee n a long tim e sinc e a n Afrocentri c ra p albu m cam e out—i n th e traditiona l sense tha t you'r e talkin g about . Th e binar y pole s tha t hav e bee n con structed i n hi p ho p aroun d goo d an d bad , aroun d narrative s an d mes 282

"'Ain't We Still Got Soul? sages, ar e one s tha t I don't thin k existe d twent y t o thirt y year s ago . It' s been thi s kind o f mora l construct . Biggi e Smalls and Nas—yo u ma y no t consider the m t o b e Afrocentric, bu t I would argu e that the y stil l operat e within a certain traditio n o f sou l i n ou r communities . MAULTSBY: I agre e wit h you . Sou l i s expressed i n differen t way s withi n and acros s generations. You r comment indirectl y alludes to the commod ification issu e discusse d earlier . Onc e a Blac k cultura l produc t ha s bee n commodified fo r mas s consumption , i t i s assigne d a differen t functio n and, thus , acquire s a ne w meanin g suite d t o th e ne w context . However , and withi n African-America n communities , it s origina l meanin g an d sociocultural an d politica l significanc e ar e preserve d o r adapte d t o mee t the demand s o f a new situation . QUESTION: Why ar e we tied t o conten t an d no t style ? MAULTSBY: It's al l th e sam e content—tha t wa s m y whol e thing . Sou l i s a style—it' s a styl e distinctiv e t o Africa n American s characterize d b y improvisatory components . Th e call-response , communit y participator y components, define d b y a worldvie w that' s al l a par t o f th e concep t o f soul that i s manifested i n a style. There i s a style of the seventies ; there is George Clinto n an d th e P-Funk . Tha t wa s hi s soul . Th e rapper s hav e their soul—i n a differen t way . Bu t als o the y maintai n som e o f thos e fundamental aestheti c features—thi s i s wha t link s Africa n American s from tw o t o fou r hundre d year s ag o t o th e presen t day . We share a cor e of aesthetic qualities. We share a particular worldvie w that's bee n shape d by a n oppressiv e existenc e tha t ha s no t change d fo r fou r hundre d years ; now i t ma y hav e take n o n a differen t for m s o we're stil l creatin g ou t o f that experience , drawin g fro m ou r aestheti c qualitie s an d expressiv e styles o f a n Africa n past . S o we're par t o f a continuum , o f a legac y tha t is jus t redefine d wit h a ne w se t o f circumstances , bu t i t survive s o f th e culture o f th e past .

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From Thi s Ivor y T o w e r Race a s a Critica l Paradig m i n t h e Academ y (A Discussio n i n Tw o Acts ) Introduction MONIQUE GUILLORY

In a boo k abou t soul , a roundtabl e discussio n o n rac e a s a critica l paradigm i n th e academ y ma y appea r a bi t incongruous , a sacrileg e even. Academic s hav e falle n unde r heav y fire fo r sappin g th e fu n ou t o f everything. Fro m movie s an d musi c t o th e blin d securit y mos t peopl e feel wit h thei r ow n identities—w e nitpic k an d dissec t everythin g o f value int o nothingness . An d now , afte r submittin g "soul " t o ou r unfor giving knife , w e hav e t o thro w somethin g abou t "critica l paradigms " into th e mix . But soul-searchin g i s secon d natur e t o th e fledgling Blac k academi c who must constantly reevaluat e an d second-gues s the personal, spiritual , and economi c investmen t tha t graduat e schoo l demands . Man y o f u s were draw n t o th e academ y b y th e loft y intellectua l traditio n Black s such a s W . E . B . Du Bois , Zor a Neal e Hurston , an d Angel a Davi s hav e honed there . I n recen t years , th e countr y ha s revele d i n a secon d Blac k Renaissance tha t tempt s an d tantalize s aspirin g Blac k intellectual s wit h unprecedented powe r an d visibility. When Toni Morrison wo n the Nobe l Prize, when bel l hooks bridge d th e academic divid e on Oprah, an d ever y time w e rea d a n op-e d piec e i n th e New York Times b y Henr y Loui s Gates Jr., w e ar e charge d wit h fir e fo r th e fight an d earnestl y believe , " I can d o this. " 284

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From Thi s Ivor y T o w e r Race a s a Critica l Paradig m i n t h e Academ y (A Discussio n i n Tw o Acts ) Introduction MONIQUE GUILLORY

In a boo k abou t soul , a roundtabl e discussio n o n rac e a s a critica l paradigm i n th e academ y ma y appea r a bi t incongruous , a sacrileg e even. Academic s hav e falle n unde r heav y fire fo r sappin g th e fu n ou t o f everything. Fro m movie s an d musi c t o th e blin d securit y mos t peopl e feel wit h thei r ow n identities—w e nitpic k an d dissec t everythin g o f value int o nothingness . An d now , afte r submittin g "soul " t o ou r unfor giving knife , w e hav e t o thro w somethin g abou t "critica l paradigms " into th e mix . But soul-searchin g i s secon d natur e t o th e fledgling Blac k academi c who must constantly reevaluat e an d second-gues s the personal, spiritual , and economi c investmen t tha t graduat e schoo l demands . Man y o f u s were draw n t o th e academ y b y th e loft y intellectua l traditio n Black s such a s W . E . B . Du Bois , Zor a Neal e Hurston , an d Angel a Davi s hav e honed there . I n recen t years , th e countr y ha s revele d i n a secon d Blac k Renaissance tha t tempt s an d tantalize s aspirin g Blac k intellectual s wit h unprecedented powe r an d visibility. When Toni Morrison wo n the Nobe l Prize, when bel l hooks bridge d th e academic divid e on Oprah, an d ever y time w e rea d a n op-e d piec e i n th e New York Times b y Henr y Loui s Gates Jr., w e ar e charge d wit h fir e fo r th e fight an d earnestl y believe , " I can d o this. " 284

From This Ivory Tower Yet, determinin g whethe r yo u ca n ge t you r Ph.D . usuall y i s no t th e question facin g blac k graduat e students , bu t rathe r th e mor e profoun d question o f whethe r yo u should . Onc e insid e th e hallowe d hall s o f th e academy, on e o f th e first lesson s you lear n a s a Black graduat e studen t i s that institution s o f highe r learnin g hav e no t opene d th e floodgate s t o Black studies , aesthetics , texts , theories , o r student s fo r tha t matter . Th e above example s ar e preciou s exceptions , bu t the y ar e s o ubiquitou s an d renowned tha t the y star t t o appea r t o b e th e norm . No t unti l yo u ar e deeply embroile d i n th e system , o n th e verg e o f tha t nebulou s spac e known a s "th e market, " d o you star t t o recogniz e ho w difficul t i t can b e to navigat e th e politica l tide s o f academi a an d no t soo n find yoursel f stranded an d soul-sick . Thus, a t th e Sou l Conference , w e convene d th e followin g grou p o f scholars an d academic s t o offe r u s reassuranc e an d inspiration . Ou r logic wa s tha t the y ha d don e wha t w e wer e tryin g t o do , s o al l w e needed t o d o wa s si t dow n an d hav e som e hones t heart-to-hear t discus sion abou t ho w t o ge t throug h th e experienc e o f gra d schoo l wit h (1 ) a job, (2 ) a s littl e pai n a s possible , an d (3 ) a s muc h sou l a s w e coul d salvage. Th e academ y i s no t th e mos t hospitabl e plac e fo r soul—a n abstract an d essentialis t construc t imagine d b y a n imagine d community . It may hav e bee n differen t thirt y year s ago , bu t thes e day s upon enterin g graduate school , yo u chec k you r sou l a t th e doo r an d i n exchang e fo r i t you receive a bushel of dialectics, universalisms, theories, critiques, texts , and discourses . An d whil e you r sou l sit s i n som e existentia l coatroo m with you r nam e o n it , afte r five o r si x year s o f academi c programming , you ma y no t eve n know ho w t o as k fo r i t back . I found th e comment s tha t follo w t o b e enormousl y helpfu l i n bot h practical an d persona l ways . I t wa s surprisin g an d a bi t jarrin g t o me, however , t o realiz e tha t th e wome n academic s fel t i n n o wa y a s secure o r finished wit h th e professiona l battle s i n th e academ y a s the y appeared. I should no t hav e bee n surprise d b y the storie s o f tenure wars , of havin g t o conten d wit h sexis m an d condescensio n n o matte r ho w high yo u scal e th e Ivor y Tower . Th e wome n i n thi s conversatio n stres s the importanc e o f anchorin g yoursel f t o a reliabl e suppor t syste m earl y in th e battl e o f you r education . The y cautio n agains t tryin g t o find yourself o r you r mothe r i n th e ofte n col d an d indifferen t clim e o f th e academy. Th e ton e o f th e me n i s notabl y different . The y wer e abl e t o offer a practica l an d pedagogica l guidelin e throug h th e graduat e years . The me n emphasize d issue s o f specializatio n an d concentration , ho w 285

MONIQUE GUILLORY and wha t t o teac h t o marke t yoursel f fo r a s broa d a consumptio n bas e as possible . I conclude with a scenario that serve s as a common denominato r fo r academics everywhere , regardles s o f statur e o r stability . An y academi c could giv e yo u hi s o r he r versio n o f ho w the y surviv e thes e ever-im pending test s o f th e wil l an d wits , bu t her e I offe r m y mos t recen t tria l as a preface t o the comment s an d encouragement s thes e scholar s offere d to conque r th e bana l an d discouragin g chore s tha t pos e a considerabl e threat t o ever y intellectual's soul .

The Parable of the Books In tw o days , I am movin g fro m Brooklyn , Ne w York , t o Sant a Barbara , California, t o complet e m y dissertatio n i n a more seren e an d struggling student-friendly place . I n ligh t o f th e impendin g mov e an d th e incom plete manuscript , m y lif e o f lat e ha s bee n th e predictabl e whirlwin d o f mental an d physica l activit y tha t movin g entails . Fro m stockin g u p o n ten-pound sack s o f kitt y litte r (tryin g t o mak e i t easie r fo r th e sublet ) t o working feverishl y o n th e book , i t feel s lik e everythin g tha t I hav e learned, accumulated , an d worke d fo r i n the past fou r year s conflate s t o some impossibl e detai l I must ten d t o i n these final Eas t Coas t days . Bu t today, al l th e reason s wh y I fee l th e followin g roundtabl e discussio n i s pertinent t o th e questio n o f sou l crystalize d fo r m e i n a rathe r gruelin g and taxin g way . The da y bega n a t 7 A.M . wit h me , pisse d an d frustrated , poutin g behind a for t o f twenty-eigh t boxe s o n th e sidewal k i n fron t o f m y apartment building . I wa s fortunat e enoug h t o find a suble t wh o wa s willing t o watc h m y cat s fo r th e yea r I woul d b e away . Bu t whil e h e could handl e th e cats , thi s fello w graduat e studen t ha d a librar y o f hi s own, o f course . My cat s could stay , but m y book s ha d t o go . Which wa s perfectly fine b y me . Afte r to o man y time s o f franticall y scramblin g fo r hours to find a book I know I own, only to realize that it' s collecting dus t under someone' s be d acros s town, I have become extremely protective of my books . I coul d pictur e th e chao s upo n m y retur n i f m y book s commingled fo r a yea r i n th e sam e smal l space . I' m sur e som e o f the m would coupl e u p an d I' d inevitabl y los e a few treasures . To avoi d tha t costl y horro r ( I a m absolutel y positiv e tha t I hav e bought Fly boy in the Buttermilk a t leas t thre e times) , I squirreled awa y 286

From This Ivory Tower the vestige s o f m y academi c caree r i n twenty-eight specimen s o f th e bes t book boxe s yo u ca n rummag e fro m th e trash . Banan a boxe s ar e th e best—they're durable , usuall y hav e a cove r (ver y importan t fo r vertica l stacks o n han d trucks) , an d com e wit h easy-gri p slot s o n th e sides . I once swore b y milk crates fo r movin g books , bu t you ca n never get the m level (ver y importan t fo r vertica l stack s o n han d trucks ) an d i f you r library compound s ever y year , a s min e did , storin g mil k crate s i n a tin y Manhattan cou p quickl y become s a decorating nightmare . This selectio n of boxe s was prett y impressiv e a s it ought t o b e after al l the experienc e I have ha d luggin g m y modes t librar y acros s th e countr y an d throug h th e boroughs o f Ne w York . O f m y fou r year s i n Ne w Yor k alone , thi s wa s my sixt h move . Waiting fo r th e ever-elusiv e truck , I fantasize d abou t gettin g a jo b that woul d pa y m y movin g expenses—a n unlikel y drea m fo r a n aca demic. I imagined mysel f directin g the movers hither an d thither , makin g them fresh lemonad e a s they indifferently schleppe d m y belongings alon g the trajector y o f m y rapidl y risin g career . I though t o f Edwar d Said' s essay o n unpackin g hi s librar y i n th e sam e wa y tha t h e recalle d Benja min's experienc e wit h boxe s o f books . Someho w I fel t convince d tha t they had no t packe d thei r ow n stuf f i n boxe s pulle d fro m th e trash . The reveri e abruptl y cease d whe n th e ma n a t th e storag e spac e showed m e where m y precious librar y woul d resid e fo r th e nex t yea r o r so. Although th e leas e claimed I was gettin g a five-by-six-foot space , th e cavity I peere d int o seeme d n o bigge r tha n a shippin g carto n fo r a twenty-five-inch TV . Bu t i t woul d hav e t o do , becaus e althoug h thes e folks ca n mak e yo u fee l lik e you'r e committin g yoursel f t o a summe r cottage whe n yo u ge t a storag e spac e i n Ne w York , I simpl y refus e t o pay anythin g tha t eve n feel s lik e "rent " t o hav e m y belonging s jus t si t there. B y som e miracl e o f geometr y I figured I coul d manipulat e th e twenty-eight boxe s int o the bin , bu t i t did concern m e that the spac e wa s about five feet abov e my head . I maneuvere d th e mobil e staircas e ove r t o m y cubica l an d trie d t o calculate ho w I woul d manag e t o stuf f thes e ridiculousl y heav y boxe s into thi s spac e withou t liftin g the m ove r m y hea d o r scalin g th e ricket y scaffold twenty-eigh t perilou s times . I certainly couldn' t thro w the boxe s up there , no r coul d I stac k the m u p o n th e stair s an d the n loa d the m into th e spac e becaus e ther e wasn' t enoug h roo m fo r that . I struggled t o shrug of f th e self-pit y tha t inevitabl y slink s u p t o m e wheneve r I find myself i n a circumstance i n whic h i t would b e really nic e t o hav e a ma n 287

MONIQUE GUILLORY around—someone bi g and stron g wh o ha d rea d al l the book s th e boxe s contained an d discusse d the m wit h m e a s h e effortlessl y tote d the m u p the stair s two a t time . I soon stoppe d wastin g time and accepte d m y fate—each bo x woul d have t o b e carrie d u p th e stairs . Th e traged y o f Sisyphu s flashe d befor e my eyes. I studie d th e palle t o f boxe s and , wit h x-ra y vision , espie d their voluminou s an d bulk y contents—tw o volume s o f th e unabridge d Oxford English Dictionary (complet e wit h magnifyin g lens) , complet e box set s o f Campbell' s Myths of the World an d Shakespeare' s plays , unruly binder s o f assorte d articles , an d a n asymmetrica l dec k o f over sized ar t books—jus t t o nam e som e o f th e mor e formidabl e heavy weights. As I struggled , wrenched , an d wrestle d th e twenty-eigh t bundle s o f hell int o thei r grave , I wa s read y t o bi d the m a final farewell . Neve r would I wan t t o se e thes e book s again—hal f o f the m I probabl y hav e never rea d an d wil l likel y liv e ou t th e cours e o f m y lif e withou t th e morsels o f insigh t they may contain. I laughed a t myself an d th e irony of the considerabl e materia l burde n academi a ca n b e with suc h littl e mate rial return . I trie d t o reaso n awa y th e absurdit y o f th e situatio n b y thinking tha t m y physica l strengt h simpl y coul d no t accommodat e th e physical manifestation o f my considerable menta l strengt h an d fortitude . But I found littl e consolatio n i n tha t though t an d resigne d mysel f t o th e crude realit y tha t I was ou t o f shape , mainl y becaus e I had bee n sittin g on my butt fo r th e past four year s either reading a book, writing a paper , or talkin g abou t m y lack o f motivation t o d o either . In spit e o f m y limite d conditionin g an d bitte r mood , afte r onl y tw o and a hal f hours , a broke n nail , an d a fe w bruise s an d scrapes , I finally snapped th e lock ont o D-95 1 and nearl y floated ou t o f the maze o f mini storage. I signe d an d snatche d u p m y ream s o f paperwork , listene d t o the automaton s behin d th e bulletproo f glas s dron e o n abou t lat e fee s and insurance , an d fel t s o physicall y draine d tha t I coul d bi d adie u t o every tex t an d titl e I ha d haule d int o tha t chasm . Afte r considerabl e maneuvering an d contortion , th e exac t configuratio n o f thos e boxe s remains emblazone d o n m y mind—th e brillian t color s o f African Ark pressed u p agains t th e doo r waitin g t o tumbl e ou t ont o th e first unsus pecting sou l to unloc k tha t Pandora' s box . But I kno w I wil l g o bac k fo r th e lo t o f the m i n D-95 1 becaus e I realiz e tha t I coul d n o mor e abando n m y book s tha n a tortois e could vacat e it s shell . I accep t tha t thi s educatio n i s simpl y neve r com 288

From This Ivory Tower plete an d tha t I will hav e mor e coursework , onl y thi s tim e i t wil l b e o n the othe r sid e o f th e table . A s I approac h tha t face t o f m y academi c tenure, I was encourage d t o hea r th e storie s o f thos e academic s I admir e and trust . Throug h th e experience s the y relate here , an d eve n more s o in their ow n wor k an d intellectua l paths , the y eac h demonstrat e tha t a graduate educatio n ultimatel y remain s a highly persona l an d individual ized event . Ther e ar e requirement s an d expectations , obstacle s an d re wards, bu t th e kin d o f lif e an d th e kin d o f caree r eac h perso n make s o f those factor s depend s significantl y upo n wha t the y brin g t o th e tabl e a s well. I, myself, wil l brin g twenty-eight boxe s o f books .

Act One MANTHIA DIAWAR A

In th e sprin g semeste r o f th e academi c yea r 1994-95, 1 adde d Jean-Pau l Sartre's Black Orpheus t o th e reading lis t o f m y cours e "Introductio n t o Pan-Africanism." Becaus e I wante d t o emphasiz e th e Harle m Renais sance an d th e Negritude movemen t a s cultural an d politica l component s of Pan-Africanism , i t seeme d t o m e tha t Sartre' s lon g introductio n t o the ar t an d philosoph y o f th e Negritud e movement , lik e Alai n Locke' s manifesto a t th e beginnin g o f hi s boo k The New Negro, woul d hel p t o set the stag e fo r furthe r discussion s o f th e problemati c issu e o f rac e an d its relation t o cultur e an d universalism . The clas s bega n wit h W . E . B . D u Bois' s The World and Africa, which refute s th e racis t thesis , primaril y associate d wit h Eurocentri c historians, tha t o f al l the continents, Afric a ha d mad e n o contribution t o world histor y an d civilization . D u Bois' s mai n objective s i n thi s celebra tory book , a s i n hi s classi c Souls of Black Folk, wer e threefold : t o writ e the histor y an d cultur e o f th e peopl e o f Afric a an d Africa n descent ; t o enable Africa n American s t o identif y wit h Afric a a s a prou d an d digni fied sourc e o f identit y tha t coul d b e place d o n a n equa l footin g wit h Europe, Asia , an d Nort h America ; an d t o posi t Africa' s humanis m an d rich heritag e a s a compellin g argumen t agains t racis m an d colonialism . Du Boi s believe d tha t freedo m wa s whol e an d indivisible , tha t Blac k people i n Americ a woul d no t b e completel y fre e unti l Afric a wa s liber ated an d emancipate d i n modernity; hi s Pan-Africanism wa s bor n ou t o f 289

From This Ivory Tower plete an d tha t I will hav e mor e coursework , onl y thi s tim e i t wil l b e o n the othe r sid e o f th e table . A s I approac h tha t face t o f m y academi c tenure, I was encourage d t o hea r th e storie s o f thos e academic s I admir e and trust . Throug h th e experience s the y relate here , an d eve n more s o in their ow n wor k an d intellectua l paths , the y eac h demonstrat e tha t a graduate educatio n ultimatel y remain s a highly persona l an d individual ized event . Ther e ar e requirement s an d expectations , obstacle s an d re wards, bu t th e kin d o f lif e an d th e kin d o f caree r eac h perso n make s o f those factor s depend s significantl y upo n wha t the y brin g t o th e tabl e a s well. I, myself, wil l brin g twenty-eight boxe s o f books .

Act One MANTHIA DIAWAR A

In th e sprin g semeste r o f th e academi c yea r 1994-95, 1 adde d Jean-Pau l Sartre's Black Orpheus t o th e reading lis t o f m y cours e "Introductio n t o Pan-Africanism." Becaus e I wante d t o emphasiz e th e Harle m Renais sance an d th e Negritude movemen t a s cultural an d politica l component s of Pan-Africanism , i t seeme d t o m e tha t Sartre' s lon g introductio n t o the ar t an d philosoph y o f th e Negritud e movement , lik e Alai n Locke' s manifesto a t th e beginnin g o f hi s boo k The New Negro, woul d hel p t o set the stag e fo r furthe r discussion s o f th e problemati c issu e o f rac e an d its relation t o cultur e an d universalism . The clas s bega n wit h W . E . B . D u Bois' s The World and Africa, which refute s th e racis t thesis , primaril y associate d wit h Eurocentri c historians, tha t o f al l the continents, Afric a ha d mad e n o contribution t o world histor y an d civilization . D u Bois' s mai n objective s i n thi s celebra tory book , a s i n hi s classi c Souls of Black Folk, wer e threefold : t o writ e the histor y an d cultur e o f th e peopl e o f Afric a an d Africa n descent ; t o enable Africa n American s t o identif y wit h Afric a a s a prou d an d digni fied sourc e o f identit y tha t coul d b e place d o n a n equa l footin g wit h Europe, Asia , an d Nort h America ; an d t o posi t Africa' s humanis m an d rich heritag e a s a compellin g argumen t agains t racis m an d colonialism . Du Boi s believe d tha t freedo m wa s whol e an d indivisible , tha t Blac k people i n Americ a woul d no t b e completel y fre e unti l Afric a wa s liber ated an d emancipate d i n modernity; hi s Pan-Africanism wa s bor n ou t o f 289

MONIQUE GUILLORY the consciousnes s o f freedo m a s a commo n goa l fo r Blac k an d Brow n people. That firs t week , th e class' s reactio n t o The World and Africa wa s aggressive. On e studen t fro m Afric a challenge d th e ver y ide a o f Pan-Africanism, warnin g u s tha t African s wer e ver y differen t fro m Nigeria t o Ethiopia , an d tha t Africa n Americans , lik e White Americans , were ignoran t abou t Africa' s complexity . Anothe r accuse d D u Boi s an d other Pan-Africanist s o f th e sam e colonia l intention s a s Whit e people , and adde d tha t rac e shoul d no t b e use d t o justif y th e paternalis m an d elitism o f Africa n American s an d Wes t Indian s i n Africa . On e woma n also raise d a questio n concernin g th e link s betwee n Pan-Africanis m and sexism . Bu t th e majorit y tende d t o focu s o n D u Bois' s attemp t t o raise consciousnes s abou t th e worldwid e exploitatio n o f Blac k an d Brown peopl e b y peopl e o f Europea n descent , an d o n hi s ques t fo r freedom. I kne w tha t th e clas s wa s no t goin g t o b e easy . I ha d t o find som e texts b y wome n an d Afrocentrist s t o ad d t o th e readin g list . But , on e might wonder , wh y Black Orpheus, a tex t b y a dea d Frenc h Whit e male? Becaus e th e D u Boisia n idea s o f rac e unit y ar e mor e interestin g i f they ar e studie d togethe r an d repositione d b y othe r racia l theorie s i n time an d space , suc h a s the nationalis m o f th e Negritud e movement , th e Afrocentric movement , an d Sartre' s thesi s o f antiracis t racis m a s th e basis fo r combattin g colonialis m an d paternalism . I wante d t o kno w what woul d happe n t o th e cor e ide a o f Pan-Africanis m i f i t were taugh t as a histor y o f ofte n contradictor y idea s instea d o f a chronolog y o f events an d historica l figures. Wha t wer e th e common links , for instance , between D u Bois' s statemen t tha t th e proble m o f th e twentiet h centur y was the problem o f the color line and the Diopian, or Afrocentric, theor y of th e cultura l unit y o f th e peopl e o f Africa n descent ; an d b y extension , what wer e th e intertextua l relation s betwee n D u Bois ' Pan-Africanis m and C . L . R . James' s appropriatio n o f th e centra l theme s o f th e Frenc h Revolution fo r Blac k liberatio n struggle s an d hi s repositionin g o f th e Haitian uprisin g a s th e first paradig m o f rac e unit y betwee n Blac k an d Brown peopl e i n th e moder n world ; o r Sartre' s cal l fo r a n antiracis t racism, i n Black Orpheus, a s a reaso n fo r unit y amon g Blac k peopl e against racis m an d colonialism ? Sartr e i s important t o m e i n this debat e not onl y becaus e o f hi s rol e a s a n intellectua l leade r wh o wa s involve d in severa l revolutionar y movement s i n Franc e i n th e 1940 s an d 1950s , including Negritude— I shal l sa y mor e abou t thi s later—bu t als o be 290

From This Ivory Tower cause o f th e similaritie s betwee n hi s positio n o n antiracis t racis m an d the Diopian essentializin g o f race . Black Orpheus wa s writte n a s a n introductio n t o th e Anthologie de la Nouvelle Poesie Negre et Malgacbe de Langue Francaise (1948) , edited b y Leopol d Seda r Senghor . I t i s th e mos t famou s essa y o n th e Negritude movement , servin g o n th e on e han d t o defin e th e concep t fo r Western audiences , an d o n the other han d t o encourage som e of its poet s and writer s t o embrac e Marxis m i n thei r searc h fo r a universa l roa d beyond ski n color . Fo r Sartre , Negritud e i s a separatio n an d a negatio n in th e existentia l sense ; i t valorize s a wor d tha t wa s unti l the n a n ugl y and dirt y word i n the French language . A French dictionary , he Nouveau Petit Robert, give s the word Negre, fro m whic h Negritud e i s derived, th e following meanings : a perso n o f th e Blac k race , a slave ; t o wor k lik e a Negre i s to work har d withou t earnin g th e right t o rest ; to b e a Negre i n the literar y worl d i s t o b e a ghostwrite r fo r famou s authors ; t o spea k petit Negre i s t o expres s onesel f i n a limite d an d ba d French . I n othe r words, a Negre i s a perso n withou t a sou l an d a mind ; a dirt y person ; the opposit e o f a White person , o f a human being . Fo r Sartre , Negritud e derives its authenticity fro m th e unhinging o f the word Negre fro m thes e traditional connotation s i n the French language ; from th e destabilizatio n of the meanings embedded i n the roots of the concept; from it s revelation that "ther e i s a secre t Blacknes s i n white , a secre t whitenes s i n Black , a vivid flickering o f bein g an d o f nonbeing. " Sartre define s Negritud e a s a n operativ e powe r o f negation , a n antiracist racism , whic h unite s Blac k peopl e i n thei r comba t t o reclai m their humanity . H e finds i n th e poetr y o f Aim e Cesaire , Senghor , Leo n Gontran Damas , an d man y other s fro m th e Frenc h Wes t Indie s an d Francophone Africa , a n authenti c ela n drive n b y a ne w meanin g o f Blackness; a n existentialis t affirmatio n liberate d fro m fixed an d atavisti c connotations i n th e Frenc h imaginary ; a n obsessiv e energ y sendin g th e Black poet s afte r thei r Negritude . Sartr e i s reminde d o f Orpheus' s de scent int o Hel l t o rescu e Eurydice . Th e Blac k poet , too , wil l leav e n o stone unturned , wil l revers e th e meanin g o f ever y Frenc h wor d tha t ha s contributed t o hi s subjugation , an d rescu e hi s Negritud e wit h positiv e values. Sartre sees another analog y i n the manner i n which the Negritud e poets defamiliariz e th e Frenc h language : t o Prometheu s stealin g th e fire, symbol o f knowledge , fro m Zeus . Thi s lead s th e Frenc h maste r t o de clare Negritud e a poesie engagee, "th e sol e grea t revolutionar y poetry " in French a t that time . 291

MONIQUE GUILLORY At first, Sartre' s celebratio n o f Negritude' s racia l essentialis m doe s not see m t o allo w roo m fo r criticism . Lik e th e poets , h e sing s th e African's closenes s t o nature ; h e speak s o f th e syntheti c Africa n versu s the analyti c European , th e capacit y o f Blac k peopl e t o displa y emotio n against th e col d rationalit y o f White people , an d th e African' s blameles s role i n moder n history' s catalo g o f genocide , fascism , an d racism . Fo r Sartre, th e White worke r i s incapable o f producin g goo d poetr y becaus e he ha s bee n contaminate d b y hi s objectiv e an d technica l surroundings . The Blac k man , o n the othe r hand , i s subjective an d therefor e authentic ; his poetr y i s evangelical ; th e Blac k man , a s Sartr e put s it , "remain s th e great mal e o f th e earth , th e world' s sperm. " Th e Negritud e tha t Sartr e describes her e resemble s tha t o f Cheik h Ant a Dio p an d Senghor , wh o believe that Blac k peopl e liv e in a symbioti c relatio n wit h nature , unlik e white peopl e who dominat e an d destro y thei r environment . But Sartr e i s no t conten t t o defin e Negritud e a s onl y a n antiracis t racism unitin g people around rac e consciousness t o combat Frenc h colo nialism, paternalism , an d imperialism . H e als o see s Negritud e a s a be coming, a transcendenc e o f Blacknes s int o a futur e universalism . Fo r Sartre, ther e ar e tw o way s o f constructin g racia l concepts , on e interna l and th e othe r external . Thos e wh o internaliz e thei r Negritud e an d mak e of i t a n irreducibl e differenc e ar e mobilize d b y the desir e t o constitut e a unique histor y an d t o shiel d themselve s fro m outsid e contamination . They ar e traditionalists . O n th e othe r hand , ther e i s th e vanguar d tha t deploys Blacknes s a s an antiracis t racism , o r use s racial consciousness a s a socia l movement, becaus e it "desire s the abolition o f all kinds o f ethni c privileges; solidarit y wit h th e oppresse d o f ever y color. " Here , Sartr e anticipates th e Blacknes s o f C . L . R . James , wh o discovere d tha t Blac k unity coincide d wit h th e ques t fo r liberty , fraternity , an d equality , th e central theme s o f th e Frenc h Revolutio n tha t Toussain t L'Ouvertur e appropriated fo r Haiti ; of Cesaire, who wrote Discourse on Colonialism; and o f Frant z Fanon , wh o state d tha t " a natio n whic h undertake s a liberation struggl e rarely condone s racism. " Sartre, too, see s the ideal o f the French Revolutio n i n Negritude : The Black contribution t o the evolutio n o f Humanit y i s no longe r savor , taste, rhythm, authenticity, a bouquet o f primitive instincts ; it is a dated enterprise , a long-suffering constructio n an d also a future. Previously , the Black man claimed his place in the sun in the name of ethnic qualities; now, he establishes his right to life on his mission; and this mission, like the proletariat's, comes to him fro m 292

From This Ivory Tower his historica l position : becaus e h e ha s suffere d fro m capitalisti c exploitatio n more than al l the others, he has acquired a sense of revolt an d a love of liberty more than al l the others . And becaus e h e is the mos t oppressed , h e necessarily pursues the liberation of all, when he works for his own deliverance. Black Orpheus provoke d th e ideologica l division s i n m y clas s t o come t o th e surface . Ther e wer e thos e wh o fel t invigorate d b y Sartre' s call fo r a commo n struggl e fo r a universa l humanism . The y agree d with Sartr e tha t Negritud e wa s abou t clas s struggle , tha t racis m an d colonialism themselve s wer e condition s o f clas s antagonism . Other s fel t that thi s movement towar d th e universal was preventing the Black strug gle fro m definin g it s ow n agend a fo r freedo m an d recognition ; the y fel t that Sartr e was dilutin g th e meaning o f Negritude . I asked th e clas s t o thin k seriousl y abou t th e passag e quote d above , and t o pu t int o brackets , i n a Husserlia n sense , th e word s "i t i s a date d enterprise, a long-sufferin g constructio n an d als o a future. " Wit h thes e words, I felt that Sartr e had historicize d Negritud e int o a grand narrativ e and conferre d upo n i t the sam e mission a s Christianit y o r Marxism , tw o of the mos t importan t teleologica l socia l movements o f moder n history . Negritude's Utopi a call s fo r a societ y withou t racis m an d clas s divi sion. Sartr e place d hi s hop e o n Negritude , whic h h e believe d woul d create th e societ y tha t Europ e faile d t o realiz e a t th e en d o f th e Secon d World War . Richar d Wrigh t als o believe d tha t European s ha d aban doned th e spiri t o f modernit y b y refusin g t o giv e u p racis m an d xeno phobia. Wha t bette r peopl e tha n Blacks , therefore , wh o hav e know n racism an d suffering , t o charg e wit h th e missio n o f endin g th e evil s o f humanity an d bringin g th e gran d narrativ e t o closure ? Negritud e con tains th e romanti c idea s tha t th e oppresse d woul d no t persecut e thei r brothers an d sister s becaus e the y kne w ho w i t fel t t o b e oppressed ; tha t the exclude d woul d kno w th e meanin g o f ostracism ; an d tha t thos e wh o suffered th e pogrom s woul d teac h th e worl d t o love . Confiden t tha t decolonization wa s th e mos t importan t revolutio n o f th e las t hal f o f th e twentieth century , th e Negritud e poet s woul d identif y wit h suffering , a s Christ did , i n orde r t o en d al l suffering . I feel tha t thi s Sartrea n vie w i s worth pursuin g i n Pan-Africanism ; i t universalizes Blac k struggl e b y positin g Afric a an d othe r continent s involved i n th e fight agains t colonialis m an d racis m a s th e futur e o f the world . Negritud e an d othe r decolonizin g movements , befor e bein g coopted b y th e Col d Wa r an d force d t o alig n themselve s wit h NAT O o r 293

MONIQUE GUILLORY the Sovie t Bloc, held the promise o f the world renewal : Black and Brow n people would hav e th e righ t t o shap e thei r ow n destinies ; an d th e Whit e people woul d ri d themselve s o f th e guil t accumulate d throug h centurie s of racis m an d paternalism . Modernit y woul d b e finally fulfillin g it s tru e mission i n the Habermasia n sense : to g o beyon d th e visibl e differenc e o f skin colo r an d sav e humanity fro m obscurantis m an d oppression . Suddenly, thi s change s th e goa l o f Negritud e int o somethin g large r than th e Blac k poet s wh o invente d it . Negritud e wil l no t b e limite d t o Africa an d turne d inwar d int o a narcissistic contemplatio n o f th e self, o r fixed a s a blindin g determinis m o f ski n color . It s poet s wil l seiz e th e leaven o f lif e awa y fro m thos e who hat e an d exploit , i n order t o provid e energy t o thos e i n nee d o f freedo m an d emancipation . Th e missio n o f Negritude i s no w universa l freedom , whic h encompasse s no t onl y th e colonized subject s o f Afric a an d th e Caribbean , bu t als o th e exploite d working classe s o f Europe , America , an d Asia . Clearly , th e struggl e fo r Black right s in Negritude coincide s with Sartre' s Marxia n analysi s o f th e condition o f th e workin g clas s i n France , an d wit h th e Civi l Right s Movement i n America . Th e rol e o f th e Blac k poet , lik e tha t o f a demi urge, i s t o creat e a ne w ma n an d ne w woma n i n a ne w world , an d no t to ghettoiz e th e muse . I n hi s pathbreakin g book , The Wretched of the Earth; Fanon , a youn g write r comin g ou t o f th e Negritud e movement , was th e first t o agre e wit h Sartr e an d t o declar e th e pitfall s o f racia l identification "th e unconditiona l affirmatio n o f Africa n cultur e ha s suc ceeded th e unconditiona l affirmatio n o f Europea n culture. " I wante d m y student s t o kno w wha t thi s mean t t o som e o f u s growing u p in Africa i n the 1950 s an d 1960s . The ide a tha t Negritud e i s bigger eve n than Africa , tha t w e were part o f a n international movemen t that hel d th e promis e o f universa l emancipation , tha t ou r destin y coin cided wit h th e universa l freedo m o f worker s an d colonize d peopl e worldwide, gav e u s a bigge r an d mor e importan t identit y tha n th e one s available t o u s unti l the n throug h kinship , ethnicity , an d race . I t fel t good t o b e i n tun e no t onl y wit h Sartr e himself , bu t wit h suc h world renowned revolutionarie s a s Kar l Marx , Leo n Trotsky , Alber t Camus , Andre Malraux , Fide l Castro , Angel a Davis , Ma o Tse-Tung , Marti n Luther Kin g Jr., Nelso n Mandela , an d Frant z Fanon . Th e awarenes s o f our ne w historica l missio n free d u s from wha t w e thought the n wer e th e archaic identitie s o f ou r father s an d thei r religiou s entrapments ; free d u s from rac e an d mad e u s n o longe r afrai d o f th e whitenes s o f Frenc h identity. To now b e labeled th e savior s o f humanity , whe n jus t yesterda y 294

From This Ivory Tower we wer e colonize d an d despise d b y th e world , gav e u s a feelin g o f righteousness tha t bre d contemp t fo r capitalism , racialis m o f al l origins , and tribalism . I n fact , th e universalis m propose d b y Sartr e becam e fo r some o f u s a ne w wa y o f bein g radicall y chic , o f jumpin g int o a ne w identity i n orde r no t t o dea l wit h race , whic h wa s no t mentione d excep t during discussion s o f racism . I t wa s no t unti l th e mid-sixties , whe n w e became sufficientl y immerse d i n Blac k America n popula r culture , tha t race reappeared a s a significant elemen t o f culture . Ironically, thi s awarenes s o f commo n struggle , o f th e worldwid e demand fo r huma n right s fro m Whit e supremacist s an d capitalists , seems to take away Negritude's first claim to authenticity an d singularity . As some student s i n the clas s pointed out , i t may no t b e possible t o tak e everyone i n th e directio n tha t Sartr e i s takin g Negritude . Th e desir e t o appear universa l ma y caus e Negritud e t o forge t o r ignor e som e o f it s constituent elements , an d therefor e t o disintegrate . Th e student s wer e concerned abou t Sartr e settin g th e agend a fo r th e Negritud e poets , a White ma n tellin g the m wha t t o d o an d ho w t o d o i t an d therefor e diluting th e radical idea s i n the movement . It i s true i n thi s sens e tha t Negritud e i s primarily a poetr y b y Blac k people abou t Blac k people . I t i s als o tru e tha t ever y movemen t ha s it s own interna l coherence , whic h i s kept aliv e b y the specifi c wa y i n whic h the movemen t set s it s element s int o motio n an d maintain s a specifi c relation betwee n them . Thi s autonom y impart s t o a movemen t lik e Negritude it s singularity , enable s i t t o shin e amon g othe r movements , and eve n t o b e admire d an d imitate d b y them . On e risk s renderin g invisible these constitutive part s b y emphasizing to o quickl y the similari ties betwee n Negritud e an d th e proletaria n movement s aroun d th e world. But, I asked th e class , i s the movemen t towar d th e particula r neces sarily a mov e awa y fro m th e universal ? Or , t o pu t i t i n anothe r way , i s the movemen t towar d th e universa l a sellin g ou t o f Blac k culture ? M y own answe r i s n o i n bot h cases . Whe n th e particula r i s successful , it s central theme s begi n t o illuminat e othe r struggle s an d creativ e projects . And conversely , whe n th e universa l i s trul y universal , i t take s awa y from th e particula r th e nee d fo r resistanc e an d ghettoizatio n an d bring s freedom t o th e element s tha t use d t o constitut e th e particular . Thi s i s what Sartr e see s i n Negritude , a movemen t h e think s i s capabl e o f shedding a ne w ligh t o n th e meaning s o f freedom , love , an d universa l beauty. Th e ligh t comin g fro m Afric a an d fro m Blac k poets , visibl e 295

MONIQUE GUILLORY enough t o influenc e liberatio n struggle s elsewher e an d releas e energie s in other part s o f th e world agains t racis m an d exploitation , i s what consti tutes th e universalit y o f Negritude . I t i s important , therefore , t o distin guish Negritud e fro m it s emanations . Th e universalit y o f a thin g i s no t the thin g itself—i t i s wha t th e thin g reveal s o r teache s t o others ; i t i s external t o th e thin g itself . Sartr e emphasize s tha t whic h i s externa l t o Negritude: th e Blac k poet' s gif t t o th e world ; i n othe r words , th e lesso n of freedom . Some of my students sai d that Sartre' s universalis m wa s Eurocentric ; his sources—Orpheus , Prometheus , th e Bible , the proletariat—wer e al l from a European scholasti c tradition , no t fro m Egyptia n o r ancien t sub Sahara Africa n sources . It did not grant th e Negritude poet s time enoug h to diges t wha t thei r Blacknes s mean t t o the m an d wha t the y wante d t o do wit h it . Ye t Negritude , a s par t o f decolonization , wa s importan t because, fo r th e first time , i t enable d Blac k peopl e i n Franc e t o asser t themselves i n th e political , psychological , an d artisti c spheres . Thi s would late r lea d t o th e independenc e o f severa l Africa n countrie s wit h Negritude writer s amon g th e head s o f state . Negritud e enable d African s and Wes t Indians , fo r th e first time , t o deplo y Blacknes s a s a positiv e concept o f modernization: b e proud o f your ancestry , discover the beaut y of Blackness , an d le t Negritud e unit e yo u agains t colonialism . I t i s because th e Negritud e poet s turne d inwar d t o becom e consciou s o f their ow n historica l situatio n tha t the y discovere d a trut h bigge r tha n themselves; i t i s becaus e the y san g thei r lov e son g fro m withi n thi s specificity tha t i t shone an d inspire d othe r liberatio n songs . It wa s the n tim e fo r m e t o mak e a n argumen t exposin g certai n ethnocentric definition s o f universalism . I explaine d t o th e clas s tha t I understood th e nee d t o celebrat e Negritud e o n th e groun d o f particular ism. I mysel f migh t no t hav e bee n thei r teache r today , ha d i t no t bee n for th e nationalism o f the Negritude poets . M y generatio n wa s draw n t o Negritude becaus e o f it s promis e t o mak e u s equa l t o Whit e people , t o lift u s abov e th e trib e an d th e clan , an d t o provid e u s wit h ou r ow n nations. Man y o f th e childre n o f m y generation , overlooke d b y th e colonial system , onl y wen t t o schoo l an d learne d t o rea d an d writ e because o f Negritud e an d independence . I t i s i n thi s sens e tha t w e sa y that Negritud e invente d us , taugh t u s ho w t o thin k i n a particularl y modern way , an d pu t u s insid e history . I t i s easie r t o as k thos e wh o would hav e know n modernit y withou t Negritud e t o forge t abou t i t tha n to deman d thos e o f u s who ow e our modernit y t o Negritude t o abando n 296

From This Ivory Tower it fo r th e universal . A s Sartr e himsel f put s it , "Th e colore d man — and h e alone—ca n b e aske d t o renounc e th e prid e o f hi s color. " Th e universalist tendenc y carrie s wit h it , an d agains t th e separatis t tendency , a threa t o f destructio n o f identity , a shif t o f priority , a n aggressiv e attitude tha t lead s the separatis t t o fee l anxiet y ove r bein g cast asid e an d neglected. It i s important t o remembe r agai n tha t th e universa l i s always a gif t or a revelation t o the world. The modes o f actualizatio n o f this gift lead , under certai n socia l conditions , t o control , resistance , o r disempow erment. Firs t o f all , th e universa l ma y tak e o n particularis t o r racis t features wheneve r people , i n orde r t o contro l it , choos e a selectiv e wa y of dissemination . Cesair e wa s righ t i n callin g th e colonia l experienc e i n Africa a controlled gif t system , becaus e i t was willin g onl y t o selectivel y educate an d t o partiall y Christianiz e th e nativ e African s an d wa s neve r interested i n lettin g peopl e tak e ful l advantag e o f th e universa l potentia l of educatio n an d Christianity . Bu t a gift mus t b e total i n orde r t o hav e a positive cultura l significance . Today, peopl e stil l giv e selectively , an d ther e remain s a n essentialis t tendency tha t link s Whitenes s t o suc h universa l practice s a s scientifi c inquiries an d classica l music . Fo r example , th e reluctanc e t o giv e gener ously o r le t g o o f thing s lead s som e scholar s t o kee p referrin g t o th e novel a s a Wester n narrativ e form , a s oppose d t o a for m invente d i n Europe a t a particular momen t i n history. Clearly , to write a novel toda y one doe s no t hav e t o b e European o r agre e with a European wa y o f life . A parsimoniou s gif t syste m color s ou r visio n o f Americ a itself , whos e civilization i s calle d "Western. " Bu t notwithstandin g th e presenc e o f Americans o f Europea n descen t an d th e developmen t o f certai n idea s and practice s tha t originate d i n Europe , th e fac t remain s tha t th e identi ties o f American s derive d a s muc h fro m a fligh t fro m Europ e an d it s monarchist, Victorian , an d religiou s culture s a s fro m Afric a an d Asia ; America i s not culturall y interchangeabl e wit h Europe , jus t a s i t canno t be with Afric a an d Asia . Interestingly enough , th e referenc e t o America' s Wester n identit y is n o mor e tha n th e Europea n Americans ' desir e t o inser t themselve s permanently i n th e ver y imag e o f Americannes s an d t o maintai n th e power t o reproduc e themselve s a s th e idea l an d universa l Americans . This typ e o f essentialis m remain s a proble m a s peopl e continu e t o la y claim t o certai n universa l element s discovere d b y thei r ancestor s a t a particular tim e i n history ; obviousl y the y ar e stil l suffering fro m a sepa 297

MONIQUE GUILLORY ration anxiety . Th e mishandlin g o f th e los s o f a countr y o f origi n an d the psychologica l spli t engendere d b y the fligh t fro m Europ e t o Americ a leads to a denial o f new American identities , to a permanent misrecogni tion o f thes e ne w identitie s a s purel y Western , an d consequentl y t o racism an d xenophobia . The desir e t o contro l th e universa l elemen t i n Negritude , o r t o giv e selectively, haunt s als o som e Blac k peopl e i n Afric a an d th e diaspora . Here, though , socia l agent s ar e face d wit h a differen t proble m because , unlike th e Europea n American s wh o posses s the mean s o f disseminatin g what i s universa l an d o f exercisin g contro l ove r it s deployment , the y have n o mechanis m o f distributin g thei r Negritud e i n th e publi c spher e and therefor e ar e unabl e t o contro l it s definitio n universally . Face d wit h the deart h o f political , cultural , an d scientifi c resource s wit h whic h t o position audience s fo r thei r categor y o f th e universal , Blac k peopl e wh o cannot stimulat e o r impos e realit y throug h thei r representation s rel y either o n Euromodernism s suc h a s Marxis m o r Christianit y t o defin e their Negritud e o r retrea t int o narro w particularis m an d resistance . For example , Afrocentrist s resor t t o th e binar y oppositio n schemat a o f Euromodernism, whic h freez e int o a n eterna l antagonis m Blac k an d White, good an d evil , sedentary an d nomadic , su n people and ic e people, as a mode o f definin g thei r Negritude . Th e proponent s o f ethnophiloso phy i n Africa , o n th e othe r hand , posi t triba l religions , ora l traditions , and drumolog y a s the basi s for identit y formatio n an d rationalizatio n o f their Negritude . Clearly , socia l agent s ca n b e pushe d t o retrea t int o th e comfort zon e o f identit y politic s becaus e o f lac k o f acces s t o th e tool s necessary fo r th e distributio n o f universa l idea s an d objects , th e wid e commercial disseminatio n b y other s o f wha t the y perceiv e a s thei r cul ture, o r th e continue d absenc e o f thei r image s i n wha t i s perceive d a s universal. Bu t suc h resistanc e movement s ris k deviatin g fro m th e ver y modernity tha t reveale d itsel f t o the m i n th e Negritud e poets ' struggl e for liberation . In contemporar y debate s o n universalism , i t i s eas y t o se e tha t people wh o refut e th e existenc e o f rac e o n biologica l an d cultura l grounds ar e amon g th e sam e group s tha t den y th e larg e majorit y o f Blacks acces s t o th e political , economic , an d cultura l mean s tha t wil l enable the m t o mov e beyon d th e simpl e determinis m o f color . I t i s increasingly easie r t o poin t t o th e homophobia, sexism , an d xenophobi a in group s tha t espous e particularism , an d harde r fo r publi c intellectual s to tr y t o provid e suc h group s wit h acces s t o th e economi c an d politica l 298

From This Ivory Tower means tha t caus e White male s t o becom e les s xenophobic, homophobic , and sexist . Currently , Whit e mal e contro l ove r th e definitio n o f wha t is universal , beautiful , an d rationa l als o exclude s particularist s fro m discursive spaces . Write r an d criti c Ishmae l Ree d i s righ t t o refe r t o English department s a s Whit e ethni c studie s because , lik e blac k an d Chicano studie s departments , Englis h department s refus e t o democratiz e the aestheti c criteri a tha t giv e othe r literature s acces s t o thei r list s o f great books . On e canno t continu e t o defen d th e clai m fo r th e universal ity o f ar t whil e resistin g a t th e sam e tim e th e universalizatio n o f acces s to th e socia l an d economi c condition s tha t produc e a taste fo r art . On th e las t da y o f class , I brough t u p Sartre' s Black Orpheus agai n and aske d th e student s i f the y though t i t ha d a plac e i n a clas s o n Pan Africanism. Th e debat e wa s a s animate d a s th e first da y o f class . Mos t students ha d no t bee n swaye d fro m thei r origina l positions , bu t the y were mor e friendl y thi s time . I was no t surprised . A s a teacher, I see m y role a s a facilitator ; i n othe r words , I wante d t o provid e student s wit h enough argument s t o defen d whateve r positio n the y chos e t o occupy . There wa s on e brigh t momen t fo r m e i n al l o f this . On e studen t con fessed tha t sh e too k th e clas s becaus e o f th e authenti c soun d o f m y African name . Al l th e course s o n Blac k peopl e an d Afric a wer e taugh t by White professors . Sh e did no t trus t them . Sh e wanted t o stud y wit h a real Africa n an d se e what i t was like . "And? " I asked impatiently . "Oh ! Now I kno w tha t whit e peopl e ar e no t al l th e same , jus t a s al l Blac k people ar e no t th e same . Wit h mor e Blac k professor s lik e yo u around , I no longe r fee l mistrus t o f Whit e professor s an d thei r knowledg e o f Africa; an d I am gla d tha t yo u mad e u s read Sartre. "

Act Two: Summaries of Roundtable Discussions by Houston A* Baker Jrv Phillip B. Harper , Trudier Harris, and Tricia Rose HOUSTON A * BAKE R JR .

Since th e reflection s tha t follo w ar e mean t t o serv e a s bot h shelterin g reflections an d a s a serie s o f storie s withi n stories , wha t bette r sig n tha n imbrication t o cove r th e whole . Ther e ar e myria d poststructuralis t use s of th e ter m imbrication, bu t I wan t t o us e i t i n a rathe r litera l sense . Imbrication, simply , mean s layerin g o r overlapping , a s wit h th e tile s o n a roof . Remov e on e til e an d yo u hav e a seriou s leak , o r a n entirel y 299

From This Ivory Tower means tha t caus e White male s t o becom e les s xenophobic, homophobic , and sexist . Currently , Whit e mal e contro l ove r th e definitio n o f wha t is universal , beautiful , an d rationa l als o exclude s particularist s fro m discursive spaces . Write r an d criti c Ishmae l Ree d i s righ t t o refe r t o English department s a s Whit e ethni c studie s because , lik e blac k an d Chicano studie s departments , Englis h department s refus e t o democratiz e the aestheti c criteri a tha t giv e othe r literature s acces s t o thei r list s o f great books . On e canno t continu e t o defen d th e clai m fo r th e universal ity o f ar t whil e resistin g a t th e sam e tim e th e universalizatio n o f acces s to th e socia l an d economi c condition s tha t produc e a taste fo r art . On th e las t da y o f class , I brough t u p Sartre' s Black Orpheus agai n and aske d th e student s i f the y though t i t ha d a plac e i n a clas s o n Pan Africanism. Th e debat e wa s a s animate d a s th e first da y o f class . Mos t students ha d no t bee n swaye d fro m thei r origina l positions , bu t the y were mor e friendl y thi s time . I was no t surprised . A s a teacher, I see m y role a s a facilitator ; i n othe r words , I wante d t o provid e student s wit h enough argument s t o defen d whateve r positio n the y chos e t o occupy . There wa s on e brigh t momen t fo r m e i n al l o f this . On e studen t con fessed tha t sh e too k th e clas s becaus e o f th e authenti c soun d o f m y African name . Al l th e course s o n Blac k peopl e an d Afric a wer e taugh t by White professors . Sh e did no t trus t them . Sh e wanted t o stud y wit h a real Africa n an d se e what i t was like . "And? " I asked impatiently . "Oh ! Now I kno w tha t whit e peopl e ar e no t al l th e same , jus t a s al l Blac k people ar e no t th e same . Wit h mor e Blac k professor s lik e yo u around , I no longe r fee l mistrus t o f Whit e professor s an d thei r knowledg e o f Africa; an d I am gla d tha t yo u mad e u s read Sartre. "

Act Two: Summaries of Roundtable Discussions by Houston A* Baker Jrv Phillip B. Harper , Trudier Harris, and Tricia Rose HOUSTON A * BAKE R JR .

Since th e reflection s tha t follo w ar e mean t t o serv e a s bot h shelterin g reflections an d a s a serie s o f storie s withi n stories , wha t bette r sig n tha n imbrication t o cove r th e whole . Ther e ar e myria d poststructuralis t use s of th e ter m imbrication, bu t I wan t t o us e i t i n a rathe r litera l sense . Imbrication, simply , mean s layerin g o r overlapping , a s wit h th e tile s o n a roof . Remov e on e til e an d yo u hav e a seriou s leak , o r a n entirel y 299

MONIQUE GUILLORY different story . I n wha t follow s I briefl y sugges t th e imbricatio n o r roofing o f a built environment calle d "Blac k Studies. " Ther e are so many layerings i n th e presen t conservativ e climat e o f th e Unite d State s tha t perhaps th e onl y wa y t o procee d i s b y suc h larg e framing s a s th e fol lowing. Academically, Blac k Studie s ma y b e seen as an empiricis t outgrowt h of the "Negr o History " movement . I mean thi s onl y in the sens e that th e word study mark s a particular , publi c spac e o f Negr o schooling . Whether mos t o f u s knew hi s name o r not , Carte r G . Woodson wa s wh o we wer e experiencin g i n thos e meagerl y resourced , bu t nevertheles s committed, Negr o Histor y week s o f ou r youths . W e saw the blackboar d decor fro m las t yea r com e ou t again , an d w e recite d th e mantr a o f Negro contribution s t o America: from Georg e Carver' s peanuts t o Ralp h Bunche's Nobe l Prize . O f course , W . E. B. Du Boi s an d man y thousand s gone, fro m Joh n Russwur m an d Well s Brow n t o Wilmo t Blyde n an d Anna Juli a Cooper , hav e mad e a conceptua l clai m upo n u s with respec t to Black Studies. Aware of "race " a s the great seismic divide of America n life, thes e conceptualist s offere d sometime s panoramic—sometime s merely Pan-Africanist—schemat a an d prolegomen a fo r rethinking , re writing, an d revisionin g relation s o f "race " i n th e Unite d States . I f Woodson wa s a n empiricis t believe r i n th e "contributions " an d archive s school, D u Boi s an d company , a s conceptualists , wer e surrounde d al ways b y an aur a o f idealis m (eve n in their sometime s darkes t hours ) tha t seemed t o reflec t a sens e o f convergen t interests . Blac k an d Whit e to gether i n America; the heady prospect o f a better (shal l we say "hybrid" ) life ahead . Muc h o f thi s ha d t o do , I think, wit h th e publi c spac e o f th e schools, with access to and master y o f certain form s o f scholarly address , and with certain strenuou s wrestlings with a t least two key queries. First , "What matte r wh o speaks? " And , i n tandem , "T o who m an d wit h whom doe s on e speak? " Whil e a sometime s (t o b e charitable ) acerbi c Woodson cam e increasingl y t o mar k ou t a publi c spac e o f K-1 2 a s th e discursive territor y o f hi s work, D u Boi s an d compan y seeme d dramati cally mor e divide d i n thei r articulations . Fro m The Brownies 3 'Book t o Black Reconstruction i s an astronomica l leap . I offer thes e brief remark s a s an overl y general way o f characterizin g some traditiona l Blac k Studie s personne l an d problem s i n th e Unite d States. What I have no t said , o f course , i s that thes e question s o f subjec t position, publi c spher e constructivism , an d audienc e determinatio n ar e as clea r marker s o f "modernity " (i n th e sens e powerfull y suggeste d an d 300

From This Ivory Tower illustrated b y Manthia Diawar a an d a n urban e African a Studie s a t Ne w York University today ) a s one i s likely t o find articulate d i n these Unite d States. Let m e giv e a somewha t to o densel y metaphorica l "jus t so " tale , b y way o f clarification . Severa l week s ago , I ha d th e hono r o f visitin g Tuskegee Universit y t o delive r th e first Ralp h Elliso n Memoria l Lecture . On th e afternoo n o f m y visit , I discovere d thre e things . First , tha t th e whole o f thi s historicall y Blac k universit y i s designate d a s "historical, " and a s suc h i t i s meta - an d macro-manage d b y th e Unite d State s Na tional Park s Service . "Smok y [a s oppose d t o "Jack" ] th e Bea r meet s th e New Negro, " I thought t o myself . Second , I went t o th e Georg e Wash ington Carve r Museum , wher e tha t inventiv e geniu s i s constructe d an d preserved a s a stunnin g exampl e o f th e conversio n t o "aesthetic"— a recognition o f Blac k subsistenc e confinemen t o n somebod y else' s land . Third, unde r th e fierce, clea r (an d possibl y contemptuous ) eye s o f a portrait o f Booke r T . Washington, I lifted a telephone receiver , pushe d a button an d hear d th e recordin g tha t th e grea t B.T.' s so n mad e o f th e famous 189 5 speec h i n Atlanta . I t wa s epiphanic : th e rollin g periods , trilled Rs , sonorou s an d entirel y Standar d Englis h informatio n an d flow. I remembe r learnin g a s a bo y tha t yo u coul d alway s tel l b y someone' s voice o n th e telephon e i f h e o r sh e wa s "Black. " Well , o n tha t receive r in tha t museu m a t Tuskege e ther e wa s n o way—eve n wit h th e inex actness an d skip s o f earl y recordin g technology—t o unequivocall y iden tify thos e Washingtonian period s a s "Black. " Now i f Washingto n was , i n ton e an d timbre , a n empiricist , h e achieved hi s result s throug h a complet e reconceptualizatio n o f wha t "Black" publi c speakin g shoul d soun d like—ho w i t shoul d b e "identi fied." Th e conjuctur e (t o borro w a wor d fro m th e excellen t vocabular y of Stuar t Hall ) tha t Washingto n effecte d betwee n th e conceptual an d th e empiricist i s a marvel o f Tuskegee . But i f i t seem s tha t I hav e emphasize d th e downsid e o f Tuskege e confinement, i t must b e remembered tha t a t the University o f Pennsylva nia, wher e I work, ther e ar e man y man y Blac k student s wh o hav e neve r ventured int o th e W . E. B . Du Boi s residenc e wit h th e fixed intentio n o f surveying th e histor y o f "Black " struggl e permanentl y displaye d o n th e walls o f tha t building . Suc h student s hav e n o concep t o r empirica l evidence o f wher e the y are . Jack th e Bea r ha s the m happil y i n a hol e o f his devising . On e als o suspect s ther e ar e man y man y Blac k student s a t fair Harvar d wh o d o no t eve n recogniz e th e habitationa l an d locativ e 301

MONIQUE GUILLORY imbrications o f 7 7 Dunster Street . They ar e i n a public hole , rather tha n articulate t o th e publi c a s a whole . Whic h cohor t o f th e young , Black , restless, an d talente d a t th e Universit y o f Michiga n coul d recit e th e resume o f Harold Crus e and position hi m on an empirical or conceptual ist continuum ? Unde r whic h Kent e clot h bunting s d o th e youn g a t Temple com e t o understan d th e deepl y colonialist , fundamentalist , an d religio-visionary "acre s o f diamonds " foundatio n o n whic h thei r pro gram subsists ? Question: Wer e thos e Washingtonia n period s o f th e Atlant a speec h merely Blac k sermoni c orator y turne d t o publi c servic e account ? I don' t think so . There i s something fa r mor e deepl y interfuse d i n thos e accent s than simpl y greet s th e ear . Ou r Blac k Studie s graduat e aspirants—n o matter wher e the y ar e situate d (HB U o r HWI)—mus t begi n t o infe r a t least four point s fro m th e foregoin g reflections . 1. Alway s mak e ideologica l map s o f th e broa d disciplinar y field yo u choose t o pursue . Kno w ho w t o distinguis h th e empiricist s fro m th e conceptualists an d wha t i s entailed b y the program o f eac h camp . 2. Remembe r th e metonymi c relationship s t o urba n "modernity " o f the sig n "Blackness. " Th e notion s o f subject , identity , progress , an d technology ar e al l dramaticall y revise d o r extende d unde r th e sig n o f urban an d internationa l "Blackness. " 3. Mak e an d kee p a n ideologica l ma p o f you r ow n hom e institution . Make sur e i t is not a "them e park " an d you , it s chief exhibit . Kee p a good log , record , an d journal . Hol d ont o har d copy . D o thi s o n a daily basis . 4. Al l o f th e foregoin g point s han g i n th e balanc e o n you r abilit y t o "read." Bu t th e notio n o f "reading " signifie s fo r m e a performativ e interpretiveness. I t implie s a n active , comprehensiv e takin g o f text s and metatexts . Readin g an d critica l memor y elid e i n th e emergenc e of what I call the Activist Intellectual . Back i n th e day , i n the 1960s , som e o f u s bega n tryin g t o construct , perceive, learn , an d creat e strategie s enablin g u s t o hee d th e wisdo m o f a four-poin t pla n fo r Blac k Studie s advancement . W e made mistakes , t o be sure . Bu t a numbe r o f u s ar e stil l tryin g bot h t o find interpretation s and activel y t o perfor m them—outsid e o f academi c them e park s o f confinement. W e ar e lookin g fo r ou r ow n peculia r imbrication s befor e we begi n pointlessl y t o d o nothin g bu t shout : "Th e roof , th e roof , th e 302

From This Ivory Tower roof i s o n fire! " Blac k Studie s ha s alway s bee n a remarkabl y resilien t and infinitel y adaptabl e publi c enterprise . It s successfu l futur e resides , precisely, in its graduates' abilitie s t o gras p it s imbrications . PHILLIP B * HARPE R

There ar e thre e point s tha t ar e primar y i n th e comment s tha t I want t o make. Bu t I gues s I woul d begi n b y talkin g a littl e bi t abou t m y ow n relatively recen t graduat e schoo l experience , a t leas t on e aspec t o f it . As a graduat e student , an d eve n no w t o som e extent , I ver y strenuousl y resisted bein g pegge d a s a n African-Americanist . An d I still d o tha t t o a large degre e eve n thoug h I talk almos t exclusivel y abou t African-Ameri can cultur e i n my work. Bu t I want t o mak e i t very clear t o peopl e tha t I really se e mysel f a s someon e whos e field o f i s twentieth-centur y U.S . literature an d culture . I t jus t s o happen s tha t n o matte r wher e I look a t U.S. culture, I see Black people . An d that' s wh y m y wor k look s th e wa y it looks . Bu t it' s als o wha t make s me , quintessentially , a schola r an d critic o f twentieth-centur y U.S . literatur e an d cultur e Tha t i s t o say , given th e racia l politic s tha t hav e s o intensel y informe d U.S . culture , I don't se e ho w yo u ca n ge t aroun d dealin g wit h Blac k folk s an d thei r history i f yo u wan t t o tal k abou t U.S . cultur e a t al l i n an y o f it s guises . So I'v e ver y strenuousl y resiste d bein g pigeonhole d fo r thos e reasons . That wa s goo d fo r m e becaus e i t mean t tha t i f I wante d t o liv e u p t o my rhetori c abou t specializin g specificall y i n twentieth-centur y literar y cultural studies , the n I really ha d t o mak e i t m y busines s t o establis h a s solid a foundatio n a s I coul d i n th e tool s o f tha t calling . An d I stil l think tha t tha t i s a reall y importan t thin g t o do . I t seem s absolutel y o f paramount importanc e t o m e tha t I familiariz e mysel f a s extensivel y a s possible wit h th e tool s undertake n b y literary critic s becaus e that' s wha t I am, an d I didn't hav e an y problems sayin g that's wha t I am. And i f I' m going t o b e that , the n I' m goin g t o hav e t o figure ou t ho w yo u d o that . And i f I want t o figure ou t ho w d o that , the n I' m goin g t o hav e t o lear n the tool s o f th e trade . An d I sa y thi s no t a s a wa y o f speakin g agains t interdisciplinarity, becaus e I believ e ver y strongl y i n interdisciplinarity . But interdisciplinarit y implie s disciplin e t o som e degree , an d wha t yo u do wit h tha t disciplin e i s ope n t o question . Bu t tha t i s no t t o sa y yo u throw ou t disciplin e o r discipline s necessarily . Thi s strateg y ha s serve d me comparativel y well , an d it' s somethin g tha t I d o tr y t o counse l current graduat e student s t o tak e seriously , a t leas t a s an option . 303

MONIQUE GUILLORY I thin k ther e ar e a lo t o f differen t possibilitie s fo r ho w yo u ca n sel l yourself i n thi s business . Bu t I d o encourag e peopl e t o a t leas t tr y t o consider learnin g a discipline thoroughly a s an option—th e strateg y tha t I jus t outlined . That' s relate d t o th e secon d poin t tha t I wan t t o make , picking u p o n a subjec t tha t Housto n spok e about—imbrication—an d thinking abou t i t i n differen t terms . I n m y ow n work , I a m les s con cerned wit h th e delineatio n o f African-America n cultura l tradition s be cause tha t seem s to m e to b e self-evident—ther e i s such a thing—than I am i n th e expositio n o f ho w thos e tradition s ar e thoroughl y implicate d in wha t w e thin k o f a s U.S . culture . Now , thi s i s relate d t o wha t I sai d earlier abou t no t wantin g t o b e pegge d a s a n African-Americanis t fo r reasons that hav e to do with the baggage generally attache d t o that term . Being tagge d a s suc h set s limits , no t necessaril y o n one' s wor k bu t o n one's abilit y t o operat e withi n th e academy . Thi s i s a concer n tha t really ha s t o b e take n seriousl y b y peopl e o f variou s identifications , bu t certainly peopl e i n racia l minorities . Ho w yo u ar e positione d t o operat e in th e contex t o f th e academy , i f yo u decid e tha t that' s wher e yo u wan t to operate , i s a crucia l questio n fo r al l o f u s t o conside r continuously . For m y ow n part , i t has bee n generall y helpfu l t o situat e m y intellectua l work i n suc h a wa y tha t wha t I' m dealin g wit h ar e th e imbrication s o f African-American cultur e withi n th e context o f the U.S . Finally, an d thi s a ver y genera l comment , bu t n o les s importan t fo r that fact , i n thinking abou t th e futur e o f African-American studie s in th e academy, I recalled a conversatio n I had wit h Manthi a whic h ha s stuc k with m e becaus e i t seeme d t o m e s o absolutel y right . H e sai d tha t wha t marks African-America n studie s now , wha t ideall y shoul d mar k i t no w and i n the future , i s that i t is characterized b y an absolut e lac k o f fea r t o talk abou t anything , t o thin k abou t anythin g tha t seem s t o bea r upo n our project . I remembe r Manthi a wa s talkin g specificall y abou t ques tions o f gende r politics , sexuality , clas s divisions , s o o n an d s o forth — things I think w e all talk abou t an d thin k about , bu t have not necessaril y always bee n eas y t o tal k abou t an d thin k abou t i n a publi c forum . Fo r us t o reac h a poin t i n th e field wher e w e coul d undertak e tha t kin d o f inquiry withou t betrayin g an y fea r whatsoeve r abou t it—becaus e idea s can't hur t us— I thin k i s a real mar k o f th e maturity o f the field. I would like t o thin k tha t i t i s actually a poin t tha t we'v e reache d b y now . I sor t of use that idea a s my touchstone; t o as k myself a t every turn i s the wor k that I' m doin g a t thi s momen t measurin g u p t o tha t standpoint . Tha t 304

From This Ivory Tower has worke d fo r m e i n th e mos t recen t pas t a s a reall y helpfu l backdro p against whic h t o pursue th e work tha t I' m engage d i n now . TRUDIER HARRI S

I'm goin g t o tal k abou t th e persona l first, an d the n I' m goin g t o tur n t o talk abou t you. Perhaps the most constructive thin g I could sa y about m y ventures into the predominantly White and hallowed hall s of academia i s that i t teache s yo u resilience . Havin g grow n u p i n a n all-Blac k commu nity i n Tuscaloosa , Alabama , m y arriva l a s a graduat e studen t a t th e Ohio Stat e Universit y i n 196 9 wa s somethin g o f a shock . I ha d neve r been aroun d s o man y Whit e peopl e before , an d I ha d neve r ha d m y intellect questione d i n th e wa y i t wa s i n tha t environment . Fro m bein g assigned th e first C I eve r mad e i n a literatur e cours e t o bein g denie d permission t o audit a course, I experienced wha t i t was like to b e rejecte d by som e o f m y professors . Fro m a n environmen t wher e I wa s alway s expected t o b e a t th e to p o f m y class , alway s expecte d t o succeed , I moved int o on e where som e o f my professors perceive d m y success to b e a constan t questio n mark . On e cours e a t Ohi o Stat e le d m e t o d o something I had neve r don e before—sta y u p unti l 2 A.M . working o n a paper. I did tha t t o put th e finishing touche s o n a paper o n Arthu r Hug h Clough's The Ten Decalogues, whic h you'v e probabl y neve r hear d of , only t o discove r tha t i f I ha d staye d u p al l night , ever y night , fo r tw o weeks, i t woul d hav e mad e littl e differenc e t o tha t professor . Whe n h e wrote comment s suc h as , "You r classmate s woul d no t agre e wit h you, " it was clea r tha t h e woul d resor t t o whateve r mean s necessar y t o assur e that m y confidenc e wa s shattere d an d tha t I would no t mak e a respect able grade i n that course . And h e almos t succeeded . Afte r m y encounte r wit h hi m an d wit h another professo r wh o wa s no t appreciabl y different , I decided t o leav e Ohio Stat e afte r m y first yea r a s a graduat e student . Ver y earl y o n th e morning afte r I mad e tha t decision , I received telephon e call s fro m tw o deans askin g m e t o com e b y thei r office s t o tal k abou t th e situation . I received note s fro m professor s wh o though t I had don e wel l an d thos e from who m I ha d earne d As—one s wh o ha d allowe d abilit y t o over shadow race. After man y conferences an d muc h persuasive maneuvering , I was convince d t o remai n i n th e program . An d mos t o f th e tim e now , I remember th e pleasan t thing s abou t Ohi o Stat e rathe r tha n th e trial s 305

MONIQUE GUILLOR Y those thre e insensitiv e professor s pu t i n m y way . Tha t resilienc e wa s repaid i n 199 4 whe n th e chairma n o f Genera l Motor s o f Ohi o an d I became th e first recipient s o f th e Distinguishe d Alumn i Award s no w given annuall y b y the Colleg e o f Humanitie s a t Ohi o State . When I arrive d a t th e Colleg e o f Willia m an d Mar y a s a n assistan t professor i n th e fal l o f 1973—afte r eleve n interview s a t ML A an d tw o job offers— I di d no t exactl y fee l invincible , bu t I di d fee l tha t I coul d handle th e interracia l situatio n a bi t better . I t wa s th e wron g schoo l t o have mad e suc h a choice . Pleas e understand , however , I wa s treate d wonderfully wel l b y mos t o f th e peopl e a t Willia m an d Mary . I received support t o atten d a s man y a s seve n conference s a year , an d I learne d how drin k martini s an d ma i tai s becaus e ther e wer e tw o o r thre e din ner partie s o r reception s t o whic h I was invite d an d becam e th e center piece ever y week . I t use d t o puzzl e me , however , a s t o wh y m y many , many host s an d hostesse s neve r pause d t o conside r tha t maybe , jus t once, they shoul d hav e invite d anothe r Blac k perso n t o jus t on e o f thos e gatherings. My colleagues , mostl y male , cam e i n a numbe r o f politica l an d interactive guises , bu t tw o o f the m I remember vividly . Ever y yea r whe n we wer e evaluate d fo r meri t raise s i n th e department , on e othe r woma n faculty membe r an d I would receiv e th e highes t studen t evaluation s fo r teaching an d consequentl y receive d fairl y decen t meri t raises . Afte r on e such evaluation , whe n thes e two guy s serve d o n the committee, the y me t me i n th e hallwa y afterward s an d commented , "Yo u ha d bette r sto p getting thos e goo d teachin g evaluation s o r we'r e goin g t o brea k bot h o f your legs. " O f cours e thi s wa s sai d wit h broa d smiles , bu t imagin e th e implications o f tha t imagery . I n exchang e fo r soli d teaching , I had t o b e crippled. The y migh t jus t a s wel l hav e said , "Ho w dar e yo u mak e u s look inadequate , yo u littl e upstart , Blac k thin g you . You'r e rockin g th e boat an d i t would b e preferable i f you fel l bac k int o line. " Somehow, I always flunke d fallin g int o lin e a s the y wanted . It' s no t in m y nature , an d it' s no t wha t m y mothe r taugh t u s a s w e gre w u p i n Alabama i n th e 1950 s an d 1960s . An d fallin g i n lin e i s no t a n attribut e of resilience . S o I used t o leav e William an d Mar y ever y tw o month s o r so. I would eithe r atten d a conferenc e o r g o hom e t o Alabam a fo r wha t I calle d m y "spiritua l renewal " becaus e m y famil y an d m y communit y were th e thing s tha t sustaine d m e i n that environment . Goin g hom e wa s essential becaus e ther e wer e n o "livin g mirrors " o n th e Willia m an d Mary campus . O f th e 42 5 facult y member s ther e wer e onl y tw o Blac k 306

From This Ivory Tower folks—me an d a guy fro m Haiti . Imagin e bein g 5 0 percen t o f th e Blac k faculty o n a universit y campus . An d I was th e luck y one . A t leas t I wa s exclusively i n th e Englis h department . The y ha d hi m sprea d ou t ove r French, anthropology , an d politica l science . Attending conference s worke d a s inspirationall y a s goin g home . After eac h outing , I would revis e the pape r an d submi t i t for publicatio n somewhere. Bein g a t William an d Mary , therefore , mad e m e realiz e tha t I ha d t o writ e m y wa y ou t o f tha t environment . No t becaus e peopl e were necessaril y inhospitable , bu t becaus e o f a lac k o f cultur e an d a society o f peopl e lik e myself . I would driv e dow n t o Hampto n Institut e when I wanted t o se e Black peopl e who wer e no t takin g th e garbag e ou t of m y offic e o r wh o wer e no t prunin g th e beautifu l lawn s a t Willia m and Mary . My memorie s o f thos e earl y day s ar e vivi d becaus e th e newnes s of th e transracia l interactio n a t th e professiona l leve l lef t m e mor e impressionable a t tha t period . Afte r a fe w years , yo u begi n t o fee l like Superwoma n negotiatin g th e academi c waters , an d yo u kee p goin g because yo u se e the patter n tha t i s larger tha n th e fe w idiot s wh o tr y t o stand i n you r way—th e Whit e guy s wh o say , "You'r e a Blac k woman . You ca n g o anywher e an d ge t anythin g yo u want. " Thos e wh o say , "That's i t Trudier , yo u alway s g o fo r th e balls " anytim e yo u hav e a disagreement wit h them . Thos e wh o thin k yo u shoul d neve r b e mor e successful tha n they—on e o f m y colleague s a t Chape l Hil l I remembe r questioning m e becaus e I buil t a ne w house . "Wha t d o yo u wan t t o move int o tha t neighborhoo d for? " h e aske d me . Thos e wh o neve r le t you forget you r accomplishment s an d ho w they separate you fro m them . "Of cours e you can affor d a new car, Trudy, you're a chaired professor, " and s o the bea t goe s on . I hav e remaine d san e throughou t th e year s becaus e i t woul d b e criminal of me, after al l the training and encouragemen t fro m m y mothe r in th e year s afte r m y father' s death , t o le t Whit e folk s driv e m e crazy . Resilience. I keep o n keepin g o n becaus e I'v e mad e a choice. I like wha t I do . I lov e teaching , an d I lik e workin g wit h graduat e students , espe cially thos e wh o ar e motivate d t o mov e throug h program s i n a timel y fashion. I'v e ha d m y shar e o f academi c madness , som e o f i t raciall y motivated, som e o f i t utterl y sexist . I'v e bee n tenure d twice , an d th e second tim e wa s no t a s pleasant a s th e first. I'v e fough t tenur e case s fo r other peopl e becaus e the y wer e bein g discriminate d agains t o n th e basi s of thei r scholarshi p o r thei r sexua l preferences . I'v e gone toe-to-to e wit h 307

MONIQUE GUILLORY department chair s o n a numbe r o f issue s rangin g fro m teaching , t o appointments, t o salar y an d equity . If I were t o write the stor y o f m y lif e in academia , however , I woul d probabl y focu s les s o n th e battle s tha n on th e idea s tha t hav e com e a s a resul t o f teaching , interactin g wit h th e students, o r jus t sittin g aroun d thinking . I still lik e wha t I do, bu t I lik e the climat e i n which I do i t today fa r les s than I did a few year s ago . Now abou t you . Whe n I becam e a folkloris t i n 197 3 alon g wit h being a scholar i n African-American literature , there were approximatel y eleven African-American folklorist s i n the United States . The scholarshi p being don e i n African-America n folklor e wa s bein g don e b y European American scholar s an d eve n Hispani c scholars . I a m concerne d abou t the developmen t o f futur e scholars , s o whe n w e tal k abou t wha t i s happening i n terms o f Blac k studies , I see my generation a s a very specia l generation. Whe n yo u loo k twent y year s ahea d o f m e to peopl e who ar e in thei r mi d t o lat e sixtie s now , yo u can' t find man y African-America n women scholars . Whe n I look behin d me , twenty-som e years , t o peopl e getting ou t i n literature , I don't se e that man y African-America n wome n either. S o the question I ask is, where are the African-American scholars ? Where i s th e energ y t o produce ? Mor e an d more , I ru n int o a lo t o f people who ar e in the profession wit h m e who ar e very lethargic; peopl e who d o no t finish projects , wh o lac k th e abilit y t o produce , wh o receiv e grants an d d o not d o what the y sa y they ar e going to d o while they hav e the grants , wh o ge t contract s fro m publisher s an d d o no t delive r th e manuscripts. Thi s i s especiall y th e cas e wit h Blac k wome n scholars , those currentl y ou t there , an d I hop e yo u wil l someho w chang e that . Who wil l hav e th e authority , i n othe r words , i n th e stud y o f African American lif e an d cultur e five year s fro m now , te n year s fro m now ? I train man y mor e European-America n scholar s tha n I trai n African American scholar s t o d o wha t I do . I a m concerne d abou t graduat e students who dela y their exam s becaus e they're afrai d o f getting ou t an d discovering what th e real world i s about. I am concerned abou t graduat e students wh o neve r finish thei r dissertation s o r tak e five, six, seven year s to d o so . Publishin g opportunitie s ar e muc h mor e extensiv e toda y tha n they eve r hav e been , s o I' m concerne d abou t ho w w e inspir e youn g African-American scholar s t o ge t ou t ther e an d d o the work . On e majo r problem, a s I see it, is that peopl e hav e a fear o f writing an d yo u hav e t o write i n orde r t o b e a scholar. I had a young studen t com e int o m y offic e the othe r day, a sophomor e i n undergraduat e school , wh o sai d tha t h e loved t o write , an d I asked hi m i f he knew wha t a rarity h e was becaus e 308

From This Ivory Tower so fe w Africa n American s wh o com e int o m y offic e actuall y expres s a love fo r writing . S o that i s somethin g tha t i s absolutel y necessar y fo r u s to do , wha t w e nee d t o do , an d I hop e w e ca n tal k abou t tha t mor e during th e discussio n period . TRICIA ROS E

Much lik e th e chicken-or-the-eg g question , i t i s har d t o kno w whic h comes first fo r academic s an d intellectuals : a for m o f alienatio n fro m society, o r a commitmen t t o a lif e o f th e mind . Eithe r way , th e proble m of ho w t o continuall y reflec t criticall y an d broadl y abou t th e worl d i n which yo u liv e an d stil l remai n i n touc h wit h th e ground , t o b e abl e t o connect wit h an d gathe r suppor t fro m th e faulty , broken , an d ill-con ceived institution s tha t defin e us , i s a n underlyin g preoccupatio n fo r many o f us . Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t suc h preoccupation s ar e conscious , or directl y expresse d i n ou r teachin g o r scholarship . Bu t fo r man y wh o want t o shar e th e insight s tha t funded , sustaine d ruminatio n encourage s with th e res t o f society , thi s proble m seem s t o surfac e an d resurfac e i n a variety o f ways . Academi c debate s ove r th e us e o f variou s disciplinar y "jargons," th e relationshi p betwee n theor y an d practice , th e importanc e of th e polic y implication s o f ou r work , th e high-culture/low-cultur e skirmishes ove r meanin g an d valu e are , a t thi s moment , repositorie s o f this sor t o f anxiety . For member s o f thos e racial , gender , an d ethni c group s wh o hav e fought lon g an d har d fo r a chanc e t o participat e i n th e institution s o f higher learnin g tha t hon e an d refin e th e skill s o f critica l cultura l reflec tion, thi s matter—o r dilemma , a s it ha s bee n frequentl y called—i s eve n more charged . Wha t wil l you , communit y an d famil y member s hav e asked—Black, woman , Latina , Jew—d o wit h thi s golde n opportunity ? How wil l yo u insur e tha t thi s luxur y i s no t squandered , mak e sur e tha t a lifetim e o f socia l reflection an d cultura l analysi s is not reduce d t o year s of sociall y irrelevan t navel-gazing ? For thi s generatio n o f Blac k scholars , intellectuals , an d professors , socially irrelevan t scholarshi p ha s bee n increasingl y equate d wit h rac e treason. Th e pressur e t o "contribute " t o th e live s o f everyda y peopl e through one' s scholarshi p o r teachin g ha s seemingl y increase d i n th e post-Civil Right s era ; th e sacrific e an d bloodshe d t o improv e Blac k participation an d opportunit y ha s amplifie d th e notio n tha t increase d opportunity fo r th e individual shoul d translat e int o collective Black gain . 309

MONIQUE GUILLORY Fifty year s ago , simpl y bein g a Black intellectua l wa s a sig n o f collectiv e gain; now, the standards ar e much higher . This, coupled wit h the contin ued crise s facin g th e vas t majorit y o f Africa n Americans , ca n produc e immense pressur e an d conflic t i n a cerebrall y oriente d Blac k person — especially on e wh o attend s o r teache s a t a predominantl y Whit e institu tion. Some see m t o respon d t o thi s tensio n b y self-impose d exile . Other s become political activists/intellectuals . Other s understan d thei r contribu tion t o th e field o f African-America n studie s t o "represent " thei r com munity commitment . Stil l other s understan d thei r desire/decisio n not t o research Blac k subjec t matte r a s helpin g Black s b y expandin g Blac k opportunity. Regardless , fe w ca n trul y escap e thi s problematic , n o mat ter thei r locatio n o r politica l persuasion . This tension , o r crisi s o f belonging , increase s a s one' s commitmen t to academi c lif e an d institution s grow s mor e entrenched . A s Black intel lectuals mov e alon g i n thei r careers , th e impac t o f thi s aspec t o f one' s professional/public identit y become s greater , no t onl y becaus e o f th e cloistered, isolate d natur e o f writin g an d research , bu t als o becaus e academic researc h tend s to direc t it s attention primaril y (i f not solely ) t o others who shar e thi s pursuit . The iron y is , I think, tha t awarenes s o f th e ful l weigh t o f th e impac t of becomin g a Blac k intellectua l isn' t reveale d i n theor y o r analysis , bu t in practice . B y this I mean tha t th e longe r an d mor e seriousl y on e take s up thi s role/identity , th e mor e complexl y an d intensel y on e ca n fee l thi s form o f alienation . So , i t seem s t o me , th e mos t appropriat e tim e t o consider an d ponde r thi s question—graduat e school—i s no t a ver y productive momen t t o b e abl e t o full y comprehen d th e weigh t o f thi s dilemma, nonetheles s resolv e it . No t onl y i s graduat e schoo l a tim e of intens e wor k an d ability-relate d anxiety , bu t th e desir e t o succee d institutionally (remai n funded , ge t funding , etc. ) ca n direc t students ' attention awa y from philosophica l examinatio n o f one's chosen vocatio n and towar d disciplinar y mastery . Furthermore , th e limite d numbe r o f Black peer s an d professor s (som e o f who m ar e no t intereste d i n grap pling with this issue openly o r d o not perceive this as central to academi c apprenticeship) doe s no t creat e a profitabl e settin g fo r seriou s an d ex tended examinatio n o f thi s sometime s painfu l an d unanswerabl e prob lematic. Consequently, I think , Blac k graduat e student s ar e i n a n especiall y vulnerable position , an d becaus e o f thi s the y ca n b e mor e intensel y 310

From This Ivory Tower invested i n whateve r mode l o f Blac k schola r bes t matche s thei r style , interests, an d strateg y fo r respondin g t o thi s unspoke n dilemma . Some times th e mos t accessibl e an d visibl e Blac k schola r i n one' s departmen t or field, regardless o f a student's affinit y t o the professor's chose n negoti ation o f this tension, o r th e fact tha t one' s departmen t doe s not hav e an y Black faculty , ca n subtl y shap e one' s expectation s abou t becomin g a Black intellectual . So , too , ca n th e numbe r o f Blac k student s i n one' s department, program , o r classes . Bein g th e onl y Blac k studen t i n m y incoming clas s o f fourtee n America n Civilizatio n Ph.D . student s a t Brown (th e onl y Blac k woma n an d on e o f a total o f fou r Blac k student s over th e precedin g five years) wit h n o Blac k facult y (th e onl y on e i n th e program wa s o n leave ) b y al l mean s ha d a variegate d impac t o n m y intellectual developmen t durin g tha t first yea r an d i n the years to follow . No doubt , a larg e coteri e o f suc h peer s an d teacher s migh t produc e similarly comple x an d contradictor y effects . Graduate schoo l i s a limina l spac e an d tim e tha t ca n encourag e some sort s o f interrogations , whil e maskin g others . Strugglin g t o maste r one's chosen are a ca n obscur e a potentially importan t nee d (especiall y a s related t o th e dilemm a pose d a t th e outset ) t o continu e interrogatin g what thi s vocatio n offer s an d wh y a specifi c field an d institutio n i s attractive. Th e factor s tha t g o int o makin g thes e decision s ar e multipl e and complex , no t al l o f the m purel y intellectua l o r logistical . Workin g toward a cleare r sens e o f why ca n hel p illuminat e th e impac t o f variou s situational influences , an d anticipat e th e sometime s debilitatin g querie s about one' s socia l value a s a Black thinker . Academic hom e institution s ar e onl y on e sourc e o f intellectua l an d emotional support , an d relyin g solel y o n them , especiall y whe n one' s intellectual choice s ar e not looke d upo n favorabl y b y nearby mentor s o r peers, ca n profoundl y impac t self-confidenc e an d self-worth . Whil e i t may appea r tha t onl y othe r poo r curren t o r forme r graduat e studen t souls ca n understan d studen t struggle s an d fears , suc h thinkin g ca n augment one' s isolatio n an d heighte n th e negativ e impac t o f professor ial an d classroo m critique . Althoug h man y department s ar e supportiv e and congenial , the y ar e no t families , no r shoul d professor s b e perceive d as parent-lik e figures. Bein g a goo d teache r o r schola r say s nothin g about one' s abilit y t o nurture , an d th e frequen t ego-relate d powe r dynamics o f th e faculty-studen t relationshi p ar e no t t o b e underesti mated. Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t significan t an d valuabl e bond s canno t b e established; i t i s t o sa y tha t a s wit h an y relationship s develope d unde r 311

MONIQUE GUILLORY structurally unequa l circumstances , th e les s powerfu l hav e specia l con cerns. Academic cultures , lik e broade r America n society , ten d t o operat e along highl y racialize d lines . Blac k student s ar e sometime s shuffle d of f to Blac k professors , eve n when thei r intellectua l interest s ar e no t a s wel l served ther e a s the y migh t b e wit h othe r facult y members . Eve n mor e importantly, though , discomfor t an d legitimat e fea r ca n discourag e Black student s fro m seekin g intellectua l suppor t o r knowledg e fro m unobvious sources . Give n tha t m y interes t i n Blac k cultura l theor y wa s not th e direc t interes t o f an y o f th e facult y relate d t o America n Studie s during m y year s i n graduat e school , I was forced , b y necessity , t o loo k more broadl y fo r intellectua l mentorshi p tha t I migh t hav e otherwis e overlooked. I was , therefore , attentiv e t o th e valu e o f som e professor s whose work , race , gender, o r politic s were not , shal l I say, closely linke d to mine. This was sometime s frustrating , bu t i t has helped m e to se e tha t what you'r e lookin g fo r ma y no t alway s com e i n expecte d place s an d that al l of what yo u nee d neve r come s fro m on e source . The dilemma s associate d wit h becomin g a Blac k intellectua l ar e a t once collectiv e an d idiosyncratic . Representin g onesel f i s a full-tim e job ; representing a rac e i s a n impossibl e tas k tha t nonetheles s remain s a potent subtex t fo r Blac k scholarshi p an d critica l commentary . Hones t self-reflection abou t th e possibl e way s i n whic h academi a an d it s rela tionship to the legacy of African-American collectiv e struggl e can impac t one's sens e o f plac e i s critica l t o one' s chance s o f remainin g a t leas t partially san e unde r seemingl y irreconcilabl e circumstances .

312

CONTRIBUTORS

HOUSTON A . BAKE R JR . isth e directo r o f th e Cente r fo r th e Stud y o f Black Literatur e a t th e Universit y o f Pennsylvania . H e i s th e autho r o f several book s devote d t o blac k literatur e an d culture , includin g Black Studies, Rap, and the Academy (1993) , Workings of the Spirit: The Poetics of Afro-American Women's Writing (1991 ) Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance (1987) , an d Blues, Ideology, and Afro-American Literature: A Vernacular Theory (1984) . ANGELA Y . DAVI S ha s bee n teaching , writing , an d lecturin g abou t African-American an d women' s socia l theorie s fo r th e las t twent y years , during whic h tim e sh e has als o bee n activ e i n a number o f organization s concerned wit h issue s o f socia l justice . Sh e presentl y teache s i n th e history o f consciousnes s progra m a t th e Universit y o f California , Sant a Cruz. THULANI DAVI S i s an accomplishe d write r i n film, theater, fiction, an d poetry. Sh e ha s writte n fo r American Film, th e New York Times, th e Washington Post, th e Village Voice, an d othe r magazine s an d journals . She i s th e autho r o f th e librett o fo r th e widel y acclaime d oper a X : The Life and Times of Malcolm X an d o f a n adaptatio n o f Bertol t Brecht' s The Caucasian Chalk Circle an d othe r plays . Sh e ha s publishe d tw o books o f poetr y an d he r first novel , 1959, wa s nominate d fo r th e Lo s Angeles Times Book Awar d i n 1992 . THOMAS DEFRANT Z i s a dancer , director , an d danc e scholar . Hi s writing ha s appeare d i n th e Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History an d th e Village Voice. A For d Foundatio n Fellow , De Frantz's are a o f specializatio n i s performe d Afro-America n art . H e i s currently danc e edito r fo r Collage, the National Journal of African American Performing Arts. H e recentl y joine d th e facult y o f musi c an d theater art s a t th e Massachusetts Institut e o f Technology . MANTHIA DIAWAR A i s a professo r o f film an d comparativ e literatur e and directo r o f African a Studie s a t Ne w Yor k University . H e i s th e 313

Contributors author o f numerou s article s an d essay s an d African Cinema: Politics, and Culture (Indian a Universit y Press , 1992 ) an d th e edito r o f Black American Cinema (Routledge , 1993) . H e ha s als o codirecte d tw o films, Sembene Ousmane: The Making of African Cinema (wit h Ngug i w a Thiongo) an d Roucbe in Reverse, a n insightfu l revie w o f th e life , work , and min d o f Frenc h anthropologis t Jea n Rouche . STEVEN DRUKMA N i s th e theate r criti c fo r Art forum an d th e assistan t editor fo r American Theatre. H e ha s contribute d t o th e Village Voice, TDK, Theatre journal an d man y others . Boo k contribution s includ e essays i n A Queer Romance: Lesbians , Ga y Men , an d Papula r Cultur e (Routledge, 1995) , an d Speakin g o n Stage : Interviews with Contemporary American Playwrights (Universit y o f Alabam a Press , 1996) . H e i s an adjunc t professo r a t New Yor k University . GRANT FARE D i s a n assistan t professo r o f Englis h an d comparativ e literature a t th e Universit y o f Michigan , An n Arbor . H e i s edito r o f Rethinking C . L. R. James (Blackwell , 1996 ) an d ha s publishe d i n journals suc h as Social Text, Research in African Literature, an d Camera Obscura. ELENA GEORGIO U move d t o Ne w Yor k fro m Londo n eigh t year s ag o and recentl y complete d a n M.A . i n poetry fro m th e Cit y Colleg e o f Ne w York. Sh e ha s rea d he r wor k extensivel y throughou t th e are a an d ha s been published i n various literar y journal s bot h i n the Unite d State s an d abroad. PAUL GILRO Y divide s hi s tim e a s a lecture r i n th e Africa n America n Studies Departmen t a t Yal e University an d a t Goldsmith' s Colleg e o f th e University o f London . H e ha s als o worke d a s a musician an d journalist . He i s autho r o f numerou s groundbreakin g work s o n Blac k diaspori c performance an d politics , includin g "There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (1987 ) an d The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (1993) . MICHAEL A . GONZALE S i s a freelanc e write r whos e colum n "Blac k Metropolis" appear s weekly in the New York Press. He is also a contrib uting writer fo r Vibe, th e Source, th e Village Voice, and Ego Tripping. 314

Contributors NATHAN L . GRAN T isa n assistan t professo r o f Africa n America n Stud ies of the State University o f New York a t Buffalo. H e has written severa l articles o n African-America n literature , art , an d film an d i s currentl y completing a boo k o n Jea n Toomer , Zor a Neal e Hurston , an d moder nity. RICHARD c . GREE N i s a Ph.D . candidat e i n performanc e studie s a t

New Yor k University . Hi s wor k focuse s primaril y o n representation s o f the "Black " body . Hi s curren t researc h examine s th e myt h an d lor e surrounding th e Hottento t "Venus " an d recuperation s o f thi s figure i n contemporary performance . H e i s als o a dancer-choreographe r an d ha s published severa l article s o n danc e an d th e wor k o f Pear l Primus , Asa data Dafora , an d Charle s Moore . H e i s currentl y developin g a n essa y about modernisms , race , an d danc e fo r a forthcomin g collectio n o f writings o n Blac k danc e 2n d performance . MONIQUE GUILLOR Y recentl y complete d he r Ph.D . i n Comparativ e

Literature a t Ne w Yor k University . Sh e i s currentl y a post-doctora l fellow a t th e Universit y o f California , Sant a Barbara , wher e sh e i s com pleting he r wor k o n th e quadroo n ball s o f nineteenth-centur y Ne w Orleans. A portio n o f thi s researc h appear s i n Race Consciousness: African-American Studies for the New Century (Ne w Yor k Universit y Press, 1996) . PHILLIP B . HARPE R isa n associat e professo r o f Englis h a t Ne w Yor k University an d th e autho r o f Are We Not Men? Masculine Anxiety and the Problem of African-American Identity (Oxford , 1996 ) an d Framing the Margins: The Social Logic of Postmodern Culture (Oxford , 1994) . TRUDIER HARRI S i s th e Augustu s Baldwi n Longstree t Professo r o f American Literatur e i n the English Departmen t a t Emory University. Sh e has publishe d article s an d boo k review s i n suc h journal s a s Callaloo, Black American Literature Forum, Studies in American Fiction, an d The Southern Humanities Review. Amon g he r book s ar e Fiction and Folklore: The Novels ofToni Morrison (1991 ) an d mos t recentl y The Power of the Porch: The Storyteller's Craft in Zora Neale Hurston, Gloria Naylor, and Randall Kenan (1996) .

315

Contributors JOHN L . JACKSO N JR . i s a Nationa l Scienc e Foundatio n Fello w an d Ph.D. candidat e i n anthropolog y a t Columbi a University . A n excerp t from hi s thesis appears in Race Consciousness: African-American Studies for the New Century (Ne w York Universit y Press , 1996) . MAY JOSEP H i s a Rockefelle r Fello w an d assistan t professo r i n th e Department o f Performanc e Studie s a t Ne w Yor k University . Sh e cur rently ha s tw o book s i n pres s wit h th e Universit y o f Minnesot a Press : Transatlantic Dispersions an d Young People around the Globe: CrossCultural Youth Studies, bot h forthcomin g i n 1997 . MANNING MARABL E i s directo r o f th e Institut e fo r Africa n America n Studies a t Columbi a University . H e i s the autho r o f eigh t books , includ ing Black American Politics (1985) , W. E. B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat (1986) , The Melody Never Stops (1991) , Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics (1995) . H e i s als o th e founding edito r o f Race and Reason. PORTIA K . MAULTSB Y i s professo r o f Afro-America n studie s an d ad -

junct professo r o f music an d folklor e a t Indiana University . Her researc h focuses o n popula r musi c an d theoretica l issue s relate d t o Blac k musi c aesthetics an d performance . Sh e ha s publishe d chapter s i n AfricanAmericans and the Media: Contemporary Issues (1996) , The Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History, vol . 4 (1996) , an d We'll Understand It Better By and By: Pioneering African American Gospel Composers (1992) . Sh e i s completin g a manuscrip t title d From Backwoods to City Streets: Post-World War II Black Popular Music. TRACIE MORRI S i s an essayist , poet , songwriter , an d performer . Sh e is the 199 3 Nationa l Haik u Sla m Champio n an d th e 199 3 NY C Gran d Slam Poetr y Champion . Sh e ha s conducte d creativ e writin g course s fo r the Writer' s Voic e Program , th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Librar y System , an d numerous educationa l institution s throughou t th e Ne w Yor k area . He r poetry ha s appeare d i n variou s literar y anthologies , includin g Aloud: Voices from the Nuyorican Poets 3 Cafe (1994) . MARILYN NANC E i s a n independen t photojournalist/storytelle r an d re -

cipient o f a 199 3 Ne w Yor k Foundatio n fo r th e Art s Artists ' Fellowshi p in Nonfictio n Literature . He r wor k document s variou s facet s o f Ameri 316

Contributors can life , fro m th e Blac k Indian s o f Ne w Orlean s t o Appalachia n fol k musicians an d th e funera l o f a n Akan pries t i n New York . He r wor k ha s been publishe d i n Life, th e New York Times, th e Village Voice, Essence, and numerou s othe r magazine s an d journals . ISHMAEL REED' S bol d wor k Mumbo Jumbo (1972 ) i s bu t on e o f hi s many stella r accomplishment s i n literature . H e i s als o th e autho r o f Japanese by Spring (1993 ) an d The Last Days of Louisiana Red (1974) . TRICIA ROS E i s a n assistan t professo r o f histor y an d African a studie s at Ne w Yor k University . Sh e ha s writte n an d lecture d extensivel y o n black cultura l theor y an d popula r culture . He r first book , Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary American (1994) , re ceived a n America n Boo k Awar d fro m th e Before Columbu s Foundatio n in 1995 . Sh e i s als o th e coedito r o f Microphone Fiends: Youth Music and Youth Culture wit h Andre w Ros s (1994) . CARL HANCOC K RU X i s a Brooklyn-base d performanc e poe t an d

writer. H e i s publishe d i n th e Unite d States , Europ e an d Wes t Afric a i n anthologies suc h a s Aloud: Voices from the Nuyorican Poets Cafe (1994), Fire and Spirit —African American Poetry (1996), an d Go the Way Your Blood Beats: An Anthology of Lesbian and Gay Literary Fiction by African-American Writers (1996) . ANNA SCOTT , a conceptual artis t working primarily i n African diaspor a dance idioms , i s a For d Fello w an d doctora l candidat e i n performanc e studies a t Northwester n University . Sh e call s he r mod e o f performanc e and researc h "Diaspor a Doo-wo p dance/memory " an d prefer s guerrill a performances. Sh e recentl y adapted , choreographed , an d stage d Randa l Kenan's Let the Dead Bury Their Dead, an d a n origina l work , A Travelling Niggeratti, i s currently i n production . DAVID SERLI N i s a writer , composer , an d doctora l candidat e i n th e American studie s progra m a t Ne w Yor k University , wher e h e teache s courses o n urba n cultur e an d identity . RICHARD SIMO N i s a doctora l i n America n studie s a t Ne w Yor k University. His play, Murder at Munsing Manor: A Nancy Boys Mystery, was produce d off-Broadwa y b y th e Ridiculou s Theatrica l Compan y a t 317

Contributors the Actor s Playhous e i n th e fal l an d winte r o f 1995-96 . Hi s lates t play , Cruel Story of Crime, wa s produced i n the winter o f 1997 . GREG TAT E i s a staf f write r fo r th e Village Voice an d a foundin g member o f th e Blac k Roc k Coalition . H e i s als o a contributin g write r for numerou s othe r magazine s an d musi c journals , includin g Spin, Downbeat, an d Vibe. H e i s autho r o f Flyboy in the Buttermilk: Essays on Contemporary America an d ha s recentl y bee n enjoyin g a thriving lif e as a musician with his band Mac k Divas. He produced th e group Wome n in Love' s albu m Sound of Falling Bodies at Rest. CLYDE TAYLOR, a well-known film critic and theorist , currently teache s in the African a Studie s Departmen t a t Ne w Yor k University . H e wa s th e screenwriter fo r th e PB S documentar y Midnight Ramble: Oscar Micheaux and the Story of Race Movies (1994) . GAYLE WALD i s an assistan t professo r o f Englis h a t Georg e Washingto n University. He r boo k Crossing the Line: Racial Passing in TwentiethCentury American Literature and Culture i s forthcomin g fro m Duk e University Press . ARTRESS BETHAN Y WHIT E i s a membe r o f th e Dar k R o o m Collectiv e

and receive d he r M.A . i n Creativ e Writin g fro m Ne w Yor k University , where sh e currently teaches . Her work ha s appeared i n the Village Voice, Quarterly Black Review of Books, Ark/angel Review, Callaloo, an d the antholog y In the Tradition: An Anthology of Young Black Writers (1992).

318

INDEX

Belushi, John, 148, 152-54, 156 Abba, 156 Berger, Bennett, 4, 43 ABC (American Broadcasting Company), 110 Berger,John, 24,29, 30, 31 Ace of Base, 156 Black Panthers, 53, 134-35 African-American Rhythm and Blues, 254 Black popular music, 270-73 Afrofem art, 90 Black Power, 45, 59, 197, 239 Agee, James, 219 Black womanhood, 51 Ahrens, Lynn, 110 Blank, Roger, 80 Ailey, Alvin, 216-26; Alvin Ailey American Blige, Mary J., 254 Dance Theatre, 218, 220; bicentennial Blues Brothers, The, 148, 152-156 festival, 224; Blues Suite, 219; Flowers, Boesky, Ivan, 54 224; For Bird, with Love, 224; legacy in Bolton, Michael, 143 works of others, 225 The Mooche, 224; Bontemps, Arna, 4 Mourning Morning, 219; Quintet, 216; Brandy, 254 Trajectories, 218 Brazil, 18, 20; Bahia, 9-12; Brazilian heritage, 9; Casa de Olodom, 10-22; CurAli, Muhammad, 128, 130-31 uzu (Liberdade, Ciadada Alta), 12; Forte Angelou, Maya, 133 San Antonio, 21; He Aiye, 10, 12, 20; Anne, Sister, 273 Negrizu, 16; O Cravo Rastafari, 10; Anthro-Man, 172-74 Pelourinho, 11, 12; Salvador, 9, 10, Aristotle, 171 12; Suingue Bahiano (Bahian Swing), Armah, Ayi Kwei, 275 13 Armstrong, Louis, 142, 170, 200 Breakspeare, Cindy, 65 Armstrong, Vanessa Bell, 254 British Soul invasion, 141-42 Arusha Declaration of 1967, 129 Brook Benton, 68 Atwater, Lee, 281 Broonzy, Big Bill, 78 Aykroyd, Dan, 148, 152-54, 156 Brown v Board of Education, 108- 9 Azor, Herbie, 93 Brown, Charlie, 80, 281 Baker, Anita, 141, 254 Brown, Claude, 281 Brown, James, 1, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 67, Balanchine, George, 218 112,130,132, 133, 134, 137, 142, 148, Baldwin, James, 8, 32-44, 229 153, 154, 269, 271 Bank Street College of Education, 106-7, Brown, Jim, 236, 259, 277 109 Brown, Rap, 33 Baraka, Amiri, 106, 113, 263, 265, 269 Brown, Roscoe Lee, 136 Bar Kays, 271 Bruckner, Anton, 238 Barnes, Ernie, 292 Bryant, Marie, 224 Barnes, Jimmy, 152 Buchanan, Patrick, 97 Barry, John, 232 Bullins, Ed, 37, 44 Basquiat, Jean-Michel, 55 Buster, Prince, 67 Beatles, The, 141 Butler, Jerry, 63, 64, 233 Beatty, Talley, 218 Byrd, Bobbie, 270 Bechet, Sidney, 142 Byrd, Donald, 225 Bee Gees, The, 143 319

Index Calloway, Cab, 153 Calvin, John, 280 calypso, 56 Cameo, 271 Camus, Albert, 294 candomble, 14 Capote, Truman, 202, 218 Carmichael, Stokely, 7, 8, 34, 43, 135 Carroll, Diahann, 51 Castro, Fidel, 56, 57, 294 Center for Urban Education, 107 Cesare, Aime, 1, 291, 292, 297 Chapman, Tracy, 92, 145 Charles, Ray, 78, 152, 153 Children's Television Workshop (PBS), 106-7, 109 Chi-Lites, The, 237 Chin, Frank, 171 Chuck D, 93 Cleage, Pearl, 193 Cleanhead, 265 Cleaver, Eldridge, 33, 40, 44, 198 Cliff, Jimmy, 68 Clinton, Chelsea, 276 Clinton, George, 92, 269, 271, 283 Clough, Arthur Hugh, 305 Cocker, Joe, 143 Cokes, Tony (Poster Project-Negro Art Collective), 46, 54 Cole, Nat King, 148 Coleman, Ornette, 202 Commitments, The, 148 , 149-53, 156 Communist "conspiracy," 26 Conant, James B., 107 Cooke, Sam, 148, 227, 272 Cox, Billy, 257 Cox, Renee, 45 Crawford, Cindy, 92 Cream, 276 Cripps, Thomas, 241-42 Crocker, Frankie, 228 Cropper, Steve, 153 Cruse, Harold, 302 Curtis, King, 113 Culture Club, 141 D'Angelo,228,231 D'Arby, Terence Trent, 139 Dada, Idi Amin, 132 320

Damas, Leon Gontran, 291 Dance Theater of Harlem, 224 Dash, Julie, 52 Davis, Angela Y., 7, 9, 55, 104, 130-31, 284-94 Davis, Miles, 191, 193-94, 198, 203-4, 209-13, 257-58, 279 Davis, Steven, 56 Davis, Thulani, 269 DeLavallade, Carmen, 217-18 Derek, Bo, 90 Derrida, Jacques, 279 Diawara, Manthia, 128, 301, 304 Diop, Cheikh Anta, 292 Dodd, Sir Cocksone, 67 Dole, Bob, 281 Dolphy, Eric, 7, 80-81, 141 Domino, Fats, 67 Dominoes, The, 68 Dorough, Bob, 109-14 Dove, Ulysses, 225 Doyle, Roddy, 151 Du Bois, W. E. B., 133, 257, 284, 289-90, 301 Duke, David, 279 Dunham, Katherine, 217 Dunn, Duck, 153 Dynamites, Willie, 228 Edelman, Marian Wright (Children's Defense Fund), 100, 101 Eisner, Michael, 110 Eldridge, Roy, 194-96 Ellington, Duke, 224 Ellison, Ralph, 301 Eng, Frank, 217 Evans, Gil, 211 Evers, Medgar, 39 Fabre, Genevieve, 35, 43 Fagan, Garth, 225 Fanon, Frantz, 292, 294 Fargas, Antonio, 106 Faulkner, William, 202 Flack, Roberta, 263 Forsythe, William, 225 Foster, Pops, 202 Foucault, Michel, 279 Four Tops, The, 152

Index Foxx, Redd, 106 Franklin, Aretha, 1, 60, 61, 67, 116, 130, 141, 143, 144, 147, 153, 232, 234-35, 253,260-61 Freeman, Morgan, 112-13 Frishberg, David, 110 Fung, Richard, 140 Fusco, Coco, 140, 144, 157

Henson, Jim (Muppets), 108-9 Herrnstein, Richard, 55 Hernton, Calvin, 206 Heron, Gil-Scott, 106, 113 Higgs, Joe, 63 Hill, Lauryn, 93 Hines, Justin, 6S hip hop, 156, 170, 193 Hitler Adolf, 280 Gap Band, The, 271 Holiday, Billie, 204 Garafolo, Reebee, 144 Holland, Dave, 257 hooks, bell, 140, 157, 197, 284 Garvey's Ghost, 80 Hoover, J. Edgar, 27 Gates, Henry Louis, Jr., 284 Gaye, Marvin, 112, 116, 143, 228, 232 Horton, Willie, 281 George, Nelson (The Death of Rhythm andHouse of Blues, 154 Blues), 3, 141, 227 House, Son, 77 George Washington Carver Museum, H-Town, 227 307 Hughes, Langston, 4, 224 Gerima, Haile, 48 Hurston Zora Neale, 4, 284 Geto Boys, 237 Gillespie, Dizzy, 110, 211 Idowu Bolaji, 280 Gilroy, Paul, 4, 140, 147, 250-65 Impressions, The, 233, 271 Giovanni, Nikki, 106 Innes, Roy, 239 Glover, Savion, 91 Irigaray, Luce, 208-9 Gordon, Sol, 108 Graves, Teresa, 51 Jackson, Mahalia, 224 Greco, Juliette, 211 Jackson, Michael, 198 Grier, Pam, 236-37 Jack Tilton Gallery, 46 Griffith, Marcia. See Wailers, The (trio) Jafa, Arthur, 105 Guralnick, Peter, 115 Jagger, Mick, 143 Guy, Edna, 220 Jamaica: other singers, 67; racial hierarchy, 58; Trenchtown Labor Party, 57, 60-61, Haley, Alex, 136 63 Hall, Darryl, 143 James, C. L. R., 133, 290, 292 Hall, Stuart, 194, 238, 244, 279, 301 James, Etta, 82 Halsman, Phillipe, 27 JazzieB., 155,156 Hamer, Fanny Lou, 95 Jet, 142-4 8 Hamilton, Charles V., 7, 34, 43 Jones, Bill T, 225 hampton, dream, 263, 282 Jones, Gayl, 46, 47 Harlem Globetrotters, 128 Jones, Grace, 130 Harlem Renaissance, 34, 200 Jones, James Earl, 244 Harrison, Daphne Duval, 51 Jones, LeRoi, 5, 43, 196, 198-99 Hathaway, Donny, 234, 261 Jones, Papa Joe, 276 Hatshepsut, Queen (Egypt), 90 Jones, Philip Mallory, 21 Hayes, Isaac, 112, 134,228 Joplin, Janis, 143, 224 Hebdige, Dick, 140, 157 Jordan, Clifford, 80 Heidegger, Martin, 241 Jordan, June, 130 Hendrix, Jimi, 257-58, 276 Jordan, Louis, 67, 256, 265 Hendrix, Nona, 92 Jordan, Michael, 198 321

Index Manson, Charles, 54 Marie, Teena, 141 Marley, Bob, 21, 57-74 Marley, Rita. See Wailers, The (trio) Marsalis, Wynton, 198; illus., 195 Martin, Don, 217 Martin, Steve, 154 Martini, Jerry, 257 Marx, Karl, 284 Maulsby, Portia, 273 Mayfield, Curtis, 63, 90, 112, 136, 155, 227-35, 252, 262, 272 Mayfield, Todd, 230-31, 234 Maynard, Tony, 41, 42 MC5, 259 McCall, David, 109 McCann, Les, 275 McLaughlin, John, 257 Mento (Mediterranean reggae change), 66 Lamba (Senegalese dance), 19 Mezzrow, Mezz, 142 Landis,John, 148, 152 Michael, George, 123, 139-48 Led Zeppelin, 227 Michaels, Walter Benn, 196 Lee, Bruce, 131 Milburn, Amos, 67 Lee, Spike, 8, 242, 256 Mills, Florence, 224 Leeming, David, 38, 44 Mingus, Charles, 203-4, 209-10, 212-13 Lennon,John, 143 Leonard, Neil (Jazz Myth and Religion), Mitchell, Arthur, 224 Mitchell, Mitch, 257 200-201,211 Moncur, Grachen, 87 Lester Horton Dance Company, 217-18, Moore, Jessica Care, 93 221 Morrison, Toni, 7, 52, 281, 284 Levert, Eddie, 143 Morton, Jelly Roll, 206 Lewitzky, Bella, 217 Moss, Thylias, 53 Limbaugh, Rush, 89 Lincoln, Abby, 80, 82 Mowatt, Judy. See Wailers, The (trio) Lipsitz George, 140, 148, 155, 157 MTV, 141, 145 Little, Booker, 81 Muddy Waters, 373 Living Color, 145 Muhammed, Khalid, 263 Locke, Alain, 257 Murphy, Matt, 153 Longstreet, Stephen, 202 Murray, Charles, 54, 55 Lott, Eric, 140, 157 Nance, Marilyn, 92 L'Overture,Toussaint, 292 Nas, 283 Ndege'ocello, Me'Shell, 93 Mack, The, 228 Mailer, Norman, 38, 39, 157 Neville Brothers, The, 152 Makeba, Miriam, 130, 133 Newall, George, 109 Malcolm X, 39, 133, 224 New Orleans, 159, 198, 200, 202-3 Malraux, Andre, 294 Newton, Huey, 33, 53 Mancini, Henry, 112 Nickerson, Jared, 229 Mandela, Nelson, 294 Nirvana, 227 Manley, Michael, 56, 57 Nixon, Richard, 3, 95, 17, 140, 141, 147

Kawasumi, Misaye, 217 Kelly, Jan, 131 Kendricks, Eddy, 85 Kennedy, John and Robert, 39 Kenyatta, Jomo, 133 Khan, Chaka, 254 King, Albert, 77 King, B. B., 272 King, Freddie, 259 King, Mabel, 106 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 39, 133, 170, 294 Kinks, The, 141 Knight, Gladys, 144, 232 Koppel, Ted, 89 Kravitz, Lenny, 229 KRS-One, 272 Kumina, 66

322

Index Nkrumah, Kwame, 133 Nyerere, Julius, 128, 131, 133 Ogren, Kathy, 202 Omulo, Augusto, 18 O'Neal, Ron, 131, 136, 229, 236 Orishas, 136, 275 Our Gang, 110 Parham, Ernest, 218 Parker, Alan, 148-49, 151 Parker, Charlie, 110, 224, 199, 204, 21011,278 Parks, Gordon, Jr., 136, 229 Pate, John, 234 Patton, Charlie, 77 Pendergrass, Teddy, 124, 227, 271 P-Funk, 283 Picasso, Pablo, 55, 229 Pickett, Wilson, 269, 272 Piper, Adrian, 45 Pips, The, 143 Poor Righteous Teachers, 272 Portugal, 61 Poussaint, Alvin, 239, 242 Presley, Elvis, 269 Preston, Billy, 115 Prince, 4, 229 Prince Akeem, 269, 272 prison, 98, 99; income, profits and expenses, 99 Public Enemy, 272 Rappin' is Fundamental, 272 Rastafarianism, 59 Rauch, Doug, 250 Rauschenberg, Robert, 109 Reagan, Ronald, 95, 96 Redding, Otis, 67, 116, 143, 272 Redding, Zelna, 143 Reed, Ishmael, 269, 273, 282, 299 reggae music, 10, 56-59, 61-62, 66, 6972; linguistic patterns, 69, 70; "Babylon," 70, 71 Reid, Duke, 67 Reid, Vernon, 145, 229 Rippy, Rodney Allen, 105 Riserio, Antonio, 22 Rizzio, Pat, 257 Roach, Max, 193,199

Robinson, Alvin, 67 Robinson, Smoky, 233 Robinson, Sugar Ray, 212 Rodman, Dennis, 213 Rogers, D. J., 254 Rolling Stone, 142 , 154 Rollins, Sunny, 82 Ross, Andrew, 197 Ross, Diana, 133 Ross, Herbert, 218 Roundtree, Richard, 113, 131, 236 Rushdie, Salman, 278 Sachs, Curt, 198 Sade, 141, 147 Said, Edward, 287 Salt-n-Pepa, 93 Sanchez, Sonia, 275 Sanders, Zachary, 111 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 287-93, 295 Saturday Night Fever, 143 , 157 Saturday Night Live, 139 , 148, 153 Schafer, Paul, 153 Schomberg Center for Research in Black Culture, 48 "Schoolhouse in The City" Conference, Stanford University, 108-9 Schoolhouse Rock, 109-1 1 Seal, 141 Seale, Bobby, 33, 40, 141 Senghor, Leopold Sedar, 2, 4, 133, 291, 292 Serlin, David, 92 Sesame Street, 10 8 Shaft, John, 228, 244 Shakespeare, William, 171 Shange, Ntozake, 106 Shepp, Archie, 7, 80 Shook, Karl, 224 Silk, 227 Simone, Nina, 60, 62, 114 Simply Red, 141 Simpson, Lorna, 46 ska music, 68 Sly, 257-58 Small, Millie, 68 Smalls, Biggie, 282-83 Smashing Pumpkins, 227 Smith, Bessie, 51, 224 Smith, Huey "Piano," 67 323

Index Smith, Ian, 61 Smith, Mamie, 77 sociology, urban (Chicago School), 108 Sondheim, Stephen, 109 Soul Commitments, 152 Souljah, Sister, 272 Soul II Soul, 141, 155 Soundgarden, 227 Stansfield, Lisa, 141, 147 Stone, Sly, 7 Stone Temple Pilots, 227 Strayhorne, Billy, 201 Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), 7 Sugar Hill, 228 Supremes, The, 152 Sure!, Al B., 139 Sweat, Keith, 143, 144 Tamaris, Helen, 220 Tarantino, Quentin, 48 Tate, Grady, 113 Tate, Greg, 191, 212 Taylor, Cheryl Boyce, 92 Taylor, Clyde, 278 Temptations, The, 233 Terry, Clark, 210 Tharp, Twyla, 225 Thiongo, Ngugi Wa, 128 Thomas, Carla, 147 Thomas, Eddie, 234 Thomas, Mario, 109 Thompson, Robert Farris, 201 Tigrett, Isaac, 154 Toffler, Allen, 108 Tosh, Peter, 61, 62 Tribe Called Quest, A, 92, 272 Trisler, Joyce, 217 Trotsky, Leon, 294 Troupe, Quincy, 203 Truitte, James, 217 Tse-Tung, Mao, 294 Tubman, Harriet, 90 Ugwu, Catherine, 157 Valdez, Carlos, 82 Van Deburg, William, 239, 242 Van Vechten, Carl, 191 Vandross, Luther, 141 324

Village Voice, 15 3 Vikings, The, 68 Voltaire, 280 Wagner, Richard, 238 Wailers, The (trio), 63, 64 Wald, Gayle, 7 Walker, Junior, 80 Walker, Kara, 46 Wallace, George, 95 Wallace, Michele, 199, 263 Wallace, Sippi, 51 Ware, Deacon, 273 Washington, Booker T, 301 Wayans, Keenan Ivory, 229 Wayne, John, 244 Weems, Carrie Mae, 46 Wiegmann, Robin, 197 Weller, Paul, 141 Wesley, Richard, 233 White, Barry, 277 White, Leroy Lasses, 77 White, Timothy, 154 Whitney Museum, 46 Who, The, 141 Williams, Cootie, 201 Williams, Cynda, 28, 29 Williams, Martin, 199 Williams, Tennessee, 202, 219 Williams, Tony, 193 Williamson, Fred, 236 Wilson, Jackie, 259 Winfield, Hemsley, 200 Womack, Bobby, 254 Wonder, Stevie, 62, 141, 145, 228, 271 Woodson, Jacqueline, 46 Wooster Gardens, 49 Wright, Richard, 33, 34, 35, 36, 44, 293 Wynonie, 265 Wynter, Sylvia, 21 X-Clan, 272 Xscape, 227 Yohe, Tom, 109 Young, Cynthia, 60 Zapp, 271 Zawinul, Joe, 257 Zollar, Jawole, 225